CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ^ THE GIFT OF WATERMAN THOMAS HEWETT PROFESSOR OF THE GERMAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE Cornell University Library JK2352 1902 Republican text book for the campaign of olln 3 1924 032 656 419 The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924032656419 "Ton do not have to gttesB what the Bepublican Farty will do. The world knows Its purposes. It has embodied them In law and executed them in administration." — WHiLIAM UcEIXLET. R.EPUBLICAN TEXT Ne ^ BOOK ^ ^ FOR. THE CaLmpaign of 1902 PUBLISHED BY AUTHOR.ITY OF THE REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE * PHILADELPHIA, PA. « * DUNLAP PRINTING CO., UNION PRINTERS AND BINDERS. * * 1 * 1902. * % * HEADQUARTERS Republican Congressional Committee NEW YORK St. Ja-mea Building. 1135 BroBLdwaLy "You do not have to guess what the Bepublican Party will do. The world knows its purposes. It has embodied them in law and executed them in administration."— WILLIAM McKINLEY. REPUBLICAN TEXT MA 1 ^ ^ BOOK \€ ^ FOR. THE CaLinpaign of 1902 PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY or THE FLEPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE 'PHILADELPHIA, PA. DUNLAP PRINTING CO., UNION PRINTERS AND BINDERS. 1903. STATEMENT. The purpose of this book is indicated by its title. It is a Republican Text-book and is believed to contain reliable statements of facts and official data regarding party policies and acts of administration dictated by these policies. The Congressional Committee has sought T:o make the matter here presented reliable beyolid controversy and has gone to the official records that those who use it may state the facts. The text-book is compiled from official reports that can readily be secured from the various departments of the Gov- ernment. Neither men nor parties can stand on their records alone, but such records are the best indication of their ability and readiness to carry out promises. The following pages give a record of Republican Adminis- tration of the Government and the fidelity of that party to its pledges. Congressional Commiiteb. LIST OF OFFICERS AND MEMBER.S OF THE Republican Congressional Committee, 1902 orriCER.s CAairman— Joseph W. Babcock, Wisconsin. Vice-Chqirmmanded that a railroad to the Pftcjfic Qoean should he bu for the interests of the whole country, apd that the Federal Q( ernment should render immediate and efficieut aid in its cc struction. In that platform the Bepublican party mapped out a stupendp programme, changing Ihe whole character of legislation, and in U nationalizing the Government for the first time in history. It w a new party withgut eicperience in national attairs, and ifs pli Corm was regarded as one of mere theories, but that party h carried out to ^e letter every principle laid down in that pla.tfpi on which Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the Pnit States, The Republican party found labor in the North wandering rags upon the public streets, and in the South receiving its wag in lashings upon the naked back and in chains. ( It has lifted all labor to prpsperity and independence, and : creased the wages of the laboring man by protecting the prodi of his labor from competition abroad. It fpund a bank note currency so incoherent and wprthless ti everybpdy was in despair, The money was so bad that the peoj named it after the cplor pf their dpgs, and the Pnly reaspu th all business was BPt dpne with bPgUS money v*'as that mpst of t bank notes in use were §p -worthless that there was npthing be made by counterfeiting them. This has been changed, until to-day the United State? has its money as gopd as gold and equal to the best mpney in t wprld. In fact, American money is at a premium now in neai every cpuntry in the world. It has, through wise and liberal homestead laws, changed I 8 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Great Plains of the West from the herding ground of the buffalo into the greatest, food-producing section of the world. It has built up' ten great States in that section of the country which was when it succeeded to power regarded as a wild and profitless country given over to the Indian and buffalo. It has built trans-continental railroads from the Jlissi'ssippi River to the Pacific Ocean, and it has improved the rivers and har'oors of the whole country in the interest of commerce. The Republican party has done these things to glorify the nation and to unite the people into a harmonious and compact union with common interest. Eepublican legislation. — The following are some of the acts of legislation and administration by the Republican party: * 1. The Homestead Law, passed by a Republican Congress and signed by Abraham Lincoln. 2. The acts for the issuance of legal tenders and national bank notes, which gave the people a currency of equal and stable value - in all parts of the country. 3. The system of internal revenue taxation, by which approxi- mately one-half of the ordinary expenses of the Government have been visited upon malt and spirituous liquors, tobacco, and cigars. 4. The thirteenth amendment to the Constitution, which abol- ished slavery. 5. The fourteenth amendment, which created citizenship of the United States as distinguished from citizenship of the several States, and provided that no State should abridge the privileges or immimities of citizens of the United States. 6. The fifteenth amendment, which established equality of suf- frage. 7. The Civil Rights Act, which extended to all persons the equal protection of the laws. 8. All existing laws for the payment of pensions to"veterans of the civil war and their surviving relatives. 9. The liberal legislation respecting mineral lands, which built up the mining industry, added enormously to the wealth of the country in the precious and semi-precious metals, and made it pos- sible to resume specie payments. 10. The resumption of specie payments. 11. The reduction of postage, the money-order system, the estab- lishment of the Railway Mail Service, free delivery, and other im- provements, that make the Post-Office Establishment of the United States the most eflicient agency of that character that can be found on the globe. 12. The Life-Saving Service. 13 The artificial propagation 'and distribution of fish. REPUBLICAN CAJIPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 9 14. The distribution of seeds, and other measures of vast im- portance in the promotion of am-iculture. 15. The endowment of public schools, agricultural colleges, etc., by grants of land from the public domain. 16. The Administrative Customs Act, which ensures justice and equality in the collection of duties. 17. The International Copyright Law, which respects the riglits of authors in the product of their brains, but at the same time protects, our publishing industry by requiring that books shall be printed in this country to entitle them to copyright. 18. The establishment of the Circuit Court of Appeals, to relieve the Supreme Court and no longer reijuire litigants to suffer a delay of three or four years in securing a decision on appeal. 19. The principle of reciprocity, by which we reduce the duties on certain imports from countries that offer corresponding ad- vantages to our exports and thus extend our foreign markets. 20. The admission of the States of Kansas, Nebraska, Nevada, Colorado, North and South Dakota, Washington, Montana, Idaho, and Wyoming. 21. The An'ti-Trust Act. (This was drawn by Senators Sherman and Edmunds, and introduced by the former. In the House its passage was secured by William McKinley against an attempt to 'have it side-tracked in behalf of a bill for the free coinage of silver, which received the vote of every Democratic member with one ex- ception. So it may be said that the law was placM upon the statute books over the united opposition of the Democratic party as represented in the House.) 22. The National Bankruptcy Acts of 1867 and 1898, which re- lieved many thousands of unfortunate men from their burdens of debt and restored them to commercial or industrial activity. 23. The establishment of the gold standard, which placed our monetary systeta on a stable basis and in harmony with the great nations of the world. 24. Every schedule of duties on imports adopted within the past fifty year| in which the policy of protection to American labor has been distinctly recognized and eiSclently applied, has been the product of a Eepublican Congress. 25. On logical lines with the policy of protection, the acquisition of the Philippines. That is to say, having built up our industries to a. point where their output was in excess of our consumption, we secured a grand depot and distributing point to command in great part the markets of the 600,000,000 inhabitants of Asia. There must be no Seattle policy. — President McKinley to Noti- fication Committee July 12, 1900. PROTECTION AND PROSPERITY. KESTOBATION OM GOOB TIMES UNDEB REPXIBWC4.N POLICIES ANP LEGISLATION. The protective tariff under which prosperity has been restored was Inaugurated by. the Republican party in 1861, after seventy years of almost continuous low tariff; while since 1861 there has- been an unbroken period of protective tariif, with the exception of the period 1894-1897. It may not be improper, therefore, at this time to compare present conditions with those existing- in 1860. Since that year the population has g-rown from .Sl,443,321 to 76,303,387 in. 1900j an increase of 143 per cent. Iii 1860 the national wealth was, according to official statistics, 1$16, 159,616,000, or" $514 for each indi- vidual, and in 1900 it was .$94,300,000,000, or $1,235 for each indi- vidual. The money in circulation in I860 was $433,407,252, and in 1900 it was $2,635,150,998, the per capita circulation being, in 1860, $13,85, and in 1900, $26.93, and at the present time $28.40. Th« de- posits in savings banks in 18BQ amounted to $149,277,504; in 1900, to^ $2,449,547,885; The number of depositors in savings banks in 1860 was 693,870, and in 1900, 6,107,183. Individual deposits in the national banks, broiqght into existence under Republican legislation in 1863, had reaghegl $300,000,000 in 1865, and were, in 1900,^ $2,623,997,522. The imports o-f merchandise in 1860 were $353,616,119, and in 1900, $849,941,184, an incveiig^'Qf 143 per cent; the exports in 1860 were $333,576,057, and' in 1900, $1,394,483,082, an increase of 318 per cent. The imports per capita in 1860 were $11.24, and in i9Q0, $10.88; the exports per capita in I860 were $10.61, and in 1900, $17.96., I The growth in domestic manufactures is sugg'eetecl by the fact that the importations of raw silk have grown from 583,589 pounclB in 1870 to 13,043,714 pounds in 1900; of india rubber, from 9,624,098 pounds in 1870 to 49,377,138 pounds in lOOp, and the domestic oqtton consumed by American mills, from 979,000 bales in I860 to 3,644,000 bales in 1900. The railways in operation have been extended frojB 30,626 miles in 1860 to 194,321 miles in 1900; the reoeipts of the Post-Offloe Department, from $8,518,067 in 1860 to $103,354,579 in 1900; the number of post-oilices have increased from 38,498 in 1860 to 76,688 in 1900, and the salaries paid in public schaola, from $37,832,566 in 1870 to $136,031,838 in 1900. Protection Supersedes Pree TreCe.-'The inaug^uration of Presi' REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 11 flent McKinley was quickly folloived by the substitution of a pro- tective tariff for the Democratic principles of free trade, under which the country had experienced unexampled suffering, and by the enactment of leg-islation firmly establishing- the gold stand- ard as the basis of the currency of the nation. The changes which have followed in the condition of the business of the country and of all classes of our citizens not only fully justify that action but have proved the most remarkable in the hi^ry of this country. Business Activity Under Protection.— From a condition of the greatest business depression, lack of employment i and suffering among those dependent upon our industries, the country quickly passed to a state of the greatest business activity, in which em- ployment was given to all who might desire it, and at wages higher than ever before. With this came an unexampled demand for the products of the farm, the forests, and the mines, and a develop- ment of the manufacturing and other industries heretofore un- known. The home markets for manufactures were fully supplied and the surplus products of the workshops were sent into the markets of the world, until now the exportation of manufactures constantly exceeds the importation of manufactures, a coudition never known in the history of the country prior to 1897. Mean- time the manufacturers' demand for the raw materials not pro- duced in the United States has so increased that manufacturers' materials noy form about one-half of the total importations of the country. Value of Products Increased. — Tlie demand of the busy and well-paid workman for the products of the farm has so stimulated production that the value of farm productjs has doubled, while the product of the mines has also greatly increased. With the sur- plus which these enlarged operations in the field and mine and factory have furnished, our domestic exports have come to ex- ceed those of any other country of the world, and the United States has permanently placed herself at the head of the wofld's list of great exporting nations. The balance of trade in our favor has become the g^reatest known, not only in the history of the United States, but in the history 'of nations. The excess of exports over imports in the 108 years, from 1790 to March 4, 1897 — from the first year under the Constitution to the inauguration of •William McKinley — was $383,028,497, while the exeesK of the five years from March 4, 1S97, to Jlarch 4, 1903, was $2,707,993,194, or more than seven times as much in this five-year period as in the entire 108 years preceding. The excess of exports over imports in each year since 1897 has been greater than that of the entire 108 years prior to 1897. 12 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Advance in Wages.— The prosperity of the people which has accompanied this activity of production, manufacturing-, and ex- portation has been equally marked in every branch of industry. Wag-es have advanced, the number of persons employed has greatly increased, the products of the farm have doubled in value, and the earnings and saving-s of the people have largely increased. The deposits in the savings banks of the country, those deposi- tories of the surplu^ funds of the workingman, the pensioner, the widow, and the orphan, were $690,000,000 greater in the single year 1901 than in 1896. The individual deposits in the national banks of the country were $1,298,064,839 greater in 1901 than in 1896. Thus the individual deposits in the savings and national banks of the country now exceed those of 1896 by the enormous sum of $1,938,003,143. Official records show great prosperity among those engaged in each and all of the great industries of the country^ the farmer, the manufacturer, and his millions »f wage-earners, and those engaged in the mines and forests. Increase in Farm Values. — The value of 'the live stock "on the farms of the country, which was reported by the Agricultural Department in 1896 at $1,727,926,034, is reported at $1,981,054,115 by the Census of 1900, an increase of $253,128,031.' With the in- creased activity, increased earnings, and increased consumption the farmer has received greatly increased prices for his produc^ tions. The Agricultural Department reports an increase of more than $350,000,000 in the farm value of the cereals alone in 1900 as compared with 1896, these figures being those of the actual value upon the farm before leaving the hands of the producer, while other articles of farm production show an equal advance in value. The exportation of agricultural products increased from $570,000,000 in 1896 to $944,000,000 in 1901, an increase of $374,000,00,0 in the mere surplus remaining after sujipljang the great and rapidly expanding home market. ^ Mining Industries Prosperous. — In the great mining industries, so closely dependent for their prosperity upon- the activity of the manufacturer, the increase has been equally striking, and the mil- lions dependent upon them for a li\ elihood have shared in the general prosperity of the country. The number of persons en- gaged in^coal mining alone has increased by more than 50,000, and the coal production of the United States has grown from 171,000,- 000 tons in 1896 to 261,000,000 tons in 1901, ~~an increase of over 50 per cent in five years, thus making the United States the greatest coal-producing nation of the world. In iron and steel the United States has also taken front rank among the worUTs producers, the xiniiluction of pig iron having increased from 8,623,127 tons REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 13 in 1896 to 15,878,354 In 1901, and of steel, from 5,283,689 tons in 1896 to 10,188,329 tons in 1900; while the exportation of iron and steel manufactures has increased from $41,160,877 in 1890 to $117,319,330 in 1901. Activity in Manufacturing. — Ip the great" manufacturing in- dustries the activity of the manufacturer and the earnings of the workingman show equal and striking improvement. The' cotton manufacturers haVe increased their consumption of domestic cot- ton from two and a half million bales in 1896 to over three and a, half millions in 1901. The number of iron fui-naces in blast has increased from 159 in 1896 to 266 in 1901, and the manufacture of tin plate has grown trom loss than 40,000,000 pounds in 1894 to 678,000,000 pounds in 1900. The number of wage-earners engaged in the manufacturing industries alone increased from 4,251,613 in 1890 to 5,231,687 in 1900, and their wages from $1,891,238,321 in 1890 to $2,330,273,031 in 1900. The home market has been more and more supplied with home manufactures, and the exportation of manu- factures has grown from $228,000,000 in 1896 to $412,000,000 in 1901. Foreign Trade. — The manufacturers of the United States con- tinued to send large amounts of their goods to foreign countries. The exportation of manufactures during the eleven months ending with May, 1903, is greater than that of any preceding year, except in iron and steel. The total exports of manufacture^3 for the eleven' months ending with May amount to $371,647,609, against $378,533,496 in the eleven months of 1901, or only $6,885,887 less than those of last year. The exports of iron and steel manufac- tures for the eleven months are $90,780,571, against $109,483,827 in the corresponding months of last year, a reduction of $18,703,256. From this it would appear that the exports of manufactures other than iron and steel are $11,817,369 greater than in the corre-, spending, months of the precedinfp year. The exports of manu- factiu-es other than iron and ste^ are, for the eleven months end- ing' with May, 1902, $280,867,038. ' For the eleven months ending with May, 1901, they were $369,049,669. For the eleven naonths ending with May, 1900, they were $283,050,704, but when it is re- membered that these figirres iacluded the exports to Porto Rico and Hawaii, which are not included in those of 1901 and 1902, it becomes apparent that the exports of manufactures other than iron and steel in the eleven months of the present fiscal year are greater than those for the saxae period in any preceding year in the history of our commerce. While the exports of iron and steel have been decreasing, impor- tations of iron ajid steel have been increasing. 14 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. The following- table shows the imports and exports of iron and steel manufactures in eleven months of each of the fiscal years ■1900, 1901, and 1902: Eleven months. Imports of Iron and steel. Exports of Iron and steel. 1900 818,689357 16,408,996 23,544325 8110,088,875 1001 109,483,827 1902 ■. ; 90,780,571 From this it will be seen that the importations of iron and steel manufactures have materially increased during the three years, and the exportations of iron and steel materially decreased. The cause of this change in the condition of the foreign commerce in iron and steel is discussed in the refjort of the Iron and Steel Association, as follows: "A marked change has taken place in our foreign trade in iron and steel since this subject was prominently referred to in our annual reports in 1899 and 1900. In 1899 and immediately pre- ceding years the iron and steel industries of Europe were excex>- tionally prosperous; there was an active demand and prices were high. In the years just prior to 1899 the prices of iron and steel in the United States were lower than they had ever been. Under these conditions we naturally found opportunities to dispose of our surplus iron and steel products in neutral markets and even in the home markets of our European competitors. But these conditions have materially changed; the European demand and European prices have declined and the home demand upon our own iron and steel works has greatly increased, while our prices 'have advanced; hence sharper , competition in neutral and all for- eign markets and increased foreign competition in * our own markets. "The figures of increased imports and decreased exports of iron and steel should not be hastily dismissed by our iron and steel manufacturers. We hope that they will lead them* instead to dis- miss the thought that the world's markets for iron and steel are to be easily captured and held. The activity in our export trade in iron and steel ip the last few years was exceptional and ab- normal. Not only is Europe adopting our improved methods of manufacture, but it will always have cheap labor, and by these agencies it can hold its own markets arid actively and aggressively contend for the possession of neutral markets. For our iron and steel industries, as well as for all other domestic manufacturing industries, our homo market must always be our best market." REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 15 The following table shows the exports, by principal classes, dur- ing- the eleven months ending with May, 1901, and 1903, respectively: Products. Agriculture M anui'actures Mining Forests FlBherles Miscellaneous Total ■domestic... Foreign exports . . . Total exports 1001. .if884,424,916 !!78,&88,4S6 48,472,249 ' T,454,'$47 4,447,939 1,359,950,4S» 25,081,298 1,384,990,728 1902.. $805,022,056 371,047,609 86,190,750 43339,726 7,440,629 5/169,192 1,266,R10,508 22,467^50 1,292,778,413 AMEHrCAN INVASION OP EUROPE— THE tJNITED STATES COMPETING WITH ETJROfEAN MANUEACTTIREUS IN THEIB HOME MARKETS. "In the last six years we have sold in merchandise, produce, and manufactures $2,000,000,000 more than we have bought, while in all our history, from the beginning of the Government up to six years ago, the foreign trade balance in our favor had aggregated a net total of only $383,000,000." This is the deliberate statement of Frank A. Yanderlip, former Assistant Secretary bf the Treasury, in an article on "The Ameri- can Commercial Invasion of Europe," after nearly a year's travel and study of this subject in all the leading countries of Europe. Mr. Vanderlip went abroad to study the courses of the agitation in some continental countries for tariff combinations against the United States. He found, as have our American consuls in Europe, that it was due to the rapid recovery of American industrial de- velopment under the Dingley tariff ajid Republican protection to our industries. In the last two years there has been much agi- tation in Austria and other continental countries of J^urope against "The American Peril" and the "American Danger." This agitation was due to the American invasion of European markets with American manufactures as well as American produce. By pro- tecting our home industries we hav^ not only taken from the European manufacturers the American market, but we have in- vaded the European market as serious competitors for their own home trade. Mr. ^^anderlip was offered unusual facilities for obtaining the views oi men most influential in political life and commercial affairs in I'^urope, and he says: .European Statesmen Alarmed. — "The subject I discussed with these distinguished foreigners is one regarding which our public 16 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. has been pretty thoroughly enlightened in the last five years, and it is one of which the European public has heard almost as much in the English and continental newspapers, but from quite an oppo- site point of view. When the amount of our sales to foreign coun- tries passed the. $1,000,000,000 mark in 1897, we began to congratu- late ourselves on the strides we were making in the markets of the world. The record was followed by steadily growing totals, until now we have, in a twelvemonth; sent to other nations com- modities to the value of $1,500,000,000. The meaning of that total is emphasized if we look back and find it compares with an average during the ten years ending 1896 of $825,000,000. look back and find it compares with an average during the ten "While our sales to foreign countries have grown so prodig- iously, the other side of our financial account during these last five or six years has shown no proportionate increase. We have bought, from the foreigners an average of only $800,000,000 a year, and that total has shown little tendency to expand. It was this fact, this mighty -development of our sales, while our purchases were comparatively on n declining scale, which piled up in half a dozen years a favorable trade balafice so enormous as to startle the world. In the last six years we have sold in merchandise, produce, and manufactures $2,000,000,000'more than we have bought, while in all our history, from the beginning of the Government up to six years ago, the foreig-n trade balance in our f&vor had aggre- gated a net total of only $383,000,000. "The significance of these surprising totals was recognized on both sides of the Atlantic. An analysis of them brought out fea- tures more important than the vastness of the aggregate. Hereto- fore our sales had been made up almost wholly of foodstuffs and raw materials. Europe ^^■as the workshop. But that has changed, and we find, year after year, an astonishing increase in our exports of manufactured articles, an increase that in the last two or three years reached totals which gave ample basis for the popular talk of our invasion of the European industrial fields. Our exports of ,manu- factilred articles in the decade prior to 1897 averaged $163,000,000 annually. In 1898 our sales of manufactured articles to foreign customers jumped to $290,0(K1,000, the next year to $339,000,000, the next to $434,000,000. Imports Decline. — "These figures, showing a steady invasion by our manufacturers of foreign industrial fields, have a natural corol- lary. As exports of manufactures increased, our imports of the handiwork of foreign shops showed an even more rapid decline.- Our manufacturers « ere not only invading the foreigner's own markets, meeting him at his threshold «ith a new competition, but they were talcing away from him his areatest market— thp TTnitp<1 KEI'UBLICAN CAJirATGN TEXT-BOOK. 17 States. We have in the last half dozen years been manufacturing for ourselves u, vast amount of goods, such as we have been accus- tomed to buy abroad. "One can turn from a contemplation of these great totals to an examination of the records made in recent years by individ- ual industries, and find in detail facts upon which to base a belief that the United States has acquired, or is acquiring, supremacy in the world's markets. So many industries have been sending rapidly increasing contributions to swell the rising tiije of our foreign commerce that It is difficult to tell any detailed story of American commercial expansion without making it read like a trade catalogue. The increase in our exports of manufactured articles can, in the main, be traced to advances made in the manu- facture of iron and steel, and to the display of inventive talent in the making of machinery. The development of our grasp on the world's mai-kets for articles manufactured from iron and steel lias been no surprise to those who early recognized the position of America in respect to the raw materials from which those articles are produced. America unquestionably possesses advantages, in respect to h%r iron ore and her coal manes, far superior to those of any other country, and, based solely upon that superiority, has already become the greatest producer of iron and steel in the world. American Locomotives in Europe. — "American locomotives run- ning on American rails now whistle past the Pyramids and across the long Siberian steppes. They carry the Hindoo pilgrims from all parts of their empire to the sacred waters of the Ganges. Three years ago there was but one American locomotive in the United Kingdom; to-day there is not a road of importance there on which trains are not being pulled by American engines. The American locomotive has successfully invaded^^ France. The Manchurian IJailvvay, which is the real beginning of Oriental railway building, bought all its rails and rolling stock in the United States. Ameri- can bridges span rivers on every continent. American cranes are swinging over mai 3' foreign moles. Wherever there are extensive harvests there may be found American machinery to gather the grain. In every great market of the world tools can have no better" recommendation than the mark 'Made in America.' "We have long held supremacj' as a producer of cotton. We are now gaining supremacy as makers of cloth. American cottons are finding their way into the markets of every country. They can be found in Manchester, as well as on the shores of Africa and in the native shops of the Orient. Bread is baked in Palestine from flour made in Minneapolis. American windmills are worldng east of the IS KErUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Jordan and in the land of Bashan. Bkonographs are making a conquest ol' all tong-Lics. The Chrysanthemum banner of Japan floats from the palace of the Mikado on a fiag-staff cut from a Washington forest, as does the banner of St. George from Windsor Castle. The American type-setting machines are used by foreign- newspapers, and our cash-registers keep accounts for scores of nations. America makes sewing-machines for the world. Our bicycles are standards of excellence everywhere. Our Typewriters. — "Our typewriters are winning their way wherever a written language is used. In all kinds of electrical ap- pliances we have become the foremost producer. In many Euro- pean cities American dynamos light streets and oijerat^ railways. Much of the machinery that is to electrify London tram lines is now being built in Pittsburg. The American shoe has captured the favor of all Europe, and the foreign inakers are hastening to import our machinery that thej' may compete with our makers. In the Far East, in the capital of iiorea, the Hermit Nation, there was recently inaugurated, with noisy music and flying banners, an electrip rail- way, built of American material, by a San Francisco engineer, and now it is oi^erated by American motormen. "One might go on without end, telling in detail the story of American industrial growth and commercial expansion. In the list of our triumphs we would find that American exports ha^e not been confined to specialties nor limited as to markets. We have been successfully meeting competition everywhere. America has sent coals to Newcastle, cotton to Manchester, cutlery to Sheffield, potatoes to Ireland, champagnes to France, watches to Switzer- land, and "Rhine wine" to Germany. "Our public has generally looked upon the development of our foreign trade as only one of the incidents in the remarkable period of prosperity which we have been enjoying, and has not, perhaps, clearly analyzed its full significance. The European, I found, has come nearer to a real understanding of the situation." Mr. Vanderlip met in St. Petersburg M. de Witte, the Russian Minister of Finance, and this man, who shapes the policies of Europe's greatest empire, said to him: "America is already one of the richest countries in the world: perhaps in natural resources quite the richest. There we find not only remarkable natural richness, but combined with that wealth and most pronounced initiative met with anywhere. With such a combination the country is bound to make the very greatest progress. It will go on and on, and will be greater and still greater. America is especially fortunate in that she has no great military burden. Milital-ism is the nightmare and the ruin of every European finance minister." RErUBLICAX CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. m "The American Danger."— On this same subject Frank H. Mason, consul-general in Berlin, one of the oldest and most experienced representatives of this Government in the consular service, confirms the observation's of Mr. Vanderlip. In an official report on "The Commerce and Industries of Germany" made in November, 1901, Mr. Mason says: "The trade balance of the United States at the close of the fiscal year 1901 produced a profound impression in this country. It seemed to confirm the direst predictions of a certain class of eco- nomic writers, who since 1898 have been saying that the time was rapidly coming when European nations would be forced to com- bine -for mutual protection against the American Republic. The financial and daily press were filled with dissertations on 'The American Danger,' and the Central Bureau for the Preparation of Commercial Treaties at Berlin published a brochure by Baron von Waltershausen, professor of political economy in the University of Strassburg, which discussed elaborately the whole subject under five heads, viz: (1) "The United States trade balance," (2) "Exports of manufactures," (3) "Nature of Unite"cl States imports," (4) "The United States as creditor in the world's economic system," and (5) "Measures of protection for European countries, notably Germany." Rarely if ever elsewhere has the new position of the United States among nations been more powerfully and vividly pictured than in this memorable essay, in which it was shown, among many other things, that whereas hardly six years ago the Deutc.eher Bank took about one-fourth of a $100,000,000 loan issued by the United States Government, the American trade balances of the last three fiscal years, 1898, 1899, and 1900, has reache'd the amazing total of $1,622,000,000 — almost double the war indemnity paid by France to. Germany — and has reversed the position of the Union and made it, the creditor instead of the debtor of Europe." The learnecT pro- fessor sees in the future'only increasing indebtedness of Europe to Am,erica; the absorption by American capital of European state, municipal, and industrial securities, with the resulting diminished ability of the Old World to endure taxation; the growth of unpro- ductive indebtedness; emigration of manufacturers and "skilled operatives; transplanting of industries; diminished employment for labor; and, finally, weakening of national financial and military strength. "The United States, on the contrary," says the memorial, "will, with increasing growth of their economic power, gain in political might. Already they enlarge their Army and Navy. They will in the future acquire colonies, call the Pacific Ocean their own, and realize their ideal of international arbitration bj becoming themselves the arbitrators." European Custoins Union Suggested. — "Against this ominous 20 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. future Professor von Waltershausen — who on this point voices with substantial accuracy the most intelligent opinion of Germany and confirms the enunciation made by Dr. Vosburg- Eekow a year ago — concludes that the formation of a Enro- pean customs union against the United States is impracticable, owing to international and racial rivalries and jealou.sies, and that it only remains for the different European states, when nego- tiating commercial treaties bet^veen themselves, to differentiate against the United States by excluding American imports from the special rates granted to each other, and, further, to agree upon measures to be adopted by all European states in case of a tariff war between any one of them and the American Republic. Finally, the Professor recommends to Germany a general or maximum tariff, with elastic facility to increase the rates to any point that may be necessary for protection against the American invasion." Frederick Emory, Chief of the Bureau of Foreign Commerce in the State Department, in his review of the "World's Commerce in 1901," says that "the commercial reports of diplomatic and consular officers for the calendar year 1901 record continued growth in the sales of many lines of manufactures from the United States in foreign markets, and the increase of the general concern in Europe - as to the possible results of our industrial competition." In Austria-Hungary, as well as in Germany, the imports frofii the United States are increasing rapidly, in spite of the agitation for a J;ariff union of European countries against America. At a recent conference in Vienna to take measures against American compe- tition, Consul-General Hurst sa3's, "it was openly acknowledged that the commercial policy of the present time is dictated and con- trolled by the United States." Supplying Europe with Goods We Used to Import— "The same concern is felt in France, in Belgium, in Switzerland, in Great Britain — in other words, in all of the highly developed manu- facturing countries of Europe, and it is a most significant fact that, even in specialties which were once thought to be exclusively their own, the United States is becoming a more and more formidable competitor. Who would have imagine^ a few years ago that we would make such rapid progress in the manufacture of silk that we would soon cease buying silks from France, with the exception of highly finished goods, and would actually te exporting silks to that country? Yet that is what has happened. So of tin plate in Wales. At one time it was doubtful whether we could manu- facture tin plate profitably, and it was confidently asserted that the Welsh must always control the American trade. But we now manufacture all the tin plate we need, and the Welsh have recently Imported tin bars from us. REPUBLICAN CAifPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 23 "There are, indeed, surprising'ly few of the articles which used to be obtained exelusivply abroad that are not now produced in the United States. The woolen as well as the silk industry of France and the hosiery industry of Germany are said to be suffering severely from our competition, and the Bohemian g-lass industry is feeling the effect of the increase of glass manufacture in the United States. Our cottons are steadily gaining in taste and finish, and are now sbld in England in competition with the Manchester product. "Says the Leipziger Tageblatt of April 10, 1901: 'Even in fancy articles, in which the European market has set "Ihe styles for the entire world, the American manufacturers are beginning to compete with the European. British calico prints are already receiving competition from Anierica. We hear that travel- ers of a well-known American house have offered American cotton stuffs in England with much success, and the London authorities declare them to be tasteful and worth their price.' American Cottons. — "A New York company manufacturing cot- ton stuffs intends to found a Paris house which shall introduce its fancy woven stuffs for women's dresses, and trimmed women's hats are being exported from the United States to Europe. 'The reversi- ble cloths which are made in the United States,' said Consul Sawter, of Glauchau, in a report sent in 1900, 'are now the style in high- priced goods in the German capital.' "In agriculture, as in manufactures, we are constantly widening the sphere of our production. The orange and lemon growers of southern Europe are feeling the effect of California's competition. 'It is ridiculous,' exclaims a Spanish newspaper, 'to think that fruits and vegetables raised on the slopes of the distant Pacific shoujd compete at the very doors of Spain with those produced in this country. * * * Shall we live to see American oranges on the Valencia market itself?' We are producing our own raisins, our prunes, our wines, our olive oil, and are sending them abroad. California prujies now compete in Europe with Bosnian prunes, once a staple article of export to New York. "In the busy manufacturing district of Liege, Belgium, according to the annual report of Consul Winslow, more American goods are consumed than ever before, in spite of business depression. 'Our sales in general,' says Mr. Winslow, 'have doubled in the past three years, and it is now common to see articles marked 'Americaine' in the shop windows.' Spanish journals complain that ■steel rails are imported from the United States, notwithstanding the produc- tion of iron is one of the important industries of Spain. Vice- Ccmsul Wood, of Madrid, says our goods are to be seen everywhere, 32 REPUIJLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. and inchicle such iVmerican specialties as ha.ir-clipping machines, dental supj)lies, typewriters, electric inotors,»etc. "The people of Eurojie, it may be assumed, therefore, are not less but more 'favorably inclined to goods of Amferican origin, and the falling off in our exports, so far as they are concerned, is to be attributed to temporary causes, such as business depression, re- ducing their purchasing power, with the natural result of falling prices, or to discrimination against our products. The reduction is also found to be due in part to the elimination of the Hawaiian Islands and Porto Kico from the Treasury tables of exports to foreign countries and to trade conditions in the United States, such, as those aflfecting the exports of copper, which have checked the outflow of manufactured goods. Conditions in Undeveloped Markets. — "The relation of the eco- nomic forces of the United States to those of Europe may be taken as tlie surest index to the probable future of our trade with the rest of the world, for it must be evident that if we can continue to compete with European industries in their home markets we shall have but little to fear from their rivalry in the neutraror unde- veloped markets, where we would meet them on an equal footing. Even in Canada, notwithstanding' a preferential tariff of 33 1-3 per cent in favor of British imports, we continue, says Consul-Geueral Bittinger, of Montreal, to enjoy 'more of Canadian customs than the rest of the world put together,' and niany classes of goods which some years ago were bought in Great Britain are now more cheaply and more conveniently purchased in the United States. Last year our sales to Canada amounted to more than $110,000,000, while those of Great Britain were only about $43,000,000. In Mexico, Consul- Geueral Barlow reports, the purchases from the United States show a large Increase— over $4,000,000, or 11.8 per cent. — while those from every other country exporting largely to ilexico, except Germany, show a heavy decrease. The German gain was only about $411,000, or 5.8 per cent. In the repoi-ts from Central .\merica and South America there are gratifying indications of substantial growth in- thc sales of our goods, and we are steadily widening the variety of our exports to Africa, Asia, Australia — in other words, to every part of the world." Our flag is there— rightfully there; as rightfully there as the flag that floats above me is here; and it is there^ not as the flag of tyranny or as the symbol of slavery, but it is there for what it is here and for what it is everywhere — justice and liberty and right and civilization.— President McKinley at Warren, Oct 18, 1899. ' COMMERCE OF THE WORLD IN 1901 The following- table shows the imports and exports of all coun- tries for which statistics have been received by the Bureau of Foreign Commerce: Countries. United StateB United Kingdom Germany I'ranoe Switzerland Belgium Italy (11 months Austria .Spain (U months) Bulgaria - tlussla (9 months) Canada Mexico BrazU (7 months) Argentina Uruguay (9 months) Egypt British India Cape Colony Ul months). Imports. ¥880,421,000 2,541,476,100 I,420a50fl00 909,907,800 211,937,600 425,690,800 326,708,200 845,587,000 148a09,400 18,518,500 205,556,600 190,415,000 65,088,4 ;0 49,117,700 109J9714 18,797,100 75365,700 296,772,700 87,749,800 E.xports. *1 ,465,880,900 1365,048,400 1,180,788,900 804,069,800 160,358,600 362,666i800 249,232,100 383,507,600 117,678,600 15,974,600 272,048,200 177,639,000 70360,400 94,628,800 161346^00 22,352,400 77,753,800 867,642, 00 44,796,510 Free trade is the voice of interest and selfishness in principle; protection is the voice of intelligent labor and development.— Hon. Wm. MeKlnley in House of Bepresentatives, April 6, 1882. You may try the system of protection by any test you will, I care not what it is, and it meets every emergency, it answers every demand. More than that, it has not been against the Government, either in peace or in war. — Major McKinley at Niles, phio, August 22, 1891. Free trade results in giving our money, our manufactures, and our markets to other nations; protection keeps money, marksts, and manufactures at home. — Major McKinley at Beatrice, Nebr., August 2, 1892. Protection has vindicated itself. It can not be helped by eulogy or hurt by defamation; it has worked its own demonstration and presents in the sight of the whole world its matchless trophies.— Major McKinley at Beatrice, Nebr., August 2, 1892. Stand up for America, and America will stand up for you. — Major McKinley to Bepublican Press Association of West Vir- ginia, September 1, 1896. 23 24 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. DEVELOPMENT OF MANUFACTURING— RESULTS OF PRO- TECTION AS SHOWN BY THE CENSUS REPORTS. The development of the manufacturing industry in this country has been almost entirely within the period of Republican adminis- tration and a protective tariff. This is shown by the Census figures for 1900. In 1860, when the Republican party first elected a Presi- dent, there were 140,433 manufacturing plants of all kinds, including the blacksn;iith shops at the crossroads, the village carpenter shop, and other like establishments. The total capital then invested in manufacturing was $1,009,855,715, the total number of wage-earners, 1,311,246, the total wages $378,878,906, and the total value of the product $1,885,861,676. In 1900 there were 512,726 manufacturing plants with a total cap- ital of $9,874,664,087, the total number of wa-ge earners 5.321,087, the total wages paid $2,330,273,021, and the value of the products $] 3.040,013,638. The increase in. capital i^ivested in manufacturing since the beginning of Republican administration and the protec- ^ five tariff has been tenfold, of wage-earner nearly fivefold, of wages paid sevenfold, and o£ the value of the products about seven- fold, while the increase in population in the' same time has more than doubled. ' This development of the manufacturing industry has been con- tinuous. In capital invested it was from $1,009,855,715 in 1S60 to $2,118,208,769 in 1870; $2,790,272,608 in 1880; $6,525,156,486 in 1890, and $9,874,664,087 in 1900. In wage earners the increase was from 1,311,246 in 1860 to 2,053,990 in 1870; 2,732,595 in 1880; 4,351,613 in 1890, and 5,321,087 in 1900. In wages paid the increase was from $378,876,906 in 1860 to $775,584,343 in 1870; to $947,953,795 in 1880; to $1,891,228,321 in 1890, and to $2,330,273,021 in 1900. In the value of the manufactured products the increases were from $1,885,861,676 in 1860 to $4,232,325,442 in 1870; to $5,369,579,191 in 1880; to .$9,372,437,288 in 1890, and to $13,040,013,638 in 1900. Il, will be seen from these figures that the growth of manufac- turing in this country has been steady and continuous under the policy of protection, and that the percentage of increase in wages paid has been greater than the percentage of increase in wage earners to show that there has been a gradual increase in the earn- ing power of the employees. The increase in wages has been in the same ratio as the value of the output notwithstanding the great development in labor saving macliinery. The following table shows the number of establishments in the selected industries in ]900, the capital invested, the salaried officials,- the wage earners, the cost of materials used and the value of the " products: REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 25 qS " I £ H 1^ OS ■WT" 1; r- -3-, ZDGl'JO'TCr^ SS3 S^ "^ us t- 1-1 rH QQ CO IfffMM M fHi-H O to COoTin Q t-^QO COodL-^oTi-H cd ^03 «5"-p CCt^iO i£ CO cqoo o oJinoocoorHirtTHrH "tucfeaSotO'-iwSi^co^QO^ uloo » cS S ^^« "w cTt^ CO .-^ in C5 <» a CDrHCacOOOT t-WfNOg^ajCOCSCOfMCQIXMiiS i-fajOMOiOMeit-Q oo>-(co>-(oc30Mt*oNmi>co 00 i—oi oj ^ Tg M g< Q oi i> 00 u5,co c ' a Mimg ™S *5S Pis 03 03 Ha PhShS ^'? ■•rH ^ .ag| ' © ® d S'S« n fl^ ; V O bi I S a a o eti ! BoTOro S S » a » 60 a H w •)

R s ** (^a; OS ^ Tf TC St^iH com - 1-~ -j:i o irMO ^ 00 ^ cc r^ - *vi 3: r-r a; cic T -H -T 3- CO 1 .J =r i~ =; r- c-4 ^ l^ O r* S3383 gS ^ SSg ??i 3c\f 5 g g 1 1 1 1 „ I CT'-r X; t~^- ■3 3^ a -1 a; ■* o ■* 3 3 01I— OTC^OS „ _. T ,- . "_&■* T _tiOll>0Qi— *l>-'*QQO-. ■5 rHr-l GO O S rH t> F* •* 54 i-l t- lO iH CD ift cc-*i>i^cocoi-c*eqiNcq . aio 53 's* CO ap o O -^ c8 "5 (LI r^ t^ ^ M OS ^ 0) a ^li a ?rM9qOOCDti ^1- cotOQOi-HOO'^-*F—i-H-tii-ixio «:;■-< — '.-(asai— io-Ijccic^xi^i— iiO30m OS rH"tr<3rij5 cotp". =1-1 C0mO(MQ0C3OT>-ICSiOfc-l>Tf»Cl~XC-lUt)O'MT0 ooc^a5_iniOioinosc3-rpoci5_i»i-~ cr^:D>c ^ooc t-^' (NS (N coco Oi-(--i c^n O— i^t-r-OSCOCDfMOt- c^c:^j?xixopom-*c30 CO o c^ -i^t-;_CM X t^m •~i'~i O i-C, I.- -»!=-- -HCICC l> r-cmOXCi-f^lC-fCD-fCitF-HC Qo o t> —i c: » :r' i-" t-~ cc X lO "-! CD t^io C'T:© .-H r-T-ai'^cc tJ'co O t-f'-^-l'CJt^C-lC-lCO'M-^ 5_io M m X -?^ii^ r-;_F-H oi :d M oi 1(3 -^ >-i >-( CD r-( 00 OS ua gO!»iouDoo"«Oi-(»niCt»OCDiH O >j5 -TH O t- CT; — XI rH -^ 31 :D f? -H TO o X 1H :c,-H Tir-^x'co"r-i"'T'"-^-H"xifr:sf" COi— li-lO(Na*JN?D'*t»l> r*(M'a •-It^COOO-^CDi-lP-H -f -^ l> l.O T 1 =5.10 e- -4iracocii~-t':oif:)-HW^TOin(?JdCoo F-i a;jio:0oc^i— 1 QOmoscccoto 1.9 dT3 taoS sa ffl0005C3se>IrHl>t~Oi.'3 " a u be . - rt p aj 3 S B 3 t. P 0^ ^ 3 OJ Jfeaj J O i4 ■a '^ ca p i P." c3 X E O O ; :^ on a !■ i. 3 p g H « --^ P-D 3 s s p I o P s- :qSH;j s .- rt St^^ „ >« a < ■2 O 01 (B >HPOB HEPUJ3LICAN CAMrAIGN TEXT-BOOK. ■ 27 THE MAjN WITH THE HOE— AGBICULTTJKAL P30SPERITY UNDER REPUBLICAH ADMINISTRATION, DEPRESSION UNDER DEMOCRATIC RULE. "The 'Man veith the Iloe' is the man with the 'doug-h.' This is a slang-y expression but sustained by the statistics of the Ag-ricul- tural Department, the Census, and those gathered 'by the non-par- tisan business agencies like Dun's Review. This has always been true under Republican' admijiistralion and' it is extrava-gantly true under this Republican administration. The farmer or "the man with the hoe" has in- the last lour years received a greater share oil prosperity than any other representative of any other occupation. He has ticliled the soil with his hoe to better purpose than ever before. The farm value of the wheat, corn, and oat crops in 1901 was nearly double that of 1896, the last year of the Cleveland adminis- tration. This is rather a startling statement, but it is borne out by the Statistical Abstract,' published by the Government and made up from the official figures which have no partisan bins. " For the year 1896 llie farm value of the corn crop was $491,006,- 967, that of the wheat crop $310,602,539, and that of the oat crop $132,485, 0.'iS, the total farm value of the three crops for that year, being $934,094,538. The farm value of the corn crop in 1901 was $921,555,768, that of the wheat crop $467,350,156, and that of the oat crop $393,658,777, making the total farm value of the three crops, for 1901, $1,683,- 564,701, or ,$748,470,162 more, than the tarm value of the same crops in 189G. The farmer in 1901 received nearly double the amount of money for these three crops that he did in 1896, the last year of the Cleveland administration. Increase in Farm Values.— This increase of farm values under Republican administrations is not accidental. It is a matter of his- tory that rural prosperity and Rej^ublican rule are coincident. It Is equallj' a matter of record that agricultural depression, mortgage forecjosures, and low prices for farm products accompany Demo- cratic administration of national affairs. The prosperity of the farmer depends upon the pro.sperity of all other industrial elements ol: our population. When the industrial classes are employed at American wages their consumption of farm products is on a liberal scale, and they are able and willing to pay, good prices for the nec- essities and luxuries of life. Under such^ conditions there is a good market for all the fai'mer has to sell. When the reverse is true and workmen are idle or working scant time at cut wages, they are forced to practice pinching economy and the farmer nec- essarilj loses part of his market. The American farmer is pros- 28 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. perous when well-paid workmen are carrying- well-filled dinner pails, a condition which has accompanied Republican supremacy since the birth of the party. Idle men, tramps, and souphouses, familiar sights under Democratic rule, furnish but poor markets for farm produce. The records for the last four administrations, which alternated bet^veen the Republican and Democratic parties, show that the farmers received more for their crops under Republican administra- tions than under Democratic administrations. The farm value of the corn crops for the foxir years of Cleveland's first administration, from 1885 to 1889, ag-gregated $2,569,653,980. In the four years of the Harrison administration which followed, the farm value of the com crop aggregated $2,830,938,138, an in- crease in value of more than $250,000,000 over that of this crop dur- ing the Cleveland administration. For the next four years, while Mr. Cleveland was President and /'Democratic policies were in force, the farm value of the corn crop aggregated $2,182,337,290, a decrease of $750,000,000 from that dur- ing the Harrison administration. Then came the Republican administration of William ilcKinley," and for the first four j'ears of that administration the farm value .of the corn crop aggregated $2,433,526,524, or an increase of $250,000,000 over that of the last Democratic administration. Wheat and Oats. — The same law of fluctuation according to po- litical policies in administration held good as to wheat and oats. The farm value of the wheat crop for the four j'ears of the first Cleveland administration aggregated $1,285,407,400, and for the next four years, including the Harrison .administration, the farm value of the vfheat crop aggregated $1,512,859,986, an increase of $227,- 000,000 in the farm value of wheat over that for the preceding Democratic administration. For the next four years, under -ihe second Cleveland administra- tion, the farm value of the wheat crop aggregated $9ST,614,94.i, a shrinkage of $525,000,000 in the value of the wheat crop from the preceding four years under Republican administration. Again came a change of policy in Government, and during the first four years of the McKinley administration the \vheat crop took. another advance in value. For these four years of the McKinley administration the farm value of the wheat crop aggre- gated $1,464,387,877, an increase in value amounting to nearly $500,000,000. The farm value of the oat crop in the four years of the first Cleveland administration aggTegatod $701,1143,820; for the next four years, under the Harrison administration, the farm value of the oat crop increased to $835,395,372; for tlie next four years, under KP:PUBL]CAN campaign text-book. 29 Cleveland, this crop ^decreased in value to $698,533,113, and for the next four years, under the McKinley administration, it increased to $741,817,291. ' The farm value of the hay crop in 1896 was $388,145,614, and in 1900 it was $445,538,870. The farm value of the potato crop in 1896 was $72,182,350 and in 1900 it was $90,811,167. , Horses and Mules.— The farm value of 15,124,057 horses in 1896 was $500,140,186, while the farm value of 13,537,443 horses in 1900 was $603,989,442. There were a, million and a half more horses in the country in 1896 than in 1900; and they were worth $100,000,000 less. Such was one ofthe" disastrous results of Democratic admin- istration for the fanners. The same was true as to mules. In 1890 there were 2,276,946 mules in the country and they were valued at $103,204,457. In 1900 there were only 2,086,027 mules in the country and their value was $111^17,092. In 1896 tliere were 16,137,586 milch cows and their value was > $363,955,545. In 1900 there were 16,292,360 milch cows and their value was $514,812,106. Tlie niimber of oxen and other cattle in 1896 was 32,085,409 and their value $508,928,416. In 1900 there were 27,610,054 oxen and other cattle and their value was $689,486,260. And then look at the sheep, the special victims of the Democratic administration! In 1896 the sheep had been reduced to 38,298,783 and their value was $65,167,735, though in 1893 when Cleveland be- gan his administration there were 47,273,553 sheep in the coTintry and their value was $125,909,364, In four years the flocks had been reduced by 9,000,000 and their value by $60,000,000, or nearly one-half during the Detpocratic administration and its war on the sheep. In 1900, owing to three years of protection under the administra- tion of McKinley and the Dingley law, the sheep had increased to 41,883,065 and their value to $123,665,913. The story is not complete without the total value of all farm ani- mqls. In 1896, the last year of the Democratic administration, this aggregated $1,727,926,084, and in 1900 it aggregated $2,043,650,813. The "man with the hoe" has only to look at the record to see which way points to prosperity. The best statesmanship for America is that which looks to the highest interests of American labor and the highest devel- opment of American resources.— President McKinley, at Superior, Wis., October 13, 1809. 30 RErUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK^ HEAVY RAILROAD TRAFFIC— ENOBMOtTS TONN.AGE ON ALL THE RAILROADS OF THE TJITITED STATES— RE- PORTS FOR THE YEAR. Railroad earnings last year record the greatest movement of nverchandise ever transported on the railroads in, this country in any twelve months, says Dnn's Review. The years 1899 and 1900" record an extra heavy traffic. Complete tonnage fignres for 1900 show a total movement on all the roads of the country of 1,071,- 431,919 tons, yet earnings this year show an increase oi^O per cent over 1900. Total gross earning's of all roads in the United States reporting for the year to date are $l,39d.s 1,394,338,922 • &8,067,577 85,381,449 1,259,914,-587 29,865,928 85,006,018 l,314,286,-538 134,419,385 8,701,649 875,431 +10.7 +12.3 + .1 +20.0 +17.3 +12.9 Total 1,462,782,948 188,496,415 +10.4 +19.2 *Qaln. AVhile the earnings are larger than in 19*00, it is probable that the increase in tonnage was not in the same ratio, for traffic was relatively larger last year in the higher classes of freight. The movement was especially large in merchandise and in manufac- tured articles. Shipments of coal were heavy, especially in the fall RErUBOCAN CA>[r'AIGN TICXT-BOOK. 31 months. So great was the demand to move freight that there was much delay a considerable part of the year because of the lack of rolling- stock. Fortunately the grain movement, especially corn, was much below the usual tonnag-e, and as grain is carried at verj' low rates earnings were favorably affected by the movement of better paying freights. Comparison is given below of earnings of United States roads reporting for each yefir as compiled in Dun's Review; also the tonnage nvovement for each year ejccept last for all railroads in the United States: Year. 'Orpsa earnings. Total tonnage. Year. Gross earnings. Total tonnage- 1901 ,S13B4,3S3,922 1,259,914,587 1,186,648,152 1,071,753,000 1,000,708,000 1,071,431,919' 975,780,941 1£98 8935,782,000 957,100,000 906,825,000 1J)29,400,000 1,045,850,000 773,868,716 1900 1895 755,794,883 1899 1894...... 674,714,747 1898 1893 757,464,480 1897 1S92 780,605,011 Comparison by months shows a gain each month over both years There is some trifling iregularity due to conditions affecting the different roads; for example, lighter earnings in July this year compared with last was in part due to the steel strike, and rela- tively lighter "earnings in December can be traced to the fact that in December, 1900, the heavy movement which set in after the Presi- dential election now comes in comparison. Earnings on many Western roadswere considerably reduced in the third week of De- cember this year by a severe storm blockade. The figures follow: Date, January . . February.. March April May June.. .„.. July August September October . . . November December. $108,877,447 97,716,880 114,811,940 107,688,686 115,898,829 105,879,285 122,928,837 125,635,855 ■ J24,965,m 188,286,683- 96,327,488 25,758,814 1900. $98,544,608 90,033,691 104,863,08* 96,119,706 101,342,832 101,082,980 110,715,187 113,181,718. 114,542,644 119,681,811 85,514,765 -.25,195,002 Gain $10,832,839 ,7,688,189 9,958,856 11,.568,980 14.550,997 4,796,255 12,213,700 12,454,137 10,423jff76 18,544,872 10,812,728 - 558,812- rer . cent. 1901-1000. 1901-1899. -HO.S + 8.5 -I- 9.5 -1-12.0 ' -1-14.3 + 4,7 +11.0 +U.0 -1- 9.1 +16.3 +14.3 + 2.2 +28.1 +82.8, +29.5 +29.7 +20.2 +20.8, +18.6 +20.7 + as +20.0 +1T.0 +14.4 The people are doing business on business pTinciples, and should t>e let alone^encouraged rather than hindered in their efforts to increase the trade of the country and find ne-w and profitable markets for their products. — President MoKinley, at Bichmond, Va., October 31, 1899. 33 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. GROWTH OF THE TEXTILE INDXTSTEY— A STKIKING EXAMPLE OE PBOTEOTION. The growth of textile manufactures in the United States supplies a striking example of the value of protection to labor especially, and to the producer and consumer generally. The accompanying table shows the number of establishments, number of employees, wages paid, material used, value of product and capital employed in the great textile industries — wool, cotton, silk, and dyeing and finishing industries in the United States, as shown by each Census report from 1850 to 1900, and a, statement of the imports of wool, cotton, and silk manufactures at decennial periods from 1868 down to date. The combined statement of the four great industries, , wool, cotton, silk, and dyeing and finishing industry, shows an in- crease In the number of employees from 1850 to 1860, the low-tarifE period, of only 47,000 persons em^ployed, while the next decade, under protection, shows an increase of 80,000 persons, the next decade an additional increase of 110,000, the decade ending with 1890 an increase of 127,000, and for the decade ending in 1900 an increase of 171,000. Capitaf employed in the low tarifl! decade, 1850- 1860, only increased from $112,000,000 to $150,000,000, while the next decade showed an increase from $150,000,000 to $297,000,000; the decade 1870-1880 from $297,000,000 to $412,000,000; the decade f880- 1890 from $413,000,000 to $740,000,000, and the last decade from $740,000,000 to $1,066,032,937. Wages paid are not shown by the 1850 Census, but those of 1860, at the end of the low-tariff peripd, amounted to $40,000,000; by 1870 they had more than doubled, being $86,000,000; by 1880 they were $105,000,000; in 1890, $175,000,000, and in 1901, $219,329,265. The value of the product of these four great industries was in 1850 but $128,000,000, and during that decade only increased $86,000,000, while the average decennial Increase under protection from 1860 to 1890 was over $350,000,000, making the total value of the product of these four industries in 1890, $732,000,000, and in 19p0, $966,924,835. Meantime prices of the manufactured^ products have very greatly decreased, so'that the figures o£ value quoted represent a much larger decennial increase in quantity of articles produced than the mere statement of values ^^ ould indi- cate. The importations of raw silk are an accurate measxire of the pros- perity of the silk manufacturing industry, since all of the material of this character comes from abroad, and the following statement of the importations of raw silk from 1892, the last year of Presi- dent Harrison's administration, to date, indicates the effect of the recent low-tariff period upon this industry. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 33 Imports of raw silk into the United States. 1892 . . »... $25,059,335 1893 -. 29,836,986 1894 ' 16,234,182 1895 22,626,056 1896 26,763,428 1897 18,918,263 1898 32,110,066 1899 : 32,479,627 1900 (May and June, estimated) 45,000,000 Ihe teoctile industries of the United States at decennial periods, 1850 to 1900, showing relative growth under free trade and protection. [Complied from Census Reports.] Wool manu- facture (a) . . . Cotton manu- facture Silk manufac- ture Dyeing and finis hi u g textiles Combined tex- tiles No. --ti-^^t>iSr-icgcqw2Moocoi>i>ci5Qt5ocooi5 (MC-iNMcococococo-'i' ■>9t--tt( ■«ai"*-iji"Tii'mii:)ioiox'CD as t^irai^coi-)003eDc&eDi>ooQt^iooo-»(ioo t*CDO'^pSarOi-(C-CDCDi-l«Dt:2'* Tt!Osci3'WiCrCOiOCDOii0 1--COCO'^.qi MCOcqWcSr-tOOrHi-IOCOCDCQ-^OS ciCf5,'t-;,i>oooiC3C5,M ■^''5. .-XV .f=, -1 i^ % ^ Si ss ■& a, ^ fe rt OJ C^ ^ o d 3s " ^ir 1,^ w^ *Jw "^^ **— ' uu ^j" yj ^j ^^ '^ ^^ w u J I-'* 'm; "i.^ i-n **^ ^*frf k CO 03 A CO a> LO I _- _. in M O OS O t^ t- IC L^ — _ _. . . ,- - C^^'-lOaCO.-lCvI'Vt-'Wt.OaO'^OI-SDi-HOSOOOSt- CJ.i-J.'vSbOSCDiq.i-HOOCDCflt-r-fC^t^'^OaiiJ^OQ^Oq^Oa&l SG55osocqSocoi--«iO'W"inc>oSti3 s 3 s a s ?i g. 51 So ^ q ~ , - ._. CD O y~. - OS O OS CD O t_ , . ^ CD IC CO CD in CD c r c^" « 43 ±; CO CO (M'9i03COCOL. _ c4c5i>iO" a5oi?5oj.6scimCSi-im'^CO'^COl--CDi-H ioootj^l>cDcDCOu^mu^tncocDl'~co c4 eg CO i lOsoi-ieQeo-viccor^cooso—i icosiososososos^as^osoo lOOQOQocoGOooaoaooooococscs 38 xn W Pi J H (11 H a P4 Q< (1< q X >^ M I-) m H i:iH M H W 02 C5 V. P4 E-l PJ S PQ M CD g ^ a a M El, (?• o REPUBT.TCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. c3 o o CO ' "— ' 12 S3 S2 '— LOrHt>rH00«3:DI:-t?^''*l'2'O5? i--ifIoMi-iQTtir~oobciosoi-ica S CT ^ ■^ COaOOtMiMlf3T(4Tj*cO'313CO™^ g ?| 3 1?, s ^ g, ;^ g Si g. s s s rH^nHrHrHi-l.-l.-H.-l!N«N ■* CO 00 ..2§,S t: £s iH £3 cu3c»tegr--cra!:Din)I>mi>-: " "- — eg SI aoQO -^-g; qo^TcTt^-Tc 1 M QO ■ 1^. CO ieQCOOaCCCO-2-HMOi-"*»'MVQOt>Slh~10QO-^ I CO o oa < iMiNcqcoeoeocowMsi^^iO'^iS ■* eo m OS « I> 00 OS i» - CO aS ira CO § i S i i s i -" != S s s 8 §3 g fe s g 2 § s B S ™ " ® S5 s s; s s s e g -" ■' ;£;l g |^.|Bis.«,sl|ii litis llilil .^ r- G13 OS 03 (TO ^ «5 !>;, -tli, -^ OS OS O CD t- — " ?3 VA/ WJ l.^ r- 1 wa uu g.-H CM N ^ rH lii 3 B S K « S i ^ o3 •* t-- cp Q e^^ ( LQ,^05.^t--«3_Q_c §■"• S S £3 o «> ^ iS CO jh- o lllilllllitiilllliii^H. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 3<) s|iil^i§1 lis 11 mil's i!? ills is M 00 r-( -^ «o so -^ Tfl f Si lA -* U3 := I> r-i 53 Ci^ ,-1 !■- O ■' ■ - -i: Sa ::: '3 CO CO QQ i~. c? as 00 OO W I> 03 CO rH fH N (71 C^ CO 5^ Go's < Oi O ^ M O 3 Si -.as. i|l lit a5iEfioos6Ht-OTi-*>-iiAosco.-ic^Or-j^-^i>m^=o g S" ^ gf S a 1^ li? te S S' 13 ?5 8 gf S 3 ft g S S £= i~ ifc ^ «i5 ss I "* 00 ^ o o < ^' 50 tft jC ^ ■ § fe_ ? ;^^ S ; ■ ^ ^L ^. ^ S=l -- Si K. r^ - i^ % I g? So i. ^ So fe i^ c 1 ^ ?i ^ 05 t QD ci5 ■* CO o CO -r S »3S o| g S 3 ^.iS s" s §3 a s a s a t' DO « d^ H _. ._-,_.-.__ _j 06 1(5 (N -^ U2 S^ 05 00 i-HJrMcocoid'N(rifHc4'^«5^t>o(S II a c3S^^; e-ISt--ooooSoci5£-.i-i-^ (£)!©: )co:oooaooocooox'»30( 40 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOXJK. >= ■* CD ^ CO CO L C^ i-H 0_ CD CO "33 !i2 "^ ^ '^ -I • ' l.>l LrfJ i_.J O "iJ 'T' i^ lij iW «^ 0<£> ED C^C2.c5i-J.aj.EDl-;COCi o rH"oi:Mcnt/5"^C9oaaooC3 ioSi5u3-^'*^'*'^COCO=p hOi— IOSO3EDOSC0> sUScOEDt-C-lcDOS- 1- iC ' .CqaSOOrHOOCD'^C^CO^ icoci^acoosHjAcor-jCi SOSO"lC>-H'rKC-lC-ri>''— I l>-rHCO-ri— (fM COCOKvlQ^'^O cqc^^t-.5t-iraf^ciiOMO3^m'5CGb-rHC»c05D ;Si>r-'OOQ0030iOi-(-H!Sico(M^t,°?<^'^2^^'^'~i,^ .•OCR-*rHa3CO>-l-*lOOS'M!nu5COl*'»t:«!SH2SS9?;5SSi2;S ^a:)Q(i(N S^ '£' C4CO co^^oOr-^o;!.loCJ,o^^^<:om■^oo •^inCi CD h- CO 0(NCr>:li"cr-^-H"QD COOO TpOOQOCO "* '" : ^ '-o . ■ — "■ ™ " •" - — — -- — . _- — — . ._ fe; ^ ^ ' £-o(NAi-iJJi--LO-*cooacoiOTHOCO.-iioi:Of-iO"* ^0003 i^i— ' CO 10 '^3,1^ Oi D-J,3«3^1>- >— I OOi-HCO C3_C(3_O5_C0rH '*? ^ ffir-l cpcn-eWl^o'cqo:! C0O'C0CprHC0-^'3'"cru5'cD SocMtMCccDcoi—aai.— Oi— iinoaO-QOcBCicocDcoco. g(^l,'3^l.c5oOfHlcO"^ll,>-tc£5_MOTHc^OGo.-l05.oscoca i^ f-H --HOOi-r>-H"(Ni-(ici>mo(Mii5,QOOOoa5.Q.a(j_ea'^r-iOsQO CO coi.OrHC-rrtsirticc&o c-TcT-^N coooocoip eft-^ COa3CO^-l'-1*"*-*-wOiOiOiO'OiO»0'V'^"*"^CO- CDCco'»i>co ft «^ 5, CD K -^q, S Lil^l(3UUUL)iJIJ>-«Jli«>iJCTi'^J>iJI>'U3'iJ>JJ'4Jy3'^'^0'*l CrH0JC0'-lCDMlCC0'*lf3C000J3'O>-l'*lMr-(mr~-ieOODro30 K4^U:i t~C»TO^^Ci5^TI< -^^-^ COt)]^^ f-<0OI^«»QliCT)Ci .iMi-^?oi-^fl3cooo-*-*C3«— ir^-iico— icoeocoTjfCiio ooocoi--oi^i>-ioas>— iooijT'TO,— (f— (C^ioat^QOirac^o OMb- ^MlOOlOlOI>COCO'"-rL.'fo oTiO Csft-TcDOO t^QO SoiC'>i-7'aDr-i'^-voo oOiQiO^mO^OCsgpCOOSMCit-CD— (lO-^COd-vSK 01- CM .-. cDOai5.(rio5,io cocooQ,c5_cffloj.a>^5'^ a ^ )R ?e S2 ^^ ■:?'■ 12 Ji? 3 SS d :>T IS S" S =; t fc s ?< «f « 3'-JlOCD05CO'*OlOincD iccoir2coirriocD^i>cDi* s g e. s 8. s K s Si s. s GO Oico i>ort>ooi— f>— I oTo 1 U5 ! I ao E /, G M t) M *i fit rt 5g: "U *T< CO to CO rfeTC---04CD,,. . __-_-. a i-^TfH i>,-rio:Diocoi--oJ'c:^ ^-HOi-HuttOSMCDiO-' ■-' Fqi-i— icD«5r--c::o-^ §§§iii§ai§sgs"2g :: 3 2 S S te S a ^_ E: S S5. § 2 3 3 § t s s. 3 53. S g| i g g 3 I ; g O 1 7 CD tj CO OD ' O S JM r-j -2! 3; CD ^ ira 00 f^ 00 5|_ r* ■*mcO'!f<"y<^'*coiX'io=o-V'*"diotDioiob- ^ S O 00 rH TH O i-H CO ■ P lO 00 CO tN M g't>OQ"t}iCOOt— ICON 2S2 oo^cToTcD oTaoM !NCO(NCO(MC^OICNc5cO REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 41 9 1 q n o O H I Oi 30 Ci SO ! 1 c5 cl 08 o f SgSl §0 b- ■* CO IN O t>. O So l-~ O lO CO rH U, .., _ ..... ™ _... — »- - o Tji i^t^o ■^^oc5 cr- do ^cS^oso^iCC QiX>=DO(MCDQCpTt«OT}l(MiM(MCaeqSSC5E ^OroSDCOOil-(NCQS'^5S'-l03l-*l^OiCO!^ODO» lsEiiSigiilll§sii^g|ii ■§ S 3 53 S S S S Ss g g S s rt 5!- ?. 7H o 5 u, s s I t* 00 CO fc; I L 03 O OS -1 1-1 . w .-1 ■o-i.-^i — lO^lOSOfH cocaapr-oqcDcccvioacD (Ni-IOQ,C4U2,IOCCCO^ o r^ -qi i CO lO lO ' CO CO ■* ( lOiinCD-qi-^CQOSi-l'*!.,^-.. __ I CD OS iH (N J— r-( CD en IC M" I— CS t» Oi ■-— — . ' ^^^^ OS<»cO OSCJ C^C5,I~;.cqci:' comi'^i^ )CDi-ICDOCPQlOCOOSCDOi-lrH-^(Nr-l'-"' 'OOOOC^QOOaOlO«5l.-000 1.-5i-HOOTtiTfiTH, ; g g S fesa as IgSS! 888! . l^ 1(5. O l- c ; § ?8 S S g 12 E I !M 1^ -w Tti r-i m ! :8l3i § S S S if?_ o 00 " j^ in cs, ) S CO J. -1 c^' ^^^ L^ w.^ v.^ U(_; UU W^ 1*1 ^-^^ IwFd UU ^-1 '^ ^J UJ '^^^ <^^ ^»^ COCOODCOCOCOCOoSoSoOCOCOSSCQCQ'^lSUS ■gggggg s_ ^ n5_ o C3 'V ^ ■ r-( 08 O S "b t^ CO O 05, ^ (^ i-H. I CO QO QD S 06 QO So ( i tri rri fri rry rr* ^ri r-^ r CO OS OS 03 OS OS ds i nK 1-^ ~~ ru-. Of, -(N r^ . 43 EEI'UBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BO.OK. 'irtsrar-7si3CcasNeo^(Mn2;q;MiM ^ ^ -(. - "5. = C- i-H ■* O t~ ^ a s! ss =! l2 ; lal lA -^ X> » <33 N tn I 3 t; ^ ^_ S & •# ^j- n. ^^ * "^ ^^ ^*. " T- T> ^> ^ J- ^ *. "i " ^5i " ~%. ^!. J. ^— «BuoMOTmt>K^oco!abi30&>sC:S;ffi?2?3'29SJS tuNdCMCTcTfMCOCCCOCOCOCO COM CQMOTSO'^^V V ^§1 h ^ ' r U3 :-f ^ ^ i I -H TJi 03 tH ( I o c^ O o:> < ) CD 00 1-1 I . _j. — - , i -rfl Ca CO S2 QO CO 00 t» C > CO QO ' '^ se 2 ff' c'' w^fe tft eg «o eg od Q I ^ ^ £3 ,^ - • I Lb I -J » ! 9 S 8 3 g g S S *2 H S? a" §2 .=6 != B" S S 11,894,223 12,504,970 12,201,769 13,666,002 15,507,481 18,564360 19,327,416 18,489,194 16,300,503 14,857,048 12,594,820 13,181,330 11,283,140 16,721369 12,009,752 16,229,992 24,589,217 15,160,066 13,39BJ,7S ll,96i,826 9,960,769 12,289,647 11,875350 12,214,118 12,295,417 16,909,742 Barley. S7316342 18,027,746 24,948,127 20,298,164 20,792,213 20,264,015 18,415339 27,794,229 27,997324 27,367,-522 24,402,691 21,629,130 24,454301 28,714,444 30,090,742 38,862,513 30,768,015 29,420,423 29,779,170 32,867,696 31,840,-510 29,464390 37,672,082 32,614,271 42,140,602 45,470,342 38,026,062 gS,7^9,8S6 '27,m,K7 29„11g,J.lS 22,1,91^1,1 25,142,139 23,064369 29394,254 21,075,271 49,705,163 •Democratic and low-tariff years 44 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. WHAT PKOTECTIOW HAS ACCOMPLISHED— THE EECORD OF SUBSTANTIAL RESULTS IN MATERIAL CONDI- TIONS. [From the American Ecoaomist.] President McKinley in his message to the extra session of Con- gress March ,15, 1807, referred first to the necessity of ample rev- enue, "not only for the ordinary expenses of the Government, but for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the liquidation of the principal and interest of the public debt." The President found the Treasury in a Democratic condition- that is, a most deplorable condition. The free-trade Wilson-Gorman law had created a yearly deficit and President Cleveland had sold bonds four different times amounting altogether to $362,000,000. To show the revenue under the Wilson-Gorman law and the Dingley law the following table has been prepared: Year ending June 30— Customs receipts. - Total Receipts. 1895 , $152,158,617 160,021,752 176,554,127 8813,390,075 826,976,200 347,721,905 1896 ^ 1897 162,911,499 829,562,727 1898 149,576,062 206,128,481 233,164,871 238,491,789 252,000,000 405,321,335 515,960,620 567,220,851 585,752,067 1899 1900 1901 '. 1902 * 650,000,000 215,872,241 524,854,975 *P^stlmateji from ten months. The above average of customs duties under the Dingley law would be much larger but for the small amount of the year ending June 30, 1898, the first year of the law. It must be remembered that during the few months preceding its enactment enormous quantities of foreign goods were imported to anticipate the higher duties, but the average for the last three years is over $240,000,000, or $80,000,000 more than the average of the Wilson-Gorman law. Although customs duties do not regulate our internal revenue, yet the latter is affected to a great measure by a wise tariff law. Protection makes prosperity. It gives employment and high wages, and consequently increases the purchasing power and eonsumptioti of the people, and the greater the consumption of certain luxuries the greater the internal revenue. Twice have the war taxes been repealed, $70,000,000 or more altoy;etlier, and yet our revenue is REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 45 sufficient for the expenses of the'Govemment, although expenses have been largely augmented by the results of the war and normal Increases in every department. We have already paid the Spanish war debt, we are reducing our national debt every month, and we have refunded a large part of our interest-bearing debt into 3 per cents. ^ "Uncle Sam" is the only one on earth who can borrow money at 2 per cent and the bonds be at a premium at that. In other words, the Dingley law as a reveniie measure has proved to be the most successful of all our protective tariffs, and as com- pared or contrasted with the law of 1894 and previous free-trade laws it is simply a case of plus or minus — surplus or deficit: Employment and Wages. — Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, estimated that over 3,000,000 men were out of employment during the free-trade period from 1893 to 1897. He also stated that the wages of those employed had been constantly forced down, adding this sound economic doctrine: "It is agreed by all that the wage earners are the principal con- sumers of American products, and it necessarily follows that a' reduction in wages involves a diminution in the power of con- sumption and consequently a proportionate decrease in production, and naturally, also, in the force of labor required for the produc- tion. A reduction of wages, therefore, results in an increase in the army of the unemployed." In 1899 Mr. Gompers, in his annual report, referred to the revival of industry as a matter for general congratulation, and to-day it is claimed that no man in the country who is worthy and willing tt> work need be out of employment. This is the lesson of the two tariffs — the difference between free-trade and protection. What does it mean to have 3,000,000 men idle? At ,$3 per day it means a loss of $1,800,000,000 a year in wages, or $9,000,000,000 in five years. That is more than all the gold and silver in the world. It means a loss of $3,000 each to 3,000,000 families, and $3,000 will pay for a lot of food, a lot of clothes, a lot of education, a lot of comfort. But this is not the only charge to make against the Wilson-Gor- man free-trade law. For those who had work there were short hours, short weeks, and short months, even at reduced wages. Our farmers lost $4,500,000,000 from 1893 to 1897, while the depreciation of all values, the loss of dividends and general incomes cannot be estimated, all due to the fact that we were employing others to do much of our work, or it was not being done at all. ■Happily, however, we can turn from those awful years to the past five* years under the Dingley law. With employm.ent for all and with increased wages we find oxii home market demanding all wa 46 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. can produce. Not for a month, hot for a year, but year after year, with no sig-n of abatement. Labor in the United States was never so well off as it is to-day, never so fully employed, never so well paid. Not even the most pessimistic free-trader will deny that. And this condition of our masses is the foundation, the framework, and the whole structure of prosperity. It is this great purchasing power of our wage-earners that is to-day keeping our mills busy, our railroads running to their very highest capacity, our farmers re- warded to the limit of their industry, and our great army of clerical, professional, and mercantile workers fully occupied with liberal recompense. Every person who toils with hand or head belongs to our great army of labor, and each and every one, no matter in what line of work engaged, is beneilted by the tariff law now in opera- tion, and will be so long as that law is undisturbed. Not only are we all employed at high wages, but all over the country hours of labor have been shortened, so that the working- man has an extra hour or two to spend with his children, to work in the garden, to read and enjoy the delights of life and home. From every view point, then, the laborer is better off under Ding- lejism than under free-trade. Tables of figures to show this are useless, for the fact is known and accepted by all. Not alone in the factory, but on the farm is labor in demand and well rewarded. The dollar-a-day average of u few jears ago has given place to a $2-a-day rate, while thousands are receiving $3, $4, and even $5 a day for manual labor and splendid salaries for clerical and professional work. Tliis will continue so long as we continue to do our own Work, and that is insured b}' t\\e Ding-ley, law, which protects American labor and industry. Our Postal Revenues. — No^vliere is the effect of protection or fi-oe-trade — prosperity or adversity — so apparent as in our postal revenues. It would seem as if no one coukl be so poor as 1o have to forego the 2-cent stamp, that no matter how poor business got the 1-cent circular could still be sent out. Consequently our postal revenue should always show a constant increa,se to keep pace with population. Following is a table showing our total postal rev- enues for the past fourteen fiscal years: 1880 $56,175,611 1890; _, 60,882,097 1891 65,931,786 1893, 70,930,476 1893.. 73,896,933 1894 75,080,479 1896 76,983,128 1896 $82,499,208 1897 : 82,665,463 1898 89,012,619 1899 95,021,384 1900 102,354,579 1901 111,031,193 1903* 132,680,0(10 * Estimated IVom len mouths. REPUBLTCAX CAMPAIGN TJiXT-nOOTC. , 47 It nill be scon tlint from 1880 to 1893 there is a constant increase of about $5,000,000 a year. In 1H94 tliere is an aetual decrease, and still no material increatie tlie year following-. In TH96 there is a sub- stantial increase, bnt a standing still the year following, so that the average annual increase for the fonr years from 1893 to 1897 is only $1,689,633, which, couBiderins' the inerea.se in population, is ,a falling off. Now look at the increase since the passage of the Dingley law — over $40,000,000, or an average of $8,000,000 a year- -and this largely -made up from the sale of 1 and 2 cent stamps." A little thing is a postage stamp compared with a locomotive, and yet It has its place io our social and commercial life. We are increasing our postal expenditures largely every year, and yet our revenue is increasing at a still greater rate, so that we may soon look for a self-support- ing department and then for 1-ceTit postage. Eural free delivery is being extended to every part of the country, giving the fancier at his very door his daily mail; the daily paper, the daily weather and crop rejMjrtB, and making him more intelligent, more expert, and more prosperous. And so "protection carries its beneffts and blessings in the letter envelope and newspaper wrapper as well as on the rails and water ways. The Telegraph, and Telephone. — Time was when the telegraph message may have been considered a liixurj', but for many years it has been a necessity, and is as much an indication of prosperity or adversity as the weather vane is an indication of the direction of the wind. The la'rge business house must resort to the tele- graph many times a day, while the individual knows the value of- saving a few hours, sometimes a few minutes, in important trans- actions. The following table shows the receipts of the Western Union Telegraph Company for the past fourteen fiscal- jears: 1889 $30,783,194 1890 22,387,039 1891 23,034,327 1893 23,706,405 1893 r 24,978,443 1894 .- 21,852,655 1895 22,218,019 1896 $32,612,736 1897 .^ 22,638,859 1898 .' 33,915,733 1899 23,954,312 1900 24,758,570 1901 26,354,151 1902* 27,850,000 * Estimated. It will be seen that up to 1893 there was a constant increase. From 1893 to 1897 there was a decrease, while from 1897 there has been not only ti recovery of the business lost during the free- trade Wilson-Gorman tariff, but a very substantial increase. This great increase during- the operation of the Dinglej' tariff, it must be remembered, has been gained in spite of an enormous 48 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. advance in telei>hone business. Besides the constantly increasing business of the Western Union Company there has been a propor- tionate increase in the business of the Postal Telegraph Company and over railroad and private wires. The increase in telephone business can be seen from the following • figures of subscribers and employes since 1894: Calendar year. 1895 . 1896. Average annual increase. 1899 1900 1901 Average annual increase. Subscribers. Employees.. 237,186 10,^1 24S,432 11^94 281,695 / IIW 825,2« 1442.3 29353 1,335 884,230 16,682 465480 19,668 632,946 25,741 6^85 Nearly five times the average annual increase under the protec- tive Dingley tariff as under the free-trade Wilson-Gorman tariff. It will be interesting' in this connection to compare the annual number of telephone messages in different countries. They were as follows, according to the latest statistics: Austria-Hungary, 1899 ". 116,724,879 Russia, 1898 103,426,088 Germany, 1899 540,324,386 France, 1898 141,226,883 Great Britain, 1900 639,476 448 United States, 1901 ' 2,300,000,000 The United States does more telephoning than all the rest of the world'Combined at a rate of ftrom 5 to 10 cents a message. All this has been made possible by the great prosperity brought to the country by the Dingley tariff. Bailroad Business. — Free-traders insist on calling our great railroad business one of our non-protected industries, and yet there is no single industry in the country so dependent on the tariff for profitable business. This is clearly seen in the record during the last five years under the Dingley law as compared with the figures under the free-trade Wilson-Gorman law. Then a large proportion of the roads of the country were in the hands of re- ceivers; now only about 1 per cent, of the roads of the country are in receivers' hands. Then the railroad business of the country was, to say the least, in pretty bad shape; now the business is limited only by facilities to handle the freight offered. We have just passed the 200,000 mark in railroad milenn-e. This REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 4B means total miloag-e of- railroad systems. Of total track we have about 280,000 miles. This represents a cai>ital of $13,000,000,000, with annual earning-s of $1,500,000,000. A total of 600,000,000 pas- sengers are carried annually and over 1,100,000,000 tons of freight. More than 1,000,000 men are employed, with annual wages exceed- ing $600,000,000. The following table will show the comparison of certain statistics during the three/ years of the free-trade Wilson- Gorman law and the first three years of the Dingley law: Free-Trade Tariff Period. Years. Freight carried, tons. Miles built. Dividends paid. Gross receipts. Wages paid. Number of employ- ees. Freight rate per toQ mile. 1895 1896 1897 755,799,883 773,868.716 788,385,448 1,650 1,704 1318 881,685,774 81,528,154 88,680,040 $1,092,895,437 1,125,682,025 1,132,866,626 8445,508,261 468,824^31 465,601,581 785,084 826,620 828,476 Cent. .839 .806 .798 Average. 772,684,682 1,724 82,297,969 1,116,964,696 459,978,124 811,710 .814 Protective TarifE Period. 1808 1899 1900 1901 912,973,853 975,789,941 1,071,481,919 2,215 8,966 8,503 6,057 8,685 111 ■ 81,249,858,724 1,836,090,879 1,501,695,878 $495,056,618 522,967,896 677,264,841 874,658 928,924 1,017,658 .758 .724 .729 Average. 986,731,904 114,771,144 1,862,450,227 631,762,785 940,878 .786 But this contrast, marked as it is, by no means shows the dif- ference betweenathe effect of free-trade and protection upon our railroad affairs. The statistics for 1901 have not yet been pub- lished, but it is kno^vn they are much in advance of those of 1900, while those of 1903 will show a still greater advance. There is 50 per cent, more railroad business being done now each year under the Dingley law than the average annual business done under the Wilson-Gorman law. There is also an increase of 50 per cent, in total amount of wages now paid. The amount of miles built annually has trebled and the increase in dividends is most satisfactory. But what of the passenger and shipper? The pas- senger is paying less and the freight rate has fallen 13 per cent. That the result is due in large measure to protection is shown by the fact that last year, while our corn crop and potato and apple crop were so small, relatively, but little of those staples were shipped, still tlie railroad -business of the country was the great- est in our history. Coal was being carried to the busy mills, maa- 4 50 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK- ufactiires were being- carried to the consumers, and luxuries to the prospei-ous people from Maine to California, from the Lakes to the (Julf. And this immense business was done, too, in the face of the euornious expansion of trolley lines in every part of the Union, deriving a larg-e share of passenger traffic and small , freigit business. Failures. — No matter how healthful the commnnity, there will always be illness and death, but the death rate will vary according to conditions. There will always be business troubles and sus- pensions and failures, but their number will vary according to tariff conditions. A study of the failures for the past ten years carries with it a most significant lesson. The following table shows the number of failures and amount of liabilities for the calendar years 1892-1901, inclusive, as reported by R. G. Dun & Co.: Year. Number of failures. Amount of liabUities. 1892 10,344 • 18,197 15,088 18,351 12,186 9,387 10,774 11,002 $114,044,167 846,770,889 172,S92,85() 178496*60 228*96,834 154,882,071 180*62399 _ 90,879389 188,495,673 113*92378 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 , 1898 1899 1900 1901 It will be seen that both the nuinber and amount of liabilities in 1892 were normal, but coming free-trade was assured by the elec- tions of that year, and the result in the business world is shown by - the increased number of failures in 1893 and the labilities of over three times the amount of the preceding year. In 1894 and 1895 they fell off somewhat, but were still abnormally high, and in 1896 the figures were again enormous. Those four years were anxious ones for every business concern, and fortunate indeed was the indi- vidual or concern that went through without suspension or failure. But with the enactment of the Dingley law in July, 1897, came hope and confidence, and the result is seen in the lesser number of failures and the decreased amount of liabilities. The year 1898 was still better, and 1899 was a record brealier for low failures and liabilities, as 1893 had been for high figures. The j-ears 1900 and - 1901 remained at normal number i.nd amount, and in this connec- tion it must be remembered that there were many thousand more concerns doing business these later, years as compared with the former years, so that the comparison is the more remarkable. A lan-ge proportion of the railroads of the country were in the hands REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 51 of receivers in 1895 and 1896. Not 1 per cent, is in receivers' hands to-day. During tlie free-trade period the amount of liabilities in failures exceeded $1,000,000,000. During the four f\ill years under the Dingley law the anaount has been less than half that sum with an immense increase in business concerns and capital employed. This is what protection has accomplished in this most unfortunate part of business enterprise. While the nation that has dared to be great, that has had the _wiH and the power to change the destiny of the ages, in the end must die, yet no leas surely the nation that has played the part of the weakling must also die; and, -whereas the nation that has done nothing leaves nothing behind it, the nation that has done a great work really continues, though in changed form, forever- more. — Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Hinneapolis, September 2, 1901. It is because we believe with all our heart and soul in the great- ness of this country, because we feel the thrill of hardy life in our veins, and are confident that to us is given the privilege of playing a leading part in the century that has just opened, that we hail with eager delight the opportunity to do whatever task Providence may allot us. — Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Min- neapolis, September 2, 1901. It is not only highly desirable, but necessary, that there should be legislation which fehall carefully shield the interests of wage- workers, and which shall discriminate in favor of the honest and humane employer by removing the disadvantage under which he stands when compared with unscrupulous competitors who have no conscience, and will do right only under fear of punishment.— Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1801. Nor can legislation itop only with what are termed labor ques- tion*. Th« vast Individual and corporate fortunes, the vast com- binations of capital, whlcb have marked the development of our industrial system, create new conditions and necessitate a change from the old attitude of the State and nation toward property.— Theodore Boosevelt, In speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. Corporations engaged in Interstate commerce should be regu- lated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. — President Roose- velt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1901. LABOB. LABOR LEGISLATION IN BEPtTBLICAN AND SZXOOXATIO STATES. There is no better way of judging the merits of a political party tlian by the laws which are passed by the legislatera who are elected to office from it« ranks. With regard to le^slation for the protection of the workers much remains to be done before they re- ceive their full measure of protection and justdoe, but as can be shown by the statistics of the diffeirenit States, nearly all protective labor legislation in the United States was first enacted by Repub- lican States, and then adopted by way of imitation by the Demo- cratic States. At the present tdmie, that is, up to the! close of 1901, the proportion of Republican States havingf protective labor legislar^ tiou is much greater than that of Democratic States. This is plainly shown in the following' two tables: Not only must our labor be protected by the tarifE, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, con3.ing freely, yet represent- a standard ef living so de- pressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with this end in view, to reenact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in ord«r to make its enforcement entirely effective. — President Boosevelt, in message to Congress, Decetnber 3, 1901. The Government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under "fair" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold it by proper inspection, extending, if necessary, to the subcoatraotors. Ths Gevsmment should for- bid all night work tor women and ehlldTMi, as well as excesslT* overtime. — President Boosevslt, In message to Congress, Decembei 8, 1901. American wags-workers work with thsir heads as well as their hands. Moreovsr, thsy take a keen pride In what thsy art dsing; so that. Independent of the reward, thsy wish to turn out • per- fect Job. This Is ths great secret of oar success is oompstltlOB with ths labor of forslga eountrlss.— rrssidtat Roossvslt, tti mes- sage to Congress, Dscsmbsr 8, 1801. IS REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. S3 t 3 1 •«awis UBOiiqndaa va%o% JO }uaa jaj S s s s s S & S; CO i-H ■SBiBjs iBjox ass 2 Sg52S33 ^ -SajuiOiSAv ; ; » ««■••• ■UTsaoosiAV »•» » ♦»#»:* •BtniS.ijA }S9Ai. • « * « « « ) * • ■aoaSajctSBAV * * « * • » »' » ■luooijaA ■qwjn ; • 1 : » # » •B»03[Bci qinos • » « ■ * pnisisi apoqa * * 1 » 1 * * •BiaBAi^snn»i •noSaio ■omo «*• # **#»** ■BIOJJBCT HIJOM # : • • #•!::» TIJOi il9N • ** • -fti**** "Xasjaf MBM • •; • •«*••* •a.HqsdraBH -liaM * • ■ * * « * ■BJtsBJdiaM « * • » * * » TSjosanaiiv . • tt* «y*«* » ■m«3moiiii » » -' » • « • « j •sjiesnqOflsWK « • • « » * • • • •au[uw tt * • • « •SBsaBH « * • • « » • * TSiiOI • * i • : * • ■■BU'BIPUI •Bioniiii • •* * *»■««• •aitii^viaa i • i » • ■ • ■ •jnoHoanaoo # » • • # » » • ■ •BjaiojiiBO tt * « « « » # i 1 e a 1 so « 3 i 1 8 ■eating factory Inspection services . . . itahllshlng »n eight-hour day 'Ohlblting employment of children under 12 years of age m factories ohlblting employment of children i s i • 'O o ; a i 1 a 1 ^ ^ g § 8 ' is •s ; 5 1 III til REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. S3';i31S onBJ®o*o9(T s r- a Si fS s 5 -1 ? t- • li^ici JO inao J9d - ■B3»-B»8 veioj, c « lO CO SC >- 00 ^^ 00 M BIHI3.IIA » •; It * ■B«X3J, - OJ ■aaasaaaaj:, _, * tt « « « • • i^ •Bunojco qinog » * A •BniioJBO qjjojsi « • o . e - -BpBAaN ' 1 0) •BaB^uoiv * o 'Ijnossiw * » t » t * * ■iJdXSSissiM - 1 •^a'eiS.i'BW K- It « t c ? p ■S a ■BUBlsinoq * * * K It * ^ a b c8 ■i>lDnia9ji * )r It * 1 ^ •oq^pi * ft ^ » •■BiSjoao * •s? •BpiJOM W 1 ^ ■opBJotoj * » » » * » "5 4)" ■&■§ •SBsa'BJi.iv » !-. J3 •BuiEq^iv K- A ft o 2 ■5 ^ •M N ki OJ ~ : * ■ ,s • p ■Jj ^ ^ . a » S a : a ■0 b> t>i c s r 13 ■o c X a - x] iq Q o £ fe ^ ■a tM t- 6 ^ 1 a t < OJ c 1 f 4^ a flu p t ? o ^ rr 1 J 4: 21 Si! 1 a r ■* > 2 CO 1 s Q \ } c X 6 1 i " a 1 3 i 1 a "1 I I C s 3S e t P 5 r 3 ■ *■ pS: oS ' t 1 r U> 0) o t- £ CL Cd ai a. Q: 1 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 55 The first table shows all the States which were Republican at the time of the last State elections, and the second table all those which were Democratic. The stars (*) show the States which have enacted the leg-islation indicated on the left of the tables. An ex- Jimination of these tables presents an interesting lesson in prac- tical polities. We shall take up in' rotation each of the more im- portant subjects of labor leg-islation, a»d see which States have done the most for the workingman. Labor Bureaus. — There are few agencies which have done more toward giving a clear insight into the problems of labor and cap- ital, that have brought employer and employee nearer together, that have furnished the laboring people with facts for arguments in favor of~|)rotective legislation, than bureaus of labor and labor statistics. The above tables show that at present there are 31 State lajjor bureaus in the United States. Of these, 21 are in Republican States and 10 are in Democratic Slates. Reducing these figures to a proportionate basis, we find tl\at 21 out «f 37 Republican States, or 78 per cent, have labor bureaus; 10 out of 18 Bemocratic States, or 56 per cent, have labor bureaus. Factory Itispection Seuvioe.— It is well known to all working people that protective labor laws are practically a dead letter in any State unless there is a factory inspection service organized for the purpose of searching out and bringing to justice persons who violate such laws. It is easy enough to enact protective legis- lation, but iVis another thing to enforce it. If a State therefore enacts such law-s and fails to org-anize a service for their enforce- ment, it is betraying those whom it pretends to favor. Let us again observe the tables. We find that 20 out of 27 Republican States, or 74 per cent, have established factory inspection services. We also' - find that 3 out of 18 Democratic States, or 1'7 per cent, have factory inspection services. In examining the other subjects of labor legis- lation wjjich fallow we must not lose sight of the fact that only 3 of the Democratic States have factory inspection services organ- ized for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of the labor laws which will be under consideration. • Eight-hour Law.— For many years labor organizations have been endeavoring to secure legislation prohibiting labor on Gov- ernment works or public contracts for over eight hours per day. They have succeeded thus far in securing such legislation in 21 of the 45 States of the Union. Of these 21 States 16 are" Repub- lican and 5 are Democratic. In other words, of the 27 Republican States, 59 per cent have enacted the eight-hour law, and of the 18 Democratic States, only 5, or 28 per cent, have yielded to the de- niaiuls of the lab"r orcraniza*'-:;! in this regard. 56 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Child Labor in Factories.— Ever since the introduction of the factory system, over a century ag-o, the greatest sufferers from the greed of inconsiderate and cruel employers have been the helpless children, who often at a tender ag-e are, placed in factories and are ruined physically, morally, and mentally -by their work, their surroundings, and their loss of opportunity for education. It is a principle recog-aized in all civilized countries that children under 12 years of age should not be employed in factories, and in nearly all European countries laws have been passed placing a limit of 13 or 14 years upon such child labor. In our country 24 out of the 45 States prohibit the employment of children vtnder 12 years ol age from working in factories. Of these 24 States 18 are Repub- lican and 6 are Democratic! In other words, two-thirds of all the Republican States and only one-third of the Democratic States have laws prohibiting children under 12 years of age from workijig in factories. Child Labor in Mines. — Twenty-two States prohibit the employ- ment of children under 12 years of age in mines. Of these, 16 are Republican and 6 are Democratic States. Woman Labor.— Next to the children^ the greatest victims of abuse by g'reedy employers when unrestrained by law are women. Investigations have shown that their condition is sometimes pitiful where, employers are given free scope in their employment. Their protection, in the interests of humanity and morals, has also been the subject of legislation in nearly all civilized countries. In the United States 30 States have legislated upon this subject. Of these 30 States, 23 are Republican and 7 are Democratic! Reducing these figures to a proportionate basis we find that 85 per cent of the Republican States and only 39 per cent of the Democratic States have laws regulating woman labor. Seats for Females in Shops. — Legislation on this subject needs no comment. Any man who has a daughter or sister emplpyed in a shop or store, and every physician, knows what a hardship it is to a woman to be compelled to stand all day at a bench or behind a countei-. Fortunately in 26 States legislation has been enacted requiring employers to provide seats for females. Of these 26 States, 18 are Republicans and 8 are Democratic. Sweatshop Legislation. — There is no greater menace to the health of the working people, and nothing which tends more to lower and degrade human being's, than to crowd them together in small, filthy workshops, \\'here they «re often compelled to work, eat, and sleep without regard to health or morals, and where the hours of labor are often so long that the victims, who are usually foreigners unacquainted with our language, are shut out fnom all opportunities for education or betteria^ent of any kind. The^sfigjggl;^ REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 67 observed in these shops bj' official investigators have -been revolting beyond description. Long ago efforts have been made to regulate these so-called "sweatshops," and 12 States have enacted laws look- ing to this end. Of these 12 States 10 are Republican aod 2 are Democratic. Nothing more need be said on this point. 'Truck System. — The only »important labor legislation in which the proportion of Democratic States approaches that of the Re- publican is in the prohibition of the truck system. This legisla- tion prohibits employers from paying their employees in scrip or orders on their company stores, and which are not redeemable in cash. At present 31 States have such laws in force, of which 13 are Republican and 8 are Democratic, or 48 per cent of all the Re- publican and 44 per cent of all the Democratic Sitates. Convict-Made Goods. — The competition of conviot-made goods with the products of honest labor is another subject upon which the working people have long sought to secure protective legisla- tion. In 14 States the sale of convict-made goods is regTilated by law. Of fhese 11 are Republican and 3 are Democratic. This is conclusive evidence that it is not the Democratic party which is the "working-man's friend." Acts speak louder than words. LABOR LAWS OF THE TTNITBD STATES. Who Enacted Them? — The great revolution, by which labor was exalted and the country freed from the curse of slavery, was ac- complished by the Republican party against the fiercest opposition possible by the combined forces of the Democrats and their allies. The Cooley Trade Prohibited. — This law was passed February 19, 1862; amended February 9, 1869; and fupther amended March 3, 1875. President Grant] in his message of December 7, 1874, laid before Congress a recommendation for the enforcement of the law. The legislation on these several acts was accomplished by the Re- publicans in 1863, in the Thirty-seventh Congress, and in 1869, in the Fortieth 'Congfress, Peonage Abolished.— This act was passed in the Thirty-nipth Congress, when both Houses were Republican by a large majority, March 2, 1867. Inspection of Steam Vessels.^Passed during the Fortieth Con- gress, when the Republicans were in power in both Houses. Protection of Seamen. — Passed during the Forty-second Congress, when both Houses were under control of the Republicans. It was amended during the Forty-third Congress, when the Republicans ' were in control of both Houses. 58 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. -^ Involuntary Servitude of Foreigners Abrogated. — Passed during^ the Forty-third Cong-ress, when both Houses were under the con- trol of the Republicans. Alieki Oontra^ct Labor. — Contract-labor lavv passed the House March 9, 1886. All the votes against the bill were Democratic.^ Incorporation of Watianal Trades Unions. — Passed the Senate June 9, 1886, without divisioH. Passed the House June 11, 1886 without division. ' Payment of Per Diem Employees for Holidays. — Passed without division in the Forty-ninth Congress, second session. Labor of United States Convicts — Contract System Prohibited.— Passed the House March 9, 1886. Passed the Senate February 28 1887. All the votes against the bill were Democratic. Boards of Arbitration.— Passed the House oh April 3,, 1886, .vnth thirty votes against the bill, all being Democratic. Hours of Labor, Letter-Carriers. — Law limiting letter-carriers to eight hours a day passed- in the Senate without division. Department of Labor.— Passed the House April 19, 1888'. Passed the Senate May 28, 1888. All votes cast against the bill were Demo- cratic. Alien Contract Labor.— Passed the House during the Fifty-first Congress without division August 30, 1890. Passed the Senate with j verbal amendments September_g7, 1890. ,' LABOB CONDITIONS UNDEB, REPUBLICAN AND DEMO- CBATIC ADMINISTRATIONS. The only way in which a fair^dea tnay be obtained of the actual conditions of labor at any time is by careful, impartial investiga- tion. This fact was reeogniKcd when the United States Government and the governments of most of the different States of the Union and of the countries of Europe established bureaus'of labor sta- tistics. Before such bureaus were established it was practically impossible to secure information regarding labor conditions that was not open to criticism on account of the partisanship or per- sonal bias of the persons presenting the same. Now, however, careful scientific investisntions have replaoed the unreliable and superficial work of irresponsible investigators. During recent years a number of State labor bureaus, particularly those in States having considerable manufacturing interests, have published from year 1o year information showing, amon^ 'other thiiig.'^, Ilic number of persons cni|)loyed in leading industries, the total and avoraso wages paid employoss, the number of days eltab- lislinienls were in operation during the year, tlie value of proiluctg, REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 59 V etc. Such statistics enable one to see froni year to year the degree of prosperity or depression in Industry, and their effects upon labor, etc. In the present statistical discussion of labor conditions nothing but offlcial figures have been used, flgTires which may easily be com- pared for verification with the original Government reports. These figures show tha,t during the administrattons of Presidents MclCin- ley and Eoosevelt there were more persons employed in industrial establishments, more money was paid in wages to Employees, the average ycJirly earnings of wage worUers were higher, and estab- lishments were in operation a greater number oi days per year than at any time during Democratic rule. The statistics from which these coneUisions are drawn are shown and discussed sep- arately for each State for which comparative data could be ob- tained. ' . lELINOlS LABOR REP0ET8. In the biennial reports of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of Illi- nois the industrial conditions are shown for recent years in 627 identical establishments, representing 38 industries. No information for years later than 1899 has yet been published. Tables are shown comparing conditions in the years 1895, 1897, and 1899. From the table showing the average number of employees it is seen that tliese 627 establishments employed 22,466 .persons in 1895; in 1S97 the number had increased to 23,567, a gain of 1,101 employees or 4.90 per cent. In 1899, 29,166 persons were employed, a' gain of 5,599 or 23.76 per cent over 1897, and a gain of 6,700 persons or 29.82 per cent over 1895. Or, presenting it in another w-ay, for every 100 persons furnished employment by these establishments in 1893, 130 persons are now employed. The table presenting total wages shows $8,800,033 paid m wages by the 627 establishments in 1895. In 1897 this amount had in- creased $535,886 or 5.47 per cent. The year 1899 shows an increase of $3,540,340 or 34.25 per cent over 1897, and an increase over 1895 Qf $4'o76,'226 or 41.59 per cent. That is, for every $100 paid for labor in these establishments in 1897, the employees in 1899 received $141.59. In the 627 establishments the average yearly earnings in 1895 were $436.22, in 1897 $438.58, an increase of $2.36 or 0.54 per cent. In 1899 the earnings increased $37.19 or 8.48 per cent over 1897, and $39 5'5 or 9.07 per cent over 1895. The average number of days in operation in 1897 increased 2.7C days or 1 08 per cent over 1895. In 1899 they were in operation 2.70 days or 1.04 per cent more than in 1897, and 5.4G days or 2.13 per cent more than in 1895. 6* REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. These tables show that for every 100 persons employed in 1896 the same estab- lishments in 1899 employed ISO persons. That for every $100 paid in wages in 1895, $141.69 were paid in 1899. That while in 1896 SS,466 persons were furnished employment at an average yearly earning of f4S6.SS these same eslab- lishmenis in 1899 furnished employment to S9, 166 persons ai an average yearly earning of $476.77 ; that is, the employers paid an average of $39.66 more to all the employees who could be famished work in 1896, and furthermore employed 6,700 more persons at $476.77 each. These tables also show that while in 1895 but SS,466 persofis could be furnished work for S66.90 days, in X899 S9,16e persons' were furnished employment for $61.36 days. The -tables follow: Six hundred and twenty-seven identical establishments, representing 38 industries, [Compiled from the biennial reports of the Bureau of Labor Statletlce of IlllnoU.] INCREASE IN NUMBER OF PERSONS EMPLOYED. Year. Average number of person^ employed. Increase as compared with previous year shown. Increase as compared with the year"f895. Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. 1895 22,466 28,567 29,166 18»7 laoi 6,599 28.76 1401 6,700 im 1899 29.82 INCREASE TtC TOTAL WAGES PAID. 1895. 1897. 1899. Total wages paid. 19,800,033 ' 10,335,919 18,876,269 Increase as compared with previous year shown. Amount. «686,gg6 8,640,840 Per cent. 6.47 34.26 Increase as compared - with the yeat 1895. Amount 4,076,226 41.68 6.47 INCREASE IN A.VBRAQE YEARLY EARNINGS, 1895. 1897. 1899. Average yearly earnings. 436.22 488.68 475.77 Increase as compared with previous year shown. Amount. t2.36 87.19 Per cent. 0.64 8.48 Increase as comno'ea with the yea I 18K Amount. 89.66 Per cent. 0.64 m REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. INCREASE IN AVERAGE NUMBER OF DATS IN OPERATION. •1 Year. Avera«e naniber of days in operation. Inorea«e as eompared with preylona year •hown. loereaaa as compared with the year 1886. Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. 1895. SS8M 281.S6 1897 2.76 2.70 1.08 1.04 in 5.46 1.08 1899 2.IS IOWA LABOR REPORTS. The biennial reports of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of Iowa present for recent yeajTS the average mimber of employees and total wages paid in a large number of establishments. In 1896 1,752 establishments reported 49,273 employees and a total of $17,369,622 paid in wages. In 1897 reports were made by but 1,311 establishments, but these establishments paid $287,102 more in wag-es than did the 1,752 in 1896. In 1900 reports were secured from but 1,285 establishments, but these paid $3,776,339 more in wagres than did the 1,752 establishments in 1896. The averag-e number of persons furnished employment in each establishment was 28.1 in 1896 and increased 8.8 persons jjr 31.32 per cent in 1897. In 1898 there was a decrease of 2.8 or 7.59 per cent when compared with 1897, but an increase of 6 or 21.35 per cent when compared with 1896. In 1899 there was an^increase over 1898 of 3.9 or 11.4^4 per cen/t and an increase of 9.9 or 35.23 per cent over 1896. In 1900 an increase of 1.8 or 4.74 per cent over 1899 and an increase of 11.7 or 41.64 per cent over 1890. Or, instead of each eetablishment furnishing employment to 28.1 persons, as in 1896, in 1900 each establisihment furnished employ- ment to 39.8 peersons. In these establishmenta the avera^'e yearly eaming-s were $352.53 in 1896. In 1897 they increased $12.63 or 3.58 per cent. In 1898 they decreased $11.11 or 3.04 per cent when compared with 1897, but increased $1.52 or 0.43 over 1896. In 1899 they increased $38.35 or 10.83 per cent orresr the prevloiui year and $39.87 or 11.31 per cent over 1896. In 190O they increased $20.81 or 5.30 per cent over 1899 and $60.68 or 17.81 per cent over 1896. Summaruing theie tablet it it teen that on an average each etlablishmerUfvT- nithed empioyTnent to 11.7 or 41.64 per cent more per$ons in ISOO than in 1896, that tlu OMrage yearly earning of each pert«nfumuhed employmmi wot feo.es, or 17.tl per eeni greater than in 189S, Thti iBMtm foUow: 68 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. [Complied from the biennial "reports of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of Iowa.) Year. EstabllBh- meuts j-eporting. Average number- of employees Total wages paid. 1,752 1,311 1,625. 1,428 1,285 '49,278 48,355 55,429 - 54,261 51,175 $17369,622 1897 ^. 17,^6,724 1898 19,828392 1899 21^7,731 ■ 21,145,(161 INGHEA.SB IN AVERAGE NUMBEB OF. EMPLOYEES IN EACH ESTABLISHMENT. Year. Average iMimber of employees per estab- lishment. Increase as compared with previous year Bhbwn. Increase as compared with the year 1896. Number.^ Per cent. Number. Per 06nt. 28.1 86.9 84.1 88.0 89.8 1897 . 8.8 a2.8 8.9 1.8 31.32 •a7.58 11.41 4.71 8.8 6.0 9.9 11.7 81.32 1898 ... .... 21.86 1899 85.2S 1900 41.fj4 a Decrease. INCfiEASB IN AVERAGE YEARLY EAR.N'INGS. Year. Average yearly earnings. Increase as compared \vith previous year shown. Increase as compared with the year iS96. ^ Amount. Per cent. Amount. Per cent. 1896 8352,52 365.15 854.04 892.,39 418.20 1897 1898 ( 812.63 ttU.U 88.85 20.81 8.58 08.04 10.83 5.30 812.63 1.52 89.87 60.68 8..W 0.43 1 84)0 11. SI 1900 17.21 a Decrease. MASSACHUSETTS LABOR REPORTS. The annual statisticB of manufactures in Massachusetts, pub' lished by the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, pre»ent reports from a large number of manufacturing establishmenta in the State, and each year comipare condition! with th« previoui year. On the basis of the 4,695 eatabllshments reporting', 1897 oompated with 1808, shows a gain of 8.78 per oemt in the number of employee! and 1.53 per cent in wages paid. On the basis of the 4,701 establishments reporting, 1898 oompared with 1897, shows a gain of 1.80 per cent in the number of employees and 1.61 per cent in wages paid. On the basis of the 4,740 establishments reporting, 1899 com- pared with 1898, shows a gain of 9.58 per cent in the number of employees and 11.61 per cent in w ages nai'd. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 6.3 On the basis of tlie 4,64.5 establishments reporting, 1900 compared with 1899, shows a gain of 3.77 per cent in the number of employees and G.G7 per cent in wag-es paid. ■ The table follows: Increase in number of employees and wages paid. [Compiled from the "Annual StatlsticB of Manufactures In MasBachusetls," published by the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of LaborJ Per cent of In- [ crease each year •Numberof as compared with Years compared. establish- ments re- porting. the previous year 'N umber of em- ployees. Wages paid. 1897 with 18(18 1898 with 1897 1899 with 1898 1900 with 1889 4,695 4,701 4,740 4,646 2.72 1.80 8.77 1.53 1.61 11.61 6.67 ■■--^ NEW YORK LABOR REPORTS. The Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the State of New York shows for recent years tlie number of employees as reported by about 5,000 establishments. No report is maide as to total wages paid and average yearly earn- ings in these estaJblishments. In 1896 these 5,090 establishments furnished employment to 283,934 persons; in 1897 the number increaseel 14,996 or 5.28 per cent. In 1898 the increase was 36,834 or 12.32 per cent over 1897, and 51,830 or 18.35 per cent over 1896. In 1899 the increase was 71,471 or 21.29 per cent over 1898, and 123,301 or 43.43 per cent over 1896. Or, for every 100 persons to which these establishments could furnish employment in 1896, 143 persons are now enaployed. The table follows: Number of employees as reported by about 6,000 establishments. [Com'plied from the Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor Statlwtlcs of the State pf New York for the year 1900.] Year. Total em- ployees; Increase as compared wltb previous year. Increase as compared with the year 1S96. Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. 283,934 298,930 386.764 407,285 - 14,996 36,S34 71,471 5.28 12.!i2 21.29 14,996 51^30 123-301 5.28 18.25 ly99 48.43 64 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. PENNBTLVAJSriA LAJBOB REPORTS. The Secretary of Inteimal AfEairs of the State of Pennsylvania in his report for 1900 piublishes a series of tables of comparative statistics relating to 830 identical establishments representing 89 industries. Extracts from these tables aj-e presented here and some further figures are shown which enables a ready comparison of present conditions with conditions which prevailed during the last Dem.ocratic administration. The first table presents a study of the increase in the number of employees. It must be borne in mind that these reports are froiia Identical establishments for the whole series of years, 1896 to 1900. In 1896 the average number of employees was 134,790, which num- ber increased to 140,661 in 1897, a gain of 5,871 or 4.36 per cent. In 1898 the number was 156,943, a gain of 16,382 or 11.58 per cent over 1S97 and a gain of 22,153 or 16.44 per cent over 1896. In 1S99 the number was 179,779, a gain of 22,836 or 14.55 per cent over 1898 and a gain of 44,989 or 33.38 per cent over 1896. In the year 1900 the number of employees was 190,024, a gain of 10,245 or 5.70 per cent over 1899 and a gain of 55,234 or 40.98 per cent over the Democratic times of 1896. This means that where 100 persons were employed in 1896, 141 persons were employed in 1900. The table presenting aggregate wages paid by these 830 establish- ments makes a still better showing. The amount paid in wages in 1897 was 4.79 per cent greater than in 1896. In. 1898 the amount was 16.76 per cent above 1897, and 23.35 above 1896. In 1899 the amount was 24.19 per cent greater than in 1898 and $26,643,939 or 51.94 per cent greater than in 1896. The year 1900 shows an increase of 6.38 per cent over 1899, and when compared with 1896 an increase of $31,619,512 or 61.64 per cent. Or, for every $100 disbursed for wages in 1896 the same establish- ments in 19O0 disbursed $161.64. ~ Not only did these companies in 1900 employ 141 persons for every 100 employed in 1896 but, as shown in a following table, the average yearly earniags of each ernployee were decidedly greater in 1900. The average yearly earnings in 1896 were $380.54, while in 1900 the average was $436.33, a gain of $55.79 or 14.66 per cent as compared with 1896. The average days in operation increased from 270 in 1896 to 288 in 1900, a gain of 18 days or 6.67 per cent. Summarmng these tables, U is seen Hiat for every 100 persmus who were em- ployed in 1896, Ul persons now have employment; thai for every flOO p

' Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. 134,790 140,661 156,948 179,779 190,024 5371 16,282 22,836 10,245 4.36 11.58 14.55 6.70 5,871 22,153 44,969 55,234 4.86 Ig98 16.44 83.88 40.98 INCREASE IN AGGREGATE WAGES PAID. Year. 1896 1897, 1898 1899. 1900 Aggregate wages paid 851,293,561 53,749,916 62,7-57311 77,937,500 82,913,073 Increase as compared with previous year shown. Amount. I Per cent. $2436^55 9,007395 15,179,689 4,975,573 4.79 16.76 24.19 638 Increase as compare^ with the year 1896. Amount. Per cent. J2,456355 11,464,250 26,643,989 31,619312 4.79 22.S5 51.94 fil.64 INCREASE IN AVERAGE YEARLY EARNINGS. Year. 1897 1898 1899 1900 Average yearly earnings. 8380 54 882 12 899 88 483 52 436 83 Increase as compared with previous year shown. ' Amount. Per cent, $1.68 17.76 83.64 231 0.42 4.65 8.41 .65 Increase as compared with the year 1896. Amount. J1.58 19.34 62.98 55.79 Per cent. 0.42 5.0S 13.93 14.66 6G KEl^UBLTCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. INCKIOASE IN AVEKAGT5 DAYS IN OPERATION. Year. Average rlaya in operation. Increase as compared Increase as compares with previous year 1 , witli the year shown. * 18))6. Number. Per cent. Nunrber. Per cent. 270 286 2«6 287 288 ] K',)7 16 1 1 5.93 , .B.5 :.85 10 16 17 18 5.83 5.93 eaj 1!)(X) 6.67 WISCONSIN LABOR REPOHTS. The bienBial reports of the Bureau of iLabor and Industrial Sta- tistics of Wisconsin present information relating- tQ 1,499 establish- ments for the years 1896, 1897, and i898. In- 1899 the Bureau, owing I to lack of time, was , unable to investigtite but 992 establishments, but based on the establishmeaats investigated, the Bureau in its Tenth Biennial Eeport has given the per cent of increase in number- of persons employed and total wages paid, and the actual inci-ease in average yearly earnings and average days in operation in 1899 ^ as compared with 1896. ' ^ ■ The statement of the commissioner follows: . "Ainong the more important results with respect to the growth oi^ our manufacturing industries since 1896, which developed through the above investigations, the following- may be men- tioned. * * * From 1896 to iS99, inclusive, the following changes4 took plaqe. * * * In the total amount paid as wages the increase amounts to 37.31 per cent, employed it was 31.65 per cent. From the returns of 1500 establishments it was found that average yearly earning-s to^each worker or, to each position which was con- stantly filled during, the business year, was $396.63 in 1896, $416.63 in 1897, $418.95 in 1898, and $420.50 in 1899. This is an increase in 1899 over 1896 of* $23.87. In the days in operation the increase is equally gratifying." Thus wc find that the average number of days in operation was-S63.40 in 1896, 270.81 in 1897, 278.40 in 1S98, and "281.90 in 1899. The increase in 1899 over 1896, thus amounted to 18.5 days. It is easy to see what this increase means not only to employers but to the employfe as well." ; -In the average number^ of persons RErULLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 67 RAILWAY LABOB DUBING EjEPTJBLICAN AND DEMO- CBATIC ADMINISTBATIONS. There is no better index to the inrlusU-ial condition of a country than the amount of business done by the r;ulwayK, and, as the rail- ways in this coimtry enlploy over one million persons, the increiise or decrease in traffic materially affects a large proportion of the population. During- the fiscal year ending- June 30, 1896 (Cleveland's adminis- tration), there were 826,620 ra.iUvay employees in the. United States receiving a total yearly compensation of $468,824,531. In 1900 there were 1,017,653 railway .employees receiving- a total yearly com- pensation of $577,264,841. This shovvs an increase in four years of 191,033 railway ernployees and of $108,440,:;i0 in aggregate salaries iinid wages. In other words, nearly 200,000 more persons were em- ployed by the railways in the United ptateS on June 30, 1900, than on June 30, 1890, when the Democratic party was in power, and over .$100,000,000 more were paid in wages and salaries. The fol- lowing ta^ble shows the number of railway employees of eaeh class for each of the years, 1896 to 1900: America has only just begun to assume that commanding posi- tion in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflow- ing abundance of our own natural resourdtes and the skill, busi- ness, energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most un- wise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our Nation. — President Boosevelt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1901. We have but little room, among our people for the timid, the Irresolute, and the idle; and it is no less true that there is scant room in the world at large for the nation T^ith. mighty thews that dares not to be great. — Theodore Boosevelt, in speech at Minne- apolis, September 2, 1901. Shipping lines, if established^ to the principal countries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commer- cial benefit. Prom every standpoint it is unwise for the United States to continue to rely upon .the ships of competing nations for the distribution of our goods. • It should be made advantage- ous to carry American goods in Anierican-built ships. — President Boosevelt, in Message to Congress, December 3, 1901. 68 tn a On >-i u '.^ »5 a SI S? S S a §> 8 1 P ^ a ^ IB S3 fe >, ">-> -a >? 3 s a g 8 o li S ^ ?, &H 00 1 a J ^ a §s ^ ^ C3 ©H s ^ « §> "o £• a o REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 8«s 3 fh » a s 8»!« a C^ t-i' CO t-i CS^ L^ - _ ,_ ,_^ . j_ -.^ _^ _._^ __ . ^ tNSlt-OTCONCOlMCOOSODCO'V I r« i;d I74 ku in^ 1,-H -tr '^u ^^4 I I lO CD ^ I -"— —_.- — .- — — . _ CprHWO tS N OS I SO Eb CO b- - -H f-H ■* W +s O a ds £ H rtj o *^ V o u a O if ;3 c3 to c- ; 0) ^ H • d « a - n -^ -S £ ■^ S E © •M ^ 0} >^ = "ll □ CD a cu a a Q (U 5 ^ O CD -.J s + S(i.4.5 + 29.06 + 21.56 > S p. + 8.72 — 3.57 + 40.13 + 4:!.38 + 4:l.jl8 + 13.42 + 36.68 This table shows an increase in the averag;e annual wag-es paid to skilled laborers, to unskilled laborers, and to clerks, and a de- crease in the averag'e annual wages paid to superintendents and foremen, traveling salesmen, and the amclassified employees. , Taking all of the employees together, the percentage of increase of average annual wages has been 12.61. In all lines, taking together all the establishments whidli ham reported, there has been a decided increase in the number of employees; and i{i all cases, wUh the exception of the traveling salesmen, there has been also an increase in Hie to'.al aAnouni of wages paid. A table giving the total amount of gross sales, number of em- ployees and total annual wages in the case of eight combinations reporting, shows a decided increase in the efficiency of the em- plbyees, the average increase of gross sales being 47.32 i>er cent, as compared with an increase of 27.59 per cent in the number of employees, and 38.19 per cent in the total annual ^wages paid. The increase of 38.19 per cent in the annual wages as compared with the increase of 27.59 per cent in the number of employees, shows that the benefit of this increase of efliciency did not go entirely to the employers, but was divided between them and the employees; .y REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-r.OOK. 71 PBOTECTED LABOK IN AMERICA vs. EREE-TRADE LABOR IN GREAT BRITAIN. .niCIIEB WAGES AND I.OWBE PRICES IN THE UNITED STATES. The most complete comiparative statistics of wages in the United States and Europe that have ever been collected in any country were obtained by the United States Department of Labor and pub- lished in the September (1898) bulletin of, that Department. To secure this information a personal canvass was made of the wage pay rolls of establishments doing' business continually since 1870 in this country and Europe. Thus continuous and > accurate , returns have been obtained from 1870 to 1856 for thfe various coun- tries considered. In this country the information was collected by agents of the United S.tates Department of Labor, and in Great Britain fey persons acting under the supervision of the British l3,bor department. The work was done simultaneously, according to the same plan of schedules, and at the expense of the United States Department of Labor.-, There can thus be no cavil as to the accuracy and comparability of the wage statistics presented in this official publication. These statistics show a remarkable difference between wage con- ditions in the United States and Great Britain, a difference amount- ing to nearly 100 per cent in favor of the American workingman. As the statistics of Great Britain cover only three cities, viz: Lon- don, Glasgow, and Manchester, it would be useless in this connec- tion to reproduce the wage data for all the Anlerican cities, es^je- cially as to the wtige rates shown in the report differ but slightly in the various American cities. ' In our comparison of American and British wage rates we have therefore selected the three American cities which, on account of their population, are most nearly com- parable with the above-named British cities, namely, Kew York, Chicago, and St. Louis, respectively. The comparative figures given below show the wage rates for the entire period of 1870 to 1896, inclusive. A comparison of these wage rates will show at a glance that protection America is de- cidedly preferable to free-trade England, and that notwithstand- ing the erroneous statements often made by politicians and agi- tators that wages in this country are approaching those of Euro- pean pauper labor, there has been up to the last Cleveland regime, an almost steady increase in wages in this country, and there has not been at any time the slightest tendency toward the low rates with which the British workingman must content himself. A comparison ol* the average wage rates dpring the last year shown in eaoli of the tables, namely, 1896, gives the following in- teresting results: 73 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Blacksmiths received $3.45 per day in New York and $1.6314 in London; ,$3.80 in Chicag-o and $1.48 in Glasg'ow, and $2.2614 in St. Louis and $1.46 in Manchester. Blacksmiths' helpers received $1.65 per day in St. Louis and $0.93l^ in Manchester, and $1.69% in Chicag-o and $0.8514 in Glas- g:ow. Gattineimakers received $2.50 per day in New York and $1,681/3 per day in London; $3,53 per day in St. Louis and $1.37i^ in Mapchester. Carpenters received $3.49% per day in New York and $1.68% in London; $2.80 in St. Louis and $1.50% in Manchester, and $2.54 in Chicag-o and $1.55% in Glasg-ow. * Iron molders received $2.73% per day in Chicag-o and $1.63% in London; $2.30 in St. Louis and $1.58% in Manchester. Machinists received $2.55 per day in New York and $1.54% in Lon- don; $2.52% in St. Louis and $1.46 in Manchester. Pattern makers received $3.78% per day in St. Louis and $1.58'/; in Manchester. In England, as in the United States, there was a steady increase in wag-es, owing- to tlie organization of labor, the better education of the working people, and the improved opportunities for high- class worli. While in Great Britain there -were no serious wars or other influences to give a, set-back to the steady upward course of wages during the period from 1870 to 1896 covered by the investiga- tion, tlie United States have had two occasions upon which there were such interruptions. The first was fro'm 1873 to 1876, the period of reaction from the abnormal conditions caused by the civil war, and from 1893 to 1896, the period of Cleveland "tarifE reform." Not- withstanding these interruptions the net increase in wages from 1870 to 1896 was relatively greater in the United States than in Great Britain. We no-w, almost for the first time in our history, kno-w no North, no South, no East, no West, but are all for a common country. — President MoKinley at Yankton, S. Dak., October 14, 1899. We have been moving in untried paths, but our steps have been guided by honor and duty; there will be no turning aside, no ■wavering, no retreat. — President McKinley to notification com- mittee, July 12, 1900. Duty determines destiny. Destiny -svhich results from duty performed may bring anxiety and perils, but never failure and dishonor. Pursuing duty may not al-srays lead by smooth paths. Another course may look easier and more attractive, but pur- suing duty for duty's sake is al-ways sure and safe and hon- orable. — President McKinley at Chicago, October 19, 1898. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 73 Average wage rates in American and English cities from 1870 to 1S96. [From Bulletin No. 18 of the United States Department of Labor.] BLACKSMITHS. Year. 1870 1871 1872, 1873 1874, 1875, 1876, 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1888 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 NeTT Yorfc uilZ 2.58 2.40>i 2.37% 2.39^ > 2.54M 2.59 2.60 2.67K 2.67k 2.62 j| 2.82j| 2.92U 2.62K 2.75 8.20 .S.173^ 2.80 2.82 J^ 2.52j| 2.!12>| 2.»2>| 2..')0 2.45 St. Louis. .74)4 .05l| ■m .63)1 .59 .638 .63}| .63 .63 .63 .63 i.63>^ :.62^ ■6'« ,62i| Chicago. 82.51>^ 2.71 '2.89 2.76V 2.75^ 2.57 2.51)4 2.mH 2.60 2.67j| 2.90>i 2.88 2.83V 2.myi 2.88 2.90X 2.91 2.87?;; 2.84J^ 2.86H 2.83 2.84 2.92M 2.73^ 2« 2.80 J^ .Great Britain. London, ^^an^^^ Glasgow. a Not reported. i BLACKSMITHS' HELPERS. St. Louis. ,, Chl- "cago. Great Britain. Year. St. Louis. Chi- cago. Great Britain. Year. ^lau- cbester. Glas- gow. Man- chester. Glas- gow. 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 18S0 1881 1882. 1883 1.28)4 1.19M 1.25M 1.24';! 1.19-J2 i-'m 1.38 1.36 l.,35 ~ 1.36 1.35 1.40 811.65 1.69)4 1.88j| 1.74 1.6334 1.55^1 1.47i| 1.57}| 1.63)^ I.6I14 1.62j| 1.65 .81)2 , .SIV .aiv .81V .8l2 .&5i| ,.8.58 .85)2 .86)4 .85)1 •85^ $0.73 .73 .73 .73 • .731 .73 .73 .73 ,73 .73 .75 .75 .75 .77 1884 1885 1886 1887..... 1888 1889..... 1890 1891 1892 1K93 1894 189.3 189U 81.40 1.4fl 1.40 1.40 1.48 1.43 1.43 1.45 1.52 1.5;-J 1.62 1.53 1.65 \M 1.7051 1.703^ -i..^m 1.72 1.73M 1.66Ji 1.69>^ 80.85)4 I85K .85)4 .85 Ji &V4 .81)€ .85"4 .85M\ .85)i .85)4 .85)1 .85)4 .93K S0.75 .73 .78 .77 .79 .79 .81)^ .81)4 .8514 .81)4 •85M .85)4 •85>i 74 KEl'UELICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. BRICKLAYERS. 1870 1871 1872 187H 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882, I8W, 1884, 188.5, 1886, 1887. 1888. 1889. 1890. 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894. 1895. 1896. New York. SS.16V 3.46|| 3.51K 358j| 3.0514 2.98}^ 2.7514 2.68^ 3.14^j| . 8.12l| 3.50 .3.89 Ji 4.00 4.00 3.84 4.03J4 4.08>| 4.03>< 4.O25I 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 St, Louis. 2.71 2.75 2.44 2Am 2.435I 2.59 2.95% 3.00 8.50 4.00 4.00 • 4.50 4.50 4.50 8.60 4.00 4.40 4.40 4.40 4.40 4.40 4.40 4.40 4.40 4.40 Chicago. 82.78V< 4.5151 4.58l| 3.101^ 2.241^ 2.223I 2.66 2.821^ 2.9^ 3.50 8.50 8.50. 8.50 8.50 8.50 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Great BrltsMn. London. Chester. Glasgow. CABINETMAKERS. 1870 1871 1S72 I87;i 1874 ]K7.'> 1876 1877, 1878, 1879, 1880. 1881, 1882, ^883. New York. ?l.l)8 1.58 1..] \.W\i 1.93j| 1.22 2.2,'i St. Louis. .92 12J< 16X .40W ■i7H Great Britain. Lon- Man- don. Chester ^ .5v2 ■3Ti4 .3714 .37jJ ^i .371? ■87 jl .871^ •37K Year. 886 887 888 889 890 891 .892 ,893 894 New York. ?2.28>^ 2.29 2.29 2.28X 2.29 Lo Sit. ouls. Great Britain. Lon- Man- don. Chester. UErUELICAX CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. CAaPENXKlW. 75 York. 8t. Louis. Chi- cago. j Great Britain. Year. London. Man- chester. Glasgow. 1870. $2.87^ 8.15 8.19% 8.09X 8.16H 3.04% amy 8.10>^ 3.3tf)| i%i SAVZ »8.48% 8.48g 3.49 '4 8.48% 8.49J< 3.49M 8.49)1 8.49>i 8.48)i 8.49 8.49% 82.88K 8.16)1 8.20% 3.10g 3-14)1 8.11 3MV. 3.29(1 2.76)^ 2.80 2.80 2.80 2.80 2.80 2.80 2.80 2.80 2.40 2.40 2.40 2.80 3.18 8.20 8.20 3.20 2.80 2.80 $2.12% 2M]4 2.27>| 1.9-1% 1.9li)^ 1.91 2.K^ 2.11 2.23)i 2.20 2.31 K 2.32)1 2.39% 2.3.5%" 2.44)i 2.48 •lAlVi 2.32 2.29% 2.-59 >| 2.96 2.91% %m%, 2.54 $1.53 If IS YtJx 1.59% ];59)3 , 1.59-5i 1.59% 1.59)3 l.ft9% 1.69% 1.59% 1.59% 1.59% 1.59)1 . 1.00)^ 1.60)^ 1.60U 81.84 1.34 1.34 1A7% 1A7% 1.49)1 1.49)^ 1.49)^ 1.47)i 1.47H iAiy„ lAiy, 1.47)1 1.47)^ 147K 1.47K 1J7)^ 1.47)i; / lA7y^ ' 1A7W 1.49)1 1 1.40^ 1.40!,' 1.49 1| 1.50'i 1.50)1 81.12% 1871 1.12% 1.21% 1872 1873 i.wQ 1.38V 1.46% 1874 1875 1876 1877 !.. 1878 1879 1880 1.12% 1881 1.21)4 1.21 2 1882 . 1888 i.m 1884 1.29-Ji 1886 : 1.29)^ 1888 1.29% 1.38)4 1890 1.3S'4 1891 ■ iir^ 1892 1.46^ 1894.....'., l-55)< 1896 ; COMPOSITORS. New York. St. Louis. Chi- cago. Great Britain. Year. London. Man- chester. Glasgow. 1870 82.53 2.70% 2.80 2.72'4 2.59)1 2.58 2.80 2.84 2.85 2.97 2.98 2.95 2.74 2.74% 8.02 ■! 3.03 3.02% 3.02)^ 3.02K 8.03% 3.0.5)1 8.08% 8.00% 3.1 Og 8.09)^ • zmy, 8.14 $2.36% 2.57% 2.62)4 2.54 2.57% 2.53)^ 2.65)1 2.e9X 2.81% 2.89|J' 2:93)1 2.92 2.92 2.92)4 2.92-)| 2.89 2.88% 2.88 2.88 2.88)4 2.88 2.88 2.87 2.8914 2.90% 2.91 82.88)^ 3.16)1 3.20% 8.10)2 8.14% 3.I1 , 3.10% 8.29k sioo * 3.00 3.00 8.00 S.OO 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 8.00 8.00 $1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 ' 1.46 1.48 ■ 1.46 1.46 1.46 1:46 1.46 1.46 1.16 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.54% 1.54)2 1.54% 154% L64% 1.64M 81.21% lA4 1.38% 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.43 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.42 • 1.42 4 . 1.5414 1.5414 l.'54)| 1.5414 1.54i| 1.54)1 1.54)1 $1.46 1.46 1.46 1-54)4 1.54)1 1.54)? 1.5414 1.5414 1.46 1.46 1.48 1.46 1£4V 1.64)|- 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 , 1890 1S91 1892 1893 1894 1893 1896 $2.60 2.65 2.61)^ 2.62)4 2.06 2.66 2.74)4 2.82 2.83K 2.87)1 2.my„ $2J50 2.40 2.40 2.35 2.35 2.35 2.40 2.50 2.50 2.40 2.60 2.50 2.30 • $1.54)4 1.54k lli 1.54)4 1-54)1 1-B4S 1-5414 1-54)4 1.5414 1.5414 I-54R 1.62)4 $1.54)4 m 1.54i| l!64g 1^642 1-54)| MACHINISTS. New York. 1 ' \ St. Louis. Great Britain. Year. New York. St. Louis- Great Britain. Year. Lon- don. Man- ches- ter. Lon- don. Man- Ches- ter. 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 $2.2654 2.28 2.40)^ 2.28)4 2.31)4 2.33)4 2:80)^ 2.47)4 2.49 2.47)^ 2S&\i 2A7H 2.85 i2.55 $1.8134 2.11)^ 2.1014. 1.9454 2.02 2.06)4 2.06 2.17 2.48)4 2.5254 2.4714 2.46)4 2.46 2.48)4 $1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 • 1.46 1.46 1.54)4 1.54)4 1.54)4 1.54)4 1.54)4 1.5414 1.54)4 1.54)4 $1-2154 1.2134 1.295i 1:295! 1.2934 1.2934 1.2934 1.2954 1.2954 1.2934 1.38 1.38 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 $2.82)^ 2.50 2.62'^ 2.70 2.75 2.70 2.70 2.67)^ '2.65 2.62 K 2.65 2.47' 3 ,2.55 $2.46)4 2.431.:; 2.5254 2.44)4 2.47 2.4654 2.46 2.51 2.491;; 2.52 'ii 1.54)4 1-54 i.i 1.54 14' 1.54 '4 1.5i'4 IA414 1.5414 I54I4- 1.54 )-i 1..541-4 1.54'i I.5414 $1.38 ' 1.38 L3S* 158 1.42 1.42 . 1.38 1.38 1.38 1.46 . MASONS , STONE. Year. New York. London. Year. New York. London. 1870 $2.88 ^ 3.I614 8.2054 8.10)^ 2.69 H 2.6634 2.2154 1.88)1 1-97)4 2.50 ' 2.50 3.00 3.S0 8.60 $1.53 1.53 1.51 ].50-''.i 1.5!).>j' 1.595-4 1.5!l'i, 1.59»4 l.r>l).i J 1..5!1.^, I.5!|.', 1. 69^14 1.59;4 1884 $3.50 3.25 3.50 3.50 8.50 3.50 4.C0 4.00 4,00 4.00> 4.00 4.00 4.00 81.58)4 1-68K 1.58)i 1.5814 15814 1871 1872 1873 1887 1874 1875 1876 IWIU 1877 ilal 1878 lSI-2 1879 1.60,1^ 1.0)4 1880 1881 1^95 1882 1888 BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 77 PAINTERS, HOUSE. Year. New York. St. Louis. Chi- cago. Great Britain. Lon- don. Man- ches- ter. Glas- gow. 1S70.. 1871.. 1872. . 1873. , 1874. . 1875. , 1878. . 1877. , 1»78., 1879. , 1880., 1881. 1882. 1883. 1884. 1885. 1886. 1887. 1888. 1889. 1890.' 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894. 1895. 189B. 82.43 J^ 2.66^ 2.69 HS 2.59?| 2.48i2 2.4SK 2.62>| 2.75 2.80% 3.00 8.00 ,3.00 3.:ia% 3.30% 8.30;^ 8.50 3.50 8.50 8.50 3.50 3.50 8.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 2.25V 2.29i| 2.2lS 2.24>i 2.22 ii 2.2132 2.4«|| 2.50 2.50 •zm 2..50 2.50 2.42 2.42 2A\y. lA'lii 2.421-2 2.42^ 2.48V 2.43^ ~^.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 $1.68 1.85^ 2.40>^ 1.65 1.56 1.51!^ 1.67V lJi«K 1.94 % 2.08^ :2.27J^ •2.52i| 2.59i| 2.58H 2.67% 2.41^ 2.4«>| 2.51k 2.44V 2.30V2 2.42 2.59^ 2.81 2.63 2.64 2.61 S1.4SJ^ 1.43^ 1.51 1.51 1.51 1.51 1:51 1.51 1.51 1.51 1,51 1.51 1.51 1.61 1.51 1.51 151 1.51 1.51 1.51 1.51 1.51 1.48 1.48 1.48 1.48 1.48 .29K ,29>| .29>l .29K -29 j| .29^1 ..29J4 •29>l .2»i| 29% ,293.2 .29^ .29 j| ■^'■1% .3BK .S6'| .36% 81.19 1.19 1.23% 1.28J^ 1.33 1.42>| 1.51)1 1.33 1.2.3% 1JJ3 1.33 1.33 lJi3 • IAS 1.83 1.33 1,33 1,33 1,33 1,20541 ia»4 1,38!< 1.38>i PLUMBEES, / Year.' 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1876 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 New York. London. 82.75H $1.43 3.0014 1.43 2.<,)1M 1.43 2.76- 1.43 2.73 1.43 2,76 , 1.43 2,75^: 1.43 2,98K 1.43 S.O»ii l,58Ji 8,12H l,585i 3,3914 1.58?4 3,43 1.58M 8,50 1.58M 8.50 1.5S?i Year. 1884, 18K>, 1886, 1887, 1888, 1889, 1890 1891, 1892 1893 1894 1895 New York. 83.50 3.60 3.50 3,6034. 8.60)i 3,59>^ 8,58}^ 3.59 3.5834 3,72;i 3,74Ji S,74!4 8,72Ji London. 81.58M 1.58% 1.58Ji l.im 1,58M 1.58Ji 1.58M 1.58M 1.66H L66H 1.66H 1.66 J^ L74}i REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT -BOOK. PATTERN MAKERS, IRON WORKS. 1870, 1871. 1872. isy."!, 1X74, 1K7.5, 1876, 1877, 1878, 1879, 1880, 1881 1882 1883 St. Man- Louis. Chester. 2..56M 2.60H 2A7M, 2.603| 2.41 i^ 2.88K 2.70K 2.83J^ ' 2.84ii 2.84K 2.855i 2.85^ 2.87>^ $1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46- 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.46 Year. 1884 1886 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 ,. 1892 S 1893 1894 1895 1896 St. Man- Louis. chester. S2.81X S1.46 2.78U 1.63 'i 2.82JI 1.46 2.76H 1.48 2.76H 1.62 2.61M 1.54 1< 2.69 li 1.54Ji 2.6914 1.54 1< 2.69K 1.54K 2.775i IM^ 2.78H lM\i 2.781^ 1.54J4 2.78M 1.58K LOWER PKICES IN THE UNITED STATES THAN IN BNQLAND. The claim is often made that while wag^ are hig-her in . the United States the cost of living is correspondiiigly'eheaper in Great Britain. That this statement is erroneous can be proved by official statistics obtained simultaneously in both countries. In 1892 the Senate Committee on Mnance made an extensive report on "Retail Prices and Wages" in leadingi cities of the United States and Europe at different periods from June, 1889, to September, 1891. Among the cities considered in thio report were St. Louis, Mo., and Manchester, England, cities for vehich wage comparisons have just been made. A comparison of the prices of articles of identically the same description, obtained at the sanBD time, namely, June, 1889, and September, 1891, in both cities, shows that instead of the necessary commodities 'of life being higher in the United States than in England, they are, on the contrary, as a rule, much lower. This is shown in the table which -follows. A glance at this table shows that most of the necessary food products, such as bread, eggs, lard, bacon, roast beef, hams, mutton, milk, starch, and canned vegetables, were much lower in St. Louis than in Man- chester, while the prices of the few remaining food products averaged about the same in both countries. With regard to clothing and cloth goods, we find that men's hosiery, cotton shirts, sheetings, shirtings, and cotton and woolen dress goods of the same description and quality, were cheaper in St. Louis than in Manchester; that carpets, flannels, and cotton underwear averaged about the same, and that only in the case of men's hats was there any decided difference in favor of the Man- chester purchaser. Household articles, such as earthenware, glassware, and cutlery, were nearly the same in price in St. Louis as in Manchester, with REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 79 a very slig-lit difference in some cases in favor of the latter city.' On the other hand, furniture costs from about one-fifth to one-half as much in the United States as in Great Britain, so that for the cost of one bed-room set in Manchester one could buy from two to three sets in St. Louis; and for the cost of one dining table at Man- chester, a whole dining-room set could be bought in St. Louis. But the question may be asked, "If the American worlcingmen, earn so much more and pay so much less for what they consume, why are they not all wealthy and contented ?" The answer jnay be found in the statement of the eminent French scientist. Prof. Emile Levasseur, in his work on "L'Ouvrier Amerieain" (The American Workingroan) . After summing up the conditions of labor ip America as compared with Europe, he says that Wages in the United States are about double the wages in Europe; that objects of ordinary consumption by worlung,' people (excepting dwelling houses)' cost less in the cities of the United States than in those of ICurope ; that the American worHngman lives better than the European, that he eats more eubslanlially, dresses better, is more comfoHuhly housed arid more often owns his dwellidg, spends more for life insurance and various social and benejioial aesodatioM, and, in short, has a much higher standard of life than the European worUngman. < -I- , . . , So it must be in the future. We gird up our loins as a nation, with the sterA purpose to play our part manfully in winning the ultimate triumph, and therefore we turn scornfully aside from the paths of mere ease and idleness, and with unfaltering steps tread the rough road of endeavor, smiting down the wrong and battling for the right as Greatheart smote and battled in Bunya'n's limmortal story. — Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. Not only in our own land, but throughout the world, through- out all history, the advance of civilization has been of Incalcula- ble benefit to mankind, and those through whom it has advanced deserve the highest honor. All honor to the missionary, all honor to the soldier, all honor to the merchant who now in our day have done so much to bring light into the 'world's dark places. — Theodore Eoosevelt, in speech, at Hinneapolis, September 2, 1901. Call the roll of nations which are for protection. * » *, At least 430 million people are in favor of protection and 38" million Britons are against it; to whom must be added those Americans whose numbers are not known, who, while living under our flag, . seem to follow anftther. — Hajor McKinley at Toledo, Ohio, February 12, 1891. 80 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. be a s - 3°° 111 o 5 O 5 :s::s^ SfeS f-i rH S S ' s s o 8 -^ o CO -H i-H o pH e5 o i-H --I C3 ^ fH "-I iH i-H oi to o r-i t- v3 ^ ;o ::: C-1 o oow N o ' ■ ■ -co • =2 ■ ■ ■ •-; rt :s:s; is: ^x "0.2 a s I? eg cs no aa a, »« Sal "-§11 odg :ag ag : oSgg8g33|«» :;;_, fl n ED g'S oi c3 » •M CS {O ED+J . w ri I* ^ i^. O « o S § ".as t. 25 ag o-g^i 5 B § .. jTS'S ^ S g^S^ M o p. u ■^ a> a^ O lU ~,» fl'o a jo'S'Os tsassuA ^ sa oj rt s oxsDVn a KJCi'UBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 81 \J.\C1_^, 1 S1S3^S3 'A'Xj-r ' ' ' lO '-I «i ess a \-1 'Tl-.-f C-HO-hTI -oio cioo-fc-^o --; --0 -p ' ' 'cZ^ t; s e s S8i2gSS gCO^ -^ - O O O O o S'^S^SS aioi^ ' ■ • p-H w oooooo OU3 = »-J^ ci^ +J 4-* ■*-' +J -M *J O lO O O 1 o ij-j .-1 LO " ■fi A -iJ ' ' tT § -S Oi •^ • N ;:} ft a- : a N §3-^53 CO +^ \,ro a XTJ® - 1 « cfi « aS 1 ' s .aS!fi<« 1 g=roA!s«.^ rnlture, bed-ro and washstaui rnlture, tables, rnlture, tables, issware, tumbl lives and forks, mp ChlmLeys, g Ss a o 1 S § m TJ ■♦-* _■ o o I- to •'H ^^ "" o ■o o 2 >> : DO --■ oi +S -S OS ^ (U .S "S ^ 1 o •'-' fi 01 o .o OJO 'fH m oi 0) ^ oi m d 0) « § +J o "3 2 (1. +3 o o 3 -= (V ^« r ID O 1 ^ . .„ o o P g S * tn • O r^ m ^ +J i-H 0! I a g£ £ fl ,rl c oi p< .f^ H !-i .fS O 0) P o o o a ^ m Pi ^ 9 o.JJ ■c ,5" S 2 4^ ^ (B +r - o fl; oi Qj .H W Si f1 a 3 «2 o O bn S +^ =3 a -s s •" a (U o d a ^ a S an o O) u fl is ■^"g 1 d ,2 a s 3 fi 60 ^3 O o bo .3 -o tJ -3 0) fl _ oi .2 ^ ft H g 5 oj o "2 -I? ID o ?l " fl 0} (U .0 ^ Oi 0) S, &) o _ -P M 0) OS 3 +. a oi ^ "Sri O „ ■^ Fl S ja - "a o " Id V •s > 0) oi S i > ^ o £ S ft ft 2 S Oi a 2 03 ^.S bil fi g-n^ ri % t-i > - a "S .a ft rGduct. The farm value of the 1900 corn crop was $177,323,523 greater tlian the combined farni, values of wheat, oats, rye, barley, and buclcwheat, and even with the short corn crop in 1901 the farm value of corn was $85,408,612 greater tlian the combined farm values of wheat, oats, rye, barley, and buciiwheat. Tlie census office shows the commercial value of the 1900 cotton crop as $515,828,431. The farm value of the 1900 corn crop lacked but $88,123,574 of equaling the coinbined value of the cotton and wheat crops of the same year. Ten bushels of corn in 1896 was equal in value to 20.9 pounds of Eio coffee, while in 1901 it was equal to 76.9 pounds, or almost four times as much. In 1896 10 bushels of corn \ras equal in value to 56.9 pounds of granulated sugar, in 1901 equal to 98.4 pounds; in 1896 equal to 49.1 yards of calico, in 1901 to 99.4 yards; in 1896 equal to 54.7 yards of ginghams, in 1901 to 101.4 yards; in 1896 to 41.5 yards of Indian, Head sheetings, in 1901 fo 78.7 yards; in 189v') to 37.1 yards of Fruit of the Loom shirtings, in 1901 to 66.3 yards; in 1896 to 19 bushels of stove coal (anthracite), in 1901 to 32.2 bush- els; in 1896 to 24.8 gallons of refined petroleum, in 1901 to 45.3 gal- lons; in 1896 to 95 pounds of 8-peuny cut nails, in 1901 to 235 pounds; in 1896 to 88 pounds of 8-penny wire nails, in 1901 to 210 pounds. It must be borne in mind that these values are based on the average yearly prices of these articles and that comparatively little of the corn crop of 1901 reached the market before December, 1901. The prices for 1901 are largely for the big crop of 1900 — 2,105,102,000 bushels with a farm value of $751,220,000. The corn crop of 1901 was 1,552,519,891 bushels and the farm value $921,555,768. The compairative values of cattle, hogs, and dairy butter presented in the tables which follow show wonderful increases and the ex- change values of com, cattle, and hogs during the present year are muc^ greater thaoa during 1901. The tables are as follows: But it is not possible ever to insure prosperity merely by law. Something for good can be done by law, and bad laws can do an infinity of mischief; but, after all, the best law can only pre- vent wrong and injustice and give to the thrifty, the far-seeing, and the hard-working a chance to exercise to the best advantage their especial and peculiar abilities.— Theodore Koosevelt, at Min- neapolis, September 2, 1901. EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 89 Value of 10 bushels of com in 1896 and 1901 when measured by the wholesale prices of the following staple articles. [Compiled Iroin Bulletin No. 30, United States Department of Labor.] Article. 1896. 1901. Coffee, Klo, No. 7 pounds. Sugar, granulated do. . . Tea, Formosa, fine do. . . Shoes, men's calf bal. Goodyear welt pairs. Shoes, women's solid grain , do. . . Calico, Cocheco prints yards. Denims, Amoskeag do. . . DrlUlngs, brown, Pepperell do.-. . Ginghams, Amoskeag. do. . . Hosiery, men's cotton half hose, 160 needles pairs. Overcoatings, chinchilla-, cotton-warp, C C. grade." yards. Sheetings, bleached, 10-4, Atlantic do. . . Sheetings, brown. 4-4 Indlari head do... Sheetings, bleached, 4-4, Frult-of-the-Loom do. . . Suitings, Indigo blue, all wool, 54-lnch, Middlesex do. . . Tickings, Amoskeag, A. C. A ; do.-. . Wonien's dress goods, cashmere, cotton-warp,' 22-lnch,^Ham- ilton yards . Coal, anthracite, stove bushels. Petroleum, refined, 150° test gallons. Nails, cut, 8-penny, fence and common pounds. Nails, wire, 8-penny, fence and common do. . . Carbonate of lead (white lead), American, in oil do. .. Cement, Portland, American barrels. Plate glass, area, 3 to 5 squai-e feet square feet. Glassware, tumblers, J^-pint, common 20.9 56.9 10.0 (a) (0) 49.1 26.1 45.0 54.7 87 5.9 15.2 41 .S 87.1 2.8 25.8 86.S 19.0 24.8 95 88 49.9 1.8 7.6 172 76.9 98.4 17.4 (6) 47.5 84.9 101.4 87 11.2 28.8 78.7 66.3 4.2 49.1 65.4 82.2 45.S 285 210 86.8 2.6 15.5 a 1 and 18 cents over. c 8 and 3 cents over. - 6 2 and 37 cents over. d 5 and 70 cents over. Value of cattle fgood to ext -a steers) per 100 pounds in 1896 and 1901 when measured by the wholesale prices of the following staple articles. [Compiled from Bulletin No. 39, United States Department of Labor.] Articles. Coffee, Rio, No. 7 y pounds. Sugar, granulated do. . . Tea, Formosa, fine '. do. . . Shoes, men's calf bal. Goodyear welt pairs. Shoes, wonaen's solid grnlu do. . . Calico, Cocheco prints yards. Denims, Amoskeag « do. . . Drillings, brown, Pepperell do. . . Ginghams, Amoskeag; do. . . Hosiery, men's cotton half hose, 160 needles pairs. Overcoatings, chinchilla, cotton-warp, C. O. grade yards. Sheetings, bleached, 10-4, Atlantic do. . . Sheetings, brown, 4-4, Indian head do. . . Shirtings, bleached, 4-4, Fruit-of-the-Loom do. . . Suitings, Indigo blue, all wool, 54-lnoh, Middlesex do. . . Tickings, Amoslceag, A. C. A ., do. .. Women's dress goods, cashmerp, cotton-warp, 22-lnch, Ham- ilton yards. Coal, anthracite, stove bushel. Petroleum, refined, 150° test ^ gallons. Nails, cut, 8-penny, fence and common pounds. Nails, wire, S-pecny, fence aiid common ^ do. . . Carbonate of lead (white lead), American, in oil do... Cement, Portland, American barrel,'^. Plate glass, area, 3 to 5 square feet square feet . Glassware, tumblers, J^-pint, common 86.0 97.8 17.2 (a) («) 84.4 44.9 77.4 98.9 64 10.2 26.1 71.3 63.7 3.9 43.5 62.4 ,S2.7 42.7 163 152 85.8 2.2 13.0 296 1901. 90.6 116.0 20.5 117.1 56.0 100.1 119.5 102 18.2 81.6 92.8 78.1 4.9 57.8 77.1 37.9 58.4 277 248 101.7 3.1 18.3 890 a 1 and J2.03 over. a 5 and 18 cents over. 6 2 and $1.26 over. d 6 and 73 cents over. 90 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Valu of hogs {heavy} per 100 pounds in 1896 and 1901 when measured by the whole«'ile prices of ihe following staple articles. [Compiled from Bulletin No. 39, United States Department of Labor.] Article. Coffee, Bio, No. 7 pounds. Sugar, granulated do. . . Tea, Formosa, line do. . . Shoes, men's calf bal. Goodyear welt pairs. Shoes, women's solid grain do... Calico, Cocheco prints yards. Denims, Amoskeag do... Drillings, brown, P.epperell do. . . Ginghams, Amoskeag do. . . Hosiery, men's cotton half hose, 160 needles pairs. Overcoatings, chinchilla, cotton-warp, 0. C. grade yards. sheetiugs, bleached, 10-4, Atlantic do.. . Sheetings, brown, 4-4, Indian head do. . . Shli'tings, bleached, iA, Frult-of-the-Loom do. . . Suitings, indigo blue, all wool, 54.1noh, Middlesex do. . . Tickings, Amoskeag, A. 0. A do. . . Women's dress goods, cashmere, cotton-warp, 22-lnch, Ham- ilton yards. Coal, anthracite, stove bushels. Petroleum, refined, 150° test % gallons. Nails, cut, 8-penny, fence and common pounds. Nails, wire, 8-penny, fence and common do. . . Carbonate of lead (white lead) , American, in oil do . . . Cement, Portland, Apierlcan barrels. Plate glass, area, 3 to 5 square feet square feet. Glasswarfe, tumblers, H-pint, common 1896. 27.2 92.2 74.1 118.0 18.0 ' 20.9 («) (6) 4 7 64.0 119.2 84.0 sra 58.6 101.8 71.1 121.6 ^ 48 104 7.7 13.4 19.8 82.2 54.0 94.4 48.2 79.4 3.0 5.0 88.0 58.8 47.2 78.4 24.8 38.6 32.3 54.4 124 282 115 252 64.9 103.4 1.7 33 9.9 18.6 224 8»7 1901. a 1 and 96 cents over. 6 2 and 81.86 over. Value of SO pounds of JmUer (New York State dairy) in 1896 and 1901 when measured by the wholesale prices of the following staple articles. [Compiled from Bulletin No. 89, United States Department of Labor.] Article 1896. 1901. Coffee, Rio, No. 7 pounds . Sugar, granulated do. . . Tea, Formosa, fine do. . . Shoes, men's calf bal. Goodyear welt pairs. Shoes, women's solid grain do... Calico, Cocheco prints yards. Denims, Amoskeag do . . . Drillings, brown, Pepperell do. . . Ginghams, Amoskeag do Hosiery, men's cotton half hose, 160 needles pairs. Overcoatings, chinchilla, cotton-warp, C. C. grade. yards. Sheetings, bleached, 10-4, Atlantic do... Sheetings, brown, 4-4, Indian head do... Shirtings, bleached, 4-4, Frult-of-the-Loom do. . . Suitings, Indigo blue, all wool, 54-inch, Middlesex do. . . Tickings, Amoskeag, A. C. A do... Women's dress goods, cashmere, cotton-warp. 22-lnoh, Ham- ilton yards . Coal, anthracite, stove bushels Petroleum, refined, 150° test gallons. Nails, cut, 8-penny, fence and common pounds Nails, wire, 8-penny, fence and common do. . . Carbonate of lead (white lead), American, in oil do. ! ! Cement, Portland, American barrels! Plate glass, area, 3 to 5 square feet square feet' Glassware, tumblers, )^^-pint, common '. a 1 and 'M cents over. 6 1 and $1.71 over. 3 and 78 cents over. d 4 and 60 cents over 27.0 78.5 12.9 68.1 83.7 68.1 70.6 48 7.6 19.6 63.B 47.8 2.9 32.7 46.8 24.6 82.1 123 114 64.4 1.7 9.8 222 62.1 79.5 (6) \d) 14.1 80.3 38.4 68.6 81.9 70 9.1 21.7 eae 58.5 8.4 89.6 36.6 190 170 69.7 2.1 12.5 268 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK, 91 When the comparative value of silver is shown the decrease is remarkable. The value in IQOl is less than in 1896, when measured by 21 of the 25 articles. In 1S90 the value of 10 ounces of silver was equal to 150.5 pounds of granulated sugar, in 1901 it was equal to but 118.3 jjounds; in 1896 equal to 144.5 yards of ginghams, in 1901 to 121.8 yards; in 1896 equal to 109.6 yards of Indian Head sheetings, in 1901 to 94.6 yards; in 1896 equal to 50.3 bushels of stove coal (anthracite), in 1901 to but 38.7 bushels. The table follows :i Value of 10 ounces of silver (fine bar) in 1896 and 1901 when measured by the wholesale prices of the folloiving staple articles. [Compiled from BuUetln No. 39, United States Department of Labor.] Article. Coffee, Rio, No. 7 pounds Sugar, granulated do. . Tea, Formosa, fine. .\ do. . Sboes, men's calf bal. Goodyear welt pairs Shoes, women's solid grain do. . CaUoo, Cocheoa prints yards Denims, Amoskeag do. . UrllUngs, brov?n, PeppereU ■ do. . Ginghams, Amoskeag rto. . Hosiery, men's cotton half bose, 160 needles pairs OvprcoatlngSi ohlnohUla, cotton-warp, C. (J. grade yards Sheetings, bleached, 10-4, Atlantic do. . Sheetings, brown, 4-4, Indian bead do. . Shirtings, bleached, 4-4, Pruit-of-the-Loom do. . Suitings, Indigo blue, all wool, 54-lnch, Middlesex do. . Tickings, Amoskeag, A. C. A...., j do.. Women's dress goods, cashmere, cotton-warp, 22-inoh, Ham- ilton. . ., yards Coal, anthracite, stove bushels Petroleum, refined, 150° test gallons Nails, cut, a-nenny, fence and common pounds Nails, wli'e, 8 penny, fence and common ...do.. Carbonate of lead (white lea<^), American, in oil do. . Cement, Portland, American barrels Plate glass, area, 3 to 6 square feet square feet GlasBwai'Q, turn biers, ^-pint, common 1898. 55.3 150.5 26.4 (a) 8 129,9 69.0 119.0 144.5 98 15.7 40.1 109.6 8.0 6.0 66.9 50.3 65.6 251 283 131.9 3.4 20.1 455 1901. 92.4 118.8 20.9 ''\ 119.4 57.1 102.1 121.8 104 13.6 82.2 94.6 79.6 5.0 78.6 88.7 5-1.5 283 262 103.7 8.2 18.7 a 2 and $2.02 over. 6 2 and $1.37 over. It is not a good time for the liberator to subin.it important questions concerning liberty and government to the liberated while they are engaged in shooting down their rescuers. — Presi- dent McKinley, at Boston, February 16, 1899. American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that, independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a per- fect job. This is the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign countries. — President Koosevelt, In mes- sage to Congress, December 3, ISOl. THE TRUSTS. repfblican execution of the law vs. democbatic agitat;ion to cbeate prejudice. Attitxjfle of the Two Parties. — The attitude of the two great parties on the trust question is clearly defined. That of the Dem- ocratic party looks to constant agitation, with no restrictive legis- lation; that of the Republican party to such restriction as will -prevent arbitrary advance in prices or reduction in wages through exclusive control, but not the destruction by legislation or injury by fictitious agitation of legitimate enterprise through great manu- facturing systems by which production is cheapened, prices of manufacturers reduced, and permanency of employment assured. As far back as the Fiftieth Congress the Democrats began their agitation for effect by the passage of a resolution authorizing the House Committee on Manufactures to enter upon an investigation of the trusts of the United States. Such distinguished Democratic ■ leaders as Representative Wilson, of West Virginia, Representative Breckinridge, of Arkansas, Representative Bynum, of Indiana, and Representative Bacon, of New York, were members of the com- mittee, and they were given power to administer oaths, examine witnesses, compel the attendance of persons and the production of papers, and make their investigation a thorough one. More than 100 witnesses, including H. A. Havemeyer and Glaus Spreckles, of sugar fame, Mr. Rockefeller, Mr. Flagler, and others of the Standard Oil Company, and representatives of the cotton bagging trust and whisky trust were examined. A thousand pages of testimony were taken, and the committee delayed its report until one day beJore the expiration of the Congress, when it presented its testimony, but made no recommendation as to legislation, "owing to the pres- ent difference of opinion between members of the committee." In the Fifty-second Congress the House Judiciary Committee made another investigation, and after an examination of many wit- nesses, submitted a report in which it declared that "None of the methods employed by the trust in controllingf the production or disposition of their products are in violation of the United States laws," and that "it is clearly settled that the production Or manu- facture of that which may become a subject of interstate com- merce and ultimately pass into protected trade is not commerce, nor can manufactures of any sort be instruments of commerce with- in the meaning of the Constitution." In 1894 they again grappled with the trust problem, adding to the Wilson-Gorman tariff law a 92 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 93 series of provisions purporting to authorize the regulation of trusts, but which neither the Democratic President nor the Demo- cratic officials who were in power when the act came into existence made, so far as is known, any atternpt to put into operation. Kecord of the Bepublican Party.— The record of the Eepublican party on this question is consistent, performance following profes- sion. The, Republican party from its' organization has sought to protect both labor and capital as the two great forces of our civil- ization. Under the administration of this party these two forces l^ave received protection, and in organization they have been on parallel lines. The greater the development of each^ the nearer they have come to working in harmony upO'U scientific wage scales and agreements as to business management. The trust or corporation is not Of Federal origin due to any legislation by Congress or Executive act in the administration of Federal laws. They are all of State origin, incorporated under State laws and beyond national control when confined to those States. The only power the Federal Government has to reach these trusts or corporations is where they cross State lines and touch Interstate or foreign commerce. The Eepublican party has tried to enact laws that would prevent the trusts from, interfering with interstate commerce. William McKinley, as chairman of the Committee on Platfortn in the National Eepublican Convention of 1888, reported the first anti- trust resolution that was adopted as a plank in a party platform. That resolution was as follows: "We declare our opposition to all^ombinations of capital organ- ized in trusts or otherwise to control arbitrarily the conditions of trade among our citizens; and we recommend to Congress and the State legislatures in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution bf all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the transportation of their products to market. We approve the legis- lation by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair dis- crimination between the States." In his first message to the Fifty-first Congress President Har- rison, mindful of that plank in his platform, made the following i'ecommendation: "Earnest attention should be given by Congress to a considera- tion of the question how far the restraint of these combinations of capital commonly called "trusts" is a matter of Federal jurisdiction. When organized, as they often are, to crush out all healthy com- petition and to monopolize the production for sale of an article of commerce and general necessity, they are dangerous conspiracies 94 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGfN TEXT-BOOK. ag-ainst the public g-ood, aind should be made the subject of pro- hibitory and even penal leg-islation." Sherman Anti-Trust Law. — The first bill introduced in the Sen- ate of the Pifty-first Cong-ress was the anti-trust bill by Senator John ^herman, of Ohio. It declared illegal every combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy in restraint of trade or comrnerce among the several States or v*ith foreign nations,' and it provided severe penalties. It passed the Republican Senate. When William McKinley, as a raember of the Committee on Rules, rtported to the House, May 1, 1890, a, special rule for the immediate consideration of this anti-trust bill, the Democrats opposed him and voted against the rule. Carlisle of Kentucky, Bland of Mis- souri, Springer of Illinois, Richardson of Tennessee, McCreary of Kentucky, and Wilson of West Virginia, opposed the rule and the bill as the wrong- way to deal with the trusts. Mr. William L. Wilson, who later became the Democratic leader in the House and the author of the Wilson tariif bill, made a long speech in which lie said: "Now, sir, here ^igain is a bill dealing with a novel and most important question, a bill that is a new departure in Federal legisr lation, bristling with pains and penalties, denouncing a new class of crimes, and imposing prohibitions and penalties on many acts ilot now illeg-al and some perhaps not properly punishable. Here is a bill that may derange the course of trade among- the States that will bring doubt and uncertainty in many lines of business, both of production and distribution in the country. * * * A bill seriously affecting the business and prosperity of the country, and, what is more, the rights and liberties of the people. Was ever criminal law made in this fashion before? And who are to be the first vic- tims that must be fined and sent to the penitentiary, in order that the courts may interpret and declare what ore the crimes which we punish but do not define. «■ * * The St-ates, not Congress, grant the charters for these corporations. It is at once their duty, as it is easily and clearly within the sphere of their lawful power, to supervise the creatures which they bring- into being, so as to prevent the franchises granted by the people being used for the oppression and detriment of the people." Mr. Wilson then proceeded to argue that free trade was the only means by which the Federal Govetament could deal -with the trusts. That was the positiorij of the Democrats in the Fifty-first Congress which passed the Sherman anti-trust bill and made it a law. The Democrats did not vote against the bill, but they did everything possible to prevent its cousidei'atlon. The bill finally passed both branches of Congress, which were Republican, and was signed by President Harrison, July 2, 1890. It is a law placed on EEPUBLICAM CAAIPAIGN TEXT-BOOli. 95 the statute books by the Republican party. It was a new de- parture, but the Republican party Ijas made many new departures when necessary. The Harrison Administration enforced this law. Action Under the Law. — The first case brought was in October, 1890, against the Jellico Mountain Coal and Coke Conapany in Ken- tucky. The owners of Kentucky coal mines and the coal dealers in Nashville, Tenn., formed a combination whereby the Nashville dealers should sell coal at the same price to be fixed by the^ com- bination. The United States brought suit under the trust act. At the final hearing the defendants were enjoined. The Cleveland Administration did not have remarkable sojccess in presenting the trusts under this law. The three conspicuous decisions were against labor organizations, not against combinations of capital. These were against the employees and draymen in New Orleans who refused to handle goods for the warehousemen of that city; against the Brotherhood of Locoipotive Engineers, declaring a sc(^ tlon of their rules in violation of the trust act, and in the Debs ease declaring that combinations of labor in restraint of trade is forbidden by the trust act. The Cleveland Administration failed to restrain any combination of capital by use of this law. Presi- dent Cleveland in his last annual message to Congress expressed the opinion that the Federal Govea-nment could not suppress tlic evils of trusts, and he looked to the State legislatures for the onl.N' possible relief. McKinley's Becommendation. — President McKinley had the tarifl' to deal with in his first message, and the Cuban question in his next. But in his first message to the Fifty-sixth Congress he took up the trust question and discussed it at length. He made this pointed and forcible reoomjpendation : "It is universally conceded that combinations which engross or control the market of any particular kind of merchandise or com- modity necessary to the general community, by suppressing natural and ordinary competition, whereby prices are unduly enhanced to the general consumer, are obnoxious not only to the common law but also to the public welfare. There must be a remedy for the evils involved in such organizations. If th^ present law can be extended more certainly to control or check these monopolies or trusts, it should be done without delay. Whatever power Con- gress possesses over Jthis most important subject should be promptly ascertained and asserted." Proposed Republican Legislation. — Two measures were proposed by the Republicans of the Fifty-sixth Congress. The first was an amendment to the Constitution. It was as follows: "Section 1. All powers conferred by this article shall extend to the several States, the Territories, the District of Columbia, and 96 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. all territories under the sovereignty and subject to the jurisdiction of the United States. "Sec. 3. Cangress shall have power to definei, regulate, control, prohibit, or dissolve trusts, monopolies, or combinations, whether existing- in the form of a corporation or othenvise. "The several States may continue to exercise such power in any manner not in conflict with the laws of the United States. "Sec. 3. Oong-ress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by appropriate legislation." Democratic Opposition. — That joint resolution for an amendment to the Constitution was reported to the House from the Committee on Judiciary May 31, 1900, and Mr. Eichardson, ' of Tennessee, the Democratic leader, objected to its consideration. May 31 the Com- mittee on Rules reported a, rule for the immediate consideration of the resolution, the debate to continue through the day and the vote to be talcen June 1. All the Democrats voted against the adoption of the rule. It was adopted by Republican votes, and in the debate the Democratic leaders like Bailey of Texas, Richardson of Tennessee, and others, spoke against the proposed amendment. The Democrats voted against it on the roll call and it failed to pass because there was not the necessary two-thirds vote of the House to pass a constitutional amendment. The vote was 154 yeas, 133 nays, 11 answered "present," and 56 not voting. The vote was as follows: Yeas — Adams, Aldrich, Alexander, Allen (Me.), Babeock, Bailey i (Kans.), Baker, Barney, Bartholdt, Bingham, Bishop, Boering, Bou- tell (111.), r versock. Brick, Brosius, Brown, Burke (S. Dak.), Burkett, BUi.cigh, Burton, Butler, Calderhead, Campbell, Cannon, Clarke (N. H.), Cochrane (N. Y.), Connell, Cooper (Wis.), Corhss, Cousins, Cromer, Crumpacker, Curtis, Cushman, Dahle (Wis.), Dal- zell, Davenport S. A., Davidson, Dick, Dolliver, Eddy, Emerson, Esch, Paris, Fletcher, Foss, Fowler, Freer, Gardner (Mich.), Gard- ner (N. J.), Gibson, Gill, Gillett (N. Y.), Gillett (Mass.), Graff, Graham, Creene (Mass.), Grosvenor, Grout, Hamilton, Haugen, Hawley, Heatwole, Hedge, Hemenway, Henry (Conn.), Hepburn, Hill, Hilt, HofEecker, Howell, Hull,^ Jack, Jones (Wash.), Joy, Kahn, Ketcham, Knox, Lacey, Lane, Lawrence, Littlefield, Long, Lorimer, Loudenslager, Lovering, Lybrand, McCleary, McPherson; Marsh, Mercer, Mesick, Metcalf, Miller, Minor, Mondell, Moody (Mass.-), Moody (Oreg.), Morgan, Mudd, Naphen, Needham, New- lands, O'Grady, Olmsted, Otjeu, Overstreet, Parker (N. J.), Payne, Pearce (Mo.), Pearrc, Phillips, Prince, Pugh, Ray (N. Y.), Reeder, Reeves, Roberts, Rotlciiberg, Russrll, Scu'dder, Shattuc, Shelden, Sherman, Showaltor, Sibley, Smith, H. C," Smith, Samuel W., Spald- ing, Spefry, Steele, Stevens (Minn.), Stewart (N. Y.), Stewart, EEPUBLTCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 97 (Wis.), Sulloway, Tawney, Tayler (Ohio), Thayer, Thomas (Iowa), Thropp, Tong^ue, Van Vorhis, Wachter, Wadsworth, Wanger, War- ner, Waters, Watson, Weeks, Wise, Wright, Young, The Speaker. (One Democrat, Campbell of Montana, and Mr. Newlands, the Silver Republican of Nevada, voted with the Kepublicans.) Nays— Adamson, Allen (Ky.), Bailey (Texas), Ball, Barber, Bart- lelt. Bell, Bellamy, Benton, Bradley, Brantley, Breazeale, Brenner, Brewer, Brundidge., Burleson, Burnett, Caldwell, Candler,^ Clark, (Mo.), Clayton (Ala.), Clayton (N. Y.), Cochran (Mo.), Cooney, Cooper (Texas), Cowherd, Cox, Crowley, Cummings, Davenport, S. W., Davis, DeArruQud, DeGraflEenreid, DeVries, Denny, Dinsmore, Dougherty, Driggs, Elliott, Finley, Fitzgerald (Mass.), Fitzgerald (N. Y.), Fitzpatrick, Fleming, Fpster, Gaines, Gaston, Gilbert, Glynn, Gordon, Green (Pa.), Griffith, Griggs, Hall, Hay, Henry (Miss.), Henry (Texas), Howard, Jett, Johnston, Jones (Va.), King, Kitchin, Kleberg, Kluttz, Lamb, Lanham, Lassiter, Latimer, Lentz, Lester, Levy, Lewis, Little, Livingston, Lloyd, Loud, McCall, Mc- Clennan, McLain, McEae, Maddox.^May, Meeklson, Meyer (La.), Miers (Ind.), Moon, Muller, Neville, Noonan, Otey, Pierce (Tenn.), Quarles, Eansdell, Rhea (Ky), Rhea (Va.), Richardson, Ridgeley. , Riordan, Rixey, Robinson (Ind.), Robinson (Nebr.), Rucker, Ryan (N. Y.), Shafroth, Sheppard, Sims, Smith (Ky.), Snodgrass, Spight. Stallings, Stark, Stephens (Texas), Stokes, Sulzer, Sutherland, Swanson, Talbert, Tate, Taylor (Ala.), Terry, Thomas (N; C.),- Underhill, Underwood, Wheeler (Ky,), Williams, J. E., Williams, W. E. WiUiams (Miss.), WUson (Idaho), Wilson (N. Y.), Zenor, Ziegler. (Mr. Loud, of Califoimia, and McCall, of Massachusetts, were the only Repujalicans who voted with the Democrats.) Roosevelt on Trusts. — President Roosevelt's discussion of the trust question in his first message to the Fifty-seventh Congress was conservative, but fearless. He did not arraign the trusts as wholly bad, but conceded that they were a part of the industrial development of this country as they were of the industrial develop- ' ment throughout the civilized world. He said: "The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the begin- ning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. ^ "The growth of/ cities has gone on beyond comparison faster .98 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. tlian the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers, has meant n startling increase, not merely hi the aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large indi- vidual, a,nd especially of very large corporate, fortunes. The crea- tion of these great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff, not to any other governmental action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own. "The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. ' On the contrarj', never before has the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country,, and at the pi'esent time. There have been abuses connected with the accumu- lation of wealth; yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental bene- fits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the tj'pe which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success. The Captains of Industry. — "The captains of industry, who have driven the railway systems across this continent, w-ho have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the whole dtme great good to our people. Without them the mate- rial development of which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. Moreover, we shooild recognize the immense impor- tance to this material development of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest study of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a judgment that the personal equation is the most im- portant factor in a business operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of any business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hope- less failure. "An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of to-day. The same business conditions which have produced the great ag- gregations of corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international commercial competition. Business concerns which have the largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of the world. America has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 99 » which we believe will more and more be hers. It, is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the "overflowijig abundance of our own natural re- sources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such con- ditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youth- ful strength of our nation. Bule of National Life. — "Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably' endangers the'interests of all. The funda- mental rule in our national life — the rule which underlies all others^is tliat, on the whole, and in the long run, we shall go up or down together. Tliere are exceptions, and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of adversit_y some will suf- fer far more, than others; but speaking generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this statement; the memor3L.pf the lean years which began in 1803 is still vivid, and we can contrast tliem witli tlie conditions in this very year which is now closing. liisaster to great business enterprises can never have Its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage- worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. "The mechanism of modem business is so delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with ii in a spirit of rashnehs or ignorance. Many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical inaccuracy, known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear. These are precisely the two emo- tions, particularly when combined with ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment. In facing new industrial conditions, the wliole history of the -yvorld shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous 'had it not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance witi. a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really efEective friend of the evils which he hae been nominally opposing. In dealing with business interests, for the Government to undertake by crude and ill-con- stdered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incur tlie risk of such far-reuchiiiy national disaster that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand 100 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TKXT-BOOK. the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at vrar, for thej' hamper those who_ would endeavor to find out in rational fashion -what the wrongs really are and to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. Evil of Over-Capitalization. — "All this is true, and yet it is also true that there are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over- capilalization, because of ats many baleful consequences", and a resolute and practical effort must be made to coi-rect these evils. "There is a widespread Conviction in the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as 'tru^s' are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.- This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lacl< of pride in the great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest upon a lack of intelligent apprecia- tion of the necessitj- of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when -the world's progress demands, that great things be' done. It is based upon sincere conviction that conibina,tion and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised and %vithin reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this conviction is right. "It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing business under corporate form, which frees them from individual responsibility, and enables them to call into their en- terprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the business world of crimes' of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist only because they , are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and it is there- fore our right and our duty to see that thej- work in harmony vdth these institutions." THE SHARE OP TKUSTS IS SMALL. The trusts have not occupied as great a place in the manufac- turing' industries as they have in public discussion. Acoordinif to the returns of the Census for 1900 the value of trust-made artidea REPUKLICAT^ CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 101 was only 13.8 per cent of the total output of the manufacturing establishments in that year. The value of the total output of all manufacturing establishments in the census year was$13,.004,400,143, while the value of the output of the trusts was $1,607,300,941, or 12.8 per cent of the whole. The Director of the Census in collecting' these statistics inclurhvl all corporations organized in recent years by combination or con- solidation under a single coi-porate majiagement of a number of plants engaged in the same line of industry. The list contains 183 corporations, controlling 3,029 different manufactories that were active during the census year, and also 174 that were idle at that time. Sixty-three of these were organized prior to the year 1897 aijd 92 were chartered during the eighteen months between January 1, 1899, and June 30, 1900. Tlie largest of these was the United States Steel Corporation, with $1,005,351,740 capital stock and bonds. The total outstanding and authorized capitalization of the 183 cor- porations included in the list was as follows: Authorized. Issued. Bonds .\. $270,127,250 1,259,540,900 2,077371,050 $216,412,759 Preferred stock '.. s ; 1JJ66,525,96S Conimon stock ' 1302,262,146 Total 8,607,589,200 8,085,200,888 The Census Office has fixed the true value of the capital invested by tfee 183 trusts in their active and idle plants at $1,458,523,573, or 47.3 per cent of the total bonds and capital stock issued, and $175,583,851 more than the amount of bonds and preferred stock issued. The most interesting feature of the inquiry by the Census Office is the proportion of the industrial products of the country produced by the trusts. Of course the most important item to be considered in this connection is the public food stipply. ' The inquiry embraced every branch of that industry in which labor is a factor -after the product has reached a marketable condition. Purely agricultural supplies weie not included; neither grains, vegetables, nor meats in their natural state; but from the' Census point of view, a steer becomes a manufactured article when it is slaughtered; a bushel of wheat when it is ground into flour; and fruit and vegetables when they are preserved or otherwise prepared for the market by artificial means. The results of the inquiry in this direction will be a surprise, becaufse of a total value of $2,377,702,010 only $285,941,066, or 12.06 per cent of tihe food of the people is controlled by the trusts. 103 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIOTST TEXT-BOOK. The hig-liest percentage'is found in chemicals and allied indus- tries, where the trusts produce 33.4 per cent of the total; in iron and steel, where they produce 28.4 per cent; in tobacco, where Ihey produce 26.2 per cent; in metals other thaii iron ajid steel, 34.1 pea: cent, and in liquors and beverages, 22 per cent. It is interesting to know that the drink bill of the United States amounted last year to $425,504,167, of which $93,432,274 was paid to the trusts. This incliLdes all wines, beers, liquors, and beverages of every description, "soft" as well as "hard" drinks and mineral waters. The lumber industry is more free from the control of the trusts than any other. Of a total of $1,030,906,579 of lumber and its manufactures produced last year, otnly 2 per cent> or $20,378,§1.5, was produced by the trusts, and only 4.4 per cent of the textiles. The total value of textiles produced was $1,637,438,484, and the share of the trusts was $71,888,802. Paper and printing, leather g'oods, and clay, glass,-- and stone products also are comparatively free from the trusts, as they controlled less than 8 per cent of eaxih. Another yery interesting feature of this part of the Census inr quiry is the comparative proportion of wage-earners employed by the trusts, the number being only 400,046, or 7.5 per cent of the total ntunber of 5,308,406 wage-earners employed by all the manu' facturing establishments in the United States. The smallest proportion of wage-earners controlled by the trust is found in the lumber trade, where the percentage is very small — only 10,078 out of a total of 546,953. The largest. percentage is 28, in the chemical trqde. o - ~ ^: The following table shows the number of wage-earners empl6yed in the different industries of the United States, and the propoi'don controlled by the trusts: iFood prod-uots Textiles Iron &nd steel Lumber : Leather -. Paper and printing. Liquors and beverages Chemicals v Olay , glass, and stone Metals, other than Iron and steel. Tobacco Land vehicles,. ; Shipbuilding. Miscellaneous Industries Hand trades Total •> All manufao- tures. $313,809 1,029,910 733,968 546,958 288,202 297,561 68,072 101,622 214,987 190,757 142,277 316,214 46,781 483,273 668,130 6,308,406 Trusts. $33,165 37,723 146,609 10,778 9398 16,706 7,624 28,401 20,294 20,522 17,661 84,422 17,243 400,046 Batloof trusts. 10.6 8.7 20.0- 2.0 4.5 6S 12.1 28^9 8J! 10.8 12.4 10.» 9.4 7.5 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 103 The following table shows the total amount of wages paid to wage-earners of all classes by manufacturing establishments in the- United States during the year 1901, and the proportion paid by trusts: ■ Food products^. Textiles Iron and steel liUmber Leather Paper and printing Liquors and beverages Chemiosils Clay, glass, and stone Metals, other than iron and steel Tobacco Land vehicles Shipbuilding. Miscellaneous Hand .trades Total. All Industries. S129,910fl70 841,734399 881,875,499 212,201,768 99,759,885 140,092,453 S6,94(j,.567 43,870,602 109,022,582 96,749,061 49,852,484 164,614,781 24,889,163 202,746,162 288,118,421 2,S22,'i83,877 Trusts. $12,446,866 13,297^57 81,098,588 4,889,944 4,070,641 7,478.962 4>,869,457 13,214,006 10,994,488 12,356,772 5,278,151 17,571,613 8,056,140 195,122,980 Ratio of trusts. 8.9 21.2 2.1 4.1 5.3 18.2 30.1 10.1 12.7 10.6 10.7 8.6 Yet more and more it is evident that the State, and, if neces- sary, the nation, has got to possess the right of supervision and control as regards the great corporations which are its creatures; particularly as regards the great business combinations which derive a portion of their importance from the existence oi some monopolistic tendency. — Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at Minne- apolis, September 2, 1901. It is no limitation upon property rights-or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing' business under corporate form, which frees them from individual responsibility, and enables them to call into their en- terprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon abso- lutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to be invested. — President Boosevelt, in aies- sage to Cpngress, December 3, 1901. So much for our duties, each to himself and each to his neigh- bor, within the limits of our own country. But our country, as it strides forward with ever increasing rapidity to a foremost place among the world powers, must necessarily find, more and more, that it has world duties also. There are excellent people who believe that we can shirk these duties and yet retain 9ur self- respect; but these good people are in error. — Theodora T^oosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. EXECUTING THE ANTI-TRUST LAW. RECOED OP CASES AND DECISIONS PROM THE OOtTBTS. The Kepublican administrations of President McKinley and President Eoosevelt have made a good record in their efEorts to execute the anti-trust law. There has been no shirking of duty because of the powerful financial influence behind the trusts. There has been no hesitation for fear the law would not prove effective. These two Kepublican Presidents have recognized no man or corporation as above the law. The Department of Justice has proceeded against all trusts against which sufBciemt information could be secured to justify prosecution, but there has been nothing to warrant the charge of persecution to make political capital. The Department of Justice has acted as the attorney for the Government and sought to ex- ecute the law enacted by Congress. And it has secured one de- cision from the Supreme Court' sustaining the validity of the law, an important development in itself, and several other most im- portant decisions against. some of the most powerful combinations of capital in the country, while other suits have been brought against the Northern Securities Company to enjoin it and prevent the merging of the Great Northern and Northern Pacific Railroads, and against the Beef Trust in Chicago. These suits are to be tried when the defendants have filed their answers to the complaints made against them. The following is the record made by the Department of Justice in the courts since the Republican administration of William Mc- Kinley begaji, March 4, 1897: » Joint Traflac Association. — United States vs. The Joint Traffic Association (171 U. S., 505). The Joint Traffic Association was formed by an agreement be- tvveen thirty-one railroads, comprising nine trunk line systems, operating between Chicago and the Atlantic Seaboard, for the pur- pose of fixing and maintaining rates and fares between all com- petitive points within the territory covered by the agreement. The suit was brought in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York, in January, 1896. The Circuit Court decided in favor of the railroads and the Court of Appeals affirmed that decision. Thereupon the Government took fin appeal to the Supreme Court. The case was argued in the Supreme Court on 104 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 105 behalf of the Government by Solicitor-General Richards on Feb- ruary 24 and 25, 1898, the case being decided in the October fol- lowing. The Supreme Court reversed the judgments of the lov^er courts and held that the anti-trust lavy prohibits all agreements in re- straint of interstate trade and commerce, whether the restraint be reasonable or unreasonable. The court further held the anti-trust law to be valid, and that Congress has the power to say that a contract or combination shall not be legal which" restrains com- mei'ce among the several States by preventing the operation of the general law of competition. The court further held that the natural, direct, and necessary effect of all the provisions of the agreement which the companies had entered into was to prevent any competition whatever between the parties to it for the whole time of its existence. Hopkins vs. The United States (171 U. S.; 578). This suit was brought in December, 1896, in the District Court of the United States for the district of Kansas, against Hopkins and other members of the Kansas City Live Stock Exchange, to obtain a dissokition of the Exchaiige. The Exchange was an un- incorporated volunteer association of men doing business at the stock yards, and formed for the purpose of receiving individually consignments of live stock from the owners in the several States surrounding Kansas City, and for caring for and selling the same. An injunction .was granted restraining the operation of the asso- ciation. The Supreme Court, however, dissolved the injunction for the reasons that the business carried on at the stock yards by the members of the association was not interstate commerce within the meaning of the anti-trust law. Argued February, 1898 — de- cided October, 1898. Anderson vs. The United States (171 U. S., 604). This suit was against The Traders' Live Stock Exchange of Kansas City, to compel its dissolution. The association being similar in character to that involved in the Hopkins case, and the business carried on being similar in all respects, the Supreme Court lield that such acts were not in violation of the anti-trust law, and the business so carried on was not interstate commerce. The case was argued in February, 1898, and decided in October of that year. Addyston Pipe Case. — United States vs. Addyston Pipe and Steel Company (175 U. S., 311). This suit was brought on December 10, 1896, in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Tennessee, against 'the Addyston Pipe and Steel Company of Cincinnati, Ohio, and five 106 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. other companies engaged in the manufacture and sale of cast-iron pipe, to restrain the further carrying out an agreement between the six companies to control prices in thirty-six States of the United States by suppressing competition. The Circuit Court, upon hearing, dismissed the complaint. The Government took an appeal to the Court of Appeals, where the. judgment of the lower court was, on February 8, 1898, reversed. Thereupon the Pipe Trust car- ried the case to the Supreme Court, where, on December 4, 1899, the judgment of the Court of Appeals was affirmed, and the several companies were, as to interstate trade and commerce, perpetually enjoined from the further carrying out of their agreement. This case is important because it is the first in which the SujJrenie Court has applied the Sherman anti-trust law to an industrial combination or trust. On behalf of the trust it was contended that the power of Congress, under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution, does not extend to agreements among private corporations, but is limited to acts of interference by the States and by quasi-public corporations, such as railroads. Private manu- facturing corporations, it was insisted, are not public agencies and cannot be compelled to keep their shops running or sell their goods to any person who applies. In the next place, it was urged that there was no restraint" put upon interstate commerce and that under the decision in the Knight (sugar) case, the creation of a monopoly in the manufacture of a. commodity, however use- ful, is not prohibited by the anti-trust law. The Supreme Court held, however, that Congress may jjrohibit the performance of any contract between individuals or corpora- tions where the natural and direct effect of it is to regulate or restrain interstate commerce. In other words that the anti-trusl lavv applies to every agreement in restraint of interstate trade, whether made by corporations or individuals. In the next place the court held that any agreement or combination which directly operates not alone upon the manufacture but upon the sale of an article of interstate commerce, by preventing or restricting its interstaie sale, is denounced by the Sherman law. The form of the combination is immaterial, if it operates directly to put a restraint upon trade or commerce among the several States. Chesapeake and Ohio Fuel Company. — United States vs. Chesa- peake and Ohio Fuel Company (105 Fed. Rep., 93). This suit was brought in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Southern District of Ohio, in May, 1899, to restrain fourteen companies engaged in producing and shipping coal and coke in what is known as the "Kanawha District," West Virginia, from carrying out an agreement made with the Chesapeake and Ohio Fuel REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 107 Company, whereby the latter company was to receive and sell the entire product of the fourteen companies, intended for shipment west of Cincinnati, the companies to fix the rate at which the coal_ should be sold, and the amount of coal and coke each constituent company should furnish. Upon hearing the Circuit Court found that the defendants, act- ing under this agreement, monopolized and controlled the amount of coal and coke produced in the Kanawha District, and only per- mitted Bueh. amount of coal to be mined and coke to be made as could be sold by the fuel company in accordance with the agree- , ment, the producers being permitted to ship only such amounts as should b^apportioned among them by an executive committee selected by the Itiembers of the association^that the defendtints, acting under the agreement, not only controlled the amount of coal and coke shipped into the territory sought to be controlled, but wholly destroyed competition in the sale of the same. The court held the agreement to be in violation of the Sherman anti-trust law, as being an attempt to confer power to regnlate and restrain interstate commerc^ by contract, and a usurpation of the functions of Congress. That it was for Congress to determine what regulations of trade will promote the public good, and that it is the policy of Congress to promote individual effort. Upon appeal to the United States CSrcuit Court of Appeals, the judgment of the lower court was affirmed. IToittiern Securities Case. — The United States^ rs. Th* Northern Securities Company et al. , This suit was filed on March 10, 1902, in the CSrcuit Court of the United States for the Bistrict of Minnesota, to restrain the carry- ing into effect of an agreement between the officers of The Great Northern Railway Company syjd The Northern Pacific ' Railway Company, whereby all competition between the two railway sys- tems should be prevented. To accomplish this purpose, J. Pier- pont Morgan and his associate stockholders of the Northern Pacific Railway Company, and James J. Hill and his associate stockholders of the Great Northern Railway Company caused to be incorporated under the laws of New Jersey a corporation with a capital stock of $400,000,000, called the Northern Securities Company. The officers and managers of the two railway systems beca,me the officers and managers of the Northern Securities Company. The latter company acquired a controlling interest in th© stock of the two railway companies by' issuing its stock in exchange for the stock of the railway companies; the stockholders of the railway companies ceased to be such and became stockholders of the securities company. In this manner the Northern Securities Com- pany absolutely controlled the management and policy of both lOS REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. railways; the former stockholders of the two railw^ systems no long-er drew their dividends from the railway companies, but from the holding company — the Northern Securities Company. These dividends were made up from the earnings, of the two railway systems. In this manner, by making the stockholders of each railway- system jointly interested in both systems, and by practically pool- ing the earnings of both systems for the benefit of the former stockholders of each, and by vesting the selection of the directors and officers of each system in a common body— _the Northern Securities Company — with not only the power but the duty to pursue a policy which would promote the interestst not of one system at the expense of the other, but of both at the expense of the public, all inducement for competitaon was to be destroyed, a virtual consolidation effected, and a monopoly of the interstate and .foreign commerce formerly carried on by the two railway systems as independent competitors established. ' To this petition the several defendants have within the past few days filed answers, admitting some of the allegations but denying others. Testimony will soon be taken upon the issues raised by the pleadings and the case brought to a hearing early in the fall. The Beef Trust. — United States vs. Swift & Company and others. This suit was brought in May, 1902, in the Circuit Court of the. United States for the Northern' District of Illinois, to restrain the operations of the ^o-called "Beef Trust." The petition charges the defendants with entering into an unlawful agreement and con- spiracy to destroy all competition in the purchase of Uve-stock and in tiie sale of dressed meats, by — Directing and requiring their respective purchasing agents at the various stock yards where liva stock is purchased to refraiii from bidding against each other in the purchase of live, stock; By at times bidding up the price of such stock to a point above its actual market value for the purjyose and with the intent to induce the shipment to those points of large numbers of cattle, sheep and hogs so that, upon the arrival of tJie stock by refrain- ing from bidding against each other the live stock is sold at far below its market value and for much less than could have been obtained at other markets; By eollusively restraining and curtailing the quantities of dressed meats shipped by them to the different markets of the United States with the intent to raise prices, arid by arbitrarily, from time to time, by means of their agents, arbitrarily raising and lowering and fixing the prices at which the meats shall be soW, for the purpose and with the intent to destroy all competition; By at certain places imposing certain cartage charges for the REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 109 delivery of meats to dealers, such charges not being made at other places under similar conditions, with the purpose and intent to render it impossible for certain retail dealers to purchase meats; By means of rebates and other devices, under agreements with the various railroad companies, the defendants have been given and are enjoying lower rates for the transportation of their meats than their competitors, thus forcing their competitors into ruinous competition and loss, for the purpose of destroying all competition in the saJe of live stock and fresh meats throughout the various States of the United States. The petition prays that the defendante may be enjoined from doing or continuing the unlawful acts charged. A temporary restraining order was granted on May 20, 1902, by Judge Crwsscup at Chicago, enjoining each and all of the defend- ants from contin"Uing to carry out the unlawful agreement and conspiracy charged in the petition. At this time qo answers have been filed by the defendants to the petition. TRUSTS IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES— FREE-TIRADE ENGLAND THE HOME OF TRUSTS. Free-trade England seems to be especially the home of trhsts. United States Consul Day, writing from Bradford, England, on May 19, 1900, said: "The combine mania has smitten this district with almost the fury of an epidemic, and more than any other part of the country it is responsible for the flotation of trusts." He then presents tables shownng at Bradford alone the combination of 126 businesses into five associations, the British Cotton and Wool- Dyers' Association, the Yorkshire Wool Combers' Association, the Yorkshire! Color Dyers' Association, the Bradford Dyers' Association, and the Brad- ford Goal Company, their capitalization being over $51,000,000. . Consul Dexter, of Leeds, in a report to the State Department dated May 38, 1900, forwards an extract from. The Financial Times, giving a list of 296 businesses which had been within two years combined into. 13 organizations with a total capital of $182,000,000. Consul Boyle, of Liverpool, reports a combination of chemical majiu- facturers with a capital of $41,000,000, a combination pf salt manufacturers and salt mine owners with a capital of $20,000,000, and a combination of warehousing establishments with a capital of $5,000,000. Spinners' Trust. — Consul Halstead, of Birmingham, announces tte formation of a Worstred Skinners' trust made up of 106 firms 110 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. , with a capital of $87,000,000, also a combination of wall paper com- panies with $29,000,000 capital, and another of bleaching' companies with a cajjital of $48,000,000 and including 53 firm^; also a combina- tion of cement manufacturers with a. capitalization of $40,000,000, Consul Fleming reports from Edinburg a large number of trade combinations, among them the United Alkali Company, composed of 48 firms, the English Sewing Cotton Company, com.p08ed of firms with a capitalization of $13,000,000'; the Cotton Spdnnexs' and Doublers' Association, 31 firms, capital $29,000,000; the American Thread Company, 13 firms, ca/pital $18,000,000; the British Oil and Cake Mills, 17 firms, capital $7,000,000;' the Calico Printers' Asso- ciation, 60 firms, capital $44,000,000; wall paper manufacturers, 31- firms, capital $20,000,000, and many others. ConS'U] Taylor, of' Glasgow, says larg^e numbers of trusts have been fornled in that section and that "no* attention is given to them and they excite no comment whatever. The impression," he says, "that these-l 'combinations' differ in aims, objects, and worldngs from trusts in America is errone'dus. * * * They are regarded by the public as monopolies pure and simple; still there are those who contend that as much can be said in their defense as in condemnation." Trusts in Austria. — In the other couniries of Europe trusts flourish, but apparently not with such success and application to all branches of business as in free-trade England. From Austria- Hungary Consul-General Carl Bailey Hurst reported on August 3, 1900, that "in spite of its comparatively young manufacturing indus- tries, Austria is not behind other European countries in the matter of trusts. Some political economists designate Austria as the birth- place of the trusts of Central Europe. Since 1873 the number of Austrian trade combinations has steadily risen, embracing pretty nearly all articles of manufacture." The irOn trust, Mr. Hursfi says, includes the entire number of iron works in Austria; the petroleum trust comprises 72 factories, and the sugar trust embraces all sugar . factories and refineries in Austria. Consul Hossfeld, of Trieste, says: "The formation of trusts in Austria has developed only during the last few years. In the last three years these syndicates ha\e increased in numbers to such an extent that there does not appear to be at present any really important industry in the country which has not resorted to combination; and this in spite of the fact that the legality of trusts has been repeatedly and emphatically denied by the courts." Vice-Coil&ul Kubinsky, at Prague, who reports a lai-ge number of trusts in Austria, says: "The object, it ia claimed, is to prevent an overproduction of the manufactured article and the falling of the price in the home market; to establisli a uniform selling price, and to guard against loss caused by delinquent debtors." REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Ill France and Belgium. — These are the avowed objects, but their ulterior, objects, of course, the public is not able to ascertain. Con- sul Winslow, of Liege, Belgium, reported in 1900 a large number of trade combinations in Belgium for the purpose of regulating prices and distributing orders among the coi-porations, and adds: "It seems to be the general impression here that these trade combines are not detrimental to the interests of the working'men, but on the contrary to their advantage." In France the existence of a large number of trusts or trade combinations for the control of production and prices of articles of common use, such as sugar, rice, candles, coal, petroleum, matches, tobacco, etc., is reported. Consul Thackara, of Havre, reported in May, 1900, that in 1897 there vs^ere in France no less than 5,680 industrial, commercial, and agricultural syndicates. The production and sale of refined petroleum, he says, are in the hands of a powerful organization, and the pig iron industry of France is virtually controlled by a joint stock company formed for this purpose. Consul Skinner, of Marseilles, reports that "Syndicates have been successfully organized and are now in more or less un- disputed control of the following commodities or utilities: Sugar, rice, sulphur, candles, coal, petroleum, tiles, matches, tobacco, transportation by land, and transportation of immigrants." In Germany the existence of trusts in the principal industries is well known. The Consul-General at Berlin, in a report to the State Department in 1900, said: . "The organization of German manufacturers and producers of raw material into syndicates or trade combinations began nearly forty years ago. In 1870 there were five syndicates in Germany, and these have steadily increased until they numbered, according to the best estimates, 345 in 1897, and cover practically the entire field of industrial activity in this country. It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country and at the present time. — President Koose- velt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1901. There have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legiti- mate business can be accumulated by the person specially bene- fited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. — President Roosevelt, in message to Congress, De- cember 3, 1901. THE FHILIPPINES. REPUBLICAN POLICY CAERHID TO SUCCESS NOTWITH- STANDING THE INSUREEOTION. The Philippines became territory of the United States by the ex- change of ratifications of the treaty of peace with Spain, April 11, 1899. There was then an insurrection ag-ainst the authority of the United States led by Aguinaldo. That insui-rection has been suppressed; civil authority has taken the place of military authority throusj-hooit the archipelago; a general amnesty has been pro-' claimed, and Congress, by legislation, has provided^ for a civil government in tha Philippines that is more liberal than any gov- ernment ever before over thejslands, and with the promise of a legislative assembly when a census shall have been taken to de- termine the proper basis of representation. iSo other great accession of territory has been so quickly provided with civil government in the past. It is more liberal than that first given to the Xorthw»st Territory, from which the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin were organized, or that of Louisiana, from which the States veest of the Mississippi River were organized. The Supreme Court has declared that the govern- ment extended to . the Northwest Tenitory and the District of Louisiana were more like those of a British Crown colony than a State in the American Union. This question of organizing new territory and providing govern- ment for the people in new territory acquired by the United States is as old as tJie Government. It became a subject of great contro- versy when I'resident Jefferson acquired by purchase from France the great Louisiana territory, and that controversy has been revived with each acquisition of territory since that date. The Supreme^ Court has, howevei', decided that Congress has full power to govei*" territory of the United States, and that the Constitution does not extend to such territory by its own force. The theory of ex propiio vigore has not the approval of the Supreme Court. That the Philippine question is a troublesome one, no one has ever denied. President McKinley so recognized it, and he hesitated . long before he decided that the whole archipelago should be ceded to this Government. That question was not decided in the light of commercial advantage or territorial extension. It was decided in conscience as to the duty of this Government toward the people In the Philippiniee who had revolted against Spain, and our respon- 112 ^ REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 113 sil(illty to the other civilized g-overnments of the world. The wai- for huntanity ended in a larg-er duty to humanity, and that duty was accepted by President McKinley, by his Peace Commissioners, and by Congress, as other great obUgations have been accepted by the Americsan people. President McKinley said at the time "we must choose between manly doing- and base desertion," and the American people approved of his doing what was done. There was, in 1898, practically no division of public sentiment on this question. It was almost unanimous in favor of taking over the Philippine archipelago from Spain as indemnity for the war. Democrats and Republicans urged this course. But President McKinley hesitated in an effort to find some other way than assumption of the re- sponsibility for the government of the Philippines. There was no other way. We had destroyed the only government that had ever had existenc« in the Philippines. There was no other and no hope of any other. The ablest men in the Philippines did not want com- plete indepeaidenee. Aguinaldo, the leader of the insurrection, did not. He wanted independence under the protection of the United States. This Government has never assumed such responsibilities and never will. There was only one alternative to keeping the islands. That was by returning theim to Spain. The Filipinos protested against such suggestion, ajid the American people did not approve it. It was not in harmony with our purpose in waging a war for humanity in Cuba. When Commodore Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay, he destroj'ed the power of Spain in the Philippines. T.hat was May 1, 1898. On receipt of the news of Dewey's victory President McKinley telegraphed to the commander of the fleet, ask- ing what troops would be necessary. Dewey advised sending 5,000 troops to take possession , of Manila. The President, by executive order. May 19, 1898, announced that "as the control of the naval station had rendered it necessary in prosecution of the war with ■ Spain to send an army of occupation to the Philippines for the two- fold purpose of completing the reduction of the Spanish power in that quarter aoad of giving order and security to the islands while in the possession of the United States, he had designated General Merritt to proceed with an army of occupation for that purpose." "It will be the duty," that order declared, "of the commander of the expedition, immediately upon arriving in the islands, to publish a proclamation declaring that we come not to make war upon the oeople of the Philii^pines nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who either by active aid' or honest submission cooperate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose, will receive 8 114 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. the reward ol its support and protection. Onr occupation should be as free from severity as possible." In pursuance of this Order the first expedition sailed May 25 and arrived at Manila June 30. Others expeditions followed until we had an army of 15,000 men in front of Manila. The protocol with Spain was signed in Washingi^n, Ajig-ust 13, 1898, providing in addi- tion to the relinquishment of Cuba and the cession of Porto Eico that "the United States will occupy the city, bay, and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philip- pines." The news of the signing of the protocol did not reach Admiral Dewey and General Merritt until they, had demanded and accepted the surrender of Manila on AugTist 13. No Joint Occupation. — Foiur days later, on Aug-ust 17, President McKinley directed that a telegram be sent to General Merritt saying: "The President directs that there must 6e no joint occupation tvUh the insurgents. The United States in possession of ^la- nila City, Mainns and to subordi- nate military authority and provide for civil g-overnment, thrf Demo- crats apposed botii and delayed their passage for many weeks while they assailed the Army in their speeches. They did not dis- cnss these legislative measures. They abused the American soldiers who were flighting thg battles of their country. The -Democrats delayed these measures, but could not prevent the Republicans from adopting the-m. , The Philippines civil governrntnt act passed by the Fifty-seventh Congress and signed by the President July 1, 1903, in its first sec- tions gives the approval of Congress to' the action of President M(?- Kinley in creating the existing Philippin&s government, and author- izing it to exercise the powers set forth in his instructions to the Philippines Commission, dated April 7, 1900. The act also ratifies the President's order of July 12, 1898, whereby a tariit was collected at the ports of the PhilippiU'CS. The act makes provision for the creation of a legislature to consist of two houses — the Philippines Commission and the Philippines Assembly^the latter body to be a popular assembly of d^legates chosen at a general election by the people of the Philippine Islands; and for the transfer to that leg- islature all legislative power heretofore conferred on the Com- mission. This legislature is to be provided for two years after a, census Is taken, provided the condition of general and complete peace with recognition wf the authority of the United States shaQ have continued in the territory of the islamds not inhabited by the Moros and other non-Christian tribes. The following bill of rights is contained in the act: Bill of Rights. — Section 4. That all inhabitants of the Philippine Islands continuing to reside therein who were Spanish subjects on the 11th day of April, 1899, and then resided in said islands, and their children born subsequent thereto, shall be deemed and held to be citizens of the Philippine Islands and as such entitled to the protection of the United States, except such as shall have elected to preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain, signed at Paris, December 10, 1898. Section 5. That no law shall be enacted in said islands which shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, or deny to any person th^erein the equal protection of the laws. That in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall emjoy the right to be heard by himself and counsel, to demand the nature and oanise of the accusation against him, to have a speedy and public trial, to meet the witnesses face to face, and to have oompulaory proceea to oom,pel the attendjaace of witnesses in his behAiIl, 124 BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. That no person shall be held to answer for a criminal offense without due process of law; and no person for the same offense shall be' twice put in jeopardy of punishment, nor shall be com- pelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself. That all persons shall before conviction be bailable- by suffieifint sureties except for capital offenses. That no law impairing the obligation of contracts shall be enacted. That no person shall be imprisoned for debt. That the privilege of the writ of Jiahcas corpus shall not he sus- pended, unless when in cases of rebellion, insurrection, or invasion the public safety may require it, in either of which events the same may be suspended by the President, or. by the governor, with the- approval of the Philippine Coimmission, wherever during such-period the necessity for such suspension shall ecsist. -.. That no ex post facto law or bill of attainder shall be enacted. That no law granting a title of nobility shall be enacted, and no person holding any office of profit or trust in said islands, shall, without the consent of the Congress of the United States, accept any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind-whatever from any king, queen, prince, or foreign state. That excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines im- posed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted. That the right to be secure against unreasonable seajxhes and seizures shall not be violated. • That neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a pun- ishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly con- victed, shall exist in said islands. Thajt no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the Government for redress of grievances. That no law shall be made respecting an establishment of re- ligion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall forever be allowed. That no money shall he paid out of the treasury except in pur- suance of an appropriation by law. That the rule of taxation in said islands shall be uniform. Tliat no private or local bill which may be enacted into law shall embrace more than one subject, and that subject shall be expressed in the title of the bill. That no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the person or things to be seized. Tbai all moiiey collected on any tax levied or assessed for a KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 1S5 special purpose shall be treated as a, special fuBd in the treasury and paisl. out for such purpose only. The Legislature. — The provision for the legislature is practically the same as that for i'orto Kico. The members of the assembly are to hold office for two years. The leg"islature is to hold annual sessions, which are to continue not more than ninety days. Pro- vision is made for the election of two resident commissioners to the United States, who shall be entitled to official recognition as such by all departments, and to the privilege of the floor of each House of Congress. No person shall be eligible to such elec- tion who is not a liona fide resident of the islands. The franchise provision of the law is similar to that provided for Porto Rico. The act authorizes the Philippine government to acquire the friars' lauds by purchase or by the exercise of the right of eminent domain, and to issue and sell bonds and apply the money in payment for the property. s Provision is made whereby the public property of the United States in the islands is to be administered by the Philippine gov- ernnoient. The gfovernment is also authorized to provide by general legislation for the granting to Evctual occupants and settlers of agricultural lands of the United States in the islands, but not to exceed 16 hectares (40 acres) to one person, nor more than 3,000 hectares to any corporation. This is in the nature of a homestead law, and such grant is to be conditioned ujpon actual and continued improvement and cultivation of the premises sold for not less than five years. A homestead is not to exceed 40 acres in extent, an area which, from the testimony before the committee, is the equivalent in average productiveness of 160 acres in the United States. Provision is made for the lease of the timber lands, and for the cutting of the timber and forest products under laws and regula- tions now in' force in the islands and those to be prescribed by the local government. Complete provision is made for the exploration of mineral lands and for the location and patent of mining claims. The provisions relating to these subjects are strict and amply sufficient to prevent exploitation. The Division of Insular Affairs of the War Department, organized by the Secretary of War, which has been of much service in mat- ters pertaining to the insular possessions of the United States, is continued' until otherwise provided by Congress, and is to be known as the Bureau of 'Insular Affairs of the War Department. Philippines Tariff Law. — The Philippines tariii law enacted by the Fifty-seventh Congress was intended to restore the status which existed prior to the decision of the Supreme Court in the "Diamond 126 REPUBLICAN CAMTAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Kings" Case, declaring- the Philippines domestic and not foreign ter- ritory. Before that decision thfe Government had been •eollecting duties on goods coining from the Philippines at the same rate as those provided in our tariif laws for like articles imported from for- eign conntries. A new tarifE law became necessary because the Su- preme Court decision not only prevented the collection of duties against products of the Philippines coming into this country but also made ineffective the tariff law adopted by the Philippines Com- mission for the Philippines. The law provides for the collection of 75 per cent of the Dingley rates on products of the Philipjpine?, less the export duty levied, in the Philippines on certain products — and that all such revenues collected in this country shall not be covered into the general fund of the Treasury, but paid into the treasury ol the Philippine Islands to be used and expended for the Benefit of those islands. The act makes the Philippine tariff a part of the Statutes of the United States. It also provides for the collertlon of tonnage taxes on vessels plying between the poets of the United' States and the Philippines. Our soldiers carrying our flag in Luzon will be supported by the people of the TJitited States (continued applause), and hostilities will stop in that distant island of tfie sea when the men 'who assaulted our flag and our soldiers shall lay down their arms.— President McKinley, at Cleveland, Ohio, October 18, 1899. We will fulfill in the Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumphs of our Army and the treaty of peace by international law, by the nation's sense of honor, and more than all by the rights, interests, and conditions of the Philippine people them- selves.— President McKinley to NoUflcation Committee, July 13, 1900. We have not had any water cures in the feouth on the negroes, but one Senator said the other day something about the sand cure. I say, from my knowledge of the situation, that when we get ready to put a negro's head in the sand we put his body there, too.— Senator B. F. Tillman, in the United States Senate, May 7, 1902. , The boys who carry our flag in that distant sea will be sus- tained by the American people. It is the flag of our faith, and our purpose; it is the flag of our love. It represents the con- science of th« country, and carries with It, wherever U goM, edu- cation, civilization, and liberty. And let those lower it who will!— President McKinley, at Evanston, 111., October 17, 1899. AMNESTY FOR FILIPINOS. ALL riLIPINO PRISONERS SET FREE— PRESIDENT CON- GRATULATES THE ARMY. President Eoosevelt formally declared the restoration of peace in the Philippines July 4, 1902, and placed the islands under com- plete civil control. Three separate orders and proclamations were issued on that date — one by the President, over his ovyn signature, extending amnesty; one throug-h the Secretary of War by the Pres- ident's order relieving General Chaffee from his duty as military governor, and a third as a general order to the Army, expressing the President's high appreciation of the work it has accomplished, both in Cuba and 'the Philippines. These proclamatdonB and orders mark the beginning of complete civil government in the Plhilippines. They speak for themselves. FroclamatioiL of Amnesty. — The amnesty proclamation ia as fol- lows: "By the President of the United States. "Whereas many of the inhabitants of the Philippine archipelago were in insurrection against the authority and sovereignty of the Kingdom of Spain at divers times from August, 1896, until the ces- sion of the archipelago by that Kingdom to the United States of America, and since such cession many of the persons so engaged in insurrection have until recently resisted the authority and sovereignty of the United States; and "Whereas the insurrection against the authority and sovereignty of the United States is now at an ei}d, and peace has been estab- lished in all parts of the archipelago, except in tjie country inhab- ited by the Moro tribes, to which this proclamation does not apply; and "Whereas during the course of the_ insurrection against the King- dom of Spain and against the Government of the United States, per- sons engaged therein, or those in sympathy with and abetting them, committed many acts in violation of the laws of civilized warfare; but it ia believed that such acts were generally committed in ignorance of these laws, and under orders issued by the civil or military insurrectionary leaders; s^nd "Whereas it is defem.ed to be wise and humane, in accordance with the beneficent purposes of the Government ef the United States to- ward the Filipino people, and conducive to peace, order, and loyalty among them, that the doers of such acts who have not already suf- fered punisbioeiit shall not be held crimiilally responsible, but shall * 127 128 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. be relieved from punishment for participation in these insurrections and for unlawful acts committed during the course thereof by a general amnesty and pardon; "Now, therefore, be it known that I, Theodore Roosevelt, Presi- dent of the United States of America, by virtue of the power and authority vested by the Constitution, do hereby proclaim and de- clare, without reservation or condition, except as hereinafter pro- vided, a full and complete pardon and amnesty to all persons In the Philippine archipelago who have participated in the insurrec- tions aforesaid, or who have given aid and comfort to persons particdpating in said insurrections, for the offenses of treasoii or sedition, and for all ofEenses political in their character committed in the course of such insurrections pursuant to orders issued by the civil or military insurrectionary authorities, or which grow out of internal political feuds or dissensions between Filipinos and Spaniards, or the Spanish authorities, or which resulted—from in- ternal political feuds or dissensions among the Filipinos themselves during either of said insurrections. "Provided, however, That the pardon and amnesty hereby granted shall not include such persons committing crimes since May 1, 1902, in any province of the archipelago in which at the time civil gov- ernment was established, nor shall it include such persons as have been heretofore finally convicted of the crimes of murder, rape, arson, or robbery, by any military or civil tribunal organized under the authority of Spain or of the United States of America, but spe- cial application may be made to the proper authority for i)ardon by any person belonging to the exempted classes, and such clemency as is consistent with humanity and justice will be liberally ex- tended; and, further "Provided, That this amnesty and pardon shall not affect the title or right of the Government of the United States or that of the Philippine Islands to any property or property rights heretofore used or appropriated by the military or civil authorities of the Gov- ernment of the United States or that of the Philippine Islands or- ganized under authority of the United States by-way of confisca- tion or otherwise; and "~ "Provided further. That every person who shall seek to avaU him- self of this proclamation shall take and subscribe the following oath before any authority in the Philippine archipelago authorized to administer oaths, namely: 'I solemnly swear (or affirm) that I recognize and accept the supreme authority of the United States of America in the Philippine Islands and will tnaintajn ti-ue faith and allegiance thereto; that I impose upon myself this obligation vol- Tintarily without mental reservation or purpose of evasion, so liel|) m* Qod,' REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 129 "Givsji under my hand at the city of Wasbingrton this 4th day of July, in the year of onr Lord 1902, and in the one hundred and twenty-seventh year of the Independence of the United States. "Theodore Koosbvelt. "By the President: "Elihtj Koot, "Secretary of War." General Chaffee Believed. — General Chaifee is relieved of his civil duties, and the Philippine Commission is made the superior au- thority in the following order: The insurrection agaiilst the sovereign authority of the United States in the Philippine archipelago having ended, and provincial civil government having been established throughout the entire territory of the archipelago not inhabited by Moro tribes, under the instructions of the President to the Philippine Commission, dated April 7, 1900, now ratified and confirmed by the act of Congress ap- proved July 1, 1902, entitled "An act temporarily tb provide for the administration of affairs of civil government in the Philippine Is- lands, and for othei- purposes," the general commanding the division of the Philippines is hereby relieved from the further performance ol the duties of military governor, and the ofiice of military gov- ernor in said archipelago is terminated. The general commanding the Division of the Philippines and all military ofiicers in authority therein will continue to observe the directioij contained in the afore- said instructions of the President that the military forces in the Division of the Philippines shall be at all times subject under the orders-of the military, commander, fo the call of the civil authorities for the mahitenance of lavs'* and order, and -the enforcement of their authority PRESIDENT CONGRATULATES THE ABMT. Finally the President, through Se6retary Eoot, pronounces the following eulogy upon the United States Army: HeADQTJARTERS dV THE Armt, Adjutant-General's Ofeic?, Waslvington, July /f, 1902. General Orders No. 66. War Department, Washington, July i, 1902. To the Ar'ky of the United States: The President, u^on this anniversary of National Independence, wishes to express to the officers and enlisted men of the United States Army his deep appreciation of the service they have reoiderctl 8 130 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. to the country in the great and difficult undertakings which they have brought to a successful conclusion during the past year. He thanks the officers and the enlisted men who have been main- taining order and carrying on the military government in Cuba, because they have faithfully given effect to the hui5a,ne purposes of the American people. They have with sincere kindness helped the Cuban people to take all the successive steps necessary to the establishmecDt of their own constitutional government. During the time required for that process they have governed Cuba wisely, re- garding justice and respecting individual liberty; have honestly collected and expended for the best interests of the Cuban people the revenues, amounting to over $60,000,000; have carried out prac- tical and thorough sanitary measures, greatly improving the health and lowering the death rate of the island. By patient scientific research they have ascertained the causes of yellow fever, and^by good administration have put an end to that most dreadful disease which has long destroyed the lives and hindered the commercial prosperity of the Cubans. They have expedited justice and se- cut-ed protection for the rights of the innocent, while they have cleansed the prisons and established sound discipline and health- ful conditions for the punishment of the guilty. Trained the Cubans. — They have reestablished and renovated and put upon a substantial basis adequate hospitals and asylums "for the care of the unfortunate. They have established a general sys- tem of free common schools throughout the island, in which over two hundred thousand children are in actual attendance. They have constructed great and necessary public works. They have gradually trained the Cubans themselves in all branches of adminis- tration, so that. the new government upon (assuming power has be- gun its work with an experienced force of Cuban civil-service em- ployees competent to execute its orders. They have borne them- selves with dignity and self-control, so that nearly four years of military government have passed unmarred by injury or insult to man or woman. They have transferred the government of Cuba to the Cuban people amid universal expressions of 'friendship and good will, and have left a record of ordered justice and liberty, of rapid improvement in material and moral conditions and progress in the art of government which reflects great credit upon the peo- ple of the United States. The I*r6sident thanks the officers and enlisted men of the Army in the Philippines, both Regulars and Volunteers, for the courage and fortitude, the indomitable spirit and loyal devotion with which they have put down and ended the great insurrection which has raged throughout the archipelago against the lawful sovereignty and just authority of the United States. The task was peculiarly REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 131 difficult and trying. They were required at first to overcome or- ganized resistance of superior numbers, well equipped with modern arms of precision, intrenched in an unknown country of mountain defiles, jungles, and swamps, apparently capable of interminaBte defense. When this resistance had been overcome they were re- quired to cruslb out a general system of guerrilla warfare conducted among a .people speaking unknown tongues,- from whom it was almost impossible to obtain the information necessary for success- ful pursuit or to guard against surprise and ambush. „ Treachery and Cruelty.— The enemies by whom they were sur- rounded were regardless of all obligations of good faith and of all the limitations which humanity has, imposed upon civilized warfare. Bound .themselves by the laws of war, our soldiers were called upon to meet every device of unscrupulous treachery and to contemplate without reprisal the infliction of barbarous cruelties upon their comrades and friendly natives. They were instructed, while pun- ishing armed resistance, to conciliate the friendship of the peace- ful, yet had to do with a population among whom it was impossible to distinguish friend from foe, and who in countless instances used a false appearance of friendship for ambush and assassination. They were obliged to, deal with problems of communication and transportation in a country without roads and frequently made im- passable by torrential rains. They were weakened by tropical heat and tropical disease. -Widely scattered over a great arehijf>elago, extending a thousand miles from north to south, the .gravest re- sponsibilities, involving the life or death of their comrades, fre- quently devolved upon young and inexperienced officers beyond the reach of specific orders or advice. « Under all these adverse circumstances the Army of the Philippines has accomplished its task rapidly and completely. In more than two thousand combats, great and small, within three years, it has exhibited unvarying courage and resolution. Utilizing the lessons of the Indian wars it has relentlessly followed the guerrilla bands to their fastness in mountain and jungle, and crushed them. It has put an end to the vast system of intimidation and secret assassination, by which the peaceful natives were prevented from taking a genuine part in government under American authority. It has captured or forced to surrender substantially all the leaders ot tie insurrection. It has submitted to no discouragement and halted at no obstacle. Its officers have shown high qualities of command, and its men have shown devotion and discipline. Its splendid virile energy has been accompanied by self-control, pa- tience, and magnanimity. Humanity and Kindness. — With surprisingly few individual ex- ceptions its-course has been characterized by humanity and kind- 132 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. ness to the prisoner and the noncombatant. With admirable good temper, sympathy, and loyalty to American ideals its commanding generals have joined with the civilian agents of the Government in dealing the wounds of war and assuring to the people of the Philip- pines the blessings of peace and prosperity. Individual liberty, protection of personal rights, civil order, public ihstruction, and religious freedpm have followed its footsteps. It has a^ded honor to the flag, which it defended, and has justified increased confidence in the future of the American people, whose soldiers do not shrink from labor or death, yet love liberty and peace. The President feels that he expresses the sentiments of all the .loyal people of the United States in doing honor to the whole Army which has joined in the performance and shares in the credit of these honorable services. This general erder will be read aloud at parade in every mili- tary post on the 4th day of July, 1902, or on the first day after it shall have been received. ELiHtr Hoot, Secretary of War. \ By command of Lienitenant-General Miles: H. C. CORBIN, Adjutant-General, Major-General, U. H. A. Pacification Complete. — Acting Governor Wright sent the follow- ing cablegram from Manila to Secretary Root, July 3, 1902: "Provincial government was inaugurated in I^aguna on July 1, thus completing the establishment of civil government over all the civilized people of the archipelago. Acceptance of American authority and general pacification complete. I beg to ofEer con- gratulations to you and through you to the President on the suc- cess of the wise and humane policy inaugurated by President McKinley and continued by President Roosevelt. Governor Taft's estimate of the work accomplished in the Philip- pines by Secretary Root is set forth in the following personal tele- gram from the former, who was in Rome: "Seobetaey of WiAR, yVashiugton: » "Referring to telegram from your ojffice of 2'd instant, congratu- late you on accomplishment of most important step in your great work of constructing satisfactory civil government in the Philippine Islands. None but those acting under you can fully know the debt the country owes to you for the courage and original constructive genius involved in drafting instructions of April, 1900, and forming REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 133 civil sfovemment without a precedent \mder President's undefined auyiority as notary commander-in-cliief, almost -within the sphere of war. It should furnish convincing' proof to Filipinos of beneiit of general peace under American sovereignty." / We are in the Philippines. Our flag is there; our boys in blue are there. They are not there for conquest; they are not there for ■ dominion. They are there because in the providence of God, who moves mysteriously, that great archipelago has been placed in the hands of the American people. — i^fcsident IVEcKinley, at Youngstown, Ohio, October 18, 1899. All hostilities will cease in the Philippines when those who commenced them stop; and they will not cease until our flag, representing liberty, humanity, and civilization, shall float tri- umphantly in every Island of the archipelago under the acknowl- edged sovereignty of the United States. — President McKinley, at Eaoine, Wis., October 17, 1899. We will not take d&wn that flag, representing liberty to the people, representing civilization to those islands; we will not withdraw it, because the territory over which it floats is ours by every tenet of international law and by the sacred sanc- tion of a treaty made in accordance with the Constitution of the United States. — President McKinley, at Waterloo, Iowa, Octo- ber 16, 1899. This subject of expansion is not a new one. It was the gospel of the early statesmen and patriots of this country. It found substantial realization in the magnificent achievement of that illustrious statesman, Thomas Jefferson. It was the dream of Marcy. In 1853 he sought to acquire the Hawaiian Islands. It was the dream of Seward; it was the dream of Douglas.— Presi- dent McKinley, at Madison, Wis., October 16, 1899. In the Philippines we have brought peace, and we are at this moment giving them such freedom and self-government as they could never under any conceivable conditions have obtained had we turned them loose to sink into a welter of blood and confusion, or to become the prey of some strong tyranny without or within. The bare recital of the facts is sufficient to show that we did our duty and what prouder title to honor can a nation have than to have done its duty? We have done our duty to ourselves, and we have done the higher duty of promoting the civilization of mankind. Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, Septem- ber S, 1901. CONDITIONS OF PEACE. GovEmsroR taft and civil governors op provinces TESTIFY TO A GENERAL CONDITION OF PEACE IN THE ARCHIPELAGO. Governor Taft, the other members of the Philippines Commission, and the civil g'overnor^n the Christianized Filipino province^, have testified to the conditions of peace in the Philippines. President Eoosevelt has accepted this testimony as warrantijig him in pro- claiming the supremacy of the civil authority and the subordina- tion of the military authority in the archipelag-o. He has also pro- . claimed a general amnesty which includes Agninaldo and all other leaders of the insurrection, against vyhom there are not specific charges of vsdllful crime outside the category of political offenses in time of war. The Democrats in Congress have sought to create the impression that the insurrection is. not ended, and they have by their speeches done what they could to encourage a continua- tion of the resistance against the authority of this Government. The President has, however, acted on tha evidence presented by those who are in positipm to know the conditions in the Philip- pines, and also in accord with the policy of the Republican party, declared in the beginning by President McKinley that the Filipinos should have the largest measure of self-government consistent with peace and good order. When Governor Taft appeared before the Insular Committee of the House of Representatives, February 21, 1902, he said there were thirty-one provinces pacified and civilly organized, and but two of the Christian Filipino provinces where the insurrection still continued. These were the provinces of Tayabas and Batangas. Since that date these two provinces have been pacified and or- ganized with civil governments. Governor Taft's testimony on tliis point is important. Governor Taft's Testimony.— -"The insurrection continues in Batangas, in Laguna, and in Tayabas; in Tayabas and Laguna be- cause they are neighbors of Batangas. * * * In Samar the in- surrection continues. "These are the four provinceis in which there are insurrectos. There are no otlier insurrectos anywhere else in the archipelago, unless twenty-five or thirty rifles under the command of a man named Eufino, in Misamis, the province which we organized in northern Mindanao, can be considered an insurrecto. In my judg- 134 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 135 ment he is npthing but a ladrone. There are, I suppose, some few insurrectos in Mindoro, tihough they seem to have been so thor- oug-hly scattered, after their ehi'ef was captured, that nothing is heard from them, they have disappeared into the marshy miasmatic places of Mindoro, and not appearing, the presumption is that they are dead, because that is such an unhealthy climate. "In northern Luzon, for instance, in the province of Ei^al and in the province of Bataan, the province of Pampanga, a part of the province of Zambales, and the province of Pangasinan and Ben- guet and La Union, there is a completely pacified condition, and it is safe for the county officers, Americans, engaged in collecting taxes, to go from one town to another without any escort. "The same thing is true of Ilocos Sur and Ilocos Norte and Abra and Cayagan, and probably in Isabela, except on this side (indicat- ing), where there are some Igprrote robbers. "The same thing is true of Albay and of Sorsogon. In Ambos Camarines there must be some ladronismin this neighborhood, though the governor reports that things are clearing up and that the conditions are very favorable. "In Masbate there is complete peace, in Eomblon there is com- plete peace, and as to the island of Panay, General Hughes, who is here, and who left the islands only two weeks after I did, reports that he would not hesitate to take a horse and drive all over Panay without an escort and without arms. He says the same thing of Cebu, and I have reports from, the governor of Cebu, handed me this morning, which say that there is complete peace there. "In Negros, which, sdflgularly enough, has never had any insur- recticJft in it, because the Filipino leaders adopted a form of gov- ernment under General Otis and excluded insurrection, there is probably more trouble than in any other island. That grows out of the fact that there is this spine — this mountain spine-^which runs down between here ^(indicating) and is covered with an im- passable forest, and is the home of what is called the Babylanes or mountaineers, under » man who sometimes appears as u, relig- ious leader and then as the head of a robber trust, almost, for there are as many asi 1,500 or 2,000 men ready to come at his bidding at anytime, and go down to reap the har\'est from the rich sugar haciendas that lie on the west side of Negros, and hemp and rice plantations on-' the east side in oriental Negros. "In Bohol, as I said, there has not as yet been a, restoration of civil government." The following reports from the civil governors of the provinces bear out Governor Taft's testimony. The majority of these pro- vincial governors are native Filipinos. 136 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Ilocos, Nobte, December 17, 1901. The law is complied with in a peaceful manner. Violations of law so far occurred throug'h deceit and impositions on part oi people of other provinces. Agbatani, Crovernor. Province of Rizal, Pasig, Eizal, December 18, 1901. In almost all the towns the justice courts are already in opera- tion. The court of first instance has been established since July 11, 1901. Peace in Rizal is complete. All inhabitants are in favor of the civil government and devoted to American sovereignty. Highway- men, who formerly operated in various places in Morong, have been driven out. The census is almost completed, and, from pres- ent information, the number of persons estimated at 140,000. Municipal autonomy is executed with sufficient force. Means to establish the land tax progressing satisfactorily, and it is not likely that it will ofl'er any particular difficitlty in the com- pletion. Provincial accounts, which showed in the months of July and August the province was in debt, have shown a balance of $3,S33.77 gold on December 1, 1901, after payment to the munici- palities the portion due to them. Suffrage, according to municipal code, has been exercised satisfactorily. * * * General state of the roads demand much expense for repairs, but the peace and dis- position of the province give promise of progressive prosperity. Floees, Governor. Pbovince of Pampanga, Bacolob, p. I., December 11, 1901. ~ At the present time this province is in the most peaceful condi- tion. Many of the natives are highly educated, and since the intro- duction of the public schools under the United States Government a great improvement is noticed among the lower classes. The finances of |the province, as shown by the report of the pro- vincial treasurer, show a balance in hand of over $26,000 United States currency, with oxitstanding indebtedness of less than $3,000 United States currency. Eoads and bridges throughout the province are in fairly good condition, and work in same is being pushed as rapidly as possible. A few remaining malefactors and bandits in this province are being constantly traced and captured by the insular police. I be- lieve that this province is in better condition than ever before, and KEPUBMCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 137 under the jwesent system of government will continue to improve, as affording an opportunity and inspiration to develop its resources. Very respectfully, C. JOVEN, Oovernor, Province of Pampanga. Province of Buuloan, Maialos, Bulaoan, P. I., December 18, 1901. The province of Bulacan, under my charge, presents, politically considered, a subUme idea of its sincere gratitude and loyalty to the Government of the United States of America in the Philippine archipelago. I am justified in this statement by that very revolutionary spirit shovyn by the province in pa,st times, and the readiness with which the inhabitants recognized the laudable intentions of the Govern- ment of the great North American nation in regard to this country and the urgent need for becoming thoroughly penetrated with the transcendent importance of peace, being convinced that only un- der peace can the welfare and uplifting of the Philippines under American rule be effected. In fact, scarcely a month has passed by since the establishment of civil rule in this province under the most liberal laws yet known in this country, when the most bitter of the revolutionary , chiefs still in the ""mountains of Angat, Norzagary, and San Miguel de Mayumo, like the ex-Colonels Tecson and Morales and ex-General Torres, presented themselves before the authorities and took the oath of fealty and allegiance to American sovereignty. From th.at time the province of Bulacan has been enjoying an unbroken peace, and its inhabitants, contented beyond measure with the establishment of civil rule in the Philippines, are doing all they can to strengthen that peace as a necessary basis for their happiness, thus showing their appreciation of the Government which now so wisely rules the destinies of this country. In view of the facts above set forth, I do not hesitate to assure the stability of the peace now enjoyed by this province, which gladly places in the hands of the yreat and nohle North Atfierican nation the future of these islands, Jose Sekapio, Provincial Governor. Province- of Union, San Feknando, December 17, 1901. The province is perfectly peaceful, and this condition has existed for over a year. People are at work in the fields and at their various 138 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. professions. Civil govemmeiit is accepted on every side, and there is no possible reason to think that they will ever change in this feeling under the present form of govemment. Otego, Chvernor. Pbovince of ISABEr.A, December 20, 1901. No armed insurgpnts heard of in province for six months. • * * Cagayan Valley completely tranquillized; no escorts now used by civil officers. * * * Troops recently evacuated six cities. Police and citizens gruard each night. No disorder or crime yet reported. * * Nine cities without American teachers. * » * People friendly to American Government. Province safe and quiet as any State in the Union. Johnston, Captain, Sixth Infantry, Governor. Pbovince of Ixocas Sub, December 16, 1901. Since the surrender of General Tinio, with all his forces, who was carrying on the insurrection in this province, and of Father AgUpay, also wdth all his men in that part of Ilocas Norte, in the month of May last, this province unSer my command has been completely pacified, and from that time until the present all the pueblos have enjoyed the tranquillity and personal security of normaL times before the outbreak of the insurrection against Spain. * * * All the people are peacefully following their customary occupations to the extent that no one any longer remembers the war, save through the newspaper reports of engagem.ents and skirmishes taking place in the provinces of Laguna and Balangos, and others in the southern islands. M. Crisologo. Oovernor. Pbotince op Ambos Gamarines, December 19, 1901. Population about 250,000; 33 organized towns; authority been re- quested to organize remainder of former tovnis; province in perfect state of pacification. Two small bands insurgents surrendered last September; since then no insurgeut or hostile element in province. This condition is permanent so far as people of province concerned. No doubt sentiment is for continued peace and confidence inten- tions American Government. 2'ravel un all roads and to most distant interior points perfectly safe. I recently spent two nights in interior town with my family unguarded, where a year ago a company of soldiers would have been necessary. Crime rare, and scarcely any trouble from REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 139 ladrones. Only trouble in this line from occasional depredations by mountain tribes, which can be stopped by additions to arma- ment of police. ^fiUtarl/ force been greatly reduced, and towns formerly occupied hy large garrisons now have hvt small detachments or abandoned en> iirely. Further reductions can be made, and recomjnend that it be/ done and troops taken from all towns, and, if kept in province, be placed in quarters outside towns. * » * Fair interest shown in recent municipal elections; no party lines except that candidates supposed^ to hold "Nationalista" views were defeated by a large majority. Thirty-two American teachers in province, covering seven- teen tow/ns. Good attendance and interest in schools. Night schools for adults well attended, ai^d desire to learn English everywhere evi- dent. Twenty more teachers needed. * » » Commerce and trade active, and said to be much more so than ever in Spanish time. Much building in larger towns; increasing demand for aSierioan qOods. While writing above General Grant informs me that he has recom- mended the withdrawal of eight companies of troops from this province, and expects soon to reeonjmend withdrawal of eight more. James Boss, , Governor, Ambos Oamarines. Province op Tarlac, Dermhcr 16, 1901. There has been no interruption of the peace of the province since its organization under the provincial government act. The Philip- pine Cojistabulary made several arrests in Moneada the first days of November for secretly meeting and conspiring to attack the troops. The trial is now in progress. » * * I was well received in towns in that part of the province recently visited, and expressions of desire for peace were numerous and seemingly earnest and sincere. I think this desire prevails. » « * * * « * The provincial government act and municipal code are working well. The amendments made from time to time have been timely and acceptable. ' The crops are good this year. Taxes are- collected without difficulty, and the income exceeds expenditures thus far. The supervisors of the various provinces interested have met to consider defense against river inundation. Wallis O. Clark, Captain, Twelfth Infantry, Provincial Oovernqr. 140 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Pbovince of Albat, December 9, 1901. A few days after establishment' of civil government here, General Belarmino presented himself, with his entire force, and from that time to the present the peace of the province has not been dis- turbed. * ,* * A few Tag-al leaders came into the province re- cently from Manila with the hope of renewing- trouble in this province, but the people were so thoroughly opposed to any further disturbances of the peace that there was not the slightest trouble in apprehending them before they were able to accomplish any- thing. » * * I am informed by the leading citizens that there never was a time in the history of the province when it was in so prosperous a. condition as it is at present. Every man in the province who desires to work has plenty to do, and it is very seldom one sees a beggar on the streets. « * « Some idea of the enormous business done here at present can be had from the fact that in the town of Legaspi alone over $1,000,000 changes hands every thirty days. * * * Schools have been organized in all pueblos and a greater part of the Barios. The nineteen leading pueblos in the province now have American instructors, and the progress they are making is exceptionally gratifying. A. U. Betts, Governor. Province of Iloii.o, December SO, 1901. That as regards peace and order, it may be asserted that this province of Iloilo has no cause to envy any other province in the archipelago. The civil rule established here has satisfied the people and completed the work of pacification commenced by the military government. It may be asserted that the people, convinced of the advantages of this rule, have forgotten all the past in order to think only of their advancement materially, morally, and politically. Maktin Delgado, Governor. Province of Cavite, December n, 1901. During the trip I have been making up to dat« to the mountain towns of this province of Cavite, organizing municipalities, I feel that I ought to entertain no doubt of the desire for peace enter- tained by all its inhabitants. In this trip I have taken steps to bring about the surrender of some small armed groups — the wake, as it were, of the revolutionary forces already surrendered, which, though they still continue under arms, have no political color, and the proof of this is that they EEfUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 141 devote themselves solely to holding: up native traders to get their money. And from the steps I have taken I am in hopes that within a few days all these small armed parties, that are nothing more than highwaymen, will present themselves with all their arms. I can also assure you of the peace and order in my province, and that the civil authorities, with the constabulary forces, will be sufficient to maintain and preserve them. Mabiano Tkias. Provincial Oovernor, Province or Zambales, December 16, 1901. * * * Ever since the ex-N'ationalistic General Mascardo surren- dered, there is no repetition of these sad events, and the whole prov- ince, as though by magic, is animated to make up with interest their losses by devoting themselves with greater energy and ardor than heretofore to labor, not only because it has returned to its normal and peaceful life, but also by reason of the content and enthusiasm it feels through the implanting of the civil rule and the establish- ment of several schools for the teaching of the English tongue in many pueblos of tiie province. The whole of the latter may now be traveled without any .personal or material risk whatever, and without the protection of an armed ^orce. So true is this that the inhabitants of the pueblo of Maoabebe, province of Pampanga, who, it is well known, are hated by the Nationals, come and go from that province to this one freely, without anything happening to them on the road, carry- ing to and selling in the different pueblos and barrios, as they did during the former domination, their native cloths, made in dif- ferent places. The children of both sexes, as never before, devote themselves with ardor, application, and profit to the study of the English language. Pbotenciano Lesaca, Provincial Governor. Province op Pangasinan, December 17, 1901. * * * Since civil regime has been established the inhabitants enjoy perfect tranquillity and comfort, and their conditions are growing better each day under the new regime. Peace is so well established that it never has been disturbed in the slightest. Very respectfully, P. SiSoN, Provincial Oovernor. 143 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Province of Sobsogon. I personally have jxist returned from an overland trip, visiting all of the towns south of Sorsogon and passing through the wildest and roughest part of the coxmtry. The trip was made voithout a guard, and in all the towns and barrios the spirit of the people seemed to be the best. * * * I can now begin to see some results of our work and instruction in this direction, and the municipal officers and some of the more intelligeiit of the people are beginning to realize that they .^ave a further responsibility to their country and the Government tiian remaining passively inactive and watching the Americans put down uprisings. J. G. Livingston, Oovernor. ' Pbovtnce of Batan, December IS, 1901. In my opinion this province is free from amy taint of insxurection and will always remain so. It has been without the aid of military for many months. * * * English is being taught in the towns in the province. The public schools are encouraged and aided by the people and the officials with one exception, the attendance being larger than the limited number of teachers can instruct with best results. J. H. CrOLDUAN, Governor. Pbovincb op Ntteva Ecija. The people of the pueblos display considerable interest in their local governments, but the ignorance ot the first principles of seU- govesrnment is surprising. Much time and patience vyill be neces- sary, with constant instruction before at all satisfactory results are obtained. J. F. Kbefs, Oovernor. Pbovince of Lette. I have the honor to report that the peace conditions of this prov- ince are fairly satisfactory. * * « Out of 50 towns in the province 44 have been orgi Geobge liA^DSR; Supd^vUot: 144 BEPTIBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Captain W. A. Holbrook, civil governor of the province of Antique, reports: "Everywhere the people expressed themselves as satisfied with the present rule. * * * Schools are generally established and marked progress is being made." William F. Pack, governor of Mindoro, reported Decfember 26, 1901: "Everything peaceful in this provinces • * * Sentiment favorable to Americans." Bonifacio Serrajio, governor of Masbate, reported December 33, WOlr ''Perfect peace is enjoyed in the whple province." M. Gonjsaga, governor of Cagayan, reported December 18, 1901: "A sincere proof of the affection and the good will of the people to- ward the constituted government is their desire to learn English." S. Locsin, civil governor of Occidental Negros, reported December 19, 1901: "Small bands of robbers continued to disturb the peace. These men declared themselves revolutionists, but they were only ladrones preying upon the people." Julio Llorente, governor of Cebu, reported: "Absolute peace everywhere; nearly all pueblos organized." Potenciano Lesaca, governor of Zambales, reported that the peo- ple "see with the greatest Satisfaction that the funds which they- contribute • • • are not diverted from their legitijnate ob- ject." ' Governor Taft, in his testimony before the Committee of Insular Affairs of the House, said that the Commission had organized mu- nicipal governments in about 800 towns in the island; some of them outside the provinces under civil government. Our flag is there, not as the symbol of oppression, not as the token of tyranny, not as the emblem of enslavement, but repre- senting there, *as it does here, liberty, humanity, and civiliza- tion.— President McKinley, at Youngstown, Ohio, October 18, 1899. The Philippine^ are ours, and American authority must be supreow throughout the archipelago. There will be amnesty broad and liberal, but no abatement of our rights; no abandonment of our duty, — President ITcKinley to Notification Committee, July 12, 1900. That the Army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been shown during the last three years. In the Fhilippi«es, Cuba, and Porto Rico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civlliBatlon. — President Roosevelt, in message to Congress, Secem- baf 3. 1001. CONDUCT OF THE ARMY. OUB SOLDIERS TREATED FILIPINOS WITH KINDNESS AND WON THEIR CONEIDENCTE. The Democrats in the Senate insisted on an investigation into the conduct of the war in the Philippines, and the resolution for such an investig'ation was adopted by the Senate in January. The Democrats sought to so direct that investigation as to make it an attack upon the troops in the Philippines. That in^stigation con- tinued for several months, and the > testimony talten fills 3,000 pages of printed report. This testimony shows that the American officers and troops treated insurgent prisoners with kindness, gave them the same food as they had themselves, shared their hospitals with the ~ sick Filipinos, who were treated by the same army surgeons. President Schurman Praised the Army. — The first Philippine Commission offered voluntary testimony as to the conduct of the Army in the Philippines. President Schurman, of Cornell Univer- ^ty, wrote that report: "The Commission is not willing to close this statement without paying just tribute to our sailors and soldiers. The presence of Admiral Dewey as a member of this body makes it unfitting to dwell on his personal achievements, but he joins with us in eulogy of his comrades. i/Ve were fortunate in witnessing some of the many brave deeds of our soldiers. All that skill, courage, and pa- tient endurance can do has been done in the Philippines. "We are aware that there are those who have seen fit to accuse our troops of desecra'fcing churches, murdering prisoners, and com- mitting unmentionable crimes. To those who derive satisfaction from seizing on isolated occurrences — regrettable, indeed, but in-, cident to every war — and making them the basis of sweeping ac- cusations, this Commission has nothing to say. Still less do we feel called upon to answer idle tales without foundation in fact. But for the satisfaction of those who have found it difficult to un- derstand why the transporting of American citizens across the Pacific Ocean should change their nature, we are glad to express the belief that a war was never more UumaneVy condMCted. Inswrgents wounded were repeatedly succored on the field by our men at the risk of their lives. "Those who had a chance for life were taken to Manila and ten- derly cared for in our hospitals. If churehefl were occupied it was 10 145 146 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. only as a military necessity, and frequently after their nse as forts by the insurgents had made it necessary to train oxa artillery upon them. Prisoners were taken whenever opportunity offered, often omly to be set at liberty after being disarmed and fed." Governor Taft's Judgment.— Governor Taft, who left the tJnited States Circuit Court bench to accept the position ars head of the second Philippine Commission; and who has been two years in the Philippines, testified before the committee as to the conduct of the Army. He said: "After a good deal of study abooit the matter — and, although I have never been prejudiced in favor of the military branch, for when the civil and ini^tary branches are exercising concurrent jurisdiction there is, some inevitable friction — / desire to say that it is my deliberate judgment that there never was a war conducted, whether against inferior 7'aces or not, in which there were more compassion and more restraint and more generosity, assuming that there was a war at all, than there has heen in the Philippine Islands. Now, I say that without having been in the war at all, having only been at Manila, where reports were constantly coming in and where I was talking with officers of the Army, and knew what the general orders were and what the general policy was.'' General Arthur MacArthur, one of the first general officers to go to the Philippines, who afterwards succeeded General Otis as com*- mander-in-chief and governor-general of the Philippines, also testi- fied on this point before the committee. General MacArthur's Praise. — General MacAbthub. "I would like to say this — I thought I had made a note of it: That in my judgment, from an intimate knowledge of military operations of the islands, froni the operations against the Spanish in Manila, until I left the islands on the 4th of July, 1901, I douht if any war — either interna- tional or civil — any war on earth has been conducted with o« miwit humanity, with as much careful consideration, with as much self-re- straint, in view of the character of our adversary, as have been the Amer- ican operations in the Philippine archipelago. ' « » * « * • • "There have been in the neighborhood, I think, of 125,000 men and soldiers in the islands. Some of those men have committed ex- cesses under the provocation of hardship. That is not mentioned as an excuse, but as a cause. Wherever any violations of the laws of war have been detected the remedy has been Instantly applied. It was my own purpose to promulgate views in orders, by personal admonition, and by punitive action ; but of course in conducting war all of the ferocity of humanity is brought to the surface, and in individual instances excesses have been committed. "But to say that the Army commits excesses, or that excesses were KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 147 encouraged, of course isHo say that the character of Americans in the PJiilippines is immediately transformed by the question of lati- tude" and longitude, which is not the fact. Individual men have committed individual outrages; but when we compare the condi- tions that exist in the Philippines today in that respect with what have existed in all modern wars -between civilized states the com- parison is absolutely .in favor of the self-restraint and high discipline of the American soldier." General MacArthur also said soldiers had been detailed as teach- ers in the schools for the Filipinos, and that the Filipinos often re- quested such details. The soldiers were enthusiastic and successful teachers. When General MacArthur was in command of the Second Division, , Eighth Army Corps, with headquarters at Malolos, he issued the , following order April 3,, 1899: "1. Many of the citizens of Malolos and other towns in the vicinity desire to return to their abandoned homes within the lines of the Army. "The interests of the United States will be subserved by encour- aging this disposition on the part of the natives in every way con- sistent with military interests. "All officers and soldiers are therefore urged to contribute to the end in view by considerate and kind treatment of these people, who are now part of and under the protection of the United States. "The controlling insurgent authorities have persistently repre- sented the American soldiers as turbulent, undisciplined, and given to gross and licentious excesses upon helpless people. "In order to eradicate the efiects of such mendacious misrepre- sentations, it is especially necessary that all concerned should sedu- lously abstain from practices in any way calculated to annoy or en- gender the feelings of timidity or mistrust. "Unarmed natives will be permitted to enter our lines at all times during the day, with a view to the resmnption of their usual avoca- tions and occupancy of their houses. "By command of Major-General MacArthur." GENERALS OTIS AND HUGHES. General Hughes was another witness before the Philippines Com- mittee. General Hughes. "I have no hesitation in saying that so far as 1 know, the same consideration teas shown the Filipino when he was cap- tured or wounded that was given to our own people when captured or wounded in the civil war. We have carried them by our carriers for miles; we have carried them two days to get them where they could get hospital treatmetU; we have carried them for a day to get them to a hospital. I remember one case in Antique where the- man was shot 148 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. through the head, and I asked the ofRcer what he intended to do with him. He said, 'I am going to put him in the hospital.' gaid I, 'He will run away unless you watch him.' Sure enough, inside of forty-eight hours that man got up and ran away." General Otis, who succeeded General Merritt in command in the Philippines -in the summer of 1898, and remained as governor-gen- eral until 1900, was called to testify on this point. Senator Bev- eridge asked the General as to the practice of our troops toward the Filipinos. He replied: General Otis. "The greatest kindness., I investigated myself, and through inspectors appointed by ?ne, every statement of harsh treat- ment that I heard of while in the islands. In some cases the investi- gation was pursued for weeks. * * * We put the sick and wounded in our own hospitals. When our own hospitals were filled we hired the hospitals of the friars within the walled tovvTi. They* were all taken care of. We hired doctors when we did not have suffi- cient medical assistance of our own. We hired Filipino doctors and Spanish doctors and looked after the sick and wounded of the Fili- pinos, and they received every care pt^ssible. In fact, one of the commissions — one of Aguinaldo's commissions — came in while we had a great many of the Filipinos in the hospital, and I invited the members of the commission to go around and visit all their sick and wounded throughout the city; and they did so, and came back and expressed themselves as greatly gratified." Senator Peoctoh. "You do not think. General, on the whole, that the character of the American Army, so far as common humanity is concerned, has changed entirely in a year or two's service over there, I judge?" General Otis. "No, sir. We were laughed at by the Spaniards and by Europeans for the humaniiy He exercised." Other Soldiers Testify.— Isadore H. Dube, a private soldier, was called before the committee by the Deipocrats to testify to cruelties, practiced against the natives. He said General Hughes's orders were "To treat them— the sympathizers— with kindness, and to be an example of what Americanism was." Grover Flint was cs, 'ed as a witness because he had said he knew of cruelties. He was asked as to the care of prisoners bj' the Amer- ican soldiers, and replied: "1 think it was most excellent." As to the conduct of the soldiers toward the peaceable Filipinos, Mr. Fhnt said: "I think it was as kind as you could make it in e%-ery case- that is, 1 never saw any other spirit." D. J. Evans was another soldier called as a witness, and when asked about the treatment of Filipino prisoners, said: "They were fed, and if there was any work to be done they had to do it; hut they were treated up to the time the water cure was commenced as REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 149 well as they could be. Some of the Filipino prisoners actually pre- ferred to remain in the American lines, prisoners, than to be among their own people." He also said the Filipino sick were treated in our hospitals by our surg-eons and attended by our nurses. He was asked about the treatm^ent of the people engaged in peaceable pur- suits and replied: "They were never molested if they seemed to be peaceable natives. They would not be molested unless they showed some signs of hos- tility of some kind, and if they did — if we struck a part of the island where the natives were hostile and they would fire on our soldiers or even cut the telegraph lines — the result would be that their bar- rios would probably be burned." Q. After our troops had passed over a district, ;what is the fact as to the people returning to the fields and engaging in the business of tilling, the soil, returning to their homes after peace had been established? A. "As far as I could see we would not naueh more than get through a town until you would see the natives coming back from the hills carrying little white flags on sticks. As we struck a town we could not see a native hardly, but when we got 200 or 300 or 500 yards beyond the town we could see them coming in with these white flags." Capt. Jesse Lee Hall was asked the same questions and replied: "Weil, we fed them and let them go. We paroled them as a usual thing. We took good care of them and dressed their wounds if they were wounded. If sick they got as good treatment as our own men received. If I ever took a man as a guide, unde/the directions of General Schwan, I always paid him; and we always paid for chick- ens and everything else we got. Ercry horse we took I know was paid for. I would always give a receipt, if I could find the owner, and commissions cam* around afterwards to settle up." LeRoy E. Halloch was called as a witness and said: "They (the prisoners) were put in the guardhouse and made to do some little work. They always had plenty of rice to eat, and hard-tack they gave them sometimes, and coffee.'" He said the orders of the officers were to treat the natives well, and the soldiers obeyed these orders. William Lewis Smith was ano'ther soldier called to testify to the water cure and other cruelties, and he said the prisopers were treated well and fed from the same rations as the American soldiers, and given the same treatment in the hospitals if sick or wounded. Swift Punishment for Acts of Cruelty It was soug-ht to show that the American soldiers in the Philippines had adopted the Spanish torture known as the "water cure" and had administered that to the natives. Several private soldiers testified to having seen the water cure administered to natives to compel them to reveal the 150 REPUBlilCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. place where they had hidden their arms. Not one of these cases occurred within a year from the date of the inve^gaton. They were all at the time the insurgents were most active in their hos- tility toward the American Government, and attacking the American soldiers from ambush. In every case where there was a complaint against an American officer or soldiers there followed an investiga' tion and a court-martial. More than 350 courts-martial have been held in the Philippines for great and small offenses. There were many and severe punish- ments, more severe than usjial, to impress upon the soldiers the necessity for treating with the utmost consideration the natives of the PhiUppines, even though these native were cruel and treach- erous beyond the conception of civilized people, and show the benefi- cent purposes of the United States Government. And the records show that the soldiers as a rule acted in harmony with the policy of the Government, and were most considerate of the natives. Th%y won the friendship of the natives who desired to live in peace and pursue their occupations. They opened schools and taught the children; they added the people in establishing' and conducting' mu- nicipal and village governments; they taught them the ways of civilization and self-government. I'hey were so successful that the insurgents made war on their own people to prevent them from accepting American Government. The records show that 350 natives were assassinated for sym- pathizing with the Americans, and 443 were assaulted and mutilated for the same reason. The number of native municipal officers who were assassinated for sympathizing ■with the Americans and accept- ing office were 67, and 40 others were assaulted and nearly killed to compel them to prove treacherous. Natives Ask Soldiers to Kemain. — There is other testimony to the good conduct of the Army in the Philippines. This is the evi- dence of peaceful communities of Filipinos. The municipal council of Davao, Mindanao, on January 25, 1901, sent to General Mac- Arthur, the military governor of the Philippines, a petition for the retention of Major Liggett and his comniand, in which was this statement: "Major Liggett is well liked and a very popularperson in this town, esjjecially among the savages who inhabit. the woods. He has im- pressed in the hearts of all the well meaning of the benevolent American nation in such a manner that the inhabitants fraternize with the Ameri- cans, and to-day they are very sorry when they learned that the soldiers were sqon to be relieved. "The opening of the roads, the formation of the municipal council, and the arranging of the numerous races of people that dwell in this district naturally need a commander as just, strict, and of the knowledge of Major Liggett. EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 151 "It is unnecessary to remind you that while the -worlc taken up by the Americans here remains unfinished it is necessary that white troops should remain, here for its protection, and we hope that you will intercede for us to the proper ajithorities that the soldiers who are going to leave be replaced by others of equality; that is to say, whites and no others; these being preferable for their impartiality, which is necessary to exercise in a town of inferior races like these." There were similar requests from the presidente and citizens of Bonvaban, in the province of Nueva Ecija, for the retention of the troops stationed at that place; from the native municipal officers of Pulilan, in the province of Bulican; from those atVillasis and Binan, Laguna province; Apalit, in the province of Pampanga; Guinan, in the province of Samar; Bulacau, the pueblo of Loboc, in the province of Batangas, and from Zamboanga, signed by the Dato Mandi, the presidente, four mayors, four justices of the peace, and fifty principals. There were like petitions from nearly all the pueblos where American troops were stationed. _ These were testimonials to the conduct of the American troops from the poor Filipinos who are governed without their consent. A Victorious Army. — Senator Lodge, in his speech on the Philip- pines bill, May 5, spoke of the attack on fhe Army, and gave the reason. "Why this attack upon the Army? Because, it is said, it has been guilty of cruelty and torture to natives of the Philippine Islands. Ah, yes, Mr. President, perhaps so; but it has been guilty of a greater crime than that. It has been guilty of a crime not yet brought against it upon this floor, but which rankles deeper than all the tortures and all the cruelties laid to its charge — it has been guilty of the crime of success. It has been a, victorious Army; it has put down the insurrection, and it meets now, as it met after Appomattox, abuse a,nd attack. The days have dropped into history when Grant, too, was called a 'butcher,' but they are not forgotten. This charge is brought now against the Army of the United States because they have been victorious, because they have crushed the insurrection and disappointed those who sympathize with the in- surgents. That is one reason for the assault upon our soldiers, and that is a sin for which in some quarters no forgiveness is possible. It is not possible that seventy-five millions of American free- men are unable to establish liberty and justice and good govern- ment in our new possessions. (Continued applause.) The burden is our opportunity. The opportunity is greater than the burden. — President McKinley to Ohio Society of New Tork, March 3, 1900. CONCENTRATION CAMPS. TO PBOTECT PEACEPTJL NATIVES FBOM LADRONES— NO STAKVATION— FED BY THE GOVERNMENT. Concentration camps in the Philippines have been much discussed by the Democrats, and some information on this point was brought out in the investigation by the Philippines Committee of the Senate. General J. Franklin Bell gave the order for "reconcentration" in the provinces of Tayabas, Balangas, and Laguna. This is the order: GENERAL bell's OONCENTEATION OEDEB. "Batangas, Decerabcr 8, 1901. "To all Station Commanders : "In order to put an end to enforced contributions now levied by insurgents upon the inhabitants o| sparsely settled and outly- iug barrios and districts by means of intimidation and assassi- nation, commanding officers of all towns now existing in the - provinces of Batangas and Laguna, including those at which no garrison is stationed at present, will immediately specify and establish plainly-marlced limits surrounding each town bound- ing a zone within which it may be practicable with an average sized garrison, to exercise eificient supervision over and furnish pro- tection to inhabitants (who desire to be peac.eful) against the depre- dations of armed insurgents. These limits may include the barrios which exist sufficiently near the town to be given protection and supervision by the garrison, and should include some ground on which live stock could graze, but so situated that it can be patrolled and watched. All ungarrisoned towns will he garrisoned as soon as troops become available. "Commanding officers will also see that orders are at once given and distributed to all the inhabitants within the jurisdiction of towns over which they exercise supervision, informing them of the danger of remaining outside of these limits, and that unless they move by December 25 from outlying barriiss and districts with all their movable food supplies, including rice, palay, chickens, live stock, etc., to. within the limits of the zone establislied at their own or nearest town, their property (found outside of said zone at said date) will become liable to confiscation or destruction. The people ^^ ill be perniitted to move houses from outlying districts should they desire to do so, or to construct temporary shelter for themselves on any vacant land without compensation to the owner, 152 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 153 and no owner will be permitted to deprive them of the privlleg'e of doing BO. In the discretion of com.manding officers the prices of necessities of existfenoe may also be regulated in the interest of those thus seeking protection. As soon as peaceful conditions have been reestablished in the brigade these persons will be encoviraged to return to their homes and such assistance be rendered them as may be found practicable. J. F. Bell, Brigadier-Oeneral, Commanding. COLONEL WAGWER'B EEPOBT ON CONCENTRATION. Colonel Arthur L. Wagner was detailed by General Wheaton to inspect the concentration camps in the Department of Northern Luzon, and his report was made last March. It is as follows: "Headquabtees JDepabtment of Nobth Philippines, , "Manila, P. I., March 22, 1902. "Sib: I have the honor to report that, in accoMance with youi vei^al otders, I proceeded on the 16th instant on the gunboat Napindan to Calamba, and thence overland to Santo Tomas and Tanauan, at which points I inspected the concentration camps of the natives. I inspected the camp at the former place on the 16th instant and the two camps at the latter town on the following day. On the 18th instant I returned to Manila. "-The camp or village at Santo Tomas contains about 8,000 people and covers a space about 2 miles long by 1 mile wide. The people are not unduly crowded, their houses are clean and comfortable, and the streets and grounds of the camp are well-policed and scrupulously neat. The houses are in ^very respect as g-ood as those in the barrios evacuated by the natives, with the exception that in most instances they are smaller. There is, however, no uncomfort- able crowding, as the native houses in this archipelago are a mere protection from sun and rain and are generally sufficiently open to allow a very free circulation of air. The people from the same barrios are quartered on the same streets, the communities being kept together and the people having the same neighbors they have been accustomed to at home. "The health of the people in the camp at Santo Tomas was very good, sickness being practically nil. The camp is under the general charge of the medical officer at Santo Tomas, with a practicante as assistajit in each barrio. 154 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. r "There is sufficient food on hand to last until the 1st of May, and the reserve of palay in the church will probably provide subsistence for another month. There are plenty of pigs about the camp, though chickens are -getting scarce. Many of the cUickems in the barrios were not brought to the concentration canxp, but were left behind, and have since become wild. Many of them will probably be available for food when the people get back to their barrios. The people will also be able to get fruits (principally bananas) in abundance, besides squashes and a species of bread fruit. The stock is allowed to graze within the dead line, and they evidently find good grazing in this space, as they seem to be in good condi- tion. "Care is taken to provide against fire by having sections of bam- boo, filled with water, resting in a rack at each end of each barrio, and in case of £t long street at convenient points between. There are also sections of bamboo filled with water resting on the roofs of nearly all the houses, two sections of bamboo being tied together and slung across the ridge i)ole of the roof. Hooks on long poles are also provided for the rapid demolition of houses in case osts have orders in case they see any natives trying to go beyond the line to turn them back, and there is a .saddled pony at each outpost to give wai-ning in case anyone gets KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 155 beyond the line. While natives beyond the dead line are liable to be shot, such a measure is never resorted to if it is possible to arrest them and turn them back to the camp. No cases^of shooting people passing- the dead line have yet been reported, and, as nearly as I can ascertain, none have occurred. In the church and in- closure at Tanauan there are 137 female prisoners, all of whom are legitimate prisoners of war, who could be tried -by military commission under the provisions of General Orders No. 100, for their work as spies,' collectors, etc; Forty womeiT with children are provided witli separate quarters, having been given the best avail- able house for this purpose in town. Any woman becoming ill is released on parole. In the guardhouse there are 370 military pris- oners, "who are fed on the Government ration allowed prisoners, and who are probably getting better food than they ever before had in the course of their entire existence. Schools in Camp. — "There is a school in each barrio, where in- struction is gfiven by native teachers acting under the general super- vision of the teacher at Tanauan. These children look as happy and contented as any school children in the United States. As_we rode through the village they were given a recess to meet us, and called out cheerily, smilingly, and in good. English, the salutation 'Good morning,' which had been taught them. "I was unable to find among these people anywhere any evidences of misery or neglect. The'hombres or common people are perfectly contented and have- no desire to leave. They have scarcely more power of intelligent initiative than the same number of cattle; they are accustomed to doing what they are t(^ld, whether the order comes from Spaniard, American, or one of the gentes finas of their own race; they -accept the present conditions without complaint, and I am informed that it will be a matter of considerable difficulty to break up these barrios when the time comes to do so. It is grati- fying to know that such hardships as exist fall upon the wealthy classes, and that it can no longer be said, of the insiirrection that it is 'a rich man's war' and 'a poor man's fight.' " Caste is strongly marked among the Tagalos, and the upper-class aristocrats do not fancy their enforced association with the demo- cratic heinoB expecting? Admiral Dewey. They -wanted to get rid of the Spaniards; I do not think they looked much be.yond that. I can not recall, but I have in mind that the one thing they had in their minds was to get rid of the Spaniards and then to accept us, and that would have occurred— I have thought that many times— if we had had troops ■ to occupy that city on the 1st day of May before the insurrection REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 175 got started; these people would have accepted us as thedr friends, and they would have been our loyal friends — ^I don't know how long, but they would have been our friends then. Senator Pattekson. You learned from Pratt, or Wildman, or Wil- liams, very early, did jou not, that the Filipinos wanted their own country and to rule their own country; that that is what they were expecting? Admiral Dewey. I heard from Williams that there was an insur- rection there against the Spaniards. The Spaniards were very cruel to them, and I think they did not look much beyond getting rid of them. There was one, Dr. Eizal, who had that idea of independ- ence, but I don't think that Aguinaldo had much idea of it. « » » * * » » Senator Pattehson. You knew that there were many thousands under arms with Aguinaldo; they had formed a. civil government of which you had knowledge; they were flying the flag of their own country, and you did not interfere with it? Admiral Dewey. I knew that there was no government in the whole of the Philippines. Our fleet had destroyed the only gov- ernment there was, and there was no other government; there was just a reign of terror throughout the Philippines, looting, rob- bing, murdering — a reign of terror throughout the islands. * * * » * * * Senator Patterson. You did keep a watchful ej'e on him, I sup- pose? Admiral Dewey. Of course I did. Senator Patterson. And you found nothing to cause any doubt as to his loyalty up to the time until after Manila surrendered? A^iral Dewey. His loyalty to whom? Senator Patteeson. To you and to the caiise for which he was fighting. Admiral Dewey. I began to suspect he was not loyal to us about the time our troops arrived, when he demurred at moving out of Cavite for our troops. •• « #^* * # * » Senator Patterson. Do you believe in his proclamation he was uttering falsehoods to the Filipino people? Admiral Dewey. Yes; I do absolutely. I think he was there for gain — for money — that independence never entered his head. He was there for loot and money. That is what I believe, since you ask me my belief; I believe that implicitly. » «- » « * » » plTj-ndee and pillage. Senator Cabmaok. You say he went there solely for the purpose of plunder and pillage? 176 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEIXT-BOOK. Admiral Dewey. I believe that. Senator Cabmack. That is your opinion? Admiral Dewey. Yes. Senator Cakmack. And that was the man yoii assisted in organiz- ing' an army under his command — a roflber and plunderer — a thief? Admiral Dewey. You know the old saying, that all things are fair in wart Senator Cakmack. Is that fair in war under the rules of war; is it regardfed as according to the rules of warfare to assist a known plunderer and robber to organize forces in the enemy's territory, where they can pillage without restraint and perpetrate whatever cruelties they please upon the inhabitants? Is that according to the rules of warfare? Admiral Dewey. I believe it is. Senator Cakmack. You think so? Admiral Dewey. I think so, as I read history. Senator Carmack. That is, then, what you did? You assisted a robber and plunderer to organize forces to suit himself in an en- emy's country? Admiral Dewey. I did not call him a robber and plunderer then; I called him the insurgent leader. " Senator Carmack. That is what you called him; but a robber and plunderer is what you said he was. _ Admiral Dewey. I did not call him. a robber and plunderer then. Senator Beveridqe. He said he thought he was there for money and loot. Senator Carmack. Of course you called him the insurgent leader when you addressed him; you did not call him a robber or plun- derer. Of course, while you were getting the benefit of the robber's services you treated him as though he were a gentleman. Adiliiral Dewey. I think Senator Dietrich's question and my an- swer to it will explain my position. I said in reply to him that I thought he was there for money, and loot. Senator Carmack. You said he was there for plunder and pillage. Admiral Dewey. For money and loot. • Senator Beveridqe. He said for money and loot. Senator Carmack. Plunder and pillage means the same thing. Here is my note of it: "Loot and money." Admiral Dewey. Did you think he was there for anything else? Senator Carmacic. I do; yes. Admiral Dewey. I don't. Senator Carmack. Do you think your opportunities for under- standing the character of Aguinaldo were, better than those of General Otis? KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 177 Admiral Dewey. I tWnk on some thing-s my judgment is better than that, of General Otis. Senator Carmack. I am asking about your opportunfties for ob- taining knowledge. Admiral Dewey. I do not believe he ever saw Aguinaldo, and I saw him fifty times. Semator Cakmack. Did you learn from seeing him that he was a robber? ~ JUDGED AGUINALDO BY HIS CONDUCT. Admiral Dewey. Yes; I judge a great deal about men by seeing them,. ~ Senator Dietrich. And honest men differ, do thes not? Admiral Dewey. Of course. And I knew his history. Senator Cabmack. Did you judge that from your conyersation with him? Admiral Dewet. Partly. Senator Cabmace. Did you know his history better than General Bell? Admiral Dewey. I think I knew it better than any of the Army officers, because I was there on the spot. They had to learn it after they came out there. • Senator Beveridge. You were in daily communication with him, were you not? Admiral Dewey. Yes. Senator Cabmack. I do not suppose he told you that he was a robber? Admiral Dewey. No; I saw it. Senator Cabmack. Prom his manner? * Admiral Dewey. No; I saw it in his actions. Senator Carmack. What actions, for instance? Aldmiral Dewey. He had not been there forty-eight hours before he began capturing everything he could lay his hands on." Senator Carmack. What? Admiral Dewey. Provisions, rice, and food. Senator Caumack. From the Spaniards? Admiral Dewey. From anybody. Senator Carmack. For the army or for himself? Admiral Dewey. He took the lion's share of it, I suspect. Senator Cabmack. You suspect that; do you know whether he did or not? Admiral Dewey. He if:d nothing when he came there. Senator Carmack. What has he got now? Admiral Dewey. I fancy he is pretty well off. Senator Cabmack. You fancy so; but do you know it? Senator Beveridge. You do know -that he got Beveral hundred 18 178 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. thousand dollars from the Spaniards for deserting the insurrection- ary cause? Admiral Dewet. Yes. Senator Carmack. If General Otis were to say and General Bell were to say that they regard Aguinaldo as personally honest in money matters, would that influence your opinion in regard to him? Admiral Dewey. Not the slightest: Senator Cakmack. Yooi do not know of a single dollar he dis- honestly got, and yet you regard him as a thief? Admiral Dewet. I think I will not answer that. • •••••• ( > I , AQUINAXDO LIVED LIKE A KING. Senator Caemack. You said yesterday you suspected that Agfui- naldo took the lion's share of the provisions that were gathered for the army. What was the ground upon which you made that accusation? Admiral Dewet. Because he was living in Malolos there like a prince — like a, king; in a way that could only have come by his taking the lion's share. Then what I said about his looting I repeat what I said yesterday. He began within forty-eight hours after he landed in Cavite to capture and take everything he wamted. I know these things of my own knowledge, because I saw these things broug-ht in, and I know that every dollar was taken from the working-men at the navy-yard at the threat of death. Senator Cabmack. You say that began immediately? Admiral Dewbt. Yes; within forty-eight houa^. Now it seems a little ungrateful, in me saying this, but you have asked me and I consider that I am under honor to tell the truth. I know these things, because he would send me cattle; he would send me a herd of cattle for my ships that he captured. He did not have any money when he landed. Senator Beveridge. He captured these oatUe from his own people? Admiral Dewet. Indiscriminately. There was a reign of terror there. I know these things; it is not hearsay. Senator Carmack. Was there any official reiport; any statement of that, made at the time? Admiral Dewet. No. That is war. Senator Cabmaok. Was not the contrary statement made? You spoka in your report about his treating J;he prisoners kindly and humanely? Adittiral Dewbt. Y©«; he did. SeaM.t«r Cabuaok. And I think it vwua Canaul Willianui writin* EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 179 to you what was going on there, and said he had restrained the men from pillage and plunder? i Admiral Dewey. Yes. I do not know what Mr. Williams said, I am not responsible for him, but I was speaking of what I know myself. This army — I call it an army, this mob — began to assemble there; of course, it was an undrilled mob. They had to be fed and clothed, and he did as many other leaders of armies have done before him, he made the country support tjiem. Senator Cakmack. He made the country suj^port the army? Admiral Dewet. Yes. Senator Cabmack. You regard that simply as pillage and loot? Admiral Dewey. We call it that. We did not do that way. That is, I took provisions with me for my men. Senator Cabmack. !^ut he did not have provisions. — Admiral Dewey. We took coal. I captured a lot of coal in the place from diiTerent vessels. There were a good many neutral vessels there when we went in laden with coal. I took the coal; it belonged to English ships and German ships and others. We paid them for it, for every dollar's worth. Senator Pattebson. Is that what you mean when you say he looted? That he made reprisals for his army, took provisions, and whatever was necessary. That is what you meant? Admiral Dewey. That is one part of it. Senator CAEMAtJK. This was taking provisions for the use of the army? , Admiral Dewey. That is one thing he did. Senator Cahmack. You said you did not object to thaf" at the time? Admiral Dewey. No. It would have been' useless; he got beyond me very soon; he got out of my hands' very soon. * « » i * * • • AGUINALDO NOT WANTED. ^Senator Carmack. You did want a man there who could organize and rouse the people? Admiral Dewey. I didn't want anybody. I would like to say now that Aguinaldo and his people were forced on me by Consul Pratt and Consul Wildman; I didu't do anything- Senator Cabmack. Did they have any power to force him upon you? Admiral Dewey. Yes, they had in a way. They had not the official power, but one will yield after a while to constant pressure. I did not expect anything _of them; I did not think they would do anything. I would not have taken them; I did not want them; 1 did not believe in them; because wh^n I sailed, when I left 180 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Hongkong, I was led to suppose that the country was in a state of insurrection, and that at my first gun, as Mr. Williams put it, there would be a general uprising, and I thought these half dozen or dozen refugees at Hongkong would play a very small part in it. Senator Carmack. Then by helping AguinaJdo arm and organize a force, knowing his character as you did, you placed the whole country and its people at the mercy of a man who had no higher object than to get rich by plundering them or betraying them when, as matter of fact, you had no need at all for their services? Senator McComas. That is an assumption and not a question. Admiral Dewey. I am not a lawyer; L can not debate with you. Senator. Admiral Dewey. Well, I did not want them. Senator Cakmack. Then it is a fact, is it not, that you took a man to the Philippines, aided him and encouraged him to organize an army over which you were to have little or no control; a man who had no higher object than to get rich by plundering the people or by betrajdng them? Admiral Dewey. I won't aaiswer that; I am not going to ansvper that. .Senator Cakmack. Very well; you decline to answer the ques- tion. You say you did not know at the time that Aguinaldo was such a bad man? Admiral Dewet. r did not knoiw anything about him, really, at the time. I permitted him to come, I did not take him but I per- mitted him to come; I did not know about him then. I knew very little about Aguinaldo, in fact I hardly knew anything about him. Senator Cakmack. When .did you first learn that his only object in the insurrection was to loot and sell out his country for money? Admiral Dewey. I have' said two or three times that he began looting within forty-eight hours after his arrival; that he began capturing everything in sight. I began to form my opinion of him then. The.y looted the town of Cavite; they cleaned out everything. It was quite a large town, and he and his so-called army looted it. I believe you have been in the Philippines? Senator Cakmack. No; I have not. Admiral Dewey. Well, honesty did not go very far there. Senator Cakmack. I am not going there at all. Admiral Dewey. Well, it does not count much, their schooling has been bad. Senator Patterson. And when Aguinaldo came theye did he ever talk to you on the basis of selling' out? Admiral Dewey. No. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TKXT-BOOK. 181 Senator Patterson. Did he ever ask you for money? Admiral Dewey. Yes. Senator Patterson. Give us that oceurrence, whatever it was. Admiral Dewey. He wanted a bill of exchange — let me correct that. Senator Patterson. Yes, sir. Admiral Dewey. He wanted to exchang-e Mexican dollars for gold; he wanted me to give him gold for Mexican dollars. Senator Patterson. That was an exchange of futids. Admiral Dewey. I was pretty sure in my own mind where he had gotten those Mexican dollars; he had not brought them in^with him when he came, and I thought from the fact that he wanted to put that money into gold that he was getting ready to leave. Senator Bevebidgb. He could not use the gold for disbursements among the troops or purchase of supplies, the silver would answer that purpose better. Admifnrl Dewey. That is correct; that is one thing which had escaped my mind, and that is one thing which made me believe that he was feathering hi^,own nest. democrats try to confuse DEWEY. Senator Patterson. Was it at Malolos that he lived in magnifi- cence, as you have described? Admiral Dewey. Yes; he had a chariot and four, and a band of a hundred pieces, and everything in the grandest style. Senator Patterson. That was very well calculated to inspire the Filipinos he gathered to his standard with respect, and to give them the feeling that there was something substantial behind their efforts? Admiral Dewey. It inspired them more than -it inspired those fr6m whom he had taken the money to maintain this mag'niflcence. Senator Patterson. Do you think those inueoidoes are just and proper? Admiral Dewey. I do. Senator Bevebidqe (acting chairman). I do not know whether any Senator objects, but I will frankly say that such a question as that the chair will rule is riot proper, and that it is discourteous. Senator Patterson. It is not. Senator Beveridqe. The chair thinks it is. Senator Patterson. I will let the record stand to show that the question is perfectly proper and perfectly justifiable. Senator Bevebidge. And you will also let the record state whit the opinion of the chair is upon that subject. Senator Patterson. I don't care what the opinion of the chair is. Senator Bevebidgb. And I will not permit the question to be put. ' Senator Pattebson. Do you know that Aguinaldo has a dollar to- day? 183 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Admiral Dewey. No; how should I know i^? I have not been there for three years. Senator Patterson. I want to know whether your views Admiral Dewey. I do not l^ke your questions a bit; I did not like them yesterday, and I do not like them to-day. I am here to give you all the information I can during the days before the arrival of the Army, of my actions, and I am not responsible for what other people wrote or did or said. Senator Bbvekidqe (acting chairman). You will answer before the committee all questions concerning your knowledge derived from any source, and you will not be required to answer questions that m£\y in anyway, in your judgment,- reflect upon brother officers or criticise officers of the Army or Navy. Senator Dietbioh. Now, if you had had confidence in Aguinaldo and his army, and if you had recognized him as an ally, and he had had a well-equipped army — one that could be depended upon, one that you had had confidence in, you could have accepted the sur- render of the Spanish governor-general and could have put Agui- , naldo in charge of the city instead of waiting for the American soldiers, could you not? Admiral Dewey. Yes, and the fact that I did not accept the surrender would seem to bear out my opinion then that they were not to be trusted. , Senator Dietkich. And had you had confidence in Aguinaldo and his so-called army, you certainly would have accepted the sur- render? Admiral Dewey. Yes. That is if I had had perfect confidence. Senator Dietrich. And he had been an ally; and if you and he had been cooperating together, it would have been a natural thing for you to have placed Aguinaldo's army in Manila. Admiral Dewey. Yes. It never entered my head to do that. Senator Dietrich. You think it woiuld have entered your head if there had been an alliance? Admiral Dewey. Yes. That is something new to me. I never thought of it till this moment, and the fact that I did not accept the surrender is proof to me — it never entered my head to let him come in. Senator Dietrich. And that you were not working in coopera- tion with him — with Aguinaldo — you were depending absolutely on the American forces, both the Army and the Navy, and the fact that you were waiting for the Ameii-ican Army to arrive was con- clusive evidence that you and Aguinaldo had no alliance? Admiral Dewey. I think so. I thank you very much for putting that idea in that shape. It makes my testimony stronger. EXPENSES IN THE PHILIPPINES. The Secretary of War reported to the Senate June 19, 1903, that "the amount of money expended, and the amo^unt," bo far as prac- ticable to state it, "for which the Govermnent of the United States is liable, remaining xmpaid for equipment, supplies, and military operations in the Philippine Islands each year from May 1, 189S, to the present time," aggregate $170,326,686.11, as follows: Ad]utanJ;-Generars Department Q,aartermaster's Department Subsistence Department Pay Department Medical Department Engineer Department Ordnance Department Signal Office ^ Secretary's office : Disbursing cleric Requisitions and Accounts Division Total Expenditures. •Liabilities. ; 8655.21 74344395.17 21,252,272.93 63,926,262.11 8,878,756.58 148,022.15 4302fl33.82 1322,712.88 7,188.30 171318.67 J462,158.92 4,261.14 2,000.00 4,663.23 169358,512.82 473,078.29 In his official report the Secretary said: "Attention is invited to the fact that large quantities of valuable property, such a's -ships, lighters, etc., horses and mules, wagons, harness, clothing', equipage and ordnance, medical, signal, and engineer supplies, the cost of which is included in the foregoing statement, still remain on hand in the Philippine Islands for use. Parts of these supplies are already being reshipped to this country. "It shoiild also be observed that a large part of the expense dur- ing the past year should not properly be treated as occasioned by military operations in the Philippine Islands, for the reason that it consists of pay and maintenance of troops whom we would have hart to pay and maintain whether they were in the Philippines or not, in order to keep up the minimum number of regular troops rccjuired bylaw as a safeguard against future contingencies. The minimum a?%hich the Kegular Army is required to be maintained by the act of Februai^y 2, 1901, is 59,657 men, and the maximum is 100,000. We have now less than 10,000 in excess of the minimum number. ,The cost of that excess is properly to be treated as occasioned by operations in the Philippines. 183 184 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. "The present scale of expense in the Philippines is, of course, greatly reduced , from that shown in the foregoing statement, be- cause of the continuous reduction of the Army, made possible by the restoration of peaceful conditions. Thus in the middle of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, there were about 70,000 American soldiers in the islands. That number is now reduced to about 23,000. Orders have now been issued for the return of the Eighth, rifteonth, Twenty-fourth, and Twenty-fifth Infamtry, and a squad- ron of the Tenth Cavalry, and when these orders have been exe- cuted the number of American troops in the Philippines will have been reduced to 18,000. For the past' six months we have been bringing troops home as rapidly ..as we could do so economically by the use of our own transports. Quarantine requirements have caused some delay in the movement of transports, but we are bringing the men home more rapidly than we can provide accom- modations for them until appropriations contained in the pending appropriation bill for the support of the Army become available." Of the foregoing amount the sum of $4,803,448.21 was expended within the United States, paid to railways for transportation of troops and supplies; practically all of the $74,000,000 exi>ended by the quartermaster's department; the $21,000,000 expended by the subsistence department, -and the $3,000,000 expended by the medi- cal department was paid out in the United States for supplies fur- nished. The postal records show that a considerable portion of $03,000,000 expended by the pay department was sent back by the boys in blue and the officers to their families in the United States, so that by far the greatest portion of the total expenditures went directly into the circulation of, this country. \ Barbarism has and can have no place in a civilized world. It is our duty toward the people living in barbarism to see that they are freed from their chains, and we can only free them by de- stroying barbarism itself. The missionary, the merchant, an'd the soldier may each have to play a part in this destruction, and in the consequent uplifting of the people. — Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. If, following the clear precepts of duty, territory falls' to us, and the welfare of an alien people requires our guidance and pro- tection, who will shirk from the responsibility, grave though It may beP Can we leave these people, who, by the foMUMes of war and our own acts, are helpless and without government, to chaos and anarchy, after we have destroyed the only government they have hadP— President McKinley, at Savannah, Ga., December 17, 1898. TRADE WITH INSULAR TERRITORY. BENEFITS TO COMMERCE BY THE ANNEXATION OF HAWAII AND ACQUISITION OE PORTO RICO AND THE PHILIPPINES. The benefits to the producers and consumers of the United States which have already accrued fro;m the annexation of Porto Eico, Hawaii, and th« Philippines in their increased consumption of our products and increased supply of the tropical articles for which the United States formerly seait its money into foreign countries, are readily seen in a study of the figures of the commerce with those islands' since annexation, compared with that of preceding 3'ears. The control of the United States over Porto Kico dates from about August 1, 1898, and the Porto Eican act abolishing 85 per cent of the duty on goo'^s passing between the United State§ and Porto^ Eico went into effect May 1, 1900; the remaining 15 per cent of the duty was removed July 25, 1901. The Hawaiian Islands have had practical freedom of interchange with the United States since the reciprocity treaty of 1876, and in the early part of 1897 applied for admission to the United States. On July 7, 1898, the joint resolution annexing the islands became a law and on August 12 of that year the islands were formally transferred to the United States. ' On April 27, 1900, an act was passed providing a territorial form of government for the Hawaiian Islands,, making them a customs district of the United States and removing the duties on the few articles of interchange that were not already free of duty under the reciprocity treaty. The Philippine Islands came under the con- trol of the United States by the surrender of the city of Manila August 13, 1898, and by the treaty with Spain December 12, 1893. No change was made in the tariff relations with the United States, however, until March 8, 1902, when u, law was enacted making a reduction of 25 per cent in the duties on merchandise entering the United States from the Philippines, though merchandise from the United States still pay the same ra,te of duty in the Philippine Islands as do those from foreign countries. The fact that control of the United States over each of those islands began in 1898 seems to justify a study of the commerce with them beginning with the fiscal year 1897. Accurate figures for eleven months of the fiscal year 1902 have already been received and the figures for the month of June have been carefully estimated. 185 18« EBPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Porto Bico. — The following table sihoWs the commerce of the United States with Porto Kico from 1897 to 1902: Fiscal year Imports Into United States from Porto Hlco. Exports, fi'om United States to Porto Utoo. 1897 82,181,024 2,414,356 3,179,827 3,078,648 5,888392 7,000,000 81,988,888 1,505,946 2,685,648 4,640,449 1898 1899 1900 1901. 6,861,917 10,000,000 1902* : *May and June estimated. Porto Eico, it appears, has increased its supply of tropical ar- ticles for the markets of the United States from a little over two million dollars in 1897 to seven millions in 1902, and has meantime ■ imtreased its purchases of our merchandise from a little less than two million dollars to ten millions. The chief articles which it -supplies our markets are fruits, coffee^ sugar, tobacco, hides, per- fumery, and manufactures of straw and palm leaf. In exchange it takes from the United States cotton manufactures, Jnatiufac-.. tures of iron and steel, manufactures of leather, manufactures of wood, chemicals, drugs and medicines, breadstuiis, provisions, fish, vegetables, mineral oil, and eial. The sales of Torto Kico to the United States have more than trebled, while its purchases from the United States are about five times as much in 1902 as in 1897. Hawaii. — The following -table sUows the commerce with the Ha- waiian Islands since 1897, the figures of exports in 1901 and 1902 being necessarily estimates, by reason of the fact that no statistics of the shipments to those islands have been obtainable since they became a customs district of the United States: Commerce of the United States with the Hawaiian Islands, 18S7 to 190H. Fiscal year. Imports into United States fi-om Hawaii. Exports from United States to Hawaii. 1897 ?1S,687,799 17,187380 17,831,463 20,707,903 27,90.'i,058 26,500,000 H690;075 5,907,155 9305,470 18,509,148 1211,000,000 t20,000,000 1898 1899 IBOO ]*n 1902* "■June e.sUmated. fE.stlmated. The contributions of the TlaAvaiian Islands to the requirements of the United States have, it appears, practically doubled since 1897 and theif purchases of products of the United States are apparently about four times as much as in 1897. The chief ai-tioles EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 187 received from the Hawaiian Islands are sugar, coffee, and fruits, sugar forming probably 00 per cent of the total in value. The prin- cipal articles sent from the United States to the Hawaiian islands are breadstufEs, provisions, manufactures of iron and steel, leather, cotton goods, lumber, and mineral oil. The Philippines.— In the case of the Philippines the effect of an- nexation is, of course, less observable by reason "of the fact that , the continued existence of hostilities has held in check the produc- ing power and consequently the consuming power of the popula- tion as a whole, though the presence of the United States Army has naturally increased the consum/ption of merchandise from the United States. The following table shows the commerce with the Phjlijtpines in each year from 1897 to 1902, the month of June, 1902, being estiinated: Fiscal year. Imports Into United States from thePhllip- plnes. Exports from United States to the Philippines. 1897 - ; 54,888,740 8,830415 4,409,774 5,971,208 4,420,912 6,500,000 894,597 lS98 ' 127,804 1899. _ _ . _ \ . 404,193 2,640,449 1901 - - -' - - 4,027,064 1902. - 5,400^)00 Imports. — The substantial increase in the commerce with those "islands is more readily observed when the figures of the three groups, Porto Eieo, Hawaii, and the Philippines, are combined ahd compared with the total commerce of the United States meantime. The following table shows in the first columa the total imports from Porto Eieo, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands, and in the second column the total imports of the United States from 1897 to 1902. It will be seen that the imports from the islands practically doubled from 1897 to 1903, while the total imports were increasing but about 17 per cent: Imports into the -United States from Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the PhiUppi.ne Islands, and total imports of the United Stales, 1897 to I90S. Fiscal yeair. 1897 1808 1899 ,• 1900 -<( 1901 ' ^ 1902* L •June estimated. Imports from Porto Eieo, Ha- Total waii, and the Imports. Philippine Islands. 820,252,563 8764,730,412 28,432,151 616,049,654 25,421,064 697,148,489 29,757,759 849,941,184 88,207,862 823,172,16.5 40,000,000 900,000fl00 188 EEPUBtlCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Exports. — The following table shows the shipments from the United States to Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands from lb97 to 1902. The shipments to the islands increased from $6,773,500 to about $35,000,000, an increase of over 400 per cent, while the total exports increased from $1,050,993,556 to about $1,400,000,- 000, an increase_of about 33 per ceat. Exports from the United States to Porto Rico, Hawaii, the PhUippine Islands and Guam, and total exports of the United Scales, 1897 to 190S. Fiscal year. 1897. 1898. 1899. 19U0. 1901. 1902' Exports to Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philip- pine Islands. Total ex- ports of the United States. 86,773,560 7,540,905 12,895,511 20,790,046 80,888,981 35,400,000 $1 050,993,556 1,231,482,380 1,227,023,302 1394,483,0^ 1,487,784,991 l,4OO,OOPt00a *May and June estimated. EITECT or ANNEXATION. The beneficial effect of annexation upon the islands themselves is shown by the increase of their production when the markets of the United States were opened to them. In the case of the Ha- waiian Islands a sufficient time has elapsed sinee the reciprocity treaty jof 1876 to afford opportunity for a study of this feature of the question. Such a study shows that the production of those islands increased enorm^oiisly immediately following' the new trade relations with the United States. In 1876 the sugar production of the Hawaiian Islands wae 26,072,429 pounds; in 1879 their pro- duction had practically doubled, being 49,020,871 pounds; by 1883 it had more than quadrupled, being 114,177,938 pounds; by 1890 it was ten times as great as in 1876, being 545,370,537 pounds; and in the fiscal year 1901 was twenty-six times as great as in 1876, being 090,883,132 pounds. The value of the suga,r production of the islands in 1876 was $1,272,334, and in 1901 it was $27,094,155, or twenty-two times as much as the production of 1876, its growth in value being, of course, less than in quantity because of the material fall in prices of sugar since 1876. In the case of Porto Rico, its prox- imity to the great consuming centers of the United States, which demand tropical fruits in great quantities as well as coffee, sugar, and other staples, seems to justify the expectation that an equally rapid growth may follow. The increase of the consuming power of the islands is of equal Importance. The producing power of the Ha- waiian Islands has increased more than twenty fold, as is shown EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 189 by the figures already quoted, and as a consequence of this in- creased purchasing- power, its demand upon the United States for the products of our fields and factories has correspondingly in- creased. :^ports from the United States to the Hawaiian Islands have grown from $779,257 in 1876 to $13,509,148 in the fiscal year 1900, and are estimated at $20,000,00(3 for the year 1902. Prior to the existence of the reciprocity relations between the Hawafian Islands and the United States the.islands took less than 50 per cent of their imports from the United States; since that time they have taken ,from 75 to 85 f er cent of their greatly increased imports from the United States. The following table shows the commerce of the United States with the Hawaiian Islands from 1860 to 1902, at quinqiiennial per- iods: Fiscal year. I860.. 1866. 1870.. 1875.. 1880.. 1885.. 1890.. 1895.. 1900.. 1901*. 1901!*, Imports Into United Exports fromUnl'ted States from States to Hawaii. Hawaii. $884,743 t66B346 578,784 648 ,2^ 1,184,723 808,416 1,878,681 662464 4,6064^4 3,086470 8,857,497 1231?808 2,787,922 4^1,417 7,888,961. 8,738,057 20,707,908 13,509448 27,903358 moOOiOOO 26,500fl00 •Estimated. ^ tJtme estimated. The effect of annexation of these island territories upon onr standinig' in the Orient and our commerce with that part oi the world is also important. Our exports to Asia and Ooeanid In- creased but $26,000,000 in the five years from 1893 to 1897, while In the five years from 1897 to 1902 they have increased $58,000,000, as is shawn by the following table, which gives the total imports and , exports of the United States in its commerce with Asia and Oceania in each year from 1892 to 1902. These figures include the commerce > with the Hawaiian Islands, which since annexation are not ofiieially included in the statistics of foreign commerce, but should of course be included in a study which covers a term of years — in most of which they were so included. Not a blow has been struck except for liberty and humanity and none will be; we will perform without fear every national and international obligation. — President McKinley to Notifica- tion Committee, July IS, 1900. 190 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Commerce of the United Stales with Asia and Oceania, 189S to 190S. Year. Imports. Exports. 1892 $103,271313 113,621324 87,644,320 95,077,290 114^06,986 111,695^6 119,453,823 134,089,091 174,453,4.38 157,520362 170,000,000 "$35,163,117 27,421321' S2,78Bil93 30,434,288 42327,258 61,927,678 66,710313 78,23,5,176 108305,082 104,782,912 120,000,000 iy9a IhW 1^,95 189B 1897 1S98 1899 1900 WUl* 1902* ♦Estimated, Includes HawalL No terms until the undisputed authority of the United States shall be acknowledged throughout the archipelago! After that Congress will make a government under the sovereignty of the •United States. — Presidei^ McKinley, at Milwaukee, Wis., October 16, 1899. We speak in no spirit of arrogance when we state as a simple historic fact that never in recent years has any great nation acted with such disinterestedness as we have shown in Cuba. W« freed the island from the Spanish yoke. We then earnestly did our best to help the Cubans in the establishment of free education, of law and order, of material prosperity, of the cleanliness neces- sary to sanitary ,well-being in their great cities. — Theodore Roose- velt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. In short, in the work we have don6 we are but carrying out the true principles of our democracy. We work in a spirit of self-respect for ourselves and of good will toward others; in a spirit of love for and of infinite fcfith in mankind. We do not blindly refuse to face the evils that exist; or the shortcomings inherent in humanity; but across blundering and shirking, across selfishness and meanness of motive, across short-sightedness and cowardice, we gaze steadfastly toward the far horizon of golden triumph.— Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September, 2, 1901. Exactly as it is the duty of a civilized power scrupulously to respect the rights of all weaker civilized powers and gladly to help those who are struggling toward civilization, so it is its duty to put down savagery and barbarism.— Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901.- / OUR PATRIOTIC ARMY. PRESIDENT BOOSEVELT'S TRIBUTE TO THE SOLDIERS IN THE PHILIPPINES. President lloosevelt in his Decoration Day address at Arlington7 spoke for the soldiers of to-day as well as those of the civil war. As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, he defended the men who are serving under him from the malicious and unjust atta-cks of those who to oppose Republican policies assail the Amer- ican soldier. The- address was a ngtable one. It was as follows: "Durilig Qur lour generations of national life we have had to do many tasks, and some of them of far-reaching importance; but the only really vital task- was the one you did, the task of saving the Union. There were other crises in which to have gone wrong would have meant disaster; but this was the one crisis in which, to have gone wrong would have meant not merely disaster but anni- hilation. For failure at any other point atonement could have been made, but had you failed in the iron days the loss would have been irreparable, the deieat irretrievable. Upon your success de- pended all the future of the people on this continent, and much of the future of mankind as a whole. "You left us a reunited country. You left us the .right of broth- erhood with the men in gray, who with such courage, and such devotion for what they deemed the right, fought against you. But you left us much more even than your achievement, for you left us the memory of how it was achieved. Yoi^ who made good by your valor and patriotism the statesmanship of Lincoln and the soldiership of Grant, have set as the standards for our efforts in the future both the way you did your work in war and the way in which when the war was over you turned again to the work of peace. In war and in peace alike your example will stand as the ' wisest of lessons to us and oUr children and our children's children. Punishment for Atrocities in Philippines. — "Just at this mo- ment the Army of the United States, ledjDy men who served among you in the great war, is carrying to completion a small but pecul- iarly' ti-ying and difficult war,inwhich is involved not only the honor of the flag, but the triumph of civilization over forces which stand for the black chaos of savagery and barbarism. The task has not been so diflicult or so important as yours; but, oh! my comrades, the men in the uniform of the United States, who have for the last three years patiently and uncomplainingly championed the Ameri- can cause in th« Philippine IslandSk are your younger brotkers, 191 192 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. your sons. They have shown themselves not unworthy of you, aind they are entitled to the support of all men wh'o ate proud af what you did. "Tjhese younger comrades of yours have fought under terrible diificulties and have received terrible provocation from a, very cruel and very treacherous enemy. Under the st«iln of these provocar tions I deeply deplore to say that some among them have so far forgotten themselves aS to counsel and commit, in retaliation, acts of cruelty. The fact that for every guilty act committed by one of our troops aci hundred acts of far greater ferocity have been committe'd by the hostile natives upon our troops, or upon the peaceable and law-abiding natives who are friendly to us, cannot be held to excuse any wrongdoer on our side. Determined and un- swerving efEort must be made, and is being made, to find- out every instance of barbarity on the part of our troops, to punish those gldlty of it and to take, if possible, even stronger measures than have already been taken to miuinaize or prevent the occurrence of all such instances in ^e future. Men Who Fail to CondemnLynchings, but Traduce the Army. — "From time to time there occur in our country, to the deep and lasting shame of our people, lynchings, carried on under circum- stances of inhuman cruelty and barbarity — a cruelty infinitely worse than any that has ever been committed by our troops in the Philippines; worse to the victims, and far more brutalizing to those guilty of it. The men who fail to condemn these lynchings, and yet clamor about wjiat has been done in the Philippines, are indeed guilty of neglecting the beam in thedr own eve while launting their brother about the mote in his. ' Understand me. These lynchings afford us no excuse for failure to stop cruelty in the Philippines. Every effort is being made, and will be made, to minimize the chances of cruelty occurring. Stories of Cruelties Shamelessly Exaggerated. — "But keep" in mind that these cruelties in the Philippines have been wholly ex- cgptional, and have been shamelessly exaggerated. We deeply and bitterly regjret that any such cruelties should have been committed, no matter how rarely, no matter under what provocation, by Amer- ican troops. But they afford far less justification for a general condemnation of our Army than these lynchings afford for the con- demnation of the communities in which they have taken place. In each case H is well to condemn the deed, and it is well also to refrain from including both guilty and innocent in the same sweeping condemnation. "In every community there are people who commit acts of well- nigh inconceivable horror and baseness. If we fix our eyes only upon thoM individuals and upon tfaeir acts, and If we forget the >' EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK 193 far more ntimertfius citizens of uprig-ht and honest life and blind ourselveB to their countless deeds of wipdom and justice and phil- anthropy, it is pasy enough to condemn the conim unity. There is not a city in tiis land which we could not thus condemn if we fixed our eyes purely upon its police record and refused to look ■fl t what it had accomplished for decency and justice and charity. Yet this is exactly the attitude which has been taken by too many, men with reference to our Army in the Philippines; and it is an nttitude both absurd, afad cruelly unjust. " ., "The rules of warfare which have been promulgated by the War iDepartment and accejited as the basis of |conduct by our Iroops in the fielS are the rules laid down by Abraham Lincoln When ybu, my hearers, were figiiting for the Union. | These rules provide, of course, for the jhst severity necessary in war. Tlie'moiSt destruc- tive of all 'f orriis of cruelty would be to show weakness where sternness is demanded by iron need. But allfcruelty is forbidclen, and all harshness beyond what is called far by need. Our enemies / sex^ as possible. After you have very thoroughly completed the destrirction of their: settlementsi if the Indians should show a.< disposition for peace, I \vould have you encourage it! on condition that they will give some decisive Evidence of their sincerity by delivering»up some, of the principal instigators of past hostility into our hands.'! y,ashington aimed not only to punish the Indians, but tp seize the renegades who had incited the disturbances. He was in favor of peace after piSnishment. On this ~polnt he sdid : , "But you will not by any means listen to overtures of peace be- foie the total ruin of their settlements is effected. Our future se- curity will be in their iuability to injure us, the-distance to which they are driven, and in the terror with which the severity of the eluistisement they receive will inspire them. Peace without this would be fallacious and temporary." , ' ■ i General Sullivan carried out his instructions to the letter. lie desti-oyed more t]ian 100 Indian towns, all tjie growing corn, ail the orchards that had been planted, and when he wiis done he re- ported to Washington: "There is not a single town in the country of the Six Nations. There is not, at ibis time, even the appearance of an Indian on thisij RTJI'UT'.rjCAN CAMPAIOX TEXT-BOOK. 109 side of the Chencssee, and I believe t%ere is not one on this side (if the Xiagara, nor is there any kind of sustenance left for them in Ihis oDimtry." On October 9, 1799, only two months before, his death, General Washington sent Sullivan's report to Congress with this comment: "I congratulate Congress on General Sulli^an having completed so efl'ectually tlie destruction of the whole of the towns and set- tlementE of the hostile Indians in so short a time and M-ith so, in- considerable loss of men," Yet no man in Congress rose to denounce Washington and Sul- livan as monsters of cruelty. ^\'hy was it a fine act for Washington to make a howling wilder- ness among the Indian savages in 1799 an4 a black crime for Chafft-e to make a howling wilderness among the Samar savages in 190a? — Chicago Inter-Ocean. The future is now our field; let' us look to it; it opfens with "■lorlous possibilities and invites the party of ideas to enter and possess it. — Major McKinlejr, at Dayton, Ohio, October 18, 1887. Sireat corporations exist only because they are created and e-guarded by our institutions; and it is, therefore, our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with these institu- tions. — President Roosevelt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1901. As in such a work hiftnan instruments must be used, and as human instruments are imperfect, this means that at times there will be injustice; that at times merchant, or soldier, or even mis- sionaiy m)ay do wrong. Let us instantly condemn and" rectify such wrong when it occurs, and if possible punish the wrong- doer. But shame, thrice shame to us, if we are so foolish as to make such occasional wrongdoing an excuse for failing to per- form a great and righteous task.— Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic as the veterans, the survivors of those who saved the Union. They did the one deed which if left undone would have meant that alf else in our history went for nothing. But for their stead- fast prowess in the greatest crisis of our history, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment in popular free- dom an,d self-government a gloomy failure. Sloreover, they not only left us a united nation, but they left us also as a heritage ihe memory of the mighty deeds by which the nation was kept united. President Roosevelt, in message to Congress, December, 3, 1901. THE FORAEER ACT. OONSTITTTTIONAL POWER OP COITGRESS TO GOVEBMf TEB- EITORY SUSTAINED BY STTPREME COURT. "The Foraker Act temporarily: to provide revenues and a civil government for Porto Kicq and for other purposes," which was the cause of so much discussion in 1900, has been approved by the Supreme Court. The tariff clause of that act was the b<^ne of con- tention, because it provided that there should be collected, on all imports from Porto Eico into the United States and upon ^ all imports into Porto Kico from the United States, duties equal to 15 per cent of the Ding-ley tarifE rates, the same to be applied to the revenues of Porto Kico until the legfislative assembly of the island should put into operation a system of local taxation to meet the expenses of government, but in no event extend beyond the 1st day of March, 1902. This act served two v^ry important pur- poses. It provided revenues for the government of Porto Kico, without w^hich, Governor Allen says in his report, "there would have bepn. a lack of sufficient funds, to meet the most ordinary re- 'quiremenfs of the government." , . ' The act served a greater purpose, however, in providing the means for a judicial opinion settling the mooted j question of the constitution extending ex proprio vigotx to all new territory acquired by the United States. This was the great question regarding the Philippines, and it became important that the power of *6bngress to' legislate for. and govern territory without extending to that territory all the rights held by Btates, should be settled. The Su- preme Court of the United States has settled that question in its Opinion in the Dowhes Case, handed down May 27, 1901, and also in the Dooley Case, decided December 2, 1901. The court in these two cases decided that the Constitution does not extend to new territory of its own iorce, and that the Foraker Act i^ constitu- tional,. The Downes Case involved the question whether merchaji- dise brought into the pc^rt of New York front Porto Eico since the passage of the 'Korakpr Act wais exempt from duty notwithstand- ing the third , section of that act, which requires the payment of "15 per centum of the duties which are required to be levied, col- lected, and paid upon lik^ articles of merchandise imported from foreign countries." ^ - ' .i Justice Brown announced the conclusion and judgment of the court in 1jhe Downes Case, and in part his opinion was as follows: REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 301 The Constitution Created for States. — "It is sufficient to observe , in relation to these three fiinda,niental instruments that it can nowhere be inferred that the territories were considered a pa.rt of the United States. The Constitution was created by the people of the United States as a union of States, to be governed solely by representatives of the States: and even the provision relied upon here, that all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform 'throug-hout-'the United States,' is explained by subsequent provi- sions of the ConstitutioB, that 'no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any Statej,' and 'no preference shall be given by any regTalation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be oblig'ed to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.' In short, the Constitution deals with States, their pef)ple, and their repre- sentatives. "The Thirteetith Amendment of the Constitution, prohibiting slavery and involuntary servitucle 'within the United States, or in any plaqe subject to their jurisdiction,' is also significant as showing 'that there may be places within the jurisdiction of the United- States that are no part of the Union. To say that the phraseology of this amendment was due to the fact that it was intended to prohibit slavery in the seceded States, under a p<^ssible interpre- tation that those States were no longer a part of the Union, is to Confess the very point at issue, since it involves an admission that, if these States were not a part of the Union, they were still sub- ject to the jurisdiction of the United States. "Upon the other hand, the Fourteenth Amendment, upon the subject of citizenship, declares only that 'all persons born or natu- ralized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the States wherein they reside.'' Here there is a limitation to persons born or naturalized in the United States which is not extended to persons born in any place 'subject to their jurisdiction.' Powers of Congress. — "* * * Indeed, the practical interpre- tation put by Congress upon the Constitution has been long con- tinued and uniform to the effect that the Constitution is applicable to territories acquired by pnvchase or conquest only when and so far as Cpngress shall direct. Notwithstanding its d\ity to 'guaran- tee to every State in this Union u, republican form of government (Art. IV, sec. 4), by which we understand, according to the defi- nition of Webster, 'a goveniment in which the supreme power re- sides in the whole body of the people, and is exercised by repre- sentatives elected by them,' Congress did not hesitate, in the original organization of the territories of Louisiana, Florida, the 203 HRPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN T3SXT-B00K. Xorthwest Torrii.ory, and its suliclivisions of Ohio, Indiana, Michi- S'an, Illinois, and Wisconsin, and still more recently in the case of Alaska, to establish a form of g-overnment bearing a mneh greater^ analogy to n British Crown colony than a republican State of America, and to vest the legislative power either in a governor and council, or a governor and judges^ to be appointed ^by the President. It was not until they had attained a certain population' that power was given them to organize a legislature by vote of tlie people. In all these cases, as well as in territories subse- (piently organized west of the Mississippi, Congress thought it neces^f^i-y 'either to extend the Constitution and laws of the United States over them, dr to declare that the inhabitants should be eh' titled to enjoy the right of trial by jury, of bail, and of the privi- lege of the writ of Imteq-S corpus, as well as other privileges of the bill of rig'hts. "We are also of the opinion that the power to acquire territory* by treaty implies not only the power to govern such territory, but to prescribe upon what terms the United States will receive its in- 'habitants, and what their status shall be in what Chief Justice -Marshall, termed the 'American Empire.' Tliere seems to be no middle ground between this position anfl^ the docfjrine that if the (inhabitants do npt become, immediately upon annexation, citizens- of the United States, their children thereafter born, whether sav- ages or civilized, are such, and entitled to' all rights, privileges, a'lid immunities 6f citizens. If such be their status, the conse- quence will be extremely serious. Indeed it is doubtful if Con- g]fe.4s, would ever a.ssent to the annexation of territory updu the conditio^, that its inhabitants, however foreigii they may be to oiir habits, traditions, and modes of life, sliall become at once citizens of the United States. In all its treaties hitherto the treaty-making power has made sp^ial provision for this subject; in the cases of Louisiana and Florida, by stipulating that 'the- inhabitants shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States and admitted as soon as possible , * * * to the enjoyment of all rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States;' in ithe cas'e of Mexico, thsit' they Should 'be incorporated intn , tlje Union, and be admitted at the proper lime (to be judged of by the Congress of. the United States), to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens, of the United States;' in the case of Alaska, that, the inhabitants who remained three years, 'with the exception of un- civilized native tribes, shall be admitted to the enjoyment of all ; the rights,' etc., and in the case of Porto Bico and the Philippines! 'that tbe civil rights and political status of the riative inhabitants * * , * islmll be determined by Congress.' In all theses'casss BKfl'BLK'AX CAMPAIGN TKXT-BOOK. 203 'there is an 'implied fleiiiiil of 1he righ1 of 1he inhabitants to Ameri- can citizenship until Congress by I'urtjier action shall signify its assent thereto. > ■'(irave apprehensiOins of danger are felt by many eminent men — a fear lest an unrestrained possession of povvep on the part of Congress may lead to unjust and oppressive legislation, in which the natural rights of territories, or their inliabitants, may be en- gulfed in a eenti-ulized despotism. Tliese fears, however, fitid no justificiition in the action O'f Cojxgress in the past century, nor in the conduct of the British I'arliament toward its outlying pos- 'sessions since tiie Ajiieriran Revolution. Indeed, in the only in- stance in which this court has declared an act of Congress un- constitutional as trespassing upon the rights of territories (the Missouri Compromise), sufch action was dictated by motives of hu- manity and justice, and so far commanded popular approval as (o lie e-Iabodied in the Thirteenth Amendment tp the Constitution. I There are certain principles of natural, justice inherent in llir- Anglo-Saxon character which need no expression in constifution.s Or statutes to give them effect or to* secure dependencies against legislation manifestly hostile to their real interests. Even in the I'oraker Act itself, the constitutionality of which is so vigorously assailed, power was giv^n to the legislative assembly of Porto Eico to repeal the very tariff in question in tjiis case, a power it has not seen fit to exercise, 'i'he words of Chief Justice Marshall in Gih- Iiiiita V. Oydcn (!) Wheat., 1), with resfject to the poVer of Congress to regulate commerce, ai-e pertinent in this connection: 'This power," said he, 'like all others vested in Congress, is complete in itself, may be exercised to its utmost extent, and acknowledges no limitations other than ii'i'e prescribed in the Constitution. * * * NThe wisdom and discretion of C,ongress, their identity with the people, and the influence which their constituents possess at elec- tions are in this, as in many other instances, as that, for example, of declaring war, the sole restraints on which they have relied to secure them from its abuse. They are iifie restraints on which the people must often rely on solely in all representative governments." « « , « * « ■ « ■ * I Large Powers Necessary. — "Large powers must necessarily be intrusted to Congress in dealing with these problems, and we are bound to assume that they will be judiciously exercised. That these powers may be abused is possible. But the same maj- be said of its powers under the Constitution as well as outside of it. Human wisdom has never devised a form of g'overnment so per- fect that it may not be perverted to -bad purposes. It is never conclusive to argue against the possession of certain powers from 204 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. possible abuse of them. It is safe to say that if CoBgress should venture upon legislation manifestly dictated by selfish interests, it would receive quick rebuke at the hands of the people. In- deed, it is scarcely possible that Congress could do a greater in- justice to these islands than would be involved in holding'/ that it could not impose upon the State taxes and excises without ex- tending the same taxes to them. Such requirement would bring them at once within our internal-revenue system, including stamps, licenses, excises, and all of the paraphernalia of that system, and applying it to territories which have had no experience of this kind, and where it would prove an intolerable burden. "This subject was carefully considered by the Senate Committee in charge of the Foraker bill, which found, after an examination of the facts, that property in Porto Eico was already burdened with a private debt amounting probably to $30,000,000; that no system of property taxation was or ever had been in force in the island, and that it would probably require two years to inaugurate one and secnrd returns from it; that the revenues had always been chiefly raised by duties on imports and exports, and that our internal revenue laws, if applied in that island, ^voiild prove oppressive and ruinous to many people and interests; that to undertake to collect our heavy internal revenue tax, far heavier than Spain ever im- posed upon their products and vocations, would be to invite viola- tions of the law so innumerable as to make prosecutions impossible, and to almost certainly alienate and destroy the friendship and good will of that people for the United States. "In passing upon the questions involved in. this and kindred cases, we ought not to overlook the fact that, while the Constitu- tion was intended t6 establish ' a permanent form of government for the States which should elect to take advantage of its condi- tions, and continue for an indefinite future, the vast possibilities of that future could never have' entered the minds of its framers. The States had but recently emerged from a war with one of the most powerful nations of Europe; were disheartened by the fail- ure of the confederacy, and were doubtful as to the feasibility of a stronger union. Their territory was confined to a narrow strip of laaid on the Atlantic coast from Canada to Florida, with a some- what indefinite claim to territory beyond the Alleghanies, where their sovereignty was disputed by tribes of hostile Indians sup- ported, as was popularly believed, by the British, who had never formally delivered possession under the treaty of peace. The vast territory beyond the Mississippi, which formerly had been claimed by France, since 1762 had belonged to Spain, still a powerful na- tion, aaid the owner of a great part of the Western Hendapbere. EEPDBUCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 205 ' Under these droumstances it is little wonder that the question of annexing these territories was not made a, subject of debate. The difficulties of bringing' about a union of the States were so great, the objections to' it seemed so formidable, that the whole thought of the convention centered upon surmounting these ob- stacles. The question of territories was dismissed with a single clause, apparently applicable only to the territories then existing, giving Congress the power to govern and dispose of them. Acquisition of Territory. — Had the acquisition of other terri- tories been contemplated as a possibility, could it have been fore- seen that, within little more than one hundred years, we were destined to acquire not only the whole vast region between tTie At- lantic and Pacific oceans, but the Eu"ssian possessions in America and distant islands in the Pacific, it is incredible that no provision should have been made for them, and the question whether the Constitution should or should not extend to them have been defi- nitely settled. If it be once conceded that we are at liberty to acquire foreign territory, n presumption arises that our power with respect to such territories is the same power which other nations have been accustomed to exercise with respect to terri- tories acquired by them. If, in limiting the power which Congress was to exercise within the United States, it was also intended to limit it with regard to such territories as the people of the United States should thereafter acquire, such limitations should have been expressed. Instead of that, we find the Constitution speaking only to States, except in the territorial clause, \vhich is absolute in its terms, and suggestive of no limitations upon the power of Con- gress in dealing with them. The States could only delegate to Congress such powers as they themselves possessed, and as they had no power to acquire new territory they had none to delegate in that connection. The logical inference from this is, that if Congress had power to acquire new territory, which is conceded, that power was not hampered by the constitutional provisions. If, upon the other hand, we assume that the territorial clause of the Constitution ^\•as not intended to be restricted to such territory as the United States then possessed, there is nothing in the Con- stitution to indicate that the power of Congress in dealing with them was intended to be restricted by any of the other provisions. "There is a provision that 'new States may be admitted by the Congrress into this Union.' These words, of course, carry the Con- stitution with them, but nothing is said regarding- the acquisition of new territories or the extension of the Constitution over them. The liberality of Congress in legislating the Constitution into all our contigxujus territories has undoubtedly fostered the impres- 208 ■ KRPUP.LICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. !?• \ ' ". ' - ''''■' sion that it went there by its own force, but there is nothing- in the Constitution itself, and little in the 'interpretation put upon it to confirna that impression. There is not even an analogy to the provisions of an ordinary mortage for. its attachment to after-acquired property, -without which it covers only property ex- isting at the /date" of the mortgage. In short, there is absolute' silence upon the subject. Tlx« , Executive apd Legislative Depart- ments of the Government have for m.ore than a century interpreted this silence as precluding the idea that the Constitution attached to these territories as soon as acquired," and unless such interpre- tation be manifestly contrary to the letter orispij-it of the Con- stitution, it should be followed by the Judicial Department., (t:ooley;s Const. Tjim., sees. 81 to S5; lAthograpMc Co. v. Sarony, 111 \:. a., oZ, 57; Field V. Clark, Ii1i\j.&.,6i9, 691.) A political Question. — Patxiotic and intelligent men may difler, widely as to the desirableness of this or that acquisition, but this is solely a political question. We can only consider this aspect of the case so far as to say that no construction of tlie Constitution should be adopted which woul4 prevent CongTess ^f rom considering each ease upon its merits, unless the lang-uage of the instrument Imperatively demand it. A false step at this time might be fatal lo the development of what Chief Justice Marshall Called 'tho American Empire.' Choice in some cases, the natural gravitation of smq,Il bodies' toward large ones in 'others, the result of a suc- cessful war in still others, may bring about conditions which would render tie annfexation of distant possessions desirable. If those possessions are inhabited by alien races, differing from *is in re- ligion, customs, laws, methods of taxation, and modes of thouglit, the administration of gbyernment and justice, according to Anglo- Saxon principles, may for a time be impossible; and the. question at once arises whether large concessions ought not to be made for a time^ that, ultimately, our, own theories may be carried out, and the blessings of a free government under. the Constitution extended, to them. We decline to hold that there is anything in the Con' stitution to fbrbid sucli, action. We are therefore of opinion that the Island of Porto Eico is a territory appurtenant and belonging to the United States, but not a part of the United States within the reivemue clauses of the Constitution; that tli^ Poraker Act is constitutional, so far as it im- poses duties upon imports from such island, and that the plaintiff can not recover J>aCk the duties exacted in this case. The judgment of the circuit court is therefore affirmed. THE GOLD STANDARD. WHAT THE REPUBLICAN PARTY HAS DONE TO ESTAB- LISH A SOUND FINANCIAL SYSTEM. f- The gold standard law, passed by a Repxiblican Coivgress mid !t*aigiied by a Republiean President on March 1.4, 1900, is one of the pmost hnpcrtimt politic-a.l acts since the Proclamation of lOiiiniici- pation. The decree that sti uek the shacldes from fonr million , slaves was a military measure aimed at llie destruction of the Southern Confederacy. The laAv that riveted onr finances to the ■•/'gold basis was u, measure of peace and' preservation, ending' dis- trust of the nation's ability to meet its obligations, and giving sta- 1 bility to our, home industries and our vs^st and rapidly expandiiiy cojumerce. Each sprang from a strong moi-al impulse to pnl :in end to wrong and menace, and each was followed by results oi such transcendent iniportance to the country as to mark an ep vb in our national history. Months before the assembling of the St. Louis Con\enMoii in IS'jij, many thoughtful Republicans felt that the time I had conic for the party to speak out strongly on the money question and in make a decided stand against the free silver heresy that had s«c|il Ihe West and South from their moorings and which threatened to |; engulf the East. Tlieir influence prevailed over timid counsels, ■ and the platform adopted contained a declaration for the h>!'' standard that put the matter beyond doubt or question. It said: ■ .- "The Republican jiarty is unreservedly for sound mon?y. It caused thfe enactment of the law providing fqr the resumption of .specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold.^ "We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to de- base our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver except by intei- / national agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agree- ment can be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserxed. .Ml our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain invio- lably the obligations of the United States and all our money, whether coin or j^aper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth." The efEect of this declaration on the country was profound. 20? t' a08 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-iSOOK.. Conservative Democrats, representing the best thoug-ht and intelli- gence of that party, and despairing- of its early return to sound principles, began to sux^port the Republican ticket. When the Democratic Convention a few^weeks later went to extremes with its free silver platform, the desertion of the Gold Democrats, as they became popufarly known, swelled to such a tide as to assure McKinley's election and remove anxiety over those so-called silver Republicans in the Northwest and the Rocky Mountain States, who supported the Democratic ticket. The Indianapolis Convention. — Two months after the election, that is, in January, 1897, a notable convention was held at Indiaii- ai^olis. This was not a political convention, but one of business men representing every important chamber of commerce, board of trade, or other iQommercial org-anizations within the United States. Three hundred and fifty delegates attended, all animated by the same purpose of considering how the existing monetary system could be made sai^e and strong and adapted to the necessities of a great and growing country, and^how public sentiment could be best concentrated upon that improvement. These delegates re- solved that the g'old standard oug-ht to be maintained; that the United States notes and Treasury notes oug-ht to be retired, j'ct so gradually as not to injuriously contract the currency, and that a banking system ought to be established that should furnish facili- ties of credit to every part of the country, a safe and elastic cur- rency, and secure such a distribution of the loanable capital as, would equalize interest rates. It was also resolved that an exeeutivt committee should be created with power to represent the conven- tion in these and other related matters and to org-anize a com- mission of business men to report upon the'whole subject if Con- gress should fail to act upon the monetary question. The cl^air- man selected for the executive cbmmittee was Mr. Hugh H. Hanna, a, manufacturer of Indianapolis, a man peculiarly fitted bj' temi^era- ment, training, and experience for this im]iortant and delicate work. The committee found President-elect ilelvinley sympathetic and responsive, and in his inaugural address he thus referred to the subject: "The country is suffering from industrial disturbances from which speedy relief must be had. Our financial system needs some revision; our money is all good now, but its value must not be furtlier tlireatened. It should all be put upon an enduring basis, not subject to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. Our euiveney should continue under tlie supervision of the Gov- ernment. The sevei-al forms of our jiuper money offer, in my judg- ment, a constant embarrassment to tlie tioverument, and imperil a safe balance in the Ti-easui-y. Therefore I believe it necessary RKPUBLtCAN CA3IPAIQN TEXT-BOOK. 209 to devise a system which, without diminishing the circulating me- dium or offering a premium for its contraction, will present a remedy for those derangements which, temporary in their nature, might well in the years of our prosperity have been displaced by wiser provisions. With adequate revenue secured, but not until then, we can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws as will, while securing, safety and volume to our money, no longer impose upon the Government the necessity of maintaining so large a gold - I'eserve, with its attendant and inevitable temptations to specula- tion. Most of our financial laws are the outgrowth of experience and trial, and should not be amended without investigation and demonstration of the wisdom of the proposed changes.The experiment is, at all events, worth a trial, and, in my opinion, it can but prove beneficial to the entire country." Proposed Currency Convention. — At the special session of 1897 President McKinley sent to Congress a message recommending the creation of a nonrpartisan currency commission. The resolution passed the House promptly, but a free silver majority in the Sen- ate smothered it in committee, and the session ended without final action. So long us the Senate was controlled by its free silver majority currency legislation was impossible. But the Indian- apolis committee, encouraged by President McKinley, continued its campaig'n of education for the. gold standard, and was ably sup- ported by the sound money press, irrespective of political allfiliatious. Shortly before the close of the Fifty-fifth Congress, and when it was seen that the next Senate would be a sound-money body, a caucus of House Kei^ublicans « as called to consider the question of ap- pointing a special committee of members who had been re-elected to the next Congress, to sit during the recess and prepare a plan of monetary re\ision to be submitted to the Pifty-sixth Congress ,the following December. A resolution by Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, U 210 llErUCLICAX CAMI'AIUM TIOXT-BOOK. to CTe;i1e a committee of eleven members, was adoi^ted with prac- tical unanin]ity, and' a weelc later'the caucus cliairinan, Mr. Gros- vonor, of Oliio, announced its membersliip. The committee >yas well chosen geographically and typical in j)ublie ability and char- ;vcter. Mr. HendersO'n was named for chairman, and the other members were Messrs. Dalzell', of Pennsylvania; Payne, of Kew' York; Overstreet, of Indiana^ Curtis, of Kansas; LoVering, of i\[assachuSetts; MoTris, of -Minnesota; Hawley, l^f Texas; Loud, of California; Babcock, of Wiscon.sin, and Kerr, O'f Ohio. Preparing the Gold Standard Bills.^Equally important was the action of the Senate Finance Commiiitee, which received permis- sion to sit during the sununer for the known purpose of framing a bill upon the monetary question. The House committee was the first to meet, and its members assembled at Atlantic City on April 17, 1899. Three daily sessions, participated in by all the meinbers, ,' resulted in the preparation of a bill making the ^old dollar the standard unit of value, with United States note's, Treasury notes, and all interest-bearing obligations payable' in gold. The fiscal and revenue branches of the Treasury were to be separated by the creatiop of a division of issue and redemption^ and a gold reserve amounting; to 35 per cent of the outstanding United States notes and Treasury notes was to be established and maintained. The Secretary of the Treasury was to- be authorized to sell 3 per cent gold bonds to restOTe the reserve whenever it should fall below $100,000,000; he was to maintain at all times the parity of every dollar issued, or coined by the Govearnment, and, if necessary- to do this, he might "at Ms- discretion" exchange gold for any other form of money. Small banks with a capital of $25,000 each were authorized and nationaJ baixk circulation was expanded to the par value of the Government bonds deposited for security. The tax on circulation was shifted to the capital, surplus, and undi- vided profits of the banks, and furtlier coinage of silver dollars was prohibited, except from the existiiig stock of bullion purchased under the aet of 1890. I K Three months after this informal committee of the new House adjoui-ned 1ih.e Republican members of the Senate Finajice Com- ' mittee met at Narrag'ansett Pier and drew up a bill simpler" ttan the House bill, but embracing fewer of its popular provisions. The Finance Committee bill "continued" the g'old dollar ^s the standard unit of valiie, and required the redemption of United States notes aiul Treasury notes in gold. It established a definite gold reser\e of $150,000^000, and directed the Secretary of the Treas- ury to sell ?< per cent gold bonds to maintain it. Authority was given to the Secretary to refund the outstanding bonds into 2 per . cent gold bonds; bank note circulation based upon them was to be REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-ROOK. 211 taxed one-half of 1 per cent only, and the banks, as in the Ilousf bill, were authorized to issue notes to the par value of the bonds deposited. The' Secretary of the Treasury was directed also to retire Treasury notes as, fast as silver dollars were coined from silver in the Treasui-y. After the bill was reported to the Senate amendments were added to establish small banks and for interna- tional bimetallism when it could be secured "by concurrent actif)n of the leading commercial nations of the world." The Perfected Legislation. — The two measures passed their re- spective Houses by substantial majoiities. The essential features of the bill that came out of conference were those of the Senate bill, although the House conferees secured two modifications of it — first, that it should be the "duty" of the Secretary of the Treas-\ ury to maintain, parity, and secondly, that United States notes and Treasury notes, when redeemed in gold, should not be used to .; meet,th.e deficiencies of current revenue. The last anl'endment was- of special value, because it compelled the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow money to cover deficits, and thereby avoided the danger- ous inflation of the currency that occurred from 1S93 to 1896, front the excess of paper money paid out by the Government and put in circulation in excess of the amount received into the Treasury. The country had anticipated the action of Congress, but none had been so, optimistic as to foresee the tremendous impulse that the single act estabUshed the gold standard would give to our foreign and domestic trade.. It is true that the Eepublican triumph of 1896 alone had created a, feeling of confidence throughout the country such as had not been experienced since the defeat of the party in^ 1S93. But the Democratic policies from 1893 to 1897 had been so destructive to business, and so potent jn creating suspicion and distrust, that even a Eepublican victory could not wholly re- /Store the favorable conditions that had existed .under the Admin- istration of President Harrison. It was reserved to the Dingley tariff law and the gold standard law to work this change, and it came speedily. The ink of the President's signature to the gold standard bill wag scarcely dry before its restilt -vfeas seen. Mil- lions of capital that for years had lain idle in bank and in safe de- posit vaults came from their hiding places and sought the chan- nels of commerce, now happily freed from the rocks and shoals of financial uncertainty. Prudent men, who had used in their busi- ness only enough of their capital to protect the industries already established, began to project new enterprises and to enlarge their plants. Soon the hum of industry was heard in every .city and hamlet of the land. Idle men disappeared, everybody who wanted i work could get it, and in a little while the depiand for labor out- ' ran the supply. This was followed by rising wages in many lines 218 KBPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. at business, and smiling faces and happy htymes were the rule where previoTisly they had been the exception. "The full dinner pail," as President Harrison had aptly expressed it, is a certain result of Republican policies; for prosperity and republicanism are synonymous terms. Does any one doubt it whose memory covers the brief period from 1888 to the present day! This period embraces two Republican and one Democratic Administration, and the contrast is astonishing^. Under Republican rule labor has been steadily employed and fittingly paid, while silent factories and idle workmen were eloquent testimonies to the single period of Democratic rule, or misrule, as it has been well described. Results of the Law. — But the gold standard law has done more than inspire public confidence and give stability to the currency. It has resulted in the establishment of 1,019 additional national oanks, with an increase in bank capital from $610,308,095 to $675,- T21,695, or $59,413,600. More remarkable still has been the expan- sion of national bank circulation, the amount at the date this 'article is written being $313,609,837, or an increase in two years of $97,835,043. This means additional credit facilities for the banks of nearly $500,000,000, with the resulting advantage of lower in- terest rates and greater accommodation to borrowers. The sta- tistics of the Comptroller's Office show that the Middle States have derived the greatest benefit from bank expansion. In these States the total number of new banks with a smaller capital than $50,000 is 206, and of new banks with a larger capital than $50,000 is 92, divided as follows: Ohio, 52; Indiana, 36; Illinois, 58; Mich- igan, 10; Wisconsin, 22; Minnesota, 47; Iowa, 62, and Missouri, 11 — in all, 298 new banks, with their aid to credit and industry. Tlie Southern States derived the second largest benefit from bank expansion. There the number of new banks with a smaller capital than $50,000 is 170, and of new banks with a larger capital than $50;000, is 95, as follows: Virginia, 22; West Virginia, 19; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 3; Georgia, 14; Florida, 5; Ala- bama, 14; Mississippi, 4; Lonisiana, 9; Texas, 130; Arkansas, 3; Kentucky, 19; Tennessee, 13. Total, 265. The next is the Western States, where the number of new banks with a capital of less than $50,000 is 185, and of banks with a capi- tal of more than $50,000 is 30, as follows: Xorth Dakota, 20; South Dakota, 16; Nebraska, 26; Kansas, 28; Montana, 3; Wyoming, 4; Colorado, 13; New Mexico, 5; Oklahoma, 54; Indian Territory, 47. Total, 215. In the Eastern States the number of new banks with a smaller capital than $50,000 is 96, and of new banks with a greater capital thajx $50,000 is 93, divided as foUows: New York, 30; New Jersey, 19; Pennsylvania, 116; Delawao-e, 2; Maryland, 16. Total, 189. EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 313 4j > On the Pacific Slope the new banks with a smaller capital than $50,000 is 19, and larger than $50,000 is 16, as follows: Washington, 7; Oregon, 3; California, 14; Idaho, 5; Utah, 3; Arizona, 3: Hawaii, ■2. total, 35. In the Ntew England States, where a well-e^tablisAsa, banking system has existed for more than half a century, the new banks' have been relatively few in number as compared with other sec- tions where banking facilities have been more limited. The total number of new banks in New England with a less capi- tal than $50,000 is 5, and exceeding $50,000 is 12, as follows: Maine, , 4; NevF Hampshire, 3; Vermont, 1; Massachusetts, 5;, Rhode Island, 1; Connecticut, 3. Total,' 17. One result of the law that should cause every Anierican heart to thrill with pride has been the refunding of a large part of pur bonded inclebtedncss into 3 per cent boixds that are quoted at this writing at 110, or $10 above par. In all history this has no parallel. Tlie credit of Great Britain has always been high, yet her 3% per dent cgnsols are quoted , at only 94%, while the f German Imperial 3 per cents are below par, the recent quotations being 90%. This is indeed a record to be proud of, and it is due to skillful management by, the Eepublican party. Yet it should occasion no surprise, for since its foundation the Republican party has stood alway.s for sound money and a sound monetary system. It established the national banking system in 1SC3; it enacted the legislation to resume specie payments in 1879; it strenuously op- posed the free silver heresy in 1896 and for years previously, and it fought the greatest jDolitical cajniiaign of modern times for the maintenance of the gold standard. The Democratic Record. — Wfcat has been the record of the Demo- cratic party on the money question — the most important question in the entire range of political economy? It ojyposed the establish- ment of national baflks; it opposed resumption of specie payments; it opposed the gold standard, and it tried to commit the country to a currency always debased and always fluctuating. In this, as in'all matters of gTeat legislation, its record is one of little done, and that little mischievous, Opposition to Republican politics is the measure and standard of its statesmanship. In its futile ellorts to manage the affairs of a great country, it reminds one of -Hogarth's whimsical picture of the man in the debtor's prison evolving a plan to pay the national debt. Its tendencies are de- structive, its policies forbid the exercise of constrUQtive skill, and its occasional victories fall like a blight on the country. 214 REPUBLICAN CAMJ'AIGN T'EXT-COOK. BAAK Ol'EBATIONS DNDEK DEMOCKATIC AND KEPUBLICAN ADJIINISTKA- TIOKS. The aecoinpanying table gives a bird's-eye view of business con- ditions 11} the United States from 1S90 to 1901, as shown by tlie bank clearings and the total "banking funds,'' which term includes in this case the capital, surplus., and deposits of reporting banks and the average of these funds jjer capita. Attention is called to the redaction iu bank clearings and in the! per capita of banking funds in 1893, 1S94, 1S95,, and 1896 as compared with the last year under a Eepublican President and protective tarifC, and the phe- nomenal increase in 1898, 1899, 1900, and 1901 under a return to Ee- publicanism and protection. Capital, surplus, and deposits 'of^ national and other reporting banks on or about June 30, 1890 to 1899, inclusive. Hie average of these funds per mpiia, and annual volume of exchanges of the clearing houses of the United iSlaies for the same period. [From Report of the Comptroller of the Currency.] 1892 1.893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1S98 1899 1900 1901 Population.* 62,48030 64,156300 65,593,000 67,021,000 68,173,000 69,954,000 71,468,000 73,016,000 74,654,000 76,266,000 *77,234,000 *77,647,000 Banking funds. 55,613,747,167 5,840,438,191 6,ii90,094,128 6,412,939,954 6,407,008,888 6,703,544,084 6,695,486,521 6,822,326,870 7,416,355,568 8,512,800,108 9,146,017,917 tl2329 ,560,255 Average per capita. 91.03 97.42 95.68 93.67 9-5.83 99.34 111.61 118.42 158.78 Clearings. $58,845,279,505 57,298,737,988 60,888,572,438 58,880,682,455 45,028,496,746 50,975^55,046 51,985,651,733 54479,545,030 65,924320,769 88,909,661,776 84,582,450,081 114,190,226,021 * Includes Hawaii. t Total resources of banks. The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organ- ized in one State, always do business in many States, often doing very little business in the State where they, are incorporated. There, is utter. lack of uniformity in^he State laws about them; and as no State has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regu- lation through. State action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the nation should, without interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an inter- state business. — ^President Roosevelt, in message to Congress, Becember 3, 1901. • TiRPUBLICAiV CAlSfPATON TEXT-P.dOK. 21,-) NATIONAL BANKS.' NamheT of naiional banks in the United Slates, Iheir capital, surplus, dividends, net earnings, and ratios, yearly, 1870 to 1901. [From Report of tbe Comptroller of the Currency.] Year , eii'liLii 1870 1871 1872 187:H 1874 1875 1S7C( 1877 1878 1879 1880 W81 )N82 1883 1884 1885 1S8« 1887 1888 (1889 If 90 1891 IW)2 Islfi lr;i)4 Irf.lo 1»)6 I8!)7 1898 1S99 IlllJO 1901 1,520 1,1.02 1,721 1 HH'l 1,1)1)1 1,9811 2,om 2,(7:! 2,U4.5 2,015 ■2J)79 2,118 2,282 2.J20 2,1)10 2,080 •2,819 2,993 ;i,120 ,S.244 :l,177 li,041 3,7,S0 3,704 8,735 8,098 3,659 3,589 3,508 3,571 3,705 Capital. 427,008,1:34 448,340 ,485 473,097,353 488,S05,e.y/ 491,753,557 601,037,102 498,506,923 480,907,305 467,322,046 454,600,073 455,529,903 459,644,485 178,519,528 501,-!04,720 520,7.52,720 627,777,898 S 12,959,709 007,840,644 688,391 ,.197 607,428,305 6-l:i,li80,165 67l,J93a23 032,975,512 681,129,704 Ii(>j,7l2;fli5 «5'),1}00,8.55 (i-17,402,875 02,-i .8X5,895 6Ul,42li,025 C0.i,'!90,550 622,366,091 Surplus. »84,112,029 JBS,151,510 98,858,917 109,719,615 120,791^53 129,902,338 134:295,631 181,501,021 123.361,407 117,7115,634 116,187,926 121,313,718 129,265,141 135,570,518 143,416,518 148,246,298 150SlS,207 160,'i984i39 175,320,850 188,462,245 200,8!i7,669 215,649,940 230,389,748 211 ,7.38,161 247,732,001 245,606,255 218,203,540 249,236,8.38 248,118A7S 248,209305 250,:)43,008 257,918,290 -I Divi- dends. $4,3,216,928 43385,493 44,985,1(15 48,05:! ,3 ,11 48,353,026 49,680,122 111,129 ,:iU6 14,307,798 11,099,506 35,500377 35,52:i,110 37,167,717 39,115,313 11,181,655 41,476,3t!2 40,609,317 41,553,907 43396,729 45,092,427 10,734,021 19,575,353 50,077,892 60,578,088 51,328,070 46;390,345 46,252,545 15,551,673 4;!315,S18 4:!315,654 46,;i31,009 17.t38,:357 50,219,115 Net earn- ings. $58,218,118 .54,057,017 .5ia7,8i0 (i2,199,:)69 1)2,666,120 .59,172,818 .51,898,138 10,133,191 :32,220,721 23,387,563 :iS,:325,981 48,485371 56354,141 .52,670,569 .t5,508J>78 45,969321 19-551,961 o»,611,5]:! 05,409,368 07,869,0*1 09,756,914 76.9.52,998 69,980,730 68;386,6:i2 52,422,069 16;j60,'i(19 48,566,794 48,612,927 46,568j082 49,749374 69,981,810 87,671,175 Ratios. Q) +- rt .:^ c P. ct 10,5 10.1 10 10.3 9.9 10.1 9.8 8.9 S.fl 7.6, 7.8 8.2 8.6 8,6 83 ' 7.8 7.9 7.9 7.9 7.9 8.1 7.9 7.5 7,5 6.8 6.9 6.9 6.7 6.9 7.6 7.9 8.1 8.3 83 8.1 7.9 7.9 7,8 6,8 6.1 6.2 B.4 6.7 6.7 6.4 6.1 6.1 6.1 6.1 6 6.1 5.9 6.6 5.5 6 5 5 4.8 5 6.1 P. et. 11.8 , 10.4 10,2 10.7 lO.ii 9.5 8.1 6.3 5.8 1.8 6.7 8.1 9.5 8.6 8.6 6.9 7,3 8.5 8.8 8.7- 8.6 8.9 7.8 7.1 5.6 6 5.4 5.1 5.2 5.8 83 10 SAVIKGS BANK,S. , The saving's bauks are the best baromelci.s of the coiiclition,s of the working- men who patronize them in saving their earnings. The following table gives the number of savings banks in the lonntry, the number of depositors, the total deposits and the average for each depositor, and the per capita for tlie -siliole popula- tion. It will be seen from this table that the deposits in the sav- ings banks fell oil: more than ^:3,'i,(ion,00n in IS'M. as compared with l,S9:!, the first, year of the Denicevatic low-tarilf period, and that in 1901 tlie.v had increased $690,000,000 over those of 1890, the last M'ar oC the Pciiin'.Tatie ,\ilniiiiii;f i iition. 216 KEPXTBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Number of savings banks in the United States, number of depositors, amount of sat'ings deposits, average amount due each depositor in the years 18g0, 18S5, 1835, X 1840, and 1845 to 1901, and' average per capita in the United /Slates in the years given. , Com piled In the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency. Year. 1820.. 1825.. 1830.. 1835.. 1840.. 1845.. J846.. 1847.. 1848.. 1849.. 1850.. 1851.. 18.52.. 1853.. 1854.. 1855.. 1856.. 1867.. 1858.. 1859.. iseo.. 1861.. 1862.. 18U.3.. 1864.. 1865.. 1866.. 1887.. NniTfber of banks. 1870.. 1871.. 1872..' 1873.. 1874.. 1875.. ,1876.. 1877.. 1878.. 1879.. 1880.. 1881.. 1882.. 1883.. 1884.. 1885.. 1880.. 1887.. J 888.. 1889.. 1890.. 1891.., 1892.. 189li.. 1894.. 1895.., J 891).., 1897.. , 1898., , 1899.., 1,900.., 1901... 10 15 36 52 01 70 74 76 83 90 108 128 141 159 ' 190 215 222 231 245 239 278 285' 289 293 305 317 336 371 406 476 517 .577 647 669 693 771 781 675 663 639 629 629 629 630 6.36 646 638 684 801 849 921 1,011 1,059 1,030 1,024 1,017 988 980 979 987 1,002 1,007 Number of depositors. > 16,981 88,085 60,058 78,801 145,206 158,709 187,739 199,764 217,518 251354 277,148 808,863 865,538 896.178 431.602 487,986 490,428 538,840 622,556 693370 694,487 787,943 887,098 976,025 980,844 1,067,061 1,188,202 1,810,144 1,466,684 1,680,846 1,902,047 1,902,925 ■ 2^186382 2,298,401 2359,864 2,8S8,6S0 2,395,814 2,400,785 2,268,707 2335,582 2,528,749 2,710,354 2376,438 3,015,151 3,071,495 3,158,930 3,418,013 8,838,291 4,021,523 4558,898 4,583,217 4,781,605 4,8,30,599 4,777,687 4375,519 5,065,494 5,201,132 6385,746 5,687318 6,107,083 «-8-''-8-7a3 Deposits. 81,1.38,576 2,537,082 6,973304 10,613,720 14,051,520 24^06,677 27,874325 31,627,497 33^087,488 36,073,924 43,431,130 50,457,913 59,467,453 72313,696 77323,906 84,290,076 95,598,230 98,512568 108,438,287 128,657,901 149,277304 146,729382 196,434,540 206,2.35,202 236,280,401 242,ei9382 282,4.55,794 337,009,452 892,781313 457,675,050 549374358 650;745,442 7:!5 ,046,805 802,363.009 864,556,902 924,037304 942360,255 866,218306 879,897306 ■ 802,490.425 819,106,973 891,961,142 966,797,081 1,024356,787 1,078,294,956 1,095^72,247 1441,530,378 1,23537371 1364496360 1,4?5^0349 1,524344306 1,623,079,749 1,712,769,026 1,785450,957 1,747,961,280 1310397,028 1,907,156,277 1,939376,0.35 2,065,631,298 2,2.30,866,954 2,449,647385 Ji52L0943S() Average due each depos- itor. 8131.80 14934 • 183.09 176.72 178.54 168.77 172.48 168.46 165.63 165.99 172.78 182.06 192.34 197.82 196.44 195.29 195.90 200.87 201.24 206.68 215.1,S 211.27 215.03 232.48 242.08 247.85 264.70 283.63 29930 312.04 837.17 842.13 368.82 867.07 876.98 891.36 397.42 SUI.IS 360..50 a5S.72 a50.71 852.73 856.70 356.29 853.96 866.56 361..36 861.39 855.41 864.40 358.08 358.04 358.20 369.55 365.86 871.36 876.50 372.88 388.54 S92.13 401.10 408.30 Average per cap- ita ill iiie United .States. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 217 DEPOSITOKS IW SAVINGS BANKS. The following' table shows the number of depositors and the amounts nf deposits in saAing-s banks in the principal conntries of the world. It will readily be seen how far ahead of all other coun- tries is the United States in this record of savings. _ [■From Report of the Comptroller of the Curreupy.] Country. Austria. Beighun FraDce Hungary Italy NetherlandH jyorway Prussia Sweden Lli-iited Jvliiydoin Australasia Canada Ca]»fc Colony (^'rovvn coloiileH, other United Htutes Number of depositors. 8,924^02 1,145,408 8,986,631 995,897 4,137,908 749,024 540,053 6,255,507 1,460,858 7,969,826 894,879 175,560 50,m 114,491 6,858,723 Deposits. ¥658,921 ,560 118,500y080 829,783,785 226,151,760 831,880,100 48,073460 60,683,905 989,767,555 98,170,720 815,686,750 130,485,880 57,878,975 8490,920 12,275,456 2,597^4,580 Average, deposit. 1(167.88 99.09 92.83 227.19 80.07 58/20 112.08 150.23 67.20 102.,35 145.81 827.97 169.21 107.22 408.30 Deposit, per In- habitant. (f26.85 16.59 21.84 12.50 11.01 lO.l'l ii0.20 29.37 ni.ii." 21.47 81.07 10.97 5.31 0.14 88.45 GOLD AND SILVEB PEODDCTlON OP THE WORLD. The accompanying tiible shows the gold and silver production of,', the principal countries of the world in 1896, 1899, and 1900. It will ', be seen that the United States is still the largest silver producer of the world, with Mexico a close second, while in gold production Africa and /Vustralia exceeded the United States in 1899, but the Uuilecl Slates again took the lead in 1900. Qold 'jiroducUon of the world, 1896, 1S99, and 1900 {coinage value). Country. Afi-lca J-14,581 ,100 ■ Australia ^. 4.1,770,200 United States ; 6;!,US8,080 Kussla 21,535,800 Canada and .New iouudliiinl I 2,817,000 Me.tlco 6,500,000 6,130,500 8,0.58,600 2.200,100 2.213,100 2,152.700 2,107400 1.(101,100 948,500 721,800 India (KrilJKli) China Colombia Guiana (Hi'il isli) . A ustria-lluiitiar.v Oulana (I'reiicii) , i-!i*a/ll Venezuela Korea.. . ■ ' Ti ]irorlnct inn , .....; 2(12,2.11 , coo 1899. $78,028,000 79,821,600 71,053,400 22,167.100 21 ,824 ,.300 8,500,000 8,658,800 5,574,400 1344,600 2,040,500 1,94.3,900 1,688,700 2,149,500 593,500 1,459,000 .107,168,800 1900. 88,671,900 78498,900 79,171,000 20,145,500 27,880,500 9flOO,OOl) 94:i5,g0O 5,574,400 1,194,900 2,035,900 2,141,900 ,'1,580,700 8,K--0,.3IW 593,500 4,500,000 255,684,500 218 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. The wdrld's silver production. Country. United States. Mexico Australia Bolivia Spain Germany Colombia Canada Chile Peru., Austria-Hungary. .Japan Greece Italy Total production 208,069^00 1896. $76,0693)0 .59,111,<100 15,82.3,800 8.241,400 7,472300 7,616fl00 4,405,000 4,144,300 4,184,600 4,974,000 2,409,900 2,673,900 1,329,900 1,132,300 $70,806,600 71,902,500 16.468,800 12;904,400 3,171,000 8,070,600 4,5.58,100 . 4,411,000 5,382,100 8,436,7(0 2,4.50,400 2,311400 1,528,500 10,059,500 216,665,700 1900. ?74,5a8,500 74,268,000 17,248,000 12,;)04,400 4,118,400 6,996,600' 2,410,200 5,751,900 5,382,100 9,43.3,000 2,571,300 ■ 2,311,100 l/.23,500' 971,400 228,468,200 SILVBR MONEY OF THE UKITED STATES AJ\D OF THE WOELD. The .accompanying table, compiled from reports of tlie Director ol (lie ^!int, shows the amount of silver money in the various coun- tries of the world in 1S95, the year prior to Mr. Bryan's campaign, in 1S09, and in 1901. It will be seen that in nearly all cases there has been a redpction, while in the case of the United States there lia.s been a considerable increase. S:i:,-k of silver money in Uie principal countries of the world in 1895, 1899, and li)01. India Cliiua Uuiled State:; V rauce tierniuny fSpalii Ans,trla-Hniif;aiy United KiUf^doiii .liipan >! ether lands Mexico lieisinia Russia Italy Turkey i^outh American States.. Portugal Switzerland Jigypt Central American Slates Roumania Australia. . r Bulgaria Canada .All oilic-r 1895. ?9.50, 750, * Vt&. T 4.S7, 215, 166: lai 11.- ,""!(. 5,V 5, 185, ,000,000 ,000,1100 ,000,000 ,uco,ouo ,000,000 ,(X)0.000 ,oiio;()oo ■.IXKMWO :0ii,000 200,«10 ,UOU,000 ,!I(10,I1(» ,(ia',ooo ,tKIO,000 ,000,000 i,«IO.00O ,CI0«,«10 ,«uo,uuo ,000,000 ,(ii:o.ii;io .(■()0,Oi!l) ,000,0;H) ,.^011,(100 ,(,'00,000 ,000,000 •;o68,400,000 760,000)000 650,444,972 420,000,000 208,000,000 87,800,000 147,300,000 111,900,000 25,800,000 56,400,000 106,000,000 455X10,000 81,000,000 43,900,000 40,000,000 29,000,000 9,600,000 10,700,000 6,400,000 11,400,000 7,100,000 7,000,000 6,800,000 5,000,000 *14S,700,000 ;!,,';40,844,972 1901. $469,700,000 750,000,000 655,800,000 421,200,000 298,400,000 173,700,000 68,100,000 11^800,000 29,100,000 52,200,000 106,000,000 35,000,000 102,500,000 48,900,000 40,000,000 20,200^00 42,600,000 10,700,000 6,400,000 6,100,000 900,000 6,100,000 5,000,000 .5,000,000 435,000,00(1 * Iru'liuUs Ceylon, I lonulujn^', and .'-iiam, wliich were not included in the 1:10 s!;i!ciiienf. I Uiilted States tlgtiics iiicluac Treasury note:^. reprtseiiied by silver iKillioo in Uif i ic;i,-:ni.i'. I Ik ll,;;iires are for .Juiutary 1, Ui9(i, and Au;;QKt 1, 1900. ltRPi;HLI(.',\j\ CAMPAHiiX 'I'EXT-I'.OOK 219 PRODUCT OF (lOLD AND SILVER IN THE t'NITED STATES. [The estimate for 1792 to 1878 Is by R. W. Raymond, commlBSloDer, an(J .«liii.'r- by tbe Director of the Mint.] Year. Gold. Silver, coining value. Total. April 2, 1792 Ui .Hily 31, 1X84. July 81, 1834 to December 31, 1844 1845 S14,000,000 7,5HO,000 1,00,S.OOO 1,140,000 889,000 10,000,000 40,000,000 50,000,000 .35,000,000 00,000,000 63,000,000 60,000.000 .55,000,000 55,000,000 55fl(J0,U0O .30,orio,(joo 50,000,000 .l(i,O0i),(.VIll 48.000,000 89.200,000 40,000,000 40,100.000 58.223,000 .38 ,.500,000 51,723,000 , 18,000,0(.IO 49,.30(),')00 .50,000,000 48,300,000 36,000,000 86,000,000 83,500,000 38,400,000 89,900,000 46,900,000 61,200,000 88,000.000 80,0(10,000 34,700,000 32,500.000 80,000,000 80.800,000 81,800,000 85,000,000 33,000,000 88,175,000 32,800,000 32,845,000 ■ 83,175,000 33,000,000 85,0.15,000 80,500,000 46,010,000 ,53,088,000 57J.!68,000 64.463,000 71,0.58,000 79,171,000 80,218,000 Ini5ign ill cant. Si230,000 50,000 ,50,000 50,000 50,000 .50,000 50,000 50,000 50,000 , .58,000 .50,000 50,000 50,000 .50,000 500,000 100,000 150,000 2,000,000 4, .500,000 8,500,000 11,000,000 11,230,000 10,000.000 18,500,000 )2,001l,000 1 2,000,(100 1(1,000,(1110 21!,0( 10,(100 28,7.30,11(10 83,7.30,000 87,800,000 81,700,11110 .88,800,00(1 80,800,000 4530,00(1 40,800,000 811:1(1(1,0(10 18,000.1100 46,800,000 46,200,000 48J<00,000 51, too, 000 51 ,((011.000 .38;S3ll.nOO 59.i!t3,(;0(l 61 .(14(1.: 100 70,4(13.000 75,417,000 82,101.000 77,570,000 64,000,000 72,051,000 76,000,000 69,087,000 70,884,000 70,>'.07,000 74,388,( 00 77,128,000 814,000,000 7,7.50,000 1,0.58,000 1490,000 939,000 10,050,000 40,050,000 50,050,000 55,050,000 60.050,000 65A50,O00 60,050,000 55,030,000 .55,0,50,01 Kl 55,050,'JOO 60,300,000 .50,100,000 46,1.50,00(1 45,000,0(1(1 46 700 001) 1846 1847 . 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852.> 18.53 1854 1855 1866 1857 1868 1859 iseo. 1861 1802 . 1863 57,100,01111 (il,473,(Hlll 111 -300 Odd 1865 1867 (iil,0(l(l,(l(ii. 111,500 ,( 100 60,000,000 1869 . . ■ . ' 1871 64.730,')l»o 1873 .... 71 7,30 OM) 1876.. ■.■... . .'. . 63,]00,(lllO 1876 » 1877 011.11111,111 1(1 1879 '. 7!),V(l(l,0!i(l 73.21 '0,(i(«l 1881 77,71)0,11110 1888 711,3(10,0(10 71)310,. J( 10 1884..: 7il,'i(10.(lU0 1885 81I.10i',(lilO 1886 Sl),000,()00 1887 80 ,".30,000 92,870,000 1889 . . 97,416,000 1890 103;ilO,000 1891 :. 108,592,000 1892 116,101,000 1893 113,581,000 108,500,000 1895 1886 118,661,000 129,1.57,000 1897.. . .- 127,000,000 184,847,000 1899 141,860.000 168,701,000 1901* 157,347,000 2,466304,000 1,807,459,000 4,272,963/100 ♦Preliminary estimate. 220 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. COINAGE OF THE "UNITED STATES MINTS. [B'rom the Report of the Director of the Mint.] Calendar year. WW., LS'lT. IKJil., IKSO. 1851. 1R52. IS-W. 185.5. 1856. 1857. 1858. ia59. 1860. 1861. 1862. 1863. 1861. 1865. 1866. 1867. . 1868. ■ IKBI). 1870. 1871. 1872. 187a. 1S71. 1875. , 1876. , 1877. , 1878. , 1879. 1880. 1881. 1882. 188S., 1884. 1885. 1886. 1887., 1888. 1889. 1890., 1891., 1892. , 1893., 1804. , 1895. , 1896., 1897. , 1898.. 1899. . 1900.. 1901.. Total coliiaye. Gold. .f4,034,177..50 2U,2()2,.S25.00 3,775,512..50 9,007,761..50 31,981,73S..50 82,614,492.."i0 56,846,187..50 89,377,9011.00 2,3,916,962.50 29,887,96H.0O 36,857,768.50 32,214,040.00 22,938,413.50 14,780,570.00 2i,473,654.00 83,395,530.00 20,875,997..50 , 22,445,482.00 20,081,415.00 28,295,107.50 31,435,945.00 23,828,625.00 191371,387.50 17,582,987.50 23,198,787.50 21,032,685.00 21,812,645.00 57,022,747.50 35,254,680.00 32,951,040.00 i -li;,579,452.50 j-:,fla3,8Ui(io I 4'.l,7SB,U,jLM10 : 39,080,080.00 62,308,279.00 96,850,890.00- 65,887,685.00 29,241,990.00 23,991,756.50 27,778,012.-50 28,945,542.00 2S,972,3S^.(I0 31,380,80S.()0 21,413,031.00 ai,J67,182.50 2!I,l:22,005.00 .'M ,787,222.50 •"6,111)7,020.00 70,">16,160.00 ."i',i,(;L6,:!57.,''>0 .J7,0.)3,060.00 76,028,485.00 77,085,757.00 111,344,220.00 99,272,942.50 101,786487.60 82,5.58,580.00 2,374,450.00 2,040,050.00 2,114,950.00 1,866,100.00 774,397.00 999,410.00 9,077,571.00 8,916,270.00 3,501,245.00 5,142,240.00 5,478,760.00 8,495,370.00 8,284,450.00 2,259,390.00 8,783,740.00 1,252,516.50 809,267.80 609,917.10 691,005.00 082,409.25 908,87625 1,074,343.00 1,260,143.00 1,378,2-35.50 8,104,038..« 2,.504,488.50 4,024,747.60 6,.S,51 ,776.70 15,347,iSU:-!.00 24,>O3,:!07.50 2.S,39o,045.50 2.S,31S,S.50.00 27,569,776.00 27,411,693.75 27,940,163.75 27,973,132.00 211,246,968.40 28,534,866.15 28,962,176.20 32,0Nlv09.iW ;r.,l91,0S1.40 3.';.ll2,i,606.45 3-',. )llli,6S.'U5 ;;il,202,ill)S.20 27,518,,8.",6.(«J 12,(i4 1,078.00 8,S(e.7!)7.30 9,2i)ll,:;'iU.S.5 5,6118,1110.25 2^!,II8!1,S1)9.1I5 18,187,297.30 2:!,ii:!l,li: 13.45 26,061,310.110 86;«:3;S21.45 30,838,460.75 Minor. Total, 841,20.8.00 61,836.69 64,157.99 41,984.32 44,467..50 99,635.43 50,630.94 67,039.78 42,638.35 16,030;79 27,106.78 178,010.46 246,000.00 364,000.00 205,660.00 101,000.00 280,7.30.00 498,400.00 026,687.14 968,-552.86 1,042,960.60 1319,910.00 1,697,150.00 96.3,000.00 350,323.00 99,890.00 869;«O,00 379,4.35.00 842,47,3.00 24lj,970.00 210,800.IX) 8,323.00 58,186.50 165,003.00 391;lH3.1i5 428,151.75 960,400.00 1,604,770.41 711B,48:-!.78 191,622.04 843,186.10 l,21,).6h6.26 912,200.78 1,288,408.49 1,381,7112.14 1,312,441.00 961,4.80.42 1,134,931.70 438,177.92 8.S2.1:'.0.36 S.'12.7i8.1l3 l,.32B,U10,ll.T 1,121,,«3.14 1,837,451.86 2,031,1,37.39 2020,122.08 8:6,633,965.60 22,6:;8,6i).69 ; 5,.^71I,720.I9 i l],161,'ill.3.«2 3y,892,:|06.00 63,188,321.93 57,81111,228.11 18,522,539.78 3-l,377,h70..S.5 32,110.3,213.79 42,027,11.5.2S 37,X7U,^I0,16 31,671I,7S3..30 18,1211,020.110 23,!l,>,71li.U0 87,2,SI 1,2711,00 ,! 22,100,261,00 23,7.3.3,119,80 21,618,019.21 2B,9-31,666.36 *;,461,314 25 26,337,111.23 \ 22,112,8,S0..50 11I,S12,K!0.50 ! 21,1127,368.00 21,2>;6,lil3,S0 21,686,51 :i..30 61,126,950.10 12,118,881.70 1,^,31(;,8(I3.00 71,21l.-;,3(<1.00 72,101, l.;l..30 7n,363,088..-,0 66,811,839.00 90,111,368.70 125,219.2»3.!i0 I 94,821,217.00 60,0113,728.86 53,323,106.13 66,926,810.74 ' 61,875,438.00 60,379,150.66 65,318,616.23 58,194,022.64 61,054,882.84 .3.8,0.33,302.60 4S,;j89,780.92 66,934,749.00 ' 89,184,688.77 66,196,708.81 70,975,677.08 9e,011,882.iB 102,144,625J)9 1311,213,191.76 137,649,401.84 184,693,770.3!! KEPUBMCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. «21 BULLION VALtTB OP SILVER, Bullion value of S71% grains of pure silver at the annual average price of nilver each year from 1850 to 1901. [Prepared by the Director of the Mint.] Year. t Bullion value. Year, Bullion value, * I860 81.018 1.034 1.025 1.042 1,042 1.0,39 1.039 1.046 1.089 1.052 1.045 1,081 "'^ 1.041 1.040 1.040 1.085 ' 1.086 1.027 1.025 10.24 1.027 1.025 1.022 1.00888 .98',IU^ 59H 60 69% 60% 00% 60 60'., 61 m% a- , W's 61 61 60% 60X 60% 60% s d SSS d o o 'J s dj ■I-' 3J) > Oj 3 to si a < o d. d. Dolls. 59'/„ b9rV , 1.297 15.93 60''4 59 tg 1.318 15.78 60 59 ;* 1.308 1.5.80 60^'/, 60 1.815 1.5.72 60% 59,»„ 1.805 15.83 BO'-i 59% 60% 1.304 15.&5 60'>s 1.323 15.62 60' '4 UD% 1.323 15.62 611 !', 60 ,V 1.316 15.70 60 a9 ,'b 1.803 15.87 59% 69 fV 1.297 1,5.93 b!i', 59% 59^ 1.304 15.85 b9>„ 1.298 15.92 59 A 1.30 16.90 591- J. 1.308 16.80 60 59 U 1.304 15.85 60 59% 1.309 15.78 61% 61% 61 i.er> 16.70 eiA 1.8!7 15.46 61/, l.,326 1.5.59 61'/, Sl>l 61% 1J48 15.83 8lk 62« 624 1.848 15.38 61 ,V 1.S44 16.88 61 ,V 1.344 16.38 61% I.85!i 15.27 61/, 6lT'iT 1.844 15.88 IU\, 62,V 1.86 15.19 ifi'i 6l!S 1.352 15.29 lil--f, 60{ij 1.333 16.50 62% 61A 1.346 15.35 61% 61% 61% 1.345 15.37 62% 61^4 1..345 15.87 6Vs 6li^ 1.388 15.44 62'4 l.!539 15.43 6134 60ft 1.328 15.57 1869. 1870. 1871. 1872. 1873. 1874. 1875. •1876. 1877. 1878. 1879. 1880. 1881. 1882. 1888. 1884. 1885. 1886. 1887. 1888. 1«89. 1890. 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894. 1895. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1899. 190O. 1901. d. 60%, 61) (KJi -,• 611 ,"„ 59% 57% 57k 55% 46% 5Sk ml 51% 50% 50 50A 49% 46% 42 43% 41.''„ 41; = 43% 43;-„ HI ■ s 30\i <>7 27,-\ 29'c ffi% 25 27 64% ,s ♦ d. SOf's mk 60,'s 60A 60% 60,V 69ft ,58 5 56 J 54 13 52% 61^ 521^ 50,% 50JJ <8A !?^» 89^ mi 29}? 26H 27.', 27,% Sid G oy r c >.2 ,tj " o O * :3 p p m > Dolls. 1.326 1.S25 1.328 1.326 1.322 1.29769 ].2f883 1 24233 1.16414 1.20189 1.1.5:i58 1.12.'S)2 1.14.507 1.18229 1.1.3-562 1.10874 1.U068 1.06610 .99467 .97946 .95974 .93511 1.04634 .98800 .87145 .63479 .65409 .67565 .60488 .59010 .60154 .62007 .59595 15.59 15.60 15.,57 15.67 16.(i.-l 15.93 16.16 16.64 17.75 17.S0 17.92 18.89 18.05 18.25 18.20 18.64 18.61 19.41 20.78 21.10 22.00 22.10 19.76 20.02 23.72 26.49 82,66 31.60 30.69 84.20 &5.03 34.30 Not only in our own land, but throughout the world, through- out all history, the advance of civilization has been of incalcula- ble benefit to mankind, and those tlil"Otlgh whom it has advanced deserve the highest honor. All honor to the missionary, all honor to the spldier, all honor to the merchant who now in our (hi y have done so much to bring light into the world's dark places. —Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. REPUBLICAN f'AMl'AIGN 'J'K.vi ;!,(;■, IK. i;::3 TOTAL COINAGE IN THE UNITED STATES. Coinage of the minis of the Uwled SuUcx from thdr organiztilioii, 179S, to Drccriihcr 31, 1901. Deroininalion. Double eagles. Eagles. Htill eagles Thi'ee-dollar pleeps fcolnage discontiniietl under siol of September 26, 181)0) Quarter eajjles .^. Dollars (coinage discontinued under act of i-'eijtem- ber 26, 1890) Total gold. SII.VER. Dollars (coluasre discoiitlmieri unrler .it-.t Feb. 12, 1^7;!, :ind resumed under act of Feb. 2o, 1(-7K) Trade dollars Dollars ( Ijalaj'ette souvenir), act of March ",, IK);/ , . Half-dollars ' Half-dollars (Columbian souvenir) liuarter dollars , .-. . Ciuarter dollars (Columbian souvenir! Twenty-cent pieces (coinage discontiU'ied. Met or May 2, 1H78) himes ■ Half dimes (coinage discontinued, act of Fei)iuiuv 12,187,'i) ' ;,, Three-cent pieces (coinage discontinued, act of February 12, 1878) Total silver.. MINOR. Five-cent pieces, nickel Three-cent pieces, nickel (coiDa;;!-' discontinued, act of September 26,1WII1) '4'wo-oent pieces, bronze (coiuu!,!- dtsooutlnued, act ol^ebriiary 12, 1878) . . . .( One-cent pieces, copper (coinage idi.scontinue^l. act of 1< ebruary 21, 18.57) . : One-cent ■ pieces, nicliel (coinage dl,-jconlinue0, act of April 22, 18114) One-cent pieces, bronze., ; Half-cent pieces, copper (coinaRe discontinued, act of February 21, 1857) , rieccs. Value. 80,:^)0,.-i7!) «H,"ilHI.781 56,764 ,UM $l,606,2(r7,WI).O0 865,997,8111.00 288,820,055.00 S! 10,792 11,7.S7,070 . 1,619376.00 29,.844,176JX) ]9,'(09,3.S7 19,499,337.00 205,360,970 2,305,588,83.8.(10 510,()Sfi,666 85,9fi.'i.f!24 .'iO.OOO 302.78: !.27.') ,5,002,10.5 273,19!i,nB:! 40,02<) 540,9S6,fi66,(i(| 85,965,!V24.00 50,000.00 151.:i6(l.(i87..VI 2.50I,O.52..5O 68,298,490.75 10,005.75 1 ;-i5s,ii()0 378,520,782 271,000.00 89,8,52,078.20 97,004,888 4,880.21 ;i Id 42,780,210 I,2fi2.0o7 2ll 402,628,475 81,378316 45,601,000, 1.56,288,744 2(10772,0110 1,124,125,102 7,9S5,222' I.fl,is,773,sr9 Total minor Total coinage 1 a/ 52321,193 845,464,101.80 20,181,178.75 941349.48 912,020.00 1,562,887.44 2,007,72.'1()0 11,241 ,2j1.I12 89.926.U 36336327.80 3,187 3SS,M210 wSllver dollar coina'ic under act of— .\pril 2,1792 , Februai-y 28, 1878 1 '. .Tulv 14, i8i)0 .■ March 8, lUil From retieal of nnrcliaslng clause ( Nov. 1, 1898) offSberm'an .\cl to June 12, 18 is Amended under war revenue bill, ap- proved J une 13, 1898, to Dec. 31, 1001 Total. :i(;,iH7 2s r,,U7ii,47' 42.139,872 71,483,006 878,166,793 S,031,2;8- 154,778,6-35 532,9-55,428 540,986,666 aSC KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. , OLEAKING-HOUSB BETTJKNS [N THE CrflTED STATES. Clearing-house returns are perhaps the most accurate barometers' oi business conditions accessible iu otlier than census years, and the fact that reports of the transactions of the clearing-liouses of the United States have been conijlilcd since 1886, and those of New York City, its great business center, since a, much earlier date, en- ables us to present data by nliich to compare business conditions ' during the years in question. It will be seen by an examina- tion of the table that the business of the New York clearing- house a\eraged during the Democratic - years, 1S85 to 1888, but $30,000,000,000 a year, against an average of more than $40,000,- 000,000 per annum- in the preceding four years. The reports of the clearing-houses of the United Stfttes for the earlier years are not, accessible, and it is not practicable therefore to compare the Democratic period, 1885 to 1888, for the whole country with that of preceding- years, though the fact that the years immediately fol- lowing it showed a large increase in the business of the clearing- houses of the country as a whole suggests that they doubtless ' shared in the depression which is plainly shown in the column which gives the returns of the New York clearing-houses. For the Demobratic and low-t^rifi period, 1893 to 1896, the reduction in clearings both in New York and the country at large is very strongly mai'kcd, the average for the four years, 1893 to 1896, for the entire country being $51,000,000,000 a year against $65,924,000,000 in 1898, $88,909,000,000 in 1899, and $114,190,000,000 in 1901, or more than double those of 1896. ' The total for 1899 was practically double that of the calendar year 1894, the year in which the Wilson low-tarilf law was put into operation. We have but little room among our people for the timid, the irresolute, aiid the idle; and it is no less true that there is scant room in the world at large for the nation with mighty thews that dares not to be great. — Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at Minne- apolis, September 2, 1901. America has only just begun to assume that commanding posi- tion in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflow- ing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, busi- ness energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign timrkets essential. Under such conditions it would be most un- wise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our Nation.— President Roosevelt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1901. EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 235 Clearing-house rdums of the United SUUes, shomng depresnmi in low-tariff and Democralic years. [From the Statistical Abstract of the United Htates.] Year. New York clearlnjs- honses. Ulcaring- honses of tlie United Htates. liNl Sn7.182,I2«,«21 lS,i65318,212 4UA">2346,161 40,293,165,258 84^2*37338 25,250,791,440 88374,682,216 34372348,786 30363,686,609 84,796,465*29 87,660,686*72 34*58,698,770 36^79,905,286 Sl„m^80,870 SI,iSiS0,llS^6S 2li^6l,^79,m 81,'?87,760,948 39358,418,948 57*68,280,771 51,964,588,^64 77,020,072,181 iv\ HM (*) liX2 {*) lciS:-i IH84 848,211,643,771 52,126,704,488 4S,7.503S6313 53,5W ,411,510 5S,S45,279,505 57,208,787*88 60,883*72,438 i.y)S8^a6,7ie 60,ri7S,lSBfiJ,6 Sl,'l3r,fiSl,7SS 54,179,545,030 65,024320,769 88,909 ,66r,776 84*R2A50fl81 114,190,226*21 ISW 1,S86 1887 was 1889 lim 1S91 1892 laosf /5,9i+ isn^' isoe- 1S97 isns 1001 * No diua. t Uemocratlo lo.w-tariB years. The first essential of civilization is law. Anarchy is simply the hand-maiden and foreruniLe> of tyranny and despdtismr Law and order enforced by justice and by strength lie at the founda-/ tidn of civilization. Law. must be based upon justice, else it can- not stand, and it must be enforced with resolute firmness, because weakness in enforcing it means in the end that there is no justice and no law, nothing but the rule of disorderly and unscrupulous strength. — Theodore Boo^evelt, in speech at Minneapolis, Septem- ber 2, 1901. The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the efEort to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of "labor." The chief factor in the success of each man — wage-worker, farmer, and capitalist alike — must ever be the sum total of his own individual qualities and abilities. Second only to this comes the power of acting in com- bination or association, wHh others. — President Boose velt, in mes- sage to Congress, December 3, 1901. 15 22G KEI'UULICAX CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOQK. s a- U3 S CI 31 -£» OO ■ "" OS Gil lO Its CD '.- _„ -- _. . (N CO —I i-( ^ M T-H > Tp O ■«< CO ' ; lo "* CO >-( !0 I- -^ <© CO lO c4 u5 03 I- 3— « l&« a- ) C3 lO I> CO CD I I 1^ OD Tjt Cj 00 I ic4cOl> "cioii-ifH'* lli7>r-(-<31CgcOlCC O 00 CO O ^_"W SO CJ i-H O "W trHcJuacocqco's'-^cdeo'* C^p-QbOOsWC-] So o o Q o 5 o o o o 8- S 8 8" 00 iC sT i>r ?S ::3 3 ft o o o o §t3 O O o o o O Q O O O Q O O as ^ c^ >-i ■^ ■*" i-H OO r- OS ■* CD goooooooo 000-C300QO C5.=5.C3Q,^^o ^^ U500000000 tpoSoooooo •^53o5_oq. ■^0i2_(-iCi5_c<3, oosy2ocoi;:;i5icira CO CO C4 o o o o o o o o o g'ss V p3 og. CO 00 1> C4 o o o go o o o CO-CO G4 - O' CO o o ooooooooooo o o 2 °"-2 ' R 2 S S 2 2 p a o o o O O O O OxO go O CS^O O O'O o o OOQOOO^OO rcD--i00MCOU5O»C0CDlO5O(N OOOOOOOOO' go I CD LO o CO -oo CO »o t^ o cq' r-^ ■ <&eRogrHcs(i-ir" — U9 00 iiiriiij 8SSSS8S888S ;"^, C(5_^o(j,ca"*cDi-~t^QO i. US -00 t» 1> ei4 !o S CO ^ N c^ 1 9? «^ : t ^ bOOI « oo n 01 a> P V « ill . JU<:rUl!LTCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 227 MONEY IN CIKCULATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1860 TO 1900. [ From official reports of the Comptroller of the Currency.] July I- certmcate.?. ^ „„,! -I '104,775 400,000 - J228,' - , » 23(i,' «(|^,dOO,000 • 20,000,000 ■ ao,ooo,ooo 20,0041,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 125,786,182 2.'i8,S5«,(i70 ii2] ,072,397 863,2!jO,:!45 404,-l(i0,8e5 411,770,843 40S,:J08,141 4;i4,2e8,B50 407,760,118 512,208,083 493,611,797 505,089,782 527,382,2:)2 549,662,443 501,177,852 B6i,ne,679 B^8fil9,'i70 iS7,10S,18.l 6n%762,0i2 7]2,30't,9fl0 815,474,460 $5,000,000 20,884,882 24,132401 26,728,755 20,687,063 31,800,294 .83,909,352, 36,442,289 39,379,282 39,446,.805 41,402,929 • 48,076,005 43,2:i3,582 42,904,570 58,993,973 63,126,514 76,502,878 69,797,608 74,411,914 11.5,292,605 lS3,2o9,859 154,746,435 182,778,019 184,.320,836 186,958,838 246,250,608 306,649,36/ 368,090,028 407,867,574 404,630,069 545,063,823 590,079fi01 e7i,7i7;m Bi7,902,ie7 6S8,02S,79S S5t,H75,519 610,972,888 626,246,631 (iL'i;,470,820 Other. $207,102,477 202,005,767 309,697,744 , 564^509,656 62.5,508,977 667,974,240 62;i,801,181 610,685,775 626,104,309 609,0111,«S2 615,a-i3,512 656,442,700 676,906,620 688,805,804 712,849,449 691,197,877 648,615,415 689,188,869 «!2,ft80,2.J6 «2:a,049,108 665,310,635 677373,217 677,720,215 671,098,396 849,377,107 689,849,638 631,477,7.87 603,622,422 668,812,820 528,659,824 516,293,914 505,428,406 506,621,421 50S,I,U,S92 "5SS,7U,Sie SS6,0iS',0Se i71yW7,990 S32,/,B8,97S 533,125,010 566,432,281 620,480,666 Circu- Total circula- lation tion. per capita. $435,407,252 813.85 . 448,406,767 13.98 a84,697,744 10.23 595,894,038 17.84 669,641,478 19.67 714,702,995 20.57 673,488,244 18.99 661,992,069 18.28 680,103,661 18..89 664,452,891 17.60 675,212,794 17.50 715389,005 18.10 788,809,549 1319 751381309 18.04 776,088,081 18.18 754,101,947 17.16 727,609,388 16.12 , 722,814,888 15.58 729,132,634- 15.32 818,681,793 lii.75 978,382,228 19.41 1,114,2.88,119 21.71 1,174,290,419 22.87 1,280,305,696 22.91 1,248,925,969 22.65 1,292,568,615 28.02 1,252,700,525 21.82 1,;817,639,148 22.45 1,.872,170,870 22.8» 1,380,361,649 22.52 1,429,251,270 22.82 1,497,440,707 23.41 1,601,847,187 24.44 1,596,701^IS gSM 1,660,808,708 UM 1,601,968,1,7$ n.9s l,S06,m,96e Xl.lO l,6W,e09,519 S2.i9 1,837,859395- 24.66 1,904,071,881 25.00 2,062,425,498 26.78 * Democratic low-tarjff years. BANK SETTLEMENTS LAST X^AR. , [From Dun's Review, January 4, 1902.] Banlt exchanges last year for all cities rexiorting in the United Statts werft $118,533,294,485. In no other year were these figures e\er approached. Exchang-es were enormously swollen by the gio-untic stock dealings at New York in the early months of the venr. Every city reports an increase, though the cities outside of ivcvv York probably reflect the normal gain. Below is given total 228 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK." exchanges at all cities in the United States reporting; also at New York and cities outside of New York for the years mentioned: Year. Total. New York. Oinlttins; New Yoi k. 1901 •. $118,533,294,485 86,141308,853 94,171,903,183 68,931,197,724 57,403,118,681 51,833,981,439 ,58348,481 ,.562 45,615,280,187 .54309,562,775 62,109,062,974 56,946,841305 $79,427,68.5,842 52,034,201357 60,761, 79 r,9or 41,971,782,437 ' 33,427^127,471 / 28370,77.5,(4-.3 29341,796.024 24387.8UJ,020' 31,261,0.37,730 .86362,4119.201 33,749,322,212 $89,105,603,643 1900 33307,607J'96 1899 8.3,410,111,282 1898 ., 1897 26,9.59,415,-'87 -2:1,976,091,210 1896 '. 22,463,156,.588 1895 2:3,506,681,638 1894 : 21,227,473,167 23,048,525,045 1892 25,4 16,593,773 1891 23^197,519393 , There has been something more than a normal increase in pay- ments throngli tlie banks, and it is quite as marked as in the yea* , 1899 over 1S98. Omitting the New York figures, which are so enormously swollen by stock speculations, the record for the year is very, striking. * Payments in settlement of trade balances were larger than ever before. The year 1893 was an extremely busy one, and the record year for bank exchanges up to that time, but it was far outclassed by last year. A number of smaller cities are now included that did not report in 1893, but making allow- ances for this there has been an enormous gain. That the course of bank exchanges last year mSy be followed, the usual compari- son of average daily bank exchanges each month for the thirteen leading cities of the United States is given below: Mo.th. 1901. 1900. Per ceut. 1899. Per cent. $386,6.30,000 835,043,000 861,948,000 4:38,725,000 469,133,000 380,265,000 3:353:36,000 273,4,59,0C0 320,8*5,000 824,916,000 879,7.36,000 872,788,000 $270,521,000 267350,000 261,685,000 277,748,000 260,052,000 236,000,000 228,4:32,000 192,522,000 212,5:i7,000 267,9.54,000 838,741,000 887,804,000 + 42.9 -1- 32.4 -1- 883 + 58.0 + 80.4 -1- 61.1 -1- 47.0 H- 42.0 -1- 50.1 + 26.0 + 12.1 + 13.4 $.318318,000 298,121,000 805356,000 818381,000 801341,000 269,764,0011 264300,000 288,426,000 277,401300 297,627,000 8a5,01«,000 811,7:32,000 + 213 -1- 19.1 -1- 17.1 + 40.0 + .55.7 -I- 41.0 4- 27.0 -1- 14.7 -1- 1.5.7 + 92 -1- 24 5 +■ 19.6 May I nne July September November - • The year 1899, the best year up to that time, was a very busy and prosperous one. Exchanges were heavy, not so large in mid- summer as in the other months of the year, as is usual, but far above every other year up to that time. In 1900 Hiere were some reverses, and in the early months of Ihe year exchanges were less than in the preceding year; as the time for the Presidential elec- JlEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 239 tion in November iiiiproached exchanges dwindled perceptibly. Immedialt'ly afler the November election increased activity and deferred settlements swelled exchanges tp the highest point ever reached, and the amount continued heavy throughout the year. In April, May, and June it was unusually large because of the heavy stock sales. Compared with 1899 the closing months of last year are quite as good as the opening. < Bank exchanges this week at all leading cities in the United States are $1,9.55,111,085, a loss of 6 per cent compared with last .year, but a gain of 18.4 per cent over 1900. Exchanges continue satisfactory -in volume; they include the heavy settlements of the tirst day of the new year, whereas last year there are two days and in ISOO tluee days, all heavy dtiys. In part the losses com- pared with last year are due to this fact. Figures for the -week are coinpared below for three years: City. .Five days. Jan. 2, 1902. Five days. Jan. 8, 1901. Per ' cent. ; Five days. Jan. 4, 1900. rer cent. $136,698,883 92,679,020 19^18,972 37,593,918 -16,282,400 12,890,497 149,582,515 14,881,240 43,222,448 - 15,609,162 8,010,944 14340,441 28,895,109 , 8168,488,540 100,664377 21,719,163 35,583,413 16,938,850 12,277,626 138,138,056 11,015,204. 46,262,658 15,842,578 8,260,909 11,199,513 21,727390 — 18.7 ^ 7.9 — 12.4 + 53 — 4.2 + 5.0 + 8.2 + 80.6 — 6.6 — 1.5 — 8.0 -1- 28.0 + 10.0 8139,815,904 96,007,SH1 2:i,084,C40 25,945,331 16,948,6.50 10,476,184 138,02;-i,585 9,500,756 85,272,124 11,975,622 8,594,570 10,.582,426 20,748,099 ^ 2.2 rhlladelphia lidltlmore — 3.4 — 17.6 -1- 44.9 Cincinnati — 4.2 + 2:!.(i (*hicaeo + 12.4 MinneapoliH + ,51.4 + 22.5 Kansas City ...;.. i.ouiBville -t 80.3 - 6.8 New Orleans San Francisco .... + .35.4 + 15.5 . Total 584,098,544 1371,012,541 598fl68,277 1,588,959,072 ^ _ 23 — 18.7 541,975,8.52 1,117,476,272 + 7.8 + '22.1 Total all l,955,lllfl85 2,187,022349 - 6.0 1,659,452,124 + 18.4 Nor can legislation stop only with what are termed labor ques- tions. The vast individual and corporate fortunes, the vast cDm- biiiations of capital, which have marked the developnient of our industrial system, create new conditions and necessitate a change from the old attitude of the State and nation toward property. — Theodore Eoo'sevelt, in speech at Hinneapolis, September 2, 1901. Corporations engaged in Interstate commerce should be regu- lated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to . rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. — President Boose- velt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1801. OTJR DIPLOMACY IN THE ORIENT. McKINLEY'S POLICY SAVED CHINA FROM DISMEMBEB- MENT. The interest of the United States iu the peace and permanence, of the Chinese Empire, while liable to escape the attention of those 'not conversant with the details of' the commercial and political movements of the European powers in the Far Eastj is worthy of the serious consideration _pf every thoughtful American citizen? When we reflect upon the probable consequence to our doineslic industries of a sudden arrest and cessation of our export trade, which* now shows a favorable balance of more than $600,000,000 l)er annum, we realize that our national prosperity is, to a oy material interests, it must be recognized that it is still too early to estimate all the advantages accruing from the restoration .of jieace with unity m C hina. Still, even at the present moment, it is possible to perceive that the maintenance of our treaty rights in the Chinese Empire "lias already been productive of great benefit to our national interests. First of all. it has established the icjea throughout the world that the United States is henceforth to yk an active participant in the commercial advantages of the Pacific 236 KEI'UBLICAJN' CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. ~ ' islands and continental countries. Henceforth it will be evident to all that the interests of the United Stales in the commerce of thesa great areas are not to be .neglected, and are not to be treated as nonexistent in the formation and execution of the plans of colonial expansion of the European powers. The Pacific Ocean, by virtue of the extensive coast line and insular fiossessmns of the United States, must henceforth be regarded as an international ■waterway in which the United States has as great an interest "and as ample rights and prerogatives of trade as any other nation. The magnitude of the orieaital trade fully justifies the great interest which our Government has shown in our further partici- pation in its advantages. The' following statement of facts fully justifies the interest our Government has takein in the- extension of our oriental trade: ^ •The total trade of China, Japan, Korea, Siberia, the Indies, Siam, -the Straits Settlement, and Ceylon, in the latest years for which flg-ures are available, amounted to .$2,00'6,713,800,' of which the share of the United States was only $167,088,500 or 0.83 per cent. In these totals, the general imports of all the countries reiaresented $1,012,980,00,0, and imports from the United States $61,085,300, or 0.6 per cent. Of the exports the United States took a larger proportion— $105,403,200 out of a, total of $993,733,800, or over 10 per cent. .In the last ten years, our exports to these countries have increased about 115 per cent., but the gain was chielly to Japan, tliina, and (in the last fcAv years) to Siberia. Imports from the United Stales into Japan increased, in the five years from lb'J6 to 1900, from $8,000,000 to $31,000,000, or 2S7 per cent while the British advance in the same period was only 20.3 per cent. Our exports to Siberia, v> hich amounted to only $120,200 in 1893, and to $413,900 in 1897, leaped to over $3,000,000 in 1900," ' although that was an exceptional year, owing to the troubles in China. In 1901 they were about $l,:ilHl,000. Our Commerce with China. — The foreign commerce of China in 1899 (or before the Boxer disturbances) amounted to $337,000,000,' or twice the value of the trade in 1890. Our share of this trallic, according to the returns of Uie Imperial Maritime Customs, was some $32,000,000, or more than that of any European country ex- cept Great Britain, ■,\hose trade (^xcepliug the colonies) was \alued at $39,000,000. In the four ^ ears from ISJb to 3899, we doubled our sales tO'China, while llie British exports fell off some $3,000,000. The oflicial rcUuus, luoreovei', ,do not give the actual \alue of our cijuimcrce, as man ,4 of our _.;■, ods are shipped via Hongkong, and are credilcd as imports from that colony; the same ' See Iteport of the World's Commerce, 1001, p.:JO. KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 237 is true of the vast quantities ol merchandise which are shipped to China via London and other European ports. Consul Fowler, of Chefoo, thinks that our trade with China is underestimated by at least one-third, and Consul-General Goodnow, of Shang-hai, says that the returns ot our imports last year were at least .$0,000,000 too little. If correct figures could be had, Mr. Goodnow thinks it would be found that we buy more goods from China tha.n does any other nation, and our total trade with China would equal the British (not including colbnial), and would be far ahead of that of any other country. ^ Even according to the official statements, our sales to China in 1S99 exceeded those of all continental Europe, including liussia, by over $:i, 000,000, and our trade was then increasing faster than that of any other country. The J^oxer outbreak almost annf- liilated our trade in North China, but in 1901 it revived notably. Imports from the United States last year were estimated at ,"$25,500,000, and our total commerce with China at $43,000,000. Cotton goods rejjiL.sent the largest item, in our exjKirt trade to China, and \vc sell the Empire more cotton cloth than we sell to all Europe, to all of South America, or to all the other coiiiiti-ies of Asia a*id Australasia and Polynesia coui- biiied. l.ighty-KJx per cent of the total imports of our cotton goods in lUOl went through the northern ports of Niuchwaiit;', Tientsiu and Cliefoo, and pmbably three-fourths of this total im- port, it is eKtiniated passed iuto Manchuria. Our flour also is a growing import. Our condensed m.ilk and canned fruits have become so pojjular that cheap imitations have been plaeed on the market. Among-^the other articles which aie gaining a footiiold, the consuls mention lamps, tobacco, timber, nails, sewing machines, jewelry, electrical goods, and light agri- cultural imjilements. Consul JleW^le, of Canton, says that Ameri- can goods have an established reputation in China, alid are pre- ferred to all other loreigMi artiides. Besides these promising open- ings for our trade, the reports of the consular ollieers indicate that American capilal is being investecP in various enterprises in China — railways, mills, steamship lines, mines, -Ifind investment companies, etc. The fa^'or with which America and American products are ref^ardcd in the Empire would s<>em to indicate that the United Stales has an excellent opportunity of extendipg its com- merce iji this held, unle.ss artificial obstacles are opposed to its developii.c :it. Stand up for America, and America will stand up for you. — , Major McKinley to Republican Piess Association of West Vir- ginia, September 1, 1806. REDUCTION OF THE ARMY. IT IS NOW AT ITS MINIMUM STRENGTH. Tt is unfortunate for the Democratic party that it has never had command of the United States Army in time of war, and by the exigencies of political sti-ife, has been nearly always arrayed against the >-Army- and with the enemies of the Government. It was so in the CivU War, and the Democratic party of the North -became known as "the fire-in-the-.rear party" and the Democrats popularly known as Copperheads. There were many Democrats who then resented this designation, and to escape it associated tliemselves with the Republicans in defense of the Goyernmerit as "War- Democrats." " The war for the freedom of Cuba gave promise of-a changed con- dition, and all parties supported the President in organizing 'and equipping ihe Army for the war with Spain. That has revealed to the world the immense resources of the United States and the ability of the nation to raise armies and equip them for battle. It taught the world to respect the power of this Government more tlian any event in our history. It taught Europe and our own people to respect the American Navy as the most perfect fighting . uiaoliine on the seas. it made the United States respected and feared in every coun- try, and it brought us the friendship of all nations, for nations, like individuals, respect heroism and the power to conquer. It taught the Old World that this country, without a standing army and. without the shadow of militarism over it. could rais6 and equip the greatest and best fighting armies on short notice, and that independence produces men who are ready for war even in the most busy times of peaceful occupation. It taught our own people that the soldier comes from no class or section, and that the man erf leisure and money could shoulder his musket and fight beside the cowboy and the farmer and the artisan endui:ing- the same hardshij)s and privations for the defense ol tlie flag. It also taught our people that those who wore the blue and thtisfe who wore the gray could fight together with the same hei-oic effort' tliat was shown on the battlefields of the civil war, when tliey euiitended against each other in the greatest and bloodiest sUiiyylir of the world's history. ^ It was an illuslraiioi: of the patriotism and liouiogeiieity of tiie 2X.S REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. , 239 American people -when General Eitzhugh Lee, General Wheeler, and General Butler, of Confederate fame, commanded corps or di- visions under the Commander-in-Chief, William McKinley, who had been a private soldier in the Union Army, and it found final illus- trations in th'fe Philippines, where the son of the great volunteer g:eneral, John A. Logan, gave his life at the head of a Texas regiment — a demonstration that all sectional lines have been wiped out and the country reunited in defense of the flag under the leadership of President McKinley and President Roosevelt. At the end of that short and glorious war this country stood first in military achievements and without a standing army. Its .militarism is patriotism, and it has its illustration in the achieve- ments of American patriots from Bunker Hill to Yorktown; from ^rort Sumter to Appomattox; from Santiago to Manila Bay, and from Manila to Tientsin. These are all the achievements of a citizen soldiery, the only militarism ever known under the. United St-atos ■ flag. There never has been a standing army that equaled one soldier to one thousand inhabitants, and there never has been an army fighl- iiig under the American fl£^ for a. selfish purpose. Our appeals tu arms have. been in the cause of great moral and humane principles. It is well to go to the record rather than to the catch phrase, in- -vented to create sectional and partisan hatred in such matters. [(. Increase in the Army.— Democrats in Congress were eager for war in '1898, and they aided In-'legislation to provide for an army.- When the war began we had an Army of but 27,'000 men. Congress provided for an increase of the Regular Army to 65,000 men, and ' gave authority to call a large number of volunteers. In May, ISiiS, the whole number of men numbered 163,592; in June, 208,239; in July, 265,529; iii August, 272,618; in September, 268,181; in Octo- ber, 225,375; in November, 179,186, and in December, 168,937. It Was provided in the law that when peace was declared with Spain 'the Regular Army should fall back to 27,000 men and all the vol- .'unteers should be discharged. Peace having been- established by the exchang-e of ratifications on April 11, 1899, the Army by .' force of law was reduced again to 27,000 men, which was confes.'i- edly too small ^3 deal with the situation then existing in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines. , The House then passed a bill increasing the Regular Army to > 100,000 men. The Senate did not agree to this bill, but to overcome the objections of Democrats another bill was-j-eported providing that the Regular Army might *e recruited temporarily to 65,000 ..men, and that, in addition 35,000 volunteers were authorized, all of this Army of 100,000 men to be enlisted to serve until June 1, 1 1901, or for U\o ypars and four months. This bill was passed, the 240 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Democrats and Populists in the Senate Toting for it. It went to the House and was concurred in, only 32 neg-ative votes i being cast against it. By this action all parties in Congress authorized the President to suppress the insurrection led by Aguinaldo in the Philippines. The President followed the law of Congress, organized the Army, and sent more troops to the Philippines. In January, 1899, there were only 31,790 officers and men in the Army of the Philippines. By December of that year Ihis Army had been increased to 59,723 oificers and men, and the increase contin- ued until in December, 1900, there were 69,420 officers and men in the Philippines. This Army was, however, enlisted for two years, and must be discharged by July 1, 1901. A new Army must be i')rL"-anized to take its place within six months from the time the Fifty-sixth Congress met. The House passed a new bill for the re- organization of the Army December 6, 1900. The Democrats voted ag-ainst that bill, and the vote was 171 yeas to 131. hays. The Sen- ate held the bill until February. All the Democrats in the Senate, excepting Morgan of Alabama, McLaurin of South Carolina, and Sullivan of Missi.ssippi, voted against the passage of the bill. The vote in the Senate was 43 yeas to 23 nays. It became a law February 2, and left the President only four months to organize a . new Army to take the place of that in the field. The Democrats had aided in preparing for ivar and in authoriz- ing the President to suppress^ the insurrection in the Philippines, but they were not willing to aid in continuing the Army until the work was done and peace restored. The new law provided that the maximum strength of the Army should be 100,000 men and the minimum strenq-th 59,540 men. The President never exercised his authority to raise an Army of the maximum strength. The army continued to det-rcase, and by the time the reorganization was effected, July 1, 1901, there were only 93,451 men in the Army. In fact, the President never organ- ized more than 85,000 men under the new law, and that was the strength of the Army in August, 1901. Since then it has decreased until in June, 1903, the whole Army, oflicers and meq, numbered only 67,000, and before the close Of thi's year it wilf be at the mini- mum strength of 59,540 men. In the Pliijippines the Army has been reduced from time to time, and in December, 1901, its' strength was only 40,050 men. The approximate strength of the Army in tlie Plrilii^pines in June, 1903, was 23,000 men, and when the orders already issued withdrawing additional troops have been carried out, the authorized strength to be retained there will not exceed ,- 18,000. Within two years the Army in the Philippines had been reduced to less than one-third its strength in December, 1900. DEMOCRATS OPPOSE ARMY APPROPRIATIONS. "when I refuse to vote to protect the lives of American soldicis, I hope I shall be paralyzed." This patriotic sentiment, uttered on the floor of the House of Representatives by Amos Cummiiifjs, of New York, in January, 190S!, vyas in protest against the action of his party in opposing an appropriation to house and shelter the troops in the Philippines, to protect them from the toiTential rains and miasmous airs of the region, and to furnish to the sick in hospitals a shield against the burning sun of the .tropics. Chairman Cannon, of the Appropriations Committee,- had brought in the appropriation bill supplying urgent deficiencies for the Gov- ernment' Service. Among the items was one of $500,000 for the shelter C(f the troops. Mr. Kiehardson, the floor leader of the Dem- ocrats, questioned the appropriation, holding that it was not a deficiency. He wanted to know where was the original law authorizing the expenditure. Mr. Cannon of Illinois (Republican) answered: "I say there is an Army of the United States. The Army is in service in the Philippine Islands. In the garrison at Manila are nineteen hundred soldiers, who are housed partially in the old Span- ish barracks; partially, perhaps, in captured buildings; partially in rented buildings. The Army is there now under the law. It is necessary to clothe them and to subsist them, tb house them, in some instances in temporary barracks, and they are using these buildings as permanent barracks. Now, in the operations of the Army, for the purpose of efficient operations, it is necessary, in the opinion of the President and of the War Department, to construct barracks about 6 miles out from Manila that will cost $500,000. If there be any law under wliich this approiniation would be apt in any bill without legislation it is the law that organizes the Army, that has placed it in the Philippines, and makes its necessary opera- tions important to the public service." The matter was debated at some length, and came up a da.y or two later in another way, Mr. Cannon presenting- it in the form of an amendment to the bill, as follov\»s: "For the proper shelter and prote<'tion of officers and enlisted men of the Army of the United States, lawfully on duty m the Philippine Islands, to be expended in the discretion of the Presi- dent, $500,000." Democratic leader Kiehardson raised the point of order against 16 ssil 343 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. the amendment that it was new legislation, seeking- to have it ruled oiit of the bill in that way. He made a long- argument to sustain his point, and was supported by Williams of Mississippi, and other Democrats. The Kepublicans defended the item, and the Chair finally overruled Mr. Eichardson's point of order. Still determined to beat the appropriation, if possible, Mr. Eichaidson appealed from the decision of the Chair, and on a rising vote the Chair was sus- tained^by' 124 to 98. When the bill came to final passage a separate vote was taken on the appropriation, and the yeas and nays were ordere^, resulting in the passage of the item by a vote of 179 to 107. It was during the roll-call that Mr. Gummings, when his name was called, in answering "yea," made his patriotic utterance. His closing words were almost drowned by the^ cries ,of "regular order" from the Democrats, who thus made protest against the spontaneous patriot- ism of their colleague. Those who voted for and against the appro- priation were as follows: ^'eas, 179 — Adams,' Alexander, Allen (Me.), Aplin, Babcock, Ball (Del.), Barney, Bates, Beidler, Bishop, Blackburn, Boreing, Bout^ll, Bowersoek, Brick, Bristow, Bromwell, Brown, Burk (Pa.), Burke, (S. Dak.), Burkett, Burleigh, Burton, Butler (Pa.), Calderhead, Cannon, Capron, Cassel, Cassingham, Connell, Conner, Coombs, Cooper (Wis.), Corliss, Cousins, Cro-ivley, Crumpacker, Cummings, Currier, Curtis, Cushman, Dahle, Dalzell, Darragh, Davidson, Deemer, Dick, Draper, Eddy, Esch, Evans, Fletcher, Foerderer, Fordiie\ . Foster (111.), Foster (Vt.), Fox, Gardner (Mich.), Gibson, Gill, Gillet (N. Y.), Gillett (Mass.), Gordon, GrafE, Graham, Greene (Mass.), Grow, Hamilton, ^Hasikins, Heatwole, Hemenway, Henry (Conn.), Hepburn, Hildebrant, Hill, Hitt, Holliday, Howell, Hughes, Hull, Irwin, Jack, Jones (Wash.), Joy, Kahn, Kern, Ketcham, Knapp, Knox, Kyle, Lacey, Lawrence, Lessler, Lewis (Pa.), Lindsay, Little- field, Long, Loudenslager, Lovering, McCall, McCleary, McCulloch, McLaclilan, McEae, Mahon, Mahony, Marshall, Martin, Mercer, Mier« (Ind.), Miller, Minor, Mondell, Moody (Mass.), Moody (N. C), Moody (Oreg.), Jlorgan, Morrell, Morris, Mudd, Needham, Nevin, Norton,- Olmsted, Otjen, Overstreet, Palmer, Parker, Patterson (Pa.), Payne. Perkins, Powers (Me.), Powers (Mass.), Prince, Eay (N. Y.), Eeeder. Keeves, Roberts, Rumple, Eussell, Scott, Shattuc, Shelden, Sher- man, Showalter, Skiles, Smith (111.), Smith, H. C, Smith, S. \V., Smith, Wm. Alden, Snool<, Southard, Sperry, Steele, Stevens (Minn.). Stewart (N. J.), Stewart (N. Y.), Storm, SuUoway, Sutherland, Taw- ney, Tayler (OhioV Taylor (Ala.), Thomas (Iowa), Tirrell, Tompkius (Ohio), Tongue, Van Voorliis, Vreelaiid, Wachter, Wadsworth, Wau- g-er, Warnock, Watson, Weeks, Williams (III.), Woods, Young, and ^enor. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 243 Nays, 107— Adamson, Allen (Ky.), Ball (Tex.), Bankhead, Bartlett, Bell, Bellamy, Belmont, Benton, Bowie, Brantley,. Breazeale, Brous- sard, Brundidge, Burleson, Burnett, Butler (Mo.), Caldwell, Candler, Clayton, Cochran, Conry, Cooper (Tex.), Cowherd, Davey (La.), De Arniond, De Graft'enreid, Dinsmore, Edwards, Finley, Fitzgerald, Gaines (Tenn.), Gilbert, Glenn, Griggs, Hay, Henry (Miss.), Henry (Tex.), Hooker, Howtird, Jackson (Kans.), Johnson, Jones (Va.), Kehoe, Kitchin, Claude; Kitchin, Wm. W.; Kleberg, Kluttz, Lanham, Latimer, Lester, Lever, Lewis (Ga.), Little, Livingston, Lloyd, McClellan, McDermott, McLain, Maddox, Moon, Mutchler, Naphen, Neville, Newlands, Otey, Padgett, Patterson (Tenn.), Pierce, I'ou, Randell (Tex.), Beid, Bhea (Ky.), Richardson (Ala.), Richardson (Tenn.), Rixey, Robinson (Ind.), Robinson (Nebr.), Rucker, Ryan, Scarborough, Selby, Shackleford, Shafroth, Shallenberger, Sheppard, Sims, Slayden, Small, Snodgrass, Sparkman, Spight, Stark, Stephens (■|'ex.),~'Swanson, Talbert, Tate, Thayer, Thomas (N. C), Thompson, Trimble, Underwood, Vandiver, White, Wiley, Williams (jSUss.), and Wooten. • It is because we believe with all our heart and soul in the great- ness of this country, because we feel the, thrill o( hardy life in our veins, and are confident that to us is given tlie privilege of playing a leading part in the century tha:t has just opened, that we hail with eager delight the opportunity to do whatever task Providence may allot us. — Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Min- neapolis, September 2, 1901. Grant had sent a regiment of ten companies of TJnion troops into my own county of Edgefield; sent there to repress the "rebels;" sent there- to subject us to the government of those negroes and their carpetbag leaders. They were ordered to pre- serve order, to prevent us from terrorizing the negroes, to keep them from being kept from the polls, and to let them vote. They obeyed their orders as well as "they could, but the result of that election was that, with a numerical majority of 2,000 more negroes who were 21 years of age, and who, under the dispensa- tion of my friend from Maryland (Mr. McComas), were entitled to vote, and ought to be allowed to vote now — with ten companies of troops and 10,000,000 more back here to go dow^ there if it was thought they were needed to keep us down, how did they come out in the struggle against white manhood and white brains P We only beat them 3,900 votes. (Laughter.) But we . ooiild have beaten them 6,900, or 9,900, or 99,000 if it had been necessary.— Senator B. F, Tillman, in the TJaitea States Senate, May 7, 1903, REPEAL OF WAR TAXES. One of the pledges of the Republican party redeemed by that party in the Fifty-seventh C!ongress was the repeal of the internal taxes levied to meet the expenses of the war with Spain. The original act was passed as a war-revenue measure at the beginning of our war with Spain, and as a revenue-producer it proved a complete success. The revenue from internal taxes under the law brought into the Treasury of the United States the follow- ing annual sums: For the period from June 13 to July 1, 1898 $3,410,442.51 For the fisca3,year ending June 30, 1899 102,359,618.36 For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900 105,37U,237.a5 For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901 107,646,213.05 From July 1, 1901, to December 31, 1901 (under act of March 3, 1901) 34,158,463.18 Total 352,942,964.05 It was understood at the time of the passage of this act that it was purely a war measure, and that it would be repealed as soon as the war was over and the increased expense growing out of the , wari should cease. In fulfillment of this understanding by the a:ct of March 2, 1901, Cong-ress attempted to reduce this taxation in an amount equal to $40,000,000. How well it succeeded is shown by the reduction of $20,063,159.35 for the six months following the time when the act of March 3, 1901, took effect. If no reduction had been made by Congress the natural increase, based upon the operations of the law for the previous three years, would indicate a re\emie from the original act for the year ending June 30, 1902, of about $109,000,000. Deducting from this amount the $40,000,000 reduction, leaves an estimated revenue from the internal-revenue features of the original net of about $69,000,000. It was a wonderful condition of our national finances which en- abled Congress to propose a reduction of $73,000,000 in the apnual revenues. History furnishes no parallel to the situation. We had' on the 1st day of February, 1903, in the Treasury an available cash balance of $177,633,088.26, and this notwithstanding the fact 244 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK:. 245 that the Treasury has i>aid out of tMs available siirplus during- the present liwcal year in the purchase of bonds for the sinking fund the sum of $()1,106,444.56. The Secretary of the Treasury, in his annual report, estimated the surplus of revenue over expenditures for the present fiscal year at $100,000,000. Subsequent events have confirmed this estimate as conservative and reasonable. With this surplus for the year it seemed that, notwithstanding this reduction of $73,000,000, we would still have a surplus of $27,000,000 for the next fiscal year. Early in the session of Congress the Ways and Means Committee brought in a bill repealing the war taxes. Promi>t action was requested upon it, but of course the Democrats had to cavil at doing anything promptly, and the House of Representa- tives was compelled to bring them to terms by a rule being pro- posed providing for immediate consideration of the bill. With that the Democrats ceased opposition and the bill was passed. The Republican Senate was equally prompt, and the bill was passed through that body expeditiously. It was one thing to make the prom^ise to repeal these taxes; it was another to pursue an economic policy which would render rejjeal possible without injuring the resources of the Government. Under Republican administration the latter con,dition prevailed, and the promise was fulfilled. The best statesmanship for America is that which looks to the highest interests of American labor and the highest devel- opment of American resources. — President McKinley, at Superior, Wis., October 12, 1899. Shipping lines, if established to the principal countries witli which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commer- .cial benefit. Prom every standpoint it is unwise for the United States to continue to I'ely upon , the ships of competing nations for the distribution of our goods. It should be made advantage- ous to carry American goods in American-bujlt ships. — President Boosevelt,- in Message to Congress, December 3, 1901. While the nation that has dared to be great, that has had the will and the power to change the destiny of the ages, in the end must die, yet no less surely the nation that has played the part of the weakling must also die; and, whereas the nation that has done nothing leaves nothing behind it, the nation that has done a great work really continues, though in changed form, forever- more. Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at MianeapoliB, September 2, 1901. THE ISTHMIAN CANAL. LEGISLATION IN HARMONY WITH RECOMMENDATIONS OE THE ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION. Need of a Canal The wonderful voyage of the Oregon from San Francisco to Santiago, and the anxiety of the American people for the magnificent battleship during that perilous run axound the South American coast, was in la^rge measure responsible for the determination that an isthmian canal must be under the control of this Government. For more than half a century the American people have favorably considered an isthmian canal in the interest of enlarged facilities for commerce, just as have the people of Europe given favorable consideration to projects to cut the Amer- ican isthmus and unite the Atlantic* and Pacific Oceans in the track of the world's commerce. But when the nation was en- gaged in war ^^^th a foreign power holding the gateway to the Caribbean Sea, and one of our greatest battleships had to make a long \oyage around Cape Horn to defend the flag, commercial interests became secondary to national defense, and public senti- ment crystalized in favor of the isthmian canal ovmed and con- trolled by the Government. This new policy took form in 189S and received the sanction of the Fifty-fifth Congress at the close of the session, March 3, 1899. The long discussion of canal projects by private enterprise and Government aid ended in the act appropi-iating $1,000,000 to pro- ' vide for a complete investigation of all canal routes across the isthmus "with a view to the construction of a canal by the United States." This was the first time legislation by Congress indicated that there should be a canal under complete control by the Federal , Government, owned not by a commercial corporation, but by all the people of the United States. It was a new Republican policy, inaugurated under the admiiiistration of President McKinley ^\'ith patriotism rather than commercialism as its inspiration. Authorization of a Survey.— By the act of March 3, 1899, the I'resident was authorized "to make full and complete investiga- tion ofi the Isthmus of Panama with a view to the construction of a canal by the United States across- the same to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans." The President was authorized to "make investigation of any and all practicable routes for a canal across said Isthmus of Panama, and j^articularly to investigate the two routes known respectively as tlie Nicaragua route and the Panama route, with a view to determining the most pr^icticable 216 KI01'i;j!LlCAN CAMl'AICX TEXT-I!()OIv. 247 and feasible route for such canal, together with the proxiinate nnd prgbaBle cost of constructing a. canal to each of two or more of said routes." The President was further aiithorized to "investigate and ascertain what rights, privileges, ajid franchises, if any, may be held or owned by any corporations, associations, or individuals, and what work, if any, has been done by smch corporations, asso- ciations, or individuals in the construction of a canal at either of said routes, and particularly at the so-called Nicaraguan and Panama routes, respectively, and likewise to ascertain the cost pf purchasing all the rights, privileges and franchises," and "the probable or proximate cost of constructing a suitable harbor at each, of the termini of said canal witK the probable annual cost of maintenajice of said harbors, respectively." Then the act pro- vided generally that the President should "make such full and complete investigation as to deteormine the most feasible and prac- ticable route across said isthmus for a canal, together with the cost of constructing the same and placing the same under the control, management, and ownership of the United States." Three Main Considerations. — This action by Congress settled these general points: First. That there naust be a canal across the American isthmus. Second. That the canal must be built, owned, controlled, and protected by the United States. Third. That the canal must be built upon the best route. It was a great ad- vance from the old position of all political parties and all general considerations of oanal legislation in this country. But the war with Spain and the necessity for quickly concentrating the navy for defense on either coast made the new policy necessary, and it met with general and hearty approval. There was to be no further consideration of aid to individuals or Corporations holding con- cessions and desirous of securing the assistance of the Govern- ment in their enterprise. Such had been the trend of proposed legislation before Congress for more than half a century. President McKinley fully appreciated the action of Congress. It meant that he should assume responsibility for an investigation as to all canal routes across the Isthmus, rather than the cost and feasibility of the Nicaragua Canal. He therefore exercised the utmost care in selecting the Commission to make this Investiga- tion. The construction of an inter-oceanic canal by the Government is the greatest public work that has ever been projected, and through territory not belonging to the United States. It is pro- posed to inaugurate u. gigantic business enterprise by the Govern- ment, and the President went about the preliminaries in a busi- ness-like way, selecting for the Commission the most eminent mil- ilary and civil engineers to be found in this country. The Canal Commission. — The members of the Commission com- 248 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. prise dlsting'Tiished officers of the Army and Navy, civil eng-ineers who stand in the very front of their profession, and a distinguished jurist, a former member of the Senate. At tlie head of the Com- mission the I'resident placed I'Lear-Admiral Walker from the Navy. He associated with him Lieut. Col. Oswald H. Ernst and Col. Peter C. liains, of the Army. , From civil engineering life he took George S. Alorri.son, Alfred Noble, William H. Burr, and'Lewis Jf. Haupt. Ex-Senator Samuel Pasco was made the legal mendjev oi the Commission and Prof. Emory K. Johnson was added as an authority on the industrial and commercial value of an int'er- oeeanic canal. The Commission divided itself into comnjiittees for the special study of five questions: 1. To investigate the Nicaragua route. 2. To investigate the Panama, route. 3. To investigate other pos- rible routes. 4. To investigate the industrial, commercial, and mil- itary value of a canal. 5> To investigate the rights, privileges, and franchises. Working parties were organized and sent into the field. Of these twenty working parties were or.ganized in Nica- ragua witli 159 engineers and assistants and 455 laborers; 5 in Panama with 20 eng-ineers and assistants and 41 laborers; 6 in Darien, with 54 engineers and assistants and 113 laborers. The Commission visited Europe to examine the plans and records of the Panama Canal Company in Paris; the Kiel Canal in German3', the North Sea Canal in Holland, and the Manchester Canal and Liverpool Docks in England. The Commission also visited Nica- ragua, Costa Eico, and Panama, going over both the Nicaragua and Panama routes carefully. First Keport of Commission. — The Commission made a short preliminary report to the President on November 30, 1900; a de- tailed report on November 16, 1901, and their last report on Janu- ary 18, 1902. Both the earlier reports concluded with the state- ment that "the most practicable and feasible route" for an i.stli- mian canal, to be "under the control, management, and owner- ship of the United States, is that known as the Nicarag-ua route," ^vhile the last report concluded with the st-atement that such route "is that kncnvn as the' Panama route." There is no inconsistency in these conclusions. All the reports show that the Commission considered the Panama route far superior to the Nicaragua route, in harbors, iu elevation, in cost of construction, in cost of main- tenance, in facility of navigation; in everything, in short, which goes to make a desirable canal route; but the Panama route was owned by the New Panama Canal Company, which was itself en- S'a.L;'ed in cnnslrudiiig the canal tliere. At the. time of the prelimiunvy report no proposition for a sale to the Unilcd Stales could be cli;uyn from t.lie Panama Company REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 249 in spite of nil efl'orts of the CoTnniiRsion to get bne. At tlie -time of the report of Noveraber 36, 1U01, the nearest approach to a price being' named by the company had been il vahiation of some $109,00O,(JUO placed iii>on the property by the then president of the ' company. The Commission (in the report of November, 1901) had estimated its value to the United States at $40,000,000, and they stated in tliat report that they considered tliat "the price fixed by the Panama Canal Company for a sale of its property and fran- chise.s is so unreasonable that its acceptance can not be recom- mended by this Commission.'" Their conclusion, therefore, in favor of the Niearagna route was expressly stated by them to have been reached upon u, consideration of "the actual situation as it now stands and having in view the terms offered by the New Panama Canal Company." It must be remembered that the act did not direct the- Com- mission to ascertain and report merely the best route for a canal, but the best route for a oanal to be "under the control, manage- ment, and ownership of the United States." The Commission were bound by this last limitation. All three of the Isthmian Canal Commission reports make it plain that they Considered the Panama route the superior, but since the exorbitant price made it impos- sible to acquire that route for the United States, the Commission had no choice under the limitations of the act but to accept the inferior route, the Nicaragua. On January 4 of the present year, however, the New Panama Canal Company did make a definite offer to sell and transfer all its rights, property, and works to the United States, including plans and archives, for the sum which the Commission had esti- mated them to be worth to the United States-7-$40,000,000. Thereupon, President Roosevelt, construing- the previous reports of the Commission for the adoption of the Nicaragua route as having been' due to the prohibitory price put upon the property and concessions of the New Panama Canal Company, reconvened the Commission to report further in the light of the changed situation. The Commission met, and, the only obstacle to the ac- quisition of the Panama route having thus been removed, the Commission unanimously recommended acceptance of the offer and unanimously decided that "the most practicable and feasible route for an isthmian canal, to be under the control, management, and ownership of the United States, is that known as the Panama route." This is the last report, of January 18, 1903, and was im- mediately submilteil by the President to both Houses of Congress. Supplemental Beport of CommiBsion. — In that last report the Commis^-ion says: ■'In reciting its conclusions in the report dated November 16, 1901,, s.-jO republican campaign text-book. this Commission stated that the selection of the most feasible and practicable route must be made between the Nicaragua and Pan- ama locations, adopting a plan of canal with locks in each case. "It concluded that the water-supply fea,tures were sat isf actorj' on both sides, that both dams, by which the summit levels would be sustained, were practicable, the advantage being in favor of the Conchuda dam at Nicaragua; that the plan of regulating the sum- mit level was practicable in each case, though less simple on the Nicaragua route than on the Panama; that the present means of transportation were inadequate on the Nicaragna route, while a well-equipped railroad was in operation along the entire length of the Panama route; that there are now no natural harbors at Nicaragua, while serviceable ones exist at both ends of t^he Panama route, and although with the completion of the harbors as planned one route would have little advantage over the other, the balance was probably in favor of Panama; that owing to the absence of harbors and railroads the period of preparation at Nicaragua would be twice that at Panama. "It was also the sense of the Commission that the total time required for the construction of the canal by the Panama route would be ten years and eight years by the Nicaragua route, with a greater probability of exigencies causing delays oHi the latter than on the' former. "The estimated cost of constructing the Nicaragua Canal is $15,- 630,704 more than the cost of completing the Panama Canal. "The estimated annual cost of maintenance and operation is $1,. 300,000 greater at Nicaragua than at Panama. "The Panama route would be 134.6 miles shorter than the Nica- ragua route from sea to ^ea, with fewer locks and less curvature both in degrees and miles. The estimated time for a deep-draft vessel to pass throug'h the Nicaragua Canal was placed at thirty- three hours, as against twelve hours for Panama, these estimates being the time of actual navigation and not including delays for winds, currents, or darkness. "If the passage were made without inten-uption about a day could be saved by the Nicaragua over the Panama route by ordi- nary steamers handling commerce between our Pacific ports and all Atlantic ports, and a|bout two days by steamers of the same class trading between our Gulf ports and North Pacific ports. The time advantage of the Nicaragua route would be less in the case of fast high-powered steamers, the use of which is increasing. Be- tween Atlantic ports and the west coast of South America the Panama route has the advantage of about t^■^'o days, and between I he Gulf ports and the west coast of South America the Panama route has the advantage of about one day. The trade of th^ west- KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 25t crn coast of South America is a very important one, which has hitherto been in European hands. "The Panama route is an old highway of commerce, along which no considerable induS|trial development is likely to occur. During the construction of a canal on the Nicaragua route business rela- tions would be established with Costa Kica and Nicaragua which would be likely to continue. Existing conditions indicate hygienic •advantages at Nicaragua, though equally effective sanitary meas- ures njust be taken in both cases. "The offer from the New I'auama Canal Company to convey all its property, 'including all interest in the Panama Railroad, to the United States will make the estimated cost of the two canals as follows: Nicaragua $189,864,062 Panama 184,223,358 \ "The transfer would give title to all the land now held by both the Panama Canal Company and the Panama Railroad Company, which covers nearly all lands required for the 'construction of the canal. The land held by private parties at Nicaragua must be ac- quired, and its acquisition may prove expensive. * X » * * » « "The advantage of the two canal routes have been restated ac- cording to the findings of the former report. There has been n6 ■ change in the views of the Commission with reference to any of these conclusions then reached, but the new proposition submitted by the New Panama Canal Company makes a reduction of nearly $70,000,000 in the cost of a canal across the Isthm.us of Panama according to the estimates contained in the former report, and with this reduction a canal can there be' constructed for more than $5,500,000 I less than through Nicaragua. The unreasonable sum asked for the property and rights of the New Panama Canal Com- pany when the Commission reached its former conclusion over- balanced the advantages of that route; but now that the estimates ' by the two routes have been nearly equalized the Commission can form its judgment by weighing the advantages of each and de- termining which is the more practicable and feasible. * » « * * * « "After considering the changed conditions' th^^t now exist and aH the facts and circumstances upon which its present judgment must be based, the Commission is of the opinion that 'the most practicable and feasible route for an isthmian canal to be under the control, management, and ownership of the United States' is that known as the 'Panama route.' " President McKinley also directed the efforts of the State De- 252 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. partment to removing the diplomatic embarrassment to canal legislation that meant the Government ownership and control of an isthmian canal. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty with Great Britain, negotiated in 1850, was a bar to such an enterprise on the part ol this Government. Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. — The first article of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty provided: "The Governments of the United States and Great Britain herelly declare that neither the one nor the other will ever obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive control over the said ship canal; agreeing that neither will ever erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the same or in the vicinity thereof, or occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume, or exercise any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Kica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Central America; nor will either make use of any protection which either affords or may afford, or any alliance which either has or may have to or with any Sft-ate or people, for the purpose of erecting or maintaining aay such fortifications, or of occupying, fortifying, or colonizing Nicaragua, Costa Bica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Central America, or of assuming or exercising dominion over the same; nor will the United States or Great Britain take ad\'antage of any intimacy, or use any alliance, connection, or in- fluence that either may possess with any State or Governmemt through whose territory the said canal may pass, for the purpose of acquiring or holding, directly or indirectly, for the citizens or subjects of the one, any rights or advantages in regard to com- merce or navigation through the said canal which shall not be offered on the same terms to the citizens or subjects of the other.", That treaty was in full force and binding on the United States until it was modified, by "the Ilay-Paupcefote treaty, signed in Washington November IS, 1901, and ratified by the Senate Decem- ber 16, 1001. New Treaty Negotiated.— President McKinley, notwithstanding I his diplomatic barrier to the construction of an isthmian canal to be owned and controlled and protected bj' the United States, directed the State Do]>iii-tment to begin negotiations for a new treaty with Great Britain that should modify the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Secretary Hay ^ucci-rdcd in negotiating a new treaty which was signed by him and Lord Paujicofote, the British Ambassador, Fet- ruury 5, 1900. That treaty provided: "It is agreed that tlie canal may be constructed under the aus- pices of the Govcriuuent of the United States, either directly at its own cost or by gift or loan of money to individuals or corpo- rations or through Bubscriptions to or purchase of stock or shares, EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 253 and that, subject to the provisions of the present convention, the said Government shall have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction, as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regiilatlon and management of the canal." But to presei-ve and maintain the general principle of neutraliza- tion established in Article VIII of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, tha rules embodied in the convention between Great Britain and the Powers for the free navigation of the Suez Canal were adopted. The United States Senate amended tliis treaty by providing first, that it should supersede the Clayton-Bulwer treaty; second, that none of th? conditions Bind stipulations in these rules should ap]]l.\ , to measures which the United States might find it necessary to take for securing by its own forces the defense of the United States and the maintenance of public order; and third, by stril<- ing out Article III, by which it was agreed that the other Powers should be Invited to adhete to the convention. ' These amendments were not agreeable to Great Britain and negotiations Were renewedx for another convention which was signed in Washington by Secretary John Hay and Lord Pnimee- fote, the British Ambassador, December 2, 1901, and ratified by the Senate December 16, 1901. This new treaty is as follows: Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. — The United States of Amierica and His Majesty I'Mward the Seventh, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, King, and Emperor of India, being desirous to facilitate the can- struction of a ship canal to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, by whatever route may be considered expedient, and to that end to remove s.ny objection which may arise out of the convention of the i9th April, 1850, commonly called the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, to the construction of such canal under the auspices of the Gov- ernment of the United States, without impairing the "general prin- ciple" of neutralization established in Article VIII of that conven- tion, have for that purpose appointed as their plenipotentiaries: The President of the United States, John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States of America; And His Majesty Edward the Seventh, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, King and Emperor of India, the Right Honorable Lord Pauncefote, G. C. B., G. C. M. G., His JFajesty's Ambassador Ex- traordinary and Plenipotentiary to. the United States; Whorhaving communicated to each other their full powers, which were found to be in due and proper form, have agreed upon the following articles: Article I. — The high contracting parties agree that the present 254 EBPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. treaty shall supersede the afore-mentioned convention of the 19th April, 1850.^ Article II. — It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under ' the, auspices of tbfe Government of the United States either directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to individuals or corporations, or through subscription to or purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the provisions of the present treaty, ' the said Government shall have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction, as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regulation and manag-ement of the canal. Article III. — The United States adopts, as the basis joi the neu- tralization of such ship canal, the following rules, substantially as embodied in the Convention of Constantinople, signed the 28th October, 1888, for the free navigation of the S'Uez Canal, that is to say: 1. The canal shall be free and open to the vessels of commerce , and of war of all nations observing- these rules, on terms of entire equality, so that there shall be no discrimination -against any such nation, or its citizens or subjects, in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic or otherwise. Such conditions and charges of triiflic shall be just and equitable. 2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within it. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to mainta,in such mil- itary police along the canal as may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder. 3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal shall be effected with the "least possible delay in accordance with the regulations in force, and with only such intermission as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as vessels of war of the belligerents. ' 4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions of war, or warlike materials in the canal, except in case of acci- dental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch. ' ^ ' 5. The provisions of this article shall apply to watei-s adjacenl to the canal,, within 3 maj-ine miles of either end. A'essels of war of a belligerent shEill not remain in such waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not depart within Iwenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel gf >\rtv of the other belligerent. I!1:L'UJ5LICAN campaign text-book. 255 6. The plant, establishment, buildings, and all works necessary to the construction, maintenance, and operation of the canal shall be deemed to l>e part thereof, for the purposes of this treaty, and in time of war, as in time of peace, shall enjoy conaplete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents, and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of the canal. Article iV. — It is agreed that no change of territorial so\'er- eignty or of international relations of the country or countries traversed by the beforementioned canal shall affect the general principle of neutralization or the obligation pf the high contract- ing -parties under the present treaty. Article V. — The present treaty shall be ratified by -the President of the United Sta,tes by and with the advice and the consent of the Senate thereof, and by His Britannic Majesty; and the ratifi- cations shall be exchanged at Washington or at London at the earliest possible time within six months from the date hereof. In faith whereof the respective plenipotemtiaries have signed this treaty and hereunto affixed their seals. Done in duplicate at Washington, the 18th day of November, in sthe year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and one. [Seal.] ' __ John Hay. [Seal.] Pauncefote. / This treaty removed the diplomatic barrier that had for more than fifty years stood in the way of a canal to be owned and con- trolled by the United States. The State Department also negotiated protocols with Nicaragua and Costa Eica and with Cplombia providing terms for securing concessions from, these Governments in the event of legislation for a canal by either the Panama or Nicaragua routes. Action of Congress. — On the first day of the session of the Fifty-seventh Congress Representative Hepburn introdfuced in the House a bill providing for an Isthmian Canal. It was considered and favorably reported by the Committee on Interstate and For- eign Commerce, December 19, and made a special order for con- sideration by the House January 7. It was substantially the same as a biil^introduced by Mr. Hepburn and passed by the House in the Fifty-sixth Congress. It authorized the President to acquire from the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua for and on behalf of the United States control over such portion of territory be- longing to those States as may be desirable and necessary on which to construct and protect a canal from Greytown to Brito. Section 3 provided that when the President had secured full co'ntrol over this territory he should direct the Secretary of War to construct a canal and provide for its protection. Section 3 256 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. authorized the President to employ such persons as may be deemed necessary in the surveys for and construction of tlie canal. Sec- tion 4 directed that the San Juan Kiver and Lake Nicaragua be used where available for the canal. Section 5 authorized the Presi- dent to guarantee to Nicaragua and Costa Pica the use of the canal and harbors. Section 6 appropriated the sum of $10,000,000 toward the project and authorized contracts not to exceed in the aggregate $180,000,000. This bill was in harmony with the first report of the Isthmian Canai Commission, which recommended the Nicaragua route as the most feasible and practicable because of the extravagajit price asked for the Panama Canal. The bill was, debated for three days and passed by a practically unanimous vote, only two votes being recorded against it. The supplementary report of the Canal Commission was mxide public after this action by the House. The Senate Committee on Inter-Oceaoiic Canals made two reports, the majority in favor of the Hepburn bill and the minority, composed of Senators Hanna, Kittredge, and Pritch- ard, in favor of the Spooner substitute, which was, after amend- ment, adopted by the Senate June 19. The Spboner bill was agreed to unanimously by the Conference Committees of the Senate. and House, and passed Congress. The Act of Congress. — The law authorizes yie President to ac- quire at a cost not exceeding $40,000,000 the rights, privileges, franchises, concessions, grants of lands, right of way, unfinished work, plants and other property, real and personal, owned by the New Panama Canal Company of France, on the Isthmus of Panama, including all the capital stock of the Panama Kailroad Company, provided a satisfactory title "to all of the said property can be obtained. The President is also authorized to acquire from the Republic of Colombia perpetual control of a strip of territory not less than 6 miles wide, extending from the Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and to complete the construction of the Panama Canal. But if the President, after investigation, is not satisfied that the , New Panama Canal Company can give a good title to its property, he is authorized to secure from Nicaragua and Costa Pica control of the necessary territory and construct a ship canal from the Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean by what is commonly known as the Nicaragua route. The law authorizes the President to appoint a Canal Commission to have charge of the work, and the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to boiTOw $130,000,000 and issue 2 per cent, ten-year gold bonds in the denominations of $30 and^ multiples of that sum. This is the law and it insures the construction of an isthmian canal, by the Panama route, if the title to that propex-ty can be REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 257 transferred to the United States, and it not, by the Nicaragua route. This is another pledge carried out by the Republican party. The passages of this act of Congress cleared the way for direct negotiations by the State Depai-tment, and v.itliin ten days after the adjournment of Congress the Government of France, through diplomatic coi-respondence and by action of the French courts, had removed most embarrassments iu the way of the transfer of the title from the hew Panama Company to the United States. The Government of France has given assurances to this Govern- ment that no clairo^s against the property will be presented after the payment of $40,000,000 and the transfer of the title. The Attorney-General of the United States arranged to visit Paris and investigate the title and all legal questions relating to the transfer ■ to this Government. The State Department also resumed its negotiations with the /minister of Colom1;>ia, immediately after the adjournment of Con- gi-ess, with the result that amendments to the treaty were agreed to and sent to the Colombian Governmenit for approval. These amendments are to make the treaty agree not only with the Spooner act, but also with the spirit of Congress as developed in the debate on the canal bill. They provide for defenses of the canal, for the police power of this Government on the territory adjacent to the canal, and for a definite price to be paid for thc^ concession. It is now certain that the new treaty with Colombia will be sent to tlie Senate in December, and with the ratification of that treaty, the traiislei of the Panania Canal to the United States Government will be completed and the work of constructing the gi'eat waterway will be commenced by the President. The whole work of Congress and the Executive Department of the Government, undei^ liepubliean guidance, has been to carry out the will of the people, with the greatest possible expedition, and provide for an isthmian canal. That canal willibe constructed and ready for use within ten years. This is another illustration of the business methods of the Re- publican party in earrving out great public policies in harmony with the demands of the people. It is not only highly desirable, but necessary, that there should be legislation which shall carefully shield the interests of wage- workers and which shall discriminate in favor of the honest and humane employer by removing the disadvantage under which he Stands when compared with unscrupulous competitors who have no conscience, and will do right only under fear of punishment.— Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. 17 THE CUBAN REPUBLIC. THE GROUNDWORK OF A REPUBLICAN FORTl OF GOV- ERNMENT LAID BY THE UNITED STATES. The Cuban Republic, inauq-urated May 20, 1002, is the most s\g- iiificaut mark of tlie progres.s of democratic g-oveiument under the guidance and protection of the United States in the new century. It is in marked contrast to the developments in South Africa. Tliere the Boer Kepublics have been suppressed by England and made Crown colonies of the Empire. Here, after a war for freeduui from oppres.sion, Cuba has been freed from Spain, her affairs suc- cessfully administered, and the groundwork of a republican form of government laid by the United States Army, and this model handed over 1o the Cuban pepple by the American soldiers who fought for and won,, their freedom. The Cuban Republic and the Cuban flag over the Morro at Havana are the newest and best tes- timonials to the fidelity of the present Republican Administrafjou to the principles of the Declaration of Independence. They illus- trate a new order of imperialism — the imperialism of democracy. The I'nited States has not only freed Cuba, but has guaranteed the continuance of her independence against the encroaclwnent of any foreign power and internal revolution. There is only one way the Cuban Republic can cease, and that is by the voice oi her own peo- ple asking for closer ties with the United States by annexation to be jtiaced in the same list with Porto Rico and Hawaii. Purpose of the ASTar with Spain. — The sole purpose of the war' with Spain was the freedom of Cuba from the oppression of the Spanish Government. The revolution in Cuba had become a men- ace to the peace and prosperity of the American jjeople. A minor- ity in Congress desired to recognize the so-called Cuban govern- ment in the spring of 189S — a government that only existed on paper and had no PNistcnce in fact. But President McKinley and the Republican leaders in Congress lool<;ed beyond the expulsion of Spain to the necessity for a stable as well as an independent government in Cuba. In his nu'ss;\ge to Congress April 11, 189S, President McKinley said: "The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which clui no longer be endured is the en forced pacification of CuLj. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endan- gered American interests \vhich give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. a58 "Tn vipw of th^se facts and of those considerations I apU the Con- ffMss t<) authorize and empower ^the President to talTPSs foJIoy^d the President's rerommendatinn, afid the fol- lowing' was the final form of the resolutions adopted: Ji'irst. That the people of \ the island of Cuba' are and of right ought to be ivfp and independent. ' Second. That it is the duty of the Suited States'to demand, and the Government of the United States does hereby demand', that the Government of, Spain at once relinqui*!!! ils aiithdvity and govern- ment in the island of Cuba !j,nd withdraw its land and naval forces ■frotn-Cuba and Cuban wat&i-s, ' Third. That tl^e President of the United States be. and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval fprces' of the United States, and to call into the actual service of tbc United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as may be necessary to chrry these resolutions into efflect. Fourth. That the. United States hereby di.s"laims any disposition or intention to exercise soveireignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island cSccept for the pacifi(/ation thereof, and asserts its de- termination when tha,t is accorffplished .to leave the government , and control of the island, to its people. ^ ' ' Only two Democratic Senators voted for the resolution, Gray and ^ Morgan. The vote was as'.follows: * Yeas, 42. — Ald'Tjch, AUisonv Baker, Burrows, Carter, Chandler, Clark, Cullom, Davis, Deboe, Elkins, Fairbanks, Faulkijer, Foraker, Frye, Gallinger, Gear, Gray. Hale. Hanna, Hansbrough, H^wley, ' Kyle, t/odge, McBride, MolMillin, Mason, Morgan, Morrill, Nelson, Penrose, Perkins, Piatt (Conn.), Prit,char,d, Proctor, Quay, Sewell, Shoup, Spooner, Warren, Wilson, and Wolcott. Nays, 35.— Allen, Bacon, Bate, Berry, Butler, CafCrey, Cannon, Chilton, CTay, Cockrell, Daniel, Harris, Heitfeld, Jones (Ark.), Jones (Nev.), Kenney, Lindsay, McEnery, McLaurin, Mallory, Mantle, Martin, itiitehell. Money, Pasco, Pettigrrew, Pettus, Rawlins, Roach, (.Stewart, Teller, Turley, Turner, Turpie, and Whipe. Not voting, 11. — Gorman, Hoar, Mills, Murphy,' Piatt (N. Y.), T^tirs'ton, Tillman, Vlest, Walthall, Wellington, and Wetmore. J The Democrats still boast that they brought on the war, but 260 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. they opposed the policy of the PresideBt to have the object of that war clearly defined, so as to not be a source of misunderstanding and trouble ever afterward. The protocol, which ended hostilities between the United Statca and Spain, signed August 1'2, 189S, provided that "Cuba, Porto Rico, and other Spanish islands in the West Indies shall be immediately evacuated," and the treaty of peace signed in Paris in December pro- vided: "Spain relinquishes all the claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba, and as the island is upon the evacuation of Spain to be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so long ^s such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the obligations that may under international law result from the fact of its occu- pation for the protection of life and property." Control of Cuba by the United States. — The United States mili- tary authorities tooli over the control of Cuba on January 1, 1899. In his fi*st proclamation, General Brooke, who became governor- general of the island, said: "The object of the present government is to give protection to the people and security to person and prop- erty, to restore confidence, to encourage the people to resume the pursuits of peace, to build up waste plantations, to resume com- mercial traffic, and to afford full protection in the exercise of all civil and religious rights." The first perplexing question before this Government in its new duties to Cuba was to make a favorable disposition of the insurgrent army. The Cubans could not agree how this army should be dis- banded. The United States Congress finally appropriated .$3,000,000 to be distributed among the troops upon the Burrender of their arms. This was accom.plished in September, 1899. The efforts of the military gbyenunent in Cuba were chiefly in thre* directions: First, toward the reformation of the courts, which were so corrupt under Spanish rule as to have utterly de- stroyed their usefulness or value as mediums of dispensing justice; second, the establishment of a proper educational system in the island, and, third, the improvement of the sanitaiy conditions of the cities. The courts were, during the year 1899, remodeled, and have gained the respect and confidence of the citizens of the island. Schools were opened wherever- practicable, and a large number of natlT* Cubans placed in charge to take up the educational work, and the sanitary work in the cities was pushed forward with great success, especially in Santiago and Havana, the result being that despite the war conditions which had so long prevailed, the island passed through the summer of 1899 with an unusually small loss of life from those diseases peculiar to these conditions in a tropical climate. On August 17, 1899, President McKinley issued a procla- mation to the people of Cuba, announcing the census as a prelim- REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 261 inary step to preparations for the establishment of civil self-gov- ernment, which the people of that island had so long^ desired, saying: "The disorganized condition of your island resulting from the war and the absence of any generally recogTiized authority aside from the temporary inilitary control of the United States have made it necessary that the United State's should follow the restoration of order and peaceful industry by giving its assistance and supervision to the successive steps by which you will proceed to the establishment of an effective system of self-government.'' The direction of the temporary government of Cuba was transferred to General Wood in 1900, General Brooke having been relieved of that duty at his own request. Progress in Cuba. — In his last report on the conditions in Cuba, the Secretary of War said that there were now more than 3,600 teachers employed in the schools with an average enrollment of 180,000 and an average attendance of 140,000 pupils. Thie island has been freed from yellow fever, and that danger has beien removed from the United States. The revenues of the island have been expended for the benefit of the Cuban people, to give them a republican form of government, free schools, courts free from old imperial prejudices, public roads, and other public works to make the people prosperous and heajthy. A census was held and elections authorized to select delegates- to a constitutional convention. The convention adopted a consti- tution in June, 1901, and in October adopted a general electoral law providing for a general election to be held December 31, 1901. At that election governors of provinces, provincial councilors, mem- bers of the House of Representatives and Presidential and Sena- torial electors were chosen. On February 24, 1902, the several bodies of electors met and elected a President, Vice-President, and Senators. Thomas Estrada Palma was elected President, and he was inaugurated May 20, 1902. The American flag, which had protected Cuba for three years, was withdrawn, and the Cuban flag took its place over the new Republic made possible and in fact established and developed by Amerifcan soldiers. Belinquishment of American Authority. — In turning over the government of Cuba to President Palma, Governoi^General Wood delivered this message: "Headquaeteks Department of Cuba, , "Habana, May 20, 1902. "To the President and Congress of the Republic of Cuba: "Sirs: Under the direction of the President of the United States I now transfer Id you as the duly elected representatives of the people of Cuba the g-overnment and control of the island, to be held 3fi2 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. and pxercised by yO|n undpr tfie provisions of the constitution of tlie Eepnblic of Ciiba heretofore adopted by the constitutional con- vention and this day promulgated; and I hereby declare the occu- pation of Cuba by the United States and the military government of the island to be ended. "The transfer of gavemment and control is upon the express con- dition, and the Governtnent of. the United States will understaiid that by the acceptance thereof you do now, pursuant to the pro- visions of the said constitution, assume and undertake, all and several, the obligations assumed by the United States with resjject to Cuba by the treaty between the United States of America and Her Majesty the Qneen. Regent of Spain, signed at Paris on the 10th day of December, 189S. "All money oblig'ations of the military government down to this date have been paid as far as practicable. The public civil funds derived from the. revenues of Cuba transferred to you this dav, amounting to $689,191.02, are, transferred subject to such claims and obligations properly payable out of the revenues of the island a.s may remain. The sum of $100,000 has been reserved from the transfer funds to defray anticipated expenses of accounting, report- ing, and winding up the affairs of, the military government, after which any unexpended balance of said sum will be paid into the treasury of the island. "The plans already devisee! for the sanitation of the cities of the island and to prevent a recurrence of epidemic and infectious dis- eases, to whielr the Government of the United States understavids that the provision of the constitution contained in the fifth article of the appendix applies, are as follows: "(1.) A plan for the paving and spwering of the city of Habana. for which a contract lins been awarded by the municipal council of that city to Mc(;ivuey, Roi^eby &, Co. "(2.) A plan for waterworks to supply the city of Santiago de Cuba, prepared by Capt, R. E. Rockenbach, in charge of the district of SaiitJag'o, and apprmed by the military governor, providing for taking water from the Avells of San ,T\ian canyon, and pumping the same to reservoirs located on the heights to the east of the city. "(3.) A plan for the sewering of the city of Santiago de Cuba, a contract for which was awarded to Michael ,T. Dady*& Co., by the military governor of Cuba, and now under construction. "(4.) The rules and regulations eatalilished by the President of the United States on the 17th of January, 1S9!1, for the niainteuance of quarantine against epidemic diseases at the ports of Habana, Matanzas, Cienfuegos, and Santiago de Cuba, and thereafter at the other ports of tlie island, as extended and amended and made ap- plicable to future conditions, by the order of the military governor, REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 2()3 dated , published in the Official Gazette of Habana on the day of April, 1902. "(5.) The sanitary rules and regrulations in force in the city of Ha- bana (and in any other city having- official rules, etc.). "It is understood by the United States that the present govern- ment of the Isle of Pines will continue a de facto g-overnment, pending the settlement of the title to said island by treaty pursuant to the Cuban constitution and the act of Congress of the United y tales approved March 2, 1901. "I am further charged by the President of the United States to deliver to-you the letter which I now hand you. "LEONAiiD Wood, Military Governor.'' Gratitude of the Cubans. — President Paliina's response was as follows: "I receive in this act the government of the island of Cuba, which you transfer to me in compliance with the orders communicated to you by the President of the United States, and I recognize thai ill this act the military' occupation of the island ceases. In accept- ing this transfer I declare that the government of the Republic of Cuba assumes, in conformity with what is determined in the con- stitution, each and all of the obligations that the Government of the United States took upon itself in regard to Cuba by virtue of the treaty signed on the lOth day of December, 1898, between the United States and Her Majesty the Qu(;en Regent of Spain. "I note that all financial responsibilities contracted by the mtli-_ tary government up to this date have been paid; thfvt $100,000 has been set aside to attend, in so far as is necessary, to the liquidation and settlement of the obligntions contracted bj' said government, and that there have been transferred to the government of the Kepviblic $689,191. 02^ which constitutes the balance in cash to the credit of the nation. "In all that Article V of the constitutional appendix be applicable the government will take care to facilitate the execution of the work of sanitation planned by the mililary government. The Cu- ban government will also endeavor, as far as possible and as far as depends on it, to complj' with the necessity of sanitation and of the observance of the system established by the military gov- ernment of Cuba. "It is understood that the Isle of Pines continues de facto under the jui-isdiction of the governtnent of the Republic pending what will be agreed upon between the United- States and Cuba and in conformity with what is ordered in the Cuban constitution and by the law voted by (he Conyress of the United States passed March 2, 1901. 264 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. "I receive with great satisfaction the letter which President Eoosevelt has addressed to the Congress of the Republic and to me on account of the sentiments of friendship therein expressed for the people of Cuba. "I take advantage of this solemn occasion, when there is fulfilled the honest promise of the g-overnment and of the. people of the United States in reg-ard to the .island of Cuba, and when the. per- sonality of our country is established as .a sovereign nation, to ex- press to you as a worthy representative of that great' nation the immense gratitude that the people of Cuba feel for the American nation, for its illustrious President, Theodore Roosevelt, and to you personally, for the efforts which you have made for the attain- ment of that cherished ideal." President Roosevelt sent his congratulations to the President of Cuba, and Secretary Hay on the same day notified the nations of the world of the inauguration of the new government. McKinley's Policy Carried Out. — The policy of President Mc- Kinley has been worked out. Instead of recognizing a revolution- ary government in Ciiba, this Government has expelled Spain from the islands, conducted a republican form of government during the military occupation as an object lesson to the Cuban people, and given them the opportunity to peacefully formulate a constitution and elect and inaugurate a government representative of the whole Cuban people. The Piatt Amendment.^-To provide for the Inauguration of the Cuban government without the delays necessary for recognition, Congress, on March 2, 1901, adopted the following as an amendment, to the Arjuy appropriation bill, to provide for the futyre relations between Cuba and the United States: "Provided further. That in fulfillment of the declaration con- tained in the joint resolution approved April 20, 1898, entitled, Tor the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demand- ing that the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and gov- ernment in the island' of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the land and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into effect," the President is hereby authorized to 'leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to its people' so soon aa a government shall have been estab- lished in said island under a constitution which, either as a part thereof or in an ordinance appended thereto, shall- define the future relations of the United States with Cuba, substantially as follows: "I. That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any Irenty or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 265 nianner authorize or permit an^ foreign Jpower or powers to ob- tain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or otherwise, Icdgmcnt in or control over any portion of said island. "11. That said gpvemment shall not assume or contract any pub- lic debt, to pay the interest upon which, and to maly the government of Cuba. "l.\. That all acts of the United States in Cuba during its military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated, and all lawful rights acquired thereunder shall be maintained and protected. "V. That the government of Cuba will execute, and, as far as nec- essary, extend, the plans already devised or other plans to be mu- tually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the inland, 'to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assvTring protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to the commerce of the southern ■ ports of the United States and "the people residing therein. "VI. That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto being left to future adjustment by treaty. "VII. That to enable the United ptates to maijitain the independ- ence of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the government of Cuba will sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at cer- tain specitied points, to be agreed upon with the President of the United States. "VIII. That by way of further assurance the government of Cuba will embody the foregoing provisions in a permanent treaty with the United States. "By direction of the War Department the military governor form- ally communicated these provisions to the convention and advised that body that the President awaited its action thereon. "On the 3d of April the following dispatch was sent to the mili- tary governor, who communicated it to ^ committee of the con- vention: 266 REPUBLICAN CAiMPAlUiN TEXT-BOOK. "Wood, Bahana: "You are auth'orized to state officially that in the view of the Pres- ident the intervention detcribed in the third clause ol: the Piatt amendment is not synonymous with intermeddling or interference with the affairs of the Cuban government, but the formal action uf the Government of the United States, based upon just and substan- tial grounds, for the preservation. of Cuban independence, and the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, " property, and individual liberty, and adequate for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States. '; ; "Elihu Root, S^etary of War." The Cuban Constitutional Convention on June 13, 1901, adopted an ordinance making provisiolns identical with those of the Piatt amendment, and that ordinance now provides for the relations be- tween Cuba and the United St^ktes. Intent of the Piatt Amendiiaent. — Senator Beveridge of Indiana, in an elaborate article on Cuba and Congress, published in the North AnlericaI^^Review for April, 1901, made the following com- ment oil the Piatt ainendmenit : "Congress was compelled tOs^onsider the character and inexperi- ence of Cuba's population; the iiistory,.of the attempts of similar poijulations to govern themselvjjs; the present condition of such experimental governments on tlie one hand, and the situation of the same populations, guided .ind restrained bj' the protection of an administrative people, on the (other hand. Congress had to con- sider, too, the facts of the last (two years — the expulsion of Spain from Cuba by American arms; rthe occupation of the island by American authority, law, and oi;(3«r; the feeding of starving Cuban thousands with American bread ^^ the establishment of Cuban schools, posts, and sanitation upon niypdern methods by American administrators; the American purificatii/uv, of the Cuban customs service; the impartial American administratife^n of Cuban justice; the protection of Cuban Ufe and property by\an American and Americanized police; the beginning of the developuiient of the rich- est agricultural, mineral, and timber resources on tfae face of the globe, under the faith of American protection; in a woVd, the Aijier- jcan foBudalion in Cuba of civilization and of that libenfcy regulated by law which is the end and purpose of all free govermment. "Congress had to consider, too, the American people.NThe sac- rifices of the American people in blood and treasure and adminis- tration dcseived such consideration. The geographical p( isltion of Cuba demanded it. The historian of a century hence wr 'Uld have properly denounced any action on the part of the American Cou- REPUBLICAN CAMJ'AiO.N TKXl-BOOK. 207 gress -which, by any possibility, might result in delivering this gate- way to the American Mediterranean, to any and all isthmian canals, to the mouth of that great artery of American commerce, the Mis- sissippi Kiver, to our whote Gulf seaboard of 3,551 miles, over into the hands of those who, by treaty or purchase or awy eireumstances of peace or war, might possibly becon:ie our national foes. "Thus it appears that our Cuban legislation deprives Cuba of nothing that can help her, but bestows every benefit and erects every safeguard necessary to her settled and orderly self-govern- ment. It insures the development of the island's resources and the liighest happiness possible to its people. Against the enemies of Cuba, foreign and domestic, isdrawji the sword of the great liepub- lic; and under its protection the ii-ifant state may grow ip peace aiid wax strong in a sure security. It is an inspiring scene with which the young century begins — the newest government of the world aided, guided, and protected Ijj' the freest. "We are not depriving Cuba of liberty; we are helping her to liberty. Landowners are not to be robbed; they are to be pro- tected. Cities are not to be sacked; they are to be defended. lOqual rig-hts are not to be violated; they are to be presei-ved and enforced. Fre^ speech is not to be suppressed; it is to be fostered. Education is not to be destroyed; it is to be built up. But anarchy is to be kept down, foreign powers kept at bay, and the elements that oppose Cuban progress held in check. All this is not the denial of liberty; it is the bestowal of liberty; for liberty can not live without 'order and law. "The Cuban people and the American people are not to be ene- mies or strang'ers. We are still more to be friends — 'close friends,' to use the President's felicitous phrase. We are not ^'et united into a single nation as the fathers hoped we should be, and such a union may never occur; but, while establishing Cuba's independ- ent governmental identity, the United States has given her our permanent) counsel, aid, and comfort. "Whether that^relation shall develop into k still closer connection . depends upon the Cuban people. It is a question which time alone can adequately answer. No wisdom equals the wisdom of events. And the Cuban legislation of Congress permits the wisdom of events, to work out its results in its own time. Meanwhile the re- lation established by that legislation is admirable, considered from the view point of the present; and it may prove the permanent so- lution of this hitherto vexed and vexing problem. But whether this is the final development, or whether' it is an epoch in an his- torical evolution, gro^Wing ever happier as it proceeds, the welfare of the Cuban jjeople and the safety of the American peopk' are secure." ANARCHY: A LAW TO PUNISH THOSE WHO ATTESIPT THE LIFE OF THE PRESIDENT. The assassination of President McKinley by an anarchist caused an immediate agitation in favor of some Federal law that would enable the General Government to take charge of such crimes, and also prevent the propag-ation of anarchy in this country. President Roosevelt, in his first message to the Fifty-seventh Congress, vig- orously discussed the question, and made strong recommendations. Cong-ress acted on those recommendations. President Roosevelt in his message to Congress December 3, 1901, said:x "On the 6th of September President McKinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition, at Buffalo, and died in that city on the 14th of that month. "Of the last seven elected Presidents he is the, thirS who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alai-m among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the cir- curii.s1ances of this, the third assassination of an American Presi- dent, have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President Lin- coln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types un- fortunately not uncommon in historj'; President Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disap- pointed office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who objects to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the uprig'ht exponent of n free i^eople's sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot. "It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKin- ley's death he was the most widelj' loved man in all the United States; while we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political cpponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of na- liire, the sweetness and genlleiiess of character which so endeared him to his close associates. ,To a standard of loity integrity in %m \ ■ BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT>BOOK. 269 public life he united tlie -tender affections and home virtues wliich are all-important in the malce-up of national character. A g-allant soldier in the great war for the Union,' he also shone as an ex- ample to all our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh against wealth and irre- sponsible power. But for this assassination even jthis base apology can not be urged. A Blow at Labor. — "President McKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy tillers o4 the soO, who' had himself belongeji among the wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a private soldier. Wealth was not struck at when the President was assassinated, but the honest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in the hands of any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest cham- pions the wage-worker has ever hid; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to public office. President McKin- ley filled that political office for which the entire people vote, and no President — not even Lincoln himself — was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well thougl'ht-ouit wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the X>eaple — to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having endeavored .to giiide that thought aright. He had just been reelected to the Presidency be- cause the majority of our citizens, the miajority of ouir farmers and wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for four years. They felt themselves in dose and intimate touch with him. They felt that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to contiiiue for another four years to represent them. Judas-like Infamy. — "And this was the man at whom the assas- sin struck! That there might be nothing lacking to complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took advantage, of an occasion when the President waa meeting the people generally; and ad- vancing as if to take the hand outstretched to him in kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence 270 REPL^BLICAX CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal ^blow. There is no baser deed in all the annals of crime. "The shock', the grief of the country are bitter in the minds of all who saw the dark days while the President yet hovered between life fond death. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words s!ive of forg'i\fncss to his murderer, of love for his friends, and lil iiiifiiltcring' trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had accomplished and in his own personal cliaracter, that we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the nation. We mourn a good and great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements ot his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death. "Wlien we turn ficim the man to the nation, the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most jcsolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists, and probubly also by the reekles's utterances of those who, on the stump and in t)ie public^ press, appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they can not escape their share of res]ionsibility for the whirlwind that is, reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, Ito the exploiter of sen- sationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for what- ever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent. Aimed at Government. — "The blow was aimed not at this Presi- dent, but SkX all Presidents; at every symbol of government. I'resident JfpKinley was as emphatically th» embodiment of the popular will of the nation, expressed through the forms of law, as a Xew England town meeting is in similar fashion, the embodiment of the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be accepted as due to protest against 'inequalities in the social order,' save as the murder of all the freemen engaged) in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social' inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of 'social discontent,' than picking pockets or wife-beating. "The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the United States, is merely one J;ype of criminal more dangerous than any other, because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advocates anarchy, directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, I!KPUBIJCA.\ ( AMI'AJGN TEXT-HOOK. 271 nuikfs liiniself iiiorall.v acfpssory to murder before 1,he fact. The iuiiirchist is u I'riminal whose perverted instincts lend liim to prefer cqiifnsion aiul cluios to 1lie most beneficent tcinn of suciiil order. His (irolest of concern for working-men is ontrugeoLis in its ini- |judent falsity; for if the political institntioiis of this country do not a.fEord opportunity to every honest and intellig-ent son of toil, then the door of hojie is forever closed iiyainst him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one I'ed moment, to be succeeded for ages by the g-loomy night of despotism. "For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices 'his (Uictrines, we need not have one particle naore concern than for any ordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political injus- tice. Thers are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The cause of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in tlie evil conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure bj' others or by the State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing else. He is iiL no sense, in no shape or way, a 'product of social conditions,' save as a highwayman is "produced' by the fact that an unarmed man happens to have a pupse. It is a travesty upon the great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to, be involsed in such a cause. Ko man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the' murder of some specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and meetings are essentially sedi- tious and treasonable. ^ Kecommeudations to Congress. — "I earnestly recoiilmend to the Congress that in the exercige of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coining to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all govern dent and justi- fying the murder of those placed in authority, feuch individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the mtirder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime and -the law should insure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them should be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be prontptly deported to the country whence they came; and far-reaching provision should be made for the punish- ment of those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress. "The Federal eourts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the President or any man who, by tlie Constitution or by law, is in line of succession for the Presidency, while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be pro- portioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions. 272 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. y "Anai'cliy is a crime ag'ainst the whole human race; and all man- lhas vindicated itself. It can not be helped by eulogy or hurt by defamation; it has worked its own demonstration and presents in the sight of the whole world its matchless trophies. — Major McKinley, at Beatrice, Nebr., August 2, 1892. ^ So much for our duties, each to himself and each to his neigh- bor, within the limits of onr Own country. But our country, as it strides forward with ever-increasing rapidity to a foremost place among the world po-spers, must necessarily find, more and more, that it has world duties also. There are excellent people who believe that we can shirk these duties and. yet retain our self- respect; but these good people are in error. — The.odore Boosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. Without the habit of orderly obedience to the law, without the stem enforcement of the laws at the expense of those who .de- fiantly resist them, there can be no possible progress, moral or material, in civilization. There can be no weakening of the law- abiding spiirit at home if we are permanently to succeed; and just as little can we afford to show weakness abroad. Lawlessness and anarchy were put down in the Philippines as a prerequisite to inducing the reign of justice.— Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, lOOj. AMERICAN MERCHANT MARINE. BEPUBLICAN EFFOBTS TO KEVIVE IT REVIEWED. ■• Becommendations of the Presidents. — For twenty years every Republican President has earnestly recommended le^&lation to en- courage the American merchant marine in foreign trade — the only American industry which has not thus far had the benefit of effect- ive Kepublican legislation. (The domestic or coasting trade has been reserved for American vessels almost from the beginning of government.) President Arthur of New York, in his annual message, Decem- ber 4, ISSe, scid: "The Secretary of the Navy forcibly depicts the intimate connec- tion and interdependence of the Navy and the commercial marine, and invitee .attention to the continued decadence of the latter, and the corresponding transfer of our growing commerce to foreign bot- toms. This shbject is one of the utmost importance to the national welfare. Methods of reviving American shipbuilding and restoring the United States flag in the ocean-carrying trade should receive the immediate attention of Congress. We have mechanical skill and abundant material for the manufacture of modem iron steam- ships in fair competition with our commercial rivals. Our disad- vantage in building ships is the greater cost of labor, and in sailing them hig-her taxes and greater interest on capital, while the ocean highways are already monojiolized bj' our formidable competitors. These obstacles should, in some way, be overcome, and for our rapid communication with foreign lands we should not continue to depend wholly upon vessels built in the yards of other countries and sailing under foreign flags." President Harrison of Indiana, in his annual message, Decern- ' ber 3, 1889, sa;d: "There is nothing more justly humiliating to the national pride and nothing more hurtful to the national prosperity than the in- , feriority of our merchant marine compared with that of other nations, whose general resources,- wealth, and sgacoast lines do not suggest any reason for their supremacy on the sea. Itjwas -not al- ways so, and our poujilc are agreed, I think, that it shall not con- tinue to be so. * "'" > Tliat the great steamship lines sailing under ihe flaqs nf lCiit;land, France, Germany, Spain, and Italy, and engaged in foreign conuiierce, were promoted and have since been aso REPUBLICAK CAMPAKiN TEXT-BOOK. 281 and now are liberally aided by grants of public money in one form or another, is generally known. That the American lines of steam- ships have been abandoned by ns to an unequal contest with the aided lines of other nations until they have been withdrawn, or in the few cases where they are still maintained, are subject to serious disadvantages, is matter of common knowledge. « * * * * « * "I recommend that such appropriations be made for ocean mall service in American steamships between our ports and those of Central and South Amigrica, China, Japan, and the important islands in both of the great oceans as will be liberally remunerative for the service rendered, and as will ehcourage the establishment, and in some fair degree equalize the chances of American steamship lines in the competition which they must meet. Thait the Ameri- can States lying south of us> will cordially cooperate in establish- ing and maintaining such lines of steamships to their principal ports I do not doubt. * « * vt » * « "I am an advocate of economy in our national expenditures, but it is a misuse of tenns to make this word describe a policy that withholds an expenditure for the purpose of extending our foreign commerce. The enlargement and improvement of our merchant . marine, the development of a, sufficient body of trained American seamen, the promotion kf rapid and regular mail communication between the jjorts of other countries and our own, and the adapta- tion of large and swift American merchant steamships to naval uses in time of war are public purposes of the highest' concern. The enlarged participation of our people in the carrying trade, ■^he new and increased markets that will be opened for the products of our farms and factories, and the fuller apd better emplo} ment of our mechanic* which will result from a liberal promotion of our foreign comnicrc^ insure the widest possible ditfusion of benefit to all the States and to ail our people." President jNlcKinley oj' Ohio, in his annual messag'e, December 5, 1899, said: "The value of an American merchant marine to the extension of (5ur commercial trade and the strengthening of our power upon the sea invites the immediate action of the Congress. Our national development will be one-sided and unsatisfactory so long as the remarkable growth of our inland industries remain unaccom- panied by progress on the seas. There is no lack of constitutional authority for legislation which shall give to the country maritime strength commensurate with its industrial achievements and with its rank among the nations of the earth. 282 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. "Last year American vessels transported u. Bma,ller share of our exports and imports than during any former year in all our his- tory, and the measure of our, dependence \ipon foreign shipping was painfully manifested to our- people. Without any choice of our' own, but from 'necessity, tlie Departments of the Government charged with military and naval' opera^tions in the EJast and West Indies had to obtain from foreign flags merchant vessels essential for those operations. "The other grpat nations have not hesitated to adopt the required means to develop their shipping as a factor in^ national defense, and as one erf the surest and speediest means of obtaining for their producers a share in foreign markets. Like vigilance and efEort on our i^art can not fail to improve our situation, which is regarded with humiliation at home and with surprise abroad. Even the seeming sacrifices, which at the beginning may be involved, will be offset later by more than equivalent gains. "The expense is. as nothing compared to the advantage to be achieved. The reestablishment of our merchant marine invohes, in a large measure, our continued industrial progress and the ex- tension of our commercial triumphs. I am satisfied the judgment of tlie country favors the policy of aid to our merchant marine, which will broaden our commerce and markets and upbuild our sea-carrying capacity for the prdducts of g,griculture and manu- facture; which, with the increase .of our, Navy, mean more work and wages to our countrymen, as well as a safeguard to American interests in every part of the world." In his last speech at Buffalo, on September 8, 1901, President Mc- Kinley said: • >^ "One of the needs of the times are direct commerciah lines from our vast fields of produetion to the fields of consumption that we . have but bttrely touched. Next in advantage to Jiaviiig the thing I to sell is t(i have tjie conveyance to caiiv it to the buyer. We must encourage our mercliant marine. We must liave mdre ships. Thev must be under the American flag, built and njanned and owned liy Americans. Thesa will not only be profitable in a couunereiul sense; they will be messengers of peace and amity wherever they go." President Roosevelt of New York," in his annual message, De- cember 3, .1901, said: "The condition of the American merchant marine is such as tu call for immediate remedial action by the Congress. It is discredit- ahlc 1o lis as a nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in comiiarison to that of other nations which we over- top in other forms of business. We should not lon^-er submit to ionilil-i(Uis under which only a trifling portion of our great com- Ki:i'(KLICAN' CAMPAIC.N TK XT- BOOK. 2s:: raerce is farricd in our ciwn shi[js. To remedy this state of thing> would not merely serve to build up our sliijjping- interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are interested in the perma- nent establishment of a wjder market for American products, and would provide an auxiliary force for the Navy. Ships work for their own countries, just as railroads work for their terminal points. Shipping lines, if established to the pvincipiil countries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commercial benefit. Prom every standpoint it is unwise for the United States to Continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the distribution of our goods. It should be made advantageous to carry American goods in American-built ships. "" "At present American shipping is under, certain great disad- vantages when put in conapetition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the fast foieigrn steamships at a speed of 14 knots or above are subsidized, and all our ships — sailing ves- sels and steamers alike, cargo-carriers of slow speed and mail car- riers of high speed — have to ipeet the fact that the original cost of building American ships is gteater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers and seamen are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign competing coun- tries, and that tlie standard of liviilg on our ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial rivals. "Our Government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities. The American merchant marine should be restored to the odean." Decline in the Carrying Trade T^e following table shows for the year of each President's message quoted: First. The decline in the percentage of exports and imports carried by American vessels; second, the decline in American tonnage in foreign trade; third, the increase in American' tonnage in the pi-otected coasting trade: Year. lSi2 I SHU ISWI 18U1 Foreign trade. ^ rentage. Vessels. Tonnage. ],5.8 14.1! 8.9 8.2 2,0:-!9 1,5!)8 1,2m l,28(i ], 2.^9,492 9il2,lil9 8:i7,2'iil S7ll..iUi Domestic trade, tonnage. 2,795,77(1 8,211,41.5 8,965,813 4,582,645 England, France, riernianj, Spain, Italy, and other nations are still aiding their great steamship lines. The following table shows 284 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. the mail subsidies, the general bounties, and the total, $27,670,160 paid by the principal European nations and Japan during 1900-1901: Country. Austria^Hunj^ary. Denmark France Germany Great Britain Italy Japan Netherlands Norway Portugal BuBsia J — Spain. S-weden Total 19,904,778 81,28850] 82,455 5,019,703 1,825,651 4374,243 1,757,812 2,865331 367,468 48338 6830O 1,629,927 General. J656,270 8,623,720 1^61,689 76,465 1,595,701 7,765382 Total. $1,944,471 82455 1325,651' 6,686,612 2319^1 2,942,296 187,568 68300 1,595,701 1329*27 81349 27,1)70,160 The ocean mails oi England, France, and German}- are carried almost exclusively in their own fast mail steamers, which are auxiliary cruisers of their .respective navies, manned by naval re- serves. Purpose of the Ship Subsidy Bill. — The purpose of the ship subsidy bill (Senate bill 1348) passed by the Senate, and its re- sults, if enacted, will be within ten years to establish the maritime supremacy of the United States in the trade on the Paoiiic with Asia and the Philippines, and on the Atlantic in the trade of the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbeaji Sea; to establish on a secure basis the trade between the United States and the Republics of South America, and to give the United States a respectable represemtation in the trade of the North Atlantic. Incidentally it will give to the United States an auxiliary navy second only to Great Britain's; an ocean mail service superioi* to that of Great Britain, Prance, or Ger- piany in all respects — except for a few years more possibly the service between New York and England and the North Sea ports. It will so extend shipbuilding as to transfer in time, certainly from. Germany, and possibly from Great Britain, to the United States, the center of that industry as the centers of other indiistries re- cently have been transferred. Finall;s', it will give to the United States a measure of maritime independence corresponding to our industrial and agricultural independence. This object and these results are perfectly well understood abroad andaiford the reason why the measure is regarded with undisguised apprehension and hostility by the shijiping interests of Europe. General Provisions of the Bill. — The ship subsidy bill is divided into three parts: I. Ocean mail steamers; II. General subsidy; III. Deep-sea fisheries. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 285 I. Ocean mail steamers. — In iSoi Congress passed and Presideni Harrison approved an act to establish an American ocean mail sys- tem similar to that of foreig'u nations. Ten years" experience have shown the success of the bill in some respects; its failures in others. That act gavi; us four fast auxiliary cruisers, which were of great service in the war with Spain — the Hiirrard, Yale, St. Lovis, and St. Paul, of the American line. Under the act of 1891 American mail lines to Brazil, Argentina, China, and Japan were attempted, but soon abandoned, as British mail lines had nearly equal or higher subsidies, cheaper crews, and cheaper steamers, so competition was impracticable. The subsidy bill corrects the miscalculations in the act of 1891. It increases mail pay where experience has shown higher pay is necessary to establish and maintain American lines, and reduces it where the rates of 1891 are not now needed. It does not increase pay to existing steamers under existing con- tracts, which must be fulfilled to expiration in 1^05, 1909, 1910, and M913. Its object is the establishment of new ocean mail routes or expansion of existing routes Jjust as the mail service ashore is in- creased. Favoritism is impossible, as mail contracts are awarded to the lowest responsible bidder. Before the bill costs the Gov- ernment a dollar new mail steamers must be built in American yards, involving the expenditure of millions for American labor in shipyards, and in other manufacturing, mining, and lumber indus- tries, which contribute toward the building of a ship. WJien in full operation about four years hence the American ocean mail system proposed vidll equal or surpass the British ocean mail system, and at not much greater cost. Following are the de- tails of the two systems: American (Proposed). ATIiANTIO OOBAN. 1. Semlweekly to Jamaica. . . 2. Semlweekly to Habana. . . 1 5. Weekly to Mexico J 4. Semlweekly to South- ampton B. Once In 10 days to Vene- zuela 6. Fortnightly to Brazil Ill23,5ti9 208,580 i,71S,8«8 81,288 248,100 Atlantic total 2366,400 PACIFIC OOKAN. 7. Weekly to Manila 8. Weekly to Japan, China, ' Hongkong 9. Weekly to Hawaii 10. Fortnightly to Pago Pago 11. Fortnightly to Australia. . 81,901,952 488,000 Pacific total. Qraudlotul.. 2,334,962 4,700,362 British (In Operation). ATLANTIC OOBAN. 1. Semlweekly to New York. 2. Weekly to South Africa . . 3. Fortnightly to West Indies and South A m erica 4. Fortnightly to Brazil 5. Fortnightly to Chile 6. Dally Dover-Calais 9488328 466340 388300 41321 86444 121300 Atlantic total 1382328 PACIFIC OCBAN. 7. Weekly to Australia 8. Weekly to British India ... •) 9. Fortnightly to Hongkong >• and Shanghai ) 10. Once to 8 weeks, Canada- Hongkong 8826,200 1,287,900 291,600 Paclflo total Admiralty subventions Qraud lotal JS8,946 286 liEPriiLlCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Foreign Lines Control Atlantic Trade. — Foreigii steamship lines have acquired almost absolute control of the Atlantic trade. The Pacific trad.e is not yet developed, and foreign steamers lium Eu- rope pay Suez Canal tolls. These facts are considered in proposed American expenditures. The expense is partly offset by receipts from ocean postage. At present the American system is conducted mainly with foreign auxiliary cruisers at a profit of about $900,000 annually, the British at a loss of about $:;, 000,000. By her expenditure on British steam- ers only, England lias secured a fleet of fifty fast auxiliary cruisers. By the expenditure proposed, the United States, instead of paying $575,000 to foreign auxiliai-j' cruisers', will secure a fleet of forty-two American auxiliary cruisers at a net loss to the revenues of only about $1,800,0()0. II. General subsidy. — The second title of the bill places American shipping in foi'eign trade on terms of equality in eompetitiotj with British and German shipping, ,i Ocean steamers are built more cheaply in Great Britain than in the United States. The Boston Steamship Company (Alfred ^Vinsor, of Boston, president), in 1900, built two cargo vessels, for which bids were tendered liv American and British builders. The At- lantic Transport Company (B. N. Baker, of Baltimore, president), is now building six slt^aiuers in the United States from plans similar to those of its steamers recently built or building at Belfast, Ire- land., The eight steamers lange in speed from 10 to 16 knots, apd in size from 3,750 gri)ss tons lo about 13,000 gross tons, aggre- gating 70,000 gross tons. The price of the eight American-built steamers will be $7,169,600; the price of the eight corresponding Briiish-built steamers, $5,307,440. The, average price per gross ton uE tlie .Vmerlcau-built steamers is thus $103.40, and of the, British- built steamers $75.80, a difference in first co,st of $26.60 per gross registered ton. The principal reason, in addition to higher wages of labor, for the higher cost of American-built than British-built ocean steamers was thus explained to the Society of Naval Architects and Marine Engineers by Mr. Lewis Nixon, the shipbuilder, recently leader of Tammany Hall, and member of the Democratic Advisory Campaign Committee : "When A\e are in such a position that we can build several hun- dred merchant ships a year we will then have the demand which will enable us to so arrange the building of" merchant ships that we can build with reasonable economy, and I have no doubt in the world that by that time we shall be able, not only to meet the price of the foreigner, but to come under it. * * • Until we have that demand, and we can not get it without approjiriate legislation, up: PUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TKXT-IIOOK. 287 It IS absolutely impossible to build merchant, ships* here as clieaply as they can be built abroad. ' , Extension of Foreign Shipping.— In 1900 Cvp-.yi Britain built three hundred and forty ocean steamers of 1,327,079 tons; at the beginning- of 1901 Germany was building eighty-nine ocean steamers of 411,389 tons, while during the fiscal year 1901, the United States built only nineteen ocean steamers, of 82,799 tons, chiefly for the protected coasting trade. \ The wages paid on American steamlprs are much hig-her than on British steamers, and double those on German steamers. Based on an exajnination of the monthly pay rolls of tnenty ocean steam- ers in foreign trade, ra,riging fTom small cargo steamers to the highest types of trans-Atlantic mail' steamers, the total monthly pay roll of 1,508 men of all ratings on American steamers is $56,116; 9* 1,504 men on British steamers is $39,202, aiul of 1,507 men on Ger- man and Scandinavian steamers is $27,047. The average monthly pay is thus: American, $37.21; British, $20.07; German aVid Scan- dinavian,' $17.95. The following table shows the gross tonnage, length in feet, in- dicated horsejjKwer (I. H. P.) total crew, and total monthly pay roll (taken from the written contract) of three of the best known trans- Atlantic mail steamers: jVessels. Gross. Length. I. H. P. Crew. Wages. 11,629' 17374 14,849 535 685 027 « 20,100 28,000 80,000 880 427 600 $11,306 Oceanic fBrltish) 9,891 Kaiser Wllbelni der (jvosse (Ciermau) . . . 7,716 Wot a Naked Bojinty. — The general subsidy, proposed by th? shipping bill — one cent per gross ton per 100 nautical miles^ — is carefully calculated to offset the difference in the cost of building ships in the United States and Great Britain and the difference in wages on American and foreign vessels. This subsidy is not a naked bounty. It is payable only on condition that the shipowners perform Specific services for the Government. Ist. "The owner of any vessel before receiving compensation pur- suant to this title, shall agree in writing that said vessel may be taken or employed and used by the United State^ for the national defense or for any public purpose at any time" at a fair valuation. (Section 11-) * 2d. The vessels must carry United'States mails free of charge whenever required to do so. (Section 9.) 3d. The owner must earrj- and train in seamanship a certain per- centage of American boys ou each voyage. (Section 10.) ass REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGIM "teXT-BOOK. 4tli. At least one-fourth of the crew must be Americaus. (Sec- tion 7.) 5th. The vessel ban not- be sold to a foreigner except by consent of the Secretary of the Treasury. (Section 14.) 6th. The vessel must be insurable as an Al vessel. If all the American vessels in foreign trade in 1900 had coitiplied with all these requirements, the total new expenditure computed by actual voyag-es and divided according to oceans would have been: Atlantic. , Paciflc. Num- ber. Gross tons. Subsidy. Num- ber. Oross tons. Subsidy^ KLeam . . 62 97 537 696 Ul,049 66,227 231,298 8259,692 85,607 98,483 67 125 98 132^59 156,222 47,495 • f299fl06 Sail: • ■ Square rigged Schooners 130(038 88,028 Total 408,574 443,782 290 &35,676 467fl72 .Sfiuare-rlggerl ships : Atlantic and Pacific 45 77,838 161,241 .1,. 1(031 822488 1(072^95 1 The mail pay received by these vessels was $21.3,000, which must be surrendered ior the subsidy. Compliance with other conditions would have fixed actual new expenditures for the current year at about $650,000. Yet it has been charged that the bill involves $9,000,000 a year! An addition in one year of 40,000 tons of sail vessels to our fleet in foreign trade, involving subsidies of $100,000, would be phenom- enal. The completiob in one year of 200,000 tons of ocean steam- ers, exclusively for the foreign trade (omitting mail steamers pro- vided for in Title I), involving subsidies of $1,300,000, would put the United States as a shipbuilding nation in advance of Germany. It would mean almost continuous work on about 400,000 tons of steel steamers for foreign trade, and the output of about $20,000,000 in wages paid in shipyards for about two jears to American labor, which has thus far had only small opportunitj' to build steam- ers to compete for the world's carrying trade. Deep-Sea Fisheries. — Washington, in 1792, signed a bill to give bounties to American deep-sea fisheries, and these bounties were continued until beyond the time of Lincoln — in 1866, with a brief intermission from 1807 to 1813. Jefferson and the fathers of De- mocracy approved stieh bounties. In 187S, by the Halifax award, the United States was required to pay to England $5,500,000 for alleged damages by American fishermen visiting British North America for bait. The interest on this award, $160,000, has since REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 289 been expended annually in bounties to Canadian fishermen. Amer- ican fishermen are required to pay about $8,000 yearly for Canadian licenses. The bill proposes an annual expenditure of abnnt $175,000 for American fishermen to offset Canadian bounties and license lees. Before the recent purchase of a large number of British steamers by J. P. MoTgran and other Americans was formally completed, Senator Foraker of Ohio, on March 14, explained to the Senate its relations t.o the American merchant marine, as follo\vs: "The lines said to be purchased are the White Star, the American Line to Southampton, the Red Star Line to Antwerp, the Leyhand Line to Liverpool, the Atlantic Transport Line to London, the Dominion to Liverpool and London, and the MediterrMuean from Boston.^ » • • * « * « "So far as those lines are concerned every one of them is a for- eigTi line except the American Line, and every ship in those lines is foreigTi built and has been heretofore a foreign-owne^ ship, and is now a f oreig-n-built ship but American owned. That being the case, this bill can not, if it becomes a law, be of the slightest benefit to the owners of these lines. * * « » * « » "What does it signify that Mr. Morgan and his associates have bought the Leyland Line, and that they ,have also recently bought these othat lines, as has been stated? What is the significance of it? It has an impressive lesson for us. It has been referred to here in this Chamber in the course of this debate as though some great crime had been committed. Mr. Ptesident, I will not say a great crime, but I will say a great offense has been committed; but it has, not been committed by the men who purchased these lines. It has been committed — and it is putting it not too strongly ^for me to say it — it has been committed by the Congress of the United States, and, in large part, here In this Chamber. * ' » W * * -K- « "The Congress of the United States, year after year for twenty years now, having this matter almost constantly under considera- tion, has failed- to come to the rescue of this great industry. As a result of it all, men who can no longer do without ships — men who would want to invest their capital in ships of American build and have the American flag float over them — are driven, in oi'der that they may conserve the great business interests with which they are identified, to go abrqiad and spend their millions in mak- ing purchases of steamship lines from the British, instead of spend- ing their millions in the shipyards of ithe United States. That is the whole of it. Who suffers; or, rather, who does not suffer? 19 290 KI':['i;i!LICA.\ CAMPAIGM TKX'1-UOUK. - "Mr. President, I say that the only offense that has been coni- , ratted has been committed by this body — I mean by the Congress of the United States — and that is an offense agaitist every shipyard in this country, against the mechanics' of this country, aga-inst ' the farmers of this country, agrainst the who'le people of this coun- try, who are interested not only in a business point of view but in a patriotic sense in seeing our merchant marine restored. "I do not know what purchaseis Mr. Morgan has made beyond the Leyland Inne, but I do, know that I am not at sll surprised to hear that he has made'that purchase, and that he has probably fliade the other purchases which have been referred to. It is just what should have been expecte4^_ If we had not protected' our industries, established and developed them here Under a protective- tarifP policy, we would not have had. them ^ere; they would have been across the water. And just so it is, that so long as you refuse to make it safe and profitable to invest capital in an American merchant marine, so long shall we not ISave one, and our capital will be invested, as it has been in this instance, in the purchase of lines (that belong to foreigners." To Maintain American Standard of WAgres. — ^To the higher wages enjoyed by labor in th^ United States than lis paid to labor in other countries, and to the lack of protection to American ships ' in the foreigTi tr'ade, are due tjie present unsatisfactory condition I of American shipping in foreign trade. If American .labor could be as cheaply employed in the building, officering, and man- ning of ships as foreign labor is employed, American ships would undoubtedly do the bulk of our , foreign carrying. Or, if capital invested in the higher-priced American ships manned b}' higher- priced" American labor, were, protected against the unequal com- petition, of foreign ships, as other American industries' which are subjected to the competition of cheapter-paid foreign labor are pro- tected, American ships Vould to-day be doing the larger jiart of our* foreign carrying. The Republican party, therefore, in repeatedly pledging itself to restore to American shipping a fair share of the carrying of our foreign commerce, seeks to maijntain the American standard of wages and of living for the labor employed in the building and. operation of the ships engaged in our foreign carrying. Seventy-five years ago over 90, per cent of our foreign commeroe was carried in Amei-ican vessels, while to-day less- than 10 per cent is so carried. American ships, scosting 25 per cent more to build than it costs to build foreign ships, and costing 30 per cent more to operate than it costs to operate foreigji ships, aro unable to profitably compete with foreign ships without protection. In KEPUBLICAiN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 291 addition, many of the foreign ships engaged in carrying American foreign comniei'cc enjoy iarg-e .subsidies and other grants from tlieir go\ernmei)ls. In order to meet these conditions Measures ha\e been introduced iji Cung-ress designed to place American ships ih our foreign cariying trade npori terms of equality with foreign ships by tlie jiayrneut of sufficient subsidies to the former to off- Set the ad\crsc conditions of high-priced American labor in the shipyards and on board the ships. Unless this i? done, capital seeking investment in ships will be placed in \essels built abroad and operated by foreigners more cheaply than would be possible under the American flag. To pLe\eut this, our Uovernment must make good to the investor the dilference in the cost of construction and operation, and in the subsidies, subventions, mail pay, construction and navigation bounties, and other aids extended to their ships by other gov- erumenls. There arc several reasons why other nations extend aid to their merchant ships, the chief one being the usefulness of the ships and their men as au.xiliaries to the military arm of the govern- ments in time of war. Our foreign commerce, therefoife, contributes to the building of the ships and the education and employment of their officers and men. In other words, our neglect of our own ship- ping helps to build up and sustain a semimilitaiy possession of our rivals, a possession that strengthens our rivals while pei-petuatiug our own weakness, a possession that may possibly be turned against us in war. Prom an economic point of view it is desirable that the larger portion of our foreign commerce shall be carried by ships built in tlie United States, owned and operated by our own citizens, in order that the money now paid to foreigners may be used in,, employing American labor. It is also desirable that our vast export trade should not depend upon alien ships for its transpor- tation, because of the ever-possijple contingency of foreign wars which might cause the instant withdrawal of the greater part of the foreign shipping upon which we now depend for the exporta- tion of our surplus products. Without the means for marketing our exports our wharves and warehouses would / be filled with these products, in ttu-n causing a curtailment in production, loss of employment and widespread industrial stagnation. About 5,000,000 tonp of ships are now engaged in carrying our imports and exports, about 800,000 tons of which are of American construction, and these latter ships carry less than 10 per cent of our entire foreign commerce. Foreign ships receive, it is care- fully estimated, $176,000,000 annually in freights upon our exports 89S BEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. and imports, and this vast sum of money is annually taken out of the country for the enrichment of foreigTiers, while American laTwr is deprived of the employment represented in the annual ejrpenrli- ture of that enormous sum. To keep up the shipping: bow eng-apfed in our foreign carrying requires the annual construction of 250,000 tons of new vessels. The census report on shipbuilding show^s that during the ten years ending with 1900, a total of only 206,771 tons of ships -nere built for our foreign trade — not enough in ten years to supply the needs of even one yeart "At the rate of construction (in American shipyards for the foreign trade) in 1900," says the census report in question, "one hundred and seventy-two years would elapse before enough tonnage would be built for the present needs, of our foreign trade." Kepublican Eemedy. — This is the condition that the Republican party is pledged to remedy by extending to our ships upon the sea and in competition with the cheaper-built, cheaper-operated, sub- sidized and bountied shipping of other countries, the same meas- ^ ure of protectioii that our laws now accord to other American in- dustries that are in competition \yith foreigTi labor. The bill now pending in Congress merely provides, as to American mail carry- ing steamships, subsidies sufficient to offset the cheaper cost of constructing and manning and of subsidizing their foreign rivals, while as to the cargo-carrying vessels provision is made to com- pensate them sufficiently to equalize their higher cost of construc- tion and operation with higher-priced American, labor. All state- ments to the contrary, that is all that the pending bill is intended to accomplish,, or that it will accomplish, if passed in its present form. ( Free traders, on the other hand, suggest as a remedy for the present condition of American shijyping in the foreign trade the repeal of the act passed In 1792, which denies American registry to foreign-built ships — what is called "free ships," and which means the free admission of foreign-built ships to American registry. Because of the higher wages paid to American labor in the mines where the materials used in shipbtulding are produced; because of the higher wages paid, to American labor in the mills where these materials are manufactured into the shapes required in ship- building; because of the higher wages paid to American labor in the shipyards, and because of the higher wages paid to American labor employed on board the ships, American free traders would have foreign-built ships admitted to American registry; they would permit aliens to command, officer and man them, and they would reduce the schedule of provisions provided by our laws to the level of the inferior and inadequate food scales required on ships REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK.. 293 I under other flag's, It will be seen that this sug-gestion is whoH\' in the interest of alien builders, officers, and seamen, and is one that would strike a blow at American labor in every branch that contributes to the buUding and operation of ships. On the other hand, even if foreign-built ships \\ ere admitted, to American registi-y their owners woiald decline to avail themselves of the privilege, tor the reason that they can be operated so much cheaper unfler foreign iiags'. Thus we see American capital being invested in ships built abroad, managed, officered, and manned b^\ aliens) because the foreign labor is cheaper than the American labor, and to profitably operate his ships in competition with hih foteign rival the Amerioan owner must be under conditions as ad- vantageous as his rival in every respect. To subject themselves to the higher cost of operating their ships under the American flag, with the higher pay demanded and obtaiued by the ofQcers and crews, and the larger quantity and better quality of food re- . quired by our laws, would make it impossible for them, to profitably operate their ships in competition with foreign ships. The whole question, theieiore, is one affecting American labor — and that only. American capital can find safe and profitable in- vestment in foreign shii.a, under foreign flags, managed, officered, and manned by aliens. If higher-paid American labor is to bmld the ships employed in our foreign carrying, the Government will have to make such ships as saf,e and profitable an investment as foreign-built ships now are. If American officers and men are to man these ships their owners must be compensated for the higher wages they ai-e paid- and the larger quantity and better quality of food th^y receive. The Government's interest in making good the higher wages paid in American shipyards and on board American /ships, -as compared with the wages in foreign shipyards and on foreign ships, will be in the resource of defense that will become a great and invaluable auxiliary military arm of the Government, a\ ailable in time of war. If the subsidy is paid it passes through the hands of the ship- owner into the hands of American labor. If it is not paid, capital will continue to eniploy the cheaper-built and cheaper-operated foreign ships. The subsidy is necessary to the maintenance of the higher American standard of wages and of living. It means no more as to profits to the sliijoowuer with the subsidy than he now enjoNS in employing foreign-built and foreign-operated ships without the subsidy. The shipping question is one of benefiting American labor in competition with foreign labor, and the Ke- publican party stands pleilgrcl to solve that question in a manner that shall in no degree impair the high standard of Ajuericui THE FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. Af DISTINCTIVELY BUSINESS CONGRESS— APPROPBIA- TIONS FOB THE GOVERNMENT SERVi6e AMPLE, ECONOMICAL, AND. CAREFULLY CONSIDERED. I'lie work of the Fifty-seventh Congress in its first session was i-o\ie\\ed by Itepresentative Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois, on the last day of that session. Mr. Cannon is chairman of the Conimi1> Ue on Appropriations in the House, find has held that position for many years. He is the best authority in the country on questions relating' to the expenditures of the Government, so acknowledged Ijy Democrats as \\ ell as by Kepublicans. Ko better autlioritutive i^tatement ofi the work of the Fifty-seventh Congress can be gi\en in the Text-Book than that of Mr. Cannon. Mr. Cannon said: ■'.Mr. Speakeb: We Jiave novi^ under consideration the final action touching the last of the general appropriation bills for this session, and with the consent of the House I will take advantage of tlie miporluiuty presented to offer a few remarks respecting tJie work I hat has been accomplished, with special reference to appropria- tions. "This has been distinctively a. business session of Congress. Jt closes with more important legislation to its credit. than any ses- sion of Congress for several decades. It has passed more public acts and more private acts than any Congress that ever assembled in the history of the Kepublic. And if I may be permitted the re- mark, one of the claims upon which it merits popular distinction is the legislation which, after mature consideration, it has seen fit not to enact. Notable among the important enactments wliich it lias passed are — "An act to lepeal war-revenue taxation; "An act providing for the construction of aai isthmian canal; "An act continuing in foi'ce the laws heretofore passed for the exclusion of Chinese laborers; "An act making oleomargarine and other imitation dairy proU- 1 lilts subject to the la^vs of any State or Territory into which they are transported and imposing a revenue tax thereon; i "An act providijig a civil government for the Philippines; "An act to provide revenue for the Philippines; ''An act to pron^ote the efficiency of the Eevenne-Cntter Service; "An act providing' for the extension of charters of national banks; "An act appropriating receipts friun sales ot public lands to the construction ol irrigation works foi' the reckunation of arid lands; 294 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 295 "An act to provide for a permanent Census Office; "An act for the relief of owpqrs of property taken by the militaty forces of the United States; and "An act for the relief of bona fide s#ttlers in forest reserves. "In addition to these separate acts, important and beneficial leg- islation is contained in several of the general appropi-iation acts; for example, in the Post-Oflice act are provisions for the permaueiil orgaiiiKation and effective administration of the rural free-delivery service. "The Appropriations. — The appropriations of the session, in my judg-ment, coinijare favorably with those made at any previous ses- sion of Congress, and in their every detail they vnll stajid success- fully the test of the most searching- examination by fair-minded and intelligent men who believe in wise, prudent, and sufficient pio- visiou for every proper function of government of our great, grow- ing, and progressive country. "Before entering upon a detailed discussion of the subject of ap- 1 propriations made at this session, I want to call attention to the fact that, in accordance with the promises of the Republican party, and because of the sufficienc3' of our revenues from normal sources under a, wise and prudent Administration, we have Removed prac- tically the last of the taxes imposed for the prosecution of the war with Spain and for the resultant expenses incident thereto. "It is estimated that, under the legislation enacted at this ses- sion, taxes have been repealed aggregating $72,500,000 per annum — a larger reduction of taxes than was ever before made at any ses- sion of Cougiess. This appreciable relief in the burden of taxes is additional to the reduction of $41,000,000 made at the last session of Congress, which closed on March 4, 1901. "I will priiit as a part of my remarks a table giving a chronolog- ical history of the appropriation bills passed at this session. An analysis of this table shows that the total estimated expenditures forecast by the lixecutive Departments aggregated $776,348,318.47; that the total appropriations made, exclusive of $50,130,000 toward an Isthmian Canal, aggregate $750,063,837. The table also gives a succinct history of all of the bills in their various stages of enact- ment, from estimates as submitted therefor until their, final ap- proval by the l'r_psident. » "The great increase in population and the phenomenal expansion of commercial and industrial interests throughout the country are of themselves sufticient to explain the necessity of this apparent increase. But a casual exaniinatioij of the totals of llie regiilar ap- nronriation act.s in eomparisori with those passed at the last ses- Bi(i)i affords an e\en better esplanation. "The .'Agricultural bill, prepared and reported by the Committee a96 REPUBUICAN GAMPAlCiiS TEXT-BOOK. on Agxiculture, presided over by Hon. , James W. Wadsworth, ot New York, who has had many years of disting-uished service on that coinmitt'ee, both as a minority member and as chairman, provides for the expenditures of the lltpartment of Agriculture — a Depart- ment which represents and fosters the greatest of all our industries. Tliat bill Shows an increase of $620,540. "i'or the Army The Army appropriation bill shows a reduction of $24,203,912.69. This fact, in itself, is a. source of g'enuine satisfac- tion, and will meet the approval of the people. That bill has, been prepared and formulated by the Committee on Militaj-y AfEairs, un- der the able leadership of Hon. John A. T. Hull, of Iowa, a veteran soldier himself, accomplished in the science of war and familiar with all military matters. This agreeable result has been made possible by the wise administration of the War Department, the total number of men in tlie Army having been reduced since June 30 last from. 77,287 to 66,497 men. As Soon' as law and order are fully restored in the Philippines the Army will be furtheir reduced to the minimum provided by law, namely, 59,674 men. "The diplomatic and consular appropriation bill, prepared~Tinder the supervision of my honored colleague, Hon. K. R'. Hitt, of Illinois, whose ripe experience and comprehensive knowledge respecting our diplomatic service and the foreign relations of the Government are invaluable, exhibits an inci-ease of $108,496.93. "The District of Columbia bill shows an increase of only $45,257.03. In this connection it is proper to call attention to the fa^t that with the increasing needs and the- rapid development of the national capital it has been found necessary and proper to pass legislation imposing moderate taxes on personal property, which for many yeao^s has borne no tiurden of taxation whatever in the District of Columbia- "The fortification bill shows a reduction of $65,056. The very large expenditures made for our seacoast defenses in the period immediately preceding and during the war with Spain rendered it possible and proper that the recent and current appropriations for those objects should be held substajitially at what they were last year; and in my judgment they will require no material increase lor some years to come. "The Indian apprd|)riatlon bill, under the skillful management of my friend from New York, Hon. James S. Sherman, chairmaja of the Committee on Indian AfEairs, shows a creditable reduction of $()03,568.51, due mainly to the exclusion from' the bill of objects not directly connected with the Indian service. "The legislative, executive, and judicial bill shows an increase of , $803,412.65. This bill provides for the personal machinery of ad- ministering the Government through the Executive Depaxtments at REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Z'M Washing-ton. With the marRed growth in every branch of indus- try the Government at Washington mnst keep pace. The hirtrist increase for personal services, it is significant to note, occurs in tlie Post-Office Department and in the Patent Office. "The JWilitary Academy bill, prepared by the Committee on Mili- tary Affairs, shows an increase of $1,854,670.74. This is due chiefly not to an increase of scope or of ordinary expenses at the West Point institution, but to the necessity of reconstructing, enlarp-ing, and building additional structures that have Wecome imperatively necessary by the lapse of time and the increase in the number of cadets appointed under the law. "The Wavy — The naval bill shows an increase of $577,172.13. For many years following' the civil war the Navy was greatly neglected. Its reconstruction began about twenty years ago, under the Ad- ministration of President,.Arthnr. T^Tien the Spanish war came on, the weakness of this arm of our public defense y\as made pain- fully apparent to the people, and the Government was compelled" to go into the markets of the world to buy ships. "The bill just enacted was framed under the supervision of my friend and colleague from Illinois, Hon, George Edmund Foss, young, vigorous, and well equipped, who, in this as well as in the last Congress, has earned the country's praise for his intelligent and A\ell-directed efforts for the upbuilding of the Navy. The bill pro- vides for two first-class battle ships, two first-class armored cruisers, and two gunboats. It also makes ample appropriations to bes"in their construction and to continue the 'construction of the shijjs previously authorized. "The pension appropriation bill shows on its face a reduction of $5,403,000. This is not the result of efforts at sever^economy, nor is it a source of| congratulation. It emphasizes the fact that the only enemy before whom the American soldier retreats is the Grim Reaper himself, who is now rapidly decimating the ranks of the Union veterans of the war of the rebellion. "The post-office appropriation bill, compiled under the argus eye of Hon. Eugene F. Loud, the safe and conservative chairman of the Committee on the Post-OfBoe and Post-Roads, shows an unusual increase of $14,633,910. But it simply marks the growth and pros- perity of the country as evidenced through the operations of tlie Post-Office Department, which, under the Administrations of Presi- dent McKinley and of President Roosevelt, have been conducted with progressiveness, economy, and business-like methods. "No river and harbor bill was enacted by the last Congress — leaving- unprovided with orijfinal appropriations authorized k longer period than we have luul beloie in manj' years. The sum directly appropriated by the bill of this session amounts to $26,727,442,1 898 ■ REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. which, in itself, is a sheer increase ov^er the appropriations made at the last session, and more than ofEsets the increase of the total appropriations made by this session, exclusive of the sum for the Istliniian Canal. In addition to the appropriations directly made by the rixer and harbor bill, contracts are authorized iayolving- future appropriations by the nexf. session and future Congresses amounting to $38,338,160. "On this point it is not inappropriate to observe that under the present practice, which has proven wise, effective, and econom- ical, the contjnuing-contract system inaugurated in the Fifty-first Cbngi-ess under the guidance of Hon. Thomas J. Henderson, the:i and for many years previously m.j' colleagTae, and a most useful Rei)resentative from the State of Illinois, has been followed and api^lied by Congress to river and harbor and many other classes of public works, resulting in great economy iy expenditures as well as gi'eat expedition and dispatch in the consummation of public works. "The authorizations under this bill and those for public build- ings, together with the very large sum -(vhich has been authorized toward the construction of the Isthmian Canal, will require ap- propriations in great or large degi-ee for many years to come. They are not here treated as a part of the outVight appropriations, for the very sufHcient reason that when they are met hereafter they will be charged and carried, in the Congressional and Treasury statements, as appropriations. To consider them as outright ap- propriations noyv would biit duplicate the figures. "I may add that the distinguished cfiairman of the Committee on Rivers and Harbors, Hon. Theodore E. Burton, of Ohio, accom- plished and scholarly as ^^•e all know him to be, well metrits the confidence reposed in him by the House and the country for the zeal and discriminating earnestness with which he has superin- tended the labors of his committee at tliis and past sessions in the preparation of the great measures for public Improvements of na- tional necessity and importajice. "The sundry civil bill, the 'omnlum-giathereni' vehloJe which car- ries provision for every conceivable phase of the public expenditures of the National Government not specificallj' cared for in the other bills, shows a reduction of $1,1)70,549. OS below the amount carried by the, .-let of last year. Notwiihstanc^ing this appreciable reduction in the sum total, the bill carries many matters that are new for next, year, notabl}': •'Public Buildings. — For new puldic buildings, authorized at tWs session, to be constructed in \\\c chief cities and towns of theUniJed States, in order properly- to cure for the public service within their |)i-eeiucts, $4,99i,150. Ri:i>i;BlJCA.\ CAMI'AION TKXT-BOOK^ 299 , "It also prOvidi-s increased sums for many objects Unit have pe- ciilial- demands upon tte tatiou's bounty; for example: "The National Home, a.nd the'Homes in States, for Disabled Vol- unteel- Soldiers, are increased from $4,024,144 to $4,e73,b09, or ' $649,825. "X''pr artificial limbs for sOldierS; the appropriation is increased from $125,000 to $514,000, or $a89,000; and ' "Thfe appropriation tor providing- fbr simpte headstones tliat marlt the last Resting' places of the Soldier dead of the. Union has been doiitoled In this bill. "li'Or dteiieielieies an aggregate sum of $28,039,911.42 is apMW- priated, being an increase orer the deficiencies appropriated ror last year of $12,122,464.48. These deficiencies include sums for a variety of purposes tliat could hot be foreseen in order to be J)ro- \'ided for at thfe last session, and could not be avoided When they presented themselves during this sessioni Among them is included an item of $500,000 'for the proper shelter and protection of, offi- cers and enlisted meui of the Army of the Hnited States lawfully on dttt,) jn the Philippine Islands, to be expended in the discretion of th« I'fesidtot.' • , ' "On the occasion oi its consideration in the Heuse on January 24 last, a y«i-and-nay vote 'jvas demanded and taken. Every Demo-// crat, sa\e seven, recordefl himself in opposition; ^o Repufalican^ -Inember voted against it. It was on that occasion that the late Amos J.: Cummings, a Democratic member from New York, when taunted by his party colleagues and told to sit down, exclaimed: " 'When I refuse to vote to protect the lives of American soldiers, I hope i may be paralyzed.' , ' , "In addition to this appropriation, which was attended by sijeh dramatic scenes and utterances in the Hbuse, the several deficiency .bills carried niiusual amounts for many other objects that were eminently- proper, and which tiould not, in the patriotic performance of our duty, have been avoided by the majority in control of thia, Congress, liamelyf "For refunding to States moneys expeiaded in raising troops to jBUPPtess the wai- of the rebellion, and which were determined by • the' Supreme Court of the United States to be due and owing to the several States, amoimting- to $4,272,239.33. "For constructing the new branch of the National Home for Dis- abled Volunteer Soldiers in Tennessee, $350,080:. , I "For "iniscellaneous objects, including $1,668,117.57 for ]inytni'nti of claims that had been adjudicated i under findings Of the Coutt of Claims, and otherwise demonstrated to be fair ahd just, the S|(i3- ; propriations are $5;390,018.67 less than those made for simila.r ob- iectfi at the last session. In this connection I will meutiou the 300 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. i fact that among the other' miscellaneous acts of the session was one establishing a JSTational Sanitarium of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers^, at Hot Springs, in South Dakota, and appropriating therefor $170,000. "Permanent Annual Appropriations. — The permanent annual ap- propriations are diminished, according to the estimates of the Treasury Pepartment, $437,000. The whole sum carried as perma- nent annual appropriations, $123,921,320, includes $54,000,000 to meet the requirements of the sinking fund. "Por many years past the siirplus moneys in the Treasury have tu^n devoted, in the exercise of the discretion lodged in the Sec- rexary of the Treasury, to the extinguishment of the public debt to an extent far in excess of the requirements of the sinking fund, and vmder the law it is a mere matter of discretion with the Sec- retary how much shall be devoted to that purpose, depending chiefly as it does upon what surplus revenues are realized. Un- der these permanent appropriations is also included the sum of $27,500,000 for interest on the public debt. "It is not inappropriate here to advert to the faQt that the ex- penditures for the past two fiscal years, 1900 and 1901, show that during that period there has been applied to the sinking fund more than $113,000,000, a sum greater than the law actually requires, and which exceeds the whole amount applied to the extinguish- ment of the public debt during aJl of the nine fiscal years from 1891 to 1899, inclusive. "During the four years, of President Cleveland's last Adminis- tration, from 1893 to 1896, inclusive, only $13,400,047.98 was applied to the payment of the public debt, while during the same period that Administration issued bonds to the extent of $262,315,400 in order to raise money wherewith to pay current expenses and main- tain the public credit. "An Isthmian Canal. — The statement which I have submitted shows at the conclusion of the column of appropriations made at this session an appropriation of $50,130,000 for the isthmian canal. This sum, for manifest and, as I believe, satisfactory reasons, has not been included in the footing, nor have I talion it into consid- eration in any of the comparisons made with or deductions drawn from the appropriations of this or cither sessions of Congress, or in (¥)nnection with the questions of revenue or expenditures that I have adverted to. "The enterprise in itself is more than a national one. If success- fully prosecuted it will materially afiect'the commercial prosperity of the whole civilized world; but chiefly and in an immeasurable degiee our own country, from the standpoint of commercial su- premacy UB well as of public defense, will b« the gi-ea,test bene- REPUBUCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 301 ;ficiary. The project is one that is demanded by practically the ■whole body of ovir people, and in no sense is it a partisan measure. The appropriations and the contract authorizations embodied in this act are conditional and depend in large degree upon the exer- cise of the I'resident's discretion. "If the Panama route is not accepted by the President $40,000,000 of the whole sum appropriated will cease to be available, and no part of it will be expended. In that event only $10,130,000 will be expended under authority of the act, and its expenditure will doubt- less extend over several years, owing to the delays that will be in- evitable in the inauguration and prosecution of the actual work of construction. For these reasons I conceive it improbable that anyone would insist upon the use of these figures for purposes of pai'tisan comparison. "A further analysis of the table which I submit shows that the appropriations made in the regular annual bills, for ordinary ex- penses of the Government payable during the fiscal year 1903, ag- gregate $595,502,705.58, which, togethei; with the sums carried un- der permanent appropriations, and exclusive of the amount re- quired by the sinking fund, makes a total of $665,423,925.50. In the nature of things, and in the light of past experience, thi.s entire sum will never be expended, but will probably be reduced in the neighborhood of 10 per cent. The revenues of the Government, as now estimated, on the basis of the revenue-deduction legislation en- acted at this session, amount to $639,520,630. "The appropriations for 1899, includimg postal service and sink- ing fund, and the large sums required at the beginning of the war with Spain, amounted to $893,231,615:55, while the actual expendi- tures reached only $700,124,837.50, or $1*3,106,778.05 in sum total, and more than 31 Vz per cent, less than the appropriations. "Again, the appropirlatidjis for 1900, including postal service, sink^ ing-fund requirements, and appropriations incident to the war with Bpain, amounted to $674,981,022.29. The actual expenditures there^ under reached only $646,612,927.06, or $28,368,095.23 in sum total, and 4 1-10 per cent, less than the appropriation. vi •''Similarly, the appropriations for 1901, including postal service,^ sinking-fund requirements, and amounts incident to the war with Spain, amounted to $710,150,862.88, -while the totiU expenditures thereunder reached only $678,073,237.27, or $32,077,625.61 in sum total, and 4% per cent, less than the appropriations. "The figures I give with reference to appropriations and expendi- tures, and the disparity between them, are taken from the state- ments of appropriations made by Congress, and from reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, combining from the latter the 302 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TKXT-BOOK. arnounts stated as total expenditiires, amoimts applied to the' sink- ing fund, and anionnts paid from postal revenues. ,■ "It will be seen by these tig-nres that, applying the average per- centage of disparity for- the past three years between appropria- tions and expenditures actually incurred (and the actual per cent for 1903 will, I believe, be as great), the expenditures to be made under the appropriations of this sessiou will not exceed $600,000,000, or a sum approximating $40,000,000 less than the revenues which « e expect to derive under tjie revenue laws as revised by this Con- gress. Our soldiers carrying our flag in Luzoh will be supported by the people of the United States (continued applause), and hostilities will> stop in that distant island of the sea when the men who assaulted our flag and our soldiers shall lay down their arms. — President McKinley, at Cleveland, Ohio, October 18, 1899. We will fulfill in the Philippines the obligations im.posed by the triumphs of our Army and the treaty of peace by international law, by the nation's sense of honor, and more than all by the .rights, interests, and conditions of the Philippine people them- selves. — ^'resident McKinley to Notification Committee, July 12. 1900. We have not had any water cures in the South on the negroes, but one Senator said the'ofheV day something about the sand cure. I say, from my knowledge of the situation, that when we get ready to put a negro's head in the sand we put his body there, too. — Senator B. F. Tillman, in the United States Senate, May 7, 1903. The boys who carry our flag in that distant sea will be sus- tained by the American people. It is the flag of our faith and our purpose; it is the flag 6f our love. It represents the con- science of the country, and carries with it, wherever it goes, edu- cation, civilization, and liberty. And let those lower it who will!— President McKinley, at Evauston, 111., October 17, 1899. The Government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under ^'f air" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold it by proper inspection, extending, if necessary, to the subcontractors. The Government should for- bid all night work for women and children, as well as excessive overtime.— President Rooeevelt, in message to Congiess, December % 180X. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 3(« fe. s ^^^^3§S|^q^ t= = ?i Ml "'■et» a' CON cS c3 8; c5 t-'-ioicioiowot-' ^8S aaooS" Ot- «DCOO^'fl'»COQOOr-lO gg ^ ^' t^ IS ?S' a* i^'.S BHa, / \' Si,fSiRi^S,gg8iS- is. .51 b Ss "26 U e w ^ M u ■S a > |o» n « y B ^ Is 01 p,o gar 1^% ,&:a' St^ o t. it's "dSS « 00 _ III 'III-': '-'s to >) .„_ o ba o c3 "H >,> as Ss ^5 - Z ™ S 02 o ?, « ■fS^-sfl-SSM few*! go flia 33 o o aa So! O'fl [^0 01 OT;ajaJ3 304 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOS^. <0 O q Oca cooo i!? Si 88 'ui u5 m CO o OSQO cooo o:doo I^ COOQ 00 -O "* 2 En go a S; Qj ra rt . 0< Q 3 O eg S « DD 3 e6 is^ 5 CO ^i Gg a CS S •2 7- a Hi 3*o Ceo S 5- p. O^ 58 d > s ;3'3 -iloilgliS cSoS^cSSSa oSaO^§8.o^-. «s22S»assi WORK OF CONGRESS. LEGISLATION OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE FIFTY- SEVENTH CONGRESS. The Fifty-Seventh Congress convened on December 2, 1901, and elected Hon. David B. Henderson, of Iowa, its Speaker, and the Jlon. Alexander McDowell, of Pennsylvania, its Clerk. Political Divisions — On the date of assembling, the House was divided politically;- as follows: Uepublicans 193 Democrats , ^ ] .j3 Populists 4 Silver 1 Vacant 1 Total ;;.i7 You may try the system of protection by any test you will, I care not what it is, and it meets every emergency, it answers every demand. More than that, it has not been against the Government, either in peace or in war. — Major McKinley, at Niles, Ohio, August 22, 1891. Yet more and more it is evident that the State, and, if neces- sary, the nation, has got to possess the right of supervision and control as regards the great corporations which are its creatures; particularly as regards the great business combinations which derive a portion of their importance from the existence of some monopolistic tendency. — Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minne- apolis, September 2, 1901. Not only must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so' far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so de- pressed that' they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with iJhis end in view, to reenact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective. — President Roosevelt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1901. 2U 305 306 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Divided as follows at the close ol the first session: states. Repub- lican. Demo- crat. Popu- list. Silver. N'acanl. 9 6 7 1 1 / 4 1 Florida 2 11 fdaho 1 ] lllnois 11 9 11 7 S 11 i Kansas ' . ^. . . 1 8 6 4 6 9 12 7 ' S Michigan 7 11 Missouri 2 1 i 2 2' 1 2 x'--- 2 2 1 17 2 •IK 2 1 1 7 1 North Carolina . . Ohio ■1 3 -■ 2 Tennessee 8 13 Utah 1 2 Virginia 9 2 i 10 1 West Virginia j Wyoming 1 Total ...: .' . .. 199 1 The membership at adjournment stood as follows: Eepublicans 1 99 ' Democtfats 147 Populists 4 , Silver 1 ' Vacant (1 Republican, 5 Democrats.) G The new House to be chosen at the coming election will consist of 386 members, apportioned among the States as follows: Apportionment for the Fifty-eighth Congress— Ratio of Popu- lation per Member, 193,175.— That after the 3d day of March, 1903, REPUBTyTCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 307 thr House of Representatives shall be composed of 386 membeis, to be appovtionpfl among' the, several States as follows: Alabama, 9; Arkansas, 7; California, 8; Colorado, 3; Connecticut, 5; Delaware, 1; Florida, 3; Georgia, 11; Idaho, 1; Illinois, 25; In- diana, 13; Iowa, 11; Kansas, 8; Kentucky, 11; Louisiana, 7; Mainp, 4; Maryland, 6; Massachusetts, 14; Michigan, 12; Minnesota, 9; Mississippi, 8; Missouri, IG; Montana, 1; Nebraska, 6; Nevada, 1; New Hampshire. ".; .New .iersey, 10; New York, 37; North Carolina, 10; North Dakota, 2; Ohio, 21: Oregon, 2; Pennsylvania, 32; Jlhode Island, 2; South Carolina, 7; South Dakota, 2; Tennessee, 10; Texas, 16; Utah, 1; Vermont, 2; Yirgrinia, 10; Washington, 3; West Vir- ginia, .5; Wisconsin, 11; Wyoming, 1. ( Legislative Work. — The House assembled on December 2, 1901, and adjourned July 1, 1902, covering 183 legislative days, in which time the House was in session 150 legislative days and 1 Sunday, making a total of 151 days. The 33 days on which sessions were not held occurred in the early part of the session, and were principally taken up by the holiday adjournments and the preliminary organi- zation of the House. It is a noticeable fact that from the first session of the Twenty- first Congress in 1829-30, until the assembling of the Fifty-flfth Congress, the long session occupied more than 180 days. In the Fifty-sixth Congress the House was in session 139 days, and adjourned over only 8 days, so that while the session just closed extended a little longer than the previous long session of the Fifty- sixth, the amount of work accomplished by it far exceeds the record and will readily sliow that this sess^ion was the most industrious and successful in the accomplishment of its work according to the record made, of any long session ever held. The following tabulated statement will enable one at a glance to see what has been / accomplished. Detailed statement of House work, Fifty-seventh Congress, first session. Calendar. BUlB reported, a Bills Passed, a Bills anais=' posed of. a SOS 281 2,008 152 180 1,599 166 51 Private 409 62,547 1,931 6111 a In all oasei the words bills and acts are made to oover the bills, acts, and simple, Joint, and conourrent resolutlona. 6 208 reports never reached the Calendar. Of the bills reported 2,044 were House bills and resolutions and 706 were Senate acts and resolutions. Of the bills left undisposed of, 308 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. (i 1 fi, there were 452 which originated in the House and 164 of Senate irig-ln. Carried on the Calendars, as undisposed of, the allotment is as follows: House*bills 108, Senate acts 48, on the Union Calendar; House 45 and Senate 6, on the House Calendar, and House 299 and Senate 110 on the Private Calendar. During the first session, Mfty-seveiith Congress, there were intro- duced in the House: Bills 15,363 Joint resolutions- 210 Concurrent resolutions . , §9 Eesolutions 337 Tota^ 15,969 Of these 1,767 were disposed of, as follows: Adverse reports 84 Enacting clause stricken out 6 Laid on the table 20 Became public resolutions 24 Became public laws . .* 132 Became private laws 774 Became private resolution < 1 Eesolutions, passed 73 Vetoed by the President < 5 Passed, not acted on by the Senate: Private 382 Public 61 Total : 1,767 Total not acted upon by House 14,202 The Senate passed and sent to the House for its concurrence 1,156 Dills and resolutions, on which action by the House was had as fol- lows : Taken from the SpeaJker's table and passed 23 Eefexred to committees 1,133 Total 1 1,156 Reported by committees 708 These Senate bills were disposed of as follows: Adverse reports 7 Laid on the table 1 Became public rest^utions 23 Became public laws 120 Became private laws 410 Vetoed by the President ' 3 Passed House, left in cnn lorfine 4 On Calendars undisposed of 104 REPUBLICAX CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 309 COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF BILLS LNTKODUCKD AND EEPORTS MADE. The total number oJ! bills and resolutions introduced in the House of Uepresentatives during the first session ol the Fiity-seventh Cmi- y ress was 15,969, on which reports were made on 2,044 bills and reso- lutions. During the same time a total of 1,156 Senate acts and reso- lutions were introduced, on which there were referred to the com- mittees of the House a total of 1,133. On this number reports were made on 706 by the House committees. The assignment o'f the bills, acts, and resolutions and the reports made are given on page 310. We have been taoving in untried paths, but our steps have been guided by honor and duty; there will be no turning aside, no wavering, no retreat. — ^President McKinley to Notification Com- mittee, July 12, 1900. All hostilities ■ttrill cease in the Philippines when those who commenced them stop; and they will not cease until our flag, representing liberty, humanity, and civilization, shall float tri- umphantly in every island o£ the archipelago under the acknowl- edged sovereignty of the Uiiited States. — President McKinley, at Bacine, Wis., October 17, 1899. Duty determines destiny. Destiny which results from duty performed may bring anxiety and perils, but never failure and dishonor. Pursuing duty may not always lead by smooth paths. Another course may look easier and more attractive, but pur- suing duty for duty's sake is always sure and safe and hon- orable. — ^President McKinley, at Chicago, October 19, 1898. But it is not possible ever to insure prosperity merely by law. Something for good can be done by law, and bad laws can do an infinity of mischief; but, after all, the best law can only pre- vent wrong and injustice and give to the thrifty, the far-seeing, and the hard-working a chance to exercise to the best advantage their especial and peculiar abilities. — Theodore Koosevelt, at Min- neapolis, September 2, 1901. This subject of expansion is not a new one. It was the gospel of the early statesmen and patriots of this country. It found substantial realization in the magnificent achievement of that illustrious statesman, Thomas Jefferson. It was the dream of Marcy. In 18B3 he sought to acquire the Hawaiian Islands. It was the dream of Seward; it was the dream of Douglas. — Presi- dent McKinley, at Madison, Wis., Octobar 16, 1899. 310 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Commltteee. Bills and acts referred. I|ouee. Senate. Reports made on them. House. Accounts ,- Agriculture , Alcoholic Liquor TrafBc Appointment and Payment of House Em- ployeeB Appropriations Banking and Currency Census Claims Coinage, Weights, and Measures Disposition of Useless Executive Papers .. . District of Columbia • Education Election of President, Vice-President, and Representatives In Congress Elections No. 1 ISlectlons No. 2 Elections No. 3 Enrolled BiUs. o '. Expenditures In Departments, b Foreign Affairs Immigration and Naturalization; : Indian Affairs industrial Arts ;iu(J Expositions Insular (Affairs Interstate and Foreign Commerce Invalid Pensions Irrigation of Arid Lands Judiciary Labor Levees and Improvements in the Missis- sippi River Library , Memorial Exercises, the Late President McKinley ' Merchant Marine and B'lsheries Military Affairs Militia Mines and Mining Naval Afl'airs Pacific Railroads Patents Pensions Post-Office and Post-Roads Printing Private Land Claims Public Buildlng.oi and Grounds, c Public Lands Purchase of Danish M'est Indies Railways and Canals Reform in the Ci\ 11 Service Revision of the Laws Rivers and Har))oBS. il Rules Territories i War Claims Ways and Means , 78 35 1 42 ZI 10 !X)il 20 '0 lti6 6 10 4 a 2 67 17 149 1 14 205 6,544 9 293 24 3 8« 1 73 2,849 4 7 215 3 SO 816 69 69 7 354 193 7 21 5 167 60 59 2,t03 151 1 A 7 1 1 67 S 25 1 18 1 23 1 o IX 508 1 34 33 6 I 13 2 5 140 9 26 5 1 1 4 2 71 9-56 _ 13 n 1 12 24 8.5 145 I 1 3 24 14 1 2 82 172 3 .i 30 24 2 bH 2 27 46 1 (1 2 2 U 1 9 5 18 2 15 19 137 10 18 a Reported on 1,102 enrolled bills not carried in the totals. 6 The Committees on Expenditures in the Departments of Agriculture, Justice, Interior, Navy, Post-OtHce, State, Treasury, and War, and on Public Bulldlnes did not have any bills referred to them and made no reports. ^.,, " T,b« Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds reported one " omnibus " bill, which Include 191 cities aiftl towns and covered that number of blUs and acts. d l'he<.ommlttee on Rivers and Harbors reporled one general bill coverins 599 Items, wlilcli were covered In the bills Introdneed. REPUBfJCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 311 Eesohitions passed on introductions without reference to cora- mittees, 72. Senate acts taken from Speaker's table and passed without refer- ence to committees, 22. Important Measures The following list embraces some of the more important bills of a general nature which passed the House: H. R. 11535. Protection of game in Alaska, Pub. Law No. 147. H. R. 13543. Arizona Territory, to admit to Statehood. Passed House May 9, 1902. H. K. 13679. Amending bankruptcj- laws. Passed House June 17, 1902. S. 176. To extend charter of national banks. Pub. Law No. 70. H. R. 3110.' Isthmian Canal between Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Pub. Law 183. , H. K. 10308. Providing for a permanent Census Office. Pub., Law No. 27. Four separate acts, relating to thd opera- tions of the Census Office, were also passed. H. R. 8587. Claims arising under Bowman Act. Pub. Law No. 124. S. 88. Claims for property taken by United StEjtes Army. Pub. Law No. 25. H. R. 8586. Claims under Spanish Treaty Commission. ^ Pub. Law No. 214. Also; H. R. :!i;41. Claims Spanish war— to'allow. Pub. Law No. 190. H. R. 12;u4. To increase the subsidia[ry silver coinage. Passed House May 20, 1902. H. R. 12765. Cuba — reciprocal trade with. Passed House April 18, 1902. H. R. 18996. Cuba — -appropriations for consular service. Pub. Law No. 116. H. Res. 365. • Cuba — congratulations to Republic of. Passed Hoase i May 20, 1902. S. 1747. Firearm.s — sale of in Pacific Islands. Pub. Law No. 10. H. K. 9037. Honaesteads — commutation of entries. I'ub. Law So. 122. H. R. 159. Homestead — C'olville Indian Reservation. Passed House Jlarch 14, 1902/ H. Ft. 12199. Immigration of aliens — to regulate. Passed Hou.^ic May 27, 1902. S. 3057. Irrjg-ation of arid lands. Pub. Law No. 161. H. R. 3076. Laborers — limiting hours of service in Government em- ploy. Passed House May 19, 1902. H. R. 13169.. Mai! matler — regulating third and fourth olnss. rii.>^^>^il House May 1, 1902. S. 21112. .Mnrine-PIospital Service — chanycb in. Pub Law .\o 2;;ii. 312 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. H. R. 15345. Militia— to promote the efficaency »f. Passed House June 30, 1902. • H. E.^327. Miners— to protect the lives of. Pub. Law No. 222. H. R. 12543. New Mexico — admission to Statehood. Passed House May 9. 1902. Oklahoma Statehood — same as above. H. E. 9206. Oleomargarine — tax on. Pub. I/aw No. 110. H. R. 12141. Pensions to remarried widows. Passed House June 16, 1902. S. R. 8. Pensions, construing act of June 27, 1890. Pub. Res. 42. S. 640. Pensions, Indian wars, 1832 to 1842. Pub) Law No. 174. S. 4850. Pensions for loss of limbs — increase. Passed House ' June 16, 1902. S. 2295. Philippine Islands — govemanent for. Pub. Law No. 235. H. R. 14411. Prisoners, United States — commutation of time for ' good conduct. Pub. Law No. 170. H. R. 14018. Public buildings, providing toT, in 191 cities. Pub. Law No. 146. H.'R. 10530. Revenue or war taxes — ^to repeal. Pub. Law No. 67. H. R. 11728. Rural free delivery, postal. Passed House March 10, 1902. S. 6016. Train robbing — to suppress. Pub. Law No. 242. Bridge bills to the number of 48 were passed and approved. Bills affecting the courts of the United States in excess of those usually passed were disi^osed of. Bills relating to the affairs of the District of Columbia of a public nature were passed, covering about thirty separate subjects. Legislation for Indian affairs was jnore liberal than in any Con- gress for a number of years. It is no longer a question of expansion with us; we have ex- panded. If there is any question at all, it is a question of con- traction; and who is going to contract? — President MoKinley, at Iowa) Falls, Iowa, October 16, 1899. It is no limitation upon property rights or "freedom of contract . to require that when nien receive from Government the privilege of doing business under corporate form, which frees them from individual responsibility, and enables them to call into their en- terprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon abso- lutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to be invested. — President Roosevelt, in mes- ■age to Congress, December 3, 1901. RULES OF THE HOUSE. . A PABLIAMENTARY VIEW OP THEM BY A PABLIA- MENTABIAN. The rules of the House of Representatives have been much dis- cussed and much misrepresented. Mr. Asher C. Hinds, clerk at the Spe^er's table, is the authority on these rules on whom the Sijeaker relies for the citation of authorities in making his rulings. Mr, Hinds is not a partisan, he is a parliamentarian and probably the best posted man in the United States on parliamentary practice in general and the rules of the House in detail, Mr. Hinds has written the following article on the rules of the'House: Criticism of the rules of the House of Kepresentatives, both in the House itself and in the columns of the press, is by no means a phenomenon of present political conditions. Even in thoscv early days, now fondly referred to as the better days of the Republic, the rules came in for their share of the criticism which freemen so delight to mete out to their institutions and statesman. The vigor- ous tongue of John Rando]i>h, of ^'irginia, disported itself fully- as much at the expense of the rules of procedure as at the business methods of the great Speaker, who in that early day realized that a legislative body should first of all be able to legislate. Present criticisms are/ directed almost entirely at the Committee on Rules, which is represented as exercising tyranny, variously compared to the most notable of the historic tyrannies. And pres- ent criticism is probably milder than has been known in the last ten years of the committee's activities. Yet the Rules Committee has continued its duties, whether one party or the other has controlled, and no serious attempt has been made on the floor of the House either to reform or abolish it. It is evident that an institution so freely denounced and so unani- mously upheld must have about it some things worth studying. Nor ■will an examination of the functions of the committee consume much space or great time. Nearly every American is familiar with the procedure of the ordinary society or lodge meeting, where there is abundant time to transact all the business and hear every member who wishes to speak. There is a freedom and ease of action in such n meeting that renders drastic rules unnecessary. But give one of these de- lightful little assemblies twice as much business as it can transact, in the time before it, and three or four times as many debaters 313 314 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. desiring the floor as can be heard. Everyone understands what turmoil and confusion would ensue. More than half a century ag-o the House of Representatives found itself in precisely this condition, and one of the means of relief was a rule establishing- an ironclad order of business providing- that reports of committeas and other business should be taken up only in a fixed order. This helped along the public business by substi- tuting- order for chaos. Legislative propositions marched up for consideration in single file iiihtead of as a mob. But as the years went on the file grew so long that many measures would be waiting- in line when the pongress expired. Sometimes important bills, even great measures appropriating- sup- plies of money for the Government, would be left in line, blocked by less important measures ahead of them. It took the House a long time to devise a satisfactory system whereby certain bills, because of their importance, might be allowed to step out of their place in the file and march to the front while other bills waited. The perplexities attending this reform were some such as those which attend the establishment of rules of precedence in social affairs; but the House has finally settled the problem in a fairly satisfactory way. It was evident to all that common sens^ required that the general appropriation bills should be allowed to'ktep out of the file and move to the front at any time. It was also easy to set aside one day in the week when bills for the benefit of private individuals should be allowed to come to the front on condition that on all other days of the week they should g^ve way to hills relating- to public affairs. Suspend the Bules. — In later years a few other distinctions have been established Whereby bills of importance g-reater than that of the common kind have been gi\'en precedence. But as more than 15,000 bills demand the attention of the House in a Congress, and as the House can not act on 3,000, it is evident that with all the rules of precedence there remain 12,000 bills that wait in vain. In former years the line of hopeless waiters was not so larg-e, not because the Hortse did more business, for it did less, but because the demands of the country were not so great. Yet there has always been a fierce sti-uggle for precedence among the bills of the common kind as disting-uished from the privileged kind. The first device for rescuing worthy measures from the crowd of the hopeless was the motion to suspend the rules fixing the order of business so as to enable the House to take up a particular bill. For obvious reasons it was established that such a. motion should require » two-thirds vote. Evrn with that restriction the use of the motion became so great as to threaten to take all the time of UEf'UBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. SIS the House. So the motion to suspend the rules was limited to cer- tain days, until now it is in order only on two days each mouth. It is obvious that the motion to suspend the rules was an imper- fect device. A bill very important and desirable might be unable to command a two-thirds vote, although it could easily g-et a majority. So the problem was to enable the House to rescue a worthy measure by a majority vote. It is obvious that if it was to be done by motion from the floor every member would be making the mo- tion, and so the order of business would be abandoned in favor of mob order, wherein the only regulating force would be the auto-' cratic recognitions of the Speak ei'. Even the motion to suspend the rules had once fallen into this sad eoaldition. It was a natural and reasonable idea to provide that a motion so liable to abuse should Require the approval of a committee before it should be made on the floor. There had been a Committee on Rules since the earliest days of the House, of which the sole func- tion had been to report a system of rules at the beginning of a Con- gress and amendments from time to time. And it wa.s quite a natural thi^ig that to this committee should be referred motions for the consideration of bills that seemed unlikely to be reaehea m the order flxed by the rules. The origin of this device dates back nearly if not quite twenty-five years. The House dropped into the practice quite naturally and unconsciously, and it was only when the existence of rampant obstruction caused the Committee on Rulee to prescribe the method of consideration as well as to afford tlie opportunity for consideration that the House and the country became aware of the system. Obstruction to Business. — While obstruction of business was the fashion of partisan warfare in the House tke Committee on Kules would not only report a rule giving a bill a time for consideration, but would at the same time fix the length of debate and the time of voting. Since both political parties made use of drastic restrictive orders of this kind it is evident that they were considered necessary. In the present Congress such orders have been comparatively rare, and where they have appeaj-ed restrictive generally tke provisions have been so liberal as to give ample time for consideratiooa. The most elaborate restrictive order of the present Congress was that providing for the consideration of the bill for the government of the Philippine Islands; yet, in reality, it was so liberal that the House agreed to it by unanimous consent. In conclusion, two facts should be remembered: 1. That the Committee on Kules recommends to the House, but does not dictate. It may propose a special order, but that order can be adopted only by a majority vote of the members of the House 31« REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 2. That the Committee on Eules officiates, and is expected to officiate, only in relation to a very small proportion of the total number of bills passed by the House. In recent years the House in a Cougress has passed about 2,200 bills. Of the 14,000 or more bills introduced the various committees of the House report about 2,800, and these go to the calendars or docket. Fully 2,000 of them are private bills, in order for considera- tion on Fridays, and no one has ever expected the Committee on Rules to assist them. They couie up in their own rig-ht for con- sideration. About 365 are public bills not requiring appropriation ,of money, vphich are in order in the first portion of a period called the morning hour, but not limited to sixty minutes. It is never ex- pected that the Committee on Rules shall assist these bills, as they reach consideration readily in the regular order. There remain, then, about 375 bills which go to the so-called Union Calendar. It is because of these bills that the criticisms of the Committee on Rules mainly arise. It is difficult to take up a bill on the Union Calendar unless it is privileged. About 25 of them are privileged, but there remain 350 in a position of difficultj'. A few of them are of general public importance, hut the greater num- ber are really of local interest much desired by the constituents of certain members, but not generally objects of interest to the people of the whole country. Any one of 4hese 350 bills may be reached in the regular order of business without the aid of the Speakel- or the Committee on Rules, because in the second period of the morning hour a motion to go to the Union Calendar to consider one or all of them may be made, and there is no doubt that the Spealcer must entertain it. The motion once made may be carried by a majority vote. Privileged Bills. — It may be objected that the multitude of privi- leged bills in fact keeps the House from the morning period, and thus causes its advantages to be npminal rather than real. But the House may at any time, through the nondebatable question of consideration, set aside privileged matters by Majority vote, and then the morning period results automatically. That the House may thus at any time take tip for consideration any bill before it, without assistaitce or even consent from the Speaker or Committee on Rules, shows that the committee is not aettially a parliamentary dictatorship but a convenience, more reasonable an^ useful than the motion to suspend the rules. When the critics of the Rules Committee are confronted with such ii presentation of the case they reply, "True, but the bills in which we are interested are not such as to cause the House to side- track the appropriation bills in order to consider them. So we are helpkas unless the Rules Committee assist us." But should the JUirUBLICAN CAKPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 317 Enlee Committee be expected to assist in displacing great public measures in order to forward legislation in which the House — and presumably the country also — takes so little interest? In a Congress about 125 ot the 350 nonprivileged Union Calendar bills are considered without aid from the Committee on Rules. Alaout 25 are aided by that committee, and about 200 are left among the thousand or more reported bills that the House fails to reach. The 12,000 bills not reported by comimittees are not expected to be considered in the House, and the Committee on Rules is not to be criticised on account of thenu Their status of hopelessness dates far back to a period long before the present functions of that com- mittee began. , So it may be claimed fairly and without fear of contradiction, that the criticisms of the Committee on Rules for not bringing bills to the consideration of the House arises beca.use of the 200 Union Calendar bills which fail. Any one of these bills might be passed in the regular order if a majority of the House could be induced to take interest in it. That being impossible, the , member inter- ested in the bill importunes the Committee on Rules to use their machinery to give his measure an easy launching. But the Speaker and his four associates on the committee are exercising a public trust for the general benefit, and it is their duty to weigh the measure well before assisting it. , A man does not have to be a philosopheTj or even to have lived long in the world, to realize that a committee which has to say no to so many must, from time to time, be made the target of bitter criticism. That such criticism is not founded on justice seems to be proven amply by the tact that in ten years no serious attempt has been made in the House either to abolish or modify the func- tions of the committee. There mu«t be no aenttle policy.— Pr«»ident KcEinley to Noti- fication Committee, July 18, 1900. The people are doing business on business principles, and should be let alone— encouraged rather than hindered in their efforts to increase the trade of the country and llnd new and profitable markets for their products.— President McKinley, at Bichmond, Va., October 31, 1899. Our flag is there— rightfully there; as rightfully there as the flag that floats above me is here; and it is there, not as the flag of tyranny or as the symbol of slavery, but It is there for what it is here and for what it is everywhere — justice and liberty and right and civilization. — President McKinley, at Warren, Ohio, October 18, 1899. IRRIGATION. A NEW POLICY AND A NEW LAW TO AID IN BECLAIMI THE ARID LANDS OF THE WEST. I^Q T)ie liepiibliean party in its National Convention in 1900 reconi- nieuded aclequati; national legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United Slates, reserving- control of the distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and Territories. President Eoose^elt, in his first messag-e to the Fifty-seventh Con- gicss, elaborated this declaration of his party convention, and the CojigresSi acted on both these recommendations by enacting the first legislation for the reclajiiation of arid lands that has ever been placed on the statute books. It is a law designed to continue and enlarge the |,o.s.'iljilities of that early policy of the Republican' partjf ip jnoviding- homesteads for those willing to till the soil and carve homes out of the [mblic domain. Xo a,cts of the GovernAient ha\e done more to build up the great West and develop agricul- tuie to keep pace with the great industrial development in the cities 1;han have the hoiuestead laws. They-have given the coim- try^a mighty empire of the most progressive and enlightened far- mers' in the world in that territory which formed the first great annexation to the United States. But the lands suitable for home- steads in the humid region are gone; and in the arid and semiarid regions of the West, while there are millions of acres left in the public dojiiain, there niust be some central power to aid in reclaim- ing t^ie laiid that the settler may live and convert that region mto a habitable and prosperous farming country. The bill passed by Congress seeks to do this. In ths first place the act provides that the proceeds from the sale of public lands in Aiizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mex- ico, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Of-egon, South Dakota, Utah, Wash- ington, and Wyoming, less the amounts earned by the registers and receivers of land offices and the 5 per cent due the States, begin- ning with the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, shall be set aside as n special fund in the Treasury to be called the reclamation fund, to be used in the examination, survey, construction, and main- tenance of irrigation works. The unreserved public lands in the States and Territories named which, become the basis of the fund, according to the terms of the bill, amount to about 535,000,000 acres. The proceeds from the sales of lands for the two fiscal years, 1901 and 1902, which will be available, will tL^gregate something over $6,000,000— a fair sum with 218 i:i:i>uBLir.\N camp.mon tkxt-b()(jk. 319 I'liicli to iH'L'iii work — and it is estimated that the immediate annual ncome under the provisions of the bill will be from $::. 500,000 to 13,000,000. To be more accurate, the annual income under the bill 'or the jjast three years would have been $2,633,198; the respecti\e imounts for tba various States and Territories named in the bill luring the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, have been as follows: State or Territory. FlRcal year. Receipts. State or Territory. Fiscal year. Receipts. 1901 19111 1901 1901 1901 1901 1901 1901 1901 $42,586.16 205,030.40 252,277.00 206,449.94 20,182.22 867,180.10 103,040.49 9,008.61 75,091.83 North Dakota 1901 1901 1901 1901 1901 1901 1901 1901 $449,025.4,S 370427.1S 864,761.47 .South Dakota Utah 113,475.22 98329.22 257,(M6.22 Wyoming 206,863.87 Total 8,140,725.81 The proceeds from the sales of public lands for the fiscal year ]901 were considerably higher than that for 1900, and the receipts for 19U0 nearly a million higher than for 1899. Tlie probability is that 1901 marked very nearly the high-water mark of public-land sale.s, and that the proceeds from the sales of public lands in. the future will rather diminish than increase until such time as, iinder the operation of the bill, payraents begin to be made on irrigated lands, and from that time on receipts will increase as lands are irrigated arid sold. Section 2 of the law provides for the making of surveys and ex- aminations of proposed works and for report to Congress rejative to same. Section 3 provides fbr withdrawal from public entry of lands required for any of the irrigation works and also for with- drawal, except from homestead entry of all lands to be irrigated. Section 4 provides for the construction of the works and for the apportioning of the cost of construction amoijg the users of water upon the lands to be irrigated. Section 5 requires the entryman to irrigate his land, defines the terms and conditions under which land in private ownership may be irrigated, and of the conditions of payments imposed on the settler on public lands and the water user on pri\ato lauds. Section 6 provides for the form of local con- trol and care of works by the settlers comtnon in the irrigated country. Section (! provides means for acquiring lands and water rights where same may be necessary. Section 8 follows the well-established precedent in national leg- islation of recognizing local and State laws relative to the ap- propriation and dislribution of water, and instructs the Secretary of the Inicrioi in carrying out the provisions of the act to con- form to tlif.'^e Icius. This section also clearly recognizes the rule 320 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. o£ prior appropriation which prevails in the arid region and, what la highly important, specities the character ot the water riglit which is provided for under the provisions of the act. Section U declares a policy of sysiematic and harmonious development of the irrigation possibilities of the arid region. In his me&sag-e, President Koosevelt said on this question: "The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim their holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. There remain, however, vast areas of public land which can be made available for homestead settlement, but onJy by reservoirs and main- line canals impracticable for private enterprise. These irrigation works should be built by the N,ational Government. The lands reclaimed by them should be reserved by the Government for actual settlers, and the cost of constructiou should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed. The distribution of the water, t^ie division of the streams among irrigators, shauld be left to the settlers themselves in conformity with State laws and with- out interference with those laws or with vested rights. The policy of the National Government should be tq aid irrigation in the sev- eral States and Territories in such manner as will enable the people in the local conamnnities to help themselves, and as will stimulate needed reforms in the State laws and regulations governing irriga- ^ tion. ;ii ;.,,»A. i "The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every'portion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The increa.sed demand for majiufactured articles will stimulate in- dustrial production, while wider home markets and the trade of Asia will consume the larger food supplies, and elt'ectually prevent Western competition with Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the prod- ucts of irrigation will be consumed chiefly in upbuilding local cen- ters of mining and other industries, which would otherwise not come into existence at all. Our people as a whole will profit, for successful home-making is but another name for the upbuilding of the nation. *•♦»•*» I "Whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation sliould harmonize with and tend to improve the condition of those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the starting point of this development. Over two hundred millions of private capital has already been expended in the construction of Irrigation works, and many million acres of arid land reclaimed. A hig'h degree of enterprise and ability has been shown in the work itself; but as much can not be said in reference to the laws relatingf thereto." EEPUEMCAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 321 In forty years of unwearying- efEort the American pioneer has irrigated in this region about 7,500,000 acres of land. The acreage under irrigation at this time in the States and Territories afiected by the bill is approximately as follows; Irrigated acreage by States and Territories. Acres. Acre?. 185,396 1,446,119 1,611,271 602,548 26,497 070,281 148y^38 ^ 604,168 204.508 5,202 888,198 2,761 48,010 029,273 186,938 606,942 California Oregon . , . Colorado nirlahnmn ' Idaho South Dakota Utah Nebraska .....'* WTnTnlnp- . . Total New Mexico 7,510,598 As to the amount of land which may ultimately be reclaimed by irrigation estimates vary from 35,000,000. to 70,000,000 acres. We now, almost for the first time In our history, know no Horth, no South, no East, no West, but are all for a common country. — President MoKinley, at Yankton, S. Dak., October 14, 1899. Wo imperial designs lurk in the- American mind. They are alien to American sentiment, thought, and purpose. Our priceless principles undergo no change under a tropical sun. They go with the flag. — President McKinley, at Boston, February 16, 1899. We are in the Philippines. Our flag is there; our boys in blue are there. They are not there for conquest; they are not there for dominion. They are there because in the providence of God, who moves mysteriously, that great archipelago has been placed in the hands of the American people. — President McKinley, at Youngstown, Ohio, October 18, 1899. In the Philippines we have brought peace, and we are at this moment giving them ^uch freedom and self-government as they could never under any conceivable conditions have obtained had we turned them loose to sink into a welter of blood and confusion, or to become the prey of some strong tyranny without or within. The bare recital of the facts is sufficient to show that we did our duty; and what prouder title to honor can a. nation have than to have done its duty? We have done^our duty to ourselves, and we have done the higher duty of promoting the civilization of mankind. — Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, Septem- ber 2, 1901. 81 PENSIONS AND PENSION LAW. REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE NATION'S DEFENDERS. It is an old saying that republics are ungrateful, but the reverse of this venerable maxim is established by the record of the Eepub- liean party in its treatment of the nation's defenders. While the war of the rebellion was in progress it enacted that celebrated law, the act of July 14, 1862, which made what was then considered most ample and beneficent provisions for soldiers and sailors disabled in the service, and for their \vidows and dependents in case of their death. But this great party, mindful of its promises to those who so gallantly went to the front in the dark days of 1861-'65, was not satisfied that this act fully acquitted the nation of its obligations, and ever since the close of the war it has been amplifying its scope, increasing the rates of pensions, providing National Homes for the veterans, artificial limbs for those who had lost these mem- bers, or money commutation therefor, giving them preference in appointments to Government positions, culminating in the act of June 27, 1890, which pensions all ex-soldiers and sailors (who bad served 90 days) who are even partially iucajjacitated from earning ■a sup'^ort by manual labor, without retiuiring that such inability ^ should be shown to be due to the service. Their widows and de- pendents are also provided for by this act and its amendment of May 9, 1900. These generous enactments were all passed by Republican Con- gresses, approved by Republican Presidents, and liberally carried out by Republican Administrations. They were, as the records will show, invariably opposed by the Democratic minority, the tofel votes on fourteen of the most important pension measures intro- duced since the war being recorded as follows: Democrats for the bills 417 Democrats against tlie bills 648 Republicans for the bills 1,068 Republicans against the bills None As further evidence of Democratic hostility to this generous policy it may be noted that during the last Democratic Administration a, board of revision was established in the Pension Bureau to re- vise the allowances made under the act of June 27, 1890. During the two years of its existence S,694 pensioners were dropped from the rolls, and 23,702 pensions were reduced. A Irirsje number of these buve since been reijtored uniler liepublicau Administrations. ■i2•^ UEPUBLICAN CAJIPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 333 Act of May 9, 1900.— Under the operations of the act of June ', 1890, many worthy claimants, especially soldiers' widows, were jbarred from the benefits which >it was thought would be con- >rred upon them by its provisions. The act was not specific 3 to the exaet meaning- of the term "dependent" as applied to idows, and while, if literally construed. It would debar all widows ho had any income whatever, the Departnfient extended its bene- ts to all whose income, aside from their own labor, was not more lan about what the pension would be, say $96 per annum. To fully arry out the original intention of the law, the act of May 9, 1900, 'as passed providing that if the net income, aside from the pro- ?eds of her own labor, of a soldier's widow does not exceed $250 er annum she shall be pensionable. This action was recommended y President McKinley, his Secretary of the Interior, and the Com- lissioner of Pensions, and has resulted in placing, upon the rolls he names of many thousands of most deserving women whom the ation should delight tot honor as the living representatives of her ead heroes. The total number of beneficiaries under the act o^ June 27, 1890, ,nd its amendment, was on June 30, 1901, 583,335, of whom 438,114 yere ex-soldiers and 145,111 widows, minor child;;en, and dependents, .■■here have been since added ((<> May 31, 1902), 13,114 soldiers and 5,579 widows, etc., making the total number allowed under this act t this date, June 1, 1903, 611,918. Among the more recent enactments for the benefit of soldiers' vidows is tlie — Act of March 3, 1901.— Which provides that any widow, who was he wife of an oflicer or enlisted man in the Army, Navy, or Marine ^lorps during his service in any war, and had been pensioned be- ;ause of his (Jeath from disability incuxred in the service, and whose mme had been subsequently dropped from the rolls because of her ■emarriage, shall be entitled to restoration upon proof of the death or divorce upon her application) of the second husband, provided ,hat she is now dependent. This law, so equitable iri its provisions and guarding so strictly igainst any possible abuse of its benefits by persons not entitled ;hereto, will restore to the rolls the najues of many thousands of iged survivors of dead soldiers. . SOME PENSION STATISTICS. Th6 total nujnber of pensioners on the rolls on June 30, 1901, )vas — ■ Civil war: Invalids, widows, etc., under all laws 970,353 War with Spain: Invalids, widows, etc 5,604 31d wars, Mexican, Indiaft, 1812, and Revolutionary 21,779 Total ^...^.^. 997,735 324 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Tliere have been since added to the rolls, up to May 31, * 1902, the following: Civil vvar and old wars: Invalids, widows, etc 35,986 War with Spain 3,841 39,827 Total • • • 1,037,562 Add the estimated original allowances for June, 1902 4,000 Grand total 1,041,562 From this must be deducted the losses ito the roll during the fiscal year, the teact number of which is not at present available. Averaging this item on the basis of the last seven years, however, it is estimated that the loss to the roll from deaths, remarriages, children becoming of age, etc., will be 44,000. Grand total' 1,041,562 Less 44,000 Leaving on th« rolls June 30, 1902 997,562 The total number of pension oertiSoates issued during the eleven months from July 1, 1901, to May 31, 1902, was 107,820, of which 67,777 were increases and reissues of various kinds. Estimating the allowances for June at 12,000, the total number of certificates issued in the year ending June 30, 1901, will reach 119,820, a gain of more th^n 10,000 over last' year. The amount paid for pensions in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, was $138,531,483.84 The annual value of the roll was 131,568,316.00 The annual value of each pension was: General law $168.67 Act of June 27, 1890 108.09 War with Spain 153.50 The figures for the current year can not be made up until the accounts are balanced, but the variation will be small. The total amount paid out for pensions from July 1, 1865, to June 30, 1901, was $2,666,904,589.33. The following is a list of invalid pe.nsio(aers on the roll June 30, 1901, and the rates per month provided by the general law: 2,011..i $72.00 1,173 JO.OO 2,078 45.00 2,491 36.00 15,206 30.00 933 87.00 2,404 $25.00 2^,665 24.00 2,652 .^ 22.00 4,447 .' 80.00 39,000.'. 17.00 10,998 16.00 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 325 Considerably over 100,000 ex-soldiers are receiving the higher rates )f pension. Of invalid pensioners under the act of June 27, 1890, 151,572 were •eceiving the maximum rate of $13.00 per month, a number largely n excess of those pensioned at any of the lesser rates. The number of pending claims on hand June 30, 1901, was 403,569, )f which 33,541 were on account of the war with Spain. Deducting ;he allowances during the year, 119,820, there would be left of these 183,749. The number received during the same period will probably largely ixceed the allowances. They are mostly for increase and reissues )f various kinds, and are being disposed of as current work. * An interesting fact is that in 675 original claims allowed dur- ng the year ended June 30, 1901, tlae first payments aggregated jl,010,699.30, an average of nearly $1,500 in each case. During that year the Topeka (Kan.) pension agency paid out )ver $16,000,000; quite a factor in the prosperity of that State and ;he adjacent territory. To expedite the settlement of claims and to reduce to a minimum he unavoidable delay in their adjudication. Congress has been appealed to to provide additional clerioal help. Twenty-four addi- onal special examiners have been authorized for the ensuing year, vhich will secure the adjudication of fully 3,000 more claims in that )erit)d. An addition of 23 examiners has also been made to the loard of pension appeals of the Interior Department, thus materially assisting in securing the prompt consideration of rejected claims ippealed by the claimants to the Department. The future is now our field; let us look to it; it opens with glorious possibilities and invites the party of ideas to enter and lossess it. — Major McKinley, at Dayton, Ohio, October 18, 1887. It is not a good time for the liberator to submit important [uestions concerning liberty and government to the liberated irhile they are engaged in shooting down their rescuers. — Presi- lent McKinley, at Boston, February 16, 1899. We will not take down that fiag, representing liberty to the leople, representing civilisation -to those islands; we will not rithdraw it, because the territory over which it floats is ours ly every tenet of international law and by the sacred sanc- Lon of a treaty made in accordance with the Constitution of be United States. — President McKinley, at Waterloo, Iowa, Octo- •r 16, 1899. RURAL FREE DELIVERY. UtTE TO REPUBLICAN LEGISLATION AND ADMINISTRA- TION. Eural free delivery, that is to say tlie delivery of mails and news- papers to the fanners at or near their door yards, is distinctly a Republican measure. If the Eepuolicau party had not been re- stored to cointrol of the National Government by the election of 1896^' this wholesome product of Republican development would have been strangled in its birth. It is now sanctioned, tolerated, and even advocated by Democrats in and out of Congress, simply because, like the genii which the fisherman in Arabian Nig-hts let out of the bottle, it has spread all over the land, and they can't get it back ag-ain into the bottle as they would like to do. Rural free delivery means death to Popu- lism and Democracy. It carries lig'ht and education wherever it goes, and these are fatal to organized ignorance. At every stage of this great movement, which, as our late lamented leader. President McKinley, in his last message to Con- gress, in December, 1900, said, is one which "ameliorates the isola- tion of farm life, conduces to good roads, quickens and extends the dissemination of general information, and is the most striliing new development of the postal service." It met the stubborn op^jo- sition of the Democratic party and its leaders. It was an educa- tional movement; therefore, thej' distrusted and condemned it. Let the facts speak for themselves. From 1885, when G-rover Cleveland became the first Democratic President since Buchanan, to 1889, not a move was made to give delivery of mails to the farmers. In 1889, when Benjamin Harrison became the Republican Presi- dent, and John Wanamaker the Postmaster-General, the anomaly of giving all the postal facilities to the cities and none to the country was brought to the attention of Congress and the country. Mr. Wanamaker took up the fight for extended mail service in rural communities. He declared that our present postal system was really colonial. "It takes pay," he said," for delivering letters without delivering them. It obliges people to go or send for mail, and that means in the winter or stormy season and for aged people the deprivation of letters and periodicals (hardly less val- uable) that lie in' the post-oflice for long periods not called for." Mr. Wauamdlier attempted to break down the barrier which 326 RErUBLICAN CAMrAIGX TEXT-BOOK. 337 livided towfl from country, which gave people in cities five or six leliveries a clay, and people in the country none, b,v starting village ;ree delivery. Upon his recommendation Congress made an ap- >ropriation to start an experimental village free-delivery service. L'he limitation of the law, which confined free delivery to cities pf 10,000 population or $10,060 gross postal receipts, was dropped, as m experiment, at certain designated points, and a village free Jelivery was inaugurated. The plan worked well from the start. Postmaster-General Wanamaker, after two years' trial, was able to report to Congress that the increased cost of the service was. nearly, if not quite, met by the increased postal receipts, and that the benefits conferred upon the people more than justified the slight additional expenditure. President Harrison was defeated^ for reelection by Mr. Cleve- land and a Bemocratic Congress came into power. The very first postal appropriation bill passed by that Democratic Congress struck out the appropriation for experimental village free delivery. Starved by Democrats. — Starved to death by Democrats. Jt was [in educational factor which was dreaded and had to be suppressed. Nevertheless, the plain people outside the "city folks" were not S5atisfied.' They knew they paid their taxes, bore their full share in the support of the Government, and could not understand why they were so ruthlessly discrimijnated against in the matter of postal facilities. Some of them had, obtained a little taste of John VVanamaker's village delivery, and they wanted it carried still further into the country. So they brought pressure to bear upon their Kepresentatives in Congress with the result that in the ap- propriation bill for 1894 an item of $10,000 was included for "ex- perimental rural free delivery." ^ Mr. William S. Bissell, of Buffalo, was Postmaster-General at that time; Mr. Frank H. Jones was First Assistant Postmaster- General, and a Democratic Representative from North Carolina, Mr. John S. Henderson, was chairman of the Committee on the Post- Offices and Post-Eoads of the House of Representatives. Mr. Henderson, from his Post-OfHce Committee, immediately re- ported that rural free idelivery was a scheme "impossible of execu- tion, which would require an appropriation of at least $20,000,000 to inaugurate it." Postmaster-General Bissell and his assistant, Mr. Jones, emphatically declared that "the Department would not be warranted in burdening the people with such a great expense." In 1894 another $10,000 was appropriated by Congress for the same purpo.se, to be available during the fiscal year ending June M, 1895. Postmaster-General Bissell, in his report for that year, again declined to use the sum placed at his disposal for an experi- 338 eex'ublt(;an campaign text-book. mental test, stating that "the proposed plan of rural free delivery, if adopted, would result in an additional cost to the people of about $20,000,000 for the first year," and that he did not believe the people were yet ready to involve themselves in such a large expenditure for the purpose. < A Senator from South Carolina, Mr. Tillman, went still further, and declared his opinion that the service would cost two hundred millions. He has since taken all this back, and admits that rural free delivery has proven the greatest blessing the farmer has ever enjoyed, and that it can be extended all over the well-settled sec- tions of the United States at only a comparatively small increase over the service it supersedes. While the Post-Offiee Department in Democratic hands was thus balking and obstructing rural delivery, the National Grange of In- dusti-y caught hold of the subject and brought such, pressure to bear on their Kepresejitatives in Congress that another $10,000 was appropriated for experimental rural free delivery for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896. Again the Democratic administration ignored the call, and refused tp use the money placed at its disposal, now amounting to $30,000. Next year Congress gathered together all three of the back ap- propriations and added $10,000 more, thus making the total sum available for experimental rural free delivery $40,000. Action could no longer be delayed; the pressure of the people was too great; and most reluctantly a half-hearted effort to start rural free de- livery was made. Penny Post Legislation. — In the meantime there had been some "'side stepping" worthy of comment. Mr. N. D. Sperry, then as now an honored Republican Representative from the State of Connecticut, attempted to extend the delivery of mails to the farm- ers by another process, differing from the rural free delivery. He introduced a bill to revive the "penny post" system in towns, vil- lages, and other places where no free delivery existed. His bill provide(i that on petition of not less than twenty persons the post- master might appoint one or more carriers, who, on the written request of the addressees, should deliver their mails, receiving from them such compensation as might be agreed upon; or, in the absence of such agreement, might dema,nd and receive not exceeding one cent for each letter or package delivered from or conveyed to the post-office. This bill passed both Houses of Con- gress. The Post-OfSce committees of House and Senate united in a report stating that this was a measure whose tendency wovild be to "elevate the standard of intelligence and promote the welfare of the people," EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 329 Grover Cleveland killed the bill by a silent veto— that is to say, he withheld his approval, and the bill died by constitutional limi- tation. But the pressure from the "plain people" became so great that it could not be longer ignored, and in October, 1896, Mr. William L. Wilson, of West Virginia, being the Postmaster-General in succes- sion to Mr. Bissell, of Buffalo, the experiment of rural free deliv- ery was started. But how? With the deliberate purpose of killing it. There is no doubt about this fact. The official records prove, it. "All the details in regard to the installation of the service (said First Assistant Postmaster-General Pqpry S. Heath, in his report to the Postmaster-General in 1898) were placed in the hands of officers of the 'Division of Post-Office Inspection and Mail Depre- dations.' In order to perform this unwelcome and unappreciated service the inspectors were detached from other pressing duties, upon the successful performance of which (under the regulations of their division), their advancement in rank and pay to some ex- tent depended. It is but just to say that , they did the best they could under the circumstances. But they were hampered by orders which left them no discretion. They were instructed to start ex- perimental tests of rural delivery in specifically named localities, no matter whether tlje conditions seemed to them favorable or otherwise. Some of them became impressed with the idea that the locations assigned them had been chosen to show that rural free delivery was not desired and was impossible of execution." Of the 44 selected routes over which the experimental test was made, some of them were deliberately laid out over territory where the people did not want the service and where the physical condi- tions were such that it cost over six cents for every piece of mail delivered. Revived by Republicans. — Still the service would not "down," and when, after the election of William McKinley, an appreciative Postmaster-General and First Assistant took charge of the Post- Office Department, rural free delivery moved forward vrith rapid strides. In the first year of their administration they increased the number of services from 44 to 148, and made so strong a show- ing to. Congress in favor of the practicability of establishing rural free delivery as a permanent feature of postal administration that Congress increased the appropriations for this purpose to $150,000 in 1899; to $450,000 in 1900; to $1,750,000 in 1901, and to approxi- mately $8,000,000 in 1903. In 1898, when Mr. Charles Emory Smith became Postmaster-Gen- eral, the experimental routes then established served a population 330 EErUBLTCAN CA:\[PAIGN TEXT-BOOK. of 60,409, covered a territory of 1,911 square miles, employed 130 carriers, who averaged a trip of 20 miles per day, ahd received a salary of $300. The number of pieces delivered was 2,753,581. In January, 1902, when Mr. Smith retired from the office of Post- mUster-General, there were employed 7,000 rural carriers, eoverinff a territory of more than 250,000 square miles and serving a popu- lation of about 4,500,000. The number of pieces delivered in the previous fiscal year had amounted to 151,250,160. At the present time there are nearly ten thousand rural routes in operation, and the service is no longer called "experimental." It has been formally embodied into the general postal system. The pay of carriers has been raised to $600 a year. Gradually but surely the time is coming' when every city or town of 5.000 in- habitants will have city free delivery, and all the rest of the coimtry will be cohered by rural free delivery. And for this great boon to the farmers the Eepublican party alone is to be thanked. American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that, independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a per- - feet job. This is the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign countries. — President Roosevelt, in mes- sage to Congress, December 3, 1901. Our flag is there, not as the symbol of oppression, not as the token of tyranny, not as the emblem of enslavement, but repre- senting there, as it does here, liberty, humanity, and civiliza- tion. — President McKinley, at Youngstown, Ohio, October 18, 1899. The Philippines are ours, and American authority must be supreme throughout the archipelago. There will be amnesty broad and liberal, but no abatement of our rights; no abandonm.ent of our duty. — President McKinley to Notification Committee, July 12, 1900. That the Arihy is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been shown during the last three years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Porto Kico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization. — President Boosevelt, in message to Congress, Decem- ber 3, 1901. CHINESE EXCLUSION. THE EXCLUSION LAWS EEENACTED TO KEEP OUT CHI- NESE LABOKERS. The laJst Congress reeiiacted practically in their entirety the Chinese exclusion acts. , This action was taken in response to a g'eneral demand upon the part of the people (and especially from (he labor element) that all Chinese, barring certain excepted classes, be prohibited from admission to this country. The law as it now stands and is being administered'by the Treasury Department pre- vents the coming- of all Chinese laborers to this country. The ex- cepted classes are bona fide merchants, officials, teachers, students or travelers for pleasure or curiosity. All other Chinese are en- tirely prohibited from admission to the United States or any of its insular possessions. The law also prohibits the emigration of Chi- nese laborers from the island territory to the mainland terr-itory of the United States, and from one portion of the island territory of the United States to aijother portion of said island territory. Tlae new law provides for the registering- of ^11 Chinese laborers in Porto Eico and the Philippine Islands. The rules and regrulations that have been enacted and enforced by the Treasury Department under previous Chinese exclusion laws are still in force, and the De- partment is constantly increasing and improving the Chinese service. ^'ery rigid measures have been taken to prevent an abuse of the transit privilege. By the laws and treaties Chinese have been allowed to pass through the country under certain regulations to insure their continuous passage to foreign territory. It became apparent soriie time ago that this transit privilege was being abused, and that Chinese were sMking passage through our territory, prin- cipally to Mexico, with a view to returning to the United States. Orders were issued by the Treasury Department to carefully ex- amine all transit cases, and, unless persons applying for transit privileges could establish beyopd reasonable doubt their good faith they were refused lajiding. The number of Chinese residing in the country is constantly decreasing. Many of those who were here have gone back to China, and the number coming is comparatively small. Cases of Chinamen getting into the country sun-eptitiously are not infrequent, but the numbers are not great, and many of those after getting- here, are apprehended and deported. Under the present la-ws and tlieir vigilant enforcement there is little to fear from the competition of Chinese labor. 331 INSULAR TERRITORIES. POKTO RICO, HAWAII, AND SAMOA. Since the beginDing of the Administration of President McKinley Hawaii has been annexed and created into a territory of the United States;, Porto Kioo has been ceded by Spain and given a territorial government; the Island of Gnam has been ceded to and become territory of the United States, and the tripartite agreement with Germany and England regarding Samoa has been superseded by another agreement by virtue of which England retired from the islands and both pow^ers renounced in favor of the United States all their rights and claims in 'the group, embracing the islands of Tutuila, Ofoo, Olosenga, and Manua. The United States has there- fore secured through Republican Administration the gate to the Caribbean Sea, the "rich half-way station" in the Pacific, and naval bases in the southeastern Pacific Ocean. These island possessions are all of commercial advantage to the United States, but they were not sought or acquired for that rea- son. Hawaii, after a short experiment as an independent Republic, sought annexation and was accepted by joint resolution passed by Congress. Porto Rico came as an incident of the war with Spain, as did Guam, and the acquisition of the Island of Tutuila, with its fine harbor at Pago Pago, was due to Wise adjustment of entangling diplomatic arrangements with England and Germany to guarantee the neutrality of the Samoan Islands. Hawaii was annexed in 1898, and created into the rferritory of Hawaii by tlie act of April 30, 1900, which provided a territorial form of govern- ment for the islands. Hawaii and Porto Rico have both been political issues in, the past. They have ceased to be since the Republican policy has been demonstrated as successful in each. The last Democratic Admin- istxation opposed the annexation of Hawaii, and vrithdrew the treaty which had been agreed upon and submitted to the Senate by President Harrison on Febrtiary 15, 1893, and favorably reported by the Committee on Foreign Relations of that body. Three days after his inauguration President Cleveland withdrew that treaty and appointed James H. Blount, of Georgia, as a "paramount com- missioner" to the Hawaiian Islands, giving him rank above the minister of the United States in Honolulu. The next December President Cleveland sent a message to Congress announcing his intention of restoring Liliuokaluni to the throne. President Dole, 333 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 333 of the provisiqnal governinent in Hawaii, refused to comply with the wishes of President Cleveland for the restoration of the former Queen, and the proposition was met with such indignation in the United States that it was abandoned. The Republic of Hawaii continued to exist as an independent g-overnment Tintil Congress,' in 1899, provided by joint resolution for the annexation sought. In April, 1900, by act of Congress, the Constitution, and all the laws of the United States not locally inapplicable were extended and Hawaii established as a territory, with a legislature and a delegate in Congress. Porto Eico ceased to be a political issue with the decision of the Supreme Court sustaining tke Poraker Act under which the terri- tory was organized,' and 15 per cent of the Dingley tariii rates kept to provide .^revenues for the territorial government. There has not been a political ripple. regarding Porto Rico since that de- cision, and President Roosevelt, in his message to . Congress last December, said: "It is a, pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as to Porto Rico than as to any State or Terri- tory within our continental limits. The island is thriving as never before, and it is being administered efRciently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying liberty and order under the protection of the United States, and upon this fact we congratulate them and our- selves." George Allen, in his report in 1901, showed that the Territoi-y of Porto Rico had half a million dollars on hand, had enacted local revenue laws to take the place of the 15 per cent tarifE to provide for free trade with the United States, and was enjo3'ing peace and prosperity. So closed the Porto Rican incident, which was elabo- rated into a political issue by the Democrats in 1900. It closed with the full approval of the Republican policy by the Supreme Court and by the results of Republican legislation in Porto Rico. Not a blow has been struck except for liberty and humanity and none will be; we will perform without fear every national and international obligation. — President McKinley to Notifica- tion Committee, July 12, 1900. Barbarism has and can have no place in a civilized world. It Is our duty toward the people living in barbarism to see that they are freed from their chains, and we can only free them by de- stroying barbarism itself. The missionary, the merchant, and the soldier may each have to play a part in this destruction, and In the consequent uplifting of the people. — Theodore Boosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. DANISH WEST INDIES. DESIEABLE NAVAL AND COALING STATIONS. The Danish West Indies should now bevj^terril ory of the United States but for the attempt of the Bemocratic leader in the House of Representatives to connect a scandal with the transfer. An investi- gation by the House resulted in showing that Jlr. Richardson, of Tennessee, had been the victim of his own suspicions and the com- plaints of a man who was attempting to secure a commission from the Government of Denmark for the sale of the islands. That was all, but it was enough to create a faction in the Danish Parliament and prevent the ratification of the treaty which was negotiated in Washington, January 24, 1903, and ratified by unanimous vote of the United States Senate February 17. It was a month later, March 37, that Mr. Richardson sprung his sensation in the House which demanded an investigation that resulted in showing absolutely false all the charges of Captain Christmas to the effect that he had negotiated the sale of tlie islands for Denmark by bribery. But these charges were made public at the time the treaty was before the Danish Parliament, and they resultcMi in delaying the ratifica- tion which is still pending. The life of the 1i-ea1y has been ex- tended until July 24, 1903, to allow the Danish Parliament time to fully investigate all the charg'es made as to agents and the promise of eommissio'ns by that Government before the treaty is ratified. By this treaty Denmark agrijes to cede to the United States the islands of St. Thomas, St. John, and St. CroLx in the West Indies, with the adjacent islands, comprising all title and claim to territory ' in the West Indies by the Crown of Denmark. It conveys to the United States the absolute; fe'e and ownership of all public, Govern- ment or Crown lands, public buildings, jKirtfi, harbors, fortifications, barracks, and all other public property of every kind belonging to the Government of Denmark. The Danish subjects residing in the islands may remain or remove therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights of property. They may retain their allegiance to Denmark by making declaration of that purpose within two years from the date of exchange of ratifications. The civil rights and the political status of the inhabitants shall be determined by Congress. The United States agrees to pay the sum of $5,000,000 lor these , islands. The island of St. Thomas lies about 36 miles east of Porto Rico, St. John being immediately east of St. Thomas. St. Croix is about 40 miles south of St. Thomaa, in the ^Caribbean Sea. St. Thomas is 334 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXTN-BOOK. 335 tlie most itnpoiiant island oil ,the«gTonp, because it is an important coaliny station and depot of trade, and because it has one of the linest harbors in the AVest Indies. The island is 12 miles long- and -from 1 to 3 miles wide. It has a population of 10,886. The only article of export is bay rum. The island of St. John is 8 miles long, a,nid has an area of about 40 square miles. Its population is less than 1,000. St. Croix is the larg-est of the islands, and 19 miles long, with an area of 51,890 acres, o(E which 16,000 acres are devoted to the cultivation of suggr. The exports of the island in 1898 amo^unted to $550^000 in value. The United States first' attempted to purchase these islands in 1865 during the Administration of President Lincoln. Secretary Seward was desirous of purchasing them, and in 1866 made a definite offer of $5,000,000 for the islands of St. Thomas, St. John, and Santa Cruz. • In 1867 Denmark declined to sell the islands for $5,000,000, but offered St. Thomas and St. John for $10,000,000, or $15,000,000 foi' the thi-ee. Mr. Seward replied by offering $7,500,000 in gold for the three islands. Denmark offered to take that sura for St. Thomas and St. John. Finally Secretary Seward offered to purchase St. Thomas and St. John for $7,500,000, but further comj>lications arose because Denmark insisted that the consent of the people in the islands should be given before the sale was consummated. That was con- ceded, and the treaty was negotiated and ratified by the Rigsdag of Demmark, but was not reported to the United States Senate by the Committee on Foreign Relations for t\yo years, and was them rejj'Orted adversely, ajid the Senate refused to ratify it. Secretaries Foster and Olney, under the Harrison and Cleveland AdministrationiS, had diplomatic correspondence regarding the pur- chase of these islands, and in March, 1898, a bill was reported to the Senate from the Committee on Foreign Relations authorizing the President to purchase them. The bill was not acted upon. In his report on the bill for the purchase of the islands in ]898, Senator Lodge said: "The arguments in favor of the possession of these islands can be brieiiy stated, and appear to the undersigned to be unanswerable. So long as these islands are In the market there is always the danger that some European power may purchase or try to purchase them. This would be an infraction of the Monroe Doctrine, and would at once Involve the United States in a veiry serious difficulty -with the European power which sought possession of the islands. In the interest of peace, it is of great importance that these islands should , pass into the hands of the United States and cease to be a possible source of foreign complications, which might easily lead to war. "From a military point of vie^v the value of these islands to the 336 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. United States can hardly be overestimated. We have ahvays been anxious to have a good naval and coaling'-Ktation in the West Indies. Important in time ot jioace, snch a station would be essential to our safety in time of war. Successive Administrations have labored to secure a West Indian naval station. During' the war of the re- bellion the United States leased the harbor of St. Nicholas from Haiti for this purpose. General Grant endeavored, during his Presi- dency, to secure ^amana Bay. The efEort to obtain the Danish Islands, as has been, shown, was begnn by Mr. Seward during' the Presidency of Abraham Lincoln. The fine harbor of St. Thomas fulfills all the required naval and military conditions. "As has been pointed out by Captain Mahau, it is one of the great strategic points in the West Indies. The population of the three islands is only 33,000, of whom nearly 30,000 are negroes, the others being chiefly of English or Danish extraction. There is no possi- bility of any material increase in the population, and annexation would never involve at any time the trotfblesome question of State- hood. The Danish Islands could easily be governed as a Territory — could be readily defended from attack, occupy a commanding stra^ tegic position, ajid are of incalculable value to the United States, not only as a part of the national defense, but as removing by th^ir possession a very probable cause of foreign complications." Let me insist again, for fear of possible misconstruction, upon the fact that our duty is two-fold, and that we must raise others while we are benefiting ourselves. In bringing order to the Philip- pines, our soldiers added a new page to the honor roll of American history, and they incalculably benefited the islanders themselves. Under the wise administration of Governor Taft the islands now enjoy a peace and liberty of which they have hitherto never even dreamed. — Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, Septem-' ber 2, 1901. Throughout a large part of our national career our history has been one of expansion, the expansion being of different kinds at different times. This expansion is not a matter of regret, but of pride. It is vain to tell a people as masterful as ours that the spirit of enterprise is not safe. The true American has never feared to run risks when the prize to be won was of sufficient value.— Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, Septem- ber 2, 1901. THE CIVIL SERVICE. The Republican platform of 1900 said: "We commend the policy of the Republican party in the efficiency ,of the civil scivice. 'I'lie Administration has acted wisely in its efforts to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philijjpine Islands only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. We believe that employment in the public service in these teiritories should be confined as far as possible to their inhabitants." President McKinley and President Roosevelt in their Adminislia- tlons follow.ed this guiding principle, and sought to rnake the civil service a practical illustration of the merit system. The Rep;iblican party has given hdarty support to the civil-service law, and Presi- dent Roosevelt, through his experience as a member of the Civil Service Commission, knows its practical benefits and the failure o£ theoretical efCorts in regard to the civil service. There has been no sham or humbug about the enforcement of the law since the Republican party' succeeded to the administration of the Government. The last Democratic Administration used this civil-service law as an excuse to protect its appointees to office, by placing a large number of places in the classified service just before the change 6f Administration. President McKinley frankly informed Congress that he would exempt some of these places. He said in his jnessage to the Fifty-seventh Congress, "There are places now in the classified service which ought not to be exempted and othei^ not classified may properly be included. I shall not hesitate to exempt cases which I think have been improperly included in the classified service or include those which, in my judgment, will best promote the public service.'' In ot^er words. President McKinley did not propose to throw upon any law or system the responsibility belonging to the Presi- dent for an efficient and honest public service. McKinley changed its rules. He did exempt places which could not be filled by com- petitive examination, and he placed in the classified service other places. He promulgated an order May 29, 1899, in which he exempted from the classified sei-vice certain places involving fiduciary respon- sibilities or duties strictly confidential, scientific, or executive in character, which could be better filled either by non-competitive examinations or in the discretion of the appointing oflicers. Other places were transferred to the classified lists. 23 • 337 338 ' EKPUBLICA'N CAlSrPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. President Koosevelt has folloAved the same rule. In his message to the Fifty-seventh Congress he said: "The merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic and American a^ the common school system itself. It simply means that in clerical and other positions, where the dutiesiare entirely non-political, all appli- cants should have a fair, field and no favor, each standing on his merits as he is able to show them by a practical test. Written com- petitive examinations offer the only available means in many cases for applying this system. In other eases, as where laborers are employed, a system of registt'ation undoubtedly can be widely ex- tended. There are, of course, places where the written competitive examination can not be applied, and others where it ofEers by no means an ideal solution; but -vvhere, under existing political condi- tions it is, though an imperfect means, yet the best present means of getting satisfactory results." \ The Administrations of McKinley and Roosevelt have both fol- lowed as far as practicable the policy of employing the inhabitants of territories in the public service there. But the main object has been an honest and efficient public service. Shipping lines, if established to the principal countries with which we have de^-lings, would be of political as well as commer- cifel benefit. Prom every standpoint it is unwise for the United States to continue to rely upon the ships of compe1:ing nations for the distribution of our goods. It should be made advantage- ous to carry American goods in American-built ships. — President Roosevelt, in Message to 'Congress, December 3, 1901. In the Philippines let us remember that the spirit and not the mere form, of government is the essential matter. The Tagalogs have a hundred-fold the freedom under us that they would have - if we ha(} abandoned the islands. We are not trying to subjugate a. people; we are trying to develop them and make them a. laiy- abidijig, industrious, and educated people, and we hope, ulti- mately, a self-governing people. — Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. While the nation that has dared to be great, that has had the will and the power to change the destiny of the ages, in the end must die, yet no less surely the nation that has played the part of the weakling must also die; and, whereas the nation that has done nothing leaves nothing behind it, the nation that has done a great work really continues, though in changed form, forever- more. — Theodore Roosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. MR. HOAR AND THE KUKLTJX OF 190a. We have been asked several times within the past week to ex- amine and consider seriously the main proposition of Sen.ilor Hoar's speech on Filipino liberty. This main p'roposition is that ' the Government of the United States has no right, in view of American principles, to impose a constitution or laws of our mak- ing upon a people unwilling to accept them; no right to govern without the consent of the governed. The whole argument of the distinguished and resjjected states- man from Massachusetts reduces itself to the question of moral right. For this nation's legal power to enforce jts will in the Philippines result necessarily from the sovereignty regularly and legitimately acquired from Spain. No sane person, whatever may' be his opinion of the case in its ethical asi)ect, asgails the technical legality of our sovereignty there. The whole argument of Mr. Hoar also rests upon the assumption that the Filipinos — meaning a majority of them, of course — are un- willing to be governed by us or to submit to the authority of our flag. For if' the Filipino people, or a majority of the same, are willing to be so governed, the protest and the oratory of Senator Hoar are manifestly superfluous. His assumption to the contrary is purely gratuitous. It is unwarranted by any evidence which the advocates ol the withdrawal of the American flag and sov- ereignty from the islands have been able to present. The assump- tion of non-consent rest^ in its turn solely upon the individual be- lief or conjecture of certain worthy persons in Massachusetts and elsewhere, and upori the incidental circumstance that a relatively small part ot the Filipinos scattered here and there in the islands are now in armed resistance — an insurrection which it is the un- questionable duty and business of this Government to put down. But even if we should concede to Mr. Hoar's argument the cor- rectness of this sweeping and absolutely unproven assumption that the insurgents represent the entire population of the Philip- pines or a majority of the same; if we should admit that our gov- ernment of the Filipinos la gfovemment without the consent o^ the covemed, what truth is there in his proposition tjiat we have no nioral right to gcfvem them according to our legal power? It h«s appeared to us that there can be no better answer to this than i* afforded by the whole record of Mr. Hoar's utterances and TOtes in the House of Eepresentatives during the Forty-first, Forty- / 13* 340 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. second, Forty-third, and Forty-fourth Congresses, and afterward' in the United States Senate, on every question concerning' the legal and moral right of the Federal Govemment to impose its will in legislation, sometimes exceeding'ly drastic even to the suppression of the writ of habeas corpus, upon the white citizens of the South- em States against their consent and in the face of their most vehement protests. ■ Where did the force bill of 1871 and subsequent legislation on the same line find a more zealous supporter than the Hon. George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts? Who was more frequently eloquent in deinanding that the powers of the Federal Government be exer- cised in the South without regard to the consent of the governed? Who was more ingenious and persistent in detecting and exhibit- ing those Kuklui and Whitecap disorders, which he held to justify Federal interference to an extent which oppressed guilty and in- nocent alike? Who earned, in the seventies, a reputation mOre ex- tensive than Mr. Hoar as a shaker of the "bloody shirt?" And when, in August, 1876, a protest was made by the late Lucius Quintus Cincinnatiis Lamar, of Mississippi, ag-ainst all this government without the consent of the governed — a protest couched in language which, if it had come from AgTxinaldo or Sixto Lopez, would have made Mr. Hoar's heart bleed at each sympa- thetic throb — who turned upon the Southerner with these reproach- ful words: "The attempt of the Government of the United States to exer- cise its constitutional authority to preserve to the majority in any Southern State the right of free and fair elections is to him (ilr. Lan^ar) but the exertion of a hostile and alien power to keep down in the dust what he terms 'his people,' by which I suppose he means the white Democrats of the South. The murders and outrages committed upon weak, inoffending, defenseless American citizens are to him but the attempt of a downtrodden people to turn itself in its agony under the heel of an oppressor." * « * The vital difference between the gentleman and the Republican party is that he seems to think that the remedy for what he dislikes in govern- ment is resistance by force." The statesman who pronounced this rebulte was the Hon. George F. Hoar, twenty-five years afterward the defender and champion, in the United States Senate, of the Kuklux infesting American ter- ritory in the Philippines. — New York Sun. It is always safe to array yourself on the side of your country; it is always safe to stand against lawlessness and repudiation.— Major McKinley, at Canton, September 23, 1896. DEMOCRATIC HARMONY. CLEVELAND, BKYAN, AND WATTEK.SON ILLUSTRATE IT. Democratic harmony has been the appealing- cry of the varioua and antagonistic leaders of that parly for two yea,rs. There are to-day three great Democratic leaders in the country whose posi- tion in the past and At the present tiipe "enable them to spealc with some authority on the question of Democratic issues and Demo- cratic candidates. They are Grover Cleveland, twice elected Presi- dent and three times the candidate of hj's party; William Jenningfs Bryan, twice nominated for President by the Democratic party and the leader of that party on all the issues it now represents, and Henry Watterson, the brilliant editor of the Louisville Courier-Jour- nal and the long recognized apostle and prophet of tariff reform, who guided President Cleveland In the preparation of his first free- trade message. These three Democratic leaders have recently spoken plainly on the plan of Democratic harmony, and frankly regarding each other and the policies they represent. These three speeches are rare and valuable contributions to the political literature of the present time. They form a unique etapter in Democratic harmony. Mr. Cleveland was the chief guest and speaker at the Tilden Club banquet in New York, June 18, 1902. His speech was as follows: CLEVELAND FOE FREE TRADE. "I have been urged to participate in this occasion by those who have assured me that this handsome structure is to be dedicated to-njght to the rehabilitation and consolidation of the Democratic party under the inspiration of a name which during the days of Democratic strength and' achievement was honored in every Demo- cratic household. Such an assurance made to one who followed with hearty devotion the leadership of Samuel J. Tilden when living, and who has since found in his career and fame the highest incen- tive to Democratic steadfastness, could hardly fail to overcome the temptations of my contented retirement from political activity. Per- haps there are those who would define my position as one of banish- ment instead of retirement. Against this I shall not enter a pro- test. It is sufficient for me in either case that I have followed in matters of difference within our party the teachings and counsel of the great Democrat in whose name party peace and harmony 34> /342 ' REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. are to-nig-lit invoked. ' No coDfes?sioii of party sin shoulcl therefore ; be expected oJ; me. I, have none, to make; nor do I frave political absolution. "I am here to take counsel with others professing- the same party faith concerning; the, Demo-cratic situation. I suppose; we all are convinced that this situation might be improved; and some of us may think it is perilously undermined. Wliatever the measure of its' impairment ma.y be, our condition as an organization can not be improved by calling each other harsh names, nor by inaugurating a system of arbitrary proscriptioii and banishment. The membters , . ,: of a business firm in finaneial embarrassment should not sit down and look into each other's faces in mute despair; neither will they regain financial soundness or the confidence of the business com-., •" munity by recriminatdom and quarrel; . nor will any members of ^|.;, the firm .aid in its restoration to solvent strength by an angry, in- ! fcistence upon a continuation of the business methods which have , invited its,. emlparrassm-ents. < , ' "The Democratic party is very far from political insolvency; but no one here should be offended by the suggestion that its capital ■ and prospects have suffered serious injury since Mr. Tjlden was elected Prfesident. Then and afterward Northern: -Democratic States were not rare curiosities; Northern Democratic Senators, now prac- tically extinct, were quite numerous, and Northern Democratic gov- ^^^ emorsj now almost neVer seen, were frequently encountered. ' ' , Longs for Old Democratic Ways. — "If this state of imi>airment exists, an instant duty; pressiCs upon the m'Snagers of the Denno- i cratic esta.blishment, and one which they can not evade with, hohbr; ' ; .Those ,of us leeis prominent in the party—the rank and file — are longing to be led through olcj Democratic ways to old DemoeraiHij. victories. We were never more ready to do enthusiastic battle than now a we can only be marshaled outside. the shadow of predestined defeat. Is it too much to ask our leaders to avoid paths that are Ifnown to lead to disaster? Is it too much to ask that proven errors be abandoned andUhat we be delivered from. a body of /death and relieved from the burden oi issues which have been killed by the , decrees of the American people? Ought we liot to be fed upon something better than 'the husks of defeat? If these questions are met in an honest, manly .fashion., I believe it will be productive of the best kind of Democratic harmpny. , <. "In dealing with new issues we of the Dendotratie faith are ex- tremely fortunate in the sim^jlicity of Democratic standards ajid the ease with which new questions can be measured by those stand-: ards. A party based upon care for the interests of all the people as_ their iiggregato condition demands, with no. unjust favoritism for any piii-ticulur (■hiss;_ a part,\- devoted to the plan -of popular REPUBLICAN CAJrrATGX TEXT-BOOK. 343 government as our fathers or"aained it and for the purposes which they sniio-ht to establish; a. party wlinsc eonservatism opposes dan- ,gerous and un-American experiments, and yet puts no barrier in the wa.\ of g-enviine and safe progress, ought to be able to deal with new questions in a manner quite consistent with Democratic doc- trine and stimulating to Democratic impulses an dinstincts. "Let us not forget, however, that it is not in the search of new and gaudy issues nor in the interpretation of strange visions that a strong and healthy Democracy displays its splendid power. An- other party may thrive on the ever-shifting treatment of the ever- shifting moods of popular restlessness, or by an insincere play upon unreasoning prejudice and' selfish anticipation, but the Democratic party never. Democracy has already in store the doctrines for which it fights its successful battles, and it will have them in store as long as the people are kept from their own, and just as long as their rights and interests are sacrificed by favoritism in govern- ment carei.by inequality in government burdens, by the encourage- ment of huge industrial aggregations that throttle individual enter- prise, by the reckless waste of public money, and by the greatest of all injuries; as it underlies nearly all others — a, system of tarifE taxation \vhose robbing exactions are far beyond the needs of • economical and legitimate governiment expenditure — which pur- chases suj^port by appeals to sordidness and greed, and which con- tinually corrupts tlTfe pub\ic conscience. Infatuation with Defeat. — "What but infatuation with the visage of defeat can explain the subordination of these things by Demo- crats when they prepare for battle. "If we are to have a rehabilitation and realignment of our party in the sense suggested, it is important that it be done openly and • with no mystery or double meaning. Our people are too niiuli on the alert \o accept political deliverances they do not understand; and the enthusiasm of the Democratic rank and file does not thrive on lu.^stery. "The Democratic havmony of which we hear so much can not be effectively lonsf riietcd by mathematical rule nor by a formal agree- ment on tlic j)art of those who have been divided that there shall be harmony. It grows up uaturally A\hen true Democratic prin- ciples are iilainly announced, when Oemocra.tic purposes are hon- estly declared, and when, as a result of these, confidence and en- i thusiasm stir the Democratic blood. It was such harmony as this, ', growing out of such conditions, which, with the battle cry of '■ 'Tilden and Reform,' gave us the Democratic victory of 1876 against odds great enough to discourage any but a, l>armonious Democracy and against an opposing force brazen and desperate 344 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXX-BOOJi. enough to take from us by downrig'ht robbery what the voters of the land gave to us. "I believe the times point to another Democratic victory as near at hand; but I believe we shall reap the fruits of it only by follow- ing the line of conduct I have indicated. In any events I have a comforting and abiding faith in the indestructibility of the party which has so many times shown its right to live and, its power for good; and I am sure the reserve of patriotic Democratic wisdom will at some time declare itself in the rescue of our country andi our party. "My days of po'litioal activity are past, and I shall not hereafter assume to participate in party councils. I am absolutely content with retirement, but I still have one burning, anxious, political aspi- ration. I want to see before 1 die the restoration to perfect health and supremacy of that Democracy whose miission it is to Hess the people — a Democracy true to itself, untempted by clamor, unmoved by the gusts of popular passiou, and uncorrupted by offers of strange alliance — the Democracy of patriotism, the Democraqy of safety, the Democracy of Tilden, and the-Democracy that deserves and wins success." Mr. Watterson published the following editorial in the Louisville Courier -Journal, June 21, 1902. The heading is his own: A death's head at the feast. "The Democratic party is not so rich either in leadership or in position of Strategic advantage that it can afford to reject good counsels from any quarter, but surely it has the right to draw the line on Grover Cleveland. "To Mr. Cleveland's insufiRciency, to use no harsher term, 'it owes its undoing. The claim that he is the one man who has led it to a national victory in forty years falls to the ground when it is re- called that in 1884 he won the election by a doubtful margin in the State of New York, which he had carried the year before by a majority of nearly two hundred thousand; that, in 1888, he lost the election through his fatuous vanity and self-confidence; and that, in 1892, the Homestead riots, which tra,nsferred the vote of the labor unions bodily from the Republicans to the Democrats jnad© the defeat of the Democratic ticket impossible. One star, at least, shone over Mr. Cleveland's cradle. He was bom to good luck, and he was destined to be President. "Mr. Cleveland's political stock in trade, his party trade-mark, so to say— since his tariff message of 1887— is the preitension that he has been, par exceJlenoe, true to the recognized tenets of revenue reform. As far aa he understood them, he was from first to last false to them. If Mr. Gorman and Mr. Carlisle could be put on the EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 345 stand and be compelled to answer they would relate that within, ten dtiys after Mr. Cleveland sent the one document to Cougress identi- fying himself with the free-trade wing of the party, he was pre- paring- to em.ascufate it; and it is matter of record that^he sent Gor- man and Scott to St. Louis in 1888, with a cut-and-dried platform, ignoring his own message, ignoring the Mills bill, then before Con- gress, and repeating the straddle which, with General Butler on our flank and Mr. Kandall on our back, we had been forced to make at Chicago in 1884. Untrue to His Platform.— "But the story does not end here, for it is also of record that, in 1892, Mr^ Cleveland sent seven members of his former Cabinet to Chicago, not merely to work for a nomina- tion he pretended not to seek, but again to put him on a cut-and- dried platform,, embodying as good Protectionist gospel as the Republicans themselves cbuld reasonably desire; a platform so bad from the Democratic point of view that the convention rose upon its hind legs and pitched it^ooit on the spur of the moment, adopt- ing a tariff plank of its own. He sought, in his letter.of acceptance, to qualify this tariff plank- of the platforpi on which the conven- tion that nominated him had placed him — there are those who say he did qualify it — ^but it is certain that, once again in the White House,' he turned his back upon the tariff, sending it to the rear, and brought the money question to the front, precipitating a ran- corous and ruindus party figbt, so that, finally, when he reached the tariff the party was out at elbow and literally all fingers and thumbs. Then, obliged to do something, he caused a tariff bill to be prepared, not according to the instructions of the platform on which he was elected, not in conformity to the hopes and pledges of his party, but a ringed, streaked, and striped measure of quasi protection doomed in advance to hopeless, ingloirions defeat. That at the last he refused to sign the act which came to him as a result of his own bungling, still jug-gling as a. revenue reformer, would have been amusing if the situation had been less tragical, and was in the highest degree grotesque. "Those v^ho know him will not deny to Mr. Cleveland a personality all his owrR He is a man of great force of will and domlnancy of character. Democrats have a superstition in favor of what is calle^ 'Jaoksonian firmness.' Courage, indeed, is a, popular attribute with all classes of the people. Mr. Cleveland has gained largely in popular favor by reason of the ascription of a sturdiness and integrity, which his panegyrists have assiduously cultivated. Neither his honesty nor his hardihood need be gainsaid, iu order to prove his deficiency as a party leader — though both have been most violently assailed— and, having no personal ill-will to gratify at his expense, we shall not stop to inquire where the trophies of either may be 346 REPUBLICAN CAMl'AIGN TEXT-BOOK. on exhibition. It is enough to declare that he found the party what Mr. Tilden had made it, a moral unit; a great, compact body of fig-hting men; and that, having twice betrayed it — we will not say consciously betrayed it — for his own selfish .ends, he left it, leaderless and divided, to the mercy of the winds and waves of factionism, called into being by his own lack of generosity and foresight. Stood in Middle of the Road. — "Even down to the Chicago con- vention of 1896 Mr. Cleveland stood in the middle of the road block- ing the way alike of friend and foe who might desire or seek the nomination ^of that convention. He could not be induced to efface himself. Whilst he was from da,y tO' day pretending that he would issue a farewell address to his party, taking himself from out the range of possible nominees, a member of his Cabinet, without rebuke, was permitted earnestly to urge him for a fourth time upon the party. He literally held Caxlisle whilst Carlisle's enemies skinned him. But, later along, when a sacrificial nomination was in issue, he was prompt, even vociferous, in his refusal to consider it. In a word, he was a receptive candidate for a fourth nomina- tion; he thought the factional troubles in the party would bring this about; and — well — we saw what we saw^, we have^been there and vv:e have returned, and, to make ^a. long story short, we know what we know. "It seems a kind of irony that it should be a Tilden Club to wel- come Mr. Cleveland's baleful re-entry into political activities. Mr. Tilden died with words of scoru and contempt upon his lips for Grover Cleveland. H§ understood perfectly the coarse texture of Mr. Cleveland's physical and mental malte-up; his obtuse selfish- ness; his ignorant obstinacy; his vulgar self-assertion; his inde- fatigable duplicitj'. That Mr. Cleveland should put himself forn'ard as a conjeeturable party leader is proof of a self-confidence which would be sublime if it were not sinister; because leadership with him means oiBce and nothing but ofiice. Such well-turned dis- claimers as that which irradiated his else-wise aptly-phrased speedy of Thursday night, mean nothiiig to those who are familiar with his peculiar methods. They know for a certainty that Mr. Cleve- land never puts himself to the trouble of a public appearance with- out a definite objective point, and that this objecti^'e point always relates to his own appetite ajid interesl. Always an Office Seeker. — "From the day he was one and twenty till now he has been an ofiice seeker. He never drew a disinterested respiration in all his life. We are not permitted therefore to see in this artfully timed and ostentatious reappearance upon the scene from which he withdraw into the conspicuous shade of a great univewity anything except the orgauizatiou of a Pri'sidential boom. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 347 as it is called, From 1889 until 1892, affecting^ tlic s;iiiic seclusion, Mr. Cleveland was industriously shaping- his eampiiig-n fur the nomi- nation of the latter year. His old office holders wei'e industriously helping him. They thoug'ht if he got back they would get back. So, in every precinct throughout the country, whilst the chieftain masqueraded as a jMitriot and sage, rising sijperior to the material things of ambition, and life, the Cleveland ijropaganda went on be- neath the surface. The trick succeeded. It had never been tried before, and those \who might have withstood it knew not how. As the appointed time drew nigh it looked as if the whole country was for Cleveland. Through the admirable and tireless management of Mr. Whitney he was nominated, and, thanks to the Homestead riots, he was elected, and the iirst thing he did on getting back to his ■ kingdom was to announce to the men who h?ul restored it to him-- his former officeholders — that they were not jn it! Tlius he killed two birds with one stone; he got rid of a rift'raffi of importanates and made a new riffrafC of expectants; trusting his luck that in future contingencies the latter would outweigli the former. More than any politician of his time he has understood how to play upon public opinion and to pose for effect. This has enabled his partisans to create an ideal Cleveland, to place this upon a pedestal, and tu fall down and worship their own man of straw. Jlean while, the real Cleveland grew to be a veritable Upas tree, so that whoever cajne beneath its shadow perished. The truth is that, though a wrecker of larger craft, in paddling his own canoe, Mr. Cleveland is a most dexterous oarsman. Diaz of Democracy. — "We rather think the party will a^ee with- out much division that it has had its iill of Mr. Gleveland. The idea of his nomination in 1903 is little short of ridiculous. He would be hailed by the Republicans as the Diaz of Democracy; that is, as its only, onliest captain-general. It is safe to say that as a can- didate for a third term in the Whitfe House — and for the fourth time a Presidential nominee — he could not carry a contested districtin *>the United States. "The Tilden Club has decidedly not put its best foot foremost. The rather, as the saying is, it has 'put its foot in it.' The name of Cleveland may still be a name to conjure with for the Republicans. With the Democrats of the West and South it is simply hateful. Addressing it, the party might paraphrase the familiar words of Rip Van Winkle, 'I got enough, and I know when I got enough,' though it would hardly be able to complete the sentence and to add, 'I am glad, when I got enough!' The substance of what Mr. Cleveland said was done in his characteristic vein of felicitous subtlety; but which of the fables tells of a certain animal, with sad memories in mind, saying in response to the polite invitation of a certain other animal, 'Mr. Fox, you talk too weUI'" 348 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. BBTAN BEADS CLEVELAND OTJT OF PAKTT. William Jenning-s Bryan did not attend the "Democratic harmonj' meeting-" at the Tilden Club in New York. The following- statement given out for publication at Lincoln, Nebr., June 33, explains why he did not: ^ "The banquet gixen on the evening of June 19 by the Tilden Club of New York City was advertised as a 'harmony meeting-,' but it turned out to be what might have been expected of such a gather- ing, an ovation to the chief guest, formier Democrat Grover Cleve- land. There can be no such thing as harmony between men like him and those who believe in Democ-ratic principles, and he is frank enough to say so. He spent no time looking for middle 'ground,' upon which to gather' together discordant elements. He boldly called upon the members of the party to abandon their convictions and accept the construction which he placed upon Democratic principles. He even taunted the party with being a sort of prodigal son, and inyi.ted it to give up its diet of husks and return to its father's house. " Interpreting Cleveland's Words. — "He spoke of his 'retirement from political activity,' and said: 'Perhaps there are those who would define my position as one of banishment instead of retire- ment. Against this I shall not enter a protest. It is sufficient for me in either case that I have followed on the matters of difference within our party the teachings and counsel of the great Democrat in whose name party peace and harmony are to-nig-ht invoked. No confession of party sin should, therefore, be expected of me. I have none to make; nor do I crave political absolution.' "He not only boasted of his course, but put his brand upon those who sat at meat with him. Having asserted that his Democratic faith compelled him to leave the party (or resulted in his banislC- ment), he descried the banqueters as sharing in that faith. "He is not only deiiant, but he insists that party success can be secured only by an open and avowed return to his ideas. Harmony" is to be" secured, not by the suppression of dijEferences, but by the elimination of those who difCer from him." Mr. Bryan says he will print in his paper Mr. Cleveland's speech "to show that the organizers do not want harmony, but control, and that their control means the abandonment of the party's posi- tion and' a return to the policies and practices of Mr. Cleveland's second administration." He continues: The Second Administration.— "He (Cleveland) secured his nomi- nation in 1892 by a secret bargain vnfh the financiers; his commit- tee collected from the corporations and spent the largest campaign fund the paxty ever had; he filled his Cabinet with corporation KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 349 agents and placed railroad attorneys on the United- States bench to look after the interests of their former clients. He turned the Treasury over to a Wall street syndicate, and the financial members of his ofBcial family went from Washington to became the private attorney of the man who forced (?) the Treasury Department to sell him Government bonds at 105 and then resold them at 117. He tried to prevent the adoption of the income tax provision, he re- fused to sign the only tariff reform measure passed since the war, and while thundering a,gainst the trusts in his message, did even less than Knox has done to interfere with their high-handed micthods. ''His Administration, instead of being a fountain of Democracy, sending forth pure and refreshing streams, became a stagnant pool, from whose waters foul vapors arose, poisonous to those who lingered near. "Having debaiuched his party, he was offended by its effect to reform and gave comfort to the enemy. Virginius killed his daughter to save her chastity; Cleveland stabbed his party to pre- vent its return to the paAJis of virtue. * "And now, still gloating over his political crimes, he invites the party to returji to him and apologize for the conljempt which it has expressed for him. Will it? Not until the principles of Jefferson are forgotten and the works of Jackson cease to inspire. Cleveland the Logical Candidate. — "It, we are to have reorganiza- tioni Cleveland himself should accept the Presidential nomination. It would be due him; his reinstatement would be poetic justice to him and retribution to those whose Democratic conscience revolted against his undemocratic conduct. Of course, he would get no Democratic votes, but being closer to plutocracy than any Kepub- lican likely to be nominated, he mig-ht divide the enemy, and even DemoWats would have what little consolation would come from receiving their disappointment in advance. "A merchant about to fail invited his creditors to a dinner, and, after stating^ his condition, secured a, year'^f extension from all present. One of the number, a relative, waited until after the others had retii'ed, and then accosted the debtor: 'Of course I prom- ised with the rest to extend the time, but you are going to make me a preferred creditor, are you not?' 'Yes,' replied the debtor, 'I'll make you a preferred creditor. I'll tell you now that you are not going to get anything; the rest won't find it out for a year.' Mr. Cleveland's nomination would have this advantage over the nomination of any other reorganizer, he would make the demo- crats preferred creditors and tell them that they would not be benefited by his Administration. "Mr. Cleveland's speech should be read in full. It ^J3swers_ a use- 350 EEl'UBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. fill purpose; it outlines the plan of campaigTi decided upon by the plutocratic elements, for whicli the reorganizers stand. TariiJ reform is to be made the chief isK>ie, and the men who voted for McKinley, the hig-h priest of protection, are to carry on a, sham battle with, their companions of 1896, while the financiers make the dollar redeemable in gold and fasten upon the country an asset currency and a branch bank system. Trusts are to be denounced in sonorous terms, while the cuinpaign managers 'mortgage the party to the tAast magnates in return for campaign funds. Some- times imperialism will be denounced, as in Mr. Hopkins's Illinois convention; sometimes ignored, as in Mr. Cleveland's speech; but whether denounced or ignored, the secret and silent power that can compel submission to the demands of the financiers and to the demands of the trust magnates can compel s^lbmission to the de- mands of the exploiters and the representatives of militarism. "The fight is on between a ' Dem.ocracy that means Democracy and a Clevelandism which means plutocracy. Every speech made by Mr. Cleveland shows more clearly the odiousness of the policies fbr which he stands. We have more to fear from those who, like Mr. Hill, indotse Mr. Cleveland's views, but conceal their real purpose in ambiguous language." Corporations engaged in interstate conim.erce should be regu- lated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. — President Koose- velt, in message to Congress, December 3, 1901. Call the roll of nations which are for protection. » * • At least 430 million people are in favor of protection and 38 million Britons are against it; to whom must be added those Americans whose numbers are not known, who, while living under our fl^ag, seem to follow another. — Major McKinley at Toledo, Ohio, February 12, 1891. The first essential of civilization is law. Anarchy is simply the hand-maiden and forerunner of tyranny and despotism. Law and order ^enforced by justice and by strength lie at the founda- tion of civilization. Law must be based upon justice, else it can- not stand, and it must be enforced with resolute firmness, Because weakness in enforcing it means in the end that there is no justice and no law, nothing but the rule of disorderly and unscrupulous strength.— Theodore Koosevelt, in speech at Minneapolis, Septem- ber !^ 1901. NATIONAL -POLITICAL PLATFORMS. REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLA^FOBM, 1900. Th.e Republicans of the United States, through their chosen rep. resentatives, met in. National Conyention, looking back upon an unsurpassed record of aehieveinent and looking forward into a great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judg- ment of their countrymen, make these declarations: THE ACTION OF 1896 JUaTIFIBD. The expectation in which the Amerioan people, turning from the Democratic party, intrusted power four years ago to a Eepub- lican Chief Magistrate and a Kepublican Congress, has been met and satisfied. "When the people then assembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed, and the national credit disastrously im- paired. The country's capital was hidden a\^y and its labor dis- tressed and unemployed. The Democrats had no otlier, plan with which to improve the ruinous conditions which they had them- selves produced thrxn to coin silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. The Republican party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even w^orse than those from which relief was sought, pi^omised to restore prosperity by means of two legislative meas- ures — a protective tariff and a law making gold the standard of value. The people by great majorities issued to the Republican party a commission to enact these laws. The commission has been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever known has followed these enactments. There is no longer controversy as to the value of any Government obligation. Every American dollar is a gold dollar or its assured equivalent, and Ajnerican credit stands higher than that of any nation. Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occupied. .No single fact can more strikingly tell the story of what Republican Government means to the country than this — that while during the whole period of one hundred and seven years from 1790 to 1897 there was an ex- cess of exports ov^r imports of only $383,028,497, there ha^ been in the short three years of the present Republican Administration an excess of exjjorts over imports in the enormoua sum of $1,483,. 537,094. / 353 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. THE WAR WITH SPAIN. And while the American people, sustained by this Eepublican legislation, have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and comnjerce, they have conducted and in victory con- cluded a war for liberty and human rig-hts. Na thought of na- tional aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose with which American standards were uniurled. It was a war unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American Government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action, its armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph' of its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors, to the skill and foresight of Bepublican statesmanship. To ten millions of the human race there was given "a new birth of freedom," and to the American people a new^ and noble responsi-' biUty. pbesidbStt m'kinley's administration. We indorse tlie Administration of President William McKinley. Its acts have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the influ- ence of the American nation. Walking untried paths and facing unforeseen respoiisibilities, President McKinley has been in every situation the true ' American patriot aoad the upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, flrm in action, always inspiring, and deserving the confldence of his countrymen. " ^> prospekitt and the public confidence. In asking the American people to indorse this Eepublican record and to renew their commission to the Eepublican party, we remind them of the fact that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic principles and no less in' the general inca- pacity of the Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prirne essential of business prosperity is public confldence in the good sense of the Government and its ability to deal intelligently with each new problem of administration and legislation. That con- fldence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inadequate, and the country's prosperity, ^^■hem Democratic suc- cess at the polls is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders and failures. CURRENCY. We renew our allegiance tp the principle of the gold standard and declare our confidence in the wisdohi of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold basis has been secured. We REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 353 recognize that interest rates are a potent factor in production and business activity, and for the purpose of further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest, 'we favor such monetary legislation as will enable the varying needs of the season and of all sections to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor steadily" employed, and commerce enlarged. The volume of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. THE FREE COINAGE OF SILVER. We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. No measure to that end could be considered which was without the support of the leading conxmerclaJ coun- tries of the world. However iirmly Eepublican legislation may seem to have secured the country against the peril of base and dis- credited currency, the election of a Democratic President could not fail to impair the country's credit and to bring once more into question, the intention of the American people to maintain upon the gold standard the parity of their money circulation. The Demo- cratic party must be convinced that the American people will never tolerate the Chicago platform. We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-opera- tion of capital to meet new business conditions and especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production, or to control prices, and favor such legislation as will efEectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition, and secure the rights of producer, laborers, and aJl who are engaged in industry and com- merce. PROTECTION. We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American labor. In that policy our industries have been established, diversified, and maintained. By protecting the home market competition has been stimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the inven- tive genius of our people has been secured' and wages in every de- , partment of labor maintained at high rates, higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working people in their bet- ter condition of life from those of any competing country. Enjoy- . ,|.j,g blessings of the American common school, secure in the •foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden -srithdrawal in the event of European war would seriously cripple our expand- ing foreign commerce. The national defense and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply a compelling reason for legisla- tion which will enable us to recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world. ( OUR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the Government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should be liberal and should b^ liberally adnlinistered, and preference should be given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the puMie service to sol- diers and^sailors and to their widows and orphans. ; THE CIVIL SERVICE. We commend the policy of the Republican party in the efficiency of the civii service. The Administration has acted wisely in its efforts to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. .We believe that employment in the public service in these territories should be coniined, as far as prac- ticable, to their inhabitants. NO DISFRANCHISEMENT OP VOTERS. It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Con- stitution to prevent iliscriniiniition on account of vnro or color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of State governments, REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN, TEXT-BOOK. 35J vrhether by statutory or constitntional enactme-nt, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary, and should be con- demned. ' PUBLIC ROADS. ' Public mo%*ements looking' to a permanent improvement of the roads and hip^hways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the legislatures of the several States. RURAL FREE DELIVERY. We favor the extension of the rural free delivery service wher- ever its extension may be justified. FREE HOMES, i In. further pursuance of the constant policy of tlie Eepublican party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend adequate national legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, reserving- control of the distribution of (water for irrigation to the respective States and Territories. THE TERRITORIES. / , We favor home rule for, and the early admission to, statehood of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and Oklahoma. THE DINGLliY ACT AND THB» REVENUES. The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000. So ample are tlie Government's revenues and so sr^S't is th.e public confidence in the Integrity of its obligations that its newly-funded 2 per cent bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified In expecting and it will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about a reduction of the war taxes. ' ISTHMIAN CANAL. We favor the construction, ownership, control, and protection of an Isthmian Canal by the Government of the United States. New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm prod- ucts. Every effort should be mq,de to open and obtain new mar- kets, especially in the Orient, and the Administration is warmly to be commended for Its successful effort to conunit all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the opem door in China. \ A DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE. In the interest of our eapanding commerce we recommend that CO'ngress create a, Department of Commerce and Industries, in 356 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. eharg-e of a. Secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United States consular system should be reorganized under the supervision of this new Department upon such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more serviceable to the nation's increasing' trade. The American Government must protect the person and property of every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. THE WOMEN OF AMERICA. We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid rec- ord of public service in the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their faith- ful co-operation iii aU works of education and industry. J OtJR FOREIGN POLICY. President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance ,for the government of Samoa, his course is especially to be com- mended. By securing to our undivided control ther most important island of the Samoan group and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has been safe-guarded. • HAWAII. We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA. , We commend the part taken by our Government in the peace conference at The Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of the Hague Convention were wisely regarded when President Mc- Kinley tendered his friendly offices in the interest of ijeace between Great Britain and the South African Republic. WJiile the American Government must .continue the policy prescribeiJ by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President, and imposed upon us by the Hague treaty of non-intervention in European controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending parties, to terminate the strife ( ( between them. * THE PHILIPPINES — PORTO RICO. In accepting by the treaty of Paris the just responsibility of otir victories in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other couise waa possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the West- EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 357 ern Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world and with the unorg-anized popula- tion whom our intervention had_£reed from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment of good g-ovemment and for the performance of international obliga- tions. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereigTi rights were extended it became the high, duty of the Government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection, and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-govern- ment consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by law. CUBA. To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which wat was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be performed. ' The Kepublican party upon i^ history, and upon this declara- tion of principles and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American people. ' PfiATFORM OF THE BEPTTBLICAN PARTY. [Adopted by the Republican convention at St. Louis, July 17, 1896.] The Eepublicans of tlie United States, assembled by their repre- ■ sentatives in national convention, appealing Jor the popular and historical justification of their claims to the matchless achieve- ments of the thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confi- dently address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience, and conscience of their countrymen in the following declaration of facts and principles: * For the first time since the civil war the American people have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted Democratic control of the Government. It has been a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster. In adnjinistrative management it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, en- tailed an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the public debt by $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien syndicates, and reversed a\\ the measures and results of successful Republican rule. * In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted industry ajid trade with prolonged depression, closed factories, re- 358 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BUUK.. duced work and wag^es, halted enterpriKe, and crippled American production while stimulating' foreign prodnction for the American market. Every consideration of public safety and individual in- tereist demands that, the Goverpment shall be rescued from the hands of those who have shown themselves incapable to conduct it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be re- stored to the party which for thirty years administered it -svith un- equaled success and prosperity, and in this connection we heartily indorse the wisdom, patriotism, and the success of the Administra- tion of President Harrison. TAJIIFF. We renew and emphasize our alleg'iance to the policy of protec- tion as the buhvark of American industrial independence and the foundation of American development and prosperity. This true Americaij ' policy taxes foreign products and encourages home in- dustry; it puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American producer; it upholds the American standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the farm, and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign demand and price; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its reasonable application it is just, fair, and im'partial; equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sec- tional disoijmination, and individual favoritism. We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injuri- ous to the public credit, and destructive to business enterprise. We demand such an equitable tariff on, foreign imports which come into competition with American products as will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the Governmenl, but will protect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the time and of production; the ruling and uncom- promising principle is the protection and development of American labor and industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then it wants rest. RECIPROCITY. We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangemepts negotiated by the last Kepublican Administration was a national calamity, and we demand their renCAval and extension on such terms as will" .M|ualize our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions ^vhich now obstruct 1he sale of American products in the ports of other countries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests, and factories. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-^BOOK. 359 Pr6tection and reciprocity are tuin measures of Republican policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down both, and both must be re-established. Protection for what we produce; free admission, for the necessities of life which we do not produce; reciprocity agreements of mutual interests which gain open markets for us in return for our open markets to others. Protection builds up domestic industry* and trade and secures our own market for aurselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus. We hopefully look forward to the eventaal withdrawal of the European powers from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of all English-speaking parts of the continent by the free consent of its inhabitants. ' SUGAR. We condemn the present Adm.inistration for not keeping faith with the sugar producers of this coiintry. The Republican pai'ty favors such protection as ^vill lead to the pi*oduction on 'AmericJan soil of all the sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other countries more than $100,000,000 annually. ' W00i;i AND WOOLENS. To all our products — to those of the mine and the fields as well as to those of the shop and the faqtory; to hemp, to wool, the product of the great industry of sheep husbandry, as well As to the finished woplens of the mills — we promise the most ample pro- tection. MERCHANT MARINE. We favorTestoring the American policy of discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant marine and the protection of our shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships — the product of American labor, employed in American shipyards, sailing under the Stars afid Stripes, and manned, otReered, and owned by Americans — may regain the carrying of our foreign com- merce. i FINANCE. The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused "the enactraent of the law providing for the resumption of specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the c'redit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver except by interna- tional agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, wiiich ^ve pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserVed. All 360 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth. '' * PENSIONS. The veterans of the Union Army deserve and' should receive fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable they should be given the preference in the matter of employment, and they are entitled to the ejiaotment of such laws as are best cal- culated to s&cure the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark days of the country's peril. We denounce the practice in the Pension Bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present Administration, of reducing pensions and arbitrarily drop- ping names from the rolls as deserving the severest condemnation of the American people. FOREIGN RELATIONS. Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and dignified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere care- fully watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be con- trolled by the United States, and no foreign power should be per- mitted to interfere with them; the Nicaraguan Canal should be built, owned, and operated by the United States; and by the pur- chase of the Danish Islands we should secure a proper and much needed ■ naval station in the West Indies. ARMENIAN MASSACRES. The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the United States should exevcise all the influence it can projDerlj' exert to bring these atrocities to ap end. In Turkey, American residents have been exposed to the gra\est dangers and American property destroyed. There and everywhere American citizens and American property must be absolutely protected at . all hazards and at any , cost. MONROE DOCTRINE. We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we re- afBrm the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by responding to the appeal of any American State for fi-iendly inter- vention in case of European encroachment. We have not inter- fered and shall not iiitertere with the existing possessions of any European power in this hemisphere, but these possessions must not on any pretext be extended. in< PUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 361 CUBA. From the hour of achieving their own independence the people of the United State.s have regfvrded -vi'ith sympathy the struggles of other American people to free themselves from European domi- nation. We watch with deep and abiding- interest the heroic bat- tle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes' go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty. The Government of Spain having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citi- zens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of the United States should actually use its influence and good oflBces to restore peace and give independence to the island. ^ ' THE NAVY. The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of its rig'htful influence among the nations of the earth demand a naval power commensurate with its position and responsibility. We therefore favor the continued enlargement of the Navy and a complete system of harbor and seacoast defenses. FOREIGN IMMIGRATION. For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship and of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of low-priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thor- oughly enforced and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the United States those who can neither read nor write. ; CIVIL SERVICE. , The civil-service law was placed on the statute books by the Re- publican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable, FREE BALLOT. We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be al- lowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast. LYNCHINGS. We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and barbarous practice, well known as lynching, or killing of human beings suspected or charged with crime, without process of law. 362 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOX. NATIONAL ARBITKATION. We favor the creation ot a national board of arbitration to settle and adjust differences which may arise between employers and employees engaged in interstate commerce. HOMESTEADS. ' Wte believe m, an immediate return to the free homestead policy of the Republican party, and urg-e the passage by Congress of a satisfactory free homestead measure such as has already passed the House and is now pending in the Senate; TERRITORIES. We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of the Territories and of the United States. All the Federal oJiicers appointed for the Territories should be selected from bona fide residents thereof, and the right of self-go\ernment should be accorded as far as practicable. , I ALASKA. We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation in the Cong-ress of the United States, to the end that needful legisla- tion may be intelligently 'enacted. " TEMPERANCE. We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. \ BIGHTS OP "WOMEN. The, liepublican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women. Protection of American- industries includes equal oppor- tunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and' welcome their co-operation in rescuing the country from Demo- cratic and Populist mismanagement and misrule. Such arc the principles and policies of the Eepublican party. By these principles we will abide and these policies we will put into execution. ' We ask for them the considerate judgment of the American people. Gonfic^ent alike in the history of our great party and in the justice of our cause, we present our platform and our candidates in the full assurance that' the election will bring vic- tory to the Republican party aud prosperity to the people of the United States. REPUBLICAN vCAMPAIGN TK XT-BOOK. 363 PLATFORM OP THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY [Adopted at Kansas City, July 5, 1900.] We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, assembled in National Convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man and our allegiance to the Constitution framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the Republic. We hold with the Uniteifl States Supreme Court that the Declaration of Inde- pendence is the spirit of our Government, of which the Constitu- tion is the form and letter. We declare again that all govern- ments instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based upon the consent qf the governed is a tyranny, and that to impose upon any ' people a government of force is to substitute the methods of im- perialism for those of a republic. We hold that the Constitution follows the flag, and denounce the doctrine that an Executive or Congress, deriving their existence and their powers from the Con- stitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and hall' empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. I THE PORTO RICAN ACT. , Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rico law enacted by a Republican Cor gross against the pro- test and opposition of the Democratic minority as a bctld and open violation of the nation'? organic law and a ilagrant breach of the national good faith. It imposes upon the people of Porto Rico a government without their consent and taxation without repre- sentation. It dishonors the American people by repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the Commanding General of our Army, which the Porto Ricans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their land. It doomed to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice aild magnanimity. In this, the first act of its imperialistic programme, the Repub- lican party seeks to commit the United States to a colonial policy, .'.inconsistent with Republican institutions and condemned by the Bupreme Court in numerous decisions. CUBA. \ye demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge to the Cuban people and the world, that the United States has no dis- 364 EEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGTJ TEXT-BOOK. pof5ition nor intention to ecsercise sovereigTity, jurisdiction, or con- trol over the Island of Cuba except for its pacification. The war ended neai-ly two years ag'o, profound peace reigTis over all the Island, and still the Administration keeps the g-overnment of the Island from the people, while Republican carpetbag- officials plun- der its revenues and exploit the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American people. THE PHILIPPINE POLICY. We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present Administration. It has embroiled the Kepublie in an unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of its noblest sons, and placed the United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crushing with militaiy force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-g-overpment. The Filipinos can not be citizens without endangering our civilization; they can not be subjects without imperiling our form of goverament, and as we are not willing to surrender our civilization or to convert the Republic into an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to give to the Filipinos: first, a stable form of government; second, independence; and, third, protection from outside interference,^ such as has been given for nearly a century to the Republics of Central and South America. The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the Republican Administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pay; but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to the tests of facts. The war of "criminal aggres- sion" against the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense of many millions, has already cost more than any possible profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for years to come. Fur- thermore, when trade is extended at the expense of liberty, the price is always too high. We are not opposed to territorial expansion when it takes in de- sirable territory which can be erected into States in the Union, and whose people are^willing and fit to become American citizens. We favor trade expansion by every peaceful_and legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside the Constitution and whose people ftan never become citizens. We are in favor of extending the Republic's influence aniong the nations, but believe that inlincnce should be extended, not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a high and honorable example. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 365 "imperialism." The importance of other questions now pending' before the American people is in no wise diminished, and the Democratic party takes no backward step from its positions on them, but the burning issue of imperialism growing' out of the Spanish war in- volves the very existence of the Republic and the destruction of our free institutions. We regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign. THE MONROE DOCTHINE. The declaration in the Republican platform adopted at the Philadelphia Convention held in June, 1900, that the Republicans steadfastly adhered to the policy announced in the Monroe Doc- trine, is manifestly insincere and deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed policy of that party in opposition to the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine, to acquire and hold sovereignty over large areas of territory and large numbers of people in the Eastern Hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine in all its integrity, both in letter and spirit, as necessary to prevent the extension of European authority on this^ continent and as essential to our supremacy in American affairs. At the same time we declare that no American people shall ever be held by force in unwilling subjectiooi to European authority. / "militarism." We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad ai^d intimi- dation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm which ,has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will impose upon our peace- loving people a large standing army and unnecessary burden of taxation, and a constant menace to their liberties. A small stand- ing army and~a well-disciplined State nlilitia are amply sufftcient in time of peace. This Republic has no place for ^' vast military service and conscription. When the nation is in danger the vol- unteer soldier is his country's best defender. The National Guard of the United States should ever be cherished in the patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever an element 'of strength and safety. l<'or the first time in our history and coeval with the Philippine conquest has there been a wholesale departure from our time-honored and approved system of volun- teer organizations. We denounce it as im-American, undemocratic and unrepublican, and as a subversion of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people. TRUSTS. Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They de- stroy com^petition, control the price of all material, and of the 366 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. finished product, thus robbing both iiroducer and -consumer; lessen the employment of labor, and arbitrarily fix the terms and ital of their opportunity for betterment. They are the most effi- conditions thereof, and deprive individual energ-y and small cap- cient ag-ent yet devised for (appropriating- the fruits of industry to the benetit of the few at the expense of the many, and unless their insatiate greed is checked all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Kepublic destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the Kepublican party in State and national plat- forms is conclusive proo(f of , the truth of the charge that trusts are the legitimate product of Republican policies, that they are fos- tered by fRepublican laws, and that they are protected by the Re- publican Administration in return for campaign subscriptions and political support. ; We pledge the Democratic party to an unceasing warfare in nation, State, and city against private monopoly in e\ery form. Existing laws against trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of corporations engaged in interstate commerce, and requiring all corporations to show before doing business outside of the State of their origin that they have no water in their stock, and that they have not attempted, and are not attempting, to monopolize any ^branch of business or the production of any article of mer- chandise, and the whole constitutional power of Congress over interstate commerce, the mails, and all modes of interstate com- munication shalli be exercised by the enactment of comprehensive laws upon the subject oE trusts. Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of trusts upon the free list to prevent monopoljf under the plea of protection. The failure of the present Eep\iblican Administration, with an absolute control over all the branches of the National Government, to enact any legislation de- signed to prevent or even curtail the absorbing power of trusts and illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws already on the' statute books, prove the insincerity of the high-sounding phrases of the Republican platform. Corporations should be pro- tected in all their rights, and their legitimate interest-s should b't respected, but any attempt by corporations to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to control the sovereignty which creates them should be forbidden under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible. , THE DINGLEY TAMFF. We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a ttust-breedlng' measure, skillfully devised to give the few favors which they do not deserve/ and to place upon the many burdens which they should not bear. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 367 INTEHSTATE COMMERCE. , We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate commerce ]a^y as will enable the Commission to protect individuals and conamunities from discriminations and the people from unjust and unfair transportation rates. FHEE COINAGE OF SILVER AT 16 TO 1. We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National Demo- cratic platfonp adopted at Chicag-o in 1896, and we reiterate the demand of that platform for an American financial system, made by the America'n people for themselves, which shall restore and i maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free and nnlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present ration of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent -of any other nation. -THE CURRENCY ACT. We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of Congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims to discredit the sovereign right of the National Government to . issue all money, vi'hether coira or paper, ^nd to bestow upon na- tional banl;s the power to issue and control the volume of paper money for their own benefit. A permanent national bank cur- rency, secured by Government bonds, must-have a perfnanent debtr to rest upon, p,nd if the bank currency is to increase with popula- ■ tion aiid business the debt must also increase. The Republican currency statement is, therefore, a statement for fastening upon the taxpayers a perpetug-l and growing de)3t for the benefit- of the banks. We are opposed to this private corporatfon paper circu- lated as money, but without legal-tender qualities, and demand the retirement of the national bank notes as fast as Government paper or silver certificates can be substituted for them. ' We favor an amendment to the Federal Constitution providing for the election of United States Senators by the direct vote of the people, and we favor direct legislation wherever practicable. We are opposed to government by injunction, and we denounce the blacklist and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes between corporations and their employees. LABOR. ,' In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the (, workingman, as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our country, we recommend that Congress create a Department of Labor, in charge of a Secretary, witli u seat in the Cabinet, believing that the 36S nEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. elevation of the American laborer will bring with it inrreaspcl production and increased prosperity to ,our country at home and to our commerce abroad. SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American soldier and sailor in all our wars; we favor liberal pensions to them and thisir dependents, and we reiterate the position taken in the Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment. THE NICARAGTJAN CANAL. We favor the immediate construction, ownership, and control of the Nicaragua Canal by the United States, and we denounce the insincerity of the plank in the Kepublican national platform for an Isthmian Canal in the face of the failure of the Kepublican ma- jority to pass the bill pending in Congress. We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of Ameri- can rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the American people. TERRITORIES. We denounce the failure of the Eepublican party to carry out its pledges to grant statehood to the Territories of Arizona, New ' Mexico, and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those three Territories immediate statehood and home rule during their con- dition'as Territories, and we favor home rule and a, territorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Kico. We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of the West, storing the waters for purposes of irrigation, and the holding of such lands for actual settlers. We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese exclusion law, and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic races. FOREIGN RELATIONS. JefEerson said: "Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." We approve this wholesome doctrine, and earnestly protest against the Republican departure which has involved us in so-called world jxilitics, includ- ing the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue and land-grabbing of Asia, and we especially condemn the ill-concealed Republican alliance with Kjii^Iand, which must mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which has already stifled the nation's voice while liberty is being strangled in Africa. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 369 SOUTH AFRICA. Believing- in the principles of Belf-government, and rejecting as id our forefathers the claim of monarchy, we view with indigna- ion the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the South Lfrican republics. Speaking, as we believe, for the entire Ameri- an nation, except its Republican officeholders, and for all free aen everywhere, we extend our sympathies to the heroic burghers a their unequal strug-gle to maintain their liberty and independ- nce. TVie denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican !ongresses, which have kept taxes high and which threaten the leTpetuation of the oppressive war levies. We oppose the accum- ilation of a surplus to be squandered in such barefaced frauds ipon the taxpayers as the shipping subsidy bill, which, under the alse- pretense of prospering American shipbuilding, it would put mearned millions into the pockets of favorite contributors to the lepublican campaign fund. We favor the reduction and speedy epeal of the war taxes and a return to the time-honored Demo- iratic policy of strict economy in governmental expenditures. Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, hat the very existence of our constitutional Republic is at stake, md that the decision now to be rendered will determine whether )r not our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the United States great, prosperous, md honored, we earnestly ask for the foregoing declaration of prin- ciples the hearty support of the liberty-loving American people, ■egardless of previous party affiliations. PLATFORM OF THE DEraOCEATIC PARTY. [Adopted by the Democratic convention at Chicago, July 8, 1896.] We, the Democrats of the United States, in national convention issembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential prin- iiples of justice and liberty upon which our institutions are founded, md which the Democratic party has advocated from JefferSon's ime to our own — freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom )f conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the equality of ill citizens bedore th« law, and the faithful obsiervance of constitu- aonal limita.tions. STATE RIGHTS. During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the ten- lency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental jower, and steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme £4 370 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. of g-ovemment established lay the founders of this Eepubllc of Ke- publics. Under its guidance and teachings the great principle of local self-government has found its best expression in the mainte- nance of the rights of the States and in its assertion of the neces- sity of confining' the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution of the United States. THE MONEY QUESTION. Recognizing that the money system is paj:^mount to all ethers at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Fed,eral Con- stitution names salver and gold together as the money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Con- gress under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver-dollar unit. We declare that the act of 1873, demonetizing silver without the knowledge or approval of the American people, has resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of com- modities produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money-lending class at home and abroad; prostration, of indus- try and iinpoveirishment of the people. We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold nioirometallism is a, British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to Lon- don. It is not only un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which proclaimed our political independence in 1776, and won it in the war of the Revolution. FREE SII,VEK. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and sil- ver at the present lepal ratio of 10 to 1, without waiting for the aid' or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard sil- ver dollar shall be a full leyal tender, equally witli gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the denionetizatfou of an>,' kind of legal- tender money by private contract. We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the holders of the obligations of the United States thv option reserved by law to tlie Government of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin. • BOND ISSUES. Wo are o]ip(ised to the issuin!^ of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficldng with REPUBLICAN CAJtlPATGN TEXT-BOOK. 371 banking- syndicates which, in exchange for bonds and at an enor- inoubj profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasm-^- with gold to maintain the policy of gold monometallism. Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and Presi- dent Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or individual.s. We therefore demand that the power to issue notes to circulate as money be taken from the national banks, and that fill paper money shall be issued directly by the Treasury Department, be redeemable in coin, and receivable for all debts, public and private. TARIFF FOR nEVE??UK. We hold that the tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally through- out the country and not discriminate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government honestly and economically administered. Wo denoimce, as dis- turbing to business, the Eeiiublican threat to restore the McKlnr ley law, which has been twice condemned by the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, restripted trade, and deprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tarill laws, ex- cept such as are necessary to make the deficit in revenue caused-, by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. THE INCOME TAX. There would be no deficit in the rev(>iiue but for the annulment by the Supreme Court of a law passed by a Democi-atic Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly one hundred years, that court having sustained constitutional ob- jections to its enactment whtch had been overruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat on that bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or which may come by its reversal by the courts as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses of the Government. IMMKJRATIOIf. We hold that the most efficient way to protect American labor is to prevent; the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a, 372 KEPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. ' vicious monetary sjrstein, which depresses the prices of their prod- ucts beloT^ the cost of production, and thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the products of our home manufacture. CONGRESSIONAL APPHOPKIATIONS. We denounce the profligiate waste of the money wrung' from the people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of re- cent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while the labor that pays them is unemployed, and the products of the peo- ple's toil are depressed in price till they no longer repay the cost of production. We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which best befits a democratic government and a reduction in the number of useless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. FEDERAL INTERFERENCE. We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local affairs as a violation ^ the Constitution of the United States and a, crime against- free institutions, and we especially object to government by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of oppression, by which Federal judges, in contempt of the laws of the States and rights of citizens, become at once legislators, judges, and executioners, and we approve the bill passed at the last session of the United States Senate, and now pending in the House, relative to contempts in Federal courts, and providing for trials by jury in certain cases of contempt. , PACIFIC FUNDING BILL. No discrimination should be indulged by the Government of the United S.tates in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Kailroad funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present Eepublicau Congress to enact a similar measure. PENSIONS. - Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily indorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pensions that no names shall be "arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll, and the fact of an enlistment and service should be deemed con- clusive evidence against disease or tlisability before enlistment. CUBA. We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic Blxiiggle for liberty an^ independence. REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 373 THE CIVIL SERVICE. I We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor appointments based upon merits, fixed terms of office, and such an administration of the civil-servioe laws as will afford equal op- portuniMea to all citizens of ascertained fitness. I NO THIRD TERM. We declare it to be the unwrdtten law of this Republic, estab- lished by custom and usage of one hundred years, and sanctioned by the examples of the greatest and wisest of those who founded and have maintained our Government, that no man should be eligible for a third term of the Presidential office. CORPORATE WEALTH. The absorption of wealth by th* few, the consolidation of our leading railroad systems, and formation of trusts and pools require a stricter control by the Federal Government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers of the In- terstate Commerce Commission, and such restrictions and guar- anties in the control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression. ADMISSION OF TERRITORIES. We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona into the Union of States, and we favor the early admis- sion of all the Territories giving the necessary population and re- sources to entitle them to Statehood, and while they remain Terri- tories we hold that the officials appointed to administer the gov- ernment of any Territory, together with the District of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory or Dis- trict in which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in home rule and that all public lands of the United States should be appropriated to the establishment of free homes .for American citizens. We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be gTanted a Dele- gate in Congress, and that the general land and timber laws of the United States be extended to said Territory. MISSISSIPPI RIVER IMPROVEMENT. The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mis- sissippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure ^or the interior people easy and cheap transportation to tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic is of sufficient im- portance to demand aid of the Government, such aid should be ex- tended upon a definite plan of continuous work until permanent improvement is secured. 374 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. Confiding- in the justice of onr cause and the necessity of its suc- cess at the polls, we submit the foregoing' declaration of principles and purposes tb Ihc considerate judgment of the American peo- ple. We invite the support of all citizens who approve them, and who desire to have them made effective through leg-islation for the relief of the people and the restoration of the country's prosperity. / THE POPULIST NATIONAL PLATPORM. [Adopted at Sioux Falls, S. Dak., May 10, 1900.1 The People's Party of the United States in convention assembled, congratulating its supporters on the wide extension of its principles in all directiolis, does hereby reaflirin its adherence to the funda- mental principles proclaimed in its two prior platforms, and calls Tipon all who desire to avert the subvei-sion of free institutions by rorporate and imperialistic power to unite with it in bringing the Oovernment back to the ideals of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln. It extends to its allies in- the struggle for financial and economic freedojn assurances of its loyalty to the p'rinciples which animate the allied forces, and the promise of honest and hearty, co-operation in every effort for their success. i To the people of the United States we offer the following plat- form as the expression of our unalterable convictions: Resolved, That we denounce the act of March 14, 1900, as the culmination of a long series of conspiracies to deprive the people of their constitutional rig'hts over the money of the nation and relegate to a gigantic money ti-ust the control of the purge and hence of the people. We denounce this act, first, for making all money obligations, domestic and foreign, payable in gold coin or its equivalent, thus enormously increasing the burdens of the debtors and enriching" the creditors. Second, for refunding "coin bonds," not to mature for years, into long-time gold bonds, so as to make their payment improb- able and our debt perpetual. Third, for taking from the Treasury over $50,000,000 in a time ol war and presenting it at a premium to bondholders to accomplish the refunding of bonds not due. Fourth, for doubling the ciiiiital of bankers by returning to them the face value of their bonds in cnrreucy money notes, so that they may draw one interest from the Government and an- other from the people EEPUBLICAX CAMPAIGN TEXT-BOOK. 375 Fifth, for allowing ba.nl° Kules'of the House ooa iH -Work of 294-305 Cost of living in United States and England 78-81 Cuba, action of American Congress towards 259 Control of, assumed by United States ^oo PaJma's gratitude to United States ^oi Piatt amendment, text of ' : 364 Kelinquishment of American authority over ^oi Kepublican govemrnftnt organized by United States 258 Currency. (See Gold Standard.) ii . INDEX Tags. Danish West Indies, negotiations for 334 Democratic hartaony, views oli Cleveland, Bryan, and Watter- son on 341 Democratic national platiorm 363 Opposition to Army appropriations 242 Diplomacy in the Orient. (See China.) Employment and wages 45 Exports, statistics of j 36 Failures, statistics of 50 Farm production, statistics of 4(J Earm products, exchange value of S^ Market value of, compared with other iiriecs 87 Farm values, increase in 27 Under free trade and under protection 28 Farms, value of crops 43 Financial. (See Gold Standard.) Foreign trade, statistics of 13 Free trade, effects of, on labor and wages , 71 I Gold production of the world 217 Gold standard, preparation of gold standard act 210 Record of Eeptiblickn Party on 207 Eesults of gold sitandard law 212 Government receipts and expenditures 38 Hawaii, commerce with '. . . 186 Hoar, Senator, and the Ku-Klux of 1902 331' Hooise of Eepresentatives, rules of 313 Imports, decline of 18 Statistics of 36 Insular possessions, trade with 185 Insular territories, history of acquisition 332 Irrigation, new policy of 318 » Provisions of bill for 319 Isthmian Canal, action of Congress 255 Clayton-Bulwer treaty on 252 Commission's report on 24S Commission's work on , 247 ' Hay-Pauncefote treaty on 253 Need of a canal 246 ,, Nemr treaty negotiated 252 Survey ordered on 246 Labor, advantages otf American ,82 Average rates of wages in England and America 73 Conditions under Eepublican and Democratic Administra- tions k 58 Effects of protection on 71 Effects of trusts upon 69 Laws of the United States 57 Legislation in the States 52-57 INDEX. lii Labor: Page. On railroads, statistics of 67-68 Eeports of Illinois 59 Reports of Iowa 61 Reports of Massachusetts 62 Reports of New York n 63 Reports of Pennsylvania 64 Reports of Wisconsin 65 Statistics of employees and wag^es ; . . 60 Manufacturing, Census reports on 23 McKinley, William, death of ' 868 Last speecli fcf :,• • ^74 Merchant marine, labor's interest in 290 Presidential messages on 282 Provisions of ship subsidy bill 284 Republican and Democratic policies contrasted 292 Republican efforts to revive it 280 Mines, production of ^1 Money question. (See Gold Standard.) Money, world's stock of , 226 NicaragTia Canal. (See Isthmian Canal.) Panama Canal. (See Isthmian Cana,l.) Pensions, principal pension acts • • • 333 Republican policy on ^22 Philippines, Aguinaldo, Dewey's opinion of 167 Aguinaldo's address after his capture 121 Ag-uinaldo's "government" -^ 11^ Aguinaklo's orders for massacre of Americans 118 Amnesty proclamation for Filipino prisoners 127 Army in, praise of 1*^ Bill of rights for' i^^ Civil authority established in 1^1 Civil government provided by Congress l^;f Commerce with 187 Concentration camps in j^" Democratic aid in ratification of treaty 116 Dewey's testimony before Senate committee 167 Expenses of the ^^^ Insurgents not recognized by McKinley 11* 114 Legislature provided for No joint occupation of Not ready for independence 1^9 Peaceful condition of, described by governors 134 President's proclamation to army in 129 Principles of government ofEered Filipinos lis Republican policy concerning 112 TarifE law ^k-iIH Platforms, national Ul Populist national platform ^ '* Porto Rico, commei-ce with 186 Supreme Court decision, on Foraker Act