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Cornell University Library 
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 Land of home rule; 
 
 3 1924 028 041 824 
 
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 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
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LAND OF HOME RULE 
 
BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM 
 THE CONCLUSION OF THE GREAT 
 WAR IN 1815 TO 1858. 
 
 Library Edition, 5 vols. 8vo, £4, 10.1. 
 
 Cabinet Edition, 6 vols, crown 8vo, 6s. 
 each. 
 
 A LIFE OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL 
 
 (EARL RUSSELL, K.G.). With 2 
 
 Portraits. 
 Library Edition, 2 vols. 8vo, 36s. 
 Cabinet Edition, 2 vols, crown 8vo, 12s. 
 
 LONDON AND NEW YORK : 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
THE 
 
 Land of Home Rule 
 
 an Esea^ 
 
 ON THE HISTORY AND CONSTITUTION OF 
 THE ISLE OF MAN 
 
 SPENCER WALPOLE 
 
 AUTHOR OF "A HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM 1815 TO 18 
 
 "I mentioned a scheme which I had of making a tour to the Isle of Man, 
 and giving a full account of it; and that Mr. Burke had playfully suggested 
 
 as a motto, 
 
 ' The proper study of Mankind is Man.' " 
 
 — Boswell's "Life of Johnson." 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST i6ti> STREET 
 
 1893 
 
 ? 
 
 A II rights reserved 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 I. THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD 
 
 11. THE AGE OF MVTH AND LEGEND ... 
 
 III. THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS .... 
 
 IV. THE RULE OF THE NORSE 
 
 V. THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 
 VI. THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS 
 VII. TWO CENTURIE.s OF STANLEY RULE . 
 Vin. THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY .... 
 IX. THE CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 
 X. THE ISLAND AT THE RESTORATION . 
 
 XL CHURCH DISCIPLINE 
 
 XII. THE MANX MAGNA CHARTA .... 
 
 XIII. THE ACCESSION OF THE ATHOLES . 
 
 XIV. THE SALE OF THE ISLAND .... 
 XV. THE LAST OF THE ATHOLES .... 
 
 XVI. MODERN TIMES 
 
 XVII. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN 
 Will. CONCLUSION 
 
 I'AGH 
 I 
 
 23 
 37 
 52 
 
 73 
 ' 93 
 109 
 130 
 144 
 161 
 171 
 191 
 202 
 213 
 
 233 
 249 
 260 
 281 
 
THE 
 
 LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 
 
 Historians are naturally inclined to select as subjects for 
 their investigation the careers of great men or the rise and fall 
 of great communities. They reject, as hardly worthy of their 
 labours, the story of those smaller nations which have exercised- 
 no considerable influence on the fortunes or the progress of 
 the human family. And their choice is at least intelligible. 
 " Les grands ev^nements et les grands hommes sont les points 
 fixes et les sommets de I'histoire ; c'est de Ik qu'on peut la con- 
 sid^rer dans son ensemble, et la suivre dans ses grandes voies." 
 But the byways as well as the highways of the world teem 
 with matter for the observer to watch, the moralist to study, 
 the teacher to explain. The new discoveries, the new ideas, 
 which have added dignity to man, have been elaborated at 
 least as frequently in the cottage as in the palace ; the struggle- 
 for existence, on which progress has depended, has been as 
 acute and bitter in the village as in the town ; and the writer-' 
 who relates the story of a small community will usually find- 
 that its fortunes have been affected by the causes which have; 
 influenced the progress of mighty empires. 
 
 This circumstance has been illustrated in our own time by- 
 the selection which a great historian has made for the subject- 
 of a comprehensive history. Mr, Freeman had the perspicacity 
 
2 THE LAND OP HOME RULE. 
 
 to see that the story of the Norman conquest of England could 
 be properly accompanied by the story of the Norman conquest 
 of Sicily. But, in addressing himself to this task, he fortu- 
 nately did not confine himself to a single episode in the annals 
 of the island. He saw that the annals of Sicily illustrated in 
 a striking way the great struggle between East and West which 
 contributes the longest and perhaps the most important chapter 
 to the history of mankind. The comparatively little island 
 in the Mediterranean in which the Sikel had supplanted the 
 Sikan, and in which Phoenician and Greek, Greek and Roman, 
 Rome and Carthage, Norman and Italian, Saracen and Chris- 
 tian, had successively struggled for supremacy, furnished in 
 this way an epitome of universal history. The little island 
 which forms the subject of the present work cannot boast that 
 it reflects in its annals the history of mankind, but it may at 
 least claim that it has witnessed many of the changes which 
 have affected the destinies of the larger countries around it. 
 Like them, it has seen the irruption of successive races, who 
 have all left their mark on the character of its people and on 
 the names of the country. Like them, or like the larger island 
 of Great Britain, it has successfully preserved the independence 
 which its ancestors secured for it. It enjoys such advantages 
 as autonomous institutions can confer on a people, and it has 
 retained these privileges while neighbouring and larger com- 
 munities have been deprived of them. 
 
 " There is a current tradition, both in Ireland and the Isle 
 of Man, that in the wars of the giants one took up a handful 
 of earth, which he threw at another, but missed his aim. The 
 place from which the handful of earth was lifted became Lough 
 Neagh, and that at which it fell the Isle of Man." i If this 
 legendary Titan missed his opponent, he at any rate achieved 
 a notable purpose ; for the precious handful of earth, which 
 
 1 Manx Society's Publications, vol. xv. p. 123. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 3 
 
 thus became the Land of Man, and which was destined to form 
 an island thirty-four miles in length and eight td twelve miles 
 in width, fell in the very centre of the United Kingdom, every 
 division of which may be seen from its highlands • on a clear 
 day at the same time. The Cumberland hills in England, 
 the Mull of Galloway and Burrow Head, the two arms which 
 enclose Luce Bay in Scotland^ the Mourne hills in Ireland, 
 and the Snowdon range in Wales, friay all be simultaneously 
 detected from the summits of many of its mountains. Hence, 
 in his " Poetic Vision," Cowley placed himself on a Manx 
 mountain to deplore the miseries and calamities of the nation,^ 
 while Wordsworth says — 
 
 " Off with yon cloud, old Snaefell ! that thine eye 
 Over three realms may take its widest range." 
 
 Thus the sea in which the island lies is almost completely 
 land-locked. On the north-west, indeed, the waves which 
 have gathered in the Atlantic are occasionally driven by 
 tide and wind through the comparatively narrow strait which 
 separates Scotland from Ireland. On the south-west, St. 
 George's Channel affords direct communication with the 
 Atlantic. The seas which sweep past Holyhead and the Mull 
 of Galloway increase, not in size, but in fury, as they are driven 
 into the shallower and land-locked waters which surround the 
 island. But, if the situation of the Isle of Man accounts for its 
 storms, it is also answerable for its climate ; for while, on the 
 one hand, it lies in the direct course of those barometric de- 
 pressions which, created either in America or in mid-ocean, 
 pass so constantly over these islands, on the other hand its 
 climate is tempered by the influence of the Gulf Stream, which 
 
 ' 1 " I was suddenly transported afar off (whether in the body or out of the 
 body, like St. Paul, I know not), and found myself on the summit of that 
 famous hill in the Island Mona, which has the prospect of three great, and not 
 long since most happy, kingdoms." — Preface to the "Vision," 
 
4 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 follows the same route, and one branch of which impinges on; 
 its shores. The surrounding waters still further temper its 
 summer heat and its winter cold ; so that few place? in the 
 world, and probably no place situated so far north, can claim 
 a milder and more equable climate.^ 
 
 Its position in the ocean has affected its shape. It lies with 
 its face to the south-east. The currents which sweep past it 
 are perpetually gnawing away portions of its surface, and the 
 north-east as well as the north-west coasts are slowly crumbling 
 before the advancing waters. The rocks which fringe its 
 shores on the south-east and the south-west, and which rise 
 at Spanish Head into perpendicular cliffs 350 or 400, feet 
 high, have in these parts afforded more effectual protection 
 against the inroads of the waters ; but, in the lapse of cen- 
 turies, the hard rock is no more able than the soft clay to 
 fesist the impression of the moving flood, and the shape of the 
 island has thus been largely affected by the currents which 
 impinge upon it. 
 
 In a physical sense the island is divided into two parts by a 
 high range of hills which intersects it from the north-east to 
 the south-west The land under plough lies to the north-west 
 and south-east of these highlands. This natural feature has made 
 a permanent impression on the history, the constitution, and 
 the arrangements of- the Isle of Man. The hills are inter- 
 sected in its centre by a low valley, once probably sub- 
 merged beneath the ocean, but which now forms the bed of 
 two streams, finding their way into the sea on the west and 
 on the east In the north, where the hills are highest, rising 
 
 3 Humboldt pointed out long ago that the latitude of the Isle of JMan is 
 S4° 12', that of Bordeaux 44° 50' (or nearly ten degrees farther south). Bor-' 
 deaux, according to the same authority, has a mean summer heat of 21^7" 
 Centigrade, against 13.16° in the Isle of Man ; but its mean winter heat is 
 only 6.1°, against S-S3° >n the Isle of Man. The range is thus only 7.23° in 
 tlie island, and no less than 15. 6° in Bordeaux. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 5 
 
 in one place to 2000 and in other places to 1800 and 1600 
 feet, the only roads originally ran round the mountains. In 
 the south, where the hills on the south-west fall precipitately 
 into the sea, the roads were carried over the highlands or 
 through passes between adjacent hills. 
 
 The mountain range which thus forms the backbone of the 
 Isle of Man, and over which red-deer roamed and grouse flew 
 less than two centuries ago, consists almost entirely of schist. 
 This schist, which is of great thickness, in the south of the 
 island is built up in horizontal strata, but in its centre is tilted 
 at an angle which is said to average 60 degrees. In the north- 
 east and towards the south-west the granite, on which the schist 
 reposes, has risen up in what have been called "gigantic bubbles 
 of molten matter, forcing itself in amongst the schists wherever 
 they gave way."^ It is chiefly in the neighbourhood of these 
 granitic outbursts that the rich veins of lead, which have added 
 largely to the wealth of the island, have been discovered. But 
 these granitic bubbles do not supply the only evidence of 
 volcanic action; distinct traces of such disturbance may be 
 found in the south. The Stack of Scarlett, which forms the 
 south-western boundary of Castletown Bay, is believed to be 
 the crater of an extinct volcano. A violent convulsion, which 
 ran from Scarlett to Poolvash, crumpled up the strata into a 
 series of folds, and has to some extent rendered the geological 
 history of the island a little more difficult to determine. 
 Volcanic action continued till historic times, and one of the 
 earliest records of Man is of a great earthquake rather more 
 than 1200 years ago.^ 
 
 Vast ages must necessarily have elapsed while the schist 
 rocks, which form the backbone of the island, were being 
 
 1 Cumming's Isle of Man, p. 237. 
 
 2 "Terras motus in Eubonia factus est magnus." — Annaks_Caml>rite, Manx 
 Society's Publications, vol, iv. p. 26. Cf. Ibid., p. 31. 
 
6 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 slowly deposited on the bottom of some prehistoric sea from 
 the debris which was washed down from some prehistoric con- 
 tinent. During the whole of that period the rocks were slowly 
 sinking. But the period of depression passed away. An ele- 
 vating process set in ; and the rocks, slowly raised above the 
 surface of the sea, presented the appearance of an island or a 
 series of islands to such animals as may have been there to gaze 
 upon them. "As the land gradually emerged above the sur- 
 face of the waters, a thick bed of dark red conglqperate formed 
 along the southern shore of the partially upheaved island, with 
 a corresponding deposit of soft red sandstone along its north- 
 western side."i The latter ultimately hardened into the old 
 red sandstone which colours the cliffs at Peel. The former 
 passes " with great regularity into the overlying carboniferous 
 limestone." While the latter deposits were taking place, the 
 island enjoyed a heat which was tropical. It was subjected 
 to volcanic action, which profoundly affected the character of 
 the growing strata. Hence, in a comparatively small area, 
 the limestones are won which furnish the farmer with a rich 
 fertilising agent, which formed the material out of which 
 Castle Rushen has been erected, and with which many of the 
 piers and quays of the island have been faced, and which has 
 supplied the so-called black marble out of which the steps of 
 St. Paul's Cathedral in London have been hewn. But change 
 again set in. The land, which had been slowly rising, was 
 again depressed ; the climate, which had been tropical in its 
 warmth, grew colder and colder. Gravel beds formed beneath 
 the surface of the waters in the valleys and at the roots of the 
 mountains, and covered the area which lies to the north-west 
 of the bisecting range of hills.^ 
 
 1 Brown's Guide to the Isle of Man, " Physical History," p. 357. 
 
 2 This area may possibly contain later rocks than the other parts of the 
 island ; and if coal should ever be found in it, it can only be found here. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. y 
 
 Then succeeded that glacial epoch, or those series of glacial 
 epochs, which have left so enduring a mark on the face of the 
 British Islands. The great river of ice which slowly streamed 
 from Southern Scotland covered the Isle of Man and filled up 
 the circumjacent sea. It stood at such a height above the sur- 
 face of the land that it deflected the glaciers from the Cumber- 
 land mountains, giving them a south-eastern course, instead of 
 allowing them to find their natural outlet towards the south- 
 west. Ample record of this period may be found in the stiff 
 boulder clay which the sea is gradually wearing away in Michael 
 and Jurby on the west, and at Hango Hill on the south-east ; 
 while here and there on the hill-tops erratic blocks may be 
 met with, which have been carried from distant places and 
 deposited by the melting ice. 
 
 While the ice still covered the island, or even while, at its 
 final retreat, an opportunity was afforded for the incoming of 
 the higher forms of life, the distribution of sea and land in 
 North- Western Europe differed widely from that with which we 
 are now acquainted. A continuous continent stretched over 
 the whole of the British Islands. The Rhine and the Thames 
 joined their waters in the latitude of Northumberland, and, 
 flowing in a northerly course, found an outlet in a northern 
 ocean to the north-east of the Shetland Islands. The Mersey, 
 the Dee, and the rivers of North- Western Britain were joined 
 with the Liffey, and were finally discharged into the sea to the 
 south-west of the Long Island. The mammalia of Pleistocene 
 Europe were thus able to move over a continuous continent 
 to every portion of the United Kingdom ; and, when mart 
 made his first appearance in these islands, he was in all pro- 
 bability able to avail himself of the same advantage.^ When 
 
 1 See Boyd Dawkins' Early Man in Britain p. 150, where a map of 
 Pleistocene Europe is given. Mr. Freeman says, "I know few things more 
 instructive than a look at Mr. Dawkins' map of what vfe may call Eskimq. 
 
<8 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 a period of subsidence again set in, land and water in thess 
 latitudes gradually assumed the distribution with which we are 
 now familiar. But it is probable that the ultimate separation 
 of the Isle of Man from England preceded its final division 
 from Ireland. In this way it seems possible to account for the 
 presence of the great Irish elk in both Ireland and the Isle of 
 Man, and the absence of snakes and toads from both countries. 
 Such an explanation is more satisfactory to the inquirer than 
 the popular tradition that reptiles were excluded from those 
 districts in which St. Patrick carried on his labours.^ 
 
 The physical characteristics of a country largely influence 
 the history of its people, and the reader should always en- 
 deavour to have some acquaintance with the natural features 
 of a land whose annals he is studying. But the physical 
 history of the Isle of Man is of more importance, because 
 it has produced that rich and varied scenery which has 
 made it the playground of Northern England. In few other 
 places is it possible for the eye to refresh itself with more 
 agreeable prospects. Though its mountains are small com^ 
 pared with those of either Cumberland or Wales, their situa- 
 tion, springing as they do almost directly from the sea, 
 adds to their apparent height ; while their outline has been 
 moulded by ice and water into forms of peculiar beauty. 
 Descending in some places precipitately into the sea, they 
 have invested the coasts of the island with the charm that 
 attaches to cliff scenery. Though the winds which sweep 
 from the Atlantic have prevented their being clothed with 
 timber, trees grow with luxuriance in every sheltered nook- 
 Europe. We feel at once that the European history which we have to master 
 pould never have happened in such an Europe as that." (Methods of Hist. 
 Study, pp. 45, 46). The remark applies to the map on p. m of Mr. 
 Dawkins' work. It is equally applicable to that on p. 150. 
 
 1 Cf. a paper by Professor Forbes in Cumming's " Isle of Man " on the Flora 
 Of the island, p, 360. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 9 
 
 The deep watercourses which have been gradually cut into 
 the mountain ranges in the centre of the island, and the 
 shorter glens, which carry the drainage of the hills more 
 directly down their slopes into the sea, afford many. oppor- 
 tunities for the growth of timber. And in these glens, which 
 form so agreeable a feature to the tourist, the ash and the 
 sycamore, the natural weeds of the country, mingle their foliage 
 with the deeper tints of the oak, the elm, the beech, and the fir. 
 Ferns, from the rare osmundi to the delicate maidenhair, root 
 themselves in every crevice in the rock over which the water 
 in the glen tumbles ; the bracken, which grows luxuriantly at 
 the side, is alternated with the beautiful colours of a singularly 
 rich flora ; in the early spring the great dykes, which are the 
 common fences- of the country, are ablaze with gorse ; while 
 in August the heather and the gorse, blowing together on the 
 mountain-tops, present a rich carpet of colour which might 
 move a Linnaeus to tears. 
 
 Of the river courses, which thus contribute to the natural 
 beauties of the island, the four most important are the Sulby, 
 which falls into the sea at Ramsey ; the Glass, or Clear River, 
 with its tributary the Dhoo, or Dark River, which form the 
 harbour and give a name to Douglas ; the Neb, which joins 
 the western sea at Peel ; and the Silverburn, which discharges 
 its waters into Castletown Bay. From time immemorial the 
 largest places in the island have been situated at the mouths 
 of these rivers. Thus, in little Man as well as in larger England, 
 the towns have naturally seated themselves on the banks of the 
 principal streams. Their names and those of the rivers on 
 which they are built singularly illustrate the history of the 
 island. The Dhoo and the Glas,^ with their compound 
 
 1 This is equally true if Mr. Moore is right in following Joyce and defining 
 Glas as a small stream or brook. Surnames and Place-Names of the Isl^ of 
 Man, p. 175. i 
 
10 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Douglas, the Neb and Peel, are purely Celtic words. The 
 Sulby, and Ramsey (Hrafn's Water or Raven's Water i) are 
 Norse names. Castletown and Silverburn are modern names, 
 the English rendering of the Manx or Celtic Ballacashel and 
 Awin (Avon) Argid. 
 
 But the name of the island itself has a more enduring 
 interest than the names of its principal towns. In Caesar, 
 Man is Mona ; in Ptolemy, Monoaeda ; in Pliny, Monabia ; in 
 Bede, Menabia : in Gildas, Eubonia ; in the Norse sagas, Manu 
 or Man ; in the Welsh records, Manaw (the Irish genitive 
 being Mannan) : the natives call it Mannin or Vannin ; the 
 English, Man. This nomenclature is further complicated by the 
 facts that the ancient name of the Isle of Anglesey, which still 
 survives in the Menai Straits, was also Mona ; and that, while 
 Tacitus applies the term Mona to Anglesey, Caesar uses it for 
 Man.2 
 
 Various explanations have been given of the name. Mr. 
 Train ^ thinks that it may be derived from Maedhon In, the 
 Middle Island ; Mr. Cumming * is inclined to ascribe it to 
 Maen, a pile of stones, the word that occurs in Penmaenmaur. 
 Blundell refers it to Maune, one of the names of St. Patrick ; ^ 
 oihers have derived it from Mon, isolated; while a recent 
 writer has ascribed it to another Mon, "the most ancient 
 Celtic name " for a cow, and has found corroboration for his 
 
 ^ The raven was the war-standard of the Danes. 
 
 ^ Caesar, who, it must be recollected, wrote on hearsay, having never been 
 in the North of England, says of Ireland: " Dimidio minor, ut aestimatur, 
 quam Britannia, sed pari spatio transmissus, atque ex Gallia, est in Britanniam. 
 In hoc medio cursu est insula quae appellatur Mona." Tacitus, in his 
 account of the expedition against Anglesey, says that the infantry crossed 
 over to it in flat-bottomed boats, the cavalry followed on the shoals, swimming 
 the deeper channels. 
 
 3 Hist, of Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 39. 
 
 •* Cumming's Isle of Man, p. 256. 
 
 5 Manx Society Publications, vol. xxv. p. 20. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. ii 
 
 theory in the survival of the Calf.i The Manx themselves refer 
 the name to ManAnnan or Mananan MacLir — Mananan the 
 Son of the Sea, who in Manx and Irish legend was the first 
 man who held the island. But, without entering at present 
 into the question whether Mananan had a real existence or 
 not, it seems much more likely that he should have derived 
 his name from the island than that the island should have 
 derived its name from him, for Caesar's application of the 
 word Mona to Man is more than four centuries older than 
 the traditional age of Mananan MacLir ; while, as no tradi- 
 tion connects him with Anglesey, the contrary hypothesis 
 would fail to account for the same name being applied to 
 both places. 2 
 
 Professor Rhys, in our own time, has had the merit of 
 making a more plausible suggestion. He says, in effect, that 
 the name which the Celts gave to the land of the Picts was 
 Mann or Mannin ; that the Irish or Goidelic Celts would call 
 the Islands of the Picts the Isles of the Mannan ; and that 
 the circumstance that the name Man was applied to two 
 islands is a proof that the original inhabitants of both were 
 a Pictish tribe, and that both naturally received the name of 
 the Pictish Islands. 
 
 In confirmation of this etymology it may be added that 
 the region which the Picts occupied on the southern side 
 of the Firth of Forth in a late period of the Roman occupation 
 was "called by the Welsh Manaw of the Gododin, to distinguish 
 it from another Manaw beyond the Forth, as well as from the 
 Isle of Man, which appears in the same language as the Island 
 of Manaw." ^ The Welsh form of the word may be traced 
 
 1 The Calf is the name of the islet south-west of Man. 
 
 2 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xv. p. 140. 
 
 3 Celtic Britain, p. 112, and Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. i. p. 131. Manaw 
 of the Gododin is believed to have included the part of Lothian where 
 
12 .THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 ■ again in Monmouth, the Mouth of the Monnow or Monaw, and 
 possibly in Munster; the Goidelic form in Slamannan Moor 
 (in Linhthgdwshire) and in Clackmannan ;^ the Latin form in 
 the Mettapii of Ireland and Gaul, in Menevia, the old name of 
 St. David's,^ and in the Menai Straits. 
 
 With this information before us, it is easy to obtain a 
 rational derivation. So far from any difficulty arising from 
 ■Anglesey having once borne the same name, the identity of 
 nomenclature helps to establish the derivation. For, just as 
 Great Britain and - Ireland are the British Islands, the two 
 Monas are the Pictish Islands ; and the name of the Pidts is 
 not confined to these islets. It exterlds to other places in 
 Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, where the Picts retreated Or 
 dwelt. Thus, to sum up the whole thing, the Isle' of Man is 
 the Isle of the Picts ; in Gaelic, the Isle of Mannan ; in Welsh, 
 the Isle of Monaw ; in Latin, Menapia and Mona ; in Manx, 
 Elian Vannin ; in English, the Isle of Man- 
 
 If, however. Professor Rhys is thus correct, we obtain froih 
 his researches more than a rational .'etymology for the word': 
 we are introduced at once to the first inhabitants, or, at any 
 -rate, to the first Neolithic inhabitants of the island. From 
 a purely insular point of view, we might be satisfied with this 
 position. But, if the history of even a little island hke Man 
 can throw light on larger historical problems, we ought not to 
 
 Edinburgh is situated and a portion of the Pentland Hills. Pentland is 
 supposed to have been a corruption of Pehtland, the land of the Peht or Pict. 
 Thus probably the Pentland Firth in the North of Scotland and the Pentland 
 Hills in the South owe their name to the presence of the Pictish branch' of the 
 Iberian race. 
 
 1 Celtic Britain, p. 154. 
 
 - Mrs. J. R. Green tells me that among the gifts paid by the municipality of 
 Canterbury in the fifteenth century were gifts to the Bishop of St. David's, who 
 got a double supply, one grant being provided for the Episcopus Menevensis, 
 and another for the Bishop of St. David's. Conf. IMann, its Names and their 
 'Orifrin, in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxx. ' 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. rj 
 
 be contented, with the bafe statement : we ought to isndeavour' 
 to discover who were the Picts whom we find in original pos- 
 session of Man. 
 
 Tilla comparatively recent period one answer would at once 
 have been returned to this inquiry. "All ancient writers," 
 wrote Hume, expressing the knowledge of his time, "agree 
 in representing the first inhabitants of ^Britain as a tribe of the 
 Gauls or Celtae, who peopled that island from the neighbouring 
 Continent ; " and again—" The Picts seem to have been a tribe 
 of the native British race, who, having been chased into the 
 northern parts by the conquests of Agricola, had there inter-' 
 mingled with the ancient inhabitants. The Scots were derived' 
 from the same Celtic origin." ^ Hume does not seem to have 
 seen that these two passages are not entirely consistent. For, if it 
 be true that the first inhabitants of Britain were a tribe of the 
 Gauls or Celtae, then a branch of this tribe driven into the; 
 higliland fastnesses by Agricola could have found no more 
 ancient inhabitants with whom they could intermingle. But' 
 the fact is that Hume's statement is opposed to what we know; 
 of the early history of Britain, and is inconsistent both with' 
 the discoveries of ethnologists and geologists in our own time, 
 and with the evidence which may be drawn from the present 
 inhabitants of these islands. Moreover, Caesar divides the in- 
 habitants of Gaul into three races— the Aquitani (or Iberians, 
 to use the usual name), the Celts, and the Belgs — and Tacitus 
 identifies the inhabitants of Wales or the Silures with the 
 Iberian race : " Silurum colorati vultus torti plerumque 
 crines,- et positaa contra Hispania, Iberos veteres trajecisse, 
 easque sedes occupasse, fidem faciunt."^ 
 
 These Iberians, the oldest Neolithic race known in Europe, 
 a small, dark-haired, dolicocephalic people, are believed at' 
 
 ' Hist, of England, vol. i. pp. 2, I2. 
 2 Agricola, ch. xi. 
 
14 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 one time to have occupied the whole of Europe west of the 
 Rhine. They gave their name to ancient Spain ; they have 
 left their representatives on the Continent in. the Basques ; 
 they are allied with the Berbers of Northern Africa; they 
 were probably identical with the Sikans, the primeval inhabi- 
 tants of Sicily. At the dawn of written history they were 
 already retreating before the great Celtic race which has made 
 so much impression on Western Europe. But, though the 
 Iberian retreated before the Celt, he does not seem to have 
 died out before him. The history of France, and perhaps our 
 own history, proves that the two races possessed rare powers 
 of amalgamation. While, though the Iberians were the in- 
 ferior, the Celtic the superior race, the prevalence — perhaps 
 the increasing prevalence — of small, dark-haired men, both in 
 France and the British Islands, shows how strong has been the 
 tendency of the earlier people to survive. ■ 
 
 The evidence that the Silures of Wales were identical with 
 the Iberians of the Continent does not rest on the testimony 
 of Tacitus alone. "There is," writes Professor Boyd Dawkins, 
 " clear proof that the Iberic element in the Welsh and Scotch 
 peoples formerly possessed the whole of the British Isles in 
 the remote period defined by archaeologists as the age of 
 polished stone or the Neolithic age. The numerous skele- 
 tons found in tombs and caves throughout the length and 
 breadth of these islands prove that they were the only folk in 
 these islands before metals were known." ^ " The small dark 
 race," he writes in another paper, " is to be found in certain 
 mountainous and inaccessible regions in the west. We have 
 them in certain parts of Wales, we have them in Ireland, we 
 have them in the Highlands, they are isolated fragments of 
 one people who were formerly homogeneous." ^ ; This conclu- 
 
 1 The Place of the Welsh in the History of Britain, p. ii. 
 
 2 Our Ancestors, p. 4. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 15 
 
 sion might easily.be supported by other testimony. In a little 
 book of this character it must suffice to say that it is accepted 
 by Dr. Beddoe, by Mr. Isaac Taylor, by Professor Rhys, by 
 Mr. Elton, and by most competent authorities. It has been 
 neglected by historians only because historians unfortunately 
 commence their narratives with legendary, traditional, and 
 written history, and are apt to overlook the important and 
 reliable evidence which the ethnologist and the geologist 
 throw on the early history of mankind. 
 
 While this small, dark-haired, pre- Aryan race was in posses- 
 sion of these islands, Britain suffered two great invasions by 
 different branches of the Celtic family. The first to arrive were 
 the Goidels or Gaels, who were followed, probably some cen- 
 turies later, by the Brythons or Britons. The new-comers 
 were very different from the primitive people whom they were 
 destined to supersede. Instead of being short, dark-haired, 
 and dolicocephalic, they were a " tall, muscular, brachycephalic 
 [race], and almost certainly with xanthous or rufous hair and 
 florid complexion." ^ They were, moreover, in enjoyment 
 of a higher civilisation. The primitive Iberian was still in the 
 age of stone; the Celt, before he entered this country, was 
 already in the age of metal. The progress of mankind is 
 written in the history of its tools, and a people skilled in 
 metal- work was certain to prove its superiority over a race 
 that had no better implement or arm than a polished stone. 
 . The two Celtic invasions must not be supposed to have 
 been sudden in their accomplishment. : The new-comers 
 arrived by instalments ; their arrival was probably protracted 
 over centuries. They came, as the Saxon has come in our 
 own time in America and Australia, gradually settling on the 
 lands to which they moved. But their coming was marked by 
 the consequence which must always result from the arrival of 
 
 1 Isaac Taylor's Origin of the Aryans, p. 69, 
 
r6- THE LAND OB HOME RULE. 
 
 a superio'r race among an inferior people. The Iberian 
 retired before the Goidel, the Goidel afterwards retired before 
 the Brython, into the more inaccessible fastnesses of the 
 country. But, when they reached these fastnesses, the Iberian 
 was not extirpated by the Goidel, and the Goidel was hardly 
 disturbed by the Brython. The two races, the Iberian and 
 the Celt,: showed the capacity to amalgamate which had pre- 
 viously been witnessed, and had produced the Celt-Iberian on: 
 the Continent. The inferior race adopted the civilisation and- 
 the language of the superior new-comer ; and Celtic, or the two 
 branches of the Celtic tongue — Gaelic and Welsh — became foi 
 a time the universal language of the British Islands. 
 
 Professor Boyd Dawkins and Professor Rhys have both 
 endeavoured to record on maps the distribution of these various 
 people. The former is of opinion that, in what he calls the 
 historic period, the Iberian race was in occupation of South- 
 western Ireland (the tract roughly corresponding with our 
 Munster) and of Wales ; the Goidelic Celts of the rest of 
 Ireland, and of the whole of Scotland and England from the 
 Firth of Forth to the northern watershed of the Thames ; 
 and the Belgae of South-Eastern England. He hesitates to 
 ascribe any particular race to Northern Scotland, South- 
 western England, and the Isle of Man.i The latter thinks 
 that the Iberians were still in undisturbed occupation of the 
 whole of Northern Scotland, including the Western Islands ; 
 that the Gaels occupied Central and South- Western Scotland, 
 the Lake Country, the Isle of Man, North and South Wales 
 and South-Western England ; but that there were strong rem- 
 nants of the Iberian race throughout all these districts. The 
 remaining portions of Great Britain he assigns to the Brythons. 
 
 Take for the moment these hypotheses, so far as they agree 
 as proved. They will be found to throw fresh light on modern 
 
 1 See his map facing p, 319 of " Early Man in Britain." 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 17 
 
 history ; for they at once remove the difficulty of assuming 
 that the small, black-haired race, which may still be seen in 
 Ireland, in Wales, and in the Highlands and Islands of Scot' 
 land, can be descended from the tall, fair-haired Celt of 
 history. The man whom the modern Englishman regards as 
 a typical Celt becomes a typical Iberian, and the political 
 difficulties which he refers to the Celt are really attributable 
 to the Iberian. 1 
 
 The original Pictish inhabitants of the island possibly lived, 
 or have, at any rate, left the chief trace of their existence, in 
 its southern parts. The upright stones, which are believed to 
 have surrounded their hut dwellings,^ may still be seen on the 
 Meayll or Mull above Port Erin, and on the Sloe or Gully on the 
 Slopes of Cronkny-Irey-Lhaa. Possibly evidence of the same 
 kind may be found in the prevalence of the name Rushen in 
 the south of the island. The southern Sheading is Rushen ; 
 the southern parish, Rushen ; the southern town, Castletown, 
 was originally Rushen ; its castle is still Castle Rushen ; and 
 when, in the twelfth century, an abbey was founded in the 
 neighbourhood, it was styled Rushen Abbey. The etymology 
 of Rushen is not quite clear. But " the most probable inter- 
 pretation is that [it] derived its name from St. Russein, of 
 Inis Picht, mentioned in the Martyrology of Tallaght,"3 
 and this derivation, again, confirms the previous argument; 
 
 1 It is a common saying, for instance, which Mr. Gladstone, among others, 
 is fond of repeating, that Celtic nations never supply a deep-sea fishing popu- 
 lation. But this is not tnie either of the Breton in France or of the Celt in 
 Cornwall, It is universally true of the race which Professor Rhys classes as 
 Iberian, 
 
 2 These stones, however, are in circles; and, as it is doubtful whether a 
 Pictish people ever dwelt in circular houses, it seems probable that they may 
 have been erected by their Celtic successors, Cf. however, Rhys' Welsh 
 Philology, p. 193, 
 
 3 Surnames and Place-Names of the Isle of Man, p. 212. Cf. Train's Hist. 
 
 Isle of Man, vol. ii. p. 340. 
 
 B 
 
1 8 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 for St. Riissein of Inis Picht would be St. Rushen of tfeie' 
 Pictish Isles, St. Russein of the Welsh Manaw and the Gaelic 
 Marinan. . 
 
 The fact that the island was originally inhabited by Iberians 
 of small stature possibly accounts for the prevalent supersti- 
 tion that its earlier possessors were fairies or little people. 
 Various tales are still told of their appearance in the olden 
 time,i of the horses they rode, of the saddles they used,^ of 
 the stones which they moved, of the churches which they 
 unroofed, and of other pranks that they played. Even at the 
 present day many Manxmen avoid particular roads at night 
 from a dread of meeting these little people. 
 
 But at the dawn of the historic period these small, dark- 
 haired people were not in 'sole possession of the island. The; 
 Goidelic Celts or Gaels had already crossed over to Ireland, 
 and must almost necessarily have settled in an island which 
 was adjacent to their possessions in Ireland, Scotland, and 
 Wales. With the Gaels, Druidism, in all probability, must 
 have come, if it had not been already established in the 
 island. Sir Inigo Jones styled Mann "Insula Druidum et 
 sedes Druidum." " Hector Boetius averreth that Man was 
 the principal mansion seat of the Druids, where their chief 
 bishop had his residence, and had his ball of fire there car- 
 
 1 See, inter alia, Waldron's Isle of Man, p. 126 of folio edition, and pp. 5, 7, 
 28, in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xi. , Waldron's story is quoted, not quite accu- 
 rately, in Train's History of the Isle of Man, vol. ii. p. 154, and copied evidently 
 from Train into Brown's Guide-Book. 
 
 = The fairy saddle, a huge block of stone roughly resembling a saddle, is 
 preserved in the road called the Saddle Road,' running between Kirby and 
 Ballaiighton, near Douglas. In the days of smuggling in the last century the 
 smugglers are said to have been in the habit of seizing the farmers' horses to 
 enable them to draw their cargoes from the coast. When the farmer found 
 his horses tired in the rnornihg, the popular explanation was that the fairies 
 had used them in the night. As the " fairies" were in the habit of consider- 
 ately leaving a small keg of whisky in the horses' stable, the explanation was 
 as satisfactory to the farmer as it proved to the smuggler. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 19 
 
 fied before him ; and Camden calleth it the most noble and 
 ancient seat of the Druids. Hollinshed affirmeth the Druids 
 to have been in Man even from the beginning. The Eccle- 
 siastical History of Great Britain saith it was the chief seat of 
 the Druids."! Archbishop Spottiswood, who wrote in the 
 seventeenth century, and Blundell, who was compiling his 
 "History of the Isle of Man" at the same time, accepted 
 these authorities ; nor does there seem any reason for doubt- 
 ing the testimony of the early historians. Some of the nume- 
 rous stone circles, which earlier ages ascribed to the Druids; 
 modern criticism has shown to be places of later sepulture,^ 
 while Druidale — the name of a gorge in the mountains — is 
 known to be a word of modern origin. But these circum^ 
 stances need not aifect the conclusion that Druidism must 
 almost necessarily have existed in Man. Whether we accept 
 the ordinary opinion that Druidism was the religion of the 
 Celtic people, or whether we incline to Professor Rhys' view 
 that Druidism was the cult of the primitive pre-Aryan race, 
 which was adopted by the Goidelic Celts,^ it is equally 
 rational to assume that Iberian and Gaul would have carried 
 their worship with them to Man. And it is, to say the least, 
 probable that when the Romans, in the time of Claudiusy 
 commenced their persecution of the Druids, the same causes 
 which made the Druids retire for safety to Anglesey would 
 have induced many of the more timid of them to withdraw to 
 the greater security of a more isolated island. There may be 
 no authority for it, but there is at least some inherent proba- 
 
 ^ Blundell's History of the Isle of Man, Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxv. p. 11. 
 
 2 See, inier alia, a note of Mr. Cumming's in Manx Society Publications, 
 vol. i. p. 176. The stone circle on the Mull is shown to surround a series of 
 kist-vaens or tombs, but the stone circle in Marown was possibly Druidical. 
 It is situated near the head of Glen Darragh, the Vale of Oaks, a name which 
 suggests its connection with Druidism. 
 
 3 Celtic Britain, p. 69. 
 
20 THE LANjy, OF HOME RULE. 
 
 bility in the tradition that, when Suetonius Pauhnua destroyed 
 Druidism towards the close of the first century in Anglesey, 
 the Druids who survived the great slaughter escaped to the 
 Isle of Man.i . ' 
 
 The Romans, after conquering Anglesey, inarched through 
 the North of England to, the Solway, and subdued the wild 
 tribes on the north of that. estuary ; but there is no evidence 
 that they crossed to the Isle of Man. Hollinshed, indeed, who 
 apparently follows Baetius, declares that the Manx had aided 
 the Picts against Ostorius, and that Vespasian actually contem-. 
 plated the invasion of the island ; ^ but there is no evidence that 
 the Romans ever landed on its shores. There is, indeed, a trar 
 dition that an old fort in Douglas Bay, which served in the last 
 century as a prison, but which was taken down early in the pre- 
 sent century, and subsequently replaced by the Tower, the sub- 
 ject of one of Wordsworth's sonnets, was as old as the Roman 
 
 1 Robertson's Tour in Man, p. 99, Manx Society Publications, vol. v. p. 178. 
 Some Manx customs, either recently or still existing, may perhaps be cited as 
 evidence of the presence of Druids in the island. The great Druidical anniver- 
 sary was held on May Day, when fires were kindled on the cairns, and, accord- 
 ing to Train, vol. i. p. 314, these fires were in his time still kindled on the 
 mountain-tops on that day. Another' of these periodical fire-meetings vvas held 
 on the 1st November. The ist May and the ist November (or, since thealtera- 
 tion of the calendar, the 12th May and 12th November) are still the most 
 important days in the Manx calendar. All changes of tenancy occur on those 
 days ; when money is borrowed, the interest is usually made payable on one 
 of those days, and the accounts of some public bodies are still made up to the 
 I2th November. It is possible that the custom may be referred to Celtic 
 or Druidical Man, though it is right to point out that the ist May was also a 
 great day in the Norse year. Manx Society Publications, vol. xi. p. 124. The 
 custom of hunting the wren, which is still kept up on Christmas Eve, has also 
 been referred to Druidical times. Colonel Vallency, in his Collectanea de 
 Rebus Hibernicis, says, "The Druids represent this [the wren] as the kinc of 
 all the birds. The superstitious respect shown to [it] gave offence to our first 
 Christian missionaries, and by their commands he is still hunted and killed by 
 the peasants on Christnias Day."— Manx Society Publications, vol. xvi. p, 1.85. 
 
 2 Hollinshed, Chron. of Scotland, vol, i. pp. 78, 82, and 90 ; and Train, 
 Hist. Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 42. 
 
THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 21 
 
 occupation of Britain,^ and Train improves the tradition by addr 
 ing that "it wais probably built by that heroic people." There is, 
 too, still preserved in Castle Rushen an altar, obviously Roman, 
 which some people think once stood on the site of St. Mary's 
 Chapel at Castletown; and in 1826, in preparing the foundations 
 of the present chapel, three Roman copper coins were found 
 deposited in a square hole in a block of freestone of the same 
 material as that of which the altar is composed. But as for 
 the fort, no one seems to have conjectured its Roman origin 
 till after it was taken down ; and as for the altar. Bishop Wilson 
 believed it to have been brought from Cumberland, and Dr. 
 Clay says that the belief is well authenticated.^ 
 
 Nothing, then, in the Island is sufificient to contradict the 
 silence of history, and to induce a belief that the Romans ever 
 made a descent on the shores of the Isle of Man. In fact, 
 their legions had usually enough to do within the pale of their 
 own province, and their leaders had no reason to encounter 
 the dangers of a stormy passage for the purpose of making a 
 deseerit on the shores of a small and poor island. Thus it is 
 a, fair inference that in the darker ages, when the arms and the 
 literature of the Romans were gradually revealing the nature 
 of Britain to contemporary readers and later students, the 
 Gael and the Iberian were left undisturbed in the Isle of Man. 
 There they raised their rude circular dwellings, similar in 
 everything except their shape to the miserable houses which 
 are still the homes of the Western Irish and Western Islanders 
 of Scotland ; there they disposed of their dead, sometimes by 
 cremation, sometimes in the kist-vaens or stone-coffins which 
 
 ' For these tradi lions see Train's Hist., vol. i. p. 55 ; Waldron's Description 
 of tlie Isle of Man, p. 152 ; and Manx Soc. Pub, , vol. v. p. 99, and xvii. p. 37. 
 
 2 A Roman coin of the age of Severus has recently been found at Ballamona 
 in Santon. But the existence of a Roman coin does not prove the presence of 
 the Romans ; it only points to intercourse between the Romans in Great Britain 
 and Man. 
 
23 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 are scattered through the island ; there they tended the herds 
 of cattle which they had already collected, and stored for 
 winter use the cereals which they had succeeded in growing 
 in the summer. The rude boat of hide — the coracle of Wales 
 — was already being replaced by a canoe, made out of a solid 
 tree hollowed by fire ; ^ the Gael had already introduced swords 
 and implements of metal, while the Druid, practising his rites, 
 had laid the. foundations of a higher culture, and taught the 
 people to believe in the possibilities of a future life. Yet such 
 belief was strongly tinged with superstitious colouring. The 
 dead were supposed to inhabit the tombs in which they were 
 interred; arms and ornaments were buried with them for their 
 use in the new existence on which they had entered ; food was 
 brought for them to the tombs ; and the cup-markings, which 
 pay be still seen on some of the monumental stones erected 
 by that primitive people, were filled with this object with lard 
 or butter. The rudiments of civilisation, the rudiments of 
 knowledge, were already appearing, but the people on the 
 whole, sparsely scattered through the country, were still in a 
 barbarous and uncivilised state. The light of knowledge had 
 not yet dispelled the mists of ignorance; and 'Man, shrouded 
 from the outer world by the clouds which so frequently dei 
 scended upon its mountains, was enveloped in the still darker 
 cloud of barbarism, which progress had not yet dispelled. 
 
 1 One of these boats is preserved in St. Thomas's, Douglas ; another, in 
 course of manufacture, has recently been found in German. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE AGE OF MYTH AND LEGEND. 
 
 It has been shown in the previous chapter that the earliest 
 inhabitants of the Isle of Man of whom we can find any traces 
 probably belonged to that small, black-haired people who were 
 ■known as Iberians in Spain and as Silures in Wales ; and 
 Professor Rhys' authority has been cited to prove that in all 
 probability the same Pre-Aryan race furnished the earliest 
 population both to Scotland and Ireland. In Scotland they 
 were known as Picts, in Ireland as Scots. The Romans applied 
 to them the name Picts because they were the Picti — the 
 painted or tattooed men ; the Brythons, for a similar reaSonj 
 called them Scots, from the Celtic "ysgwthrr," to cut or carve ; 
 while they seem to have called themselves Cruithni, from the 
 forms (crotha) of beasts, birds, and fishes which they tattooed 
 on their faces and their bodies. The Irish Scots were destined 
 ultimately to cross into Western Scotland, and, fusing with their 
 relatives the Picts, to give their name to Northern Britain.^ 
 
 But, before the final emigration of the Scots into Western 
 Scotland, there is some evidence that they were moving. 
 An Irish anr;alist tells us that early in the third century the 
 Firbolg, a non-Celtic race, fled from Ulster to the Isles 
 of Man, Arran, Islay, and Rathlin.^ According to the same 
 
 1 Celtic Britain, pp. 23S-257. The Pietish legend made Cruidni or 
 Cruithni a man, the founder of the family. Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. i. p. 185. 
 
 3 Manx Society Publications, xv. 121. Mr. Skene thinks that the Irish 
 translator of Nenniits is right in identifying the settlers of Builc in Eubonia 
 with the Firbolg. Skene's Celtic Scotland, i. 138 n. , and 174. 
 
 23 
 
24 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 authority, Cormac, king of Ulster, compelled many of his 
 rebellious subjects to emigrate into Man ; ^ while, on the other 
 hand, Hector Boetius wishes us to believe that Cratilinth, 
 king of Scotland, when many Christians fled to him for refuge 
 during Diocletian's persecution, gave them the Isle of Man as 
 a residence, and built for them a temple, in which Amphibalus, 
 a Briton, sat as first bishop.^ 
 
 The latter myth may at once be rejected. The introduction 
 of Christianity into the Isle of Man rests on legend, but the 
 legendary story of Amphibalus and Cratilinth did not deceive 
 Sacheverell, two hundred years ago, and need not mislead a 
 more sceptical" age at the close of the nineteenth century. The 
 later legend may be briefly told. In the beginning of the fifth 
 century, ' Mananan-Beg-MacLir, or Little Mananan, the Son 
 of the Sea, possessed the Isle of Man. He was a pagan and 
 a magician. He enveloped the island in mist, so that it was 
 invisible to any passing craft ; if an enemy appeared, he would 
 cause one man to seem a hundred, and that by magic art. 
 He had power over the winds of heaven, and could command 
 thetn as he chose : and the only rent which he exacted from 
 his Manx tenantry was a bundle of rushes. Later legends 
 improved the story; and the tradition at last ran that -the 
 three legs, " the arms of Man, proceeded out of the Tynwald 
 Hill, wiih a little man, who was Manninagh Mac-ee-Lheir, who 
 rolled the emblem as a wheel before him." ^ 
 
 . • Manx Society Publications, vol. xv. p. 121, and cf. Skene's Celtic Scotland, 
 yol. i. p. 182. 2 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. i. p. 146. , 
 
 3 Train's History, vol, i. p. 39. Manx Society Publications, vol. v. p. 4. 
 Wordsworth alludes to the legend : — 
 
 " Bold words affirmed, in days when faith was strong 
 And doubts and scruples seldom teased the brain. 
 That no adventurer's bark had power to gain 
 These shores if he approached them bent on wrong : 
 For suddenly, up-conjured from the main. 
 Mists rose to hide the land : that search — though long 
 And eager — might be still pursued in vain." 
 
THE AGE OF MYTH AND LEGEND. 25 
 
 ' Latfer critics have ■ endeavoured to identify this pagan hero 
 with Orbsen, a farnous Irish navigator, who gave the name to 
 Lough Corrib,! and with Cuiilean or Guillean, a weird smith, 
 who reigned over a fairy kingdom in Ulster.^ Bat in this 
 series of myths most authorities have agreed in detecting a 
 grain of truth. Mananan MacLir is supposed with some 
 reason to have been a real personage, famous for his exploits 
 as a seaman and colonist, skilled in predicting the changes 
 of weather from the signs of the sky, and carrying on a 
 lawful and illicit traffic in the seas that surround the Isle 
 of Man. 
 
 While, as the myth ran, Mananan MacLir was exercising 
 his enchantments in Main, a very different person, St. Patrick, 
 was setting out on his mission to convert the Irish. Myth 
 has gathered round the story of St. Patrick, but the uniform 
 silence of early writers as to his history and achievements 
 almost justify the doubt whether the great Irish saint ever 
 existed at all. The earliest mention of him, in fact, does not 
 occur till nearly two centuries after his death. But the later 
 publication of his Confessions and of his Epistle to Coroticus 
 — if these documents are genuine — give some account of his' 
 ministry and career.^ 
 
 We learn from the Confessions that St. Patrick was a citizen 
 of the Roman province of Britain ; that his family had been 
 Christian for at least two generations ; that it belonged to the' 
 aristocracy of a Roman provincial town ; that the district 
 of Tabernia, in which this town was situated, was exposed to 
 \ the incursions of the Scots ; that in one of these incursions 
 
 ( } The transiticn is Orbsen, Oreb, Orib, Corrib. 
 
 2 Manx Society Publications, voi. xv. p. 129. 
 
 s I have followed, respecting St. Patrick, Mr. Skene's Celtic Scotland, 
 vol. ii.'^p.' 14-23, and pp. 427-443. Cf. Mr. Stokes' Celtic Church in Ireland, 
 pp. 2Sseg. , 
 
26 THE LAND OP HOME RULE. 
 
 St. Patrick was taken captive and brought to Ireland ; that 
 ihe remained six years in slavery, employed in tending sheep ; 
 and that, afterwards^ escaping, after many adventures or mis- 
 •adventures both by land and sea, he succeeded in regain- 
 ing his native country and his parents' housre. There, in con- 
 :sequence of a vision, he resolved on returning as a missionary 
 to Ireland, and on preaching the Gospel to the people among 
 whom he had worked as a slave. He appears to have 
 laboured for fifteen or twenty years before he was consecrated 
 a bishop, and it was only in the latter part of his career that 
 his labours were rewarded with success. Myth and legend 
 soon gathered round this simple story, but neither myth nor 
 legend connected St. Patrick's name with the Isle of Man. 
 At last, nearly 700 years after St. Patrick's time, Jocelin, a 
 monk ,of Furness, affirmed that St. Patrick, on his way to 
 Ireland, " touched at the Islands of the Seas, one of which, 
 Eubonia — that is, Man, at that time subject to Britain — by his 
 miracles and preaching he converted to Christ. Among the 
 miracles which he wrought, the most famous was as follows : — 
 A certain evil-doer, narued Melinus, like Simon the magician, 
 asserting himself to be God, attempted a diabolical flight in 
 the air, but by St. Patrick's prayers fell headlong from his 
 lofty flight, was dashed to pieces, and thus perished. St. 
 Patrick placed as bishop oyer the new church of this na.tion one 
 of his disciples, a wise and holy man named Germanus, who 
 placed his episcopal seat in a certain promontory, which to 
 this day is called St. Patrick's Island, because he had remained 
 there for some time. And the other islands being converted 
 to the Christian faith, he placed over each of them one or 
 more bishops from among his disciples, and then returned to 
 Ireland. . . . The inhabitants of some of these islands, having 
 seceded from the faith, afterwards renounced the law which 
 was preached by St. Patrick, and therefore to this day are 
 
THE AGE OF MYTH AND LEGEND. 27 
 
 deprived of the special gift of God which through the prayers 
 of St. Patrick freed from all venomous animals the islands that 
 preserved the faith." 1 
 
 Jocelin's account soon grew. Germanus was said to have 
 died in his see, and to have been succeeded by Romulus and 
 Conihdrius. Romulus in his turn, on his death in 498, was 
 followed by Machutus, and Machutus in 518 was succeeded 
 by Lonanus, the nephew of St. Patrick. The story which 
 Jocelin had published was apparently confitmed by these 
 additions to it, and men who would have rejected the bare 
 statement of Germanus' consecration accepted an account 
 which professed to enumerate all the earlier bishops and their 
 dates. Another legend, moreover, grew round the name of 
 Machutus. Machutus, according to the Book of Armagh, which 
 enjoys the advantage that it preceded by four centuries the 
 w^ork of Jocelin, was an impious, cruel, quarrelsome heathen, 
 who, seeing St. Patrick " shining in the clear light of faith," 
 resolved on tempting him. He made one of his attendants 
 feign that he was lying in the agony of death, and covering 
 him with a cloak, said to the saint, " Behold one of us is 
 now sick ; approach, therefore, and chaunt some of the in- 
 cantations of your sect over him, if perchance he may be now 
 healed." St. Patrick, knowing all their stratagems and deceits, 
 with firmness and intrepidity said, " It would be no wonder 
 if he had been sick;" and his companions, uncovering the 
 face of him feigning sickness, saw that he was now dead j and 
 the heathens, amazed and astonished at such a miracle, said 
 among themselves, " Truly this man is from God ; we have 
 done evil in tempting him." But St. Patrick having turned to 
 Machutus, said, " Why did you seek to tempt me ? " The cruel 
 tyrant answered, " I am sorry for what I have done ; whatever 
 you command me, I will perform. And I now deliver myself 
 ; , 1 The extract iviU be found in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. iv. p. 15. 
 
28 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 into the power of your Supreme God whom you preach." 
 And the saint said, " Believe, therefore, in my God, the Lord 
 Jesus, and confess your sins, and be baptized in the name of 
 the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost" And he 
 was converted in that hour, and believed in the Eternal God; 
 and, moreover, was baptized; and then Machutus added this 
 saying, " I confess to thee, my holy Lord Patrick, that I pro- 
 posed to kill you. Judge, therefore, how much I owe for so 
 great a crime." Patrick said, " I am not able to judge, but 
 God will judge. Do you, therefore, depart now unarmed to the 
 sea, and pass over quickly from this country, taking nothing 
 with you of your substance, except a small common garment 
 with which you may be able to cover your body, eating 
 nothing and drinking nothing of the fruit of this island, having 
 a mark of your sins on your head ; and, when you reach the 
 sea, bind your feet together with an iron fetter, and cast the 
 key of it into the sea, and set out in a boat of one hide, 
 without rudder or oar ; and, wherever the wind and sea 
 shall lead you, be prepared to remain ; and to whatever land 
 Divine Providence shall carry you, be prepared to live there 
 and obey the Divine commands." 
 
 Machutus obeyed Patrick's order ; and, when he had em- 
 barked in his coracle, " the north wind arose, and bore him to 
 the south, and cast him on the island called Evonia, and he 
 found there two men very wonderful, who first taught the 
 Word of God and baptism in Evonia. And the men of the 
 island were converted by their doctrine to the Catholic faith, 
 whose names were Conindrius and Romulus." 
 
 Machutus — so the Book of Armagh added — spent the re- 
 mainder of his life in the " society of these two holy bishops till 
 he was appointed their successor in the bishopric." But later 
 ingenuity added more marvels to the story. 
 
 "And, when he had for some time abided there, a fish was 
 
THE AGE OF MYTH AND LEGEND. 29 
 
 one day taken in the sea, and brought into their dwelling, and, 
 when the fish was opened before them, a key was found in its 
 belly ; and Machutus, being released from his chains, gave 
 thanks unto God and went thenceforth free. . ; . In that 
 island was a city called after him, of no small extent, the 
 remains of whose walls may yet be seen. And in the ceme- 
 tery of the church is a sarcophagus of hollow- stone, out of 
 which a spring continually exudes, nay, freely floweth, which is 
 sweet to the palate, wholesome to the taste, and healeth divers 
 infirmities, and the deadliness of poison." 1 Maughold's repu- 
 tation for sanctity was so great that St. Bridget came over to him 
 from Ireland, and "was veiled and professed " by him.^ Cogi- 
 tosus, who, according to Blundell, was her nephew, but who 
 probably lived some centuries after her time, alleges that she 
 died in Man. Manx legend declares that she founded the 
 nunnery at Douglas. 
 
 So far myth and legend, which have naturally "inspired 
 tradition; and, in support of these traditions, the Manx 
 people point with pride to the names of their parishes. The 
 spot where Patrick landed is St. Patrick's Isle in Jurby; the 
 parish in which he reared his cathedral is still known as 
 Patrick ; his chair is in Marown ; ^ the adjoining parish bears 
 the name of German ; St. Machutus still survives in Maughold, 
 
 1 This' remarkable story was apparently composed by some one who had no 
 close acquaintance with the Isle of Man. There is not, and there is no e\ i- 
 dence that there ever was, any city called after Maughold. The parish of that 
 name is sparsely peopled. The spring, moreover, which bears the saint's 
 name is not in the churchyard, but on Maughold Head, some distance 
 from it. 
 
 2 These extracts from the Book of Armagh and the Triadis Thaumaturgse 
 of Colgan are all reprinted in Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xv. pp. 68-72. See also 
 Blundell's Hist, in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxvii. 161, and Skene's Celtic 
 Scotland, ii. 443. 
 
 3 The so-called St. Patrick's chair is probably the remains of an old burial- 
 place. The seat is formed of blocks of masonry, while the back consists of 
 tyvp upright stones, each of which has a cross cut into it. 
 
30 ■ THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the parish in which his coracle touched the shore. Immedi* 
 ately to the south is Lonan, which is said to owe its name to 
 Patrick's nephew, Lonanus ; south again is Onchan, or Kirk 
 Conchan, a parish called, as some people have supposed, after 
 St. Patrick's mother, or, as others have alleged, after St. 
 Conanusj Lonanus's successor ; while the nunnery chapel at 
 Douglas and the northern parish in the island still preserve 
 the name of St. Bridget or Bride. It is not surprising that the 
 fabric raised by myth and legend, and accepted by tradition, 
 should have been confirmed by this elaborate nomenclature, 
 and that the Manx people should have accepted without 
 examination a story which crumbles away before the touch of 
 criticism. 
 
 For, in the first place, there is nothing in the Life of St. 
 Patrick to justify the tradition that he was ever on the island ; 
 while the account in the Book of Armagh distinctly contra- 
 dicts it ; the latter attributing to the labours of Conindrius 
 and Romulus the conversion which Jocelin ascribes to St. 
 Patrick. The Germanus, too, who is most naturally associated 
 with St. Patrick, could never have been bishop in the Isle of 
 Man. He presided over the See of Auxerre, and instructed 
 St. Patrick in the Canon.i The latest commentator on Manx 
 names, moreover, suggests a doubt whether German and Maugr 
 hold owe their names to any saints of Irish extraction. Ger- 
 manus, he suggests, may be a corruption of Coemanus, and 
 Maughold he similarly considers may be called after Macutus, 
 Bishop of Aleth in Brittany, and not after Macutus, or, to use 
 the Irish name, MacCuill, the hero of the legend in the. Book 
 of Armagh. The legendary history of the :^early bishops of 
 Man never, indeed, gained its present consistency till the 
 fifteenth century. For the author of the Chronicle of Man, 
 who wrote in the island late in the fourteenth century, com- 
 
 1 Skene's Celtic Scotland, ii. 438. 
 
THE AGE OF MYTH AND LEGEND. sr 
 
 mences his list of bishops with Roolwer, who lived itf the age 
 of the Norman conquest of England, He admits, indeed, 
 that there were many bishops before Roolwer, but he adds, 
 " We are entirely ignorant who or what were the bishops 
 before Roolwer's time." ^ It is plain, therefore, that a learned 
 and conscientious ecclesiastic, writing in Man five centuries 
 ago, knew nothing of the traditions which made Germanus, 
 Conindrius, Romulus, Machutus, Lonanus, and Conanus 
 the earliest occupants of the See of Man. 
 
 In these circumstances, no one accustomed to weigh his- 
 torical evidence will attach much importance to the legends 
 which have grown up ardund . the names of Patrick and 
 Machutus. But, though the legend itself must.be rejected, the 
 graia of truth which is embedded in it need not be lost sight 
 of. Traditions and names do not justify the assumption that 
 Patrick was ever in the island, or that Germanus or Machutus 
 ever presided over its See, but they at least afford a fair 
 presumption that its inhabitants were converted at an early 
 period by missionaries of the Irish branch of the Celtic 
 family, to whom the saints who live in Irish fable and story 
 were specially dear. " Of the names pf our seventeen 
 parish churches," writes Mr. Arthur Moore,^ " seven are 
 certainly, two almost certainly, and four probably of Irisli 
 origin, the remaining four being of comparatively recent 
 dedication." 
 
 And this presumption will be strengthened by reference to 
 the earlier ecclesiastical divisions of the island. For it seems 
 certain that the earliest ecclesiastical unit was not a parish or 
 
 1 Chronicon Mannias, Manx Soc. Pub., xxii. 115. 
 
 2 Surnames and Plaoe-Names, p. 205. The seven are St. Patrick's Jurby and 
 Patrick, Lonan, Marown, Santon (St. Sanctan), Bride (St. Bridget)., Malew 
 (St. Lupus); the two "almost certain," Maughold and Conchan ; the four, 
 Braddkn (St. Brandan), German (St. Germanus), Arbory (St. Cairbre), and 
 Rushen. 
 
32 THE LAND O.E HOME RULE. 
 
 a Skeeyley, to use the Manx name, but a Treen. Considers 
 able doubt has arisen as to the precise meaning of the word 
 " treen ; " but there is no doubt that the various parishes are 
 still divided into treens and subdivided into quarterlands,' 
 there being on an average ten treens and forty quarterlands 
 in each parish. Now the Manx name for quarterland is 
 Kerroo Valley (Anglicb quarterland), and valley is, of course, 
 easily identified with the Celtic Balla Mr. Moore quotesi 
 with excellent point ^ the following extract from a tract printed 
 in an appendix to the "Tribes and Customs of the Hy Fiach- 
 vaich:" — "These countries were subdivided into townlandsy 
 which were called ballys . . . and each townland was divided 
 into quarters . . . and now the lands are generally set and let^ 
 not by the measure of acres, but by the measure of quarters; 
 a quarter being the fourth part of a townland. , . , I have 
 been sometimes perplexed to know how many acres a quarter 
 contains, but I have learned it is an uncertain measure, and 
 anciently proportioned only by guess, or according to th^ 
 bigness of the- townlands whereof it was a quarter." 
 
 It seems probable, therefore, that the island was originally 
 divided into ballas or townlands, to use the name still familiar 
 in Ireland, and that the townlands were subdivided into 
 quarters. It is no answer to this argument to say that the 
 word "balla" has now acquired a different meaning, as in 
 Ballasalla (Balla Sallagh), the dirty farm, or the farm with the 
 willows, for the name admits of either meaning ; Ballamoar, the 
 big farm, or Ballavartin, Martin's farm. Words and names in 
 every country constantly change their original sense ; and there 
 is really nothing more remarkable in the " balla," the original 
 name for the townland, being applied to the farm, than in the 
 word "ton," which was originally applied to the homestead, 
 having been elevated to the town. It was natural, however, that, 
 
 1 Surnames and Place-Names, p. 163. 
 
THM AGE OF MYTH AND LEGEND. 33 
 
 when the " balla" lost its original meaning, a new name should 
 be applied to the townland, and the latter become the treen. 
 The precise origin of the new word is not plain. " Kelly does 
 not mention it in the Triglott Dictionary. Gill has : ' Treein, 
 an ecclesiastical division of the country, being a third part.' 1 
 Cregeen : 'Treen (f.) a township that divides tithe into three.' 
 If it ever was a third part, the division of which it was a third has 
 disappeared." ^ The fact that the tithe was divided into three 
 parts does not appear, moreover, satisfactorily to account for 
 the name ) for the distribution of a tax could hardly be respon- 
 sible for the designation of the area from which the tax was 
 collected. If it were not presumptuous in one who is not a 
 philologist to suggest a derivation for a word which has 
 baffled philological skill, it might be possible to suggest that 
 the word "treen" was allied with the Celtic "tre," one of the 
 three test prefixes by which 
 
 " You may know the Cornish men," 
 
 but which is found in some form or other in almost every 
 country which the Celts have occupied.^ 
 
 Whatever, however, the derivation of the word, of the 
 division of the land into treens and quarterlands tiiere can 
 be no doubt Distinct duties, such as the repair of the church- 
 yard fence and the maintenance of the pinfold (the parish 
 pound), were thrown by law on the several treens in each 
 parish in turn ; * while church rate, or church cess, as it is 
 called in the island, is still collected from the quarterlands, 
 the whole sum required being levied, not on the value of the 
 property, but on each quarterland in the parish. 
 
 While, however, the quarterland is still an important factor 
 
 1 Surnames and Place-Names, p. 163. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 162. 
 
 3 Isaac Taylor's Words and Places, p. 152. 
 * Train's History, vol. i. p. 13. ,' 
 
34 THE P4ND OF HOME RULE.-. '- 
 
 in the organisation of each parish, the treen; is fast disappear- 
 ing. Most people acquainted with Manx agriculture could, 
 point out the various quarterlands in their own neighbour- 
 hood, but only one or two persons could give much informa- 
 tion about the treen. The treen has been swallowed up by 
 the parish, and only survives in tradition and history. Yet. 
 it is nearly certain that the treen once occupied the place 
 of the parish as the ecclesiastical unit, and it has been even 
 claimed that there was a separate chapel for every treen. ^ 
 
 These early chapels have been called cabbals and keeills ;, 
 and one learned antiquarian has drawn a distinction between 
 the cabbal of the fifth and the keeill of the sixth century.^, 
 As, however, the word " cabbal " is of modern origin, a mere 
 corruption for "chapel,"^ it is not safe to rely on this distinc-' 
 tion. The original chapel was "an earthen structure, quad- 
 rangular in form, of very small dimensions, and rarely exceeded, 
 twelve feet in length by nine in breadth." But, as time wore 
 on, this rude chapel developed into a more pretentious build- 
 ing, rather larger in size, and constructed partly of masonry. 
 The ruin at Ballaquinney in Marown is a good example of 
 this period of transition. Still later the chapel assumed still 
 larger dimensions and more architectural features, and buildings 
 in the style of St. Trinian's — so familiar to every visitor to the 
 Island — were erected.* 
 
 Whether the earlier keeills were really built for the accom- 
 modation of the neighbours is very doubtful. Mr. Arthur Moore 
 
 1 The tradition is embedded in the traditionary ballad, which, however, is 
 responsible for many errors : — 
 
 "For each four quarterlands he made a chapel 
 ■ For people of them to meet to prayer." 
 
 2 Manx Soc. Pub., xv. 8i. 
 
 2 Surnames and Place-Names, p. 152. 
 
 * Manx Soc. Pub., vol. v. p. 69, and xv. p. Si. 
 
THE, AGE OF MYTH AND LEGEND. 35 
 
 thinks that they were probably raised by the Culdees,i and he 
 adds, " They were evidently not intended for congregations, as, 
 their internal measurement does not exceed twenty feet byi 
 twelve feet, and they are, moreover, distributed so promis-; 
 cuously that the theory, started by the traditionary ballad,^ 
 and eagerly accepted by most of those who have written onj 
 the subject, that there was one for every treen, cannot be 
 substantiated by the facts." ^ 
 
 One singular circumstance connected with "treen" and 
 " quarterland " remains to be mentioned. Mr. Arthur Moore 
 has analysed the names of 146 of the treens and 586 of the 
 quarterlands. In the quarterlands, 53 of the names are 
 Scandinavian, and 533, or ten times as many, Celtic in their 
 origin. In the treens, on the contrary, only 63 of the names 
 are Celtic and 83 are Scandinavian. So remarkable a result 
 cannot be due to chance alone, and it seems to point to the 
 possible conclusion that the Norse after the conquest of the 
 island retained for their own purposes the division into treens, 
 and ignored the subdivision of the treen into quarterlands. 
 
 Be this as it may, the treen became gradually too small 
 for ecclesiastical purposes, and the island was thenceforward 
 divided into parishes. The parish varied in size, Lezayre, for 
 instance, containing nearly 16,000, Santon only a little more 
 than 4000 acres. But the average size of the parish was, as 
 a rule, larger than the average size of a parish in England, 
 the sparseness of the population perhaps accounting for this 
 circumstance. 
 
 In the names of the parishes, in their division into treens 
 and quarterlands, in the traditions which are still preserved of 
 the origin of Christianity — in all these matters the inquirer 
 finds evidence that the island — like Scotland and Northern 
 
 1 Religious Recluses of the Early Church. 
 - Surnames and Place-Names, p. 151. 
 
36 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 England — owed its first conversion to Irish missionaries. The 
 stream of civilisation and progress in the world has almost 
 uniformly flowed from east to west. But prior to the age of 
 St. Augustine the stream of Christianity in the British Islands 
 flowed from west to east : the little island of lona, the chosen 
 home of an Erse saint, became a more potent influence than 
 the old city of Rome. Subsequent events, which so closely 
 united the Northern Hebrides with Man, tended to confirm 
 the connection between the Manx and the Irish Church ; and 
 for centuries, and until the current of history gradually drew 
 the island into the arms of England, the Church of Man owed 
 only a doubtful allegiance to the potentate who Tcpresented 
 the cause of Catholicism at Rome. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 
 
 In relating the legends connected with the growth of Chris- 
 tianity in the Isle of Man, and in endeavouring to separate the 
 grain from the chaff, it seemed desirable to follow up the nar- 
 rative, and to describe the later growth and organisation of 
 ecclesiasticism. It is time, however, now to retrace our steps, 
 and to relate, so far as is possible, the confused history of the 
 island during the period with which the legends mentioned in 
 the preceding chapters are occupied. 
 
 When Rome withdrew, at the commencement of the fifth 
 century, from Britain, a period of confusion succeeded. The 
 Picts were pressing from the north on what is now the English 
 frontier; the Saxons or Angles were settling on the south- 
 eastern coasts of the country, to which they were to give the 
 name of England ; the Celts in Wales were acquiring indepen- 
 dence ; while in South- Western Scotland the Scots of Northern 
 Ireland were founding the kingdom of Dalriada.^ It was inevi- 
 table that a little island like Man should be affected by the 
 fortunes of South- Western Scotland and Northern Wales ; and 
 the tradition is probably true that, at the close of the fifth or 
 at the beginning of the sixth century, the Scots virtually held 
 possession of the island. But, before twenty years of the sixtfi 
 
 1 The north-east corner of Ireland, comprising the northern half of the county 
 of Antrim, was called Dalriada. The Scots of Dalriada crossed over to the 
 paijinsula of Cantyre,. and annexed this peninsula and some of the western 
 islands to the.kjngdom. Skene's Celtic Scotland, i. 140. 
 
38 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 century were over, the Welsh under Maelgwyn, whom tradition 
 affirms to have been the nephew of King Arthur, crossed over 
 to Man and wrested it from the Scots.i The Welsh are sup- 
 posed to have held the island which they thus won for rather 
 more than half a century; but in 581, if the Annals of Ulster 
 may be trusted,^ it was again conquered by the Scots. St. 
 Columba had preferred his brother Aidan to the throne of 
 Dalriada.3 This Aidan was a considerable person in his time, 
 and a successful warrior against the , Picts and Saxons, He 
 reasserted Scottish authority in Man, making his nephew, 
 Brennus, Thane or Lord of the island. In those troublous 
 times, however, the kingdom of Dalriada was surrounded by 
 a chain of enemies. Brennus, helping his uncle Aidan, was 
 slain in battle in Scotland. The Welsh took advantage of his 
 death to re-establish their authority, and Man again passed 
 under the dominion of Welsh princes.* 
 
 For three-quarters of a century the island appears to have 
 remained under the dominion of its Welsh masters; but in the 
 meanwhile the gradual extension of the Saxon power led to 
 fresh changes in its fortunes. By a victory of the West Saxons 
 at Deorham, near Bath, in the latter half of the sixth century, 
 the Celts of Cornwall were effectually separated from the Celts 
 of Wales. By a victory of tlie North Saxons at Chester, at the 
 beginning of the seventh century, the Celts of Wales were 
 effectually separated from the Celts of Cumberland. The 
 Celtic power was broken by these reverses, the character of 
 the struggle between Celt and Saxon was changed, and, as 
 Mr. Green puts it, " The warfare of Briton and Englishman 
 died down into a warfare of separate English kingdoms against 
 separate British kingdoms, of Northumbria against Cumbria 
 and Strathclyde, of Mercia against modern Wales, of Wessex 
 
 J Train's Hist, , i. 44. - Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. iv. p. 137, 
 
 s Skene's Celtic Scotland, p. 143. < Train's Hist., i. 45. 
 
THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 39 
 
 against the tract Of British country from Mendip to the Land's 
 End." 1 Northumbria, or the kingdom of the North Saxons, was 
 at that time the predominant Saxon power. Edwin or Eadwin, 
 as modern historians write his name, who succeeded to its 
 throne in 617, before the end of his reign carried his arms 
 to Anglesey and the Isle of Man. The island, which had thus 
 been successively subject to the Scots of Ireland, the Scots of 
 South-Western Scotland, and the Celts of Wales, fell, for th6 
 first time, under Saxon dominion. 
 
 It is not difficult to appreciate the reasons which induced 
 Edwin to embark on the comparatively hazardous enterprise of 
 subduing a remote island. He represented the cause of order 
 and good government, and his reign is still remembered for 
 the admirable security which he established in Northern Eng- 
 land. As the proverb afterwards ran, " A woman with her bab6 
 might walk scatheless from sea to sea in Eadwin's day." ^ But 
 order and security were probably imperilled by the proximity 
 of the Isle of Man to the western coasts of Northumbriai. 
 Though Mananan MacLir had long passed away, he had lefr^ 
 so we may be certain, many successors behind him. The posi- 
 tion of the island, midway between Scotland, England, Wales'^ 
 and Ireland, and its unsettled government, could not but have 
 favoured the existence of a race of seamen, who, issuing 
 from its narrow creeks, would have been ready for lawful or 
 illicit enterprise. More than eleven centuries after Edwin's 
 time, indeed, the English Government found it necessary to 
 terminate the rule of its independent sovereigns, in order to 
 prevent the continuance of the Isle of Man as a great entrepot 
 for smugglers ; and, in the same way, Edwin probably thought 
 it desirable to check piracy by asserting his superiority over 
 the island. Thus Man, fot the first time, passed under Saxon 
 
 1 Green's Short Hist, of the English People, p. 20. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. ai. ■ 
 
40 . THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 dominion. But the development of Saxon rule did not prove 
 favourable to the retention of its new conquest by Northumbria. 
 The Saxon kingdorns were engaged in a struggle for predomi- 
 nance, and before the seventh century was over Mercia had 
 succeeded to the position which Northumbria had occupied 
 at its commencement as the foremost of the Saxon powers. 
 The struggles of the Saxons gave a fresh opportunity to the 
 Celts, and the kings of North Wales reasserted their authority 
 in Man. Historians enumerate a line of twelve Welsh princes 
 who reigned there from 517 to 913;^ but the courts of these 
 princes were held in Wales, and they only visited their island 
 territory on rare occasions. When, in Man, they resided at 
 Rushen, which from that early period became consequently 
 the seat of government. There they lived in rude magnifi- 
 cence. As lords paramount, " a yearly tribute of horned 
 cattle, bacon, hogs, sheep, with provender for the royal stud," 
 was paid for their support. Shipwrecks, and all other things 
 thrown from the sea, were the king's property. Foreigners, 
 found upon the island without permission, became his slaves. 
 A toll was paid to him by every merchant ship that came into 
 any of the creeks of the island. The royal guard was conir 
 posed of officers of the household, and of twelve other gentle, 
 men mounted on horses provided by the king. The king 
 had also his musicians, who were held in high esteem, and 
 who had larids allotted to them for their support. Nearly 
 every visitor to the island passes these lands ; but while they 
 drive or walk over the bridge at Glen Crutchery, where the 
 second of the older milestones from Douglas on the Ramsey 
 Road still stands, they are probably unaware that the spot 
 owes its name to this circumstance, and that Glen Crutcherv 
 is the Harpers' Glen.^ 
 
 ' The list will be found in Train, vol. i. p. 58. 
 
 " Train, vol. i. p. 57, who writes chiefly on the authority of Warrington's 
 
TME COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 41 
 
 Thus, if in a period of which we have no written knowledge 
 the island was probably held by a small, dark-haired non-Aryan 
 race, at the dawn of history it was peopled, from the sixth 
 century it was governed, by men and princes of the great 
 Celtic family. We live in a time when the Celtic race is 
 gradually disappearing. Those parts of Europe where the 
 Celtic blood is still predominant are precisely those where 
 the population, as in Ireland, slowly declines, or, as in 
 France, is with difficulty maintained. Yet we ought not in 
 consequence to forget the great part which the Celt played 
 in history, or the influence which the Celt has exercised on 
 the civiUsation of the world. In Man, as in Wales, he was 
 destined to be subdued by a stronger race. But, just as in 
 Wales he retained his own tongue, so in Man he imposed his 
 own language on his conquerors. From the beginning of the 
 tenth century no Celt ever ruled in Man, yet the Manx re- 
 mained, and have still retained many of the characteristics of, 
 a Celtic people. 
 
 The new conquerors of the island were drawn from that 
 bold Scandinavian race whose actions throw so much lustre 
 on the history of the eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth 
 centuries. It would not be possible in a little book of this 
 character to attempt to trace the origin of this great people. 
 At the earliest ages, of which any records have come down to 
 us, we find them settled in what are now the northern king- 
 doms of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. The Scandinavian 
 in Sweden had a history and development of his own. The 
 Scandinavian who dwelt in either Denmark or Norway was 
 forced to take to the sea. In Denmark, broken up as it was 
 into islands, communication was in many cases impossible 
 except by water. In Norway communication by other means 
 
 History of Wales, and whose language I have freely borrowed. Cf. Surnames 
 and Place-Names, p. 190. 
 
42 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 was still more impracticable. Even to this day the only chance 
 of exploring the rugged scenery of this country is to sail along 
 its shores and up the narrow fiords with which the whole 
 coast is intersected. 
 
 In fact, some of the conditions which made the Phoenicians 
 the first explorers in the centuries before Christ existed to 
 make the Norse the first great explorers in the centuries after 
 Christ. Both nations settled in countries which could hai-dly 
 be approached by land, and whose only roads were found on 
 the ocean. Both of them were forced, from the nature of theit 
 surroundings, to assume a seafaring life ; and both of them 
 acquired skill as seamen at home before they ventured on 
 the distant voyages which have rightly made them famous. 
 The Phoenician in the old world pushed his vessel into every 
 sea: he passed the Straits of Gibraltar; he possibly circum- 
 navigated Africa ; he pushed on till he reached the southern 
 shores of England ; and he established colonies — one of which 
 was ultimately to struggle for the empire of the world — in 
 every country. But the expeditions of the Norse were quite 
 as remarkable. They conquered Nomandy; they conquered 
 Sicily ; they carried their arms from Sicily to Greece ; "they 
 carried their arms from Normandy to England ; in another 
 direction they crossed the Atlantic and were familiar with 
 Greenland ; there is reason for believing that centuries 
 before the age of Columbus they had landed in the New 
 World. 
 
 If there was a striking resemblance, there was also a marked 
 contrast, between the Phoenician and the Norseman. The 
 Phoenician was essentially a trader ; his ship was a merchant 
 vessel; and his country alone among the great nations 
 which have made their mark on history can make the 
 proud boast that it never waged an offensive war. The 
 Norseman was probably also a merchant, but he was 3, 
 
THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 43 
 
 merchant who always carried his weapons with him. Trade, 
 from a Phoenician point of view, was spoilt by the dis- 
 trust which arises from blood-shedding. Trade, from a 
 Norse standpoint, was promoted by fresh additions to Norse 
 territory. 
 
 The Norse became acquainted with the British Islands at 
 the close of the eighth century. Issuing from the firths of 
 Denmark and Norway, they harried the coasts of England and 
 Scotland. They attacked Lindisfarne in 793 ; they reached 
 the Western Islands of Scotland in 794.^ They were known as 
 the Vikings, or Creekmen, from the "wicks" or (to use the 
 Norse word) Viks from which their boats were launched. 
 How they landed, how they conquered, how they reigned in 
 England^ every child familiar with early English history is 
 aware. In the extreme north of Britain the Vikings settled 
 in the Shetland Islands in the ninth and tenth centuries. 
 ■These settlers are supposed to have been emigrants discon- 
 tented with the firm rule of the Norwegian kings, and they 
 made the Shetlands a base for further operations not only 
 against the lands towards the south, but against Norway itself. 
 Harold Harfager, or Harold the Fair-haired, who is believed 
 to have reigned in Norway between 860 and 930, determined 
 to extend his authority over these islands. In a great ex- 
 pedition from Norway towards the end of the ninth century, 
 he succeeded in not only conquering the Orkney and Shet- 
 land Islands, but in also subduing many of the numerous 
 islands on the west coast of Scotland. How firmly his 
 dominion was established may be inferred from the circum- 
 stance that Norse customs still prevail throughout those 
 islands. Norse names are still applied to headlands, creeks, 
 and straits ; while even Sutherland, almost the most northern 
 county of the United Kingdom, owes its name, the Southern 
 > Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol, 1. pp. 303, 304. ■ 
 
44 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Land, to the circumstance that it lay to the south of this new 
 seat of the Norse power.^ 
 
 The Norsemen were not content with their conquests in the 
 islands of Northern Scotland. They pushed on to the Southern 
 Hebrides, to -which they gave the name of Sudreys (Sodorenses 
 Insulae). They crossed from what is still known as the main- 
 land in the Orkneys to the mainland of Scotland, and con- 
 quered the northern counties of Britain. They harried the 
 coasts of South-Western Scotland and North- Western England. 
 They even made their appearance in Dublin. In such circum- 
 stances it was inevitable that they should descend on the 
 island, which was so converiiently situated as a base for 
 piratical expeditions against the larger countries around it ; and 
 it is even said that Harold Harfager had his viceroy in 
 Man.2 
 
 Thus a new power had already made its appearance on the 
 little island, where the Iberians, the Picts of Scotland, the 
 Scots of Ireland, the Celts of Wales, and the Saxons of 
 Northumbria had already contended for the mastery. The 
 first Norsemen were soon followed by a more formidable 
 successor. Early in the tenth century, Gorry or Orry — so the 
 story runs on — a Norse chieftain, who had already conquered 
 the Hebrides or Western Isle?,^ landed on the north-west 
 coast of the island at the head of a new expedition ; and, 
 though much about Orry is traditional, .many things point to 
 the circumstance that he made a larger impression on the 
 institutions of Man than any other person who ever landed on 
 its shores. 
 
 There are, in fact, many spots in the island which are 
 
 1 Worsaae's Danes and Northmen, p. 220; Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxi,, 
 p. II. 
 
 2 Worsaae, p. 287 ; Train, i. 60. 
 
 3 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. i. p. 27. 
 
THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 45 
 
 associated with King Orry's memon-. He landed in Andreas ; 
 his tomb is in Lonan ; tiie central tower at Bishopscourt is 
 called Ring Orry's Tower • and Orrysdales still perpetuate his 
 name in Michael and Malew. Modern criticism, indeed, 
 throws doubt on the old king's connection with these places. 
 The so-called tomb in Lonan is undoubtedly an old burial- 
 place, but there is no reason for connecting it with King 
 Orry. The Orrysdale in Malew is said to be a name of 
 recent origin, while the Orrysdale in Michael was originally 
 spelt Orestal, and has occasionally been called Norrisdale, 
 from one of its owners, a clergyman named Norris. The king 
 is perhaps more closely identified with the Manx from the 
 circumstance that Gorry still remains a- common name in 
 some parts of the island. Only recently, in the autumn of 
 1889, the lifeboat stationed at Peel had the good fortune 
 to rescue the crew of a large Norwegian barque, which was in 
 imminent danger off that port, and no fewer than three of the 
 rescuing crew bore the name of Gorry. It would be useless to 
 speculate from this circumstance that these men were actually 
 descended from King Orry or his companions ; yet the pre- 
 valence of the name at the port which was the favourite resort 
 of the old Vikings points to the presence of Norse blood and 
 to the preservation of the old tradition. 
 
 The spot at which King Orry is supposed to have landed 
 has probably been altered in the course of succeeding ayes. 
 The sea there breaks on a sloping shingle beach, up which 
 the boats of the Vikings could easily have been drawn, 
 fringed by some sand dunes which protect the low-lying land 
 behind them from inundation. At one spot a little rivulet, 
 now enlarged into a drain, which carries off the superfluous 
 water of the neighbourhood, and by doing so has led to 
 the reclamation of much agricultural land, finds its way 
 through the sand dunes into the sea. Thus in smooth weather 
 
46 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the new-comers could have drawn their boats on to the hard 
 beach.: In rough weather they could have found shelter for 
 them behind the sand hills ; and in the surrounding country , 
 they could have obtained food and water after their voyage. 
 Right opposite, far away to the north-west, the Mull of Gallo- 
 way pointed to the road from which they had come, a land- 
 mark to guide them on their return. On the other side, the 
 hills of the island, rising in their glory, showed them the 
 character of the country which they had entered ; while then, 
 as now, a small population was scattered through the adjacent 
 land. Of the tens of thousands of tourists who annually visit 
 the island, hardly ten perhaps ever seek the breezy shore 
 where Orry landed. The majority of the Manx themselves 
 have perhaps hardly ever penetrated to a place which is still 
 singularly remote. Yet even in the green island no fresher, 
 healthier spot can be found than this, on which — as the old 
 tradition has it — Orry first set his foot in Man. 
 
 The story goes that Orry, on landing at this spot, was met 
 by a few of the inhabitants, who inquired of him whence he 
 came; and that, pointing to the Milky Way, he replied, "That 
 is the way to my country." The Manx still preserve the tra- 
 dition by calling the Milky Way "the great road of King 
 Orry." The story, whether it be true or false, is at least 
 evidence of the kind of impression which King Orry's memory 
 has made on the island. The Manx, in fact, universally trace 
 their institutions to King Orry's time. The Legislature itself 
 is supposed to owe its origin to this King. The statutes of 
 1422 are only imperfect evidence of the history of the tenth 
 century; but the Legislature of 1422, when the laws of the 
 island were for the first time ^ being reduced to writing, dis- 
 tinctly traced its creation to Orry. The Deemsters and 
 the Keys then said, "Alsoe, we give for law, that there was 
 1 The statutes commence in 1417. 
 
THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 47 
 
 never XXIIII. Keys in certainty, since they were: iirst that 
 were called Taxiaxi: those were XXIIII. free boulders, vizt. 
 VIII. in the ,out Isles and XVI. in your land of Mann : and 
 that was in King Orrye's days ; but since they have not been 
 in certainty. But if a strange point had come, the which the 
 Lieutennant will have, reserved to the Tynwald twice in the 
 yeare, and by leave of the Lieutennant, the Deemster there to 
 call of the best to his Councell in that point as he thinketh to 
 give judgment by. And without the Lord's wille none of the 
 24 Keys to be. . . . And as to the writeing of laws, there was 
 never any written since King Orrey's days, but in the time of: 
 Michael Blundell,^ that we have any knowledge of" ^ 
 
 The passage is full of interest, and throws a flobd of light, 
 on the early history of the island. It proves that in 1422 men, 
 believed that from the days of King Orry the Legislature had 
 rnet twice a year in Tynwald ; that one branch of the Legisla- 
 ture had consisted of twenty-four of the principal freeholders ; 
 that sixteen of them were resident in Man itself, and that 
 eight of them had, when the Southern Hebrides were united 
 with Man in one kingdom, been chosen from these islands ; 
 that the twenty-four men who were thus chosen, and who were 
 afterwards known as the Keys, were originally called Taxiaxi ; 
 that, in whatever way the Keys were originally selected, the 
 Lord, or King had a veto on the choice, and that, in the 
 troublous times, whose history will be related later on, which 
 succeeded the Scandinavian dominion, the Keys had rarely 
 met ; and that difficult questions had been referred in Tyn- 
 wald to persons, the best of the land, chosen by the Deemster 
 or judge for the purpose. 
 
 As the constitution which was thus instituted has survived 
 
 "1 Michael Blundell accompanied Sir John Stanley to Man, and is believed 
 to have advised the formal recording of the laws in writing. 
 - Statutes, vol. i, p. 11. 
 
48 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 for the best part of a thousand years, it is worth while to con- 
 sider it a Httle more closely. And first, as to the Tynwald 
 itself, the Legislature which was thus constituted. Wherever 
 the Scandinavians went, there they seem to have established 
 the open-air Legislature which, under the name of Althing, 
 survived in Iceland till the commencement of the present 
 century, and which still survives in Man. As Professor Wor- 
 saae puts it, " It is indeed highly remarkable that the last 
 remains of the old Scandinavian Thing, which, for the protec- 
 tion of public liberty, was held in the open-air, in the presence 
 of the assembled people, and conducted by the people's chiefs 
 and representatives, are to be met with not in the North itself, 
 but in a little island far towards the west, and in the midst of 
 the British kingdom." ^ 
 
 The Tynwald, the Thing Vollr, or Parliament-field, com- 
 prised two things, a hill and a temple, which was also a court 
 " In days of old, hill and court were, as it were, twins. Discus- 
 sions, enactments of laws, and decisions of law-points took 
 place in the court ; but anything partaking of proclamation, 
 declaration, and publication was done from the hill. It was 
 the people's place." It was also the king's place. He " sat on 
 the hill, not in the court." ^ 
 
 The Thing was not merely a Legislature, it was a seat of 
 justice. The first business to which the Tynwald of 1499 
 addressed itself was the forfeiture of the goods of a Mrs. Moore 
 who had " perished herself." Almost the first business to 
 which the Tynwald of 1422 addressed itself was the trial of 
 various rebels against the Lord of that day. But, though the 
 ordinary duty of the court was judicial, it was required on 
 occasions to declare the law. The King or Lord asked the 
 court the law on some disputed point, and Deemster and 
 
 1 The Panes and Northmen, p. 296. 
 
 " Vigfusson in Surnames and Place-Names, p. 263. 
 
THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 49 
 
 Keys gave in the answer to their inquiry. The Deemster 
 (Ddm-stiorar) was the equivalent of the Icelandic Lawman 
 or Speaker. He returned to the Lord the answer or sentence 
 of the court. And his importance in this respect, is still 
 recognised in the language of the Statute Book. For though 
 he is now merely a member of the Council, or Upper 
 Chamber of the Legislature, and has presumably no more 
 authority than any other member of the Council, his assent to 
 each statute is separately stated in the preamble. "We, your 
 Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lieutenant, 
 Governor, Council, Deemsters, and Keys, do humbly beseech 
 your Majesty that it may be enacted, and be it enacted by the 
 Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with ■the advice and 
 consent of the Lieutenant-Governor, Council, Deemsters, and 
 Keys in Tynwald assembled." . ; 1 
 
 Time came when the territory which Orry won for himself 
 in Man was rent in twain, and separate Tynwalds were 
 held in the northern and southern divisions of the island. 
 The Northern Tynwald was held at Cronk Urley or Reneur- 
 ling, near Kirk Michael ; the Southern at Keeil Abban, 
 near St. Luke's Church in Baldwin. 1 And the ancient divi- 
 sion has left its mark on Tynwald itself; for the present 
 Tynwald is a union of the two separate Tynwalds, and the 
 twenty-four Keys represent possibly two Legislatures of twelve 
 men each, just as the two Deemsters probably represent the 
 two kingdoms. 
 
 The Tynwald ' originally consisted of the Deemster, the 
 Spokesman, or Speaker, as he was called in Iceland, and the 
 Keys. It was only in later times, when the introduction of 
 feudal ideas led to the creation of baronies in the island, 
 
 1 Cronk Urley is the Eagle Hill ; Reneurling probably the Eagle Ridge. 
 Baldwin is the Low Valley. The Tynwald in Baldwin was on the high ridge 
 of land which separates the two Baldwin valleys. Ibid., pp. 196, 240. . ■ 
 
 D 
 
so THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 that the barons summoned to its meetings prepared the way 
 for an Upper Chamber. The Keys, according to the old 
 statute, were originally known as the Taxiaxi, a name of doubt- 
 ful origin, which Train, without any sufficient authority, de- 
 fines as meaning pledges or hostages ; and it has also been 
 suggested that the word is derived from the Manx " teagasage," 
 elders.i The more recent name, " Keys," has also had various 
 definitions assigned to it. An English-speaking race, forget- 
 ting that the name had its origin before English was spoken, 
 has supposed that the men might have been called Keys 
 because it was their function to " unlock " or expound the law. 
 Etyrnologists, with more probability, have conjectured that the 
 Manx name Kiare-as-Feed^the four-and-twenty — has been 
 corrupted into Keys. But this origin is not consistent with 
 the tradition that the number of the Keys was apparently un- 
 certain, and probably in the first instance consisted of only 
 twelve men. M. Vigfusson has given a more rational inter- 
 pretation in suggesting that the Keys were the " Keise," or 
 chosen, the men selected to represent their fellow-people in 
 Tynwa!d.2 
 
 Its Norse conquerors have left one other permanent mark 
 on the little island. Before they came, Man had been divided 
 into parishes, which had been subdivided into treens and 
 quarterlands. The Norse at once introduced a new division, 
 and grouped the seventeen parishes into six sheadings. The 
 Sheading, or Warship district, is a name of Scandinavian 
 origin, and points to Scandinavian usage ; for ancient Scan- 
 dinavia was similarly " divided into ship shires, districts 
 each of which, for defence or war at home or abroad, had to 
 
 ^ Manx Soc. Pub. , i. 147. 
 
 2 See, however, on this point Professor Rhys' preface to Surnames and 
 Place-Names of the Isle of Man, in which the Professor states his preference 
 for the other derivation from Kiare-as-Feed (p. ix.). 
 
THE COMING OF THE VIKINGS. 51 
 
 fit out a certain number of galleys. Every freeman born, 
 between twenty and sixty years of age, was bound to serve. . . . 
 [Thus] practically the sheadings answer to the hundreds or 
 herdds of Scandinavia. In Upland (Sweden) every hundred 
 had to fit out four ships. The Manx levy would, on the 
 same scale, have been twenty-four galleys, and taking the 
 average crew to be forty, the full levy of the- island (i.e., the 
 m.ile population between twenty and sixty) would make one 
 thousand. This would make the whole population some foiii- 
 or five thousand." ^ 
 
 The original purpose for which the division was instituted 
 probably ceased with the termination of Norse rule, but the 
 division was retained for other purposes, and still subsists. 
 Possibly this was partly due to the circumstance that the land 
 represented by the sheading corresponded with the Irish 
 cantred, hundred, or barony, containing 120 quarters of land. 
 Whether this is so or not, the sheading is still a division for 
 judicial purposes, and has its officer, the coroner, an oflficer 
 wiio in the Isle of Man discharges the functions of a sheriff. 
 Since 1867, moreover, when the House of Keys became an 
 elected body, the sheading has been a division for political 
 purposes, and the members of the House are chosen by the 
 six sheadings and the four towns. 
 
 1 Professor Vigfiisson in Manx Note-Book, vol. xii. p. 175. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 
 
 The Manx count twelve kings of the line of Orry, who are 
 supposed to have governed Man and the Isles from 912 — the 
 alleged date of Orry's conquest — to 1077, the date of Goddard 
 Crovan's victory at Scacafell or Sky Hill. But very few of 
 these twelve kings, though they reigned for 165 years, deserve 
 to be remembered by posterity or mentioned by, the historian. 
 Orry's immediate successor, his son Guthred or Goddard, is 
 said to have succeeded in 947 and to have died in 960. To 
 him the Manx attribute the erection of the noble castle which 
 has given its name to Castletown. There is nothing im- 
 probable in supposing that a powerful chieftain should have 
 chosen Castletown as the seat of his dominion. Long before 
 Goddard's time, indeed, the Welsh kings had selected the 
 same spot as their chief residence, and its situation on the 
 verge of a broad and convenient bay, and at the mouth of the 
 Silverburn, obviously afforded especial convenience to a seafar- 
 ing chieftain. For at low water the fleet of the monarch 
 could be drawn, as the fishing-boats of the nineteenth century 
 are still drawn, on the banks of the river, and in rough 
 weather the bay afforded shelter to the fleet from nearly every 
 wind. The adjacent country, moreover, embraces one of the 
 most fertile districts in the island. Everything, therefore 
 pointed to Castletown as a convenient site for the residence 
 of the sovereign, and there is nothing improbable in the 
 tradition that it was so chosen by Goddard. But, at the same 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 53 
 
 time, there can be no reason for crediting him with the erec- 
 tion of any portion of the present castle. There is indeed 
 a story that, in the execution of some repairs in 181 5, an old 
 beam bearing the date 947 was discovered. ^ But, if such a 
 beam was ever found, all trace of it has been lost ; no one 
 now alive has ever seen it ; no one, even in the credulous 
 atmosphere of a little town, has any faith in it ; and the mere 
 allegation of its discovery cannot be accepted as evidence of 
 the foundation of the existing building, whose architecture 
 proves that it was the erection of a later century. 
 
 In the fourteen years, which succeeded the death of 
 Goddard, Train enumerates five, Sacheverell six kings. But 
 Sacheverell thinks that the whole of them were invented by the 
 monks to amuse the people, and passes lightly over their crimes 
 and their punishments. In 974, however, the historian finds 
 himself on a little firmer ground. Hacon or Macon or Maccus, 
 for the name is variously written,^ was apparently the king of 
 many islands. He refused to do homage to Edgar of England, 
 and was in consequence deprived of his crown. Restored to 
 favour, he was one of the eight vassal sovereigns who are said 
 to have rowed the Saxon monarch in his barge on the Dee. It 
 is a singular commentary on Manx history that Scotch writers 
 and Manx writers regard this incident from opposite stand- 
 points. " The Scottish historians either deny the fact, or 
 assert that their king, if ever he acknowledged himself a 
 vassal to Edgar, did him homage, not for his crown, but for 
 the dominions which he held in England." ^ The Manx 
 historian, on the contrary, claims the incident as a proof of 
 Macon's power. " Among other marks of honour paid to this 
 prince by King Edgar, his attendance on him in that solemn 
 
 I Handbook to Isle of Man, p. 254. 
 
 ^ Manx Soc. Pub., i. 28 ; cf. Skene's Celtic Scotland, i. 376. 
 
 3 Hume's History of England, i. n8. 
 
54 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 passage over the Dee is not the least, where he, accompanied 
 by a vast number of his nobility in boats, was rowed over that 
 river in a stately barge, prepared for that purpose, by eight of 
 those kings who paid homage to his sovereignty, he himself 
 holding tiie rudder to testify his superiority over them all ; 
 among whom Macon had the third oar, to give him prece- 
 dence of the other five." i Verily men are ingenious in dis- 
 covering the badges of honour in the apparel of servitude. 
 Hacon, it is probable, saw no particular honour in the per- 
 formance of a duty which must have reminded him that he 
 had been reduced from independence to vassalage. While 
 the notion that precedence attached to him from the circum- 
 stance that he held the third oar in the boat must have been 
 the invention of a writer who had never himself held an oar 
 in a boat's crew. 
 
 The progress on the Dee, however, is charged with historical 
 significance. It emphasises the fact that the Manx, for the 
 second time in their history, had become tributary to England, 
 and that the supremacy of the Saxon had been again extended 
 over their little island. Hacon himself rose to high office 
 under England. Edgar was fond of taking foreigners and 
 Danes into his service, and he probably considered that no 
 one was so competent to clear the seas which surrounded his 
 kingdom of the pirates who periodically desolated its coasts 
 as a monarch of the race which furnished the chief pirates. 
 Hacon accordingly was made "admiral of that prodigious 
 fleet " which Edgar collected, and " twice in the year he sailed 
 round the British Isles to clear the seas from rovers." Spel- 
 man calls him " Totius Anglise Archipirata," which in another 
 place he interprets " Prince of Seamen," and it is supposed 
 that he first assumed the bearings of a ship with her sails furled, 
 and the inscription, "Rex Manniae et Insularum," which for 
 
 1 Sacheverell in Manx Soc. Pub., i, 29. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 55 
 
 the next three centuries became the arms and motto of Man. 
 The double office probably increased .Hacon's dignity, and 
 the King of Man and the Islands rose in authority and 
 influence when he became admiral of all England. 
 
 Hacon is said to have died in 988, and to have been 
 succeeded by his brother Goddard, a prince who occupies 
 a place in Scottish and Irish as well as in Manx history. For, 
 while the hundred years which preceded his reign had wit- 
 nessed the increasing predominance of the Northmen, he 
 was; destined both to witness and fall in a contest between 
 the two divisions of his own race, the Danes and the Nor^ 
 wegians. Hitherto the Danes, the Dubghall or dark -haired 
 strangers, had asserted their power in England and in Ireland, 
 while the Norwegians, the Fingall or fair-haired strangers,' 
 had acquired authority in Northern and Western Scotland,^ 
 The two powers met in the Western Islands, and the stru^te* 
 for superiority apparently raged round the throne of Goddard.) 
 The attack seems to have been commenced by the Danes, 
 who plundered lona, made a descent on Dalriada, and fought 
 a great battle, where Goddard was defeated and a thousand 
 men were slain, in Man.^ The struggl^. between the two 
 branches of the Norse stock brought Sigurd, the Norwegian 
 ruler of the Orkneys, into the field. Either for the purpose 
 of restoring order or of reasserting the authority of Norway, 
 or perhaps with the simple object of sharing in a general 
 scramble for plunder, he moved southwards, fought and 
 defeated Goddard, either in the Isle of Man itself or on the 
 Manx coasts, and slew his son. The war was apparently 
 terminated by Goddard's death in Dalriada. In consequence 
 
 1 The names are sometimes supposed to apply to the colour of the sails 
 which the two nations used. See Worsaae's Danes and Northmen, p. 46. 
 , ^ I'he Chronicle of the Princes of Wales says " that in 994 the Isle of Man 
 was devastated by Swain, the son of Harold." Manx Soc. Pub., vol. iv. p. 31, 
 
56 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 of the Manx defeat, the Southern Hebrides were temporarily 
 separated from Man. They were, however, reunited to it 
 under Goddard's successor, and the kingdom of Man and 
 the Hebrides had so far recovered from the reverses which 
 it had sustained in the tenth century that it contributed a 
 powerful contingent to the force which fought and fell at 
 Clontarf in the commencement of the eleventh century.^ 
 
 Forty years after the battle of Clontarf, another Goddard, 
 whom the Manx identify as the last of the Orrys, occupied 
 the throne of Man, and the island under his guidance had 
 its share in the great events which led in 1066 to the termi- . 
 nation of Saxon rule in England. William the Conqueror 
 meditated a double attack on the country to whose throne 
 he aspired. His own blow on the south was to be accom- 
 panied by a blow from his kinsfolk, the Norsemen, on the 
 east. But the fleet, which Harold Hardrada flung on the 
 coast of Yorkshire, did not entirely sail from the Norwegian 
 fiords. A contingent of it, and, as Manx historians say, a con- 
 tingent prepared under Hardrada's own eye, set out from 
 the Isle of Man j^ and, when the Northmen were defeated at 
 Stamford Bridge, some of those who escaped the slaughter 
 repaired to the same island. Among these fugitives came 
 one Goddard Crovan,^ son of Harold the Black of Iceland. 
 
 1 Annals of Ulster; Skene's Celtic Scotland, i, 386 se^. ; Train's Isle of 
 Man, i. 68-72. 
 
 2 Train, i. 75. 
 
 3 The name of Goddard Crovan will recall to many persons the Goddard 
 Crovan Stone which Alice Bridgenorth fixed as the trysting-place for her 
 meeting with Julian Peveril. Scott tells us at the close of chap. xvi. of the 
 novel that it ' ' was a monumental stone designed to commemorate some feat of 
 an ancient king of Man." Mr. Arthur Moore, on the contrary, says that Goddard 
 Crovan, when in a passion with his termagant wife, threw this stone at her and 
 killed her (Manx Place-Nanies, p. 310). The stone was a huge granite 
 boulder situated on the banks of a little stream near St. Mark's, not far from 
 Alice Bridgenorth's residence, the Black Fort. It has unfortunately been 
 broken up during the present century, and is no longer to be found. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 57 
 
 Goddard was hospitably received by the reigning Goddard ; 
 but, noticing that the defences of the island were slender, and 
 that its sovereign was unpopular, he meditated an act of con- 
 quest. Returning to Norway, he collected a force in a countrj', 
 which at that time was always ready to contribute men for any 
 aggressive enterprise ; and, placing himself at the head of the 
 expedition, he made a descent upon the island. The story 
 goes that he was twice repulsed, and that on the third occasion 
 he concealed 300 men in ambush on Scacafell, the wooded hill 
 — as the modern Sky Hill was then called — and, flinging them 
 on the rear of the enemy while it was engaged in resisting his 
 approach from Ramsey Bay, involved his opponent in con- 
 fusion. The Manx appealed for quarter, which Goddard is 
 said to have readily granted. To his own troops he gave the 
 choice of land or booty. Those that chose the booty had 
 their share of the spoil equitably allotted to them, "and were 
 civilly dismissed." Those who chose land were settled in the 
 '.southern, which was probably regarded as the richer, half of 
 the island, while the natives were removed to the northern 
 half. But, in settling and resettling the people on the land, 
 Goddard made the condition that no right of inheritance 
 should attach to the grant. The people, in fact, became 
 thenceforward the Lord's tenants at will ; the Crown became 
 the sole proprietor of the soil of the island. And this state 
 of things, so obviously calculated to lead to oppression and 
 exaction, was not remedied till six and a half centuries had 
 rolled over the little island, whose fortunes had been settled 
 by this decisive battle. 
 
 For, though the island had been the constant theatre of war, 
 no contest had hitherto taken place in it so decisive as the 
 battle of Sky Hill, and no battle that had hitherto been fought 
 on its shores has come down to us with such distinctness as this 
 famous combat. The scene of it must be familiar to tens of 
 
58 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 thousands of persons who perhaps never heard of the battle 
 or of Goddard Crovan. For every tourist who drives round 
 the island must have noted the dark wooded, picturesque hill, 
 which stands out, like a sentinel to the higher mountains 
 behind it, on the flat plain through which the Sulby winds its 
 way into Ramsey. It requires no imagination to picture the 
 troops of Goddard, advanced perhaps from Port-Lewaigue, on 
 the southern shore of Ramsey Bay, the opposing Manxmen 
 drawn up on the higher ground at the present outskirts of the 
 town ; and, on the battle beginning, the rush and shouts of the 
 300 as they descended from the ambush on the hill, and filled 
 the space between the mountains on the one side and the 
 river on the other. 
 
 "Goddard Crovan beat his anlace on the shield : the warriors 
 upon the mountain heard the sound of the silver shield ; swift 
 as the hunted stag they fly to the war, they hear the noise of 
 the battle ... on the rushy moor of Rossin they astonish 
 the foe and join in the war. There fought Godred Crovan, 
 death sat on his sword, the yelling breath of the dying foe 
 shook his banner ; his shield the stream of Laxey, which 
 surrounds the dark brown wood and shineS at the noon of day; 
 his anlace dropped blood, and tore through the helmets of the 
 foe like the red lightning of the storm." 
 
 So wrote the gifted, unhappy Chatterton, in language which 
 showed that his knowledge of the age of which he sang was 
 greater than his knowledge of the Isle of Man. The dynasty 
 which Goddard Crovan founded lasted for nearly two centuries, 
 and in this period nine kings of Goddard's race are said to 
 have occupied the throne of Man. Goddard himself was the 
 most famous of these monarchs. The Manx chronicler claims 
 that he subdued Leinster and Dublin, and brought the Scots 
 into such subjection that "no one who built a vessel dared 
 to insert more than three bolts." In other words, Goddard, 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 59 
 
 anxious to maintain his naval supremacy, forbade the build- 
 ing of boats above a certain size in the Islands of Western. 
 Scotland, which had been brought under his subjection. 
 The chronicler adds that this active Prince, after a reign 
 of sixteen years, died in Islay, leaving three sons behind 
 him, Lagman, Harold, and Olave. Lagman seized the 
 crown, defeated a rebellion of his brother Harold, and put 
 out his eyes, while his^ younger brother Olave, a mere child, 
 sought refuge at the English court. According to the Norse 
 sagas, however, Goddard was expelled from his kingdom by 
 Magnus Barefoot, the king of Norway, the grandson of 
 Harold Hardrada. 
 
 It is hardly worth while to expend much time in deter- 
 mining which of these opposite stories is correct. Whether 
 Lagman reigned before Magnus Barefoot reached the island, 
 whether, as Mr. Train suggests, he reigned after Magnus 
 Barefoot's death, or whether he attempted to rear a feeble 
 throne at intervals during Magnus Barefoot's absences, these 
 are matters which need hardly occupy us now. What is of 
 importance is that Magnus evidently desired to re-establish 
 the authority of Norway in the islands where Norwegian 
 chieftains like Goddard had shaken off the yoke of the 
 mother country. On his first arrival — for it is difficult to 
 reconcile the stories which have come down to us without 
 believing in two distinct expeditions — the Manx men fled 
 before him into Galloway, and the island became conse- 
 quently an easy prey. In his second expedition, which is 
 supposed to have taken place in 1093, Magnus found 
 that the south of the island had revolted against his viceroy, 
 Earl Ottar; that a bloody battle had been fought between 
 Earl Ottar's adherents in the north and the rebels in the south, 
 in which Earl Ottar had been killed, but in which victory had 
 ultimately rested with the North, through the aid brought by 
 
6o THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the women to their husbands and relatives.^ It is said that, 
 when Magnus landed, the bodies of the slain still lay unburied 
 on the battle-field, and that the people, wasted by civil warfare 
 and famine, presented a pitiable spectacle. They lived in 
 small huts or cells, under the ground, chiefly in the mountains,^ 
 whither they had retired for safety. Magnus is supposed to 
 have pitied the condition of the people, and to have caused 
 them to provide themselves with more suitable dwellings.^ It 
 is perhaps more probable that the order which resulted from 
 his firm rule stimulated the industry of an impoverished people. 
 For there seems to be no doubt that Magnus was a strong and 
 powerful ruler. He was instrumental in checking an English 
 invasion of North Wales at the close of the eleventh century ; 
 and at the commencement of the twelfth century he led a 
 formal expedition into Ireland. Here, however, his active 
 career was suddenly closed. He was slain by the Irish ; his 
 followers were cut to pieces ; and his sons, failing to maintain 
 their authority in the isles, retired to Norway. 
 
 On Magnus' death, the thoughts of the Manx people seem 
 naturally to have reverted to the descendants of their Norse 
 monarch, Goddard Crovan, the victor at Scacafell. Of God- 
 dard's three sons, Lagman, the eldest, had cruelly treated and 
 blinded his second brother, Harold ; and, subsequently seized 
 with remorse, had resigned his kingdom and had found a 
 
 1 As the reward of their bravery, Train says that it was afterwards enacted 
 by the Insular Government that "of all goods immovable, not having any life, 
 the wives shall have the half on the north side, whereas those on. the south side 
 shall receive only one-third" (Train, i. 84). The statute referred to is evidently 
 the book of spiritual laws and customs (Manx Statute Book, vol. i. p. 40). The 
 words in italics do not, however, occur in the original, though probably their 
 sense may be inferred from the context. 
 
 2 Train, i. 85, 
 
 3 "Insulam Man, qu^ deserta erat, inhabitavit, populis replevit, domibus 
 et aliis neeessariis ad usus hominum gnavitur instruxit." — Ordericus Vitalis. 
 Manx Soc. Pub, , vol. iv. p. 29. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 6i 
 
 Crusader's death in the Holy Land, Olave the younger, Olave 
 Kleining (Olave the Dwarf), as he is sometimes called, who had 
 withdrawn to England, had been carefully educated at the 
 English court, and had married Alfrica, daughter of Fergus 
 of Galloway.^ He is said to have returned to the island in 
 1I02, the third year of the reign of Henry I. of England, and 
 to have conducted the government with prudence for forty- 
 two years. Possibly, however, his virtues have been exaggerated, 
 because, living in an age when ecclesiastics were the only 
 historians, he proved himself a great benefactor to the Church. 
 He " gave to Ivo, Abbot of Furness, a piece of his land in 
 Man, to establish a monastery at a place called Rushen, 
 and he gave to the churches of the isles lands and privileges. 
 He was devout and zealous in promoting the divine service, 
 and was acceptable to God and man." 
 
 Yet he was not destined to end his long reign in peace. 
 His brother Harold, blinded years before by Lagman, had left 
 three sons, who had been brought up in Dublin. They, perhaps 
 naturally, thought that some share of their grandsire's, God- 
 dard Crovan's, conquests should attach to them. They col- 
 lected round them in Ireland such followers as they were able 
 to attract to their banners, and such refugees from Man as were 
 dissatisfied with Olave's rule. Strengthened by the increasing 
 number of their adherents, they demanded one half of the king- 
 dom of the isles as their own share. It seems probable that 
 Olave referred the claim to Norway. At any rate, he proceeded 
 to that kingdom ; acknowledged the superiority of the Nor- 
 wegian crown by paying to it his tributary fee ; and in return 
 was crowned king of the isles at Drontheim, and left his son 
 Goddard to be educated at the Norwegian court.^ On his 
 
 1 Train says (i. gi), but apparently inaccurately, that Alfrica was the grand- 
 daughter of Henry I. of England. Cf. Guthrie's History of Scotland, vol. i. 
 pp. 315-331. ^ Chron. Mannice, and Train, i. 92, 
 
62 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 return to Man, he met his nephews at Ramsey; and, eithef 
 from policy or from good nature, fixed a day on which their 
 claim should be heard. The meeting was held in the open air, 
 in the neighbourhood of Ramsey, and possibly under the shade 
 of that very wooded hill where Goddard Crovan, some sixty 
 or seventy years before, had won his famous victory.^ "On 
 the appointed day," says the old monkish chronicler, "both 
 parties met at the port called Ramsey, and sat down in order, 
 tiie king and his followers on one side, [his nephews] on the 
 other. Reginald [the second nephew] stood apart, speaking to 
 one of the chiefs of the country. On being summoned to 
 approach the king, turning to him as if in the act of saluting, 
 he raised his gleaming battle-axe on high, and at a blow struck 
 off the king's head." The murder was probably followed by a 
 general attack on Olave's followers. The nephews, at any rate, 
 were so far successful that they seized the island and divided 
 it among themselves. They even collected some vessels and 
 made a descent upon Galloway, whose inhabitants were 
 naturally disposed to the cause of Olave, the son-in-law, it will 
 be recollected, of their Lord. The men of Galloway, however, 
 attacked and defeated the invaders, who were consequently 
 compelled to return to Man. 
 
 Harold's sons did not long remain in possession of their 
 newly acquired dominion. In the autumn, which succeeded 
 Olave's murder, his son Goddard crossed from Norway with five 
 ships and landed in the Orkney Islands. " All the chiefs of the 
 Isles were rejoiced when they heard of his arrival, and assembling 
 together, unanimously elected him their king. Goddard then 
 came to Man, seized the three sons of Harold, and, to avenge 
 his father's murder, awarded them the death they deserved." ^ 
 
 1 The battle of Scacafell was probably iFought a.d. 1077. Olave's death is 
 supposed to have taken place between 1142 and 1154. 
 - Chron. Mannise. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 63 
 
 At the time of Goddard's accession, Dermot MacMurrough 
 was king of the Irish province of Leinster, but the Danes 
 still held strong settlements on various parts of the Irish coast, 
 and specially at Dublin. About the same time their king, 
 one Reginald, fell in a battle in Meath, and the Danes — 
 the throne being vacant — invited Goddard to reign over them. 
 Goddard accepted the. offer, and arrived with a considerable 
 armament in the Liffey. The Danes of Dublin were almost 
 unanimous in his favour, though Ottar, a Danish chieftain, 
 put in his own claim for the throne. Dermot MacMurrough, 
 the Celtic king, advanced on Dublin to dislodge Goddard. 
 Goddard defeated the attack, but he did not remain long in 
 the new kingdom which he had secured. He returned to 
 Man ; and, shortly afterwards involved in a struggle for his 
 own throne, apparently found himself unable to maintain the 
 Irish crown ; and the Danes of Dublin accordingly chose a 
 new successor. 
 
 Difficulties were, in fact, surging around Goddard. The old 
 Manx chroniclers attribute this to his own despotic conduct. 
 Perhaps they were more directly due to the Irish enterprise. 
 For Ottar, the rival claimant of the throne of Dublin, had 
 a son, Torffin, a considerable landowner in Man, who, either 
 from a desire to promote his father's cause, or from resent- 
 ment at his own treatment, headed a party against Goddard. 
 But he did not venture on a direct attack on Olave's 
 dynasty. All he tried to do was to substitute one of Olave's 
 children for another. Goddard, indeed, was Olave's only 
 legitimate child ; but Olave, who had " indulged too much 
 in the domestic vice of king?," had a numerous illegitimate 
 family. One of his natural daughters was married to Somer- 
 led, the mighty Somerled of the " Lord of the Isles." Torffin 
 persuaded Somerled to declare his son Dougal king of the 
 Isles, in .virtue of his mother's descent from Olave, and to 
 
64 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 send an expedition to Man to enforce the claim. Goddard, 
 warned of the conspiracy by the Lord of Skye/ fitted out a 
 fleet to encounter Somerled. The hostile fleets met — it is 
 not said where — on the Eve of the Epiphany, and a bloody 
 and apparently indecisive action ensued. On the morrow 
 Somerled and Goddard met and agreed to divide the heri- 
 tage of Olave. Somerled's son, Dougal, took the northern Heb- 
 rides as his share ; Goddard retained Man and the southern 
 islands. 
 
 The date of this battle is given in the Manx Chronicle as 
 1 1 56, and it probably took place about that time. It marks 
 an important epoch in Manx history, and it indirectly illus- 
 trates the history of the larger islands around it. Thence- 
 forward the Norse dynasty in Man was confined to the islands 
 to which the treaty had limited it ; instead of being Rex 
 Manniae et Insularum, Goddard and his successors were 
 only Kings of Man and the Sudereys (Sodorenses Insulae) ; 
 and to this day the fact has given the title to the Manx 
 Bishop, who is Bishop of Sodor and Man — in other words, 
 of Man and these islands. But the battle is still more 
 remarkable, because it points to the decreasing power of the 
 Norse, or rather to the increasing power of the Saxon and 
 Celtic populations of the British Islands. England, long freed 
 from the danger of piratical incursions by the firm govern- 
 ment of the Norman kings, was enjoying, under the first 
 of the Plantagenets, the repose of security ; Scotland had 
 already acquired cohesion as a Celtic kingdom ; and, though 
 her western coasts were still harried by the Islanders, these men 
 were ranging themselves under either a Pictish or a Celtic 
 king,2 and not under Norse leaders. History was evidently 
 entering on a new chapter. 
 
 1 Chron. Manniae ; cf. Train, i. 98. 
 
 2 Somerled's ancestry is doubtful. See Train, i. loi. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 6; 
 
 The: peace which Goddard concluded with Somerled was 
 not of long duration. Two years after its conclusion, Somerled 
 attacked the Isle of Man itself with a fleet of fifty-three vessels, 
 wd Goddard fled for security and help to Norway. For six 
 years Somerled retained the throne which he had thus won ; 
 but in 1 1 64 he raised a great fleet of a hundred and sixty sail 
 and landed in Renfrewshire, " with the intention of subduing 
 the whole of Scotland. But, through divine punishment, he 
 was overcome by a small number of foes, and there slain with 
 his son and a vast number of his people." ^ 
 
 Somerled's power crumbled with his death. Reginald, a 
 natural son of Olave, and therefore Somerled's brother-in-law, 
 seized Man; but on the fourth day of his reign, Goddard, 
 who had probably heard of Somerled's defeat, returned from 
 Norway, seized his brother, put out his eyes, and regained the 
 kingdom from which he had been driven eight years before. 
 
 Goddard held the territory which he thus regained till 
 his death in 1187. He left three sons, Reginald, Ivar, and 
 Olave, and a daughter, Alfrica, married to John de Courcy, 
 an Englishman of Norman descent who had conquered the 
 province of Ulster. These children were probably sprung 
 from different mothers. In a modern sense they were all 
 illegitimate; but Olave had been legitimatised by the subse- 
 quent marriage of his mother, a granddaughter of Murrough, 
 king of Ireland, with Goddard.^ In consequence of this mar- 
 
 1 Chron. Mannias. 
 
 2 The story goes that the Pope, Alexander III., sent a legate to' Goddard to 
 complain that he had not been married according to the rites of the Church, 
 and with a commission to see him married in due form. Silvanus, Abbot of 
 Rivaulx, performed the ceremony, and Goddard ' ' gave him a piece of land at 
 Mirescoge, where he soon built a monastery ; but in process of time the land 
 and the monks were made over to the Abbey of St. Mary of Rushen " (Chron. 
 Manniae). This Mirescoge, according to Feltham, is conjectured to be the place 
 now called Ballamonain the parish of Lezayre (Feltham's Tour in Man, p. 160 ; 
 Train, i. 107; but cf. Ibid., p. 34). Subsequent marriage, in certain cases, still 
 
 E 
 
65 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 riage, Olave seems to have been regarded as Goddard's only 
 legitimate representative ; and Goddard, at any rate, left his 
 crown to Olave. But in 1187, when Goddard died, Olave was 
 a child often; and children of ten in the twelfth century had 
 a poor chance of succeeding to their inheritance. The Manx 
 "considered that a person who, on account of his tender age, 
 knew not how to direct himself, would be wholly incapable of 
 governing his subjects." They therefore "sent for Reginald, 
 and made him their king, because he was a man of energy 
 and riper age." ^ Reginald ascended the throne which he 
 thus acquired in 1188; but he was soon involved in serious 
 difficulties with England. His brother-in-law, De Courcy, was 
 one of those who accused John with being accessory to 
 Arthur's murder, and John, angry at the charge, sent De Lacy 
 to subdue and capture the Lord of Ulster. De Courcy fled for 
 succour to Reginald ; and Reginald, fitting out " the finest army 
 of native troops that had ever left the island," ^ steered with 
 him for Ireland. He suffered a crushing defeat, and Ulster 
 passed under the rule of De Lacy. ' John, whose power was 
 still unbroken, determined to avenge himself on Reginald, 
 and in 1206, in a document which is still extant in the Patent 
 Rolls, granted terram suam de Mannoia to William de Burgh.^ 
 There is no evidence that De Burgh ever took possession of 
 the island, but his descendants kept up a sort of hereditary 
 .claim to it, and eighty-four years afterwards Edward I. accepted 
 a surrender of it from Richard de Burgh.* Whether De Burgli, 
 Jiowever, visited the island or not, John took signal vengeance 
 on Reginald in 12 11. He despatched Fulke de Cantelupe, 
 
 legitimatises a child in the Isle of Man. The Deemsters and Keys laid down the 
 law in IS94 in these words : " If a man get a maid or young woman with child, 
 and then within a year or two after doth marry her, we judge them to be 
 Jegiiimate by our customary law." — Statutes, Isle of Man, i. 68. 
 
 1 Chron, Mannise. 
 
 2 Train, vol. i. p. no. 3 Manx. Soc. Pub., i, 150. < Ibid. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 67 
 
 a knight of violent temper and rude manners,i with a large 
 army from Ireland to chastise Reginald for his imprudence; 
 and Cantelupe, though Reginald himself escaped from his 
 punishment, pUmdered and harried the unfortunate inhabi- 
 tants of the little island. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the reverses which the Manx had sustained 
 under Reginald made them naturally discontented with his 
 rule, and their thoughts reverted to their former sovereign, 
 Reginald's half-brother Olave, whose father had pronounced 
 him his legitimate successor, Olave was at that time living in 
 the Island of Lewis, then, as now, barren and " uncouth," ^ 
 which, though it had been severed from the kingdom of the 
 Isles on the peace which Somerled had concluded with God- 
 dard, seems to have been temporarily reunited wiih it after 
 ■Somerled's defeat in Renfrewshire, and to have been yielded 
 by Reginald to Olave. But Olave, finding that Lewis was not 
 rich enough to support himself and his followers, and probably 
 perceiving that the discontent of the Manx with Reginald's 
 rule afforded him an opportunity, returned to Man, and pre- 
 sented himself to Reginald, "You know, my brother and 
 king," he is reported to have said, " that the kingdom of the 
 Isles was mine by hereditary right ; but, as the Lord chose you 
 for its governor, I do not grudge it you, nor am I discontented 
 because you have been raised to the supreme dignity of king. 
 I now therefore beg that you will allot me land somewhere in the 
 Isles sufficient for my own decent maintenance and that of my 
 followers, for the Island of Lewis which you gave me is un- 
 equal to my support." * Reginald promised to take advice on 
 the subject of Olave's request, but on the following day seized 
 his brother and sent him prisoner to William of Scotland. 
 
 1 Train, vol. i. p. iii, from Hume's History of England, chap. xi. 
 
 2 The epithet is Sacheverelf s, and exactly expresses the character of Lewis. 
 
 3 Chron. Mannias. 
 
68 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Olave remained a prisoner in Scotland till he was released on 
 William's death in 12 14. 
 
 It was perhaps natural that Reginald should have turned to 
 Scotland for the help which he could no longer personally 
 have expected from England, and have committed his incon- 
 venient brother to the safe keeping of William the Lion. But 
 after Fulke de Cantelupe's foray, Reginald could no longer 
 resist the power of John. He was either brought or sum- 
 moned to England, and on the nth May, at Lambeth, in the 
 presence of the Bishop of Winchester, Lord Salisbury, and 
 others, formally declared himself John's liegeman and swore 
 fidelity to him.^ Thenceforward England continually asserted 
 her right to fealty from the kings of Man, which some two 
 centuries later became a dependency of the English crown. 
 Seven years afterwards, in 1219, Reginald obtained a safe-con- 
 duct from Henry IIL for the purpose of doing homage to him ; 
 but at the same time, probably without Henry's knowledge, he 
 surrendered the island to the Pope, Honorius IIL, receiving it 
 back from him in fief, subject to an annual tribute of twelve 
 marks, payable to the Roman Church at the Cistercian Abbey 
 in Furness.^ 
 
 In this extraordinary conduct Reginald was probably influ- 
 enced by the attitude of his half-brother, Olave ; for Olave, 
 on his release from captivity, after a pilgrimage paid to the 
 shrine of St. James of Compostella, had returned to Man 
 and received in marriage Reginald's sister-in-law, Lavon, and 
 his old barren territory of the Lewis. But this marriage was 
 annulled by the Bishop of the Isles on the ground of Lavon's 
 kinship to Olave's former wife or mistress, and Olave immedi- 
 ately married a daughter of the Earl of Ross. It seems, there- 
 fore, possible that Reginald, when he saw his brother conform- 
 
 . 1 The declaration is reprinted in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxiii. p. 289. 
 2 Ibid., pp. 290, 294, and Train, vol. i. p, 113. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 69 
 
 ing to the views of the Church, was anxious to secure himself 
 the moral support of the Pope ; for Lavon's divorce naturally 
 pointed to a renewal of the struggle between the two brothers. 
 Reginald's queen, indeed, angry at her sister's disgrace, openly 
 urged her son, Goddard, a powerful chieftain in Skye, to assassi- 
 nate Olave, and Olave only escaped by flying to his father-in- 
 law in Ross-shire. The war between the two brothers was thus 
 renewed, and was carried on with various fortunes. The two 
 sides of the little island of Man again ranged themselves in 
 opposite camps, the south preferring the cause of Reginald, 
 the north of Olave. The contest was ultimately decided in 
 1 229 by a battle fought round the Tynwald Hill, where Reginald 
 was driven from the field and killed in the flight. Thereupon 
 Olave succeeded to the throne, which had been left him by 
 his father forty years before. He retained it till his death in 
 1237, when he was succeeded by his eldest son, Harold, a lad 
 of fourteen. 
 
 In these obscure transactions, which it has been attempted 
 to reduce to some kind of probable order in the preceding 
 paragraphs, it is difficult to discover the real characters of the 
 rival brothers. The Norwegian sagas praise Reginald, the 
 Manx historians Olave, whom Sacheverell pronounces "a 
 prince worthy of better times, a better kingdom, and better 
 subjects." 1 
 
 The praise which Manx historians accord to Olave, or Olave 
 the Black, as he is called, they extend to his son and successor, 
 Harold, whose reign was influenced by the gradual rise in the 
 power of England, and the no less gradual decay in the influ- 
 ence of Norway. During the three hundred years which had 
 passed since the invasion of Orry, the Manx chieftains, whether 
 of the line of Orry or of Goddard Crovan, had recognised their 
 theoretical allegiance to the Norwegian court ; but, separated 
 ' Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. i. p. 49, 
 
70 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 from that country by hundreds of miles of stormy sea, they 
 had frequently secured a virtual independence. Yet the court 
 of Norway had never relaxed its claim to the island. It found 
 expression in Magnus Barefoot's two expeditions ; it was recog- 
 nised by the first Olave when he referred his nephews' petition 
 to the Norwegian court; it was asserted when Olave's son, 
 Goddard, sailed for Norway to avenge his father's murder ; and 
 it was now admitted by Harold, who repaired to Norway, and ob- 
 tained from the Norwegian court a confirmation of his authority 
 as king of all the islands held by his predecessors.^ But the 
 distant court of Norway was no longer the only power which 
 had pretensions to the Isle of Man. Ever since Reginald, the 
 usurper in Man, had thrown himself on the protection of John, 
 the usurper in England, the court of Westminster had thrown 
 wistful glances at the little island, situated so conveniently, or 
 perhaps so inconveniently, near its shores. Weak as Henry 
 III. was, he tried to obtain the good-will of Harold. He 
 summoned him to London in 1247, conferred on him the 
 honour of knighthood, and loaded him with presents. The 
 favour of England brought this so far fortunate young prince 
 fresh honours from Norway. In 1249 he was again at the 
 Norwegian court receiving the king's daughter in marriage, 
 and a promise that the king would greatly exalt him, and 
 raise the throne of his kingdom above all that it had been in 
 the days of his predecessors."^ But "Thomme propose et 
 pieu dispose " is a saying as true of princes as of other men. 
 Harold, in returning from Norway, was caught by a storm, off 
 the Shetland Islands ; the vessels in which he was sailing were 
 wrecked; and he, his young wife, and all his company, perished.. 
 Historically the reign of Harold is chiefly remarkable from 
 the evident anxiety of the courts both of England and Norway 
 to secure the favour of the King of the Isles ; but it is also 
 
 1 Chron. ManniEe. 2 Chron. Miinniae. 
 
THE RULE OF THE NORSE. 71 
 
 memorable for the circumstance that the cessation of the long, 
 struggle, of which the island had been the theatre, led to a 
 little more prosperity among its people. The arts, too, began 
 to revive, and the Cathedral of St. Germans, the chief orna- 
 ment of Peel, was commenced in the reign of Harold. Its 
 founder. Bishop Simon, died in the year in which Harold 
 was drowned. 
 
 On Harold's premature death the crown of the Isles de- 
 scended to his next brother, Reginald. Short shrift was, 
 however, awarded to the young monarch. He was assas- 
 sinated in the month of his accession by "the Knight Ivar," 
 who may perhaps have been the grandson, but could hardly 
 have been the son (as Train conjectures i), of Goddard. 
 Reginald left behind him a daughter, Mary, a mere child, 
 whose name was afterwards to be heard of in the story of the 
 island. His throne was at once usurped by another Harold,, 
 son of Goddard Don, or Goddard the Brown, and grandson of 
 that Reginald who had been defeated and killed in the struggle 
 with Olave which had surged round the Tynwald Hill more 
 than twenty years before. The arm of Norway, however, 
 was still long enough to revenge a series of lawless outrages. 
 Harold was summoned to Norway, and the Manx thereupon 
 selected Magnus, the last surviving son of Olave the Black, and 
 Norway confirmed the election. 
 
 The reign of this second Magnus, the last of the line of 
 Goddard Crovan, is supposed to have lasted from 1252 or 
 1256 to 1263 or 1265. It witnessed the final scene in the 
 long struggle between Scot and Dane, and the ultimate 
 victory of Alexander III. of Scotland over Haco of Norway 
 at Largs. In the battle and in the disaster Magnus had his 
 share. 
 
 The battle of Largs, which terminated the sway of Norway 
 1 Traill, vol. i. p. 126. 
 
72 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 in the Western Hebrides, did not immediately deprive Magnus' 
 of his old inheritance of Man. After his defeat he did homage 
 to Alexander, and received in return a charter by which he 
 held the island under the Scottish throne. Theoretically he 
 had become " the man " of the Scottish king, just as before he 
 had been the man of the Norwegian king. His kingdom, 
 however, thenceforward shrank to the limits of the little island 
 to which he retired ; and on his death, two years after Largs, 
 Alexander, resolving to make the connection still closer, sent 
 Alexander Stewart and John Cumin to reduce Man to obedi- 
 ence. These chieftains landed at Derbyhaven on the 7th 
 October 1270, and on the following morning defeated the 
 Manx, slaying Ivar, the murderer of Reginald, who had 
 grasped the sceptre. Thereupon the island entered on a 
 new phase of its chequered histori'. For the next century 
 it practically remained an appanage of the Scottish crown. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND 
 SCOTLAND. 
 
 The battle of Largs, or at any rate Ivar's death at Derby- 
 baven, terminated the rule of the Norse in Man, which had 
 endured for three hundred years. Founded on conquest, it 
 had been memorable for blood-shedding, and civil warfare and 
 foreign enterprise had left little opportunity for the improve- 
 ment of the people. Yet the rulers who had issued from the 
 creeks of Norway were at least men ; they had raised the Isle 
 of Man and the islands which fringe the western coasts of 
 Scotland to a position which is almost unique in history ; 
 they had made them a terror and a power ; they had made 
 the little Isle of Man formidable to the greater kingdoms 
 around it. No doubt the situation of the island in a stormy 
 sea had facilitated the plans of its rulers. Like the pirates, 
 who infested the ^gean in the days of early Greece, they 
 partly owed their immunity to the fact that they were not 
 easily open to attack. But they were further assisted by the 
 condition of the adjacent countries. The wild tribes who 
 occupied Ireland were in no position for aggressive enterprise 
 beyond their own shores. Scotland was only gradually being 
 welded into one kingdom ; and her chieftains, occupied with 
 their own internal quarrels, were frequently unable to curb the 
 marauders on her coasts ; while England, looking to the south 
 
74 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 and to the east rather than to the north and west, with Wales ^_ 
 still unconquered and Ireland still unattempted, had little inte- 
 rest in the safety of the Irish seas. Thus, during their earlier 
 rule, the circumstances of other countries gave the Norse con- 
 querors of Man a comparatively free hand. But thus, too, the 
 consolidation of Scotland and the progress of England made 
 it certain that their immunity would not endure. Scotland, 
 when once united, was not likely to tolerate the presence of 
 Norse freebooters encamped in Norse strongholds on her 
 western coasts. England, when once supreme in Wales, and 
 nominally supreme in Ireland, could not be expected to 
 submit to a foreign power in the intermediate seas ; and it 
 was consequently certain that the kingdom of the Isles would 
 sooner or later fall under either Scottish or English influ- 
 ence. The stars were fighting in their courses against the 
 Norse ; from its very nature, Norse rule could not permanently 
 endure. 
 
 Under its Norse rulers the crown of Man was nominally 
 hereditary ; but the hereditary claims of its princes were sub- 
 ject, as in Saxon England, to some sort of popular control. 
 The choice of the people was almost always limited to some 
 member of the reigning family, but the people's choice re- 
 quired the approval of the Norwegian court. For, even in 
 these early days, the island was not an independent kingdom ; 
 its sovereign owed allegiance to Norway, and the approval of 
 the mother country was almost as important to his title as 
 the support of the people. Thus till the very eve of the crushing 
 defeat at Largs, the crown of Norway succeeded, both in theory 
 and practice, in maintaining its superiority. The kings of Man 
 and the Isles constantly referred their claims to the Norwegian 
 court ; the Bishops of the Isles were usually, perhaps uniformly, 
 consecrated by the metropolitan at Drontheim. But, though 
 Norway still retained her lordship over the Isles, the coming 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 75 
 
 supremacy of England was already casting its shadow before. 
 When the kings of Man consented to become liegemen to an 
 English monarch, when they accepted safeguards from English, 
 kings in order to enable them to pay homage at the English. 
 court, they could have felt little doubt that the rising and 
 neighbouring power of England was destined to supersede the 
 dwindling and distant power of Norway; and though the old 
 Norse blood still ran in their veins, though they still professed 
 allegiance to the sovereign of the country from whose creeks 
 their ancestors had originally sailed, their own interests com- 
 pelled them to range themselves under the power which was 
 potent to destroy or to spare. 
 
 In the three hundred years, over which their sway had 
 extended, the Norse had left some permanent traces of their 
 presence in Man. The Cathedral at Peel, the ruins of Rushen 
 Abbey, the bridge which spans the Silverburn above the 
 Abbey, the monumental stones which are scattered in such 
 profusion throughout the island, testify to their skill as archi- 
 tects, as bridge-makers, and as sculptors. The division of the 
 island into sheadings or ship shires, which still survives for 
 political purposes, demonstrates their administrative effici- 
 ency, while the fact that its Legislature still meets annually 
 to promulgate the laws in the open air proves that they 
 could devise institutions destined to survive their cathedrals 
 and their abbeys. With these exceptions, there are few 
 traces of the Norse conquest. The Celtic speech super- 
 seded the Norse tongue; the majority of place-names and 
 surnames are Celtic, and not Norse in their origin. Just 
 as in England the English supplemented the Norman speech, 
 so in Man the Celtic survived and the Norse language dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 There appears to bs no general law which regulates the 
 survival of particular languages. " The Roman conquest of 
 
76 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Gaul and Spain, the Mohammedan conquests in Syria, Egypt, 
 and Northern Africa, the Teutonic conquest of Southern Ger- 
 many, and the Anglo-Saxon conquest of England, are the 
 chief instances in which the language of the conquerors has 
 prevailed. But the reverse has been more frequently the case. 
 . . . The Bulgars exchanged their own Turkic speech for 
 the Slavonic dialect of their subjects. In Normandy the 
 Northmen acquired French, which in England they exchanged 
 for English. The Franks, the Lombards, the Sueves, the 
 Vandals, and the Goths were unable to impose their Teutonic 
 speech on the southern lands which they overran. Dr. Hodg- 
 kin has described for us the process by which the Gothic 
 language and nationality was extinguished in Italy. . . . Even 
 in Burgundy, where the conquerors were the more numerous 
 race, as is shown by the fact that, in the department of the 
 Doubs the racial type is Teutonic, the speech is now a Neo- 
 Latin dialect." ^ 
 
 Exactly the same thing occurred in Man. Though the 
 Norse acquired complete predominance, though they main- 
 tained their superiority for three hundred years, though they 
 divided and re-divided the island among themselves, they 
 were no more able than their compatriots in Normandy and 
 England to impose their language on the people whom they 
 subdued. An analysis of [the place-names of the island] shows 
 that, out of about 1500 in use at the present day, rather more 
 than 1000, or 68 per cent, are purely Celtic; about 130, or 
 9 per cent., are purely Scandinavian, while about 90, or 6 per 
 cent., are of mixed Celtic and Scandinavian origin." ^ This 
 remarkable result is probably partly due to the circumstance 
 of the Norse invasions. A warrior race, moving some 800 or 
 1000 years ago by sea, had no room in their comparatively 
 
 1 Taylor's Origin of the Aryans, pp. 209, 210. 
 
 2 Surnames and Place-Names of the Isle of Man, p. 11. 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 77 
 
 small boats for their women. They must necessarily have 
 married the girls whom they found already in tiie countries 
 which they made their homes. But these girls would naturally 
 teach to their children their own language; they would call 
 the familiar features of the landscape by the names which they 
 themselves had learned to apply to them, and in this way the 
 Celtic names would have survived, and have been handed 
 down to later generations. 
 
 Exactly the same process was visible in the names of people. 
 The Celtic names tended to survive, the Scandinavian names 
 to die out. Even where the Scandinavian root could be 
 detected in the name, it was much corrupted with some Celtic 
 prefix, such as Mac^ Thus, according to Mr. Arthur Moore, 
 " out of about 170 surnames, which were in use in the Isle of 
 Man at the beginning of the present century, about 100, or 65 
 per cent., are of Celtic origin, and about 30, or 17.5 per cent., 
 of Scandio-Celtic origin." ^ 
 
 Physiology, like language, points to the mixed origin of the 
 Manx. Dr. Beddoe investigated the head measurements, the 
 stature, the nigrescence, and other physical peculiarities of 
 Manxmen in different parts of the island. It is unnecessary 
 to state all his conclusions, which have been published else- 
 where. It is sufficient to quote his final judgment. " On the 
 whole, the physical characters perfectly agree with the history, 
 viz., that the Norse element in the blood is very strong, though 
 less strong than the Gaelic or Ibero-Gaelic." ^ 
 
 But the Norse have left a more lasting impression of their 
 rule in the island, than it is possible to trace in material 
 
 ' The Mac, it must be recollected, is never found in its integrity in the Isle of 
 Man ; it is always in an abbreviated form. Thus MacWalter becomes Qual- 
 trough ; MacAlister, Collister ; MacAulay, Kewley ; MacGillyChrist, Myl- 
 chreest. 
 
 2 Surnames and Place-Names of Isle of Man, p. 11. 
 
 3 Manx Note-Book, No. 9, pp. 23-33. 
 
73 THE LAND OP HOME RULE. 
 
 monuments or modem speech, in the physical stature of the 
 people. Mark, on any summer evening, the bronzed but fair- 
 haired men, large in hmb and tall in stature, fitting out their 
 boats for the herring-fishing, or see them riding on the storm- 
 tossed waters, at home and secure, then you will see traces 
 ■of the old seafaring spirit which, a thousand years ago, sent 
 the Vikings from their creeks on an enterprise of plunder and 
 conquest. And if this be true of other places, where the dark- 
 Jiaired and fair-haired strangers came, it is eminently true of 
 the little island which for three centuries was the centre of 
 their power. It is the Manx fishermen who, in our own time, 
 have opened up the fisheries of South-Western Ireland; it 
 is the Manx fishermen who own the finest and fastest fish- 
 ing-boats in the British seas. Wherever fish may be found, 
 there the Manx fishermen will go. Of them it is literally 
 
 true — ■ 
 
 "Their home is on the ocean deep, 
 Their cradle on the wave." 
 
 The final defeat of the Norse and the death of Ivar opens 
 up an entirely new chapter in the history of the island ; and, 
 if it is difficult to give a connected narrative of its affairs 
 under Norse rule, it is still harder to piece together the 
 little knowledge that has come down to us of the succeeding 
 century. 
 
 During the reign of Alexander III. the island was governed 
 in his name by four successive lieutenants, The Manx under 
 their rule appear to have alternately experienced the blessings 
 of good and the hardships of evil government ; but the death 
 of Alexander III. in 1285 introduces a new era both in the 
 history of Scotland and in the history of the island. His 
 granddaughter and heiress, the Maid of Norway, was betrothed 
 to the son of Edward I. of England; and statesmen in the 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 79 
 
 thirteenth century hoped that this marriage would lead to the 
 closer union between Scotland and England which ultimately 
 resulted from the marriage of another Margaret two centuries 
 later. But the Maid died on her passage to Scotland ; the 
 direct descendants of William the Lion ceased with her death, 
 and Scottish statesmen had to seek for an heir to the throne 
 among the descendants of William's brother, David. Three 
 men — Baliol, Bruce, and Hastings — claimed the throne, as 
 the representatives of David's three daughters, and their claim 
 was ultimately referred to Edward I. of England. The refer- 
 ence enabled Edward to assume the position of Lord Para- 
 mount of Scotland, and to support his claim by moving troops 
 across the Border. But, while he was thus asserting his feudal 
 rights over the northern kingdom, he did not neglect the little 
 island that layoff his own coasts. In 1290 he accepted its 
 surrender,! "quse nuper exstitit desolata et niultis miseriis 
 occupata, defectu protectionis et defensionis," and handed it 
 to Walter de Huntercomb. In the deed of surrender, which 
 was dated from Rushen Abbey, the men of the island engaged 
 neither to rebel against their new sovereign nor to injure or 
 maliciously afiSict any of his subjects, under a penalty of two 
 thousand pounds of silver. Walter de Huntercomb, however, 
 only enjoyed his rule for a short period. In 1292 Edward, 
 who had now decided on the rival claims of Baliol and Bruce, 
 restored the island to Baliol as King of Scotland, reserving 
 his own rights as Lord Paramount. 
 
 , Thus, through the action of England, Man was again re- 
 stored to the occupant of the Scottish throne. Baliol, how- 
 ever, had formed a very different opinion of his position from 
 
 ' Edward seems to have accepted the surrender (i) from the inhabitants 
 themselves, whose deed of surrender is printed in Rymer's Foedera, vol. ii. 
 p. 492, and is reprinted in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. i. p. 152; and (2) from 
 Richard de Burgh, the representative of William de Burgh, to whom John 
 had granted the island more than sixty years before. 
 
So THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 that which was entertained of it by Edward. He acted like 
 an independent sovereign, while Edward regarded him as a 
 dependent king. Baliol's refusal to admit the right of ulti- 
 mate appeal to England, and his disregard of the summons to 
 follow England to war with France, led to a breach between 
 the two countries; and in 1296 Edward commenced the cam- 
 paign which led immediately to the capture of Edinburgh and 
 the imprisonment of Baliol, and more remotely to the revolt 
 of Wallace and the battle of Falkirk. Probably before war 
 actually commenced the demands of Baliol made Edward 
 regret that he had in 1292 restored Man to Scotland. At any 
 rate, he seems to have been disposed to look with favour on 
 the claims of other candidates for its throne. Two claimants 
 were already in the field. The first, Alfrica, who described 
 herself as the heiress of Magnus, the last king of Man, and 
 who probably was his sister, and therefore the daughter of 
 Olave the Black,i was married to Sir Simon Montacute, 
 whose reputation stood high in the English court. The 
 second, Mary, the daughter of Reginald, the unfortunate 
 young monarch who was assassinated by Ivar in the month 
 of his accession, was married to John de Walbeof, another 
 prominent Englishman. Alfrica was the first to raise her 
 claim. On seisin of the island being granted to Baliol in 
 
 1292, she applied to him, asserted her own rights, and offered 
 to do homage to him for her kingdom. Unable to obtain 
 redress from Baliol, she appealed to Edward, whose writ in 
 
 1293, desiring both Baliol and her to appear before him is 
 still extant.^ 
 
 Baliol probably never obeyed this summons. The progress 
 of the appeal is not known, and twelve years afterwards 
 Alfrica conveyed her rights and interests in the island to her 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. i, p. 159. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 164. 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 8r. 
 
 husband; in the following year, John de Walbsof, Mary's 
 grandson, raised his claim, and his petition was referred by 
 Edward to the Cai^irt of King's Bench. 
 
 Thus, in 1305, two powerful English famihes were both 
 raising iheir pretensions to the sovereignty of the little island, 
 of which the Scotch were actually in possession; and the 
 claims, which they were raising, were not dissimilar from 
 those on which Edward had already adjudicated in the case 
 of Baliol and Bruce. The progress of John de Walbeof s suit 
 is not known; but there is some reason for thinking that, 
 while it was being prosecuted before the Courts, his rival, 
 Sir William de Montacute, Alfrica's son, crossed over to the 
 island and drove out the Scots. The expense of the expedi-- 
 J;ion, however, or some other reason, crippled his resources, 
 and he was forced to mortgage his possession to Anthony 
 de Beck, Bishop of Durham, who, by some sort of mediaeval 
 foreclosure, considered the island, on which he held a 
 jnortgage, as his own property. 
 
 That this "turbulent prelate," as a mediaeval writer calls 
 h'lm, held the island for himself is evident from the circum- 
 stance that, in the last year of his reign, Edward I. issued 
 a writ summoning him before "us, in order to show what 
 reason he has why we ought not by all means to resume that 
 land into our own hand and right." Possibly the death of 
 Edward afforded De Beck a pretext for disobeying the king's 
 writ. At any rate, he retained possession of the island till his 
 death in 1310 or 1311. Edward II., however, though he was 
 too weak to resist, did not acknowledge De Beck's claim. He 
 successively granted the island to Piers Gaveston, his well- 
 known favourite, Henry de Beaumont, and Gilbert M'GaskilL 
 The king, in fact, acted as overlord, and as overlord disposed 
 of the island as he chose.^ 
 
 1 Manx.. Soc. Pub., vol. i. pp. 156-164.. 
 
82 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 In the meanwhile, however, history was entering into a new 
 chapter. Scotland, subdued by the strong hand of Edward I., 
 found its opportunity under the weak rule of Edward 11. ; 
 and Bruce, who had succeeded to the Scottish throne, proved 
 himself a champion of very different cahbre from Baliol; 
 In 1314 Scotland recovered her independence at Bannock* 
 burn. In the preceding year Bruce had sailed to the 
 island, and, after landing at Ramsey and Douglas, entered 
 Derbyhaven and laid siege to Castle Rushen. Manx his- 
 torians declare that the castle was long and gallantly de- 
 fended. Whether the resistant was stout or not, the place 
 fell, and with its fall the island again passed under Scottish 
 rule. Bruce razed the fort which he had thus taken, and 
 made his nephew. Lord Moray, who afterwards rose to the 
 Regency of Scotland, governor of the island. For thirty 
 years the Scotch maintained the possession which they had 
 won. Harried, however, by attacks from Ireland and other 
 quarters, the Manx throughout the period could have enjoyed 
 little prosperity. 
 
 But the wheel of fortune was bringing fresh changes as it 
 revolved. The strong arm of the third Edward replaced the 
 miserable rule of his father ; and in some period between 1335 
 and 1343, Edward, recollecting the claim of the Montacutes, 
 decided on restoring to them the island which they had 
 mortgaged to Anthony de Beck. The Sir William Montacute 
 who had executed the mortgage seems to have been dead ; 
 but his son, another Sir William, who was made Lord Salis- 
 bury, represented the rights of his grandmother, Alfrica. This 
 Sir William, moreover, strengthened his claim by marrying the 
 daughter of John de Walbeof, and therefore the successor of 
 the rival claimant.^ Strong from his descent, stronger still in 
 
 1 I have endeavoured to cast into intelligible sliape a story which fs 
 very obscure. If my conjecture — for many of the statements in the text 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 83 
 
 Edward's favour, Montacute crossed over to Man and drove 
 out the Scots. For fifty years he and his descendants remained 
 Lords of Man. But, though the English court recognised 
 Montacute as king, the Scottish court does not seem to 
 have acquiesced in his claim. In 1372 George de Dunbar, 
 Earl of March^ was recognised in Scotland as Lord of Man ; 
 and in 1389, in a truce concluded between England and 
 France, Montacute, Lord Salisbury, was expressly recognised 
 as King of Man and one of the allies of England, and the 
 Earl of March as King of Man and one of the allies of Scot- 
 land.^ Whatever title Lord Salisbury may have possessed, in 
 1393 he sold his kingdom, "with the title of king and the 
 right of being crowned with a golden crown, to Sir William 
 
 are not mucli better than conjecture — are correct, the genealogy runs in 
 ihis way : — ■ 
 
 Goddard Crovan, 
 d. ? 1093. 
 
 Laginan. 
 
 
 Harold. Alfr 
 
 ca 
 
 of Galloway=OIave Kleining 
 1 d. I 154. 
 
 
 Goddard Kle 
 d. I 187. 
 
 inmg, 
 
 ohn de Courcy. 
 
 mon Montacute 
 
 1 
 Reginald, 
 d. 1229. 
 
 Ivar. 
 
 1 
 
 Olave the Black, Alfrica=J 
 b. 1177, d. 1237. 
 
 i 
 
 
 ? Ivar. 
 
 Harold, 
 d. 1249. 
 
 1 
 
 Reginald, 
 d. 1249. 
 
 1 
 Mary = 
 
 Magnus, 
 d. 1265. 
 
 Sir J. de Walbeof. 
 
 A 
 
 1 
 ifrica = Sir Si 
 
 
 Sir W. ^ 
 
 lontacute. 
 
 
 William. 
 
 1 
 
 John. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mary = Sir W. Montacute, Lord Salisbury. 
 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. i. p. 160, and vol. xii. p. 22. 
 
 ^ Capgrave says that in 1377 the French took the whole island except the 
 south, which was defended by Sir Hug Tyrrell. The capture seems only to 
 have been a raid, the islanders paying the French a thousand marks that they 
 should not burn their houses, Manx Soc. Pub,, vol. iv, p. 73. 
 
84 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 le Scrope, Earl of Wiltshire." i Lord Wiltshire, however, toolc 
 the side of Richard II., and on the accession of the House 
 of Lancaster was attainted and beheaded in 1399; and the 
 island lapsing on his attainder to the crown, Henry re- 
 granted it to Percy, Earl of Northumberland, "to hold by 
 service of carrying on every coronation day of us and our 
 heirs, either by himself in person or by some sufficient and 
 honourable deputy, that sword, naked, which we wore when 
 we arrived at Holderness, called the Lancaster sword." In 
 the troublous times, however, which the House of Lancaster 
 experienced, great noblemen did not long retain the favour 
 of the court. In 1403 Northumberland was attainted and 
 banished; and in 1405 Henry granted the island to Sir John 
 Stanley for life. In 1406 "Sir John delivered up the grant 
 to be cancelled ; and the king, in consideration of the sur- 
 render, re-granted the island to him, his heirs and successors, 
 in as full and ample a manner as it had been granted to any 
 former king or lord, to be held of the crown of England." 
 This grant was destined to be more enduring than its prede- 
 cessors, and, with the exception of a short interval during the 
 rebelHon, Sir John and his descendants held the sovereignty 
 till it was purchased from the last of them, nearly 360 years 
 afterwards, by the Government of Great Britain.^ 
 
 The island, castle, peel, and lordship, and all the islands 
 and lordships to the said Isle of Man belonging, which do 
 not exceed the value of ^400 per annum, were to be had 
 
 1 The traditional ballad says — 
 
 " Then Sir William was king of the Isle of JVIan, 
 But he thought but little of it, 
 For he sold it, and bought cattle, 
 Which was a pity he ever did. 
 To Lord Scroop he sold it," &c., &c. 
 
 — (Train, vol. i. p. 53.) 
 
 2 Train, vol. i. pp. 152, 154. 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 8^ 
 
 and held — so the grant ran — by the said John, his heirs and 
 assigns, for the homage, allegiance, and service of render- 
 ing to us two falcons on one occasion only, videlicet, imme- 
 diately after doing homage of the aforesaid kind, and of render- 
 ing to our heirs, the kings of England, two falcons on the 
 days of coronation of our said heirs.^ These falcons were 
 last rendered by the Duke of Athole at the coronation of 
 George IV. 
 
 With the accession of the House of Stanley, the Scottish 
 claim to the island seems practically to have ceased. But 
 the memory of the long contest survived. The Tynwald of 
 1422 passed an Act that "all Scots avoid the land with the 
 next vessel that goeth into Scotland, on pain of forfeiture of 
 their goods and their bodies to prison." Some years later 
 this drastic measure was impliedly repealed by another en- 
 actment that "noe Scottishman, Irishman, or any other 
 aliens, be resident in your land of Mann, but if he be sworn 
 to you and your land of Mann ;" and these laws remained on 
 the statute book for the best, part of three centuries, and were 
 •only repealed in 1697. 
 
 Though the Scotch maintained an uncertain tenure of thS 
 island for more than a century, they have left few traces of 
 their dominion behind them. Yet they are supposed to have 
 given the Manx one thing by which they have ever since been 
 known. For no one who has any knowledge of the island 
 is unacquainted with the " three legs " which are its arms ; 
 and it seems established that under the rule of the Scotch 
 these three legs superseded the ship, which had been the 
 constant emblem of its Norse conquerors. 
 
 The emblem is the more remarkable, because it was 
 associated in ancient times with another island, Sicily, which 
 was also the scene of Norse conquest. In Sicily, however, 
 1 Train, vol. i. p. 180. 
 
86 THE LAND OF HOME RULE, 
 
 the three legs are naked. In Man, since the fifteenth century, 
 they have been always encased in armour. 
 
 But the device was familiar to the ancients before it was 
 assumed as the national emblem of Sicily. It appears on the 
 Lycian coins, and was supposed to be emblematic of the name 
 of the conqueror (Harpagus), in whose family the government 
 was settled.^ Harpagus, by a play on words which was not 
 uncommon, might take the a^'n-dyji or grapphng-iron for his 
 standard, and the three prongs of the grappling-iron could 
 easily be developed into the triskele of the Greeks, the tri- 
 quetra of the Romans, and the three legs. 
 
 But the emblem had undoubtedly a still earlier origin, and 
 is usually and apparently with good reason referred to the sun- 
 worship of those who first used it. The sun would naturally, 
 in the first instance, be represented by a circle ; one stage 
 further, and the circle would become a wheel with a cross to 
 signify the spokes; the idea of motion would be given by 
 leaving out portions of the circumference ; and, if the spokes 
 were reduced from four to three, or if by a further process 
 the spokes themselves were curved, the triskele in its primi- 
 tive form would be visible. The process would be somewhat 
 as follows : — ■ 
 
 0®4^® ^^5^ 
 
 Signs such as these were undoubtedly employed both in 
 the East and the North. The third of these rude emblems is 
 known in India as the Suaskita, and among the Northmen as 
 the Fylfot. It was used by the Northmen as the emblem of 
 
 1 Rawlinson's Herodotus^ vol.- i. p. 250. 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 87 
 
 their god Thor, while the sixth of these figures was similarly 
 employed by them as the emblem of the sun-god, Frey. 
 
 It was not unnatural that such a symbol should be adopted 
 in Sicily as emblematical of the island ; for Sicily was Trina- 
 cria, the island with three promontories, the three-cornered 
 land, and the triskele became in consequence a natural and 
 suitable emblem of it. It was probably an equally easy 
 matter to turn the three curved lines into three legs. Those; 
 in fact, Tiho have the most rudimentary acquaintance with 
 the history of early art will understand how this was done, 
 and the evolution of the symbol from the rude circle of the 
 early sun-worshippers to the adoption of three legs as the arms 
 of Sicily becomes a sufificiently intelligible story. 
 
 But why was this emblem carried to Man,, gnd why,, as 
 seems equally certain, was it carried to Man at the end of the 
 thirteenth or at the beginning of the fourteenth century? Mr. 
 Newton is the latest writer who has attempted an elaborate 
 solution of this problem. He thinks that the emblem was 
 boriowed from Sicily, and that it was carried thence by some 
 of the Crusaders who may have touched at that island. " We 
 must not forget that Alexander's mother, a Norman-French 
 priftcess, married for her second husband the son of the 
 crusading King, of Jerusalem. In this way, then, a Scottish 
 king of the thirteenth century might have become acquainted 
 with the arms of Sicily." But Mr. Newton goes on to argue 
 that it is even more likely that he owed his acquaintance with 
 them to Norse influence. The Normans, two centuries before 
 the time of Alexander, had obtained firm footing in the South 
 of Italy. In the time of Alexander monarchs of the Norse 
 race occupied the Sicilian throne. A close intimacy existed 
 between the Northmen of Sicily and the Northmen of Eng- 
 land ; and Frederick IL, the most illustrious of these monarchs, 
 was connected by .marriage with the royal family of England. 
 
88 LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 •Nay, after the death of Alexander, the Pope offered the SiciHan 
 throne, to a younger son of Henry III., and considerable pre- 
 jparations were made for placing him on the throne. " Banners, 
 no doubt, with the three-legged symbol of Sicily, were duly 
 |)Lepared, and the Prince quartered the Sicilian arms with the 
 royal arms of England." 
 
 So far Mr. Newton's theory rings true. It may be fairly 
 conceded that he has made out a tolerable case for the carriage 
 of the three legs to London. But it is one thing to get them 
 to London — it is another thing to take them from London 
 through Edinburgh to Man. Hear, however, Mr. Newton's ex- 
 planation of this part of the subject. The arrangement between 
 the Pope and the king of England for seating Edmund on the 
 throne of Sicily was signed in 1255. In 1256 Alexander of 
 Scotland and his wife Margaret— Henry Ill's daughter — 
 paid a visit to the English court. There, it may readily 
 be admitted, the chief topic of conversation was Edmund's 
 prospects, while it is equally reasonable to suppose that Alex- 
 ander took a warm interest in the future of a prince who was 
 his own brother-in-law. It is even possible that his Queen 
 Margaret may have helped the ladies of the court in preparing 
 banners for her brother bearing the well-known triquetra. And 
 Mr. Nfewton thinks that ten years later, when Alexander won 
 his great victory at Largs, a victory which led indirectly to 
 the cession of the Isle of Man to Scotland, nothing could 
 be " more likely than that the king, when he struck the Nor- 
 wegian flag, should replace it by one bearing the picturesque 
 and striking device of Sicily, in an island having so many 
 points of resemblance with that of Man, over which his wife's 
 sister had ruled as queen, and her brother had been appointed 
 as: king." 1 
 ..Everything in this, theory satisfies the inquirer except the 
 
 ■ . • ■ ■ ' Manx Note-Book, pt. v. p. 7. 
 
vv 
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 89 
 
 conclusion. Why Alexander should have kept his three legs 
 in Edinburgh for at least a dozen years ; why he should then 
 have produced them and flung them to a little island whichj 
 with due respect to Mr. Newton, has few points of resemblance 
 to Sicily, is not easily explicable. But there is a further diffi- 
 culty connected with his explanation. There is no doubt that 
 some of the MacLeods also quarter the three legs in their 
 armorial bearings. It is very difficult to see how any of the 
 Macleods can have derived this emblem from the island after 
 the time of Alexander ; but it is very easy to see that they may 
 have derived the device thence before Alexander's reign, or 
 drawn it in common with the island from some common 
 source. For the island and the Western Isles of Scotland were 
 one kingdom. Olave the Black, Reginald's legitimate brother, 
 passed many years in the largest of these islands, which 
 Reginald allotted to him; and the arms of the MacLeods 
 must have been familiar to him, as his own arms must have 
 been familiar to the MacLeods. 
 
 The fact, then, that some of the MacLeods, as well as the 
 Lords of Man, quarter this quaint device, looks as if the Mac- 
 Leods had derived it from some old Norse King of the Isles, 
 or that some Norse King of the Isles had borrowed it from 
 the MacLeods ; or, as is perhaps more probable, that both had 
 taken it from some Norse chieftain, who perhaps himself had 
 found it in some expedition to Sicily. Recollecting Olave's 
 long residence in the Hebrides, perhaps it is not extravagant 
 to conjecture with Mr. Oswald that Olave himself may have 
 used this device ;i and, in that event, it seems not altogether 
 improbable that, in the battle which raged round Tynwald 
 Mount at the beginning of the thirteenth century,^ the fol- 
 lowers of Reginald may have fought under the ship; the 
 followers of Olave under the three legs. 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. v. p. 10. • ^ See ante, p. 69. 
 
90 - - THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Such conjectures, however, should not be put forward with 
 confidence. The writer of history, on the contrary, will always 
 do weir to bear in mind the caution of Schlegel : " Extremely 
 hazardous is the attempt to explain everything, and to supply 
 whatever appears a gap in history ; for in this propensity lies 
 the first cause and germ of all those violent and arbitrary 
 hypotheses which perplex and pervert the scenes of history far 
 more than the open avowal of our ignorance or the uncer- 
 tainty of our knowledge." ^ With this caution, it is better to 
 confess that all we know for certain is that the three legs were 
 used as the emblem of Man in the fourteenth century, that they 
 may probably have come into use in the thirteenth century, 
 and that they were presumably derived from Sicily. Whether 
 Alexander gave them to his Manx subjects, or whether Olave 
 adopted them from some Norse chieftain, it is beyond our 
 capacity to determine. 
 
 In the earlier representations which have come down to us 
 the three legs were unarmoured and without spurs, but the 
 armour and spurs seem soon to have been added. The motto 
 which is now connected with the symbol, " Quoeunque jeceris 
 (or, as it seems to have originally been written, "gesse'ris") 
 stabit," Was also a later addition. Its meaning has been ex' 
 plained by a local poet •.^- 
 
 " Reacter, fhou^'st seen a falling caf 
 Light always on his kgs so pat- ; 
 A shuttlecock will still descend, . 
 Meeting the ground with nether end. 
 The persevering Manxman thus, 
 A shuttlecock or pauvre puss, 
 However through the world he's tost, 
 However disappointed, crost, 
 Reverses, losses, fortune's frown, 
 No chance nor change can keep him down. 
 
 1- Schlegfl's Philosophy of History, p. 7. 
 
STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND, (ft 
 
 Upset him any way you will, 
 Upon his legs you find him still ; 
 For ever active, brisk, and spunkey, 
 Stabit, jeceris, quocunque." i 
 
 The difSculty of relating the history of the three legs is 
 increased by the circumstance that the Manx never possessed 
 a coinage till the end of the seventeenth century. Up to that 
 time leather money, which was perhaps a primitive form of 
 paper money, appears to have been in use. In 1668 the then 
 tJovernor of the island, John Murray, issued a copper coinage, 
 which bore on one side the name of the Governor and the 
 date, and on the other side the three legs and the motto. In 
 1709, and in later years, the Derbys issued a copper coinage; 
 and this coinage, which is singularly handsome, bears the 
 Derby crest and their motto, "Sans changer," on one face, 
 and the three legs and the Manx motto en the other. Waldron 
 declared of this coinage that the true construction of the one 
 motto was, " Carry me where you will, it won't go or pass," 
 and of the other, "There is no change to be got." 
 
 The history of the three legs has, however, led us far from 
 the subject-matter of the present chapter. It has been the 
 object of it to piece together, so far as was possible, the little 
 that is known of the history of the island during the century 
 when Scotch and English contended for its mastery. Through- 
 out it the historian finds little firm ground to tread on. The 
 double conquest of the Montacutes, which is assumed to have 
 taken place, is, it is fair to add, rather inferred than proved. 
 The exact nature of the claims of Mary, the representative of 
 Reginald, and of Alfrica, the representative of Magnus, is open 
 to dispute. The union of the claims in Sir W. Montacute 
 cannot be authoritatively demonstrated. On all these points 
 differences of opinion may fairly be entertained ; but the 
 
 ' Manx Soc, Pub., vol. xvil. p. 21. 
 
92 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 general course of Manx history is only intelligible on some 
 such theory as that which has been propounded in this chapter. 
 Assuming the various writs of the Edwards to be trustworthy, 
 and they form the best evidence that is procurable, it seems 
 hopeless to devise any other explanation. But from the acces- 
 sion of the House of Stanley the historian reaches a little firmer 
 ground; the written records of Ihe island commence, and 
 Manx statutes are reduced to writing. The history is still 
 obscure, the ground still quakes beneath the student's feet; 
 but here and there, at any rate, he is able to take his stand on 
 some solid piece of evidence, and to survey from this vantage- 
 point the condition of the island. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. 
 
 During the many centuries which had passed from the 
 legendary age of Mananan Beg to the final predominance 
 of the English, the rulers of the little Island of Man had 
 frequently played a great part, but its people can have rarely 
 enjoyed any real prosperity. The island was in turns wasted 
 by the attacks of its enemies and the exactions of its own 
 kings. The blood of its people was shed in expeditions to 
 Ireland or to Western Scotland, in which they had no direct 
 .concern, or in civil struggles between rival candidates for its 
 :throne, who, whether they succeeded or failed, were equally 
 insensible to the true interests of their subjects. In such 
 circumstances the island became a desolate waste. Its inha- 
 .bitants, lodged in miserable dwellings, gained a precarious 
 livelihood from the imperfect cultivation of its soil, or from an 
 intermittent prosecution of its fisheries. Trade languished, 
 or rather degenerated into piracy, and the island became— 
 as the first Edward described it, " desolata et multis miseriis 
 occupata." 
 
 " Such a state of things was fatal to the cause of freedom. 
 The traditions of the Tynwald still survived among the people ; 
 the Taxiaxi, or Keys, were still remembered ; but it seems 
 probable that for many centuries Tynwalds were held at only 
 distant intervals, and that the Keys were never chosen at all. 
 "Also we give for kw"— so the Legislature could declare 
 in 1422, when the Stanleys had already been nearly twenty 
 
94 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 years in possession — "that there were never twenty-four Keys ■ 
 in certainty, since they were first that were called Taxiaxi ; 
 those were twenty-four free-houlders, viz., eight in the out 
 isles and sixteen in your land of Mann ; and that was in King 
 Orrye's days ; but since they have riot been in certainty." 
 Centuries of misrule had forced the Legislature itself to ac- 
 knowledge that its own constitution was a thing of doubt. 
 
 But while the land decayed, and government forgot its true 
 functions, one class maintained and increased its superiority. 
 The Manx, before their conversion, had been a superstitious 
 people ; and ignorant nations do not easily put off the old 
 superstitions when they put on the dress of a new religion. 
 Priestcraft had been the foundation of the old Druidical power : 
 priestcraft was practised by the Christian missionaries, who 
 scattered their cabbals and keeills through every parish in the 
 island. These were the days, be it recollected, when even in 
 large countries the power of Rome was at its height'; when 
 men, at the preaching of a Roman monk, repaired in thousands 
 to lay down their lives in a crusade against the Mussulman, 
 or sought to purchase happiness in another world by devoting 
 on their deathbeds their property in this world to the Church. 
 These were the days when a dread of the consequences of 
 ecclesiasticism inspired in England the legislation of a second 
 Henry and a first Edward; and in the little island in the 
 Irish Sea, every Bishop was a Becket, and no ruler had 
 hitherto proved himself a Henry. The Church accordingly 
 was able to grasp the property and devour the' substance of 
 the people. Bitterly as they suffered from the foreign expedi- 
 tions and civil warfare of successive sovereigns, they probably 
 laboured more severely under the grasping exactions of their 
 spiritual chiefs. 
 
 The Church had succeeded in obtaining a large portion of 
 the land in its own hands. The barons of Man, in the old 
 
THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. 9-5 
 
 days, seem to have been exclusively composed of ecclesiastics, 
 resident and non-resident. Tiie Bishop, the Abbot of Rushen, 
 the Prioress of Dx)ug]as, the Prior of ^^'hithorne in Gallowavj 
 tlie Abbot of Furnace (Furness), the Abbot of Bangor, the 
 Abbot of Saball, the Prior of St. Beads (St. Bees) are 
 mentioned in a statute^ of 1422 as the Barons of the island.^ 
 The Abbey of Rushen alone is computed to have possessed 
 99^ quarterlands, sixty-six mills, and seventy-seven Abbey 
 cottages J ^ and the Abbot's territorial possessions were small 
 compared with his other powers. " The Abbot, in right of 
 his lands, was authorised to hold ' courts leet and baron,' 
 
 in which his seneschal or steward sat as chief judge 
 
 If an Abbey tenant cohimitted a capital crime, and was 
 committed for the same in the Lord's court, the steward 
 of the Abbey lands could annul the sentence, and chal- 
 lenge the criminal from thence, to have his trial and con- 
 fiscation in the Abbey court." * But the power of the Abbot 
 was less than that of the Bishop. Even in Tudor times, 
 when he had been shorn of mucli of his authority, the 
 Bishop had a seat in the Council, in the Court of Chancery, 
 and in the Court of Exchequer. But, in addition to these 
 privileges, he had the right of appointing two judges of 
 his own — Vicars-General — who had jurisdiction in all 
 ecclesiastical affairs, and in all matters relating to wills, the 
 administration of the debts of dead persons, the effects of 
 
 1 In addition to tlie Religious Orders, whose superiors were barons, tlie 
 Friary of'Bymalcen had been founded in Kirk Arbory by William de Montacute 
 in 1:367. The lands given to the Order did not form a separate manor, but 
 were part of the lands of the manor of Man, which was held by the I^ord, and 
 to him was payable in respect of them an annual quit-rent of twenty shillings 
 (Sir J. Gell, in Manx Society Publications, vol. xii. p. 54). The Friary still 
 gives its name to a farm at Arbory, and the ruins of the old building may still 
 be seen there. 
 
 2 Man.x Statutes, vol. i. p. 20. ^ Feltham, Tour in Man, p. 272. 
 
 * Train, vol. ii. pp. 2, 3. 
 
96 THE:LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 niJhors, and alimony. The Vicars-General, though frequently 
 palled on ,to decide the nicest legal questions, were almost 
 .always , Clergymen : they had the power of punishing the 
 slightest offence by imprisonment in the Bishop's or ecclesi- 
 astical prison. The Bishop had'his own gallows and juris- 
 diction of life, and limb.^ 
 
 ' In fact, during the frequent absence of the sovereign or his 
 deputy, the Bishop had become the most important personage 
 in the island. Like the other great ecclesiastical dignitaries, 
 he was bound to do homage to the King, and even to hold the 
 King's stirrup when the King mounted atTynwald.^ But these 
 occasional functions did not detract from his position or influ- 
 ence. So lately as the middle of the eighteenth century, 
 indeed, no pne was allowed to approach the Bishop except on 
 his knees ; and the parish clerk was subject to severe punish- 
 ment if he neglected to ring the bells of the parish church 
 when, the Bishop happened to pass through the parish.^ 
 
 The power which Bishop and Church had obtained had been 
 derived from many sovereigns, but was chiefly due to the policy 
 of Olave Kleining and Magnus. The former of these sove- 
 reigns had granted the lands on wliich Rushen Abbey had 
 been built, and with which it had been endowed ; the latter 
 had given the Island of Peel, with all its appurtenances, and 
 the village of Killcrast (the parish of Kirk Christ, Lezayre) to 
 the Bishop. Olave, too, had transferred the appointment of 
 the Bishop to " the Church of the Blessed Mary of Furness," 
 and had thus deprived the secular power of all voice in the 
 election of the spiritual lord of the island. Magnus gave the 
 ■Bishop "all kinds of mines of lead and iron that may be 
 discovered " in the island ; and endowed him with authority 
 of life and limb.* 
 
 ' Train, pp. 12, 13. 2 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 15. 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 16. i Manx Soc. Pub., vol. iii. pp. 141-143. 
 
THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. gf 
 
 But, if the Church owed much to the gifts of the sovereign, 
 it owed still more to the exactions of its own rulers. The 
 written laws of the island only date from the fifteenth cen- 
 tury, but the written laws of the Manx Church carry us back 
 to a period nearly two centuries earlier. Bishop Simon is 
 usually known as the founder of the Cathedral of St. Germans, 
 and the visitors who flock in their tens of thousands to Peel 
 are all familiar with the memorial-stone which has been placed 
 over the remains supposed to be those of this prelate. But 
 the Bishop deserves much more to be remembered for the 
 Synodal Statutes of 1229, which contain about as an elaborate 
 a scheme of taxation as the wit of prelate or statesman ever 
 devised. 
 
 By these statutes a fee of thirty-two pence was payable to 
 the Bishop on the proving of each will; the effects of an 
 intestate were directed to be administered by the Bishop or 
 the Vicar-General. The best animal of the deceased was pay- 
 able to the Church as a funeral due ; and, in addition, the 
 Church had the choice of the deceased's clothes, or a fee of 
 three shillings and sixpence. If the man's estate was insuffi- 
 cient for these payments, his- garments of every sort were to 
 be taken, and every fifth penny from his free goods ; and his 
 executor,! ^vhen in possession of sufficient effects, was to pay 
 the mortuary, or to forfeit one fifth penny of his free goods. 
 The executor also was to satisfy all claims of the priest, the 
 clerk, and the Church. If a man or woman died without 
 effects, the next of kin were to satisfy priest and clerk. 
 
 In addition to this taxation on the dead. Bishop Simon's 
 statutes contained minute regulations for the payment of tithes 
 on grain, on dairy produce, on bullocks, calves, swine, geese, 
 and chickens, and for the taxation of weavers for the benefit 
 
 1 The Gilbogus, or the Gillie Bogus, the servant or representative of the 
 deceased. 
 
 G 
 
98 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 of the Church. His successor, Mark, improved this fiscal 
 machinery. Driven from the island by the discontent of the 
 people, he succeeded in getting it placed under an interdict, 
 and on his return, in consideration of the interdict being 
 removed, exacted a fine of one penny from every house with a 
 fireplace. The original fine was probably grievous enough, 
 but the Church succeeded in converting a special fine into a 
 customary grant ; for the old Manx chronicle adds that this 
 grant is still made to every succeeding Bishop returning from 
 the Isles. 1 
 
 "From Marcus to Bishop Duncan, who died in '1380," so 
 wrote Mr. Mackenzie,^ " was the triumphant century of the 
 Papacy in Man. Regal and popular opposition suppressed ; 
 . . . clerical synods making forty-five new canons to govern 
 themselves and the laity ; tithes extorted from the rectors of 
 parishes, and not only from all natives, but also from aliens at 
 the herring-fishing ; twenty shillings extorted as procuration 
 from the churches of Man." ^ 
 
 At the time of the accession of the House of Stanley, the 
 Church had the tithe of all corn, hay, lambs, calves, colts, 
 geese, poultry, eggs, fish — whether caught on the coasts or at 
 sea — wool, honey, butter, cheese, and other commodities. 
 The farmer was not allowed to haul corn or hay without notice 
 to the proctor ; the parson was permitted to stack the tithe 
 corn in the husbandman's haggard. The Church claimed, in 
 lieu of a tithe on ale, certain "pottles " of ale at each brewing. 
 Most of the tithe was easily collected. Some of it, like the 
 
 ' Manx Soc. Pub., vol. ix. pp. 176-201, and vol. xxii. p. 117. 
 
 - Ibid., vol. iii. p. 144. 
 
 3 The Manx Chronicle says that Thomas, a Scotchman, who died in 13481 
 was the first Bishop who " exacted from the churches of Man twenty shillings 
 (salidos) for visitation dues ; " and " also the first who exacted from the paro- 
 chial rectors tithes received by them from strangers engaged in the herring- 
 fishing" (Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxii. p. 119). 
 
THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. gg 
 
 tithe on butter and cheese, was more easily evaded. The 
 law required that twenty-four hours' milking should be set 
 apart in every month from May to October.i The tithe 
 cheese or butter was to be delivered to the parson in church ; 
 and the clergy insisted on its payment on the Sabbath-day, 
 and upon the altar. This " indecent order," as it was called 
 in the seventeenth century, led to " great contentions " be- 
 tween the ministers and proctors on the one part, and the 
 people on the other part, the people being put to their oaths on 
 trivial matters. But there was a still more "indecent and 
 irreverent use by the proctor and clergy when they collect 
 these small tithes and offering-money at Easter ; they demand 
 the same at the time when the people are to receive the com- 
 munion, and sometimes will stop the people from receiving 
 the blessed sacrament because they have not paid these 
 duties." 2 
 
 These, however, were some of the more regular exactions 
 of the Church. All men of occupation (except apprentices), 
 " of whatsoever science they be," were required to pay a tithe of 
 twopence a year. When a man married a woman with goods, 
 the clergy claimed that they ought to have certain moneys of 
 such marriage goods in lieu of tithe. When man or woman 
 having property died, the clergy claimed a corse present of 
 twenty shillings. The executors had further to surrender the 
 best beast or horse the deceased possessed, or to pay a fine of 
 six shillings. The clergy had the option of taking the dead 
 person's best clothes, or three shillings and fourpence in money. 
 When a child died, unable from its years to make a will, his 
 property could not pass to his brothers and sisters without a 
 
 1 Where the farmer made neither butter nor cheese, he was' to pay twopence 
 for every milk cow, one penny for every fallow cow, twopence for every eight 
 sheep, and twopence for every four goats (Statutes of the Isle of Man, vol. i, 
 p. 42). 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 97, 
 
loo THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 fine of three shillings and fourpence to the Church. No one 
 was allowed to make a will without the help of a clergyman. 
 The clergy commonly charged a shilling for writing it. No one 
 cquld prove a will without paying two shillings and eightpence 
 to the Bishop.i 
 
 So much for the clergy. The parish clerk, in his turn, had 
 his right to his wages, fourpence on every plough, or, when the 
 parishioner had no plough, one penny on his chimney. He 
 was entitled to a corse present of twenty-one pence on the 
 death of every man, and of seventeen pence on the death of 
 every woman. His silver on the south side of tlie island was 
 twelve pence, and on the north side fifteen pence. And if 
 man or woman died, and the estate was insufiScient to pay the 
 clerk's silver, the next of kin were liable, " because if the party 
 which departed were wealthy and made no will, they should 
 be his executors." ^ 
 
 Ecclesiastical discipline was enforced with the utmost rigour, 
 and the clergy had a pecuniary interest in enforcing it. " It 
 hath been accustomed the ordinary to take for every citation 
 sixpence, for every suspension one and sixpence, and for ex- 
 communication two and sixpence ; and, if the excommunicated 
 will not appear, it hath been used to send for a soldier to 
 bring the offender to the Bishop's prison; also, when any 
 great offence is worthy excommunication, then the ordinary 
 hath been used to take for the excommunication, absolution, 
 and receiving all such persons into the Church again, ten 
 shillings."' 
 
 These powers were not nugatory. In every parish there 
 were four wardens, whose duty it was to keep order in church 
 and to keep' the church fences in repair. In addition to the 
 
 1 Statutes of the Isle of Man, vol. i. pp. 29, 30, 45, 94, 
 
 2 Ibid., vol; i. p. 45. 
 8 Ibid. , p. 46. 
 
THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. loi 
 
 wardens, there were sumners, with a sumner-general at their 
 head, who were the officers of the Consistorial Courts, who 
 collected the tithes, and who were required on Sundays to 
 stand at the church doors during divine service and whip away 
 the dogs. More than three centuries afterwards, when many 
 of these gross abuses had been reformed, Lord Chancellor 
 King declared that, if the ancient discipline of the Church was 
 lost, it might be found in all its purity in the Isle of Man.i It 
 may be charitably hoped that Lord Chancellor King had only 
 a superficial acquaintance with the discipline which he was 
 pleased to mark with his approval. 
 
 Thus, when the House of Stanley succeeded to the throne of 
 their little kingdom of Man, the striking feature in the island 
 was the weakness of the civil and the strength of the ecclesi- 
 astical government. The Church had its written laws ; the 
 State could not show a written document. The Church had 
 its synods; the State had suffered its Tynwald to- drop into 
 disuse. The Church levied its regular exactions ; the State in 
 all probability had no revenue except the rents which the Lord 
 received from his tenants. It was evident that the first func- 
 tions of any good government were to restore the institutions 
 of the State, and at the same time to curb the intolerable pre- 
 tensions of the Church. 
 
 The first stroke was already prepared. In the fourteenth 
 century the Bishops had been elected by the Abbey of Rushen. 
 In the grants to the Percys and the Stanleys they were ex- 
 pressly given the patronage of the bishopric. This gift was 
 very noteworthy. Selden, writing two centuries later, says that 
 the patronage of a bishopric is such a special mark of royalty 
 in a subject as hath not at this day, nor for divers ages hath had, 
 any [other] example in any territory of the crown of England.^ 
 
 1 Feltham, Tour in Man, Manx Soc. Pub., vii. 95. 
 
 2 Selden's Titles of Honour, quoted in Manx Soc Pub., vol. iv. p. iioi 
 
102 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 But the transfer of the patronage of the See had a deeper 
 significance. The new rulers could take care that men should 
 be chosen subservient to their authority. It was indispensable 
 for the State, in the contest which it was about to enter upon, 
 that the Church should not be represented by prelates ex- 
 pressly chosen to resist the civil power. 
 
 And it so happened that the family to whom the crown had 
 been granted was one identified with the cause of Government 
 and opposed to the pretensions of Rome. Sir John Stanley 
 was one of the foremost persons in the court of Henry IV. 
 His marriage with the heiress of Lathom had increased his 
 influence and wealth, and few men stood higher in their sove- 
 reign's estimation. His reputation was so high, however, that 
 he was required for more important work than the government 
 of Man, and, as a matter of fact, he was forced to pass much 
 of his time in Ireland, of which he was three times made Lord 
 Lieutenant. In these circumstances it cannot positively be 
 affirmed that he ever came to the island ; but he seems to have 
 chosen as his deputy one Michael Blundell, a man apparently 
 of some originality, since he was the first to reduce the laws 
 which were made to writing. ^ 
 
 It was not, however, till after the death of Sir John Stanley 
 in 141 3 or 141 4, and the accession of his son, another Sir 
 John, that serious steps were taken to remedy the gross evils 
 which resulted from the predominance of the Church and the 
 decay of the civil powers. In 141 7 Sir John crossed over to 
 the island, and on his departure left two commissioners — 
 Thurstan de Tyldesley and Roger Haysnap— to whom he dele- 
 gated his full powers, constituting them auditors to examine 
 all the accounts of " all myn officers, mynestres, and servants," 
 
 1 " And as to the writing of laws, there was never any written since King 
 Orrye's days, but in the time of Michael Blundell, that we have knowledge of." 
 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. ii. 
 
THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. 103 
 
 authorising them "to here and to determyn" all manner of 
 treasons, felonyes, and ofifences, " as well at myn avvne sute as 
 at the sute of parties;" and declaring "firm and stabull" 
 whatever they might order or do; and he further com- 
 manded his lieutenant, the bishop, the abbots, the deemsters, 
 barons, and all other loyall and true men, to be attendant and 
 obedient to the foresaid Thurstan and Roger, upon the payne 
 that hereto falls. Armed with this commission, Thurstan and 
 Roger summoned the Deemsters and the twenty-four Keys, and 
 made an indenture with them abolishing at one stroke the 
 right of sanctuary. Thenceforward, if any one committed 
 treason, felony, or other offence, and fled from the land of the 
 Lord to the liberties of the barons, he might be required to 
 return to take his trial ; and if any of the barons retained the 
 offender on pretext of his or her liberty, or from any other 
 cause whatever, "he shall forfeit to the Lord for every such 
 offence of retention, sixty shillings, and shall answer for the 
 body of the aforesaid transgressor at the prison of the Lord 
 of Man, and this under penalty of forfeiture of all his liberties 
 possessed in Man." 1 
 
 This indenture ^ effectually asserted the superiority of the 
 civil power. The great ecclesiastical barons were deprived by 
 it of the privilege of sheltering transgressors against the Lord. 
 Sir John Stanley, however, thought that he would effect his 
 purpose still better if he did something to impress the people, 
 and he accordingly asked the Deemsters and Keys to lay down 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 3. The indenture is dated i8th January 
 1417. In modern style it should plainly be 1418. The date of the old year 
 was commonly carried on in official documents till the following Lady Day. 
 
 2 The form which this law takes is remarkable. It is not a statute, but an 
 indenture. The Legislature had so far declined that Roger and Thurstan 
 could hardly appeal to it to declare the law. Instead of doing so, they made 
 an indenture {an agreement) with the heads of the Church. 
 
104 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 minute regulations for the conduct of the Lord at Tynwald. 
 Their answer is memorable. The Lord was to come thither 
 in royal array, as a king ought to do. He was to sit upon the 
 Hill of Tynwald on a chair covered with a royal cloth and 
 cushions, with his visage to the east, his sword before him, 
 holden with the point upward. And " the Chief Coroner shall 
 make afifence upon paine of life and lyme that noe man shall 
 make any disturbance in the time of Tinwald, or any murmur 
 or rising in the King's presence upon paine of hanging and 
 drawing." The barons who had not already done so were to 
 make their "faith and fealtie;" the commoners were to show 
 their charters how they hold of you ; and if any of the barons 
 were out of the land, they were to have the space of forty 
 days, " and to make faith and fealtie, if wind and weather 
 served them, or else to cease their temporalities into your 
 hands." 
 
 And these provisions were no empty form. In 1422 Sir 
 John Stanley was again in the island, and held a Tynwald on 
 the Vigil of our Lady St. Mary (24th March) at Castle Rushen, 
 and at Kirk Michael, upon the Hill of Reneurling, in Novem- 
 ber. The legislation adopted at the first court will be imme- 
 diately considered. The second- court was held in special 
 circumstances. A few weeks before, John Walton, the Lieu- 
 tenant of the island, had been sitting in court at Kirk Michael, 
 when one Hawley MTssacke, with others, rose upon Walton 
 to kill him, and " did beat and misuse the Lieutenant's men." 
 Some of MTssacke's accomplices seem to have declared that 
 they would put down the Lieutenant and the laws of the land ; 
 and it may be inferred, therefore, that the rebellion, if the 
 word is not too large for the theatre, was prompted by a dislike 
 of the new rule ; that the men who were charged with it had 
 fled for sanctuary to the heart of the Bishop's liberty ; and that 
 
THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. 105 
 
 they were probably sheltered by the Bishop. At any rate, 
 Stanley decided'-on proving once for all the strength of the 
 new civil power which he had virtually created. In surrimon- 
 ing a Tynwald upon the Hill of Reneurling, he ventured into 
 the neighbourhood of the rising and the territory of the Bishop. 
 He opened the proceedings by compelling the Bishop himself, 
 the Abbot of Rushen, and the Prioress of Douglas, to do him 
 fealty, and by calling on the absentee barons to come in their 
 proper persons within forty days, and, if they come not, to 
 lose all their temporalities ; ^ and he then, with the aid of the 
 Deemster, proceeded to try M'Issacke and his accomplices, 
 and adjudged them to be drawn, hanged, beheaded, and 
 quartered ; one quarter to be set upon the Castle Tower over 
 the Burne, another quarter at Halland Towne (Holme Town 
 or Peel), the third quarter to be set at Ramsey, and the fourth 
 at Douglas.^ 
 
 These prompt and strong measures proved that the civil 
 power had regained its superiority, and that it was prepared to 
 repress and punish any revolt against its authority. And the 
 same thing was plain from the code of laws which were enacted 
 during the same year. Some of these merely amplified the inden- 
 ture which had already been concluded abolishing the right of 
 sanctuary ; others of them specified the offences which consti- 
 tuted an act of treason ; others of them defined the form of out- 
 lawry, forbade the return of the outlaw to the island, and prevented 
 the Bishop, Abbot, or other baron from sheltering the outlaw. 
 Others, again, made violence on the King's highway a capital 
 offence; others regulated the payment of rents, and prescribed 
 
 1 There is some reason for thinking that the barony of St. Trinians, belong- 
 ing to the Abbey of Whithorn, was actually forfeited in this year in consequence 
 of the failure of the Abbot to do fealty. Manx. Soc. Pub., vol. iii. p. 176. 
 
 ' Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. pp. 6, 21. 
 
Io6 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the duties of the King's tenants in providing his garrisons or 
 carrying his turf; others directed watch and ward to be kept 
 through the island, prescribed the arms that the soldier should 
 carry, and forbade the introduction of women into the Lord's 
 castles at Castletown and Peel. But the laws of most signifi- 
 cance were those which regulated the government on the one 
 hand, and those which curbed the power of the Church on 
 the other. 
 
 On the first point it was now declared that "without the 
 Lord's will none of the twenty-four Keys to be." ^ In other 
 words, the Lord was given a veto on the choice of each 
 Key; and for 440 years after this law was enacted this 
 veto was exercised. On a vacancy occurring in the House, 
 the Keys nominated two men to the Lord or the Lieutenant, 
 and the Lord or the Governor selected one of the two. The 
 Lord thus obtained and exercised authority in the constitution 
 of the lower branch of the Legislature. At the same time the 
 Lieutenant was invested, as the Lord's representative, with the 
 full authority of the Lord. The Council and Deemsters were 
 to aid the Lieutenant in all cases of difficulty. Sworn officers 
 were made liable to a penalty of ;£^ for revealing the Lord's 
 counsel. They were to " be true principally to the Lord and 
 the laws of the land, to be governed duely and truely betwixt 
 the Lord and his commons, and betwixt party and party, 
 without rigour, fraud, or colour." And the Deemsters were to 
 " give their judgments at their perills, saving ever the Lord's 
 prerogatives."^ And, in order to settle the law, proceedings 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 11. In 1430, however, six men were chosen 
 by all the commons from each of the six sheadings (ibid. , p. 23) ; and Train 
 assumes that the twenty-four were selected by the Governor out of the thirty- 
 six (vol. i. p. 164). This is the nearest recorded, approach to a popular electioa 
 till 1867. 
 
 - Ibid., p. 13, 
 
THE RULE OF THE TWO FIRST STANLEYS. 107 
 
 were in future to be reduced to writing by the " Clearke of 
 the Rowles," who was to write all things plain in full letters, 
 that if any like cause come another time, it may be of 
 remembrance in the Treasury.^ By a subsequent statute, in 
 1429, trial by combat was abolished, and it was directed that 
 matters be determined by God and the country instead of by 
 prowess.^ 
 
 Still more striking were the restrictions on the Church. By 
 abolishing the right of sanctuary, civil offenders had already 
 been brought under the civil power. By the 31st article 
 of the Code of 1422 clerical offenders were made liable to 
 heavy penalties for offences against the Lord's officers. The 
 sumner, the chief officer of the Church, was to levy the fines ; 
 but, if he failed to do so, the Lord's officers were authorised 
 to "goe in and take distresse." At the same time the Bishop 
 and Abbot were forbidden to receive any stranger within 
 their houses without the knowledge of the Lieutenant, and 
 the Abbot from sheltering monk or priest without license 
 from the Lord. 
 
 The legislation which has thus shortly been described is 
 remarkable for the courage which inspired it in the age in 
 which it was promulgated, for in 1422 the Church of Rome 
 was still at the height of its power. In England sanctuary 
 still existed ; clerical offenders were not liable to be tried by 
 the civil power ; monasteries were unreformed ; and no one 
 had ventured to interfere with their right to shelter strangers. 
 And yet, in his little kingdom of Man, which had not been 
 
 ' Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 18. 1 
 
 2 The Clerk of the Rolls does not seem to have written this word ' ' full 
 in plain letters," for in 1645 Tynwald declared, "Whereas by the Statute 
 Book, Fol. 4, the word Proves is used, which is not understood by many, it is 
 now declared that the true meaning thereof is that the said word Proves is 
 meant Prowesse or Combate." 
 
io8 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 vested in his family for a generation, and in which the Church 
 had hitherto exercised a predominant sway, Stanley anticipated 
 the legislation which was only carried in England in later cen- 
 turies. His laws afiford striking evidence that he was both 
 wise and bold, and that he left an enduring mark on the island 
 of which he was the autocratic sovereign. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 
 
 From the death of the second Sir John Stanley in 1432, the 
 Isle of Man almost disappears from history for a hundred 
 years. Sir John's successors had work to do which diverted 
 their attention from the little island which owed them allegiance. 
 His son, Sir Thomas, the first Lord Stanley, was employed in 
 Ireland and France; and though tradition runs, and Shake- 
 speare has preserved the tradition, that he was directed to take 
 the Duchess of Gloucester, who was alleged to have compassed 
 Henry "VI. 's death by witchcraft, and hold her prisoner in the 
 Isle of Man, there is no eyidence that Sir Thomas was ever in 
 the island, and there is some little doubt whether the Duchess 
 of Gloucester was ever taken there.^ Lord Stanley died in 
 
 1 Eleanor, Duchess of Gloucester, was the wife of Humphrey, Duke of 
 Gloucester (who was executed in 1447), one of the younger sons of Henry IV., 
 and therefore uncle of Henry VI. The Duchess was accused of making a 
 waxen image of the King, and, according to the theory of the age, the King 
 was to waste away as the image gradually melted. Her accomplices were 
 sentenced to death. 
 
 " The witch in Smithfield shall be burned to asheSi 
 And you three shall be strangled on the gallows." 
 Then Henry, turning to the Duchess, adds — 
 
 "You, madam, for you are more nobly born, 
 Despoiled of your honour in your life. 
 Shall, after three days open penance done. 
 Live in your country here in banishment. 
 With Sir John Stanley in the Isle of Man," 
 
 — Shakespeare, Hmry IV., Pt. It Act ii. sc. 3. 
 As a fact, she appears to have been condemned to imprisonment for life in 1441. 
 
tio THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 1459. His son and successor was the well-known statesman 
 who turned the tide at Bosworth, and who — married to the 
 mother of Henry VH. — became necessarily one of the fore- 
 most personages at the English court. He was raised to the 
 Earldom of Derby in 1485. But he too, occupied with the 
 affairs of England, had little leisure to attend to his kingdom of 
 Man; and, from his accession in 1459 to his death in 1504, 
 he rarely or never visited the island. 
 
 On Lord Derby's death in 1504, he was succeeded by his 
 grandson Thomas, the second Earl. At that time Henry VII. 
 had been nearly twenty years on the throne, and was probably , 
 a little intolerant of great nobles as subjects who claimed the 
 titles of kings. Lord Derby, at any rate, thought it politic to 
 drop the rank by which his ancestors had been distinguished, 
 and believing that " to be a great lord is a more honourable 
 
 (Ellis Letters, 2nd series, i. 107 ; Devon, Issues of Exchequer, p. 440), to 
 have been sent as far as Chester on her way to the island, but in 1443 taken 
 back to Kenilworth (Rymer's Fosdera, xi. 45). A liberal allowance was given 
 her (Devon, Issues of Exchequer, p. 447). In 1446, when her husband fell 
 into disgrace, hei removal tothe Isle of Man wasjragain ordered (Nicolas, 
 Proceedings of Privy Council, vi. 51). I owe these references to Professor 
 Ramsay's^work on York and Lancaster, &c. , vol. ii. p. 35, where, however, the 
 reference to the Ellis Letters is misprinted, vol. ii. There is no actual 
 evidence that the order of 1446 was obeyed ; but the tradition in the island is 
 that the Duchess was kept there in captivity for fourteen years. Cf. Oliver's 
 Monumenta, in Manx Soc. Pub, , vol. ix. p. 19, where the order of the Privy 
 Council directing the writ for her removal to issue is published. The Mauthe 
 Dhoo, or black dog, which was alleged to haunt Peel Castle, and whose 
 etymology, oddly enough, puzzled Sir Walter Scott (see Preface to Peveril of 
 the Peak), was supposed to be the spectre of the Duchess. Thomas Beauchamp, 
 Earl of Warwick, seems to have been confined in the island under an order of 
 Richard II. The fact of his imprisonment is recorded on his monument in 
 St. Mary's Church, Warwick, Lord Wiltshire was paid ^^1074 for taking 
 him, and for the support of the said Earl, and also for the costs and e.xpenses 
 of divers Irish hostages in his custody after the King's coming from Ireland. 
 Devon, Issues of Exchequer, p. 271, and see Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xvi. p. 203. 
 See in the same volume, p. 48, ' ' The Lamentable Fall of the Great Duchess of 
 Gloucester," reprinted from the Percy Ballads from the edition of 1659. 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. iii 
 
 title than a petty king," i assumed the title of Lord of Man. 
 Thenceforward, till the revestment in 1765, the Isle of Man 
 had no more kings. Its sovereigns were uniformly styled 
 Lords. 
 
 If, however, he abandoned the title of king, Lord Derby 
 did not give up the rights of sovereignty. The people of 
 Galloway, on the adjacent shores of Scotland, seem to have 
 maintained a hereditary feud with the Manx. Lord Derby 
 raised a force, crossed over to Kirkcudbrightshire, and harried 
 the country. As the old Manx ballad said — 
 
 " On Scotchmen he revenged himself, 
 And he went over to Kirkcudbright, 
 And there made such havoc of houses 
 That some of them are yet unroofed." 
 
 And the author, who was a contemporary of Lord Derby's, for 
 he wrote — 
 
 " I leave the man who cometh after me 
 
 To praise him as he will find him worth, 
 When his crest will be laid in the grave," 
 
 goes on to say — 
 
 "In one thousand five hundred and seven. 
 
 And it was in the month of May, 
 lie came on' shore at Derbyhaven, 
 
 And put a fiiU end to the commotion of the people. 
 Such a house as he kept himself, 
 
 For a king, or down to a low degree, 
 People near saw for countless years, 
 
 Neither will again in our days."- 
 
 Thomas, second Earl of Derby, died in 1522. At the time 
 
 1 The expression of the seventh Earl in his letter to his son. Manx Soc. 
 Pub., vol. iii. p. 20i 
 
 2 Train, vol. i. pp. 54, SS- Sir J. Gell (Manx Soc. Pub;, vol. xii. p. 33) says 
 it is "by no means certain" whether this Thomas, Lord Derby, ever visited 
 the island. The old ballad, however, seems to make this tolerably plain. . 
 
112 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 of his death, his eldest son, Edward, was a minor ; and during 
 his minority his affairs were left under the guardianship of 
 the Lieutenant-Governor and Bishop of the island, the Arch- 
 bishop of York, the Chancellor of England, and others, i 
 But, though Lord Derby made these careful arrangements 
 for the guardianship of his son, he neglected to make ade- 
 quate provision for the support of his widow. Lady Derby 
 appealed to Henry VIII. for a dower; but it was held by 
 the King's Council that the Isle of Man, being no part of 
 England, and not being governed by English laws, it was out 
 of their power to interfere in her behalf by granting her a 
 dowry out of the revenue of the island.^ Lady Derby's claim 
 had thus the effect of obtaining a decision from the highest 
 authority on the judicial independence of the island ; and 
 the suit, if of no advantage to herself, affirmed an important 
 constitutional question. 
 
 The third Lord Derby enjoyed his high honours for the 
 long period of fifty years. In England he was "so celebrated 
 for magnificence and liberality, that Camden says, ' That 
 with Edward, Earl of Derby's death, the glory of hospitality 
 seemed to fall asleep.' " ^ In his insular kingdom he was 
 less well known. He probably never visited the island at all, 
 or, at any rate, at only distant intervals. But the increasing 
 interest which the Stanleys were taking in its .fortunes may 
 be inferred from the circumstance that during much of the 
 period members of Lord Derby's own family and name were 
 its deputies, captains, and lieutenants, for the word governor 
 had not come into general use. 
 
 1 Ti'ain, vol. i, p. 170. 
 
 - The judges in this case went on to aftirm that the statutes De Donis, of uses, 
 and wills, nor any other general Act of Parliament, did extend to the Isle of 
 Man ; but by special name an Act may extend to it. See Sir J, Gell, Manx 
 Soc. Pub., vol. xii. p. 34, and Appendix, p. 154. 
 
 ■* See the extract quoted in Burke's Peerage under Derby. 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE, 113 
 
 On Lord Derby's death in 1572, he was succeeded by his 
 son Henry, the fourth Earl, who appears to have visited the 
 island in 1583 and in 1588.1 This Earl married the grand- 
 daughter and co-heiress of Charles, Duke of Suffolk, and his son, 
 Ferdinand, the fifth Earl, who succeeded in 1593, is said to 
 have been urged to claim the throne of England in virtue of 
 his descent from Henry VH. ; and, on his refusal, to have been 
 poisoned by those who had instigated him to do so. Whether 
 this be so or not, he died in 1594, in the year following that in 
 which he succeeded to the title. Leaving only three daughters, 
 the baronies of Stanley and Strange fell into abeyance, while 
 the earldom passed to his brother William, who became sixth 
 Earl. Doubts arose as to the succession to the Manx crown ; 
 uncle and nieces both urging their claims to it. The question 
 was referred in 1595 to referees appointed by Elizabeth; and, 
 while the reference was going on, Elizabeth took possession 
 of the island, and nominated a governor to it.- The dispute 
 was protracted throughout the remaining years of the Queen's 
 reign, and was not concluded until some time after the 
 accession of James I., when it was decided in favour of the 
 fifth Earl's daughters.^ In the meanwhile, however, these 
 young ladies had married; their husbands had not probably 
 any great desire for a residence in a little island ; and accord- 
 
 ^ Sir J. Gell says that he visited the island in 1577 and 1583. Manx. Soc. 
 Pub., vol. xii. p. 35. Train, however, gives some reasons for showing he was 
 there in 1588. 
 
 2 During the period, in which Elizabeth resumed possession of the island, 
 she presented to it the remarkable old clock which, a model of simple 
 machinery, still accurately records the time at Castle Rushen. Nine out of 
 every ten visitors to the island are probably more or less well acquainted with 
 it. Perhaps hardly one in every thousand is aware that it illustrates an inter- 
 esting epoch in Manx history. 
 
 " Sir ]: Gell thinks that the suit was probably purposely protracted till Ferdi- 
 nand's three daughters came of age. The youngest of them attained her 
 majority in 1609. 
 
 H 
 
114 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 ingly an arrangement was made between the uncle and his 
 nieces, under which they surrendered to him their claim to 
 and their interest in the island. Armed with this agreement, 
 the sixth Earl succeeded in obtaining a fresh grant of the 
 island from the King, and a private Act of Parliament assur- 
 ing and establishing the Isle of Man in himself and his heirs 
 for ever.i 
 
 These proceedings throw a new light on Manx history. 
 They show conclusively that, in the' last resort, the Crown of 
 England was sovereign, and that the . Parliament of England 
 could override the local Legislature. The island, indeed, was 
 confirmed in the Stanleys ; but it passed to the sixth Earl, not by 
 descent, but by a fresh grant from the King, and the action 
 of Parliament. In the interregnum, from 1595 to 1610, the 
 Crown of England had exercised the rights of sovereignty 
 by the appointment of governors ; the courts of England had 
 examined and decided the right of succession to the Manx 
 throne ; and finally, the Parliament of England had assured 
 and established the island in the Stanley family. In such 
 circumstances, the island might still claim to be an ancient 
 kingdom ; it could no longer claim to be an independent 
 kingdom. It was evidently subject to the English Crown, and 
 hable to be regulated by the English. Parliament. 
 
 During the hundred and eighty years with which this 
 chapter has been occupied, the Statute Book of the Isle of 
 Man was gradually acquiring shape ; and, as the old customary 
 ordinances were reduced to writing, they throw a little light 
 on the circumstances and condition of the island. The laws, 
 however, which were made during the sixteenth century — for 
 during the last seventy years of the fifteenth century the Legis- 
 
 1 7 Jac. I. c. 10, s Geo. III. c. 26; Train, vol. i. pp. 177-183. Royal 
 mines of silver and gold were excluded from the grant, but the Abbey lands 
 were included in it. 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 115 
 
 lature was nearly silent— must not be supposed to have been 
 framed with any regularity. Some of them are customary laws, 
 or declarations of the common law in Tynwald by Deemsters 
 and Keys ; others of them are spiritual laws, which appear 
 usually to have taken the form of an agreement between the 
 heads of the Church and the representatives of the civil 
 power ; while others again are ordinances issued by the Lord, 
 or framed by commissioners appointed by him. 
 
 During the first portion of the period the Church regained 
 some portion of the power of which it had been deprived 
 under the second of the Stanleys. In 1458, indeed, the Pope 
 ventured on taking the appointment of the Bishop into his 
 own hands, and of uniting the See to the province of York.^ 
 But in 1532 a check was placed on the pretensions of the 
 Church by an indenture concluded between the Bishop and 
 clergy on the one part, and two men from each sheading on 
 the other part, and confirmed by commissioners appointed by 
 Lord Derby, which was avowedly intended to terminate the 
 "variance and discord [which] 'hath risen between the said 
 Bishop and Clergie, and all other the temporall inhabitants 
 of the said Isle and Commonalty, for and upon the taking of 
 corse presents, and other exactions and wrongs which the said 
 Commonalty alledgeth the Spiritualtie of the said Isle did 
 unto them." The payments to which the clergy were entitled 
 were accordingly reduced to writing ; the recompense for brew- 
 ing ale and the tithe on marriage goods were abolished, and 
 the charge for proving a will was reduced to fourpence.^ In 
 this way and to this extent an effectual check was placed on 
 the future exactions of the Church. But a still greater blow 
 to ecclesiasticism was at the same time given by the progress 
 of the Reformation in England. The island silently adopted 
 
 1 The Pope's Bull will be found in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. iii. p. 189. 
 
 2 .■statutes of Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 29. 
 
ii6 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the tenets of the new religion, and the monasteries were dis- 
 solved by the authority of the Lord, without the intervention 
 of the Legislature.! Such action had, of course, the greatest 
 significance. In England the dissolution of the monasteries 
 had given the lay peers numerical predominance in the House 
 of Lords. In the island their dissolution left the Bishop the 
 only remaining baron. The Lord at Tynwald was no longer 
 surrounded with half-a-dozen barons whose powers must have 
 been inconveniently great, and he thenceforward replaced 
 them with officers of his own household, who, owing their 
 appointment to him, were naturally inclined to safeguard his 
 interests. 
 
 Though the tenets of the Reformation were silently adopted 
 in the island, before the close of the century the Tynwald 
 interfered in the interests of the reformed faith. The moment 
 of its interference was significant; it was at Midsummer, 1594, 
 almost at the moment, therefore, when Elizabeth was practically 
 taking the sovereignty into her own hands. The manner of 
 interference was hardly less striking than the occasion — for it 
 was evidently inspired by the crown — the Governor (or Cap- 
 tain) handing in his orders, by which he availed himself of the 
 machinery, which the Church of Rome had instituted, to put 
 down the practices which the Church of Rome favoured. 
 He directed the Vicars- General to impanel in the several 
 sheadings jurors to inquire into all offences committed against 
 the spiritual laws; but these jurors were to be specially in- 
 structed — 
 
 1 The statute of Henry VIII. suppressing the monasteries did not extend to 
 the Isle of Man ; and Sir J. Gell says, "The only conclusion to which we can 
 come is that the Manx religious houses were suppressed or dissolved, not by 
 force of any statute oi- law, but simply by an act of power on the part of the 
 sovereign of England. This dissolution was not completed until the reign of 
 Elizabeth, Rushen Abbey being the last monastery dissolved ^in these king- 
 doms." Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xii. p. 57. 
 
TWO_ CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 117 
 
 That they take order, the Queen's Majestie's injunctions be 
 read in their churches ; 
 
 That they inquire and present if there be any in the Isle 
 do use witchcraft and sorcerie ; 
 
 That they inquire of and present all adulterers, fornicators, 
 blaspheamers, drunkards, and such like ; 
 
 That they inquire of and present all such as carry bells 
 or banners before the dead, or pray upon the graves of the 
 dead; 
 
 That they inquire of and present all such as keep any 
 markett upon the Sabboth-day, or otherwise profane the 
 same ; 
 
 That they inquire of and present if there be any person or 
 persons within this Isle that refuse to come to the church to 
 hear divine service or to receive the blessed Sacrament of the 
 Lord's Supper. 
 
 The hand tliat drew these articles was evidently guided by 
 a Puritan head, and the writer had no objection to make the 
 island an unpleasant residence for those who did not accept 
 the Puritan creed ; and this policy, it is worth observing, was 
 indirectly confirmed by the Legislature in 16 10, when, "by 
 general consent of the Lieutenant, Officers, Deemsters, and 
 twenty-four Keys, it was enacted that the children of all eccle- 
 siastical persons in this Isle begotten in marriage shall be 
 and continue legitimate and inheritable, to all intents and 
 purposes, in such sort as children of lay persons be within 
 this Isle." 1 
 
 While the power of the Church was slowly but surely declin- 
 ing and the growth of Puritan principles was preparing the way 
 for the spread of Nonconformity 150 years afterwards, the influ- 
 ence and authority of the Lord was becoming more marked, 
 and his privileges were confirmed and ratified by statute. A 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 72. 
 
nS THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 large proportion of the statute book is, in fact, occupied with 
 legislation of this character. The whole of the statutes, for 
 instance, passed in the period with which this chapter is con- 
 cerned are comprised in thirty-four pages of the statute book, 
 and six of these are mainly occupied with minute regulations for 
 the Lord's household and garrisons. These orders, intended to 
 remedy the great waste that had previously taken place, regu- 
 lated the amount of bread, beer, beef, candles, fuel, and fodder 
 which every one was to receive, from the captain to the watch- 
 man ; and these commodities were supplied to the garrisons 
 either "at the Lord his price" or gratuitously. For in 1593, 
 in some orders set down by Ferdinand, Lord Derby, and sub- 
 sequently confirmed by the Council and Keys, it was directed 
 that " whereas heretofore every quarter of land hath been accus- 
 tomed to pay every yeare a beefe into the Castle and Peele, 
 which is above 600 beeves a yeare, it is my desire that 100 of 
 the poor sort shall be spared every year at the discretion of my 
 Captaine and the rest of my chief officers, and so to pay yearly 
 500 beeves, if the country like well of this my order." ^ 
 
 Purveyance, which thus took the substantial form of a con- 
 tribution of a bullock and a half a day, was only one of the 
 Lord's prerogatives. In the same year, in which he issued an 
 order for regulating the household and garrisons. Lord Derby, 
 imitating, it must be confessed, the example of Queen Eliza- 
 beth, issued a book of rates, or an elaborate table of custom 
 duties.^ Few things thenceforward could be brought into or 
 taken out of the island without paying toll to the Lord. And 
 customs duties were not the sole prerogative of the Lord in 
 trade. By an old custom, reduced to writing in 1523, the 
 merchant trading to the island was to appear personally before 
 the Lord or his deputy to show him what his loading was, and 
 to tell him news from whence he came. The Lord, moreover, 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 64. ^ Ibid., p. 37. 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF HOME RULE. It^ 
 
 was to have a preference in all dealings with the merchant 
 stranger. His stewards were " to take up what they shall 
 think needful for the houses," and " my Lord shall have what 
 his necessity and pleasure is before any man. No man is to 
 have choice wine but my Lord, the Captaine, Bishopp, Abbott, 
 or Archdeacon, and to drink it of free cost, or els to have 
 none, saving my Lord." ^ 
 
 In similar fashion, and, in accordance with the practice of 
 larger countries, wrecks were to be sold for the Lord's profit. 
 Treasure-trove was his property.^ Felons' goods, such as 
 oxen and kyne, horses and mayres, " belong to our Lord by 
 his royalty." The goats, however, of felons were declared to 
 belong to the Queen of the land.^ The Lord, moreover, had 
 the right to free carriage for his turf,* and large rights of 
 sporting and forestry. In 1570 his forest rights were defined 
 in fashion and language so quaint as to be worth quoting. 
 Complaint, it seems, had been made to the Captain by some 
 of the people that Robert Lassall, now forester, did clip their 
 sheep unlawfully within the fells. Whereupon the Captain did 
 demand the law of the Deemsters, and the Deemsters did 
 request the Captain that they might have the advice of the 
 twenty-four antientest men in this Isle, according to the old 
 custom in such cases. The Deemsters, on the request being 
 granted, did not have recourse to the Keys. Possibly there 
 were no Keys to have recourse to ; but they proceeded to im- 
 panel a jury of twenty-four, " which, being sworn on the Evan- 
 gelists, do say as hereinafter foUoweth : — 
 
 " First, we find by virtue of our oaths that the forester 
 ought to go forth on St. Columme's Eve, and to ride to the 
 highest hill-top in the Isle of Man, and there to blow his home 
 thrice ; the same done, thenafter to range and view the forest. 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. pp. 27, 28. Ibid., pp. 36, 60. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 25. * Ibid., p. 5, 
 
l2o THE LAUD OP HOME RULE. 
 
 And on the third day to go forth, and take such company with 
 him as he shall think like, to see what sheep he finds un- 
 shorn. And, if he finds any unshorn, he ought to take them 
 with his dog, if the said sheep be not milk sheep, to sheare 
 them, and to take the fleece to his own use, and to put a 
 privy mark on the same sheep, to the intent that, if any such 
 sheep be found the next yeare by the said forester, he to certify 
 the comptroller and receiver of the same, that they may be re- 
 corded in the court bookes, and so sold to the Lord his most 
 profitt."! , 
 
 In other words, any farmer pasturing his sheep on the 
 forest, who neglected to shear them before the nth June, 
 forfeited their fleeces to the forester, and ran the risk a year 
 afterwards of forfeiting the sheep to the Lord. 
 
 But the Lord's chief privileges were vested in him not as 
 sovereign but as landowner. Goddard Crovan's settlement, it 
 must be recollected, had_^made the whole of his subjects tenants 
 at will. The fact, however, lost much of its significance from 
 the circumstance that the chief difficulty was to find tenants 
 for the Lord's land. In consequence, at a very early period, any 
 one leaving the island without a special license was made guilty 
 of felony,^ while a little later the tenants were compelled by 
 statute to manure and occupy their land, so that, even if the 
 fishing failed, they might be able tp pay their rent with their 
 corn. 8 While at a still later date, the husbandman's son " was 
 declared to be my Lord his honour's treasure, for that he is to 
 be a tenant."* With the same object of ensuring that the 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 26. The forester's office was only 
 abolished in i860. St. Columb's Day is the gth June. The law which 
 has been quoted in the text remained in force till 1748, when the 21st June 
 was substituted for the nth June. This concession to the farmer could not, 
 however, have made much difference, as by the alteration of the calendar in 
 1752, the new 31st June was practically the same as the old loth June. 
 
 ^.Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 5. 3 Ibid., p. 14. , J Ibid., p. 51. 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 121 
 
 land should always be kept in cultivation, if any of the Lord's 
 tenants complained that he was without servants, the Deem- 
 ster was to impanel a jury in every parish, who were to dis- 
 cover vagrant servants, and apportion them to the various 
 tenants, the largest tenants being first served ; and, in case 
 there were no servants available, the smaller tenants were to 
 serve the larger tenants " rather than the Lord his land fall to 
 decay." ^ In the same way, again, the export of corn was 
 strictly prohibited, unless its sale proved impossible in the 
 local market ; ^ but the tenant otherwise unable to pay his 
 rent was authorised to export corn.^ 
 
 While legislation during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries 
 was restricting the privileges of the Church and confirming 
 the prerogatives of the Lord, it was doing little for the people 
 generally. The whole spirit of the law, in fact, assumed that 
 the people existed for the Lord, not the Lord for the people. 
 On this principle the whole community were liable to serve in 
 what was known as " watch and ward." " Watch and ward," 
 ran an old statute of 1417, "shall be kept through your said 
 land upon pain of lyfe and lyme ; for whosoever fails any night 
 in his ward forfeiteth a wether to the warden ; and to the 
 warden the seacond night a cowe ; and the third night lyfe and 
 lyme to the lord."* And by the same statute the Lord, in any 
 emergency, was entitled to raise a levy en masse. " All manner 
 of men within your said land to be ready at your calling upon 
 paine of lyfe and lyme." This old statute was carefully elabo- 
 rated in 1594. The date probably accounts for the new law; 
 for the Armada had but recently threatened the coasts of the 
 British Islands; and tradition goes that one at least of the 
 retreating vessels had not accompanied her consorts in their 
 flight round the coast of Ireland, but, penetrating between 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, p. 55. ° Ibid., vol. i. p. 66, 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 63. '' Ibid., p. 4. 
 
122 THE LANb OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Scotland and Ireland, had been lost on the south-east of the 
 island. The high cliffs which rise perpendicularly at this point 
 from the sea are said to owe their name of Spanish Head to 
 the circumstance. Possibly warned by the danger with which 
 it had so recently been threatened, Tynwald resolved on the 
 following elaborate regulations : ^ — 
 
 1. "Whereas the safe keeping of this Isle consisteth in the 
 dutiful! and carefull observance of watch and ward, without 
 which the Lord can never be well defended nor the people live 
 in safety : therefore be it ordained that all watch and ward be 
 kept according to the strict order of law, and that none be 
 sent thither but such as are of discretion, and able to deserve 
 to be carefull ; and that the night-watch shall come at sun- 
 set-ing and not depart before the sun-rising, and that the 
 day watch shall come at the sun-rising and not depart before 
 the sun-setting. 
 
 2. " That, upon warning given, every one be able to encounter 
 the enemy upon pain of forfeiting life, body, and goods. 
 
 3. " That whosoever absenteth himself from the muster shall 
 be punished by fine and imprisonment, unless he be letted 
 with sickness or such-like lawful excuse." 
 
 And in propounding these laws in Tynwald, Randolph 
 Stanley, the governor of the island, asked the Deemsters and 
 Keys to resolve certain doubtful points. For instance : — 
 
 "I pray you certify me what punishment your laws impose 
 upon the wardens of the watch if they do not nightly see the 
 watches sett at the hours appointed." 
 
 And Deemsters and Keys replied : — ■ 
 
 " If the wardens do not their duty according to the Captain's 
 directions, they are to be punished at his discretion." ^ 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, p. 65. 
 
 ^ A warden of the watch was appointed by the Governor for each parish, A 
 copy of the commission given to him is printed by Mr. Arthur Moore in Manx 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 123 
 
 And these laws were no empty formula ; for Blundell, 
 writing in the middle of the succeeding century,^ said : — 
 
 " Besides the continual watches kept in every of the four 
 towns, casries, and forts on each side of the island, there are 
 in several places watch and ward continually, very strictly to 
 discover y* approach of any ship, especially of any burden or 
 bulk, unto any part of the island, and unto whatsoever part 
 they do observe them to steer their course. Thither presently 
 are all the Manksmen of y' part or quarter bound to repair 
 unto in arms upon pain of life and limb. On the west side of the 
 Island are the hills called the Watch Hills, commonly called 
 the Ware Hills, which are about the upper part of Kirk Kir- 
 berry (Arbory), very convenient for discovery of any ships 
 approaching from the west between Ireland and this Island. 
 But, from what part soever they come, they are perfectly 
 descried from the top of the highest of these hills, which they 
 call Sceaful (Snaefell). On this hill watch and wardHs kept 
 continually the day and night, winter and summer, and, if any 
 danger doth appear in any part, the beacon is set on fire 
 immediately. The laws of watching and warding, as they call 
 it, are very severe and rigorously put in execution ; for, if any 
 danger be discovered against any part of the island, and any 
 that do slow or make default, it is loss of life, yea, in their 
 customary watches in any of their towns, altho' no danger is 
 apparent or then feared But, besides the seventeen 
 
 Surnames and Place-Names, p. 183. Watch and ward was not finally discon- 
 tinued until after 1815. 
 
 i Manx. See. Pub. , vol. xxv. p. 95. Chaloner's estimate of the population 
 in this extract is certainly extravagant. Nearly eighty years afterwards Bishop 
 Wilson, after careful inquiry, placed the population of the island at only 
 13,971 souls. Assuming that there had been no increase in the interval, there 
 could not at that time have been more than 7000 males. This, according to 
 modern ideas of life, would have given about 2800 males between the ages of 
 fifteen and sixty-five. For Bishop Wilson's Estimate, see Keble's Life of 
 Wilson, p. 125. 
 
124 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 parishes, do each parish every week thro'out the whole year 
 muster, train, and have their arms. Every parish hath his 
 captain, under whom are disciplined, listed, and armed, such 
 as are meet for the war, of whom, saith Mr. Chaloner, they 
 have about 1500 ready upon any occasion, and in case of 
 necessity they might arm 5000 or 6000 men." 
 
 Watch and ward have left their permanent mark on the 
 names of the island. Every tourist knows the high hill which 
 rises precipitously from the coast on the south-west, and bears 
 the picturesque name of Cronk-ny-Irey Lhaa. But perhaps 
 few tourists are aware that a comparatively low hill on the 
 north-east, not far from the northern extremity of the island, 
 has the same name. Cronk-ny-Irey-Lhaa or Cronk-ny-Arrey- 
 Lhaa (as it is spelt by Mr. Arthur Moore) is the Hill of 
 the Day Watch. Every tourist, again, knows the two high 
 mountains. North Barrule and South Barrule, which are such 
 conspicuous points in the northern and southern parts of the 
 island. But South Barrule was originally known as Ward 
 Fell, and the name Warfield is still applied to a portion of it ; 
 and Barrule and Warfield, Professor Rhys tells us, " can be 
 shown to be two forms of one and the same Norse name, 
 Vorofjall, meaning Beaconfell." ^ Vorofjal went through what 
 the Professor calls a series of changes, becoming Varfl, Varrul, 
 and finally Barrule. 
 
 North of South Barrule, and between that mountain and 
 the range of which Snaefell is the centre, is some high land, 
 which has lately been planted, and which is still called Arch- 
 allagan, the high little hearth ; and this hill, there is authority 
 for saying, was also a watch hill.^ The beacon on Archallagan 
 may probably have served as the connecting link between the 
 signals on the north and those on the south of the island. The 
 
 ' Preface to Manx Surnames and Place-Names, p. vi. 
 - Manx Surnames and Place-Names, p. 183. 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 125 
 
 imagination can easily complete the picture, and conjecture 
 how the watch on Cronk-ny-Irey-Lhaa may have espied on 
 some dark night an approaching sail ; how the fiery signal may 
 have blazed from its top and been answered by South Barrule ; 
 how, as the flame went up from. South Barrule, the beacon 
 may have been kindled on Archallagan; how the light on 
 Archallagan may have been responded to by Snaefell; and 
 how Snaefell may have conveyed the message to North Barrule, 
 and that other Cronk-ny-Jrey-Lhaa on the extreme north of 
 the Island. Then, as hill-top after hill-top was ablaze with 
 flame, the men of every parish would hurriedly seize their 
 weapons and repair to the trysting-place — 
 
 " And broader still became the blaze, and louder still the din, 
 As fast from every village round the horse came spurring in." 
 
 The men who answered to the muster were bound to come 
 armed. Each of the Lord's tenants was required to provide 
 himself with arms, and these arms passed from father to son 
 as corbes or heirlooms.^ They consisted of bow and arrows, 
 sword and buckler. The men thus armed were placed in 
 each parish under the command of a captain; and, though 
 watch and ward have disappeared amidst the uncongenial 
 surroundings of the nineteenth century, the captain still re- 
 ceives his commission from the Governor, and is still theoreti- 
 cally in command of the men of the parish. 
 
 1 By an Act of 1748 housekeepers within the isle, being Protestants, were 
 allowed ' ' to keep a firelock, as well for the protection of their own houses and 
 families, as for the service and defence of their country upon all emergent 
 occasions, provided they always keep them clean and in good order." And 
 Tynwald added : "The said arms shall go and descend to their heirs and 
 assigns in place of the ancient weapons of war called corbes " (Statutes, Isle 
 of Man, i. 255). A man's corbes, by an Act of 1499, were, "if his father 
 have a pann, his son to have it, els his best pott, a jack and a sallett, bowes 
 and arrows, sword and buckler," &c. (ibid., p. 7); and these corbes were 
 inalienable, for " if in case any do bequeath a corbe or hyreloome for a legacy, 
 the same shall not be given, but the value thereof with discretion "(ibid. , p. 45). 
 
126 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 While the Legislature was thus confirming the privileges of 
 the Lord and providing for the defence of the Island, it did 
 little for the unhappy people, who drew a precarious subsistence 
 from the fruits of the earth and the harvest of the sea. But 
 some quaint customs were recorded in the statute book which 
 it is worth mentioning before this chapter is concluded. 
 Various statutes forbade any one to leave the island without 
 the Lord's license, and this rule was continued well into the 
 nineteenth century. Scotchmen, Irishmen, and other aliens 
 were excluded from the Island unless they were sworn to the 
 Lord and the land.^ Irishwomen loitering and not working 
 were to be commanded forth of the said Isle with as much 
 convenient speed as may be ; ^ and no woman was to come 
 within any of the Lord's houses without special warrant from 
 the Lord. 8 In other respects the law was not unjust to 
 women. By a very old law the wife was entitled on her 
 husband's death to one-half of his goods;* and in 1577 
 these goods were defined to comprise real as well as per- 
 sonal estate, including one-half the tenement which she occu- 
 pied during her widowhood.^ The right, however, of the 
 husband to the wife's property, or the wife's to the husband's, 
 did not accrue till one year after marriage ; " and, in the 
 case of her misbehaviour, the wife forfeited her right to 
 her own share, as her receiving it in such circumstances was 
 declared to be " against the lawes of God and good govern- 
 ment of that his Honour's Isle." '^ Similarly, if a woman 
 was guilty of felony, the husband was entitled to forsake 
 her. If he failed to do so, and concealed her deeds, he 
 was to stand as deep in the law as the woman. A woman's 
 
 1 Manx Surnames and Place-Names, p. 22. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 37. 3 Ibid., p. 12. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 40. 6 Ibid., p. 47. 
 8 Ibid., p. 41.; 1 Ibid., p. 63. 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 127 
 
 share of the estate, however, was not forfeited on her husband's 
 conviction for felony.i 
 
 The marriage law of the island was and still is a compromise 
 between the English and Scottish laws. The marriage of the 
 parents within a year or two after its birth made the child legiti- 
 mate, provided the mother "was never slandered nor defamed 
 with any man before." ^ But, though the law was thus lenient 
 to the children, it had no mercy for the parents. The man 
 and woman who were guilty of what Bishop Wilson, centuries 
 after, used to call prenuptial inchastity, were "to be brought 
 by the coroner to the whipping-stock in the tyme of open 
 market, and there'each of them to receive six — and to be 
 fyned besides uppon discrecon. " ^ 
 
 The natural son had no right of inheritance, unless property 
 was specially bequeathed to him by will.* The legitimate 
 child succeeded as a matter of course, and could not be de- 
 prived of his share of his parents' property unless a specific 
 bequest of at least sixpence was made to him. But " if there 
 be any man or woman that mislikes their children's behaviour," 
 the law allowed them to cut the child off with a sixpence.' 
 Children attained the age of puberty at fourteen years,^ the 
 age which was also prescribed in other Celtic countries. The 
 father was bound to maintain the children up to that age, when, 
 if he liked them not, he might turn them off, giving them 
 " their mother's child's part of goods." '^ 
 
 Outrage on a woman was punishable by death ; but, if the 
 woman was a maid, the punishment was left to herself For 
 the Deemster was " to give her a rope, a sword, and a ring," 
 and she was to have "her choice to hang him with the rope, 
 
 1 Manx Surnames and Place-Names, p. 25. 
 - Statutes, Isle of Man, p. 55. 
 ' Ibid., p. 73. ■< Ibid., p. 51. 
 
 Ibid., p. 47. 6 Ibid., pp. 41, 51. 
 
 .' Ibid., p. 28. 
 
128 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 to cut off his head with the sword, or marry him with the ring." ^ 
 Tradition says that in every case but one the woman was 
 lenient and preferred the ring. In one case she chose the 
 rope; but, when the man was strung up she relented, and 
 had him cut down and offered him the ring. The man was 
 ungallant enough to plead that he had already been punished, 
 and that no one could be punished twice for the same offence, 
 and the plea was sustained. 
 
 Laws such as these help us to infer what sort of place the 
 Isle of Man must have been in the days when the Stanleys 
 held it under the Houses of Lancaster, York, and Tudor. 
 For the ordinary Manxman, it could not have been a com- 
 fortable place to dwell in. The exactions of the Church and 
 the prerogatives of the sovereign must have pressed severely 
 on his occupation and his industry. He was, in fact, but little 
 better than the chattel of the Lord ; and, on the distant occa- 
 sions when Tynwald was assembled, the Legislature showed 
 more alacrity in confirming the privileges of an absentee 
 sovereign than in redressing the grievances of an impoverished 
 people. Yet it is fair to recollect that the laws which were 
 thus enacted were passed in Tudor times, and that the Tudor 
 days in England are memorable for the autocracy of the 
 sovereign and the dependence, or even misfortunes, of the 
 people. In some respects, the Manx had an advantage over 
 their English and Irish neighbours. No such massacres deso- 
 lated the island as those which were unhappily witnessed in 
 subject Ireland. Douglas and Castletown saw none of those 
 grim fires which accompanied the alternate victories of Papist 
 and Protestant in predominant England. Except for the 
 duties to his Lord, his Church, and his country, the Manxman 
 enjoyed comparative liberty. The soil brought him the little 
 which was necessary for his frugal existence, and the rich 
 
 1^' Statutes, Isle of Man, p. 55. . 
 
TWO CENTURIES OF STANLEY RULE. 129 
 
 though fluctuating harvest of the sea supplemented the food 
 which he drew from the land. The laws, too, which forbade 
 his removal from the island, could not have had much terror for 
 a people who took naturally to a seafaring life, and who could 
 assure their escape by a few hours' voyage from the decrees of 
 the Stanleys and the echoes of Tynwald. And thus the little 
 island after a rude fashion flourished. The Stanleys had at 
 least brought it peace ; and peace may atone for worse evils 
 than an absentee sovereign, a grasping Church, and a feeble 
 Legislature. 
 
^ ■ CHAPTER Vril. 
 
 THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY. 
 
 The Act, Jvhkhxpnfirmed the sale of the island by Ferdinand's 
 daughters to their uncle, vested it in perpetuity in William, 
 Lord Derby, his wife Elizabeth (or the survivor), and their 
 son James, Lord Strange, and his right heirs. Lord Derby, 
 however, resigned his interest in the island to Lord Strange 
 in 1637, five years before his death, and from that year Lord 
 Strange — whom the Manx know as the great Earl of Derby — • 
 became Lord of Man. 
 
 For some years before 1637, Earl William ' seems to have 
 
 1 There is some mystery attaching to this William, Lord Derby. Seacome 
 (History, House of Stanley, p. 65) says that he had been abroad for many years 
 before the death of his brother, Earl Ferdinand, in 1595 (? 1594), and that, on 
 his return to England after his brother's decease, few persons could identify 
 him. "This story," writes Sir James Gell (Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xii. pp. 75, 
 76), "seems to be more strange than true, as Earl William (when he was 
 the Honourable William Stanley) was governor of the island from 1592 to 
 1594. If at any time his identity became a difficulty, the probability is that it 
 was subsequently to his being coniirmed in the Lordship of Man ; for, strange 
 to say, it does not appear (so far as I have been able to search the insular 
 records)'that he ever did any act as Lord of the island, either solely or in con. 
 junction with his wife ; but from 1612 to 1627 the island appears to have been 
 ruled by the Countess Elizabeth alone. It is presumed that the Countess 
 Elizabeth died in 1626 or 1627, as in the latter year, James, Lord Strange, son 
 of Earl William and of the Countess Elizabeth, assumed the rule of the island, 
 though Earl William lived until the 29tli September 1641." This Countess 
 Elizabeth was the daughter of Edward Vere, Earl of Oxford. Her son James 
 was summoned to Parliament in 1627 as Baron Strange, under an impression 
 that such a barony was enjoyed by his father ; that, however, not being the 
 case, tlie summons amounted to the creation of a new peerage, which eventually 
 devolved upon the ducal House of AthoU (Burke's Peerage). 
 
 130 
 
THE GRBA T EARL OF DERB Y. 131 
 
 paid little attention to his insular kingdom, . Orders, indeed, 
 were issued in 1609 and 1610, presumably by his authority, 
 regulating the rate of wages, regulating the herring-fishery, and 
 regulating the garrisons. But in 1613 the Government appears 
 to have been carried on_ in Lady Derby's name, since she 
 framed a statute, which was promulgated in that year, pre- 
 scribing the dues to be paid by fishermen; and from 1627 
 Lord, Strange conducted the government in person. 
 
 In that year, one Edward Christian, who was to become famous 
 both in Manx history and in English literature, was appointed 
 Governor ; and Lord Strange, writing years afterwards to his 
 son, admitted that the appointment was his own making. " I 
 was newly got acquainted with Captain Christian, whom I 
 observed soon to have abilities enough to do me service. ... I 
 was told he had already made himself a fortune in the Indies ; 
 that he was a Manxman born ; but, which took most with me, 
 that when he offered his service it was on these terms, that . . . 
 he wotild be contented to hold the staffs until I chose another, 
 which most willingly he would then resign without repine. . . . 
 For the pay he so little valued that, as he would be content to do 
 service without any, or as little of it as it pleased me. . . . He ■ 
 is excellent good company, as rude as a sea-captain should be, 
 but refined as one that had civilised himself half a year at 
 court, where he served the Duke of Buckingham." 
 
 And for some years Edward Christian fulfilled his Lord's 
 expectations. " He pleased me very well, and had a quality 
 
 1 The "staff" was the common term for the Government. The highest 
 Court of Appeal in the island, in which the Governor always sits in person, is 
 '' the Staff of Government," or the Staff of Government Division of the High 
 Court ; and the Governor, when he is sworn in, holds a staff in his right hand, 
 and swears "truly and uprightly (to) deal between our Sovereign Lady the 
 Queen and her subjects within this isle, and as indifferently between party and 
 party as this staff now standeth, so far as in me lyeth." See the oath in 
 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xix. p. 36. 
 
133 THE LAND OF HOME RULE-. 
 
 of the best servant, that what I directed him to do, if it suc- 
 ceeded ill, he would take upon himself, and what happened 
 well would give rue the glory of it." 
 
 But he had one fault. " He was ever forward to make me 
 many requests, which, while they were fit for me to grant, I 
 did never deny him. . . . But I observed that the more I 
 gave, the more he asked. . . , So as after a while I sometimes 
 did refuse him. And it was sure to fall out, according to the 
 old observation, that .when a prince hath given all, and the 
 favourite can desire no more, they both grow weary with one 
 another." 1 
 
 So it happened that Edward Christian was removed, and 
 in 1640 Lord Strange made Captain Greenhalgh ^ Governor. 
 
 His reasons for this appointment were again explained to 
 his son. 
 
 "First, he is a gentleman born, and such will usually scorn 
 to do a base act. 
 
 " His ancestors have dwelt in my house, as the best, if not all 
 the good families in Lancashire have done. This certainly 
 might breed a desire in the man that the house where his 
 predecessors have served might still flourish. 
 
 " He hath a good estate of his own, and therefore need not 
 borrow of another, which hath heretofore been a fault in this 
 country. For that Governors who have wanted were forced to 
 be beholden unto those that, may be, were the parties most 
 offending against Lord and country. The borrower becomes 
 servant to the lender. 
 
 " He was a deputy-lieutenant and justice of the peace in 
 this country; in which places he did his king and country 
 good service ; and with good reputation. 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. iii. pp. 39-40. 
 
 " There is a short memoir of Captiiin Greenhalgh in Manx Soc. Pub., 
 vol. XXX, 
 
THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY. 133 
 
 " He governed his own affairs well ; he was, therefore, much 
 more likely to do mine so. 
 
 " He hath been approved valiant, and is therefore fitter for 
 your trust. 
 
 " He is such, that I thank God for him, and I charge you 
 love and cherish him."i 
 
 In the meanwhile, affairs in England were rapidly reaching 
 an acute crisis. Lord Derby was among the most strenuous 
 supporters of Charles I. He joined the King at York in 1642 ; 
 he raised, at his own charge, a considerable force in support of 
 the royal cause. But his efforts, strangely enough, were re- 
 ceived with coldness at Whitehall. The men who surrounded 
 Charles were always already to hint that Lord Derby, like the 
 King, was descended from Henry VH. ; and Charles, faithless 
 himself, was easily induced to distrust the man whose birth 
 placed him inconveniently near the throne. But I^ord Derby's 
 conduct gave no cause for these suspicions. When his own 
 efforts were received with coldness, and when mismanagement 
 flung the county of Lancashire into the cause of the Parlia- 
 ment, he was ready to lay the blame op others, and not' on 
 the King. 
 
 " Meanwhile," to use his own words-, '• I received letters 
 from the Isle of Man intirnating the great danger there, for 
 that the people had begun the fashion of England in mur- 
 muring, and by some damned spirit had been taught the 
 same lessons as I have known in London — to come in tumul- 
 tuous manners desiring new laws — a change of the old— that 
 they would have no bishops, pay no tithes to the clergy. 
 They despised authority, and rescued some committed by 
 the Governor for such insolent behaviour, and the like. It 
 was also feared that they had discovered themselves thus far, 
 thereby to invite some strangers into the island. It was 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. iii. p. 16. 
 
134 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 bruited also that a ship-of-war I then had for the defence 
 of the isle was taken by Parliament ships, which proved true. 
 All these considered, it behoved me to prevent the mischief 
 betimes both for his Majesty' service and mine own good." 
 
 And so, leaving his heroic wife to defend as best she could 
 Lathom House, Lord Derby in 1643 crossed over to the 
 Island, landing in it probably for the first time. 
 
 The country he found better than he had been told. " For 
 which I blame myself that I formerly inquired so little of it." 
 But the people were of " many different humours." Some 
 unaffectedly glad to see their Lord, others only pretending 
 gladness. Captain Greenhalgh had in the interval before 
 Lord Derby's arrival managed to maintain " authority and to 
 awe the people with the same, which he did not in any 
 threatening manner, for so it might have occasioned the 
 people, in that mad mood, to oppose the same by some 
 daring deeds or words." ^ 
 
 Trained in the atmosphere of Stuart England, and regarding 
 the Stuarts as the best of sovereigns. Lord Derby knew how 
 to hide a hand of iron in a glove of silk. " When first I came 
 among the people, I seemed affable and kind to all, so I 
 offended none. For taking off your hat, a good word, a 
 smile, or the like, will cost you nothing, but may gain you 
 much." 2 And he took perhaps the wisest course which was 
 open to him. He appointed " a meeting in the heart of the 
 country, wishing every man freely to tell his grievance ; that 
 I would hear all complaints and give remedy the best I could." 
 The meeting was adjourned to Castle Rushen, " a strong place, 
 where a few days before I entertained into the garrison some 
 soldiers (whom I brought with me out of England) and some 
 commanders (who kept me company that day), though without 
 any sign of the least apprehension of the people. . . , Each 
 ' Manx Soc. Pub., vol. iii. p. 17. i Ibid., p 33, 
 
THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY. is; 
 
 parish gave me a petition of their several grievances, and I 
 gave them a few good words, promising to take them into con- 
 sideration, and they parted fairly." ^ Fair words were the. only 
 results of this assembly. Another meeting was fixed for the 
 1 8th July at the Lord's other chief residence, "Castle Peel, 
 where I expected some wrangling, and had it. I provided 
 there also for my own safety, and, if occasion were, to curb 
 the rest." But Lord Derby did more than provide for his own 
 safety at Peel. " Before the day of the meeting I provided me 
 of some informers, who unsuspectedly might mingle with the 
 people, thereby discovering beforehand the motions they would 
 make me, their champions they relied on, and what likeliest 
 might best content them." 2 The grievances of which the 
 people complained were twofold in their character. The first 
 related to the exactions of the Church, which had been only 
 imperfectly remedied by the legislation of the previous cen- 
 turies; the second to the tenure of land, which,. since the time 
 of Goddard Crovan, had been uncertain. It ought to be added 
 that to this meeting Lord Derby summoned "the officers, 
 spirituair and temporall, with the twenty-four Keys of the said 
 Island, and four men of every parish," to study and devise. such 
 convenient remedy and redress as might best stand with the 
 maintenance and preservation of his Lordship's royalties, rights,: 
 and prerogatives, the good and welfare of the Church and 
 commons, and the peace and safety of the whole State in 
 general. ... J 
 
 The assembly, however, which was thus convened, was only 
 intrusted with very limited powers. "It was mutually conde-* 
 scended and agreed unto by all parties, and it was their humble 
 desires, that his Lordship should chancelarise, order, and de-; 
 cide all and every their matters and business of complaint or 
 aggrievance whatsoever. ... To which order, doom, and decree 
 
 I Manx Soc, Piib., vol. m.J>. 26._ ''Ibid,, p. 29. 
 
136 . THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 every one of them, viz., the Right Reverend Father in God, 
 Richard, the Lord Bishop of the Isle, with his officers spirituall 
 and the body of his clergy, the twenty-four Keys of the Island, 
 with the four men of every parish, in the name of themselves 
 and of the whole commons of the Isle, by whom they were 
 chosen and thither sent for that purpose, did condescend 
 and agree for them, their heirs and successors, to stand, to 
 perform, and abide such his Lordship's order, doome, and 
 decree therein, as should be thereafter published under his 
 honour's hand and seale." 
 
 Having thus got the whole power unconditionally surrendered 
 into his own hands. Lord Derby next directed that " a select 
 jury and grand inquest of twenty-four men, newly chosen, 
 whereof twelve of the twenty-four Keys to be part, and twelve 
 of the four men of the parishes then present the other part, 
 should be impanelled and sworn to find out and present all 
 such wrongs and abuses as have been committed or acted 
 against his Lordship's prerogative, the lawes of the Island, or 
 the good of the comonaltie." 
 
 The meeting in Peel, however, was not destined to end 
 without disturbance; for Captain Christian, to quote Lord 
 Derby's own words, "seeming desirous to make a right under- 
 standing between me and the people, at the rising of the court, 
 asked me if we did not agree thus and thus, mentioning some 
 things he had instructed the people to ask, which very happily 
 they had forgot. Presently some catched thereat ; but as soon 
 as I catched at the words, saying ' he was much to blame so 
 unseasonably to move new matter, seeing that we so happily had 
 ended the daj-, and set all business in a blessed way for the 
 good of me and the country ' . . . and so, rising from my seat, 
 I assured the people they needed no other advocate than 
 myself to plead for them, because I had a resolution to do all 
 that in reason they at any time might desire of me . . . and. 
 
THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY. 137 
 
 if any base fellow told them otherwise of me, I wish they would 
 hold him an enemy to themselves. And whoever durst say to 
 me I had not their loves, I would give such the lie, and deliver 
 him to thera to tear in pieces, as I thought he might well 
 deserve. So I bade the Court to rise, and no man to speak 
 a word more. . . . Christian hereat grew very blank ; " and he 
 had reason, for a few days afterwards Lord Derby flung him 
 into prison in Peel, where he is said to have remained for many 
 years.i Others were imprisoned with him, and others " deeply 
 fined. So as having picked them thus one by one (which 
 was the more easy and ready way), it terrified all that had any 
 hand in these matters . . , those who were fined, by their 
 good behaviour hope to be forgiven the said fines, and are 
 thereby in good awe. Others make way to their peace before- 
 hand, to prevent imprisonment and fine. And so, God be 
 thanked, we are very quiet." ^ 
 
 In the meanwhile the grand inquest proceeded to make 
 its report. The grievances of which it complained chiefly con- 
 cerned "particular abuses of the clergy, by particular ministers 
 and proctors, in the collecting of their tithes and duties to the 
 Church, contrary to the known laws and orders of the Island." 
 Lord Derby called on the proctors and clergy for explana- 
 tions : he obtained from them a " promise of reformation for 
 future time," and " such feizable reasons of their just grievances 
 against the commonaltie, that his Lordship (for preservation 
 of love and unity betwixt the clergy and commonaltie for time 
 to come) thinks fitt that those matters of particular grievances 
 on both parts shall be no more remembered." But at the 
 same time he had the good sense to put an end to certain 
 exactions of the Church. 'When a minor died, the Church 
 had exacted a fee of 3s. 46. before passing his goods to his 
 
 ' Train, vol. i. p. 197 ; but cf. Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxvi. p. 90 n. 
 2 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. iii. p. 35. 
 
138 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 brothers and sisters; Lord Derby limited the fee to 6d. 
 ■The Church had claimed the right of writing every man's will, 
 and had charged a fee for doing so ; Lord Derby directed 
 that " every man may make, or cause to be made, his own 
 will, by whom he shall please to direct." The Church had 
 directed that, in the case of an intestate, • " the whole team 
 of oxen and the cropp of corne " should go to the eldest son ; " 
 Lord Derby ordered that the goods should be divided equally 
 among all the children. The Church had taken a corpse 
 present of ten per cent, on a deceadanl's goods ; Lord Derby 
 practically limited the corpse present to one penny in the pound. 
 The Church had insisted, by an " undecent order," that tithe 
 butter and tithe cheese should be paid on the Sabbath-day 
 on the altar ; Lord Derby terminated a practice " much out 
 of use in most parts of the King's dominions," and commuted 
 the tithe for a small money payment on each cow, goat, and 
 sheep. The Church had prevented the farmer from hauling 
 his corn before the proctor came and took the tiihe corn ; 
 Lord Derby directed that, if the proctor neglected, after due 
 notice, to remove the tithe corn, the farmer might carry his 
 own corn, taking "two neighbours to justify with him that he 
 hath left his. due tithe." The Church had directed that 
 sundry small tithes and payments should be made on 
 Easter Sunday, "and sometimes will stop the people from 
 receiving the blessed Sacrament, because they have not paid 
 their duties ; " Lord Derby gave order that these small tithes 
 and oblations should be payable on Monday and Tuesday in 
 Easter week, after the people had received the Communion, and 
 that the Church should have only the usual though summary 
 remedy against those in default.'- 
 
 Lord Derby's orders undoubtedly remedied some of the 
 worst grievances of which the people complained ; and his 
 ' Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p, 93, 
 
THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY. 139 
 
 power was so absolute or his influence so great, that he pro- 
 cured their acceptance both by the laity and the Church. 
 For this purpose he summoned the clergy, his Council, th6 
 Keys, and the twenty-four men of every parish, to Castle 
 Rushen on the 30th October, and made them, or such of them 
 as were present,^ subscribe their names to the orders. If 
 Lord Derby had been satisfied with this victory, insular history 
 in the next few years might have taken a different course. 
 After settling the affairs of the Church, however. Lord Derby 
 went on to enforce his own rights. In the course of ages, the 
 people (as has been shown in a previous chapter) had gradually 
 acquired a kind of tenant-right in their holdings : they had 
 even of recent years claimed a right of alienating them. Lord 
 Derby from the first laboured strenuously to terminate a pracr 
 tice which he thought injuriously affected his own interests : 
 he referred in 1643 the matter to a commission composed of 
 members of his Council, and he succeeded in 1645 in inducing 
 the Tynwald Court to accept the conclusions of the commisi- 
 sion. Under the arrangement which was then made the old 
 system of land tenure was altered. The tenants of the Lord^ 
 whose lands had hitherto passed from father to child, and who 
 had almost acquired by usage a right of sale, were persuaded 
 to become leaseholders, receiving their lands on leases for 
 twenty-one years or on leases for their lives.^ Lord Derby 
 was very proud of this piece of legislation, but it brought 
 the Island and his successors nothing but trouble, till it was 
 terminated in the following century by the most important 
 Act which Tynwald had ever passed. 
 
 Be,tween the issue of the commission in 1643, and the 
 
 1 A note was appended that the reason why the full body of the twenty-four 
 Keys and the four men of each parish are not all inserted- is because their 
 meeting at Castle Rushen, the said 30th October '43, proved a very tempestuous 
 day of rain and wind ; they could not conveniently travel without hazsird, &c. 
 
 s Statutes, Isle of Man, vol, i. p, 100. 
 
I40 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 promulgation of the Act in 1645, Lord Derby temporarily left 
 the Island ; for news was brought to him that his heroic wife, 
 Charlotte de la Tremouille, was besieged in Lathom House 
 and in need of succour. This is hardly the place to re-tell the 
 story of that famous siege, to relate how Lady Derby, placed, 
 as she declared, under a double trust of loyalty and faith to 
 her husband and of allegiance and duty to her sovereign, 
 refused to yield ; how she accomp-inied her own troops in a 
 sally beyond the walls, and mastered the enemy's works ; how 
 she desired her trumpeters to tell that insolent rebel Rigby 
 that, if he presiimed to send any fresh summons to the house, 
 she would hang up his messenger at the gates; or how the 
 advance of Prince Rupert compelled the Parliament troops 
 after four months of work and suffering to raise the siege. 
 Lord Derby reached Lathom in time to receive Prince Rupert 
 in the house which had been made illustrious by Lady Derby's 
 courage;. but the Prince, "better and more fully acquainted 
 than the Earl with those undeserved jealousies and suspicions 
 still subsisting against him by the great ones at court, and also 
 of their vile and scurrilous suggestions and insinuations to 
 his Majesty that it was not safe to trust him with too much 
 power who had so near an alliance to the crown and knew so 
 well how to use it to his own advantage," 1 advised him to 
 return with all speed to the island. Charles I., in short, still 
 continued to distrust the man who stood in the same relation 
 to Henry VII. as himself, but who throughout his life proved 
 the warmest supporter of the Stuart dynasty. 
 
 Accordingly, leaving Lathom House in charge of a gallant 
 Royalist, Colonel Rawsthorne, who had stood by Lady Derby's 
 side during the famous siege, Lord Derby took his wife, his 
 cliildren, and his chaplain, Mr. Rutter, with him, and returned 
 to the island. He had not been there many years before his 
 
 ' Seacome's House of Stanley, p. loi. 
 
THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY. 141 
 
 conduct gave signal proof of the unworthiness of the suspicions 
 of his detractors. For after the death of Charles I. the Parlia- 
 ment desired to get the island into its own keeping, and 
 Ireton wrote to Lord Derby, and offered to secure him in his 
 English estates if he would yield up his insular kingdom. 
 Lord Derby returned the following answer : — 
 
 " I received your letter with indignation and scorn, and 
 return you this answer : that I cannot but wonder whence 
 you should gather any hopes from me that I should, like 
 you, prove treacherous to my sovereign, since you cannot but 
 be sensible of my former actings in his late Majesty's service, 
 from which principles of loyalty I am no whit departed. 
 
 " I scorn your profTer.s, disdain your favour, abhor your 
 treason, and am so far from delivering up this island to your 
 advantage, that I will keep it, to the utmost of my power, to 
 your destruction. Take this your final answer, and forbear 
 any further solicitations. For if you trouble me with any 
 more messages on this occasion, I will burn the paper and 
 hang the bearer.^ This is the immutable resolution, and shall 
 be the undoubted practice of him, who accounts it his chiefest 
 glory to be His Majesty's most loyal and obedient servant. 
 
 Derby. 
 
 " Castletown, y«/y 12, 1649." 
 
 Once again, and for the last time in her history, the Isle of 
 Man was defying the whole might of England, and for more 
 than two years, while Lord Derby lived, he made good his 
 boast. England either did not think it worth while or worth 
 the risk to attempt the conquest of the little island in the 
 
 1 One is almost tempted to think that this language must have been inspired 
 by Lady Derby, it so exactly resembles Lady Derby's answer to Rigliy 
 (Seacome's House of Stanley, p. 92, which has already been quoted). Cf. ibid. , 
 p. 130- 
 
142 JHE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Irish Sea. In 1651, however, the attempt of Charles II. to 
 regain'his crown rqcalled-Lord Derby to England, He carried 
 with him the Governor, Captain Greenhalgh, ^nd a regiment 
 of his Manx subjects, and after an obstinate engagement in 
 Lancashire, in which he was worsted, he joined the King, and 
 took part in the battle of Worcester. After the defeat he fled 
 with Charles into Staffordshire, where " having seen [Charles] 
 hopefully secured in such a place and with such trusty persons, 
 by whose means he most happily escaped the cruel hands of 
 those bloodthirsty rebels who then sought his life, shifting for 
 himself, he had the hard hap to be taken in Cheshire by one 
 Major Edge, but upon condition of quarter. Nevertheless, 
 against the law of arms, he was afterwards most barbarously 
 sentenced to death by a certain number of faithless men, who, 
 calling themselves a court-martial, sat at Chester, where, having 
 voted him guilty of a breach of the Act of August 12, 1651, 
 intituled an Act for prohibiting correspondency with Charles 
 Stuart or his party, and sentenced him to be put to deatli 
 at Bolton in Lancashire upon the 15th of October. He there 
 suffered most Christianly." 
 
 Thus lived and thus died the most striking figure that had 
 yet arisen in insular history. In Orry, the founder of the 
 Norwegian kingdom, it is difficult to separate the legendary 
 from the real. The character of the seventh Earl of Derby 
 is evident, on the contrary, from his actions, his writings, and 
 his laws. A man who lived in Stuart times could hardly be 
 expected to be a perfect ruler. In his miniature stage he 
 aped the manners of his own monarch, and quenched opposi- 
 tion by securing his opponents in gaol. Yet he did much to 
 remedy the abuses he found. A strong Churchman, he re- 
 stricted the exactions of the Church ; and he strove, after the 
 fashion of his time, to maintain order by severe punishment of 
 crime. His land laws were stamped with the fault that they 
 
THE GREAT EARL OF DERBY. M3 
 
 were based on the principles which perhaps found favour in 
 the seventeenth century with every great landowner. They 
 left a legacy of hate, which explain the revolt of the island 
 after his death, and which was not extinguished till the laws 
 themselves were abrogated by a later successor. In other 
 respects he did good work, and did it with the best intention. 
 He was careful in the choice of his ecclesiastics and his officers, 
 gracious in his manner, princely in his expenditure; he had 
 courage which made him worthy of his heroic wife, loya;lty. 
 which deseryed a better sovereign, intelligence which would 
 have been useful on a wider stage. His defects were perhaps 
 the defects of his age ; his virtues were his own ; and so even 
 those who dissent from his policy may agree in according to 
 him the titlej by which Manxmen still know him, of the great 
 Earl of Derby. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 
 
 On leaving the island in August 1651 to join Charles II., 
 Lord Derby delegated his authority to his wife, Charlotte de 
 la Tremouille. In language which seems almost too large 
 for the little stage, on which she was to p!ay the queen, he 
 authorised her "to order and dispose of all and everie the 
 forces of this island ... to raise anie army or armyes by 
 yourselfe or by your officers . . . with power to kill, imprison, 
 or otherwise to punish enemies according to your good dis- 
 cretion, and likewise to pardon and forgive all such of them as 
 you think worthie of itt . . . to dispose of, place or displace, 
 all officers of this island, spirituall or temporall, and free pardon 
 of liffe, member, and goodes to all deUinquents (after judgment 
 given), to give and grant at your will and pleasure." Even 
 the Stuarts hardly claimed such powers as Lord Derby, con- 
 fiding in her "known wisdom and courage," intrusted to 
 Charlotte de la Tremouille.^ 
 
 Signing and sealing this commission on the 6th August 
 1651, Lord Derby set sail on the fatal enterprise which was 
 to end in defeat at Worcester and the headsman's axe at 
 Bolton. But he did not leave Lady Derby without other 
 assistance. Sir Philip Musgrave, a Royalist, the owner of 
 Edenhall, succeeded Greenhalgh as Governor of the island, 
 and the insular infantry was placed under the command of 
 WiUiam Christian, a son of Deemster Ewan Christian, and a 
 
 1 Manx Soc, Pub. , vol. xxvi. p. 105. 
 144 
 
CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 145 
 
 distant relative of the Edward Christian whom Lord Derby at 
 one time had made Governor of the island, and whom he had 
 later thrown into the prison in which he was still lying. 
 
 At first Lord Derby was able to send his wife "com- 
 fortable lines;" but as weeks rolled on, and disaster and 
 capture ensued, his letters were couched in a different 
 tone ; and at last, three daj's before his execution, he wrote 
 to prepare her for his own fate and the coming invasion of 
 the island. 
 
 " The governor of this place (Chester), Colonel Duckenfield, 
 is general of the forces which are going now against the Isle of 
 Man, and however you might do for the present, in time it 
 would be a grievous and troublesome business to resist, especi-' 
 ally those that at this hour command three nations : wherefore 
 my advice, notwithstanding my great affection to that place, is 
 that you would make conditions for yourself, children, servants, 
 and people there, and such as. came over with me, to the end' 
 you may go to some place of rest, where you may not be con- 
 cerned in war; and, taking thought of your poor children, you 
 may in some sort provide for them ; then prepare yourself to 
 come to your friends above, in that blessed place where bliss 
 is and no mingling of opinions." ^ • 
 
 Lady Derby, on receiving the affecting letter from which 
 this paragraph is extracted, made an effort to save her Lord.' 
 She despatched one of her servants to England with a. proposal 
 for " the rendition of the island upon condition that the Earf 
 might be released." But her messenger was too lite. He 
 only reached Colonel Duckenfield at the end of October, and 
 a few days before the headsman had completed his fatal work 
 at Bolton. In the meanwhile all had not gone too smoothly 
 with Duckenfield. Leaving Chester on the i8th October, with 
 a considerable force, he had been compelled by contrary winds 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub., p. xxvii., or Seacome's House of Stanley, p. 128. ■ ■ 
 
 K 
 
146 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 to take shelter in Beaumaris, wherein — for the stout-hearted 
 Puritans always saw the finger of God in their concerns — 
 "wherein was marvellous Providence: for had we reacht the 
 island with that wind, which set on us at Anglesey, the violence 
 of the storm which arose within few hours would not only have 
 hindered the landing of our men upon such rough shores, 
 but have scattered us into severall countreys, to the disparag- 
 ing and retarding, if not altogether frustrating, our intended 
 attempts, at least for this winter." 
 
 And so from the i8th to the 24th October Duckenfield lay 
 quietly at Beaumaris. Early in the morning of the 25th he 
 set sail, and in the afternoon of the same day had a clear view 
 of the Manx coast. They saw " tlie country people in what 
 numbers they could make (for they have no trees to hide them), 
 both horse and foot, mustering up what strength they could 
 engage, which for ought we knew was against us." A council 
 of war was held, at which it was " controverted whether 
 to summon the island, or to make a forcible entry first, 
 and then afterward to scatter declarations more properly 
 among them, and only summon the casdes. The latter 
 [course] was resolved upon, which probably, had it been 
 attempted, would have cost the effusion of much blood; but 
 it pleased God (whose ways and thoughts are above ours) that 
 there suddenly arose a very great storme for a short time, that 
 most of our vessels could not possibly come up to the foremost 
 of us." These pious Puritans therefore, who, like the poor 
 Indian, "saw God in storms and heard Him in the wind," 
 abandoned their immediate intention, and steered to the north 
 of the island. There, on the following morning, one Hugh More, 
 an islander, came with a message from Receiver-General Chris- 
 tian to assure us that we should have no opposition in landing, 
 and that only the two castles, Peel and Rushen, did yet stand 
 out. Shortly afterwards " Dymster Christian, and with him 
 
CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 147 
 
 three or four seemingly honest and sufficient men," con- 
 firmed the news; and accordingly on the 29th October, after 
 the expedition had experienced another severe storm, in which 
 one of the vessels composing it was run ashore and " spoiled, 
 but the lives of the persons in her were preserved," the 
 whole force was safely landed, and siege was laid " to both the 
 castles at once. Colonel Duckenfield himself lying about Rushen 
 where the Countesse was." 
 
 On the evening of the day on which the siege began, an 
 answer was at last given to Lady Derby's appeal for her unfor- 
 tunate husband, and she learned for the first time that he was 
 beyond the reach of any help which human aid could give 
 him. Colonel Duckenfield at the same time assured her that 
 there was " no way left for your family of avoiding utter ruine 
 but by a present surrendering the castles of Rushen and Peel 
 to the State of England." 
 
 Poor Lady Derby, assured for the first time of her husband's 
 death, was " extreamely passionately affected as in a kind of 
 fury." She could hardly help perceiving that power pf resist- 
 ance she had none. The Parliamentary troops drawn up 
 before the castle had traversed the whole length of the island 
 without opposition ; members of her Council, her Deemster 
 and Receiver, had gone over to the enemy; her chaplain. 
 Archdeacon Rutter, urged her to agree to terms ; while almost 
 alone her young daughter, inheriting her mother's spirit, wished 
 that Master Rutter " and all such as he were out of the castle," ^ 
 and would leave them alone, " who were resolved to sell their 
 lives and blood at a d>"arer rate . . . and follow her noble 
 father." Lady Derby, however, did not venture on adopting 
 
 1 Rutter, who had been chaplain to Lord Derby, and was now Archdeacon, 
 and who subsequently became Bishop of the island, had been in Lathom during 
 the famous siege, and had displayed dexterity and courage (Seacome's House 
 of Stanley, p. 103). His advice to yield is a tolerable proof, therefore, that 
 Castle Rushen was indefensible. 
 
148 . THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 so bold a counsel,- but offered to surrender the castle on- con- 
 dition that she might be assured a safe-conduct for herself, her 
 family, and her suite, through England to Holland, and that 
 her own jointure and her servants' property might be assured 
 to her. Duckenfield, instead of sending a direct answer to 
 these proposals, busied himself in landing his artillery. While 
 the woik was still in progress, " news came that there was a 
 discontent generally among [the] soldiers in the castle." Sorh6 
 of them succeeded in leaping from the battlements and joining 
 the besiegers ; others wrenched open a sally-port, and gave 
 the enemy possession of the outer wall and tower; while the 
 leaders, noticing the defection of their men, demanded a 
 parley, and finally surrendered the fortress. It was agreed 
 that the castle and all its stores should be delivered on 
 Saturday the ist November; that Peel should be surrendered 
 on the following Monday; that the knights, gentlemen,' 
 and other persons should have passes to go to their several 
 countries or habitations, with their wearing apparel and their 
 private monies ; and that Lady Derby, with her children and 
 servants, have liberty to transport themselves for England, 
 there to make what application to the Parliament she shall 
 think fit." 1 
 
 "Lady Derby" — so wrote Hume — "retained the glory of 
 being the last person in the three kingdoms, and in all their 
 dependent dominions, who submitted to the victorious Com-- 
 monwealth." ^ And her resistance would evidently have been 
 much protracted if she could have relied on her Manx sub- 
 jects and her insular garfison. Duckenfield, in fact, achieved 
 a bloodless conquest, because the defection of the Christians 
 enabled him to land unopposed and to secure Castle Rushen 
 without a siege. And the conduct of Christian has been 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxvi. pp. 16-74.. 
 
 2 History of England, vol. vii. p. 205. 
 
CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 149 
 
 raised into literary and historical importance. For one person 
 who is acquainted with the annals of the Isle of Man, a 
 thousand are familiar with the adventures of " Peveril. Of the 
 Peak," and Scott in the novel has allowed Lady Derby to 
 frame her own charges against her Receiver. 
 ; -"This Christian," she saidi"had eat of my lord his sove- 
 reign's bread and drunk of his cup. , , . He himself had fought 
 bravely by my husband's side, and enjoyed all his confidence ; 
 and, when my princely Earl was martyred by the rebels, he 
 recommended to me amongst other instructions, communicated 
 in the'last message I received froni him, to continue my con- 
 fidence in Christian's fidelity. I obeyed, although I never 
 loved the man. He was cold and phlegmatic, and utterly 
 devoid of that sacred fire which is the incentive to noble 
 deeds, suspected too of leaning to the cold metaphysics of 
 Calvinistic subtlety. But he was brave, wise, and experienced, 
 and, as the event proved, possessed but too much interest with 
 the islanders. When these rude people saw themselves with- 
 out hope of rehef, and pressed by a blockade, which brought 
 want and disease into the island, they began to fall off from the 
 faith which they had hitherto shown. . . . Do not blame them 
 [continued the Countess] ; the riide herd acted but according 
 to their kind— in present distress they forgot former benefits, 
 and, nursed in their earthen hovels, with spirits suited to their 
 dwellings, they were incapable of feeling the glory which is 
 attached to constancy in suffering. But that Christian should 
 have headed their revolt — that he, born a gentleman, and 
 nursed under my murdered Derby's own care in all that was 
 chivalrous and noble — 'that he should have forgot a hundred 
 benefits ! Why do I talk of benefits? That he should have 
 forgotten that kindly intercourse which binds man to man far 
 more than the reciprocity of obligation— that he should have 
 headed the ruffians who broke suddenly into .my apartment — 
 
ISO THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 immured me with my infants in one of my own castles, and 
 assumed or usurped the tyranny of the island — that this should 
 have been done by William Christian, my vassal, my servant, 
 my friend, was a deed of ungrateful treachery, which even this 
 age of treason will scarcely parallel." ^ 
 
 This description which Scott gave of Christian's conduct 
 was not suffered to pass unchallenged. The then representa- 
 tive of the Christians forwarded to the novelist a memorandum 
 entitled " Historical Notices," defending the Receiver, which 
 may still be read in an appendix to the introduction of 
 " Peveril of the Peak ; " while one of the few ballads in the 
 Manx language which is still preserved sings the praises of 
 Iliam Dhone.2 It is certain, too, that the language which Scott 
 puts into Lady Derby's mouth is not quite reconcilable with 
 the facts that have come 'down to us. The surrender of the 
 island to the Commonwealth was not due to the pressure of 
 blockade, bringing want and disease in its train. Duckenfield, 
 like Cassar, might have boasted that he came, he saw, and he 
 conquered. There is no evidence, moreover, that Lord Derby 
 specially recommended his wife to trust in Christian. He 
 certainly made no allusion to Christian in the last letter which 
 he addressed to her, and it is not likely that he should have 
 done so. For, whatever benefits the Earl may have conferred 
 on the island, he had conferred no benefit on the Christians. 
 On the contrary, William Christian's distant relative, the ex- 
 Governor, was still in gaol. Deemster Christian, William 
 Christian's father, was one of those who had profited most 
 from the old land tenure which Lord Derby had terminated, 
 and was excluded from the commission which Lord Derby 
 appointed in 1645, and which led to the introduction of 
 
 1 Peveril of the Peak, chap. v. 
 
 2 Iliam Dhone is literally William the Brown-Haired, and is the Manx name 
 for William Christian. 
 
CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 151 
 
 leases; in fact, there is every reason for supposing that 
 it was this very policy of turning customary lands into lease- 
 holds which produced the rapid defection of 165 1; and, 
 according to the author of " Historical Notices," the only stipu- 
 lation which the islanders made on surrendering the island 
 was " that they might enjoy their lands and liberties as they 
 formerly had." 
 
 News of the capture of the Island was at once sent to 
 London, and the House of Commons rewarded the messen- 
 ger who brought the tidings with a gratuity of ;£^ioo, and 
 directed its thanks to be conveyed by letter to Colonel 
 Duckenfield and the officers and soldiers of the expedition 
 " for their good and faithful service." A month afterwards 
 it voted a guard of 240 men for the protection of the island, 
 directed that two vessels should be provided "for its help and 
 benefit, not being able to subsist without traffic or defend 
 themselves from pirates without some such conveniency ; " 
 and it ordered "that the ^400 which was the Bishop's yearly 
 revenue, together with the profits of the sequestrable clergy, 
 may make one purse to be allowed to so many and such 
 ministers as the Council of State shall appoint to preach as 
 ' Steueraries,' at least for a time ; and all scandalous and unfit 
 ministers to be put out." It further decided that " the Isle 
 of Man should be taken in as part of England, yet retain- 
 ing such laws already established as are equitable and just, 
 and more suitable to the condition of that people than any 
 other that can be devised. To which end it will be 
 convenient that Dymster Christian and his brother the 
 Receiver,! two of the ablest and honestest gentlemen in 
 the Island, may be commanded to attend the Council, by 
 
 1 According to the Historical Notices, Receiver Christian was the son, and not' 
 the brother, of Deemster Christian. Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xxvi. p. 92. For the 
 extracts in the text, see ibid., p. 77, and Journal of the House of Commons. 
 
153 THE LAND; OF HOME RULE. 
 
 whom they may receive- a full and true ' account touching 
 their laws." 
 
 But, though Parliament deterrnined that the Island should 
 be taken in as part of England, it resolved to maintain its 
 separate organisation. It -granted the Island to one of its most 
 distinguished genera,ls, Thorftas; Lord Fairfax, "in as large 
 and beneficial manner, to all intents and purposes, as the said, 
 James (Lord Derby) had or might have enjoyed the same ; " 
 and the earliest historian oftheiisland, who himself acted as 
 its Governor for a short time under Fairfax, added, " So that 
 a^ his Lordship hath the jurisdiction of the Isles as the said Earl 
 hath, so hath he also the title, namely, Lord of Man and of the 
 Isles, and that most deservedly; for that as he, in virtue and 
 rfobiliiy of blood, is not inferior to ?iny of his predecessors, 
 kings and lords of Man, so in high achievements in arms he 
 far surmounteth them all." 1 
 
 Lord Fairfax continued in possession of the Island until the 
 Restoration, but there is no very clear evidence that he ever 
 visited his little dominion. The most important legislation 
 passed during his tenure of it was confirmed and approved by 
 him at Nun Appleton in PZngland. During this period the 
 island, seems to have relapsed into a condition of chronic 
 misery; for Chaloner, in concluding his description of it, 
 declared that its poverty was "its greatest security." ^ 
 . The poverty ^ of- the island probably prepared the way for a 
 fresh revolution. The people, who had obtained little or no 
 
 1 Chaloner in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. x. p. 28, The late Mr. Harrison savs 
 that the island had been conferred on Lord Fairfax by an Act of the Lono- 
 Parliament passed on the 20th September 1649 ; bur he admits that no trace 
 can be found of the Act. Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxvi. p. xxxiii. n. 
 
 2 Ibid., vol. X. p. 57. 
 
 3 Before accepting Chaloner's statement without reserve, the reader will do 
 wellto compare it with Blundell's account of the island, which will be found at 
 the commencement of the next chapter. . . ■ 
 
civil, WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 153 
 
 benefit from the change to the Commonwealth, were ready on 
 the first opportunity to reyert to their old allegiance. {I'he 
 Restoration in England was consequently followed by a similar 
 restoration in Man, and on the last four days of May .1660 
 CharJ'es II. was proclaimed in each of the four towns of the 
 island, " with shouting, shooting of muskets, and ordnance,- 
 drinking of beer, with great rejoicing." Oddly enough,- the 
 Governor, Chaloner, who owed his appointment to Fairfax, was 
 present on each of these occasipns, " attended with the officers, 
 civil and spiritual, twenty-four Keys, the, captains of parishes, 
 and above sixty horse, besides the officers in each town afore- 
 said." 1 ■ 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that, easily as the island had lapsed 
 from its cHstpmary allegiance in 1651, it returned with equal 
 ease to its old allegiance in 1660. But it is worth observing 
 that its first overt act of allegiance was paid, not . to its own 
 sovereign, but to the crown of England. Six weeks more 
 elapsed before the eighth Earl did anything to assert his own 
 authority as his father's heir. ' On the 14th July, hq,wever, he 
 issued a commission in London appointing Roger Nowell and 
 other gentlemen to be his commissioners in the island, and 
 from that date he may be assumed to have entered on the 
 government of the little dornini<)n of which he was the here- 
 ditary lord. 
 
 In Man, as in England, the men Avho were in favour of the 
 Restoration endeavoured both to efface and ignore the dpings 
 under the Commonwealth. Episcopacy was almost imme- 
 diately restored, and the statutes which had been made since 
 1651 were solemnly re-enacted. But, while Lord Derby and 
 his commissioners in Man were restoring Episcopacy and 
 obliterating the remaining traces of rebellion, they were not 
 forgetting those who had proved faithless to the seventh Earl's 
 
 ^ Manx, Soc, Pub. , vol. xxvi. p. xxxv. 
 
154 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 trust, and who had negotiated the surrender of the island to 
 the officers of the Commonwealih. Charles II., indeed, had 
 sanctioned a general Act of indemnity for all acts or offences 
 acted or done by virtue or colour of any authority of the 
 existing Government of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and 
 the dominions thereunto belonging, from the ist January 
 1637 to the 24th June 1660 ;i and relying on this amnesty, 
 Iliam Dhone had returned to the island ^ in the summer 
 of 1662. But Lord Derby at once decided on ignoring 
 the indemnity, and writing from Lathom, directed Christian's 
 arrest. 
 
 " Rebellion being a most heinous sinne against God, calling 
 for justice here on earth, without which that place where it is 
 committed may well be said to be polluted, and by a fitting- 
 sacrifice ought to be purified by the blood of the most heinously 
 guilty . . . and withall, considering how much I am concerned 
 soe far forth as I may to revenge a father's bloud, I take it to be 
 a duty ... to command you (which I doe by these presents) 
 that forthwith upon sight hereof you proceed against \\'illiam 
 Christian of Ronasway (some times recedent of my island of 
 Man), for all his illegal actions and rebelhons, at or before the 
 year of our Lord one thousand sixe hundred fifty and one, or 
 at any time since, and that he be proceeded against according 
 to the lawes of that my island." 
 
 The Lord's officers lost no time in carrying out his instruc- 
 tions. On the 3rd of October — the mandate was only dated 
 
 1 12 Car. II., c. ii. 
 
 - Things liad not gone well with William Christian during the Protectorate. 
 He seems to have left the island in consequence of some defalcations in his 
 accounts with the Exchequer. His property was sequestered, and on reaching 
 London he was thrown into the Fleet. He said himself, in his speech before 
 his execution, " I was not long in London when I was arrested upon an action 
 of ;^2o,ooo, and clapped up in the Fleet, unto which action I, being a 
 stranger, could give no bail, but was there kept nearly a whole year." Manx 
 Soc. Pub., vol. xxvi. ,p. 37, and cf. Introduction, p., xxxvii.. 
 
CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 15; 
 
 1 2th September — Christian was put on his trial at Castle 
 Rushen. Depositions were made by various persons con- 
 cerned in the rising, which show clearly enough that Christian 
 had contemplated an insurrection, had intended to surprise 
 the castle, and that he and his fellow-conspirators had been 
 sworn to secrecy. The Governor referred these depositions 
 to the Deemsters and Keys for their "advice and assistance, 
 whether (upon the examinations taken and read before you) 
 you find Mr. William Christian of Ronaldsway within com- 
 pass of the statute of the year 1422,1 that is, to receive a sen- 
 tance without quest, or to be tryed according to ordinarye 
 course of tryall for life and death in this country." Deemsters 
 and Keys replied that he should be tried by the course of 
 trial for life and death by quest ; and on the 26th November 
 Christian was accordingly indicted before a court of general 
 gaol delivery at Castle Rushen. As, however, he refused to 
 abide his trial at bar according to the law and custom of the 
 country, it was not thought necessary to impanel a jury. The 
 Governor thereupon asked the Deemster, " who then sat in 
 judication," what the law directed when a person refused to 
 plead. The Deemster, before answering the question, craved 
 the advice and assistance of the twenty-four Keys ; and Deem- 
 ster and Keys replied that " the law in this case deemes such 
 a person to be in y* mercy of y" lord for life and goods, as we 
 find by ancient records." 
 
 This answer was only given by one of the Deemsters, Norris, 
 Deemster Christian not unnaturally absenting himself from the 
 court. But it is evident that even Deemster Norris and the 
 Keys wished by this answer to absolve themselves from the 
 unpopular duty of passing sentence on Christian, and to fling 
 the whole responsibility on the Governor of the island. But 
 
 1 The Statute of 1422 gave it for law " that whosoever riseth against the 
 lieutenant, he is a traytor by our law, for that is against the Lord's prerogative." 
 
156 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Lord Derby and his officers were too shrewd to fall into the snare 
 which was thus laid for thena : instead of ordering Christian's 
 death on their own authority, they again summoned Deemster 
 and Keys,, and asked them whether an offender who had refused 
 to ple^d, and who had been condemned to death, was entitled 
 to the same benefit of tryal afterwards by a grand jury.: j If not, 
 whether the Deerristers, or one of them, ought not to proceed 
 to pass sentence ; and, if the Deemster do not pronounce sen- 
 tence, then by whom is the same to be dorie, andin what man- 
 ner. But, though their inquiries were referred to Deemster and 
 Keys, the authorities seein to have found it necessary to pack 
 a court for the purpose. Deemster Christian was removed and 
 replaced by the Attorney-General, Hugh Cannell. Seven of 
 the Keys were displaced by Lord Derby's own order, and 
 seven other persons, who may be assumed to have been more 
 subniissive, were appointed in their room. Thus reconstituted. 
 Deemsters and Keys seem to have found no difficulty in reply- 
 ing that Christian had no right to a fresh trial, "except it bee 
 by the spetiall favour of the Lord of this Isle;" and that "his 
 doome and sentence for life or death, as pleaseth the Governor 
 or Deputy-Governor . . . bee pronounced by the Deerrjsters, 
 or the one of them in due obedience of such his honour's or 
 Governor's or Deputy-Governor's pleasure, and that a sentence 
 soe pronounced is authenticke and firme in law, in order to his 
 honour's prerogatives in this isle." 
 
 Fortified by this clear opinion of a court specially con- 
 stituted to return it, the Governor commanded the Deemsters 
 to pronounce sentence of death unto and against him, the said 
 prisoner. " And to lett him understand that hee stands guilty 
 of most notorious treason, which demeritts in the strictness 
 of law a most haynues and ignominious death. . . . Never- 
 theless, upon the earnest peticon of his wife, and consideracon 
 of her very disconsolate condition, I have thought fitt, and so 
 
CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 157 
 
 require and order you to pronounce for sentence (using such 
 accustomed fforme as appertaynes to a sentence) that hee bee 
 brought to the place of execution called Hango Hill, and there 
 shott to death, that thereuppon his lifife may departe from his 
 bodie." 
 
 The Deemsters could no longer disobey the Governor's order^ 
 and on the same day on which it was given, the last day of 
 i66r, Christian was brought to the "publique barre with a 
 guard of soldiers," and the senior Deemster, Norris, pro- 
 nounced sentence in "a formall and patheticall speech." 
 And two days later, on the second day of 1662, the tragedy 
 was closed. According to the register of the parish in which 
 he was executed, Christian " died most penitently and most 
 curragiously, made a good end, prayed earnestly, made an 
 excellent speech, and the next day was buried in the chancle 
 of Malew." 1 
 
 The story of Christian's death has been told at length be- 
 cause, apart from the interest attaching to it through " Peveril 
 of the Peak," it illustrates the constitution and practice of the 
 eairly law courts in the Isle of Man. We have the satisfaction,' 
 moreover, of seeing that Charlotte de la Tremouille is herself 
 saved from the reproach, which Scott's genius has cast on her 
 memory, of compassing Christian's death, and that the re- 
 sponsibility for it attaches not to her, but to her son. But 
 the full significance of the story does not end at this point. 
 Before his conviction Christian appealed to the King in- 
 Council, saying that he was advised by his lawyers that the 
 Act of Indemnity applied to him, and praying that he might; 
 have the benefit of the laws of England, and that the King 
 would order that he should be brought before him, and that, if 
 anything were objected to him, he, should have a fair trial, 
 according to the known laws of the kingdom. Before any 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxvi. pp. 1-40. 
 
158 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 action was taken on this petition Christian was beyond the 
 reach of any aid which Charles II. could extend to him. But 
 on the 1 2th January the petition was referred to the law 
 officers ; and on the i6ih, on their report, Lord Derby was 
 directed to bring his prisoner to London, " to be heard 
 before us and our Councell, touching the matters wherewith 
 he is charged." Lord Derby, writing to the Secretary of 
 State on the 20th, regretted that he should have had any 
 trouble " concerneinge one Christian who [had been] con- 
 demned and executed by the lawes of the Island of Mann." 
 This Christian " rebelled and constrained my mother (who my 
 Lord my father left Governesse), to surrender up the Isle to the 
 Parliament, and for this hee had no commission, neither from any 
 of the illegall powers which might render the Act of Indemp- 
 nity beneficiail to him, if that place had been comprehended 
 in the Act of Indempnity, which I conceive it is not, because 
 the Act of Indempnity makes noe mention of that place." 
 And Lord Derby, therefore, passing lightly over the transaction 
 to matters of higher importance, asked the Secretary of State 
 to approve the appointments of some deputy-lieutenants for 
 Lancashire. 
 
 Possibly the matter might have been forgotten if some of 
 Christian's sons had not appealed to the Privy Council for re- 
 dress. The Council, on their appeal, directed Thomas Norris, 
 the Deemster who pronounced sentence, Robert Calcott, the 
 commander of Castle Rushen, and Hugh Cannell, the attorney- 
 general, who had been promoted to the Deemstership, to 
 appear before the Privy Council and give an account of their 
 proceedings. The Governor, Henry Nowell,i had the hardi- 
 hood to obstruct the order, and the Council thereupon issued 
 a warrant for the arrest of the Governor and the other offenders, 
 
 1 Henry Nowell appears to have been deputy to his father, Roger Nowell. 
 Manx See. Pub. , vol. xxvi. p. 34, note. 
 
CIVIL WAR AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 159 
 
 and the bringing them to London. Lord Derby, hearing 
 of the order, thought it useless to resist the power of the 
 English crown, and undertook, if the warrant were suspended, 
 that the persons charged should at once appear ; and, finally, 
 after a full hearing of the whole case, the Privy Council, 
 assisted by the Lord Chief Justice, the Lord Chief Baron, 
 and the King's counsel "learned in the lawes," decided 
 "that the Act of general pardon and indempnity did and 
 ought to be understood to extend into the Isle of Man, as 
 well as into any other of His Majesty's dominions . . . and 
 that being a publique general Act of Parliament, it ought to 
 have been taken notice of by the Judges in the Isle of Man." 
 In consequence it directed that full restitution should be 
 made of William Christian's estate ; that the complainants 
 should have all their charges and expenses paid ; that the two 
 Deemsters — Norris and Cannell — should be committed to the 
 King's Bench and proceeded against " so to receive condign 
 punishment according to the merit of so heinous a fact ; " that 
 Deemster Chrisdan should at once be restored to his office ; 
 and that the Governor Nowell (" whose fault hath been the 
 not complying with and yielding due obedience to the orders 
 of His Majesty and this Board") be discharged on giving 
 security to appear before the Privy Council whenever sum- 
 moned, being "strictly commanded to employ the power and 
 authority which, by virtue of his commission, he hath in that 
 island in performance of and obedience to all commands and 
 orders of His Majesty and this Board in this whole business 
 or any way relating thereto." ^ 
 
 This decision emphasises the conclusion which has been 
 more than once expressed in this volume that the little Island 
 of Man, though a very ancient kingdom, could at no time of 
 its history claim that it was an independent kingdom. As 
 
 1 Manx. Soc. Pub., vol. xxvi. p. 57. 
 
i6o THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the Lord Chancellor of England said in deciding a famous 
 casein 1751 :— ...;..- j : . . > 
 
 "Several things are admitted on both sides— ^that the Isle of 
 Man is not parcel of the realni, but of the possessions of the 
 crown of Great Britain, long held as feudatory, first of "the 
 King of NorA-ay, then of the King of Scotland, and afterwards 
 of the King of England by liege homage. ... It is grantdBle: 
 by the Great Seal of England, not as parcel of the realm, but 
 of the possessions of the crown; it is held by liege homage 
 rendering two falcons, to be presented to the King's heirs and 
 successors upon the day of their coronation, which is a tenure 
 in free socage." ^ 
 
 ' Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xii. p. 68. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE ISLAND AT THE RESTORATION. 
 
 The Civil War of the seventeenth century passed lightly over 
 the Isle of Man. The people did not suffer from the execution 
 of Lord Derby at Bolton, or of Wiliiara Christian on Hango 
 Hill.i The transfer of the Island to the Parlianaent and its 
 restoration to the Derby dynasty were equally effected without 
 blood-shedding, and its inhabitants were left free to pursue 
 their own calHngs and promote their own prosperity in their 
 own way. For the first time in its history the lot of the litile 
 island was becoming more tolerable than the lot of the larger 
 island of England, and, in consequence, fresh light was thrown 
 on its circumstances. William Blundell, a gentlemen of Lan- 
 cashire, who had fought on the side of the Stuarts, who had 
 been badly wounded at the siege of Lathom, and who, "wearied 
 with being so often wakened at midnight to fly from the King's 
 and Parliament's troops (both equally feared because equally 
 plundering)," resolved to banish himself voluntarily for a 
 time to that " little molehill moted about with ye main sea," 
 where he hoped to sleep in peace without " any nightmares to 
 molest" him. 
 
 1 Hango Hill, where Iliani Dhone was shot, and which was the place of public 
 execution, is situated a short distance to the north of Castletown, between King 
 William's College and Castletown Bay. Lord Derby erected a block-house upon 
 it, which "is unfortunately rapidly disappearing before the ravages of the sea. 
 It is said to owe its name to the use to which it was put, Hango Hill being the 
 iill of hanging. Surnames and Place-Names, Isle of Man, p, 292, 
 
 161 L 
 
l62 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Blundell's hopes were not founded on any knowledge he 
 possessed of the island. Though he had probably himself 
 frequently seen its mountains from his own Lancashire hills, 
 he knew no more about it than the ordinary Englishman of 
 to-day knows about Cochin-China or Timbuctoo; for he tells 
 us that, as he was "rocked in y« floating craddle" of the little 
 skiff which was carrying him to the island, there occurred to 
 him " Moses' expression and interpretation of y^ word Manna, 
 in y° sacred text of its original langu^ige importing, . . . they 
 wist not what it was ; which name may still (not unfitly) be 
 given to this island, for notwithstanding all y* any have 
 written thereof, we are still put to ask. What is this island? 
 How is it governed ? With what laws, political or ecclesiastical ? 
 The power, antiquity, and succession of y* Kings and Lords 
 of Man?" 
 
 A gentleman who could indulge in such speculations while 
 he was rocked in his little skiff on his passage was just the 
 man to take some steps to make the Island a little better 
 known ; and accordingly, during his stay there, Blundell col- 
 lected the materials for his history, which, after lying for more 
 than two hundred years in manuscript, has been lately pub- 
 lished by the Manx Society. 
 
 While Blundell was collecting the materials for his work, 
 Fairfax was selecting Chaloner as his representative in the 
 Island; and Chaloner set an example to his successors by 
 writing "A Short Treatise of the Isle of Man." A few years 
 later Chaloner's conduct in this respect was followed by 
 William Sacheverell, who held the governorship of the Island 
 in 1693 ; a generation later still, Waldron published his descrip- 
 tion of the Isle of Man ; while Bishop Wilson about the same 
 lime composed the narrative which he called a history of the 
 Island. 
 
 Thus the veil is suddenly lifted, and we find ourselves face 
 
THE. ISLAND AT THE RESTORATION. 163 
 
 to face with the people whose history and character we have 
 hitherto endeavoured to trace by incidental references in other 
 works. And the account which we derive from Blundell's pages 
 is one of comparative prosperity. " All parts of the Island, as 
 well the north as the south, yieldeth store of all sorts of grain, 
 both barley, wheat, rye, and oats (yet of y« last the most), but 
 not only of each satisfying the inhabitants' necessity, but also 
 aifording an overplus for exportation unto other parts; and y" 
 corn of this island is so purely good as y' you shall not find, 
 no not in England, either better bread or better beer than is 
 there coinmonly sold."i He goes on to add that, besides 
 corn, the Island yieldeth good store of flax and hemp, but 
 that the cattle were little, low, small and poor, while the 
 horses were "frightfully poor, and the most unsightly that 
 may anywhere be found. . . . You are scarce able to dis- 
 cover any head for hair, which is of a sooty black colour. 
 ... A reasonable tall man needs no stirrups to ascend him, 
 but, being mounted, no man need to desire a better travelling 
 beast; they will plod on freely and willingly with a soft and 
 round amble, setting as easy as your Irish hobbies ; they 
 have no need of spurs or switch." ^ The sheep of the 
 
 ^ Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xxv. p. 39. 
 
 " Train says, on the authority of the MS. Statute Book, that ' ' so early as the 
 year 1584 the attention of the Legislature was turned tow ards the improvement of 
 the breed of horses. ' Whosoever shall keep a stoned horse, unless he be five 
 quarters of a yard high, and worth six shillings and eight pence, shall, upon pre- 
 sentment to the Great Inquest, be fined in three shillings and four pence. ' Horses, 
 therefore, in 1584, could not have been larger than Shetland ponies. Almost 
 exactly a hundred years afterwards. Lord Derby, with a view ' to the encourage- 
 ment of tenants here to breed good horses,' offered a plate ' of £5 to be run for 
 by the Manx horses upon the 28th day of July in every year, being the birthday 
 of our honbl. Lord Strange.'" And the Statute Book of that year directed that 
 "such as have a mind to put in horses to run the said race shall enter their 
 names at the Clerk of the Rolls at or before the iiii"" day of July next, with 
 the name of the horse he intends to put in, if he have any, and his colour, and 
 whether it be horse, mare, or gelding" (Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 142). 
 
1 64 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Island were also commended ; the mutton fat and well tasted, 
 the wool good, and the Laughton wool, as the brown wool of 
 the native breed is still called, exceeding other wool in fineness. 
 When Blundell was on the island, the great Earl of Derby 
 wore an entire suit made of this wool. Agriculture was not 
 the only pursuit of the natives. " The sea feedeth more of 
 the Manksmen than the soil. It yieldeth to the Islanders pre- 
 sently of divers sorts of fish, but of no one sort so much as of 
 herrings in their season." The herring-fishery from the earliest 
 recorded period had been an object of care both to State 
 and Church. The Church exacted its lithe on all fish caught 
 either at sea or on the coast. The Lord was entitled to one 
 maze out of every five maze of herrings caught ^ The re- 
 mainder of the catch was divided into eight parts, " whereof 
 he that furnisheth the nets hath three parts ; he that is owner 
 of the boat, one part ; the other four parts are subdivided 
 among the fishermen that assisted to catch them ; for in every 
 boat that goeth out to fish there are four fishermen ; so as if 
 the owner of the boat be also owner of the nets, he hath the 
 half of all the herring that are taken in that boat and in that 
 net." ^ The whole people, therefore, from the Lord to the 
 lo'.vest hind, drew large benefits from the fishery. The Lord's 
 rent was usually paid out of the profits obtained from it,^ while 
 the people made the herrings throughout the year their daily 
 and constant food.* How largely the herring extended into 
 the lives of the people may be inferred from the oath which 
 
 The race thus instituted is said to have been called the Derby; and the Manx are 
 fond of declaring that the Derby was run in the Isle of Man the best part of a 
 century before it was run at Epsom. 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 5. A maze of herrings contains 625 fish : 
 for tithe fish see ibid., p. 44. 
 
 2 Blundell, in Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xxv. p. 85. 
 s Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 14. 
 
 ■> Blundell, Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xxv. p. 86. 
 
THE ISLAND AT THE RESTORATION. 16$ 
 
 was and is still administered to the Deemsters. They were and 
 are sworn to " execute the laws of this Isle justly betwixt our 
 Sovereign Lady the Queen and her subjects within this Isle, 
 and betwixt party and party as indifferently as the herring 
 backbone doth lie in the middle of the fish." 1 
 
 The herring is a fish whose movements are often uncertain, 
 and no one has hitherto been able to determine the reason 
 why it occasionally deserts and occasionally frequents parti- 
 cular banks. Such uncertainty, which affects the fishery off the 
 Manx coast now, apparently existed in the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, for Tynwald in 1610 set out with much care the orders 
 to be observed in the herring-fishery, " whensoever it pleaseth 
 God to send that blessing;" while Bishop Wilson, a hundred 
 years later, added a petition to the Litany, which is still always 
 read in Manx churches : " That it would please Thee to restore 
 and continue to us the blessings of the sea." ^ 
 
 In 1610 the Lieutenant, Deemsters, Oflicers, and twenty- 
 four Keys, " having taken the examinacons of fower anncyent 
 men, who perfectlie did remember the hearing-ffishing in this 
 Isle," directed that every farmer should provide himself with 
 eight fathomes of netts, "conteyning three deepings of nyne 
 score mashes upon the rope," and furnished with buoys and 
 corks used for fishing. No one was to fish before the 
 
 1 Perhaps the commencement of the oath ought also to be given ; " By this 
 book, and by the holy contents thereof, and by the wonderful works that God 
 hath miraculously wrouglit in heaven above and in the earth beneath in six 
 days and seven nights, I, A. B., do swear," &c. The people who drew this 
 oath were evidently ignorant that the Jewish day began in the evening : and, 
 as we read in Genesis, that the evening and the morning were the first day, 
 inferred that there must have been seven evenings or nights before God rested 
 on the seventh day from the labour of creation. 
 
 2 Tliis addition to the Litany was possible, because the Act of Uniformity 
 does not apply to the Isle of Man. The only other alteration made in the 
 Service of the Church has been the omission during the last five years of tlie 
 prayer for the High Court of Parliament, and the addition of a prayer for the 
 Governor and Legislature of the Island. 
 
1 66 THE LA-ND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 i6th July; no one was to fish from Saturday morning till 
 Sunday night ; no one was to fish in the daytime ; and no 
 one was to shoot his nets till the Admiral or Vice-Adn:iiral of 
 the Fleet had given directions for doing so. These minute 
 regulations do not seem to have been successful. Perhaps no 
 jaws could have improved an industry which was ruined by 
 the heavy exactions of Church and State. And in 1613 Lady 
 Derby, being " trulie advertised that because of the great imposi- 
 con ... of custom-heyrings, not onlie strangers have refrayned 
 to come to the late fishinge of this Isle, but also the Islanders 
 themselves, being thereby discouraged, did not shewe their 
 willinge minds, nor consequentlie use their industrious paynes 
 in and about the fishinge" — bad the good sense largely to 
 reduce the customs both for strangers and natives.^ 
 
 The fruits of the earth and the blessings of the sea were the 
 chief resources of the Manx in the seventeenth century. But 
 there was already evidence that the land was rich in mineral 
 wealth. There are traces of old mine-workings in the south 
 of the Island, which were apparently commenced in some 
 pre-historic period ; for, in lately resuming operations, the 
 adventurers have found a stone axe, which had been, it seems, 
 employed by the original explorers. Blundell, indeed, shrewdly 
 "confided" that it will be "experienced hereafter that Man is 
 far richer under ground than it is above." On the other hand, 
 he noticed that there was no coal, that the only fuel was gorse, 
 ling, and turf, and that timber was so scarce that the mercers, 
 " when they come into England for other commodities, buy 
 up our birch brooms, and of them make rods and sell them to 
 parents to correct their children and schoolmen to discipline 
 the schollars." 
 
 The Island in Blundeli's time was "in a mean populous." 
 The gentry, who were few, lived in "high, handsome, well- 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. pp. 73, 74, 89, 
 
THE ISLAND AT THE RESTORATION. 167 
 
 built houses." Some of them had " good though not great 
 estates ; the greatest that I could be informed of exceeded not 
 ^600 or ;^7oo per annum, the rest have some ;^Soo, ^^400, 
 ;^3oo, or under." The peasants, on the other hand, lived under 
 less favourable conditions. They were — so Blundell said — 
 " the true Manks breed, and home-bred natives of Man ; tall of 
 stature and of a strenuous bulk, but boorish as y^ Beotian, having 
 their wits as gross as their ayre." Their houses were " mere 
 hovels, compacted of stones and clay for the walls, thatch'd with 
 broom, most commonly containing one room only." " In this 
 smoking hut, hke y^ wild Irish, of whom many opine ihem to 
 be antiently descended, doth the man, his wife, and children 
 cohabit, and in many places with y^ geese and ducks under 
 y^ bed, the cocks and hens over his head, the cow and calf 
 at the bed's feet. Their constant diet is only salt butter, 
 herrings, and oatcakes ; their drink is either simple water, or 
 water mixed with milk, or at best butter-milL" Yet they were 
 " a people sooner to be drawn by the ears than dragged by the 
 cloths (easily persuaded but with difficulty compelled), and 
 therefore for above two hundred and forty years have they 
 persevered in their loyalty and have been constant idolaters 
 of y° Stanleys, who never forced, but rather courted, their 
 consent to new laws and impositions. They never mutinied, 
 never rebelled. Wherefore y* character y* was given (and is 
 related by Plutarch) of Marius, his Moyles, may fitly be applied 
 unto these Manksmen, a people painful and willing to do whatso- 
 ever their Lords shall command without grudging or reluctance." 
 The laws were severe. The gallows were kept in readiness 
 for the felon, the whipping-stock for the beggar and the idle. 
 But the severity of the laws tended to work their own cure. 
 Theft of goods not worth sixpence was not apparently ac- 
 counted felony, and juries were accordingly accustomed to 
 find that the goods which the prisoner was accused of 
 
i;68- THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 stealing were not worth that sum. In 1629, during the 
 governorship of Edward Christian, Tynwald addressed itself 
 to the difficulty. 
 
 " As in every well-ordered commonwealth, wholesome 
 statutes, orders, and laws, answerable to the times, are usually 
 invented, prepared, and enacted for the purpose of avoiding 
 such present and future annoyances, inconveniences, and losses, 
 as the magistrates find the members thereof to be subject unto 
 and suffer;" so it was enacted, among other things — 
 
 " I St. That whensoever any thief shall be found to steal 
 either mutton, sheep, goat, swine, &c.. the same shall not be 
 priced by the jury of indictment (as hath been accustomed), 
 who sometimes valued such stollen goods under the value of 
 vid., thereby out of a foolish, petty, and partiall regard, to 
 extenuate the rigour of the law in favour of the malefactors, but 
 that every sheep, &c., of what age or worth soever it be, being 
 stollen, shall hereafter be found to be fellony in the offender 
 to death ipso facto, upon the inquisition taken, without valuing 
 or distinguishing the price. ! ._ . ■ 
 
 "2nd. Stealing and cutting of beehives in gardens shall hi 
 fellony in like manner to death, without judging the price. 
 
 "3rd. Also, whereas such as have stolen turff, ling, gorse, 
 robbed gardens, clipped other men's sheep, stollen corn and 
 hay out of fields and haggards, stollen geese, hens, ducks, or 
 comitted such like pillfereys and fellony, have all of them been 
 connyved at and slightly let pass : Be it therefore ordained that 
 all such manner of theft, if it amount to the value of sixpence, 
 shall be fellony to death in the offender ; and, under the 
 value, to be whipped, or set upon a wooden horse, ordained 
 for such offenders at the discretion of the Captaine ; and least 
 •the simple jurors, who in such cases may be doubted, will not 
 enter into due consideration of such fellony, and esteem to their 
 full worthe : Therefore every coroner, soe often as cases for 
 
THE ISLAND AT THE RESTORATION. 169 
 
 inquirey of these fellonys happen to fall out, shall choose and 
 impanell of the most sufficient men in the parishes to be the 
 jurors." 
 
 Offences against property under the two first sections were, 
 in other words, to be always punishable by death ; under the 
 third section, were to be always tried by jurors of substance. 
 
 " Good and wholesome laws," in the opinion of those 
 who have, are usually directed to the repression of those who 
 have not; and the laws of Governor Christian were not perhaps 
 much more bloodthirsty than those which disgraced the 
 ■English Statute Book at the commencement of the nineteenth 
 centur)'. 
 
 In Blundell's time the government of the Island was almost 
 exclusively in the hands of strangers. With the exception of 
 the Deemsters, none of the principal officers was a native of the 
 island, " y' is of y* Manks breed, born in Man ; but they were 
 English born and of [Lord Derby's] own county of Lancashire, 
 and the most of them his tenants." 
 
 Chaloner's account is less flattering than Blundell's. With 
 him, the poverty of the island is its greatest security ; while its 
 trade, " in regard it produceth not any commodities of value, 
 neither is improved by way of manufacture, nor hath merchants 
 nor shipping belonging to it, hardly deserveth a chapter by 
 itself." Sacheverell, at the end of the century, adds some 
 other touches. He observes that Governor Greenhaigh had 
 taught the people the art of liming their lands, and that the 
 better sort were improving the breed both of their cattle and 
 of their horses. He adds the important fact that the militia 
 consisted of about 2000 men, a circumstance which indi- 
 cates the probable population of the island at from 12,000 to 
 15,000 souls.i 
 
 ' Sacheverell, therefore, indirectly confirms Wilson's estimate that the popu- 
 lation consisted of 13,971 persons. Life of Wilson, p. 125. 
 
iro THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 From these various accounts it seems possible to derive some 
 idea of the condition of the people in the seventeenth century. 
 Most of them seem to have lived amidst circumstances which 
 remind the reader of the lot of the Scotch crofter or the Irish 
 cottier. But the island was more fortunate in its situation, 
 in its climate, and in its soil, than Western Ireland or the 
 Outer Hebrides. Its autonomous institutions gave it, more- 
 over, the advantage of a resident gentry, who, whether they 
 were introduced to it by Lord Derby or were Manx men by 
 birth, must have had some influence in leavening the people 
 among whom they dwelt. The island, therefore, was at once 
 more fortunate, and had the potentiality of a much better 
 fortune, than was in store for the Hebrides, with which it had 
 been once so closely connected. During the next two centuries 
 it was destined to undergo many vicissitudes ; but none of the 
 changes through which it passed interfered with the develop- 
 ment of its resources, or with the growth of comfort amongst 
 its peoi)le. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 
 
 The Restoration in Man was followed by the same conse- 
 quences as the Restoration in England. Episcopacy, which 
 had been abolished in 1643, was almost immediately restored, 
 and Lord Derby selected for the bishopric Samuel Rutter, who 
 had been his father's chaplain and his own tutor, who for 
 many years had held the Archdeaconry of the Island, who had 
 been present at the memorable siege of Lathom House in 
 1644, and who had advised the surrender of Castle Rushen 
 in 165 1. Rutter 1 died in the first year of his episcopacy, and 
 was succeeded by Isaac Barrow, who must not be confounded 
 with his more celebrated namesake and kinsman, the Master 
 of Trinity. Barrow, who was not only Bishop but Governor, 
 or, as the Manx say, the last of the Sword-Bishops,^ was 
 
 ^ Rutter is now chiefly recollected from the singular inscription which wa 
 placed on his monument at Peel ; and which, lost for the best part of a century, 
 was found and replaced on his tomb in 1875 : — 
 
 In hac domo — quam a vermiculis 
 Accepi confratribus meis — Spe 
 
 Resurrectionis ad vitam 
 laceo Sam : Permissione diving 
 
 Episcopus bujus insulse. 
 Siste lector ; Vide ae Ride 
 
 Palatium Episcopi. 
 Obiit XXX. die Mensis Maij. Anno 1662. 
 
 2 A Bishop who had the governorship was known as a Sword-Bishop. 
 Barrow, on his death, bequeathed his lease of £zo per annum, which had been 
 purchased from Lord Derby, of the lands of BallagiUey and Hango Hi 1 
 
172 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 translated to St. Asaph in 1669. After his translation three 
 men of inferior reputation successively held the bishopric. On 
 the death of the last of these three, the See was left vacant for 
 four years, when Lord Derby succeeded in prevailing upon 
 Wilson to accept it. For the next fifty-eight years Wilson 
 retained the See, refusing translation in the well-known words, 
 "I will not leave my wife in my old age because she is 
 poor." 1 
 
 On one side of Wilson's character it is needless to say much.. 
 Some of his more familiar writings are the common pro- 
 perty of Christendom ; and his "Sacra Privata" is numbered 
 among the most popular of devotional books. His private 
 life was as beautiful as his written word. At the commence- 
 ment of his career he set aside one-fifth of all his income for 
 pious uses ; ^ he largely increased the amounts of these bene- 
 factions as he advanced in years ; ^ and, when famine approached 
 the Island, with its helpmate pestilence in its train, his large- 
 hearted generosity did much to alleviate distress and to miti- 
 gate disease. 
 
 Religion derived a distinct benefit from the excellence of 
 his example and the energy of his administration. Many of 
 the parish churches in the Island were built or restored in his 
 episcopate. He repaired and improved his own palace and 
 promoted the erection of houses for his clergy. In an age, 
 when the advantages of education had obtained no public and 
 little private recognition, he strenuously endeavoured to estab- 
 lish schools in every parish ; and he laboured to increase, both 
 from his own resources and from other contributions, the in- 
 adequate endowments of his parochial clergy. In all these 
 
 "towards the maintenance of three boys at the Academic School." More than 
 a century and a half after Barrow's death this bequest led to the foundation of 
 King William's College — an excellent public school, which attracts boys from 
 almost all parts. ^ Keble's Wilson, p. 767. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 63. 3 Ibid., p. 493, 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 173 
 
 matters Wilson was a model bishop. If he were to be judged 
 by them alone, the verdict of posterity would be unanimous 
 in his favour. Unhappily his proceedings in other respects 
 have estranged from him the sympathy which would otherwise 
 have clung to his memory. 
 
 One act of vandalism indeed which tlie Bishop committed 
 may perhaps be ascribed to the tendencies of the age in which 
 he lived. He stripped the lead off the chancel of the vener- 
 able cathedral at Peel in order to provide for roofing a new 
 church in a neighbouring parish, accelerating by this conduct 
 the ruin of a building which was already falling into decay. 
 One act of authority, moreover, the historian may leave to the 
 ecclesiastic to criticise ; for the Bishop sanctioned the marriage 
 of a man whose wife was alive, but who had been convicted of 
 a capital offence, though her sentence had been commuted for 
 one of transportation on her undertaking never to return to 
 the Island without ihe Lord's permission.^ In judging the 
 Bishop's career, it is safer to confine the reader's attention to 
 his views on church discipline, which it is impossible to de- 
 fend, and his political achievements, which it is happily as 
 impossible not to admire. 
 
 Very early in his episcopate the Bishop showed a commend- 
 able determination to enforce morality among a clergy whose 
 conduct was in some instances lax. In 1699 he suspended the 
 vicar of the parish in which he lived for unchaste conduct, 
 and in 1704 he revoked the orders bo'.h of priest and deacon 
 
 1 The Bishop assented to the man's petition in these words : "I have con- 
 sidered yo' petition, and I find nothing in it contrary to y" rules of our holy 
 religion, or y« ors [orders] and determinations of learned and judicious 
 Christians in all ages ; and therefore I give you liberty to malie such a choice 
 as shall be most for yo"' support and comfort, and I pray God to direct you in 
 it. (Signed) Tho. Sod. and Man." Keble's Life of Wilson, p. 108. The 
 evident consternation of Wilson's orthodox biograplier at this decision is very 
 amusing. 
 
t74 THE' LAND OP HOME RULE. 
 
 of another vicar for similar irregularity.^ In 17 ii he sentenced 
 a layman, who was a very grievous offender, to do penance 
 in seven parish churches, while in the same year he excom- 
 municated another similar offender, only granting absolution 
 after he had done penance in nine churches.^ Women guilty 
 of unchastity were even more severely dealt with, being ordered 
 " to stand at the church door, Sundays and holidays, at matins 
 and evensong, till the minister and congregation be convinced 
 of their true penitence." One woman was not only excom- 
 municated, but imprisoned in the Bishop's prison.^ In 17 14 
 the Bishop ordered a bridle to be made, "as a terror to people 
 of ilUtongue." And a poor wretch, "who had taken upon 
 himself falsely to be father of an illegitimate child," was ordered 
 " to stand for one hour, during the height of the market, with 
 a paper upon his breast expressing his crime, in each of the 
 four towns." And if he should refuse, " the court will order 
 him to wear the bridle also." A woman found guilty of four 
 distinct slanders was about the same time sentenced to " a 
 fortnight's imprisonment, and to wear the bridle three market 
 days at the cross at Castletown." * A wretched, half-witted 
 woman, the mother of three illegitimate children, was dragged, 
 by the Bishop's orders, after a boat in the sea at Peel Town 
 at the height of the market ; and this form of ecclesiastical 
 punishment appears to have been adopted almost as a mere 
 matter of course.'^ 
 
 How prevalent discipline was, and how injurious, may be 
 inferred from the remarks of an independent observer. George 
 Waldron was residing in the island when the discipline was at 
 its height. He was no one-sided critic, for he distinctly states 
 that he wished to restore the discipline of the primitive Church, 
 and he has placed on record the many amiable qualities which, 
 
 ' Keble's Life of Wilson, p. 142. 2 Ibid., p. 285. 
 
 s Ibid,, p. 369. ■' Ibid., p. 362. ^ Ibid., p. 296, and cf. p. 350. 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 175 
 
 lie says, adorned Wilson's character. He declares, indeed, 
 that Wilson rather complied with than approved the discipline 
 which he enforced, " being in his own nature what our blessed 
 Saviour recommends, mild, humble, tender, compassionate, 
 and forgiving." Yet this is what Waldron has to say of the 
 ecclesiastical system : — 
 
 " Over the elder people of the island, these men [the clergy] 
 reign with the joined power of spiritual pastors and masters ; 
 their injunctions, for they cannot properly be called instruc- 
 tions, are delivered from the pulpit in harangues, which go by 
 the denomination of sermons, in which are never heard the 
 divine attributes asserted, or any article of faith proved from 
 Scripture ; sometimes, indeed, they preach up a moral duty, 
 but the chief aind most frequent subject of their discourses 
 is the power of the priesthood and the discipline of the Church. 
 These doctrines they thunder out, as the Pope does his Bulls, 
 with an anathema tacked to them, and enforce them by a 
 strong argument called Kirk Jarmyns [the ecclesiastical prison 
 in the crypt of German cathedral] on all who are disobedient 
 or unbelieving. 
 
 "The discipline of the Church being perpetually dinned 
 into the ears of the lait)', and the indispensable obligation 
 of submitting to it, the abject creatures are drove to prison 
 like sheep to a fold, and from thence to public penance, 
 as quietly as those beasts are to the slaughter ; deterred, on 
 the one hand, from murmuring by the threatenings of severer 
 punishment, and persuaded on the other that patient sub- 
 mission to the inflictors is the supremest merit in the eyes of 
 Heaven. 
 
 "How litile the methods taken by this court to prevent 
 [unchastity] have succeeded, may be kno-^n by the great 
 number of offenders, which are every Sunday doing penance 
 for it in their churches; and in my opinion draw on a more 
 
176 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 pernicious evil than that which they design to avoid. If the 
 least familiarity is observed between persons of a different sex, 
 they- are immediately summoned to the communion table, and 
 then obliged to swear themselves innocerit, or endure the 
 shame and punishment ordained for the crime. This they 
 call purging, but it is so far from being wortiiy of that name, 
 that many, to avoid public disgrace, add the sin of perjury to 
 the other, and take the most solemn oath that can be invented 
 to a falsehood. Innumerable are the instances I could give 
 of this truth. ... 
 
 ■ " As the Earl of Derby, though styled Lord of Man, might 
 justly enough be called king, — all causes, except in the spiritual 
 court, being tried in his name, and all warrants for life and death 
 signed by his hand, — his utmost endeavours have not been want- 
 ing to curb the assuming power of the ecclesiastics, As, for 
 example, when the sumner comes to apprehend any person for 
 an offence committed, or said to be committed, in that court; 
 had the person so seized courage enough to refuse going to 
 prison under his conduct, he cannot be compelled, because the 
 soldiers of the garrison have orders from their commanders 
 never to be aiding or assisting to any such commitments. 
 Hence it follows that the spiritual and temporal powers are at 
 the extremest odds with each other ; and were it not for the 
 blind obedience the laity pay to their ghostly fathers, the 
 former would soon be subjected." ^ 
 
 As a means of checking imrnorality the discipline thus 
 carried out proved a signal failure. The wretched woman, for 
 instance, who was drawn through the sea behind a boat at Peel 
 Town, was presented, a few years later, for the same offence, 
 sentenced a second time to the same dreadful punishment, 
 and required to perform penance in every parish church in 
 the island. Discipline, in fact, failed to secure purity even 
 1 Waldron, A Description of the Isle of Man, pp. 114-124, 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 177 
 
 among the clergy and in the Bishop's own household, and the 
 profane in the diocese had ample cause for scoffing in the 
 notorious irregularities of the Bishop's servants. 
 
 The Bishop's ideas of church discipline, moreover, brought 
 him into conflict with the civil power. The Clerk of the 
 Rolls, one of the chief ofificers of the island, was thrown into 
 prison, and, when he prayed to be heard in his own defence, 
 the Bishop endorsed the petition with his own hand, " That 
 such petition was not customary and would not be allowed." ^ 
 But the Bishop's quarrel with the Clerk of the Rolls was as 
 nothing compared with his conflict with the Governor. If it 
 be permissible to compare small things with great, the struggle 
 between Henry II. and Becket was renewed on a mimic stage, 
 and the contests of the twelfth century were renewed in the 
 eighteenth in the little Island of Man. 
 
 During the earlier years of the Bishop's rule, indeed, the 
 Church did not come into collision with the civil power, and 
 the civil power did not interfere with the Church. Successive 
 Governors aided the Bishop in carrying out his sentences, plac- 
 ing soldiers at his disposal to arrest his prisoners and to en- 
 force the orders for dragging incorrigible women behind boats. 
 In 1 7 14, however, a new Governor, Captain Alexander Home, 
 was sent to the Island. Very litde is known of the career and 
 character of this gentleman, who was destined to play the part 
 of Henry II. in a little island. He seems to have been a 
 person of only moderate ability and still more moderate 
 attainments, but he seems also to have been jealous of his 
 own authority, and to have been a firm supporter of the 
 Hanoverian succession. He reached the island at a moment 
 when the position of the House of Hanover was not secure. 
 The Pretender was making the attempt on the throne which 
 was practically suppressed at Sheriffmuir. High Churchmen 
 
 1 Train, vol. i. p. 356. 
 
178 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 in England were notoriously sympathising with the claims of 
 the House of Stuart, and Home seems to have imagined that 
 so distinguished a Churchman as Wilson must necessarily 
 have been animated by the same sentiments.^ Political 
 questions, with which the Island had no immediate concern, 
 raised differences between Governor and Bishop at the very 
 outset ; and differences, when they once arise, have a natural 
 tendency to become intense. The Bishop probably thought 
 the Governor's suspicions unjust ; the Governor was led to 
 distrust the Bishop ; and the ground was accordingly prepared 
 for a very pretty quarrel. 
 
 The quarrel first broke out upon an unworthy subject. 
 Mary Henricks, the wife of a Douglas publican, misbehaved 
 herself, was prosecuted for misconduct, censured, and ordered 
 to do penance. She proved stubborn and rebellious, and, 
 refusing to comply with the orders of the Church, was formally 
 excommunicated.^ But this "tremendous censure," as the 
 Bishop himself called it, only affected poor Mary's eternal 
 
 . 1 Keble's Wilson, p. 361. 
 
 2 As an illustration of ecclesiastical discipline, it may be well to quote the 
 words of excommunication : — " We have ... in the name of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, and by His authority, cut off and excommunicated the said Mary 
 Henricks from the Body of Christ, which is His Church, and from all hopes of 
 mercy through His merits, until she shall be reconciled by penance, and 
 received by a judge that has authority to do so. And to the end that she may 
 be held by the whole multitude of believers as an heathen and publican, and 
 that all Christians (as they are obliged by the express command of the Apostle 
 and the laws of the Church ... to refrain the company of persons excommuni- 
 cated) may avoid all unnecessary communication with her, that she may be 
 ashamed, yve do require the Vicars of Kirk Braddan and Kirk Onchan, and 
 the Chaplain of Douglas, to publish this our Act to their respective congrega- 
 tions, lest they be partakers of her guilt and punishment. And if the said 
 Mary Henricks (which God forbid) should die under this dreadful sentence, we 
 do require all our clergy to observe the rubrick before the Office for the Burial 
 of the Dead, and not to suffer her body to be interred among the faithful witliin 
 any church or churchyard. Given, &c. Tho. Sodor and Man." Keble's 
 Wilson, p. 367, 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 179 
 
 state. In addition, she was committed to St. German's 
 prison. Tens of thousands of persons are familiar with the 
 damp subterranean crypt below the ruined cathedral which 
 served as a gaol ; and Wilson's biographer, in noticing the 
 transaction, declares that " the delivery of the criminal in 
 body as well as goods seems to have implied a kind of penal 
 servitude either for life or for a term of years." 
 
 Poor Mary Henricks, however, with this dreadful punisb- 
 ment before her, appealed from the Church to Csesar, and the 
 Governor forwarded her appeal to Lord Derby. Lord Derby 
 ordered the appeal to be heard before him in London ; and, 
 as the Bishop did not choose to appear either by himself or his 
 proctor,! he directed that no person should "anywise insult, 
 molest, or disturb the said Mary Henricks," and that his 
 order should be published at the market cross at Douglas 
 and at Kirk Braddan Church. And, on the Bishop's making an 
 elaborate reply that the appeal in spiritual matters lay to the 
 Archbishop of York and not to the Lord, the Governor, sitting 
 with his Deemster, controller, and water bailiff, fined the Bishop 
 ;^io for contempt. ^ 
 
 The issue between State and Church was now plainly stated. 
 The State, like Henry II. six centuries before, was maintain- 
 ing its own supremacy. The Church, relying on an English 
 statute passed in the reign of Henry VIII., was contending 
 that the ultimate appeal in spiritual matters was to York, and 
 not to Knowsley. The State, in its contention, rested on 
 the advice of the Deemsters ; the Bishop had at his back the 
 vicars-general; and, believing that the people were with him 
 and not with the Governor, he asked that the Deemsters and 
 twenty-four Keys might be called together, he and the vicars- 
 general, who are the Lord's sworn judges for ecclesiastical affairs, 
 being present, " to deem the law truly in this great and high 
 
 1 Keble's Wilson, p. 376. 2 ibid., p. 393. 
 
iSo THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 point." 1 And Governor Home, in refusing this request, put 
 the position of the State on still firmer ground than it had 
 previously occupied. 
 
 " Your Lordship knows very well that a complaint of this 
 nature is not cognisable before the twenty-four Keys, but 
 properly before the Right Honourable the Lord of this Isle, 
 who is also Metropolitan and Chief of the Holy Church of 
 this Island." 
 
 And, though the Bishop carried his complaint to Knowsley, 
 and, after procuring a copy of the 3rd Henry VIIL, ultimately 
 obtained a remission of his fine, the claim of the Governor that 
 the Lord was the head not only of the State but of the Church 
 was not withdrawn.^ 
 
 This unseemly controversy, which has been related in a few 
 sentences, was protracted over many years. Mary Henricks 
 was presented for her offence in 1716, and the fine on the 
 Bishop was only remitted in August 17 19. And the length- 
 ened struggle did no good to any one ; it ended in something 
 like a stalemate : the delinquent was not imprisoned, and 
 the fine on the Bishop was not levied. Even poor Mary, the 
 humble unfortunate round whose body the hot contest had 
 raged, did not derive much advantage from the issue ; she 
 was saved the terrible hardships of confinement in the damp 
 crypt of St. German's, but she was exposed to the greater tor- 
 tures which the Church reserved for those whom it placed out 
 
 1 Keble's Wilson, p. 396. 
 
 2 The contention of the Bishop that appeals from the spiritual courts of the 
 Island lay to York long continued doubtful. Sir Wadsvvorth Busk, who was 
 attorney-general in 1791, wrote :—" In affairs merely spiritual, the appeal 
 from these courts was to the Archbishop of York, in all others to the Governor; 
 a vague distinction, which was the source of continual disputes." Manx Soc. 
 Pub., vol. xxxi. p. no. Sir W. Busk, however, did not notice Governor 
 Home's contention that the appeal lay neither to York nor to the Governor, 
 but to the Lord as head of the Church. 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. i8i 
 
 of communion : wandering " from place to place in a miserable 
 destitute condition, being y' every person, tho' of nev' soe 
 great acquaintance, are in noe mann'' willing to give y' poor 
 petitioner reliefe or lodging soe long as she remains excluded 
 out of the Church." No Irish landlord, suffering from the 
 tyranny of the Land League, ever suffered such misery as was 
 the lot of this poor woman, who, after enduring her hardships 
 for half a dozen years, prayed for reconciliation. And the 
 Bishop at the time, as well as his biographer in our own time, 
 persuaded themselves that submission due to distress was 
 evidence of repentance, and proof of the salutary effects of 
 ecclesiastical discipline ; and so poor Mary, after doing 
 penance in six churches, was absolved and received into the 
 peace of the Church, and the curtain drops on her unhappy 
 story. 1 
 
 But, before the curtain fell on this melancholy drama, 
 the contest was renewed round more prominent personages. 
 In lyrg, Mr. Robert Horrobin, the curate of Warrington, was 
 appointed by Lord Derby to the Archdeaconry of the Island. 
 At or about the same time he became chaplain to the Gover- 
 nor. Soon after his arrival, he preached a sermon at Castle- 
 town on the text, " He shall reward every man according 
 to his works ; " when, according to the sworn testimony of 
 Mr. Ross, a clergyman — who, however, had been himself sus- 
 pected of Romish tendencies — he said some " very shocking 
 things," arguing that " great and good actions, wherever found, 
 were sufficient to obtain the rewards of another Hfe."^ In 
 1720 the Archdeacon went a step further. Preaching on the 
 text that " God sent not His Son into the world to condemn 
 the world, he taught, or was generally thought to teach, that 
 the heathen are in a state of salvation if they live according 
 to the light of nature." A gentleman living in Castletown 
 
 1 Keble's Wilson, p. 551. 2 Ibid., pp. 425, 426. 
 
1 82 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 expressed with freedom his opinion on the sermon, and the 
 Archdeacon was irritated into denouncing him as " an injurious 
 person and a calumniator." i A miserable little storm in a 
 miserable little teacup should have been disregarded by every 
 one in authority. Wilson, unhappily, took the contrary course 
 of summoning the Archdeacon and his accusers before him. 
 The proceedings, which were thus commenced at the beginning 
 of 1721, made little progress; and in the following October 
 the charge against the Archdeacon was renewed by a young 
 widow, Mrs. Puller. This young lady, who seems to have 
 known very little about doctrine, was made uneasy by a sermon 
 of the Archdeacon's on absolution, which contained views 
 contrary to those she had heard expressed by Mr. Ross. She 
 accordingly borrowed a work " writ by a worthy member of the 
 Church," which gave her great satisfaction, for it showed that 
 Mr. Ross was right and the Archdeacon wrong. Mrs. Puller, 
 like most ladies who reside in small places, had a wagging 
 tongue. She expressed herself with freedom about the Arch- 
 deacon's sermons ; she declared the Archdeacon to be a man 
 "past grace " or " past all reformation;" and she added she 
 wished he would refuse her the Sacrament, as he would get 
 the worst of it, and she would cause his gown to be stripped 
 off his shoulders. 
 
 The Archdeacon had hitherto acted without temper, but 
 he probably regarded Mrs. Puller as the mouthpiece of other 
 and more influential persons ; and accordingly, accepting the 
 challenge which she had given, repelled her from the Com- 
 munion. He communicated his decision to the Bishop, add- 
 ing that, "if she thought me worth conversing with, I would 
 explain to her more particularly the reasons why I could not 
 in conscience admit her." But Mrs. Puller had no intention 
 of holding any communication with Horrobin. She declined^ 
 
 1 Keble's Wilson, p. 428. 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 183 
 
 hotwithstanding the Bishop's advice to the contrary, to wait 
 on the Archdeacon ; and accordingly the Bishop summoned 
 both parties to a formal hearing at Bishopscourt. Mrs. Puller 
 arrived on the appointed day, armed with testimonials of her 
 character and piety. The Archdeacon, on the same day, 
 appeared at Bishopscourt ; and, on the authority of Mrs. Home, 
 the wife of the Governor, charged Mrs. Puller with undue 
 familiarity with Sir James Poole, a gentleman residing in 
 Castletown. The matter was adjourned for Mrs. Home's 
 attendance ; and as Mrs. Home's testimony was not corro- 
 borated, and Sir James Poole and Mrs. Puller denied their 
 guilt, swearing "on the Holy Evangelists, on their knees," the 
 matter was so far settled. But ecclesiastical discipline was 
 not satisfied with this solution of the dilemma. Mrs. Home 
 had been the Archdeacon's witness, and Mrs. Home's testi- 
 mony had not been corroborated. In any society Mrs. Puller 
 would have had a right to seek her remedy against Mrs. Home : 
 but this simple process did not satisfy Wilson and his advisers. 
 They proceeded, without trial, to condemn the complainant's 
 witness. Mrs. Home, they declared, by her "gross slander," 
 had rendered herself liable to public penance ; but they were 
 mercifully pleased to declare that, if she would acknowledge 
 her offence publicly in St. Mary's Chapel, or before the vicar 
 pf the parish, asking forgiveness for the great injury done, 
 she should be relieved from the sentence of penance and 
 imprisonment to which she was liable. In the meanwhile she 
 was expressly excluded from participating in the Communion. 
 Home, it has already been stated, was not a strong man. 
 Like many weak men, he was himself frequently guilty of arbi- 
 trary conduct, and the little that is known of him does not 
 entitle him to be regarded asa hero. The Keys, who through- 
 out the controversy took the side of the Church, drew up 
 a long series of grievances which they experienced under his 
 
1 8+ THE LAND OP HOME RULE. 
 
 administration. 1 On the other hand, it is fair to recollect that 
 throughout the struggle Home acted on the advice and with 
 the concurrence of his council, and that Lord Derby was able 
 to testify that the persons complained of are honest and very 
 well-meaning men.^ Whether, however. Home was worthy 
 of praise or of censure, the ill-judged controversy had reached 
 a stage which he could not but resent. The quarrel had been 
 carried into his own household. The Bishop was striking at 
 his Lord's chaplain and his own wife. The Governor struck 
 back, like a man, at the Bishop. 
 
 Yet the Governor, annoyed as he undoubtedly was, con- 
 tinued to act upon the advice of his council. In all that he 
 did, he apparently followed the counsel of his judicial officers 
 and his attorney-general. By their advice he drew up what 
 Wilson's biographer calls "Articles of Impeachment," in which 
 he charged the Bishop with holding convocations without 
 authority, and in which he claimed that the Lord's household 
 was exempt from spiritual discipline. "The Lord's claim," 
 writes Keble with much point,^ "corresponds with Henry IL's 
 quarrel against Becket for presuming to excommunicate the 
 king's tenants ; and the Bishop's summoning his synod at 
 will was the prerogative of which the other Henry, in the 
 Sixteenth century, showed himself so jealous, and which he so 
 effectually extinguished. Thus, as in so many other points, 
 the annals of this small Island of Man prove to be a sort of 
 miniature reflection of far more important histories." 
 
 The articles thus prepared by Governor and council were 
 forwarded to the Bishop, who was invited to attend at a Tyn- 
 wald held at Castle Rushen and reply to them. The Bishop 
 with his vicars-general appeared, but, instead of pleading to the 
 charges, asked that the Deemsters and Keys might be called " to 
 
 • Siowell's Life ofWilson, Appendix i., p. 331. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 364. 3 Keble's Wilson, p. 465. 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 1S5 
 
 deem ^ the law truly in this great and high point, viz., whether 
 by the law and practice of the Isle the attorney-general can 
 exhibit accusations against the magistrates, either spiritual or 
 temporal, no appeal being brought in due form against their 
 proceedings by the person pretending to be injured? And 
 whether by a procedure of the kind, in matters purely spiritual, 
 as the particulars charged upon us certainly are, the metro- 
 political right of the See of York be not manifestly impugned 
 and endeavoured to be set aside?" The Governor and his 
 advisers, however, paid no attention to the request. After hear- 
 ing the attorney-general, the court proceeded to declare the 
 proceedings of the Bishop and his vicars-general to be irre- 
 gular and illegal, and required them to retract and cancel their 
 said proceedings upon the registry. 
 
 The matter was not suffered to remain in this state. Four 
 months later, as the Bishop and vicars-general declined to 
 comply with this order, the Bishop was fined ;£s°! ^^^ vicars- 
 general ^20 each for contempt ; and, as they refused to pay 
 their fines, they were imprisoned in Castle Rushen. 
 
 The cell is still shown at the entrance of the old castle in 
 
 which the Bishop is said to have undergone the sentence of 
 
 imprisonment. Damp and miserable, it affected his healih, 
 
 and crippled him thenceforward in the use of one of his 
 
 hands. But from the moment of his imprisonment he made 
 
 up his mind to carry the controversy to London. He appealed 
 
 to the King in Council; and the Council, on the advice of 
 
 the law officers, gave the appellants the opportunity of paying 
 
 their fines, without prejudice to the appeal, and of consequently 
 
 escaping from the rigour of their imprisonment. Two years 
 
 1 Keble's Wilson, p. 467. I have retained the passage, (i) because it is the 
 last instance with which I am acquainted in which an appeal was made to the 
 old machinery, the Deemsters and Keys, "to deem " the law ; and (2) because, 
 if Wilson's use of the word "deem " was correct and usual, we apparently need 
 look no further for the etymology of the word Deemster, 
 
i86 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 afterwards it decided that the judgment and orders of the 
 Governor were illegal, and ordered that the fines imposed and 
 paid should be returned. 
 
 Technically the victory was the Bishop's. The judgments 
 and orders of which he had complained had been reversed, 
 the fines had been remitted, his prison door had been opened, 
 and Home himself either retired or was removed from the 
 government. Popular support too was with the Bishop. The 
 Keys throughout the struggle had been in his favour, the 
 people had cheered him in prison with their sympathy, they 
 cheered him on his release with their applause. But, though 
 the judgment of the Privy Council and the voice of the people 
 were with the Bishop, many circumstances must have tended 
 to diminish the victory. His crippled hand may have thence- 
 forward helped to remind him of the physical consequences 
 which might result to his victims from imprisonment in a far 
 more cruel dungeon than that in which he had been confined ; 
 the heavy costs which the appeal had involved may have 
 taught him that victory was hardly less ruinous than defeat ; 
 while his own good sense must have shown him that, after all 
 his sufferings, the points which had been decided in his favour 
 were precisely those which were of no significance. All that 
 the Privy Council had done was to declare that the Governor 
 had exceeded his functions in setting aside the decisions of 
 an ecclesiastical court, and that the Tynwald at which the 
 fine was imposed was not duly constituted.^ The question 
 
 ^ Stowell's Wilson, p. 394. The Tynwald at which the fines were im- 
 posed appears to have been duly constituted ; but the Keys and some 
 members of the council had left the court before the order imposing the 
 fines was made. The Keys distinctly stated that " though we were present 
 at the Tynwald during the whole time of the sitting of the court, and 
 until the same was dismissed as usual, we neither were made acquainted with 
 nor gave our consent to the order you mention, neither was any such order 
 Ihen made or concerted." Ibid., p. 355. 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 187 
 
 whether the appeal from the Bishop was to York or to 
 Knowsley was not decided ; the claim of the civil power 
 that its own officers were exempt from the discipline of 
 the Church was not touched ; the right of the ecclesiastical 
 courts to obtain the aid of the civil officers to enforce its 
 decrees was not alluded to. 
 
 Though, too, Home was either removed or retired from his 
 office, the men who were chosen to succeed him showed equal 
 determination in curbing the power of the Church. Home was 
 followed by a Mr. Floyd or Lloyd, who, after enjoying his office 
 for only a few months, during part of which he was absent from 
 the Island, was followed by a Mr. Horton. Of Floyd or 
 Lloyd we have two accounts. In Keble's pages, Floyd is " the 
 patron of criminous persons," in other words, he did his best 
 to shield the servants of the State from the horrible tortures 
 of ecclesiastical discipline. A very different character of hiin 
 has been given by Waldron, who wrote a Latin ode in alcaic 
 stanzas in his honour, who describes him as a gallant soldier 
 and an eloquent orator, rightly chosen for the arduous task of 
 government,! and urges his return from a temporary absence 
 in England to the little kingdom which had been blessed by 
 his appointment.^ The excessive panegyric of Waldron may 
 be safely set against the exaggerated strictures of Keble ; and 
 the student may conclude that Lloyd was a soldier who had 
 
 1 " Dehinc Imperl te munus ad arduum 
 
 Parem evocat Stanleius." 
 
 2 ' ' Statim revertas : nee liceat tibi 
 
 Curarum onus deponere ; glorias 
 Utcunque pertceso ; nee artes 
 Exuere, Imperiique pondus." 
 
 And again : 
 
 " Sufficis in novum 
 Proeconium, Stanleie, magno 
 Parva beans tua regna Lloydo." 
 
1 88 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 seen good service, and a governor who, without much con- 
 sideration for religion,! was animated by a desire to do his 
 duty. 
 
 However this may be, Lloyd steadily clung to the privilege 
 which he asserted, that the officers of the State were free from 
 ecclesiastical censures. He even screened notorious evildoers 
 by appointing them to offices which gave them this immunity, 
 and he as steadily refused to allow the ecclesiastical officers 
 the assistance of the civil power, denying them the aid of 
 soldiers to enforce their arrests. Church discipline, in these 
 circumstances, may have theoretically remained intact. In 
 practice, the thunder was still audible, but the lightning was 
 powerless ; and Horton, who succeeded Lloyd, pursued the 
 same policy. So far as the Bishop was concerned, indeed, he 
 had gained little by the substitution of Horton for Home. 
 Horton appears to have been the worse man and the more 
 powerful opponent. He thwarted in every way in his power 
 the continuance of the discipline. He persuaded Lord Derby, 
 as the crown livings fell vacant, to fill them with persons 
 opposed to the Bishop's policy, and he successfully asserted 
 his right to appoint the chief sumner, the Bishop's principal ■ 
 executive officer. 
 
 And so, though the Church had been represented by the 
 strongest and best man who had appeared in the island, 
 though the State had to find its champions in comparatively 
 weak men like Home and Horton, victory was already pro- 
 nouncing on the side of the State. The relaxation of discip- 
 line followed surely on the proceedings of the Government. 
 The wardens and the grand inquest neglected to present 
 spiritual offenders; offenders, when presented, braved out 
 
 1 Mr. Harrison says that he was dismissed because he had given offence by 
 hunting on a Sunday at the time of divine service. Manx Soc. Pub., vol. .\i. 
 p. xi. 
 
CHURCH DISCIPLINE. 189 
 
 their sentences; even the awful name of excommunication 
 lost its terrors when it carried with it nothing but ecclesiastical 
 censures ;' and, though the Bishop struggled on for some years, 
 the discipline gradually fell into decaj', and was ultimately 
 abandoned. 
 
 In these days it is needless to express any opinion on the 
 horrid system which Wilson attempted to revive. It is difficult 
 indeed to understand how a man whose kindness shines so 
 pleasantly in all that he wrote and in most that he did should 
 have ever made himself the agent of such a policy. Perhaps 
 his history helps to explain how the Inquisition became a 
 possibility. They, indeed, who believe that eternal suffering 
 is the inevitable doom of those who infringe the command- 
 ments of the Church and disbelieve its doctrines, must logically 
 conclude that no discipline can be too severe which is exer- 
 cised with the object of reconciling offenders. "The sufferings 
 of the present time are not worthy to be compared " with the 
 interminable tortures of an endless hereafter. The best men, 
 the most faithful Christians, become in consequence the worst 
 persecutors ; and a Wilson in the eighteenth century wields, 
 and a Keble in the nineteenth century defends, a discipline 
 which shocks the ordinary reader. 
 
 The fact that the people — if indeed the Keys of the eighteenth 
 century can be said to have represented the people — sided 
 with the Bishop may induce regret, but ought not to cause 
 surprise. An ignorant and superstitious population is always 
 in favour of strong, and even cruel, measures; and the Manx- 
 men may have enjoyed the spectacle of a wretched woman 
 dragged through the sea, just as the Spaniards enjoyed the 
 spectacle of an au^o da fe. And the Manxmen of Wilson's 
 time were as superstitious as they were ignorant. Waldron, 
 our chief authority, is full of "the excessive superstition which 
 
 1 Keble's Wilson, p. 690. 
 
igo THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 reigns among them."i Their spiritual masters, he says in 
 another passage, "take care to maintain their authority by 
 keeping the laity in the most miserable ignorance. . . . Some 
 (he adds) who are willing to entertain the most favourable 
 opinion of this people impute their general ignorance to their 
 want of books; but I, who have lived and conversed some 
 time among them, attribute their want of books to their innate 
 ignorance." 
 
 Thus, then, in a little island where the arm of the State wag 
 weak, and the people were ignorant and superstitious, a good 
 Bishop, endowed with exaggerated ideas about the duties of 
 the Church, was enabled temporarily to revive the discipline 
 of the Middle Ages, and to renew on a minor stage the struggle 
 which Becket, six centuries before, had waged on a larger 
 one. But thus, too, failure resulted from the last effort of 
 the Church to reassert its authority in these islands. The 
 Homes and the Hortons proved too strong for Wilson, or 
 rather, the genius of the age both animated their resistance 
 and was fatal to his policy. 
 
 1 Waldron says : " I know not, idolisers as they are of the clergy, whether 
 they would not be even refractory to them were they to preach against the 
 existence of fairies, or even against their being commonly seen ; for though 
 the priesthood are a kind of gods among them, yet still tradition is a greater 
 god than they ; and, as they confidently assert that the first inhabitants of their 
 island were fairies, so do they maintain that these little people have still their 
 residence among them. They call them the good people, and say they live 
 in wilds and forests and on mountains, and sliun great cities because of the 
 wickedness acted therein ; all the houses are blessed where they visit, for they 
 fly vice. A person would be thought impudently profane who should suffer 
 his family to go to bed without having first set a tub or pail full of clean water 
 for these guests to bathe themselves in, which the natives aver they constantly 
 do as soon as ever the eyes of the family are closed wherever they vouchsafe to 
 come." — Waldron, folio edition, p. 126. Superstition is still clinging to the 
 people, A man is still living who, in a period when his cattle were ill, sacri- 
 ficed one of them at the cross-roads in the hope of curing the plague. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE MANX MAGNA CHART A. 
 
 If Wilson's episcopacy had been solely famous for his ecclesi- 
 astical policy, it would be difficult to pronounce a favour- 
 able opinion of his career as Bishop. Men might agree in 
 admiring the sanctity of his writings, the purity of his char- 
 acter, the charity of his actions ; but they would agree also in 
 deploring the harsh and distressing nature of the discipline 
 which it was his chief object to revive. Happily, however, 
 both for his own name, and for the people over whose Church 
 he presided, his desire to promote their spiritual welfare did 
 not prevent him from taking a wise and discriminating interest 
 in their temporal concerns. His high influence, his keen 
 insight into affairs, made him a powerful champion, and he 
 became consequently the leading agent in securing for the 
 Manx a great measure of reform. Thus, while head and 
 heart are equally unable to follow the Bishop in his great 
 effort to revive discipline, heart and head concur in com- 
 mending his statesmanship. As a Bishop, Wilson lived 
 some centuries too late ; as a statesman, he was a century 
 before his time. 
 
 In the Isle of Man, when Wilson was installed, as in Ireland 
 a generation ago, the tenure of real property was the chief 
 domestic question. The policy of Goddard Crovan, after 
 his victory at Sky Hill, had made the people mere tenants at 
 will; but in a disturbed, sparsely populated country this cir- 
 
192 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 cumstance imposed little disadvantage upon them. The king 
 required tenants for his land, and for many centuries there 
 was more land to till than there were men to till it. Hence, 
 as has already been noticed, no one was allowed to leave the 
 Island without the license of the lord ; and a special law 
 was made that the tenants should reside on their farms, 
 and manure and occupy their land to the best of their 
 power.^ 
 
 While such principles as these regulated legislation, Goddard 
 Crovan's settlement could not have had much significance ; 
 and, when the termination of the long struggle between England 
 and Scotland introduced the Manx, for the first time in their 
 history, to a period of peace, the people began to show some 
 signs of the progress which is the result of good government. 
 Sacheverell tells us that they " began to build and make some 
 small improvements, to promote which the better there was 
 an order made which at least allows, if not commands, the 
 enclosing their respective farms ; and the Lords, for their fur- 
 ther encouragement, compliniented them with the kind words 
 of title, descent, inheritance, heirship, that the people might 
 believe their country worth improving and defending; so that 
 by degrees they came to be reputed customary tenants, and 
 paid only a small gratuity, viz., a single rent on the change of 
 every lord, instead of fines." ^ 
 
 Thus, in the course of centuries, a custom had arisen which 
 had entirely altered the whole conditions of land tenure in the 
 Island. The tenant at will had obtained fixity of tenure, but 
 the tenant had still no right to alienate his land without the Lord's 
 permission. On the contrary, a Statute of 1582 declared any 
 such sales and alienations made without license void.^ But, 
 in defiance of the Statute, such alienations constantly took 
 
 ' Ante, p. 120. 2 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. i. p. 66. 
 
 2 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 58, 
 
THE MANX MAGNA CHART A. 193 
 
 place. "Occupancy," to quote Sacheverell again, "was given 
 by the delivery of a straw, which was the custom of all bargains 
 of England in those days, from whence our lawyers use the 
 word 'stipulate,' because the contract was verified per tradi- 
 tionem stipula."'^ This delivery seems to have been recog- 
 nised by the courts, and to have been confirmed by authority ; 
 for in 1607, during the long interval in which the succession 
 to the insular throne was in dispute, James I., by letters 
 patent — in which he claimed the extraordinary right, " as 
 wholly appertairiing to us from the fulness of our power, 
 at our free will and royal pleasure, to make, declare, and 
 ordain, in all such territories, countries, and places, which 
 have been acquired by the force of our arms, such ordi- 
 nances and laws which all our subjects residing in those 
 parts may be obliged to observe" — directed that land should 
 be alienable in the Isle of Man, notwithstanding any law to 
 the contrary. 2 
 
 The great Earl of Derby never tolerated the order of 1607, 
 and in 1645 procured its abrogation. The people were either 
 persuaded or forced to accept leases of the lands which they 
 held. But the change led to much resentment. The land 
 question became thenceforward the chief political question in 
 the Island. It was the true cause of Christian's rebellion; 
 it increased the difficulties which Lady Derby had to face ; it 
 ensured the troops of the Commonwealth a ready reception in 
 the Island ; it remained a fruitful source of disaffection after 
 the Restoration. 
 
 In fact, the great Lord Derby's legislation had made the 
 position of the tenantry worse than ever. If under Goddard 
 Crovan's settlement they had been, strictly speaking, tenants 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub., vol. i. p. 66. Trench, Study of Words, p. 170, gives the 
 same derivation to the word, but Skeat (Etymological Diet.) denies this origin 
 of it. ^;. 2 Manx Soc. Pub., vol, .Nii. p. 44. 
 
 N 
 
194 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 at will, custom had given them an undisputed right of succes- 
 sion to the acres which their forefathers had enjoyed before 
 them. The utmost that previous Stanleys had done was to 
 deny the right of the landowner to sell his land without the 
 Lord's license; they had assented to or acquiesced in the 
 right of inheritance. But Lord Derby's famous measure had 
 deprived them of this advantage ; the people had become 
 mere leaseholders ; for twenty-one years, or for a period 
 covered by three lives, they might enjoy the undisturbed 
 possession of their farms. As the lives fell in or the period 
 expired, their security was taken from them. 
 
 The new tenure, moreover, was opposed to the traditions 
 and to the customs of the people. However well it may have 
 been adapted to Lord Derby's own tenantry in Lancashire, it 
 was inapplicable to his subjects in Man. The same circum- 
 stances, in fact, which made the leaseholder a difficulty in 
 Ireland made the leaseholder a difficulty in Man ; for in Man, 
 as in Ireland, the only function which the Lord discharged as 
 a landowner was the receipt of his rent. As a general rule, 
 the land was drained and fenced and the buildings on it 
 erected by the tenantry. It is true that the buildings were 
 miserable, and that the farmer too frequently shared his 
 humble dwelling with his poultry or his sheep. But, as 
 with the Irishman in our own time, the land with the 
 buildings upon it was all that the Manxman had ; with him, 
 as with the Irishman, the loss of his land was a sentence of 
 death. 
 
 Bad as the tenure was, it tended from its very nature to 
 become worse ; every year which passed, every life which fell 
 in, reduced the security of the tenantry. The prospect of 
 obtaining renewals of leases on favourable terms seemed 
 consequently to depend not on the improvement, but 
 on the impoverishment, of the holding; and, like the Irish 
 
THE MANX MAGNA CHART A. 195 
 
 in our own time, the Manx had a direct inducement to 
 affect a greater poverty than that which they felt. Thus 
 a state of things had arisen which was bad for the people 
 and bad for the Lord ; progress and prosperity were im- 
 possible while the measure of the seventh Earl remained 
 on the statute-book. 
 
 Bishop Wilson had the merit, on reaching the island, to 
 detect at once the cause which was ruining the people, and he 
 had the courage to bring it pointedly to the notice of Lord 
 Derby. No man was higher than the Bishop in the good 
 opinion of the then Earl. He had almost forced Wilson into 
 the bishopric, and the Bishop was in the habit of remonstrating 
 with him on his conduct in not discharging his just duties in 
 Lancashire in terms as plain as they were wise.^ He ap- 
 parently took an early opportunity of drawing his young 
 patron's attention to the condition of his tenantry, and at 
 the end of 1699 Lord Derby was either persuaded or con- 
 sented to come over to the island and see matters for him- 
 self. Probably on Wilson's advice, he at once issued an 
 important document which he addressed to the coroners of 
 the several sheadings : — 
 
 " My will and pleasure is, that, upon receipt of this my 
 order, you signify to all my tenants within your sheading that 
 I am come amongst them on purpose to settle them in their 
 several holdings and tenures ; that I am ready to do this, and 
 to receive their several proposals ; that I am sensible of the 
 great loss and inconvenience it hath been both to myself 
 and to them to have things left so long under uncertainties; 
 that therefore I now give them liberty to make immediate 
 application ; to which purpose I have appointed the Right 
 Rev. the Lord Bishop of this isle to receive their several 
 proposals, to whom they may from time to time apply them- 
 
 i.Keble's Wilson i. 68-73. 
 
196 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 selves, and who hath my directions to render these proposals 
 to me." 
 
 William, Lord Derby, the author of this proposal, is not 
 included among the great men of the Stanley family. He did 
 nothing like the first Earl, who turned the tide at Bosworth ; 
 or the seventh Earl, who lost his head at Bolton ; or the four- 
 teenth Earl, who became three times Prime Minister. But 
 perhaps no member of the family ever issued a more sen- 
 sible and statesmanlike document. Unhappily, however, Earl 
 William did not live to carry out his sagacious policy. He 
 died in 1702, and was succeeded by his brother, James. 
 Wilson had some reason for anxiety at the change. He had 
 not the influence with Earl James which he had enjoyed with 
 his brother. But the new Lord fortunately saw the advantage 
 of continuing the negotiations which his brother had com- 
 menced, for, as he put it, "y" sooner y^ Island can be settled 
 on a good bottom, it will be mutch better both for y" Island 
 and myself" 
 
 Things, therefore, were evidently ripe for settlement, and in 
 the course of 1703 the Keys drew up their formal proposals, 
 committing them to the charge of three members of their 
 own body, landowners of position and influence, whom they 
 authorised to treat with Lord Derby on the whole subject. 
 Lord Derby, on his ] art, deputed the Governor of the islandi 
 the Bishop, and a Mr. Starkie, an English country gentleman, 
 to conduct the negotiations on his side ; and finally, in Sep- 
 tember, consented to the terms on which the six commissioners 
 had agreed. 1 
 
 Speaking broadly, there were three kinds of property affected 
 by the settlement : (i) land which had always been the pro- 
 perty of the Lord, and which was divided into quarterlands ; 
 (2) land which had originally been the property of the Lord, 
 
 • Keble's Wilson, p. 187. 
 
THE MANX MAGNA CHART A. "ig? 
 
 but which at various periods had been granted to the great 
 religious foundations, and had only reverted to the Lord 
 after the suppression of the monasteries ; (3) encroachments 
 on the Lord's land, whether quarterland or common land, 
 which had been appropriated by private individuals, and which 
 were known as intacks. 
 
 Th6 tenants of quarterlands, of abbey lands, and of intacks 
 appropriated before 1643 were all included in the benefits of 
 the settlement. All of them were given fixity of tenure at 
 their existing rents. All of them were confirmed in their 
 ancient customary estates of inheritance in their respec- 
 tive tenements. All of them were accorded a right of alienat- 
 ing their property. In return for these great privileges, tenants 
 whose leases were expired, by the lapse of all the three lives 
 or of time, were to pay the same fine which had been paid 
 on the original grant of the leases in 1643 ; ^ tenants whose 
 leases had not expired by the lapse of lives were to pay two- 
 thirds of their fines ; while on each change of tenancy, either 
 by death or alienation, one-third of the same fine was to be 
 payable. 
 
 So far for the general principles of this great settlement. 
 Where intacks had been taken out of the commons since 
 1643, the tenants were again confirmed in their holdings, 
 though the fines in their cases were to be determined by the 
 Governor, three of the Lord's officers, and three of the Keys. 
 Where intacks had been taken out of the higliways (such in- 
 tacks and cottages being complained of as great nuisances), 
 they were to be given over to the tenant of the adjoining land. 
 But the cottager was to be continued in his tenancy at such 
 reasonable rent as could be agreed upon between him and 
 
 1 Tenants of the abbey lands were dealt with on the same principle,- though 
 their fines were assessed on a composition made in 1666, and not on that made 
 in 1643. 
 
198 .THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 his new landlord ; or in default of agreement, as was fixed, 
 by the Court of Chancery ; but, if he resisted the decision of 
 the Court, he was to be ejected from his cottage, receiving 
 such compensation for the improvements he had made as a 
 jury of four sworn men might give him. Where, however, the 
 effect of the intack had been to reduce the width of the high- 
 way, the road was to be enlarged out of the said intack to a 
 width of eighteen feet. 
 
 The Lord claimed, in addition to the surface of the soil, 
 quarries of slate and stone. His tenantry were thenceforward 
 given free liberty of " digging, raising, and disposing of all 
 sorts of stone and slates upon their respective tenements," for 
 their own use and for the use of their neighbours. And simi- 
 larly the proprietors of quarries of limestone were compelled 
 to allow their neighbours to dig limestone, paying only "such 
 moderate and reasonable satisfaction as the Governor shall 
 think fit to order and allow." 
 
 Such were the chief provisions passed in the interests of the 
 tenantry by this rennarkable statute. The importance which 
 was ascribed to it at the time is visible in its title, for it is 
 called the Act of Settlement; and the Act which bore that 
 name in the United Kingdom was the great measure which 
 secured the succession of the throne to the House of Hano- 
 ver. The benefits which later generations have experienced 
 from it may be inferred from the name which has since 
 been regularly but more familiarly applied to it, for it is 
 now known as the Magna Charta, the great charter of the 
 Manx people. 
 
 One other proof may be deduced of the importance which 
 was attached to it; for, after the sale of the Island to the 
 Crown, the Tynwald court seems to have felt some apprehen- 
 sion about the validity of some Acts which had merely received 
 the assent of Lord Derby, and, as a measure of precaution. 
 
THE MANX MAGNA CHARTA. 199 
 
 decided on their re-enactment. Foremost among these measures 
 was the Act of Settlement ; and, in pending this Act to London 
 for the royal assent, the Legislature prefixed to it a remarkable 
 prefatory memorandum. 
 
 " The ancient feudatory tenures of the Isle between the 
 Lord and his tenants having in the year 1643, by undue means, 
 been changed into leasehold estates, the regular course of 
 descent, which before had flowed in an easy uninterrupted 
 stream, was thereby clogged with difficulties not to be born, 
 (sic), the tenants grew dissatisfied, and much litigation ensued, 
 which tended to dissolve all harmony and subordination 
 between them and their chief, so essential to their mutual 
 interest and happiness; for remedy whereof the Act of Tyn- 
 wald, commonly called the Act of Settlement . . . passed 
 at a Tynwald court holden at St. John's Chapel within the 
 said Isle, the fourth day of February, in the year of our Lord 
 1703."! 
 
 The joy with which this Act was received at the time, the 
 care with which it was re-enacted by the grandchildren of the 
 men who first obtained it, the approval which has won for it 
 the name of the Great Charter, are not surprising. Such a piece 
 of legislation was perhaps never accomplished in any other 
 nation of tlie world. The conversion of a whole nation of 
 leaseholders into perpetual tenants at a low quit-rent is a 
 measure from which even the Parliaments of 1868 and 1880 
 would have recoiled. What the boon was may be partially 
 understood by figures. The rateable value of the island 
 outside the towns amounts now to about ;^i8o,ooo a year. 
 Excluding mines, buildings, and other properties, the purely 
 agricultural rental may perhaps be placed at ;^ioo,ooo. 
 
 1 The Act was passed on what would now be called the 4th February 1704, 
 but on the day which, at that time, would, strictly speaking, have been 
 described as the 4th February 170I. 
 
Sbo THE LAND OF HOME RULM. 
 
 The Lord's rent, in other words the rent secured to the 
 Lord under the Act of Settlement, does not reach ;^iSoo. 
 The whole of this difference, that unearned increment 
 which the landlord almost everywhere appropriates, has 
 remained with the tenants under the provisions of this 
 great measure. 
 
 Such was the Act of the tenth Earl of Derby, the last Earl 
 of Derby who reigned in Man. More than a hundred and 
 forty years afterwards one of his successors was the spokesman 
 of a Government which attempted to remedy a similar griev- 
 ance in another country. Ireland, in this matter, as in other 
 respects, furnished an exact parallel to the Isle of Man. 
 Much of the land was held on leases for lives. The uncer- 
 tainty of the tenure was admitted to paralyse all exertion and 
 to place a fatal impediment on improvement. In Ireland in 
 184s, just as in Man in 1703, a commission had been inquir- 
 ing into the system, and had suggested a remedy. The re- 
 commendations which the Devon Commission suggested, bold 
 as they were considered at the time, were far less drastic than 
 those which Wilson and his colleagues persuaded the tenth 
 Earl of Derby to adopt. The remedy which the fourteenth 
 Earl of Derby asked the House of Lords to apply in 1845 was 
 far less efficacious than that to which the tenth Earl had volun- 
 tarily agreed, or even that which Lord Devon and his colleagues 
 had recommended. Yet the House of Lords would not even 
 listen to the proposal which was made to them, and Irish 
 tenants remained at the mercy of their landlords till another 
 Minister, more earnest and more resolute than Lord Derby, 
 obtained for them some remedy for their grievances in 
 1870. 
 
 It is, indeed, difficult to imagine what the condition of 
 Ireland would have been to-day if the grievances of Irish tenants 
 had been redressed in 1845, or even in 1869, on the broad 
 
THE MANX MAGNA CHART A. 201 
 
 lines on which the Act of Settlement was drawn. Tenant 
 wrong would have been turned into tenant right. Outrage 
 might have ceased when the chief cause for it was removed, 
 and the Irish, like their Manx neighbours, might have become 
 a loyal, contented, and conservative people. 
 
CHAPTER XIlI. 
 
 THE ACCESSION OF THE ATHOLES. 
 
 The measure, whose passage has been related in the preceding 
 chapter, would have been remarkable in any country and in 
 any age ; but it was of especial importance at the time at 
 which it was passed, because the Manx people were soon 
 afterwards to be deprived of a profitable though discreditable 
 calling, and were consequently free to devote their energies to 
 the more regular and reputable pursuit of the cultivation of 
 the soil. 
 
 From the first mention of the Isle of Man at the dawn 
 of history, we find that its inhabitants had taken advantage of 
 their geographical position to derive some illicit gains from 
 the nations which surrounded them. Mananan MacLir had 
 exacted only rushes from his Manx tenantry, but he had 
 probably levied much more valuable contributions from the 
 vessels which conducted some sort of trafific on the adjacent 
 coasts. Edwin of Northumbria, some centuries later, would 
 never have attempted to seize on a distant island if he had not 
 desired to establish that order on the sea which he had suc- 
 ceeded in maintaining on land; while, in the centuries in 
 which the Norse had held the island, they had used it as a 
 place d'arines from which they had issued on the expeditions 
 which carried terror to the surrounding countries. Thus the 
 people in the earlier ages with which history deals had been 
 accustomed to gather spoil from the vessels which passed their 
 
THE ACCESSION OF THE ATHOLES. 203 
 
 shores or the nations which lay near them. With the rule of 
 the Saxon the opportunity for these irregular enterprises was 
 lost, but the old courage which had prompted these exertions 
 survived; the old lawlessness which had occasioned these 
 acts of warfare remained ; and the Manx were still ready 
 to seize any new chances of wealth which fortune threw in 
 their way, without inquiring too closely into the rights or 
 wrongs of the plunder which they could obtain. The age 
 of the pirate was over, but the age of the smuggler was 
 beginning. 
 
 Smuggling, paradoxical as the statement may seem, has in 
 every country been the creation of law. For the difficulties 
 which law has imposed, and the exactions which it has levied, on 
 the trader, have alone called the smuggler into being and made 
 his calling profitable. The regulations which were placed on 
 the trader in the Isle of Man in the sixteenth century must 
 necessarily have given an impulse to smuggling. The trader 
 was treated almost as an enemy ; his approach was signalled 
 by the watch from Snaefell or Barrule. On his reaching the 
 Island, he was to appear " personally before our Captaine or 
 his Deputy, and show him what his loading is, and to tell him 
 news from whence he came. If the Captaine or his Deputy 
 think that the wares he hath is for the commonwealth of this 
 countrey, he drives him (if he can) to a bargain, and com- 
 mands him to stay till his pleasure be further known." But 
 the merchant had only gone through a portion of his ordeal. 
 The Captain, having concluded his provisional bargain, was to 
 send for the " clearke of the ships," who, in his turn, was to 
 communicate with the four merchants, " they to bargain with 
 the merchant stranger rather for less than Mr. Captaine could 
 drive them unto or thereabouts." 
 
 Trade, which is nurtured by freedom, must necessarily have 
 languished under these restrictions ; but, in addition to the 
 
•204 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 complicated rules to which the trader had to submit, he 
 probably had to pay heavy duties. " The rates of the 
 customs at every port within the Isle of Man " ^ seem 
 never to have been reduced to writing till 1577. The 
 tariff which was drawn up at that time purports to have 
 been "confirmed and allowed" on the sole authority of 
 Lord Derby as Lord ; and, at a time when Tudor monarchs 
 were claiming the right to impose customs duties by 
 their own prerogative,^ there is every reason for supposing 
 that the Lords of Man would have exercised the same 
 right and imposed " books of rates " without the aid of 
 their httle Legislature. The present Attorney-General of 
 the Isle of Man is, indeed, probably right in his conjecture 
 that the tariff of 1577 was no new creation, but that Lord 
 Derby merely reduced to writing, and probably revised, the 
 rates which were already payable by the customary law.^ 
 Whether this be so or not, in 1692 the Governor, with the 
 aid of his Council, drew up a new book of rates without 
 taking the trouble to consult the Keys. The tariff of 1692 
 was much more complicated and much higher than the 
 tariff of 1577.'* In 1577 it comprised some 120 articles 
 which were to pay duty on import; in 1692 it enumerated 
 some 200 articles which were to pay duty on import, and some 
 eighty articles which were to pay duty on export. Such a tariff 
 was conformable to the ideas which prevailed in England 
 before the days of Mr. Huskisson and Sir Robert Peel. And 
 in accordance with the views, which were accepted in England 
 at the same time, a preference was given to the native over 
 the stranger, the countryman (the native of the island), being 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 37. 
 
 - Miiry imposed a new duty on foreign cloth ; Elizabeth, a new duty on 
 foreign wine, without the authority of Parliament. 
 ' Sir J. Gell, in Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xii. p. 189. 
 ■* Report, Royal Com., 1791, •^pp. A,, No. 3. 
 
THE ACCESSION OF THE ATHOLES. 205 
 
 allowed, so far as many articles were concerned, to import 
 them at half the rate of duty. 
 
 An elaborate tariff of this kind was certain to produce 
 smuggling, and, as a matter of fact, smuggUng in the 
 island, soon became prevalent. The ease with which it 
 was conducted probably suggested its extension, and at the 
 latter end of the seventeenth century the Isle of Man became 
 an entrepot from which contraband goods were run to the 
 adjacent shores of Great Britain. So openly was this trade 
 conducted, that "about the year 1670 a company of adven- 
 turers from Liverpool settled at Douglas for the avowed 
 purpose of conducting the contraband trade ; ^ and " the 
 goods thus landed were, from the convenient position of 
 the Isle, exported by the barks, boats, and wherries of the 
 Island into Scotland, England, Wales, and Ireland, to the 
 detriment of the revenue and the prejudice of the fair-trader. 
 The profits attending this iniquitous trade soon induced many 
 of the most wealthy of the Manx people to engage in it like- 
 wise. The great body of the people, who had no capital to 
 embark in speculation, became carriers : for which hazardous 
 employment they were suitably qualified, being inured to hard- 
 ships and trained to a seafaring life." 
 
 Oddly enough, the new traffic which thus arose had the 
 effect of checking smuggling into the Island. The Manx 
 tariff, compared with the English tariff, was so low, that its 
 existence detracted little from the profits of the smuggler. 
 Vessels, therefore, from the East Indies, from Europe, and 
 from elsewhere, were openly consigned to Manx ports ; and 
 the cargoes which were thus landed were run at any conve- 
 nient opportunity to the English, Scotch, and Irish, coasts. 
 So extensive was the traffic, that the Commissioners of Cus- 
 toms and Excise in Scotland, writing in 1764,' officially esti- 
 
 ^ Train, vol. ii. p. 306. 
 
266 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 mated the loss to the revenue of Great Britain at no less 
 than _;^35o,ooo a year.i As almost every one in the island, 
 from the Lord downwards, drew some advantage from 
 the rich stream of wealth which was being suddenly poured 
 upon its shores, no one displayed any anxiety to stop the trade. 
 The Legislature in 1697 even repealed the statute which had 
 been passed more than 250 years before to regulate the con- 
 duct of aliens, and they declared, in doing so, that "it was 
 the goodwill and pleasure of the Right Honourable the Lord 
 of the Isle to have the said laws repealed, for the encourage- 
 ment of all foreigners and strangers to reside here." ^ 
 
 It was natural, however, that these nefarious proceedings 
 should be regarded with different views in England ; and soon 
 after the Union with Scotland a proposal seems to have been 
 made in Parliament to assimilate the fiscal laws of the Isle of 
 Man to those of Great Britain. ^ The Manx Legislature was 
 not unnaturally alarmed at a suggestion which struck a blow 
 both at the wealth and independence of the Island, and the 
 Keys decided on sending a deputation to London to resist the 
 project, or, as they phrased it, " to obtain a free trade for the 
 island with Great Britain." They even persuaded Lord Derby 
 to lend them ;^ioo to pay the expenses of this deputation. 
 No account is in existence of its proceedings, but it is reason- 
 able to infer that it succeeded in obtaining some sort of 
 promise that — if the legislature of the Island would pass 
 an Act prohibiting the export of foreign goods thence into 
 Great Britain — Parliament, in its turn, would sanction the im- 
 portation of purely Manx produce into Great Britain free of 
 duty. The inference is reasonable, because in 1 7 1 1 Tynwald 
 distinctly prohibited the illicit traffic,* "being in hopes that 
 
 1 Papers respecting Isle of Man, 1805, p. 75. 
 2 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 153. s Train, vol. ii. p. 308. 
 
 ■* This Act admits in the preamble tlie whole case against the island. ' It 
 alleges that "great quantities of tobacco and other foreign goods and mer- 
 
THE ACCESSION OF THE ATHOLES. 207 
 
 the Parliament of Great Britain will, in consideration of this 
 law, and the poverty of this island, make it lawful that the 
 bestials or any other goods of the growth, product, or manu- 
 facture of this island may be imported and landed in Great 
 Britain free of all customs whatsoever;" and becaupe in 1713 
 Tynwald suspended the Act, which had thus been passed, 
 alleging that Parliament had not carried out its part of the 
 bargain, and that the commodities of the island "stand stiU 
 burthened with the same high duties as heretofore." ^ 
 
 Strangely enough, large as was its interest in preventing 
 illicit trade, the Government of Great Britain for some time 
 took no effectual steps to stop it. Ships weire indeed stationed 
 on the coasts to watch or seize the smugglers, and commis- 
 sioners were sent to the island to watch and report on the 
 trade. Waldron, whose description has been referred to in 
 these pages, acted in this capacity ; but Waldron seems to 
 have wearied of his protracted residence in the island, and to 
 have despaired of success in his duties. 
 
 " Douglas," he wrote, " is full of very rich and eminent 
 dealers, the reason of which is plain. The harbour of it being 
 the most frequented of any in the island, there is the utmost 
 
 chandise which have been imported into the island from Great Britain . . i . 
 have afterwards been exported from hence and privately carried back into 
 some port of Great Britain or Ireland .... and also that great quantities of 
 wine, brandy, and other foreign goods and merchandise have been shipped of 
 (sic) and exported from this island and privately landed in Great Britain and 
 Ireland virithout paying her Majesty's customs and other duties." 
 
 1 This Act in its preamble distinctly alleges that the Act of 1711 had been 
 passed in the hope and expectation that Parliament would give the free trade 
 according to the proposals laid before the Commissioners [of Customs] con- 
 sidered and agreed upon by them, which said proposals were by them, the said 
 Commissioners, laid before the Honourable the Lords of the Treasury to he 
 forwarded into Parliament. It is not clear why the bargain was not carried 
 out; but possibly the change of Governjnent in England, wliere Harley suc- 
 ceeded Godolphin, may have had something to do with conduct which was 
 certainly a little shabbyt 
 
2o8 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 opportunity that can be wished for carrying on the smuggling 
 trade. So much, it must be confessed, do'some men prefer 
 their gain to their safety, that they will venture it anywhere ; 
 but in this place there is httle danger in infringing on the 
 rights of the Crown ; and here I must inform my readers that, 
 though his Most Excellent Majesty of Great Britain is master 
 of the seas, yet the Lord of Man has the jurisdiction of so 
 much round the Island, that a master of a ship has no more to 
 do than to watch his opportunity of coming within the piles, 
 and he is secure from any dangerfrom the King's officers. I 
 myself had once notice of a stately pirate that was steering 
 her course into this harbour, and would have boarded her 
 before she got within the piles, but for want of being able to 
 get sufficient help could not execute my design. Her cargo 
 was indigo, mastic, raisins of the sun, and other very rich 
 goods, which I had the mortification to see sold to the traders 
 of Douglas without the least duty paid to his Majesty." 
 
 Instructed probably by Waldron's reports,'Parliament at last in 
 1725 took some steps to prevent the mischief which the repeal 
 in 1714 of the Act of Tynwald of 1711 had occasioned. In 
 an Act passed mainly for the improvement of the revenue, it 
 inserted some remarkable clauses dealing with the trade of 
 the Isle of Man. Acknowledging that large sums were paid, 
 as drawback on tobacco and other foreign goods, exported to 
 the island, and that they were so exported " with no other 
 intent than fraudulently to re-land the same on the coasts of 
 Great Britain and Ireland," it decided that no such drawback 
 should be allowed in future. And it went on to enact that no 
 foreign goods of any kind other than the growth and produce 
 of the Island should be imported from the Island into any port 
 of Great Britain or Ireland. 1 
 
 These provisions, however, Parliament could hardly have 
 
 ' See 12 Geo. I., c. 28, sec. 21, za, 
 
THE ACCESSION OF THE ATHOLES. 209 
 
 avoided perceiving, did not remedy the real mischief. It was 
 the irregular, not the regular, trade, which was injuring the 
 revenue of Great Britain ; and no rules for the conduct of a 
 recognised trade touched the true evil. Parliament accord- 
 ingly went on to authorise the Treasury to treat with Lord 
 Derby and his immediate heirs for the purchase of the 
 royalties of the island on such terms as might seem fitting. 
 
 At the time at which the Act was passed, James, the tenth 
 Earl of Derby, had been for some fourteen years Lord of Man. 
 He was married, but he had no children ; and on his death, 
 ten years afterwards, the earldom reverted to a very distant 
 cousin. Sir Edward Stanley, a lineal descendant of the first 
 Earl. The Isle of Man did not pass with Lord Derby's best 
 known title and his English estates. The succession to it was 
 governed by the conditions under which it had been re-granted 
 to the sixth Earl by James I., and by the provisions of the Act 
 of Parliament which affirmed the grant. By these conditions 
 the Island reverted on failure of heirs male to the sixth Earl 
 to the heirs general or right heirs of James the seventh, or 
 great, Earl of Derby. In 1726 the right heir of the seventh 
 Earl was Lady Harriet Ashburnham, the only daughter of Lord 
 Ashburnham by his wife Henrietta, daughter of William, ninth 
 Lord Derby. The Act of 1726 empowered Lady Henrietta, 
 as well as her trustee, to treat for the sale of the Island ; and, 
 in the event of the treaty being made, to make the sale 
 effectual notwithstanding her minority. Lady Harriet, how- 
 ever, died while she was a child, and the succession to the 
 island then reverted to the Duke of Athole, whose maternal 
 grandmother was daughter of the seventh Earl of Derby. In 
 1736, on the deatli of the tenth Lord Derby, the sovereignty 
 of the little Island of Man passed accordingly to the Athole 
 family. 
 
 From an English point of view, this change in the dynasty. 
 
2IO THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 if so large a word may be applied to so small an island, was 
 of much significance. In the Island the change in the suc- 
 cession was hailed with feelings of hope. It seems, in 
 fact,' to be natural to humanity to expect that the evils 
 which have been experienced under one man will be 
 remedied under his successor; and these hopes were en- 
 couraged by the Duke's conduct. He showed the interest 
 which he took in his new possession by at once announcing 
 his intention of visiting it, and of coming at a time which 
 would enable him to be present at the annual Tynwald ; and 
 he was not discouraged by the unfriendliness of the winds, 
 which forced him, like Duckenfield in the previous century, to 
 seek shelter at Holyhead, and which thus protracted over six 
 days a journey which is now accomplished in four hours. 
 The Duke on his arrival was received by the Governor and 
 his officers with all the state which the Island could afford, 
 and was greeted with addresses of welcome from all classes 
 of the people. His first Tynwald revived the splendours 
 of the old court. The Duke was escorted to it by "three 
 squadrons of horse militia, one bay, the second black, the 
 third grey, well mounted and armed, commanded by their 
 officers, and with their drums and standards, in the latter 
 of which were embroidered the arms of the Isle;" on the 
 hill the Bishop did homage, the officers of the Lord's Council 
 were sworn ; and at the conclusion three " great huzzas were 
 made by the whole spectators, waving their hats in the air, and 
 a general volley from all the militia and soldiery followed." ^ 
 
 And the conduct of the Duke justified the warmth of the 
 reception. He stayed in the island for some weeks, long 
 enough to sanction fourteen Acts, or rather fourteen sections 
 of one Act, which has sometimes been styled the Manx Bill of 
 Rights. By this statute, among other things, accused persons 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xix, p. 105-109. 
 
THE ACCESSION OF THE ATHOLES. 211 
 
 were in all cases assured the right of trial by jury ; questions 
 of title were directed to be tried at common law, and not 
 otherwise, and by sheading juries. Traverses were ordeied 
 to be heard within three months, and appeals to be entered 
 within six months of the verdict. The power of the ecclesias- 
 tical courts was to a certain extent limited. They were in 
 future debarred from administering an oath to an accused 
 person, by which he was compelled "to confess or accuse or 
 to purge him or herself of any criminal matter or thing." But, 
 while the Church was deprived of the power of forcing those 
 whom they suspected to confess their guilt or swear their 
 innocence, the accused were still allowed to clear them- 
 selves by their oaths. Their oaths, therefore, were to be still 
 available for their defence ; they were no longer to be used 
 for their conviction. 
 
 The power of the ecclesiastical courts was further restrained 
 by other provisions. A reasonable fine, instead of imprison- 
 ment, was in future to be paid by persons guilty of contempt 
 for non-appearance. While " instead of the rigorous punish- 
 ment and forfeiture " to which excommunicated persons had 
 previously been liable, they were thenceforward to be subjected 
 to only three months' imprisonment in one of the castles. 
 
 One other provision of great constitutional importance was 
 added. The customs tariff had hitherto been collected on 
 the sole authority of the Lord, and had not had " the consent 
 and concurrence of the twenty-four Keys ; " it was now adopted 
 on the authority of Tynwald, and it was enacted that "no 
 order, precept, or command, prohibiting the importation or 
 exportation of any foreign goods, or any other goods of the 
 growth, product, or manufacture of t'ne Isle, shall be granted 
 or made without the consent of the Governor, Council, Deem- 
 sters and Keys of the said Isle." 
 
 The first of the Atholes had thus supplemented the legisla- 
 
5 12 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 tion of the last of the Stanleys. The one ruler had given the 
 people fixity of tenure; the other had' curbed the power of the 
 ecclesiastical courts, had regulated civil judicature, and had 
 placed the sole power of taxation in the hands of the Legis- 
 lature. The Atholes were destined, in the course of the next 
 eighty years, to lose the popularity wliich they had acquired in 
 the Island. They were said, and perhaps with reason, to think 
 too much of their own rights and too little of their people's 
 interests. But, if Manxmen knew the history of their own 
 Island, they would at any rate except the first reigning Duke of 
 the House from these censures. He, at least, celebrated his 
 accession by signing an Act worthy to be bound in the same 
 volume with the great charter of the last of the DerbyS. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 James, the second Duke of Athole, who had succeeded the 
 tenth Earl of Derby in the Lordship of Man, died in 1764. 
 He left only one child, a daughter, Charlotte, who was married 
 to her cousin John, the third Duke. The accession of a new 
 Lord probably suggested the renewal of the negotiations which 
 had been commenced more than a generation before for the 
 sale of the island. The necessity for some such measi^re had 
 not diminished in the interval. On the contrary, smuggling 
 was still rife ; the revenues both of England and Ireland 
 were stiil suffering; and successive British Ministries had 
 resumed the negotiations which had been commenced in 
 1726. Ill these circumstances, Duke James seems to have 
 doubted whether he should be able to retain the anci.ent 
 sovereignty to which he had succeeded ; and by several deeds 
 he conveyed the island to trustees, with power to make an 
 absolute sale of the whole of the property, and invest the 
 proceeds in real property in Scotland, to be strictly entailed 
 on his descendants, and, foiling them, on the descendants of 
 other members of the Athole family. Lawyers have disputed 
 whether it was within the Duke's power to make the trust 
 which was tl^us created. The succession to the Isle of Man, 
 it was, argued, was governed by the Act of James the First, and 
 nothing could be done which was contrary to the letter of that 
 statute. In the end, however, no real importance attached to 
 
214 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 these arguments. When the sale was ultimately effected, it was 
 confirmed by Parliament ; and the Parliament of George III. 
 could of course undo what the Parliament of James I. had 
 done. The trusts which Duke James created are only inter- 
 esting now because they furnish evidence that the idea of a 
 sale of the Island still prevailed in his lifetime. 
 
 When Duke James died, George Grenville was Prime Mini- 
 ster of England. The author of the famous Stamp Act was 
 not likely to feel much sympathy with small dependencies of 
 the British crown, and a Minister who risked the loss of the 
 American colonies for the sake of the ;^i 00,000 a year which 
 the Stamp Act was expected to produce was certain to take 
 strong measures to save the much larger sum of which Manx 
 smugglers were depriving the English revenue. Writing on the 
 25th July 1764 to the Duke, he thought proper to inform him, in 
 his own name and in that of his colleagues at the Treasury, 
 that, " in pursuance of the powers vested in us by the 12th of 
 George I., we are willing to treat with you for the purchase of 
 the Isle of Man, or of such part of the rights, claimed by your 
 Grace in the said Island, as it shall be found expedient to vest in 
 the Crown, for preventing that pernicious and illicit trade which 
 is at present carried on between the said Island and other 
 parts of his Majesty's dominions, in violation of the laws, and 
 to the great diminution and detriment of the revenues of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 "The House of Commons, during the last session of 
 Parliament, thought fit to inquire whether any and what steps 
 had been taken for this purpose; and we have reason to 
 think that it is expected of us that we should pursue every 
 legal method for the prevention of this evil. . . . We are now 
 ready to treat with your Grace, pursuant to the said Act of 
 Parliament, and to receive from you a proposal for that pur- 
 pose, specifying what part of your property and rights in the 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 215 
 
 said Island you are disposed to sell, and the value you put 
 upon them ; that we may know whether the terms are, in all 
 respects, such as we, who are the trustees for the public, can 
 admit. But, if your Grace is not incHned to enter into a 
 treaty with us upon the subject, we beg to be informed of it, 
 that we may then pursue such other measures as we shall 
 think our duty to the public requires of us." ^ 
 
 This strong language and hardly covert threat must have 
 convinced the Duke that the days of his sovereignty were 
 numbered ; and, before he found leisure to reply to the 
 Treasury letter, the Ministry proceeded from strong words 
 to strong deeds. It issued an Order in Council on the 17th 
 August 1764 specifying his Majesty's intentions that the laws 
 against smuggling, particularly on the neighbouring coasts of 
 the Isle of Man, should be strictly enforced ; directing the 
 Admiralty to station a number of ships and cutters, under the 
 command of discreet officers, in the harbours and on the 
 coasts of that island; and adding that, "in order to take 
 from foreigners all excuse on the score of ignorance. His 
 Majesty's intentions have been notified to most of the courts 
 of Europe."^ 
 
 Both the words and the action of the Ministry must have 
 shown the Duke that England was at last in earnest, and that 
 it was no longer possible to avert a change which the Enghsh 
 Government was determined to effect. Professing, therefore, 
 that " no temptation of gain could induce him to give up so 
 ancient, so honourable, and so noble a birthright," and that 
 " nothing could be an equivalent to one of his rank and cir- 
 cumstances for so great a patrimony," the Duke added that 
 " his duty and attachment to the King were such, that if it was 
 esteemed, upon a full consideration, an important point for his 
 
 ' Parliamentary Piipers respecting; the Isle of Man, 1805, p. 13. 
 - Ann. Reg., 1764, p. 92, 
 
2i6 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Majesty's service, and for the good of the public, he was willing 
 to enter into a treaty for the disposal of" the island. As, how- 
 ever, he had only been a few months in possession of it, and 
 had never in the least turned his thoughts to the sale of it, 
 it was impossible for him to fix upon an adequate price for a 
 possession so very considerable both for honour and profit. 
 He could therefore make no proposal himself, though he 
 would be ready to receive with respect any that should come 
 from the Treasury. 
 
 If, however, the Duke declared himself unable to name a 
 just price for the island, the Lords of the Treasury contended 
 that they were equally unable to do so. The Duke, in fact, 
 had, while they had not, the statistical information which 
 would enable them to determine the point. The Treasury, 
 therefore, suggested that the Duke should supply their Lord- 
 ships with this information. The Duke in the first instance, 
 however, seems to have neglected this duty. At any rate, 
 before the autumn closed, he was informed that the Govern- 
 ment did not intend to proceed with the treaty, but that they 
 proposed to effect their object by Act of Parliament. Accord- 
 ingly, in the beginning of 1765, a Bill was introduced into the 
 House of Commons to remedy the mischiefs resulting from 
 Manx smuggling. 
 
 A strong policy of this kind naturally brought the Duke to 
 reason, and on the 27th February 1765 he addressed a letter 
 to the Treasury, in which he supplied the information which 
 the Government had demanded in the previous Seiitember, 
 and expressed a hope that " neither his Majesty nor the Parlia- 
 ment will think the clear sum of ;^7o,ooo too great a price to 
 be paid to us in full compensation for the absolute surrender 1 
 of" what, for want of a better word, may perhaps be called the 
 royalties of the Island. The Duke added that the Duchess and 
 
 1 ParliamentarJ' Papei's respecting Isle of XIan, p, 17. 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 217 
 
 he presumed to " hope that our particular situation, arising 
 from rent-charges upon our other estates, in consequence of 
 settlements made by the late Duke of Athole, from a prospect 
 that the revenues of the Isle of Man would continue to us, 
 will, through your Lordships' favourable mediation, recommend 
 us to his Majesty for such mark of his royal munificence as 
 from the consideration of the case shall appear to his Majesty 
 to be reasonable." 
 
 This letter, of course, settled the business. Governmerit 
 had made up its mind to resume possession of the Isle of 
 Man, but it had no desire to treat the Duke and Duchess with 
 harshness. The Duke's offer was at once accepted. A BiU 
 was introduced to give effect to it, and rapidly passed. After 
 its passage a pension of ^2000 a year was granted out of the 
 Irish revenues to the Duke and Duchess for their joint lives. 
 Ireland, it was argued, had suffered like England from the 
 illicit traffic, and Ireland therefore, like England, should con- 
 tribute some portion of the compensation. 
 
 The measure which thus revested the Isle of Man in the 
 Crown of England is a very short Act with a very long pre- 
 amble ; for the preamble contains a concise history of the 
 relations of the Stanleys and of the Aiholes with the island 
 from 1407, while the Act only confirms the bargain for the 
 sale, and excepts from it the property, the patronage, and the 
 privileges which were still to continue with the Duke. For, 
 though the Act deprived the Duke of his sovereignty, it left him 
 a great manorial lord, with the land, with the minerals of the 
 island, with large ecclesiastical patronage, and with the privilege, 
 which no other subject possessed, of presenting to the bishopric.i 
 
 1 The right of presentation to the bishopric, which was preserved to the Duke, 
 but which sixty years afterwards was purchased by the Crown, is different 
 from the rii^ht which the Crown enjoys of appointing English bishops. In 
 England and_ Wales the Crown technically authorises the De^n and Chapter tg 
 
21 8 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 It preserved to him the honorary service of presenting to the 
 king two falcons on his coronation. But this Act — the Act 
 of Revestment, as it is generally called — if it had stood alone, 
 would not have accomplished the objects which Parliament 
 desired. It was therefore supplemented by another measure 
 " for more effectually preventing the mischiefs arising to the 
 revenue and commerce of Great Britain and Ireland from the 
 illicit and clandestine trade to and from the Isle of Man." 
 
 The Mischief Act, as it was commonly called, empowered 
 officers of customs and excise to visit and search all vessels on 
 the coast and in the harbours of the Island, and to seize any 
 goods imported contrary to law ; it rendered all vessels, except 
 those driven in by stress of weather, hovering within three 
 leagues of the Island, and having on board any prohibited 
 goods, liable to forfeiture ; it directed that offences against the 
 Act committed in the territorial waters of the Island might be 
 tried in any court either of Great Britain or Ireland ; and it 
 prohibited the importation of all foreign spirits, teas, and East 
 India goods, even for the consumption of the Island, except 
 from Great Britain. And this Act was followed in 1767 by a 
 still more stringent measure, which repealed the old book of 
 rates which had been imposed by Tynwald, which substituted 
 new and heavier duties to be levied on the authority, not of 
 Tynwald, but of Parliament, and which limited the quantities 
 of spirits, tea, tobacco, and other goods which should thence- 
 forward be imported into the Isle of Man.^ 
 
 elect a bishop, though it nominates the person whom the Dean and Chapter are 
 to elect. In the Isle of Man it appoints the bishops. The bishopric of the 
 Isle of Man may, therefore, be styled a " donative " of the Crown. 
 
 1 The Act of Revestment is the 5 Geo. III. , c. 26. The Mischief Act, 25 Geo. 
 III., c. 39. The Act of 1767, the 7 Geo. III., c. 45. The duties imposed in 
 1767, and the quantities of foreign articles allowed to be imported into the 
 Island, were affected or amended by subsequent Acts passed in 1780 (20 Geo. 
 III., c, 42), in 1798 (38 Geo, III,, c. 63), and by subsequent statutes, 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 219 
 
 The urgency of the case was perhaps sufficient justification 
 of these laws. No Minister could allow a little island to defy 
 the power, to embarrass the trade, and to cripple the reve- 
 nue of Great Britain ; and possibly the illicit practices, which 
 had assumed such large proportions, could not have been 
 checked by any milder legislation. But the Acts which were 
 then passed not only inflicted an apparently irremediable 
 wound on the prosperity of the Manx people ; they con- 
 currently aimed a fatal blow at their independence. 
 
 For centuries the Island had preserved the appearance of 
 independence : it had been left to regulate its own affairs and 
 to make its own laws. It had the mortification now to see 
 that the Parliament of Great Britain was disposing of its sove- 
 reignty, and imposing new and heavy burdens and restrictions 
 on its trade. 
 
 Yet the change was quietly accomplished. The English 
 Ministry at once selected a new Governor to represent the 
 Crown, and the choice fell on Mr. Wood, who appears to have 
 been a gentleman of capacity and discretion. It issued a pro- 
 clamation notifying the change, and directing that it should 
 be read at Castletown ; it despatched the 42nd regiment of 
 foot to support the Governor's authority ; and accordingly on 
 the nth July, the Manx colours, which had been hoisted 
 upon Castle Rushen in the morning, were struck ; the English 
 colours were hoisted in their room ; the troops fired three 
 volleys; the Governor made a judicious speech. The reign 
 of John, Duke of Athole, had ceased ; the reign of George III. 
 of England (of George I. of Man) had begun. 
 
 The leading people of the island, who subsequently dined 
 at the Castle, perhaps forgot their grievances while they were 
 drinking the Governor's claret ; the soldiers drank his Ma- 
 jesty's health in a hogshead of beer which the Governor 
 provided for them; while "bonfires, illuminations, and other 
 
220 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 demonstrations of joy," amused the more idle among the 
 crowd." 1 
 
 Whatever demonstrations, however, may in the first in- 
 stance have followed the proclamation of the revestment, it 
 could hardly be expected that the people would have welcomed 
 a change which deprived them of the chief occupation of 
 their lives, and raised the cost of living in the Island. 
 
 " All the babes unborn will rue the day 
 That the Isle of Man was sold away ; 
 For there's ne'er an old wifeHhat loves a dram, 
 But what will lament for the Isle of Man." ^ 
 
 So ran the popular refrain which was fashionable at the 
 time. The people, too, complained not only of the thing 
 itself, but of the manner in which it was done. The negotia- 
 tions between the English Government and the Duke had 
 been conducted without the knowlege of the Manx Legislature ; 
 and Tynwald considered that in common courtesy it might have 
 been consulted before the dynasty to which the Manx people 
 had owed allegiance for nearly four centuries had been 
 summarily deprived of its royalty. They did not, however, 
 blame the Duke for his share in the matter ; they regarded 
 him, on the contrary, as the victim of a pohcy which had been 
 forced on him against his will ; and the Duchess and he for 
 many years received their sympathy and retained their attach- 
 ment. 
 
 The Duke died in 1774. His Duchess, who survived him, 
 and who had brought him the Island on her marriage, trans- 
 ferred on his death all her rights in Man to her son, the fourth 
 Duke. The third Duke had silently submitted to the decision 
 of 1765, to which, in fact, he had been technically a party. 
 The new Duke had hardly acceded to the title, or at any rate 
 had hardly attained his majority, before he used all the influ- 
 
 l Manx Sec, Pub., vol. xii. p. 129, 2 Ibid., vol. xvi. p. 233. 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 221 
 
 ence attaching to his high position to disturb it. During the 
 next twenty-five years the Duke's claims were constantly before 
 Parliament. 
 
 It is possible to put the arguments which were raised by 
 the Duke, and the arguments which were returned to them, 
 concisely. Practically, the Duke contended that the sale 
 which his father and mother had made they were incompetent 
 to make, and that the compensation which was awarded was 
 inadequate. On the first point it is not necessary to say 
 much. The universal opinion of competent authorities may 
 be cited to prove the capacity of Parliament to do what it 
 chooses; and any defects in the sale, if defects there were, 
 must necessarily have been cured by tiie Act of Parliament 
 which sanctioned it. Jurists indeed might possibly argue 
 that Piirliament, omnipotent at home, had no power to legis- 
 late for the Isle of Man. But even this contention was 
 hopeless. Parliament has technically the right to legislate 
 for any portion of the British Empire, and its exercise of this 
 right does not depend upon questions of supremacy, but on 
 questions of expediency. Parliament, moreover, had, as a 
 matter of fact, on several occasions exercised its right of 
 legislating for the island. It had done so on three occasions 
 during the half-century which preceded the revestraent. And, 
 to quote the words of the law officers of the Crown in 1802, 
 "These instances we think abundantly sufficient to show that 
 the Parliament of this country has exercised that right of legis- 
 lation for the Isle of Man, when it has thought it necessary, 
 which Lord Coke and Mr. Justice Blackstone state to belong 
 toit."i 
 
 On one part of the question, therefore, little doubt can be 
 felt. Parliament was within its rights in legislating for the 
 Island ; and the fiat of the Legislature covered any possible 
 
 1 Parliamentary Papers respecting Isle of Man, 1805, p. S7- 
 
222 THE LAND OF HOME RULE, 
 
 defect in the capacity of the Duke and Duchess to sell. But 
 it was still open to the Duke's successor to maintain that his 
 parents had been forced into an unjust bargain, and that the 
 compensation paid was inadequate to the value of the revenue 
 sold, 
 
 The actual revenues of the Island during the ten years 
 which preceded the revestment amounted to ;!^85,o85 Manx, 
 or £t2,()2i° British. '^ The mean annual revenue of the Lord 
 was, therefore, nearly ^^7300 a year. This sum, however, 
 included the rents derived from property which was not pur- 
 chased in 1765; and the actual revenue transferred to the 
 Crown had yielded on an average not quite ;^6ooo a year. 
 It was obvious that if these revenues were fairly receivable, 
 and if they belonged to the Duke, the _;^7o,ooo which the 
 Duke asked and the Government paid was a very inadequate 
 compensation for the income of which he was deprived. 
 Those who opposed the Duke's claim and those who sup- 
 ported it equally admitted that the revenue was the bona fide 
 property of the Duke ; and no one was found bold enough to 
 urge that duties granted by the Legislature were practically given 
 in trust for public purposes and could not properly be regarded 
 as private property. Viewed, therefore, as the transaction 
 was on every side in the closing years of the eighteenth 
 century, the only question for consideration was whether a sum 
 of ;^7o,ooo and an annuity of ;^2ooo Irish on the joint lives 
 of the Duke and Duchess was an adequate price for an 
 income estimated at ;^6ooo a year? If this income was 
 certain and assured, it was difficult to see bow any answer but 
 one could be returned to this question ; and the Duke con- 
 tended that it was not only assured, but that with careful 
 collection it could have been made much larger, while it was 
 capable of almost indefinite increase by the action of the 
 
 1 £7 Manx was equal to £6 British. See for this account, ibid,, p. 64. 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 223 
 
 insular Legislature. The Government, however, replied that 
 it was in the highest degree unlikely that the court of Tynwald 
 would have agreed to additional taxation for the purpose of 
 increasing the private revenues of the Duke, and that his 
 income such as it was had been swelled by the illicit practices 
 which had prevailed. The custom duties in the island were 
 so low that the commodities imported for local consumption 
 would hardly have produced one-tenth of the duties which were 
 actually received ; and, as a matter of fact, immediately after 
 the revestment, when smuggling was checked, the revenues at 
 once fell from thousands to hundreds. It was absurd, so it 
 was argued, to vest an income obviously derived from illicit 
 practices with the sanctity attaching to private property, 
 and the compensation actually given was an ample price 
 for the legitimate revenues of the island. The history of 
 1765 confirmed this view, for the ;^7o,ooo then paid was 
 not the price named by the Government, but the price named 
 by the Duke. It was reasonable to suppose tliat, in naming 
 this sum, the Duke had not suggested one which was wholly 
 inadequate. 
 
 Such was the substance^of the very "able reply) ultimately 
 returned to the Duke's claim. In 1781 this claim was formally 
 raised. The Duke presented a petition to Parliament praying 
 for leave to introduce a Bill to amend the Act of 1765. The 
 measure actually passed the Commons, but it only reached 
 the Lords towards the end of the session, and the Lord Chan- 
 cellor urged, and the Duke himself acquiesced in the argument, 
 that the period was too late for its consideration. ^ Its introduc- 
 tion, however, had probably convinced the Duke that its pas- 
 sage was likely to be resisted in an unexpected quarter. Many 
 of the Duke's arguments were clearly opposed to the true 
 interests of the Manx people. The Keys petitioned against 
 
 1 Parliamentary Register, vol. xxi. p.f348. 
 
224 TUB LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the measure. Their Speaker gave evidence against it at the 
 bar of the House of Lords. The people of the island instinc- 
 tively felt that the claim of the Duke was opposed to their own 
 privileges ; and that, in some way or othfer, if increased com- 
 pensation were paid to his Grace, they would directly or in- 
 directly suffer. 
 
 Deterred probably by the opposition, which his proposal 
 provoked both in Parliament and in the Island, the Duke fore- 
 bore for many years from pressing his claim. In 1790, how- 
 ever, it was again renewed, a relation of the Duke's, General 
 Murray, asking leave to bring in a bill for appointing com- 
 missioners to inquire into the extent and value of certain 
 rights, revenues, and possessions in the Isle of Man.i The 
 proposal was again resisted by the Opposition — on the ground 
 that it was unfair to the public to reopen a transaction which 
 had been definitely concluded a quarter of a century before — 
 but was supported by the Ministry, who contended that the 
 bargain of 1765 had been hastily arrived at, and that several 
 things had been left uncertain which, in the best interests of 
 the public, it was desirable to determine. The Keys again 
 petitioned against the measure, and were heard by counsel 
 against the Bill. Supported by the whole strength of Pitt's 
 Ministry, it was read a second time in April, and the House of 
 Commons subsequently decided on going into committee upon 
 it by sixty-three votes to thirty-four.^ But the feeling against 
 the measure was so strong that Government did not venture 
 on pressing it any further on the House, and Pitt himself, 
 "notwithstanding his full conviction of the propriety, and 
 even necessity,'of proceeding with such a measure," moved its 
 rejection.' With the Government on his side and Parlia- 
 ment against him, the Duke in 1791 took another course, and 
 
 1 Parliamentary Register, vol. xliv. p. 307. 
 2 Ibid., pp. 385-395. 8 Ibid,, p. 561. 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 225 
 
 petitioned the King in council for the redress which he had 
 failed to obtain from the Legislature. At the close of 1791 a 
 commission was accordingly appointed and instructed to pro- 
 ceed to the Island and examine the allegations of the Duke, 
 inquiring at the same time into the constitution and circum- 
 stances of the Island. 
 
 Whatever other results may have ensued from this com- 
 mission, there is no doubt that it succeeded in collecting a 
 mass of information which has made its report a mine of 
 wealth for the historian ; but, with respect to its immediate 
 object, the report probably gave only imperfect satisfaction to 
 the Duke. The Duke alleged that : — 
 
 1. The revenues arising to his family were not fairly coir 
 lected, even before the revestment. 
 
 2. His family had the power of increasing the duties,, with 
 the consent of the Legislature, and that such consent, to any 
 reasonable degree, would not have been wanting, 
 
 3. Some rights, unnecessary to be vested in the Crown for 
 the purpose of preventing illicit practices, had been so vested; 
 while others, meant to be retained, had, by the operation of 
 the Act of 1765, been rendered nugatory, by being left in a 
 mutilated and unprotected condition, the protections which 
 they enjoyed under the former Government of the island 
 having been destroyed, and no new or adequate protection 
 substituted in their room. 
 
 On the first allegation the commissioners held that "the 
 Lords' revenues were not fairly collected or paid prior to the 
 revestment." The first part of the second allegation, that the 
 Duke's family had the power of increasing the revenue with 
 the consent of the Legislature, they considered a self-evident 
 proposition ; but they added, in reference to the second part, 
 that it was not probable that such consent would have been 
 given without an equivalent. 
 
226 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 The Duke defined the rights which he stated in his third 
 allegation to be unnecessarily vested in the Crown to be the 
 following : — 
 
 {a.) The herring custom, being a tax of los. on each boat 
 engaged in the herring-fishery. 
 
 {b.) The salmon fishings. 
 
 {c.) The harbours and quays of the Island. 
 
 {d.) The Isle and Castle of Peel. 
 
 {e.) Treasure trove. 
 
 All these five rights, the commissioners held, were not neces- 
 sarily vested in the Crown for the purpose of preventing illicit 
 practices. 
 
 The rights which the Duke alleged to have been left in a 
 mutilated and unprotected condition were the rights to wrecks, 
 game, unappropriated lands, and boons and services.^ So far as 
 his right to wrecks and boons and services was concerned, the 
 commissioners thought that the Duke might obtain redress by- 
 resorting to the courts of justice. His right to game, secured 
 to him by laws conceived " in the jealous and vindictive spirit 
 of the ancient forest laws," was not affected by the Act of Re- 
 vestment. So far as the unappropriated lands were concerned, 
 the Keys undertook in writing, and the Duke expressed him- 
 self satisfied with the undertaking, to give the Duke the 
 necessary relief. 
 
 Technically, therefore, the decision of the commissioners was 
 in the Duke's favour; but at the same time the examination of 
 his claim must have convinced every one that the pecuniary value 
 of the rights of which he may have been unnecessarily deprived 
 
 1 The tenants and inhabitants of the Isle were bound, by an Act of 1645, to 
 furnish labour for the repair of the Lord's forts and houses, or to pay a fine 
 of sixpence on each instance of default ; while each owner of a quarterland 
 was bound to furnish a cart and horses on four days of the year, or to pay a 
 fine of 2s., to be employed in the repair of the Lord's fences, houses, &c., and 
 on other duties. 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 227 
 
 was very small. The only things of value among them were 
 the herring customs and the right of free carriage ; and the 
 value of the former was estimated at ;^ioo, that of the latter 
 at abbut ;^i3o a year.^ The truth of the Duke's allegations, 
 moreover, did not advance his claim. If it were true, on 
 the commissioners' showing, that his family had unnecessarily 
 been deprived of certain small rights, the words of the Act 
 could be quoted to prove that these rights had been in- 
 cluded in the bargain between his predecessor and the Crown. 
 There may have been no public necessity for compelling the 
 Duke to part with them, but there could be no reasonable 
 doubt that, as a matter of fact, he had knowingly sold them. 
 
 The Government in these circumstances did not venture to 
 take any action on the commissioners' report, but it gratified 
 the Duke in 1793 by appointing him Governor of the Island. 
 The pay of the office was not large, but the position gave 
 him an obvious advantage in protecting his interests, while 
 it enabled him to exercise, as the representative of the Crown, 
 the functions which his ancestors had discharged by virtue of 
 their inheritance. The Manx, too, though they had hitherto 
 opposed the Duke's claims, accepted him as their Governor 
 with acclamations. They regarded him as "a fellow- sufferer 
 with themselves." He and they had been equally injured by 
 the Act of Revestment, and his influence, they hoped, would 
 thenceforward be exerted to remedy their grievances and pro- 
 mote their interests. They received the Duke accordingly 
 with enthusiasm, took his horses from his carriage, drew him 
 themselves to his residence, and cheered him to the echo.^ 
 
 Some years passed before the Duke formally renewed the 
 claims which he had raised in 1781 and 1790, and which had 
 been referred by Pitt to the commissioners appointed in the 
 
 1 Report of the Commissioners, p. 18, Appendix, No. 28. 
 2 Train, vol. i. p. 252. 
 
228- THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 autumn of 1791, In 1798, however, he was instrumental 
 in procuring the passage of an Act through Parliament in- 
 tended to promote the trade of the island, and at the same 
 time to increase the insular revenue.^ The Act, which carried 
 out some of the recommendations of the Commissioners, 
 was passed for only three years. It had the effect of raising 
 the revenues, which since the Revestment had not amounted 
 on an average to ;^4ooo, to ;£8ooo a year.^ Taking advantage 
 of this circumstance, the Duke in 1801 — before the Act had 
 actually expired — again memorialised the King in Council, and^ 
 asked that some additional compensation might be granted 
 to him out of the improved revenues.^ The memorial was 
 evidently prepared while Pitt was still in office : it reached 
 the King, however, during the crisis which led to that great 
 Minister's withdrawal from power, and it was referred to a 
 committee of the Privy Council during the earliest days of 
 Addington's Administration. Six months later, their Lord- 
 ships sent it to the law officers of the Crown, whose report 
 upon it was made in November 1802. 
 
 This report, to which allusion has already been made in 
 this chapter, is the best extant analysis of the Duke's case. In 
 substance, the attorney and solicitor-general declared that the 
 revenues before the revestment had been swelled by smug-, 
 gling; that a revenue based on the legitimate consumption 
 of the Inland would not have exceeded, after allowing for the 
 expenses of collection, ;^8oo a year ; and that this revenue, " at 
 thirty years' purchase, would give ;^24,ooo, which would leave 
 ^46,000 out of the _;^7o,ooo for the account of the royalties."* 
 Convinced by this reasoning, the Lords of the Council re- 
 ported in 1804 — for their Loj-^ships in those days moved very 
 
 1 38 Geo. III., c. 63. Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xii. p, 194. 
 
 2 Papers respecting the Isle of Man, p. 21. 3 Ibid., p. 8. 
 
 * Ibid,, p. 62. 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 229 
 
 slowly— that " there do not appear sufficient grounds to con- 
 sider the compensation made to the late Duke of Athole . . . 
 and their Lordships cannot advise your Majesty to signify your 
 royal consent to such an application to Parliament as is sug- 
 gested in the prayer of his Grace's petition to your Majesty in 
 Council." 
 
 The Duke had now maintained the struggle for the best part 
 of twenty-five years. He had been defeated in the House of 
 Lords, he had been defeated in the House of Commons, and 
 he had been defeated, it might have been thought, finally, 
 in the Privy Council ; yet he was on the very eve of securing 
 a long-deferred victory. The whirligig of politics, which had 
 disappointed his expectations by replacing Pitt with Addingtori 
 in 1801, was replacing Addington with Pitt in 1804. The 
 Privy Council reported adversely on the 31st day of March. 
 On the 13th April the Duke asked (and on the 17th- his re- 
 quest was granted) that the report might be suspended till he 
 had prepared a supplemental petition, which it was his pur- 
 pose to present' On the 15th May, Pitt resumed ofiEce^ 
 and on the 27th June the Duke's supplemental petition 
 •was referred to a fresh committee, which on the i8th August 
 recommended that the Duke's claim should be complied 
 with.i 
 
 Accordingly in the following year a Select Committee was 
 appointed in the House of Commons, and recommended that 
 additional compensation should be granted to the Dufce.^ 
 The Crown was thereupon advised to grant, and Parliament 
 ■was induced to approve, the issue of an annuity to the Duke 
 and his heirs for ever equal to one-fourth part the gross cus- 
 toms revenue of the island ; ^ and a Bill was introduced and 
 passed consolidating the duties granted under previous Acts, 
 
 1 Papers respecting Isle of Man, p. 112. 2 Pari. Deb., vol. v. p. 52. 
 
 3 45 Geo. III., c. 123. Train, vol. i. p. 249. 
 
230 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 and directing the payment of the revenues into the Consoli- 
 dated Fund of Great Britain. 
 
 It is not necessary in a history of the Isle of Man to con- 
 sider the motives which may have induced Pitt to press forward 
 this extraordinary policy. Whether private friendship, or the 
 desire to secure political support, may have actuated his con- 
 duct, there seems no justification for the act itself or for the 
 manner in which it was done. The House of Lords, with all 
 its natural prejudices in favour of a nobleman of high rank 
 and great descent, had refused the claim ; the House of Com- 
 mons, a House returned not by popular constituencies, but 
 mainly composed of the representatives of great borough- 
 owners, had declined to consider it ; the Privy Council, after 
 an elaborate inquiry, and after referring the case to the law 
 ofiScers of the Crown, had rejected it. Pitt's chief legal adviser, 
 his Attorney-General, had himself prepared the elaborate and 
 cogent report which had guided the decision of the Privy 
 Council ; he displayed his adherence to his original opinion 
 by absenting himself from the debate on the Prime Minister's 
 proposal ; the Chief Justice of England led the opposition to 
 it in the House of Lords, and declared that the transaction 
 was "one of the most corrupt jobs ever witnessed in Par- 
 liament ; " and that the manner in which the claim was pressed 
 was "a proceeding which could only be sanctioned by Par- 
 liament in the worst and most corrupt times." i Yet, in the 
 face of the previous refusals of the Legislature, in face of the 
 decision of the Privy Council, in face of the opinions of the 
 men by whose advice he should have been guided on a ques- 
 tion of law, Pitt forced his colleagues in the Privy Council and 
 his supporters in Parliament to adopt the measure, which it is 
 fair to add that he had consistently recommended, but which 
 they had as consistendy refused. 
 
 I Pari, Deb,, vol. v, pp. 776-778, 
 
THE SALE OF THE ISLAND. 231 
 
 If, moreover, his policy redressed the grievance of the Duke, 
 it created a much more serious grievance in the Island. The 
 Duke's family could hardly have received any compensation 
 for the customs revenue in 1765, except on the assumption 
 that taxes imposed on the Island were his private property, 
 and not held in trust for public purposes. He could hardly 
 have received increased compensation in 1805 except on the 
 still more monstrous assumption that he had a right to the 
 improved revenues imposed neither by himself nor by the 
 local Legislature, but by the Imperial Parliament ; and this 
 contention was indirectly supported by the language of the 
 new Act. In the Acts of 1767 and 1780, the surplus revenues 
 of the Island imposed by these Statutes which remained after 
 defraying the necessary expenses of government had been 
 reserved for the disposition of Parliament. In the temporary 
 Act, which the Duke had secured in 1798, this provision was 
 for the first time omitted. But, in the Act of 1805, Parlia- 
 ment took a much more formidable step, and directed that 
 these revenues should be carried to the Consolidated Fund of 
 Great Britain. Under the earlier Acts it was probably the 
 intention — it was certainly open to every Manxman to contend 
 that it was the intention — that these revenues should be ex-, 
 pended, under the authority of Parliament, on insular pur- 
 poses. But the Act of 1805 made such a contention no 
 longer admissible. The local revenues ceased, as it were, to 
 be earmarked ; they were merged in the general income of the 
 larger country. The admission of the Duke's claim made it 
 almost inevitable that they should be so merged. If the Duke 
 was entitled to an additional ^^3000 a year out of the revenue, 
 it was only right that the Consolidated Fund should be 
 recouped for the loss. If, in short, the increased revenues had 
 belonged to the Duke, they obviously and legitimately be- 
 longed to the Power which stood in the Duke's shoes. The 
 
232 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 moral claim, which, up to 1805, the Manx people might fairly 
 have made, that revenues raised in the island should be spent 
 in the island, was thus barred by the words of the Act ; and 
 the injustice which was thus perpetrated was not remedied for 
 another sixty years. 
 
 Unhappily, in the history of England there are too many 
 instances where the claims of an individual have been treated 
 With respect, and the claims of a people have been over- 
 looked; and in the political atmosphere of the earlier years 
 of the century the claims of individuals were regarded with 
 more consideration than the present generation would pay to 
 them, Pitt's advocates may therefore fairly claim that he 
 should be judged by the standard of his own age, which rarely 
 forgot that property had its rights, and hardly ever remembered 
 that it had its duties. But, unhappily for Pitt, the excuse is 
 not available in the present instance ; for, so far as the Duke 
 of Athole was concerned. Lords, Commons, and -Councillors 
 were all favourable to a more appropriate policy. It was the 
 influence of Pitt which secured the Duke the compensation he 
 sought; it was Pitt's authority which persuaded a reluctant 
 Legislature ; and Pitt, and Pitt alone, must be held respon- 
 sible for what was done, and for the manner of doing it. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE LAST OF THE ATHOLES. 
 
 The preceding chapter lias been confined to the negotiations 
 respecting the sale of the island to the Crown, from the acces- 
 sion of the third Duke of Athole in 1 764 to the final arrange- 
 ment concluded by the Act of 1805. It is time now to retrace 
 our steps, and to endeavour to describe the consequences of 
 the Revestment on the Manx people. 
 
 In one respect the poor gained by the revestment. Tynwald, 
 from its closer connection with the English Government, realised 
 the necessity of assimilating its own laws to those of England, 
 and in 1777 it accordingly swept away some old statutes, which 
 had become "insufferable and oppressive," repealing, among 
 others, those which regulated the wages and labours of artificers 
 and servants. 
 
 Service in many instances had been compulsory. By an old 
 customary law, which was recognised by the insular statutes, 
 many oflficial persons — the Deemsters, coroners, moars, and Ser- 
 jeants of baronies — were entitled to claim for their own use 
 the services of any person who was not already in the em- 
 ployment of the vicar of a parish or of a member of the House 
 of Keys. " The ceremony was performed by an officer 
 called a sumner, who laid a straw over the shoulder of the 
 person so required and said, ' You are hereby yarded for 
 the service of the Lord of Man, in the house of his Deemster, 
 
234 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 moar, coroner, or Serjeant of barony.' " ^ This remarkable 
 system was not the only instance of compulsory service. 
 By an old customary law, which was embodied in the statutes 
 in 1577, and which, singularly enough, still remains unre- 
 pealed,^ any of the Lord's tenants had the right to complain 
 to the Deemster that he was "destitute" of servants; and 
 the Deemster was thereupon to impannel a jury charged to 
 discover vagrant servants, who were then allotted to the 
 farmer, the farmer who paid the highest rent being served 
 first : " And if there be no such servants, and if such need 
 be, then he that beareth five shillings rent unto my Lord 
 to serve him that beareth ten shillings rent, rather than the 
 Lord his land fall to decay." 
 
 These harsh restrictions on individual liberty were the more 
 oppressive because the wages of labourers were minutely fixed 
 by statute, and fixed not in the interests of the labouring 
 classes. By an old statute of 1609, for instance, every man- 
 servant being a plowman was to receive thirteen shillings and 
 fourpence a year, and not above; every driver ten shillings, 
 and every horseman eight shillings, and not above.^ It is true 
 that, in addition to these wages, the servant was entitled to his 
 keep, and the servants made by juries had a right to complain 
 to "four honest and sufficient neighbours" to certify "what 
 dyett and usage they ought to have."* This provision, how- 
 
 1 Train, vol. ii. p. log. 
 
 2 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 55. 
 
 ' Ibid. , p. 70. Old and decrepit persons had a right to retain the service 
 of one of their own children ; and the choice child, as he was called, could 
 not be allotted to a farmer by a jury. Ibid. , p. 122. 
 
 * Ibid., p. 123. In justice to Tynwald, it is fair to remind the reader 
 of the analogous legislation in England. The " Statute of Labourers," passed 
 in the reign of Elizabeth, prescribed the hours of labour, forbade the move- 
 ments of the working classes, and directed the justices to fix the rate of 
 wages. 
 
THE LAST OF THE ATHOLES. 235 
 
 ever, could have mitigated only partially the hardship of 
 compulsory service, or the almost equal injustice of limit- 
 ing by statute the wages which a man should receive for his 
 labour. 
 
 The Act of 1609, like all laws opposed to sound principles, 
 could not be enforced] and Tynwald in 1667 was forced to 
 admit that servants were receiving double the wages which the 
 statute directed, and that men were pretending that the said 
 statute did not apply to ordinary servants, but only to such 
 servants as were made by juries and yarding. Confronted 
 with these facts, Tynwald would have been wise to have 
 repealed the law. Instead of doing so, it merely re-enacted it. 
 "Whereas, notwithstanding the statute of 1609 . . . servants 
 will not of late years hire for double the wages so mentioned 
 . . . not considering that the farmer is far more unable now 
 than formerly to pay the same, in respect of the scarcity of 
 money, and the cheap rates both of corn and cattle j and 
 yet are the servants in a better condition to subsist by the 
 cheapness of cloth, both woollen and linen, and all other 
 commodities they stand in need of. And whereas it may be 
 conceived that the wages mentioned in the said statute was 
 only intended for such servants as were made by juries and 
 yarding, albeit the foresaid statute is plain to the contrary . . . 
 be it hereby ordered, enacted, and declared that there be a 
 restraint of such exorbitancy in the servants ; that (considering 
 the cheapness of all commodities at present, and that probably 
 the same may rise higher hereafter, and so continue for some 
 -time) there be this moderation made on both parts, viz., that 
 every sufficient plowman shall have for his wages fifteen shil- 
 lings, and not above ; every driver ten shillings ; every horse- 
 man or horselad eight shillings . . . and every maid-servant 
 of ability to undertake and perform her master's or mistress's 
 
235 ■ THE LAND OF HOME RULE.- 
 
 service, the wages of mne shillings by- the year, and not 
 above."! 
 
 Only one result could have followed from such a statute. 
 Any promising youth must have been driven from a country 
 •which so grudgingly rewarded his services. The Manx Legis- 
 lature had, indeed, placed special difficulties on the emigration 
 of the Manx people. One of the earliest laws in the Statute 
 Book had directed that no one born and resident in the 
 Island should leave it without the Governor'slicense,^ and had 
 branded disobedience to the law as felony. 101655 the law 
 was strengthened, "and it was ordered that whosoevet shall 
 transport any men or women servants out of the Isle without 
 special license first had and procured from the Governor ... 
 shall forfeit and be proceeded against in the strictest and 
 severest manner that by law shall or may be instituted for 
 every tyme ofTendinge." ^ But even this Act was not -found 
 stringent enough. The Governor's pass was too easily pro- 
 curable; and the Legislature in 17 13 had to confess that ''the 
 servants of this Island, both men and women, as Soon as the^ 
 attain the age of sixteen or seventeen years, and fit to serve iri 
 the country, do, ■ under the notion of necessity or other pre- 
 tence, obtain license, and serve their whole lives in othef 
 countrys . . . whereby this island is no better than a nursery 
 for other places, and the useful servants going off, and but 
 a few left, besides such depraved, useless, or inactive people, 
 who are rather a burden than any real service ' to the 
 IsTand, upon which will inevitably ensue the utter decay, 
 not only of husbandry and tillage, but also of all kinds of 
 trade."* 
 
 One obvious remedy was available for this difficulty. The 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, p. 132. 2 ibid., p. -5. 
 
 s Ibid., p. 107. ^ Ibid., p. 192. 
 
THE LAST OF THE ATHOLES. 237 
 
 young people were leaving the Island because of the intolerable 
 injustice of the labour laws. If the laws had been repealed, 
 if servants, like other folk, had been left free to make their 
 own bargains, the difficulty would have disappeared. Such a 
 remedy, however, would hardly have been adopted by any 
 Legislature in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, 
 and the little self-elected Chamber which represented the, 
 people in the Isle of Man could not be expected to act 
 on sounder economical principles than the Parliaments of 
 larger countries. Tynwald, therefore, instead of adopting 
 a wise and liberal policy, endeavoured to prevent the "in- 
 conveniences" by placing a restriction on the prerogative 
 of the Governor ; and decided that in future no unmarried 
 young man or woman, not well known to the Governor, 
 should have a license to depart this Island unless they 
 produced a certificate from the vicar and captain of the 
 parish that they had never been in service : and that persons 
 in service should have no license to depart until they pro- 
 duced a certificate that they were twenty-five years of age,i 
 and that they had served for seven years or other lawful 
 apprenticeship.^ 
 
 The Act of 1 7 13 marks the lowest point to which this legis- 
 lation descended. In 1747 Tynwald took a little more sen- 
 sible course, and suspended for three years the legislation 
 relating to the yarding of servants. In 1753 it retraced 
 its steps, and again permitted yarding; but in 1763 it raised 
 the rate of wages for men to ^£2 and for women to ;£i a 
 
 1 In 1737 the master of a vessel taking any person whatsoever "off this 
 Isle " without the Governor's license was made liable to a penalty of ;^io. ■ 
 The Governor's pass was required throughout the first third of the present 
 century ; and, as a matter of fact, the Act of 1737 still remains unrepealed. 
 Tlie form of the pass is given in Feltham's Tour, p. 323. 
 
 2 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 191. 
 
238 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 yearji and at last, in 1777, declaring that it was "expedient' 
 to repeal all obsolete and useless laws, which, however pro- 
 perly adapted to more early ages, are now become insufferable 
 and oppressive, it revived the statute of 1 747, and swept away 
 the labour legislation of the seventeenth century.^ 
 
 Thus, in one important particular, the closer connection 
 which the Act of Revestment induced between the Island and 
 tlie English Government operated to the marked advantage of 
 the most numerous and most dependent classes of the Manx 
 peop'.e. In almost every other respect the revestment inflicted 
 serious injury upon them. They had thriven on smuggling ; 
 ruin seemed imminent on its suppression. Ports which had 
 been crowded with shipping, laden with the teas and spices of 
 the East, with the tobacco and sugar of the West, and with 
 the wines of Europe, were thenceforward frequented by only a 
 few coasting vessels. Property, which had risen in value, or 
 which had been almost created by the demand for warehouses 
 and offices due to the illicit traffic, became unsaleable. The 
 merchants of Liverpool and Glasgow, who had made the 
 Island, from which they had drawn their irregular profits, 
 their place of business, hastily left its shores ; ^ and the 
 bold seafaring men, who had earned their livelihood by 
 running cargoes from Douglas to the Scotch, English, Welsh, 
 and Irish coasts, found that their chief occupation was 
 gone. 
 
 Yet, in the hour of its distress, the Island found strange 
 means of regaining some of its former prosperity. It had lost 
 the presence of British merchants engaged in an illegal trade : 
 it suddenly became the favourite residence of gentlemen whose 
 
 1 Train, vol. i. p. no. The Acts of 1747, 17:53, ami 1763 are not printed in 
 the Statute Boole. The Act of 1747 is, however, referred to in the Act of 1777. 
 
 2 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 305. 
 
 3 Ann. Reg., 1765, p. 96. 
 
THE LAST OF THE ATHOLES. 239 
 
 faults or whose misfortunes made it inconvenient for them to 
 reside in Great Britain. 
 
 By an Act of Tynwald passed in 1737, the year which 
 succeeded the Duke of Athole's accession to the sovereignty 
 of the Island, it was enacted that " any person prosecuted in 
 this Isle for a foreign debt ^ . . shall for the future be held 
 to bail only for his personal appearance to such action, and 
 for the forthcoming of what effects he hath within this island, 
 to answer the judgment upon the same." ^ " This was the law," 
 wrote Train, " which rendered Man, for nearly a century after- 
 wards, the sanctuary of the unfortunate and the profligate of 
 the surrounding nations, who flocked thither in such num- 
 bers as to make it a common receptacle of the basest of their 
 kind." 2 
 
 Perhaps it may be necessary in these later days to explain 
 how such a thing was possible. In the period, during which 
 the law was in force, the only remedy in Great Britain against 
 the debtor who was not in trade was to make him insolvent, 
 and practically the only remedy against the insolvent was im- 
 prisonment. The law gave the creditor power to throw tlie 
 insolvent into prison till he either discharged his debt or proved 
 that he had no property to pay it. For one portion of his pro- 
 perty the law, indeed, had such reverence, that up to 1833 real 
 property was not liable for the discharge of simple contract 
 debts. 
 
 A law, therefore, which exempted the debtor from arrest for 
 his English debts in the Isle of. Man, enabled the dishonest to 
 live in the island without risk, and, if he were a wealthy man, 
 with all the luxuries which his riches could procure him. 
 Men of wealth who found it inconvenient to pay their debts 
 
 1 Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. i. p. 216. 
 - Train, vol, i. p. 239. 
 
240 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 made the Island their home : and, though some Manx people 
 were honest enough to desire that the law should be amended, 
 and that the Island should no longer be made the refuge of 
 fraud or misfortune, it was openly replied that " the prosperity 
 of the country arose from its being the residence of (such) 
 strangers, and that without them it would be a miserable 
 place." 1 
 
 Society of this character did not tend to raise the moral 
 tone. The people who were spending the most money — who- 
 formed what, in a larger country, would be called the classes — 
 were persons notoriously evading their creditors and shunning 
 the discharge of their just liabilities. A witty visitor at Douglas 
 is said to have written the following lines : — 
 
 " When Satan tried his arts in vain 
 The worship of our Lord to gain, 
 The earth (quoth he) and all is thine, 
 Except one spot which must be mine ; 
 'Tis barren, bare, and scarce a span, 
 By mortals called the Isle of Man. 
 That is a place I cannot spare. 
 For all my choicest friends live there." - 
 
 A better time was, however, gradually coming. In England 
 in 1813 Romillywas carrying the Act which opened the prison- 
 doors to thousands and tens of thousands of insolvents. In 
 i8i4TynwaldfolIowed, although imperfectly, his example, and 
 passed a cautious measure for the insolvent's relief. In the 
 same year, urged on by the EngUsh Government, it took a much 
 more important step, and repealed the iniquitous provisions- 
 
 1 Woods, Isle of Man, p. 298. Woods refers to the case of a gentleman re- 
 sident in Douglas, who had been condemned to pay _^20,ooo damages in an action 
 for crim. con. Woods adds, " His credit here stands very high ; and I heard 
 the Chief Deemster say in open court that he should consider his security for 
 the payment of a debt equal to a bank-note. Ibid. 300. 
 
 ^ Manx Soc. Pub., vol. xvii. p. 120. 
 
THE LAST OF THE ATHOLES. 241 
 
 of the Act of 1737, which had made the Island the refuge for 
 debt and fraud. Yet the measure exempted from its opera- 
 tion all persons who had resided in the Island for more than 
 six months, and who were not indebted to the Crown, who had 
 not fled from their bail, or who had committed no offence 
 against the bankruptcy laws. Notwithstanding these excep- 
 tions, the effect of the Act was large. " Many withdrew from 
 the Island to seek protection elsewhere, carrying with them 
 their unjustly acquired wealth, which otherwise might have 
 found its way into the pockets of the islanders. As this 
 was an event which had been totally unexpected, a sudden 
 panic struck the greater part of the native inhabitants, and 
 a stagnation of trade followed similar to that which took 
 place at the revestment ; all indulged in the most gloomy 
 apprehensions as to the future prospects of the community ; 
 [while], although the Non-Protection Act had been passed 
 by the insular Legislature at the instigation of the British 
 Government, the Duke of Athole was blamed by the islanders 
 for being the chief promoter of the unpopular enact- 
 ment." 1 
 
 The reed on which the Island leaned had again broken. 
 The British Legislature in 1765 had deprived it of the profits 
 of an illicit trade. Its own Legislature ■ in 1 814 had declared 
 that it should be no longer the refuge for debt and fraud. 
 But, just as smuggling lingered for years after the passage of 
 the Mischief Act, so the Island for some time after 1814 con- 
 tinued the resort of fraud arid misfortune. The law, in the 
 first place, did not apply to those who had made it their 
 refuge before 1814; and, in the next place, its remoteness and 
 the cheapness of prices combined to recommend it. Thus it 
 maintained the reputation which the Protection Act had gained 
 
 ' Train, vol. i. p. 253. 
 
242 . THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 for it when it was no longer subject to the reproach which that 
 Act entailed ; and readers of " The Newcomes " will remember 
 that, wheri Mr. Honeyman's friends met to consider what could 
 be done for him, Mr. Warrington was on Mr. Pendenhis's. side, 
 and urged that the law should take its coursed " Why help a 
 man," said he, " who will not help himself. Let the law sponge 
 out the fellow's debts, set him going again with twenty pounds 
 when he quits the prison, and get him a chaplaincy in the Isle 
 •of Man." ; 
 
 The Islandj too, was becoming better known, and the 
 greater knowledge of it was adding to its welfare. The 
 cheapness at which people could live in it was attracting 
 oth^r residents besides debtors ; the stories which were told of 
 its scenery and climate were tempting visitors to brave the 
 discomforts of the inevitable sea-passage. Woods, writing in 
 1811, said "that a family may live, especially in the country, 
 and more particularly in the northern part, at a very small 
 expense." He a.dds, " I was informed that half a century ago 
 a gentleman might keep his carriage and live sumptuously for 
 _^ioo per annum." Such conditions naturally tempted many 
 persons to reside in it. When Boswell suggested writing an 
 account of the Island, rrioreover, he probably regarded it as 
 unknown as Corsica. In the beginning of the nineteenth 
 century it was becoming known. Townley published a journal 
 kept in the Isle of. Man in 1791 ; Robertson his tour through 
 the Island in 1794; Feltham his excellent account of it in 
 1798; Woods followed with his account of its past and pre- 
 sent state in 1811. A mail service was established, the 
 mails leaving Whitehaven every Monday night (if possible), 
 and the packet made up fifteen beds. A still larger boat with 
 fifty feet keel, the size of a first-class fishing-boat, sailed 
 occasionally from Liverpool, and performed the journey on an 
 
THE LA ST OE THE A THOLES. 243 
 
 average in twenty-four hours.? Literature w.as. also adding to 
 the knowledge of the Island- : Scott,^ — whose brother Thomas, 
 it may be recollected, was among those who had sought pro- 
 tection in the Island from his creditors,^ — with the assistance 
 of Train's investigations, wrote "Peveril of the Peak" in 1822. 
 Wordsworth, in 1833, paid the visit to the Island which in' 
 spired nearly a dozen sonnets. Matthew Arnold some years 
 later wrote the well-known poem to a gipsy child whom he 
 met on the beach at Douglas. 
 
 Thus, though no one could have anticipated a' time when 
 the Island was to become the play^ground of Northern England, 
 and the summer traffic between its shores and the English 
 coasts was largely to exceed in volume the summer traffic 
 between England and the Continent, the Island was becom- 
 ing better known and more frequented ; and the stream of 
 visitors, slender as it still was, was increasing the resources at 
 its disposal. While these various causes, however, were slowly 
 preparing a brighter future,. its existing condition still continued 
 unsatisfactory. The old disagreements between the Duke and 
 the people were intensified in 1814 by an appointment which 
 the Duke made in that year ; for a vacancy in the bishopric 
 enabled him to select his nephew, George Murray, son of the 
 Bishop of St. David's, for the See. 
 
 In consequence, from 1814, the two chief personages in the 
 Island were uncle and nephew. The uncle had already made 
 himself unpopular by the persistent manner in which he had 
 pressed his own claims, to the injury, as it was thought, of those 
 of the people. The nephew was, unfortunately, destined to 
 acquire similar unpopularity. Up to the time of Bishop Wil- 
 son, tithe seems to have been paid by the farmers, not merely 
 on corn crops, but on green crops. Later bishops had, how- 
 
 1 Feltham, p. 120. " Lockliart's Scott, p. 189. 
 
241 .THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 ever, waived the claim, or, at any rate, had forborne to 
 collect that portion of their tithe. Bishop Murray revived 
 the demand, offering to commute the whole tithes for a 
 fixed annual payment of ;£6ooo a year. Tithe commutation 
 would probably have been beneficial both to the Church and 
 the people, but the sum for which the Bishop offered to com- 
 mute the tithe was perhaps excessive. It exceeded, in fact, 
 by about one-tenth the sum for which the tithes were ultimately 
 commuted in 1839. It is not surprising, therefore, that Tyn- 
 wald rejected the Bishop's proposal, and it perhaps is equally 
 not surprising that the Bishop, chagrined at its rejection, should 
 have decided on enforcing the tithe on green crops. Carrying 
 his claim in 1825 to the highest tribunal, the King in Council, 
 he obtained a decision in his favour. But it was one thing to 
 obtain a judgment from a court of law, it was another to carry 
 out the decision of the law courts. Ireland was at this time 
 showing that tithe-proctors were powerless before a determined 
 people, and in the little arena of the Island the scenes which 
 were disgracing Ireland were re-enacted. Riots occurred ; 
 the people assembled in such numbers that they overpowered 
 the small body of troops which was alone available to pre- 
 serve order ; and the Bishop, convinced that the struggle 
 which he had commenced was hopeless, abandoned his claim. 
 But the unpopularity which his conduct had provoked did 
 not cease with its abandonment. The Bishop found that the 
 claim which he had endeavoured to enforce was neither 
 forgotten nor forgiven ; the Government of England rightly 
 considered that the best method of restoring peace was to 
 remove the cause of disorder > and accordingly, in 1827, 
 Lord Goderich translated Murray to the See of Rochester. 
 
 Two years before the Bishop had carried his claim to the 
 Privy Council, and four years before his translation to Rochester 
 
THE LAST OF THE AT HOLES. 245 
 
 the .Duke, his uncle, had become wearied of a long contest in 
 ■which he had acquired nothing but unpopularity. Accordingly, 
 in 1823, he intimated his readiness to sell his whole remaining 
 interests in the Island, and in 1825 Parliament passed an Act 
 empowering the Treasury to buy them. 
 
 In accordance with the provisions of this Act, arbitrators 
 were appointed by the Treasury and the Duke to ascertain the 
 value of the annuity granted to the Duke in 1805, of . any 
 reserved sovereign rights which the Duke still claimed and 
 possessed, and of all his real property, manorial and other 
 rights, and ecclesiastical patronage ; and, after a long inquir)', 
 the commissioners arrived at the following valuation : — 
 
 Annuity under Act of 1805 .... ;f 150,000 
 Lands or quit-rents and alienation fines . . 34,200 
 
 Ecclesiastical patronage, mines, and other rights 232,944 
 
 .^417.144 
 
 A Bill to give effect to this sale was introduced into the 
 House of Commons in 1B29, but was not proceeded with; 
 the Government probably considering that it had power to 
 complete the purchase without fresh legislation. 
 
 Thus, from first to last, the English Government paid the 
 Duke of Athole close upon half a million of money for the little 
 Island which, four centuries before, had been granted to a 
 remote ancestor on the singular tenure that he should present 
 to the Crown a couple of falcons on coronation day. Verily, 
 in the interval, the unearned increment had rolled up in the 
 Duke's favour. The price, of course, was absurdly extrava- 
 gant. The sovereignty, which the Duke's father had valued 
 at ;^7o,ooo, was destined to realise three times that sum, or 
 ^220,000; and patronage, which had no pecuniary value, was 
 purchased as if it were likely to be bought or sold. But; 
 
?4(i THE LAND OF HOME RULE. _ 
 
 extravagant as the bargain was, the Crown did not lose by it. 
 Justly or unjustly, it continued to pay the surplus revenues of 
 the island into the Consolidated Fund, and from this source 
 it derived an adequate return for the moneys which it had 
 invested in purchasing its sovereignty. The extension of min- 
 ing increased the revenue which it derived from its mano- 
 rial rights ; and the Crown thenceforward derived many thou- 
 sands a year from its insular property. 
 
 . The purchase of the Duke's property and of his manorial 
 rights marks the conclusion of the longest period of insular 
 history. No dynasty had previously maintained so lengthened 
 a connection with the island. It is difficult to fix any exact 
 dates for its Welsh sovereigns. The two lines of its Norse 
 lulers had occupied its throne for more than three centuries; 
 a hundred and forty years covered the period in which England 
 and Scotland had contended in it for the mastery; but more 
 than four centuries had passed from the first grant of the 
 Island to the House of Stanley to the final departure of the 
 fourth Duke of Athole. In the centuries which had inter- 
 vened both Stanleys and Atholes had left their mark on Manx 
 history; and the Stanley who restrained the power of the 
 Church in the fifteenth century, the Stanley who supported the 
 cause of monarchy in the seventeenth century, the Stanley who 
 consented to the Act of Settlement in the eighteenth century, 
 were men whose memory deserves to be preserved. Yet, on the 
 whole, they had done little to develop the resources of the 
 Island, which they had made only their occasional home ; they 
 had failed to identify themselves with the fortunes of its people 
 or to sympathise with their lot. From first to last they had 
 been great feudal proprietors rather than wise sovereigns, and 
 they had displayed the faults of a landlord rather than the 
 virtues of a ruler. If this verdict be true of the Stanleys, it is 
 
THE LAST OF THE ATHOLES. 247 
 
 still more true of the Atholes who succeeded them. If they are 
 not deserving of the reproach, which still clings to their memory 
 in the Island, they cannot be commended for any great action, 
 or, with the exception of the legislation of 1737, for any wise 
 policy. And perhaps history can find no better epitaph for 
 the last of them than the language which Carlyle applies 
 to Calonne : — 
 
 "Worse men there have been, and better; but to thee also 
 was allotted a task of raising the wind and the winds — and 
 thou hast done it." 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 MODERN TIMES. 
 
 The historian who endeavours to trace the story of a people 
 in past ages has difficulty in unravelling the complicated mass 
 of material which is frequently at his disposal ; but the his- 
 torian who carries his narrative down to times within his 
 own memory has a still harder task to discharge. He is 
 always in danger of being misled by the sympathies and 
 prejudices of living witnesses, whose testimony he is bound 
 to consider. It becomes more difficult for him to maintain 
 the judicial impartiality which it is his first duty to observe. 
 He is tempted to write as if he were still pleading at the 
 bar, and forget that it is his business to take his seat upon 
 the bench. 
 
 Fortunately, however, the history of the Isle of Man from 
 1829 to the present time offers little opportunity for contro- 
 versy. Disputes there were, and the sound of them is still 
 occasionally heard, but their relation need not disturb the 
 student's equanimity. Their purport can be stated without 
 heat, their settlement without parLiality. 
 
 The only really serious constitutional question which the 
 
 Revestment had raised was essentially financial. Parliament by 
 
 a strong act of supremacy had taken into its own hands the 
 
 power of taxation. The right of Parliament to do this will not 
 
 248 
 
MODERN TIMES. 249 
 
 be disputed by the best authorities ; but the best authorities 
 will, at the same time, admit that the right was one which 
 could only be justified by its necessity. The moment, how- 
 ever. Parliament took the power of insular taxation into its 
 own hands, its interests and those of the Island were necessarily 
 brought into sharp conflict ; for it was the interest of Parlia- 
 ment to level up the insular duties to the English standard, 
 while it was the interest of the Island that the duties should 
 be low, so that the cost of living should be reduced as far as 
 possible. 
 
 This conflict between the interests of the little island and 
 those of the great kingdom was not so marked from 1767 to 
 1805 as from 1805 downwards. In the earlier statutes, by 
 which Parliament imposed taxation on the Manx people, it 
 had decided that the insular revenue should be kept separate 
 from the funds of the United Kingdom. It was permissible 
 to believe, or at any rate to hope, that it was the intention 
 of Parliament to apply them to insular purposes. But from 
 1805 downwards such faith, such hope, were equally im- 
 possible. The revenues of the Isle of Man were therice- 
 forward merged in the Consolidated Fund of the United 
 Kingdom. 
 
 In these circumstances it was natural that the Island should 
 steadily oppose any further additions being made to the Manx 
 duties, and in 1837 such a policy was proposed by the Trea- 
 sury. The insular I^egislature displayed a serious alarm. The 
 House of Keys sent a deputation to London. The gentlemen 
 comprising it took the bold course of asserting that insular 
 taxation could not constitutionally be increased without the 
 consent of the insular Legislature, and Government withdrew, 
 or at any rate abandoned for the time, the proposal of in- 
 creased duties. 
 
250 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 While this question was in progress, however, a feeh'ng was! 
 arising in the Island that something piore was required than a 
 policy of resistance. The House' of Keys was a self-elected 
 body. The great Reform Act had lately passed the English 
 Parliament. The debates upon it had penetrated to .the 
 Island, and had induced a few leading Manxmen to reflect 
 on the constitution of the Chamber which was said to repre- 
 sent the Manx people. A desire in consequence arose for the 
 reform of the House of Keys, and petitions were sent to the 
 Governor suggesting this reform. It must be presumed that 
 before replying to these petitions the Governor consulted 
 the British Ministry; he could hardly have selected a more 
 unfortunate moment for the purpose. The Whig Ministry of 
 that time was suspending the constitution of Canada ; it was 
 on the eve of asking Parliament to suspend the constitution of 
 Jamaica ; autonomous dependencies were giving it trouble, 
 and it was not likely to regard with much favour the insti- 
 tution of an elected Chamber in a little island within 
 sight of its own shores. The reply which the Governor was 
 directed to address to the memorialists was short and de- 
 cisive : — 
 
 " It is my duty to inform you that such a change in 
 the constitution of the Isle of Man cannot be agreed to ; 
 and I have further to inform you that, if any reform in 
 the House of Keys is found to be really wanted, repre- 
 sentation in Parliament may be the measure of reform 
 adopted." 1 
 
 The reply, more decisive than courteous, effectually answered 
 
 its purpose. Manxmen were too much afraid of losing the, 
 
 little remnant of autonomy which was left to them to go on 
 
 pressing for reform ; and, if the English Government had taken 
 
 1 Debates, Tynwald Court, vol. ii. p. 204. 
 
MODERN TIMES. 251 
 
 no further measures, the Island might have lapsed into its usual 
 apathy. In 1844, however, Peel's Ministry renewed the pro- 
 posal to rearrange the whole of the insular customs duties. 
 The Island again resisted the project, and the Government 
 ultimately consented practically to forego any advantage they 
 would derive from the increased duties, and to pay to the 
 Harbour Commissioners of the Isle of Man a sum of ;i^23oo 
 a year, which, it was estimated, would enable them to repeal 
 the harbour dues which were levied in the insular ports. The 
 arrangement, which was made in 1844, continued in force for 
 nine years. But in 1853, during Lord Aberdeen's Adminis- 
 tration, a new and better system was substituted for it. Up to 
 that year the English Government had endeavoured to prevent 
 smugghng from the Island into England by limiting the amount 
 of dutiable goods imported into the Island. In 1853 it decided 
 on getting rid of this limitation, and, in order to diminish 
 the chances of illicit trade, on concurrently raising the insular 
 duties. The proposal again aroused the opposition of the 
 insular Legislature. It sent a deputation to London, which 
 re-fought the old battle which had been so often fought before ; 
 and it was finally decided that the duties should be increased, 
 but that the additional revenue which would thereby be raised 
 should be applied to insular purposes. It was estimated that 
 one-ninth part of the whole revenue would in future be due 
 to the increase of duties, and it was accordingly enacted in 
 1854, when the proposal was sanctioned by Parliament, that 
 this ninth should be applied towards effecting improvements 
 in the harbours and other public works in the Isle of Man. 
 " And it shall be lawful for the Court of Tynwald to deter- 
 mine what improvements and public works shall be so un- 
 dertaken, the Lieutenant-Governor having a veto on such 
 decision." 
 
252 THE LAND OP HOME RULE. 
 
 In 1863, nearly ten years after this settlement was made, 
 Mr. (now Sir Henry) Loch was appointed to the governoi- 
 ship of the Island. He had the perspicacity to see that 
 its prosperity depended on the improvement of its communi- 
 cations with the United Kingdom, and that these communi- 
 cations could best be improved by enlarging the capacity 
 of its harbours and the accommodation of its landing-stages. 
 He accordingly commenced the great series of harbour works 
 which has been continued ever since. But it was obvious 
 that works such as those which he was projecting could 
 not be carried out unless the revenues of the insular Govern- 
 ment were increased. He accordingly proposed to raise 
 again the insular custdms duties, on the understanding that 
 the increased revenue should be at the disposal of the 
 insular Government. This proposal led to the financial 
 arrangement of 1866, under which the revenue of the Island 
 was thenceforward made applicable to the following pur- 
 poses: — (i) The cost of collection; (2) the cost of Govern- 
 ment ; (3) a sum not exceeding one-ninth of the customs 
 revenue to be applied towards improving the harbours and 
 other public works in the Isle of Man j (4) a sum not 
 exceeding two-ninths of such revenue to be applied towards 
 improving the insular harbours ; (5) the payment of ^£'10,000 
 a-year^being the amount which the Consolidated Fund had, 
 on an average, derived from the surplus revenues of the Island 
 — to the Imperial Exchequer; (6) the balance, if any, to 
 be applied towards such insular purposes as the Tynwald 
 Court might determine — the Governor having a veto on the 
 decision. 
 
 Under the arrangement which was thus gradually elaborated 
 in 1844, in 1853, and in 1866, the Imperial Exchequer was 
 practically allowed to retain the original surplus revenue of 
 
MODERN TIMES. 253 
 
 the Island, but the fresh surpluses, created from 1844 dpwn- 
 wards by additional taxation, were left to the disposal of the 
 Island. The first part of this arrangement was almost the 
 necessary corollary of the policy of the Imperial Government 
 from 1765 to 1805. If it were true, as was practically decided 
 in 1805, that the Duke of Athole was entitled to a beneficial 
 interest in the insular revenue, it followed that the Imperial 
 Government, which had acquired his rights by purchase, 
 was entitled to the same benefit. If, again, the ;^22o,ooo 
 wiiich, from fir»t to last, was paid for this interest, was not 
 excessive, ^^i 0,000 a year was not an immoderate return 
 on the purchase-money. A few Manxmen occasionally still 
 argue that the ;£io,ooo should belong to the Island, and 
 not to the Imperial Government ; but having regard to 
 the whole of the circumstances, remembering also that 
 the Island contributes nothing to the cost of Imperial 
 defence, from which, in common with all Her Majesty's 
 possessions, it derives so distinct a benefit, the arrangement 
 is one which is certainly not disadvantageous to the Isle 
 of Man. 
 
 But, though these Acts provided a satisfactory compromise 
 so far as the surplus revenue of the Island was concerned, 
 they still maintained the principle, which had first been asserted 
 in 1767, that the insular customs duties should be regulated 
 by the Imperial Parliament As an Act of Tynwald cannot 
 amend an Act of Parliament, it is difficult to see how this 
 system can be avoided, even if any strong feeling should 
 arise for terminating it Practically, however, Parliament 
 in the last few years has made a concession on this point, 
 which appears likely to prove permanently satisfactory. It 
 has authorised Tynwald, by resolution, with the approval of 
 the Treasury, to make any change it thinks proper in the 
 
254 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 insu'ar tariff; but it has provided that such change shall 
 cease to be operative if it is not confirmed by Parliament 
 within six months, if Parliament is not sitting when it is made, 
 or in the current session, if Parliament should be sitting. 
 This provision has maintained the supremacy of the Imperial 
 Parliament^ while, as Parliament now merely registers what 
 Tynwald proposes, it hus maintained it without exciting heart- 
 burning or jealousy. 
 
 In making the fiscal changes which were approved in 1866, 
 a considerable measure of organic reform was simultaneously 
 effected. The Governor suggested to the Imperial Govern- 
 ment, and the Imperial Government approved his suggestion, 
 that, if Tynwald were given a power of financial control, the 
 House of Keys should be made a representative body. Tiie 
 readiness with which the Imperial Government accepted that 
 recommendation is a proof how largely ideas of the govern- 
 ment of dependencies had been altered in the period of a single 
 generation. In 1838, as we have already seen, the Governor 
 had been instructed to reply to the demand for representation 
 that any change in the constitution of the House of Keys 
 might take the form of representation in Parliament. In 
 1846 the then Governor had advised the Imperial Govern- 
 ment to refuse representation to the people, on the ground 
 that ihe concession of representative institutions would lead 
 to an inconvenient demand for financial control.^ In 1853 
 the Secretary to the Treasury, in arguing against the claims 
 of the Island, used opposite language, and declared that 
 " it was impossible to permit the House of Keys as [then] 
 constituted, being a self-elected body, to have, any voice in the 
 distribution of public money;" and in 1866 the Ministry had 
 the wisdom to insist that financial reform .should be depeu- 
 
 1 Debates, Tynwald Court, vol. ii. p. 204. • 
 
MODERN times: 255 
 
 dent on organic reform, and that financial control should only 
 be conceded to the insular Legislature when the House of 
 Keys was reformed. 
 
 The reform which was consequently effected infused new 
 life into the insular Legislature. Men there were indeed who 
 regretted the old House, and contended that the self-elected 
 Keys contained more ability than the representative chamber 
 which had supplanted them; just as in England there are 
 possibly even now men who think that an unreformed 
 House of Commons contained more statesmen than the 
 reformed House. Lovers of the antique may be found in 
 every communitjv But, just as the reformed House of 
 Commons acquired the strength which popular support 
 afforded it, so the reformed House of Keys gained an influ- 
 ence which the unreformed House could never have ob- 
 tained. Its members spoke not as individuals but as 
 representatives ; the measures they demanded were thence- 
 forward urged not in their own name, but in those of their 
 constituents.' 
 
 Under the old system, indeed, which was thus modified in 
 1866, the Legislature could never have acquired the power 
 which it now enjoys. While the whole revenues of the 
 Island were paid into the Imperial Exchequer, its expendi- 
 ture was necessarily defrayed by the Imperial Government. 
 Tynwald had consequently no voice in the management of 
 its own finance; and, in matters of administration, the 
 Island for one hundred years — -from 1765 to 1866 — was 
 little batter than a department of the Home Ofl5ce. The 
 measure of 1869 restored to the Isle of Man much of the 
 independence of which it had been deprived by the Revest- 
 ment ; and, thenceforward, though its Go.vejrnors acted under 
 the Home Office, and the Treasury was still empowered 
 
256 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 to control its expenditure, Tynwald was practically given a 
 free hand, and was allowed to manage its own affairs in its 
 own way. 
 
 During the period with which this chapter is concerned, 
 the struggle which the Island maintained for a right to dis- 
 pose of its surplus ; revenue is the most important circum- 
 stance in its history. But during the same period another 
 battle Was fought by its people for the retention of its 
 bishopric. 
 
 The commissioners who were appointed in 1835 by Sir 
 Robert Peel to consider the requirements of the Church of 
 England stated among other things that the number of parishes 
 in the Isle of Man was too few and the whole population too 
 small to justify the condnuance of a bishop there ; 1 they 
 accordingly recommended that the See should be united to 
 the diocese of Carlisle, and in 1836 a Bill was introduced to 
 give eifect to this recommendation. So far as the Isle of 
 Man was concerned, little or no opposition was in the first 
 instance excited by the passage of the Bill; but it had n6 
 sooner become law than vigorous remonstrances were raised 
 both in England and in the Island against its provisions. The 
 See of Sodor and Man, it was contended, was the oldest See 
 in the British Islands, its admirers referred it to St. Patrick, 
 and they raised a loud protest against the suppression of 
 the diocese. They were warmly supported by the diocesan, 
 Bishop Ward, who had succeeded Murray in 1827, and whose 
 episcopate is still remembered for the zeal with which he 
 prosecuted his duties. The Manx clergy and the Manx bar, 
 roused from their temporary lethargy, raised their opposition 
 to the Bill, and the Government decided to give way and leave 
 the diocese alone. 
 
 ' Train, vol. i. p. 370. 
 
MODERN TIMES. 257 
 
 Years afterwards, in the time of Sir Henry Loch, the project 
 was again revived, the Government of the day proposing 
 to unite the Manx See with the new diocese of Liverpool. 
 It was decided to sweeten the change by applying a large 
 portion of the revenues of the See to the improvement 
 of the incomes of the parochial clergy ; but the measure 
 again excited warm opposition in the Island, and it was 
 abandoned.' 
 
 Though the Manx have succeeded in retaining their 
 ancient bishopric, it cannot be said that, as a people, they 
 are warmly attached to the Establishment. The bulk of 
 the population may perhaps be described paradoxically as 
 Nonconformists who conform to the Church. Many of 
 them attend the service of the church on Sunday morn- 
 ing and the service of the Dissenting chapel on Sunday 
 evening, while most of them bring their children to church 
 to be christened, and come to church themselves to be 
 married. Nonconformity in the Island has thus never 
 taken the aggressive form which it wears in other Celtic 
 communities. The tithe is paid without murmuring; a 
 small' cess is annually voted in almost every parish in 
 the Island,! and excites no remonstrance; religion rarely 
 enters into insular politics ; and Churchmen and Noncon- 
 formists are not divided, as in other places, into opposite 
 camps. 
 
 1 The morning offertories in the parish churches are, by long-slanding 
 custom, given to the poor; and, except. in Douglas and Ramsay, there is no 
 compulsory provision for the relief of the insular poor. The Nonconformists 
 are said to believe that, if the cess were abolished, the morning offertories 
 w ould necessarily be applied to church expenses, and provision for the support 
 of the poor would have to be made by a rate. The Nonconformists conclude 
 that they had better, therefore, bear the ill they have, in the shape of a mode- 
 rate cess, rather than run the risk of incurring a greater evil in the shape of a 
 poor-rate. 
 
 R 
 
-258 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Those who are accustomed to trace effects to antecedent 
 causes may perhaps coriclude that this absence of dissension 
 is partly due to the circumstance that Nonconformists were 
 never subjected to the disabhng legislation which survived 
 almost to our own times in other parts of the British Islands. 
 It is certainly not due to any lack of energy among the Non- 
 conformists. Methodism, since its first introduction in 1775, 
 has in fact made, and is making, rapid progress. Woods, 
 when he wrote his account of the Island in 181 1, computed 
 that at least one-tenth part of the inhabitants were Methodists, 
 while Wesley, who visited it in 1777, himself said^and his 
 words have sfill some truth in them — • 
 
 " AVe have had no such circuit either in England, Scotland, 
 or Ireland. This island is shut up from the world. There 
 are no disputers — no dissenters of any kind. The Governor,. 
 Bishop, clergy oppose not. They did for a season, but they 
 grew better acquainted with us." 
 
 Thus, during the last two generations, few questions affect- 
 ing either politics or religion have disturbed the peace of the 
 Island. The little Legislature has shown a disposition to 
 adopt the reforms which have been accepted by the larger 
 countries around it. Many of its measures — its Criminal 
 Code, its Education Acts, for example — are based on, or are 
 copied from, the legislation which has been adopted by Par- 
 liament. The people in the meanwhile have been mainly 
 occupied in promoting the material prosperity of the Island, 
 and ill gathering the rich harvest of gain which some 250,000 
 to 300,000 tourists afford them. But though, as a rule, they 
 mingle httle in politics, they would keenly resent any inter- 
 ference with their legislative independence, and they possess 
 a strong reason for their faith in the lightness of their own 
 burdens, and in their comparative immunity from taxation. 
 
MODERN TIMES. 259 
 
 They have no income-tax, no death-duties, and, except a 
 small duty on beer, no excise. They have no grave political 
 questions, no domestic troubles, no foreign policy. Thus of 
 them it may be truly said, that " Happy are the people that 
 are in such a case." 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 
 
 " Our Doughtfull and Gratious Lord, this is the Constitution 
 of old time, the which we have given in our days, how you 
 should be governed on your Tynwald Day. First, you shall 
 come thither in your royal array, as a king ought to do, by the 
 prerogatives and royalties of the Land of Mann. And upon 
 the Hill of Tynwald sitt in a chaire, covered with a royal 
 cloath and cushions, and your visage unto the east, and your 
 sword before you, holden with the point upward ; your 
 Barrons in the third degree sitting beside you, and your bene- 
 ficed men and your Deemsters before you sitting ; and your 
 Clarkes, your Knights, Esquires, and Yeomen about you in 
 the third degree; and the worthiest men in your land to be 
 called in before your Deemsters, if you will ask anything of 
 them, and to hear the government of your land, and your 
 will ; and the Commons to stand without the circle of the 
 Hill, with three Clearkes in their surplisses. And your 
 Deemsters shall make call in the Coroner of Glenfaba ; and 
 he shall call in all the Coroners of Man, and their Yards in 
 their hands, with their weapons upon them, either sword or axe. 
 And the Moares, that is, to witt, of every Sheading. Then the 
 Chief Coroner, that is, the Coroner of Glenfaba, shall make 
 affence, upon paine of life and lyme, that noe man make any 
 disturbance or stirr in the time of Tinwald, or any murmur 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 261 
 
 or rising in the King's presence, upon paine of hanging and 
 drawing. And then shall let your Barrons and all others 
 know you to be their King and Lord, and what time you 
 were here you received the land as Heyre Apparent in your 
 Father's days. And all your Barrons of Man, with your 
 worthiest Men and Commons, did you faith and fealtie. 
 And in as much as you are, by the Grace of God, now King 
 and Lord of Man, yee will now that their Commons come 
 unto you, and show their Charters how they hould of you. 
 And your Barrons that made no faith nor fealtie unto you, 
 that they make now." 
 
 Such was the answer, which Deemsters and Keys gave 
 in the fifteenth century, to a question evidently put to them 
 by Sir John Stanley as to the course to be pursued at 
 the annual gathering on Tynwald. The answer initiated, 
 it must be recollected, no new custom, but directed how 
 an old ceremony — -already venerable from age — should be 
 conducted. The visitors to the Isle of Man to-day, who 
 are drawn in their hundreds and in their thousands to 
 witness the promulgation of the laws on the 5th July, only 
 see a faint copy of this mediaeval spectacle. There, in- 
 deed, the Governor, as representative of the sovereign, still 
 sits in a chair, draped with red, with his visage to the 
 east, with his drawn sword on the table before him. There 
 the Bishop, the solitary survival of the mediaeval barons, 
 sits by the Governor's side. Now, as in the olden time, the 
 Deemster calls upon the Coroner of Glenfaba to fence the 
 court. Now, as then, the retiring coroners deliver up their 
 wands of office to the Governor, the incoming coroners 
 receive them from him. And, if now the worthiest men 
 in the land are no longer called in before the Deemsters to 
 answer the questions of the Lord, the laws which Council 
 and Keys have passed in the last twelve months are read 
 
262 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 outji and Council, Keys, clerks, and laity encircle the hill oft 
 which they are read. 
 
 Thus the modern ceremony, shorn as it is of much of 
 its original significance, still preserves the traditions of the 
 past, and carries back the reflecting visitor not merely to 
 the time of the first Stanleys, but to the still older cus- 
 toms which Sir John Stanley revived and desired should 
 be observed. At the same time, the alterations which 
 have been introduced into the formula testify to the modi- 
 fications which have been made in the government of 
 the Island. For the constitution of the Isle of Man, like 
 the constitution of the United Kingdom, is no rigid law. 
 It has never been embodied in any document or regulated 
 by any statute. It has changed-, it is changing, it is sus- 
 ceptible of further change. Keysj Council, and Governor 
 still represent, in some fashion, the Taxiaxi, the barons, 
 and the Lord. But the functions of each of them have 
 been modified in the course of ages. They are not what 
 they were a century ago. They hardly resemble their pre- 
 decessors five centuries ago. The influence of surrounding 
 countries, and the introduction of modern ideas, have left 
 their mark upon them ; and except that there are still twenty- 
 four Keysj and that the Keys are parties to the legislation of 
 the Island, there is little resemblance between the modern 
 Assembly and the old Legislature, which owes its fraditiorial 
 origin to King Orry. 
 
 It is the boast of the Manxman that the House of Keys 
 had its origin before the House of Commons ; and, as a 
 matter of fact, it is probable that the ancient men of the Isle 
 were gathered round the Lord in Tynwald before the sheriffs 
 
 1 To save time, the side headings of the statutes so passed are only re^d 
 out, first by the senior Deemster in English, afterwards by the Coroner of 
 Glenfaba in Manx, 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 363 
 
 of English counties were instructed to send representatives to 
 the King's court, and centuries before Simon de Montfort 
 gave rhembers to the English boroughs. But probably from 
 the eleverith to the fifteenth centuries long periods elapsed 
 in which no Tynwalds were held, and the Tynwald court, 
 When it was assembled, could hardly be called a legislative 
 body. The judicial functions of the Keys were of more im- 
 portance than their legislative duties. The Keys were a jury 
 rather than a Legislature. It is true that the Deemsters or 
 judges were accustomed to consult them when they declared 
 the law ; but even in this duty the Keys resembled a jury 
 aiding a judge. The points referred to them for decision 
 were usually judicial rather than legislative. The Breast 
 Laws ^ of the Deemsters were expositions of the common 
 law of the island accepted by the Keys, the jury, who acted 
 with them. 
 
 When the Keys thus met for the transaction of their ordi- 
 nary business there is no evidence that they were elected by 
 any popular voice. They were drawn, as special juries are 
 drawn; from men of substance. They were the worthiest, 
 the " auncientest " men, the elders of their own neighbour- 
 hood. Even then their presence in Tynwald was subject 
 to the veto of the Lord. "Without the Lord's will, none 
 of the Keys to be." The Lords, in short, had the right— 
 if modern language may be used — of challenging each of 
 the jurymen. 
 
 But, though on ordinary occasions the Keys were selected 
 by the Lord's officers, when they were assembled for the 
 special purpose of agreeing to more important legislation they 
 
 1 It may seem strange to a modern reader to hear of Breast Laws ; but the 
 practice of the island has a parallel even in the language of Richard II., who 
 said that "his laws were in his own mouth, and often in his own breast" 
 (Stubb's Court Hist, of England, Vol. ii. p. 506). 
 
264 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 were apparently elected by the several sheadings. For in 1581 
 the Bishop (Merick) took occasion to object that, " if the twenty- 
 four and the rest be called together for the establishing of a 
 law to stand in force and bind his successors and the whole 
 country, and not to decide a controversy, then he is of opinion 
 that the twenty-four should be elected by the whole country 
 —viz., of every sheading a number to say for and represent 
 the rest." The Keys formally endorsed the claim which the 
 Bishop thus made. " The twenty-four say that for establish- 
 ing a law the country ought to give its consent for the choosing 
 of the said twenty-four." The proceedings were thereupon 
 stayed till the Lord's pleasure was known, and no laws were 
 made till October of the following year, when Lord Derby 
 either yielded the claim or the Keys abstained from press- 
 ing it." 1 
 
 It seems clear, therefore, that — while, in ordinary circum- . 
 stances, when they were assembled for judicial purposes, or, as 
 the Bishop put it, to decide a controversy, the Keys were 
 selected by the Lord's officers, — on special occasions, when 
 laws of more than ordinary importance were proposed to 
 them, they were sometimes elected by the people. But it 
 may be assumed that this rule was not regularly observed. 
 On occasions of unusual importance tlie Keys themselves 
 were either supplemented or supplanted by representatives of 
 all the commons of Man. In 1429 and 1430, for instance, 
 the representatives of the commons, six of whom were chosen 
 in each sheading, seem to have taken the place of the Keys. 
 In 1643, on the contrary, four men were drawn from each of 
 the parishes, and the laws proposed to be made were referred 
 to a body composed of twelve men chosen out of the twenty- 
 four Keys and twelve men out of tlie representatives of the 
 parishes. The committee — if the modern name may be used 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xxxi. p. 7 note, and Isle of Man Statutes, vol. i. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 265 
 
 • — to which the laws were thus referred was not invested with 
 legislative powers, for the laws which they made were con- 
 firnied some months afterwards at a meeting at which the 
 whole of the Keys and all the represeptatives of the parishes 
 had the opportunity of being present; and, as a matter 
 of fact, no less than twenty-one of the Keys signed and 
 consented to the laws which were then added to the statute 
 book. 
 
 If, then, it is on the one hand probable that the Keys in 
 the olden time were occasionally chosen by the people, so, on 
 the other hand, it is apparent tliat the right of election was 
 only exercised at rare intervals. By degrees, indeed, it 
 dropped altogether out of use, and the practice grew up that, 
 when a vacancy occurred among the Keys, the twenty-three 
 surviving members nominated two persons for the vacancy. 
 -Tiie Goveinor thereupon selected one of these two persons, 
 who was entitled to continue in office for life, or until his 
 resignation, or his expulsion from the Keys, or his promotion 
 to the Council. 
 
 The election (if it can be so called) of the Keys continued 
 to be conducted in this fashion till 1866, when, on the insti- 
 tution of the important financial reform, which has been 
 described in the preceding chapter, the House was at last 
 turned into an elective body. 
 
 In that year an Act of Tynwald was passed directing the 
 dissolution of the old House and the election of a new House 
 of Keys. Under this Act each of the six sheadings of the 
 Island were given three members, the town of Douglas three 
 members, and the remaining towns — Peel, Ramsey, and Castle- 
 town — one member each. The franchise was allotted to ;£S 
 owners and ;^i2 occupiers in sheadings, and to ^^8 occupiers 
 in towns. These enactments have since been modified. The 
 franchise has been extended to ;^4 owners and occupiers. 
 
1 66 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 both in town and sheading ; it has been given to widows and 
 single women as well as to metl. The two least populous 
 sheadiiigs have been deprived of one meniber each ; the 
 two itiertibers taken away from these divisions have been 
 allotted to the growing town of Douglas, Vvhich has been 
 divided into two electoral districts, returning three and two 
 members respectively ; and the electors throughout the Island 
 have received the protection of the ballot. 
 
 The Act of i866j which converted the Keys into an elective 
 body, deprived the House of the last remnant of its judicial 
 authority. Up to 1825 the Keys had been regularly summoned 
 to the court of general gaol delivery ; and all serious offences 
 had been tried before a court consisting of the Governor, the 
 whole of the Legislature, and a jury drawn from all the parishes 
 of th6 island. The court which Was thus constituted was 
 usually held twice in the year within the outer gate of Castle 
 Rushen. The ecclesiastical members of the Council were 
 accustomed to withdraw before sentence of death was pro- 
 nounced,! and they were gradually relieved from attendance 
 at a court at which their presence was obviously anomalous. 
 In 1825 the Privy Council decided that the Keys did not, 
 by the laws of the Island, f&rm an integral or constituent 
 part of the court of general gaol delivery ; thenceforward 
 they were no longer summoned to the court j^ and in 
 1866 the appellate jurisdiction of the Housfe was abolished by 
 statute.^ 
 
 Thus, in the course of ages, the constitution and functiohs 
 df the Hotise of Keys have been Wholly altered. The assembly, 
 Which had originally been chiefly a judicial body, has become 
 a branch of the Legislature; the House, which had been 
 
 1 Manx Soc. Pub. , vol. xxxi. p. 75. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 45, note. 
 
 ' House of Keys Elettioh Act, 1866, sec. 4. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 267 
 
 Usually selected by the Lord's oiBcers, and none of whose 
 membelrs could sit without the Lord's will, has been con- 
 verted into a representative Chamber. But time, which 
 has thus played such pranks with the Keys, has added 
 another important element to the Manx Legislature. By a 
 process which can only be dimly traced, but whose effects 
 are plainly visible, an Upper Chamber had been added to 
 Tynwald. 
 
 The Lord in Tynwald, it has been shown, was not merely 
 surrounded by the Keys : his greater barons were also present. 
 But the greater barons had not apparently any particular 
 part to play in the proceedings. They do not appear to 
 have been consulted on the Breast Laws or judicial decisions 
 which the Deemsters pronounced in concert with the Keys. 
 They exercised, indeed, formidable powers on their own 
 estates, but they had ho special authority at Tynwald. 
 Their presence at Tynwald was, in fact, evidence rather 
 of subordination than a proof of power. Their fellow- 
 countrymen might otherwise have forgotten that these for- 
 midable ecclesiastics could to some extent be checked by 
 the sovereign^that they were, after all, only the Lord's 
 men. 
 
 However this may be, with the dissolution of the monasteries 
 the greater barons, with the single exception of the Bishop, 
 disappeared from Tynwald ; and about the time of their dis- 
 appearance the Lord's chief officers, who came to be gradually 
 known as his Council, took their place at that assembly. The 
 Council indeed is mentioned in the Statute Book at least 
 as early as 1422,1 but it is mentioned as an executive, and 
 
 1 It is worth whil'e quoting the law in which the Council first appears : — 
 " Alsoe that all great matters and high points that are in doubt, even as they 
 fall, I will that my Lieutennant, or any of the Councell for the time being, take 
 the Deemsters to them, with the advice of the elders of your land of Mann, 
 
268 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 not as a legislative, body. One hundred and sixty years 
 later, or in 1582, it appears to have acted in a legislative 
 capacity. From 1628 the Council, or some parts of it, 
 are expressly mentioned as assenting parties to legislation; 
 and so lately as 1692 the whole customs duties of the 
 Island were revised by the Governor and Council without 
 reference to the Keys, and the book of rates which was 
 then established was accepted and continued in force for 
 forty-five years. ^ 
 
 In fact, during the greater part of the period in which the 
 House of Stanley reigned in Man, the Island can hardly 
 be said to have had any settled Legislature. " The laws 
 and ordinances that were enacted during the fifteenth and 
 sixteenth centuries," wrote the Royal Commission of 1791, 
 "appear by the Manks Statute Book to have been prescribed 
 by such different powers, or combination of powers, that 
 as precedents of the exercise of legislative authority they 
 can have but little weight." The Lord or his deputy some- 
 times acted on the advice of his Council; at other times 
 he referred a doubtful point for solution to Deemsters and 
 Keys ; and this variation in the practice was so usual that 
 the two bodies — one of which traced back its origin to a 
 remote antiquity, while the other had been only recently 
 constituted — were gradually recognised as equal in authority, 
 and, in consequence, became the two branches of the Manx 
 Legislature. 
 
 It was only, again, by gradual process that the Council 
 
 to deem the law truly to the parties, as they will answer me thereof. And 
 that all doubtful! points be always registered upp, that it may be ready 
 when such a chance falleth, that one doome or judgment be not given at 
 one time one way, and another time contrary. — Statutes, Isle of Man, vol. 
 i. p. II. 
 
 1 Report of Royal Commission, 1791, Appendix A., No. 3 ; and Manx Soc. 
 Pub., vol. xii. p. 191. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 269 
 
 acquired its present name. In some statutes it was called 
 the " Lord's officers," in others the " Lord's Council," in 
 others again the "officers of the Lord's Council." It was 
 only gradually, too, that its composition became fixed. So 
 lately as 1791 the highest authorities in the Island differed in 
 opinion as to those who were or were not entitled to a seat 
 in the Council; and from 1777 two successive Governors 
 declined to summon the clerical members of the Council to 
 its meetings.1 
 
 The Council now consists of the Bishop, the Attorney- 
 General, the Clerk of the Rolls, the two Deemsters, the Arch- 
 deacon, the Receiver-General, and the Vicar-General. It can 
 only sit on the summons of the Governor, who presides at 
 its meetings. With the exception of the Vicar- General, who 
 receives his appointment from the Bishop, all the members 
 are appointed by the Crown ; but the odd rule prevailing in 
 Crown colonies, under which official members of the Council 
 are required to vote with the Governor, has never been applied 
 to this body. 
 
 The two branches of the Legislature are of co-ordinate 
 authority. Public Bills may be introduced in either of them, 
 though, as a matter of fact, legislation usually emanates from 
 the Council. In the Isle of Man, as in the United Kingdom, 
 the work of legislation tends to fall more and more into the 
 hands of the Government, and the Chamber in which the 
 Governor sits, and in which his chief legal adviser, the Attor- 
 ney-General, is present, naturally tends to become more and 
 more the House in which new laws originate. 
 
 The course which is followed with legislation is similar to 
 that pursued at Westminster. In the Council, Bills are read a 
 first time, a second time, are considered clause by clause, and 
 
 • See Lieut.-Governor Shaw's Paper in Appendix B., Report of Royal Com- 
 mission of 1791, and in Manx Soc. Pub., vol, xxxi. p. 277. 
 
2-0 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 read a third time and passed. In the Keys, leave is asked for 
 the introduction of a Bill ; the Bill is subsequently reacl a first 
 time, considered on the second reading clause by clause, and 
 is then passed. In the event of a disagreement between the 
 two branches, conferences are usually held. These confer- 
 ences are always held in the Council Chamber, and the 
 Governor, as a general rule, represents and explains the views 
 of the Council. The Keys are represented in the coriference 
 by a deputation of five, six, or seven members, one of whom 
 usually acts as spokesman, but whose views ^re frequently 
 supported by his colleagues. The conference, therefore, closely 
 resembles what used to be known as a free conference in, 
 Parliament ; but it usually proves an efficient contrivance for 
 reconciling differences. 
 
 On the passage of a Public Bill it is signed at a meeting 
 of the two branches of the Legislature, meeting in Tynwald 
 under the presidency of the Governor; and no Bill can 
 become law unless it receives the signatures at this stage 
 of at least thirteen members of the Keys, or a clear 
 majority of that house. The Bill thus passed is sent by 
 the Governor to the Home Office for the royal assent. 
 The practice in London is to refer it to the law officers 
 of the Crown, who draw up a report upon it. If that report 
 is favourable to its passage, it is laid before Her Majesty in 
 Council, who thereupon, by and with the advice of her 
 Council, approves thereof, and orders that the measure be 
 confirmed, ratified, and enacted accordingly. The Act, how- 
 ever, does not become law till it is subsequently promulgated 
 on the 5th July, or on some other day specially named by 
 the Governor, at tlie Tynwald court annually held at St. 
 John's in the open air. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the law officers not unfrequently draw 
 at'.ention in their reports to slight technical points which they 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 271 
 
 consider should be amended before a measure actually receives 
 the royal assent, but there is not, at any rate in recent years, 
 any precedent for the assent of the Crown being withheld 
 from a measure on its principle. It is difficult to imagine 
 that such a course could arise. The Governor represents 
 the Crown in the Island ; his assent is necessary to every 
 measure before it can become law; and it may be reason- 
 ably expected that any Governor who understood his duty 
 would ascertain from the Government their wishes in respect 
 to any legislation which seemed likely to be regarded as ob- 
 jectionable; and, by refusing his own assent to it, would save 
 her Majesty from taking the extreme course of disallowing it 
 in Council. 
 
 Private legislation follows much the same course as is pur- 
 sued with public Bills. Private Bills, however, usually, though 
 not invariably, emanate in Tynwald. A petition is presented 
 to the Governor praying for leave to introduce the Bill 5 tha 
 Governor directs that the petition shall be heard in Tynwald 
 on a certain day. The advocate ^ promoting the petition is then 
 called into Tynwald and heard ; and the petition is usually re- 
 ferred to a committee to ascertain whether the standing orders of 
 the court have been complied with, and occasionally to report 
 on the merits of the measure. On receipt of the report, a 
 motion is made that leave be given for the introduction of the 
 Bill ; the motion is put, and, if carried, the Governor names 
 the branch of the Legislature in which the Bill will be taken up 
 in the first instance. 
 
 In nothing, perhaps, is the advantage which the Manx enjoy 
 from the existence of their local Legislature so conspicuous as in 
 the case of private legislation. Bills of the utmost importance 
 
 1 There is only one legal profession in the island. The members of the 
 Manx bar discharge the duties both of the solicitor and of the barrister ; but 
 they are, lilce Scottish barristers, known as advocates. 
 
272 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 to the Island, involving perhaps the construction of a new rail- 
 way, are considered at a cost which is simply trifling compared 
 with the expense of similar legislation in England. Bills of a 
 minor character can be carried at a cost of a few pounds ; and 
 it may safely be stated that no village in the Island, however 
 small, would be deterred from asking for the power which it 
 required to obtain water by compulsion, for example, from any 
 dread of the expense which such an application might entail. 
 It is curious, too, that the insular Legislature, in dealing with 
 private legislation, has from the first adopted without question 
 a principle which is still disturbing the peace of larger com- 
 munities. In the few cases oi considerable improvement 
 which has been made in the larger towns, a special rate has 
 regularly been imposed on the property which has derived 
 special benefit from the improvement. And every one is so 
 convinced of the policy and propriety of the policy, that it is 
 adopted as a matter of course, and regarded as a measure of 
 justice. "Betterment" in London, where it is still unknown, 
 has apparently many opponents. " Betterment " in Douglas, 
 where it has been at work for a quarter of a century, has only 
 supporters. 
 
 Private legislation embraces, or may embrace, most of the 
 subjects dealt with by Parliament in what are known as public 
 local Acts as well as in private and personal Acts. Public 
 measures deal with almost every subject connected with the 
 public welfare of the Island. ^ There are certain points, how- 
 ever, with which Tynwald does not deal, and which it leaves 
 to Parliament to determine. For instance, matters affecting 
 the post-office and telegraphic service, the regulation of the 
 army, the conduct of the mercantile marine beyond the terri- 
 
 1 Tynwald has full power to deal with questions affecting real property, the 
 Church, trade (so far as internal trade and patents are concerned), and 
 presumably copyright. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 273 
 
 torial limits of the Island, and others, are almost necessarily 
 dealt with by Imperial legislation. Even in these matters, 
 however, there is an increasing indisposition on the part 
 of Tynwald to allow Parliament to legislate ; and the mem- 
 bers of the court are always ready to supplement an Act 
 of Parliament by an Act of Tynwald to prevent tlie neces- 
 sity of seeing the Isle of Man expressly included in Imperial 
 legislation. 
 
 In the few instances, in which Parliament legislates for the 
 Island, a careful watch is kept on the progress of such Legisla- 
 tion. The Governor's attention is expressly drawn to every 
 Bill introduced into Parliament, whether by a private member 
 or by the Government, affecting the Island either directly or 
 indirectly. If he has any doubt upon it, he consults the 
 Attorney-General; and, if necessary, communicates with the 
 Imperial Government, and asks that the Island may be omitted 
 from the measure, or that the measure may be amended in 
 some particular way. In practice these communications uni- 
 formly receive attention; the Imperial Government acts on 
 the principle that the Island should be suffered to regulate its 
 own affairs, and does not attempt to include it in Imperial 
 legislation. 
 
 There is, however, one important exception to this general 
 rule. Parliament in 1765, as has already been shown, bought 
 the royalties of the Island from the Duke of Athole for the 
 purpose of terminating smuggling into England ; and it took 
 then, and it has ever since retained, the control of its customs 
 duties into its own hands. The insular customs duties are 
 imposed by Imperial statutes ; they are collected by officers 
 of the Imperial Government; and, though Tynwald has the 
 right of disposing of the surplus revenues, the normal ex- 
 penditure of the Island is controlled by the Treasury. What- 
 ever judgment may be formed on this arrangement, it is 
 
274 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 obvious that while it remains in force such a crisis as 
 occurred in Canada at the commencement of the present 
 reign can never arise in Man. The Tynwald court can- 
 not stop the machinery of Government by withholding sup- 
 plies. The cost of Government might indeed be largely 
 increased by the Treasury without the consent or the knowj 
 ledge of Tynwald ; and, as a matter of fact, the salaries of 
 high officials in the Island have been so raised without any 
 reference to Tynwald. For the last ten years, however, the 
 Governor, while reserving the rights of the Imperial Govern- 
 ment and of his successors, has given a personal undertaking 
 that he will make no addition to the cost of government 
 without first acquainting the Tynwald court. Following the 
 rule of the statutes, however, he does not ask the con- 
 currence of Tynwald in the new change ; he merely gives 
 the court an opportunity of objecting to the change, bind- 
 ing himself to defer to its decision if the objection is sustained 
 on a division. 
 
 For some years after the Act of 1866 had passed, the 
 Treasury had a direct interest in maintaining its strict veto 
 over the expenditure of the Island. The surplus reve- 
 nues were so narrow that its ;^io,ooo might have been im- 
 perilled by any considerable addition to the cost of Govern- 
 ment. But of late years the revenue, partly from a natural 
 expansion, partly from increased taxation, has grown very 
 rapidly, while the cost of government has not sensibly 
 increased. In consequence the Treasury has no longer a 
 direct interest in interfering with the wishes of Tynwald ; its 
 sanction has tended to become more and more a matter of 
 form; and it practically accords a free latitude to the Governor 
 and the Tynwald. 
 
 So long as it has confidence in the Governor, it is diffi- 
 cult to see how it could wisely act otherwise. The Governor, 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 275 
 
 it has been already shown, has by statute a direct veto on 
 all expenditure, but by usage he exercises a still stronger 
 power. Just as in Parliament no motion involving expen- 
 diture can be brought forward except on the recommeni 
 dation of the Crown, so in Tynwald no motion involving ex' 
 penditure may be made without the sanction of the Governor. 
 The financial control, therefore, to a large extent rests with 
 the Governor; he shapes the financial policy of the Island, 
 and is responsible for its results. 
 
 It will be seen from the foregoing paragraphs that the dis^ 
 posal of the surplus revenue practically rests with the Governor 
 and the Tynwald court. When the court meets for financial 
 purposes, the two branches of the Legislature sit together, and 
 the Governor presides. Debate is carried on by the members 
 of both branches. In the discussions on these subjects neither 
 branch has any privilege over the other. The rule which gives 
 to the House of Commons an exclusive financial control is 
 unknown to the House of Keys ; and, whatever may have been 
 the course of its financial history, there never was a period 
 when supplies were voted by the Keys without the concurrence 
 of the Council. In fact, the origin of the House of Keys and 
 the origin of the House of Commons was different, and the 
 difference has affected their later history. The Commons were 
 originally summoned because the kings of England were in 
 want of money, and had been forced to admit that they 
 could not levy scutage, aid, or tallage without the consent of 
 the people. The representatives of the people in England, as 
 Sir W. Anson has put it, first calculated the amount due from 
 each individual of a tax fixed by the Crown ; next they deter- 
 mined the total amount which should be granted to the Crown ; 
 finally, they determined not merely the amount which the Crown 
 was to receive, but the way in which the Crown was to spend 
 
2/6 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 it.i The representatives of the Commons exercised, in short, 
 financial duties before they obtained any legislative power. 
 But there is no trace of any similar process in the history 
 of the Keys. The Keys were originally not a financial body, 
 but a judicial body. The process in their history was that 
 they first adjudicated ; that from adjudicating they were asked 
 to declare the law, with which their judicial work made them 
 familiar. On finance they were rarely consulted before the 
 eighteenth century, and they never, consequently, obtained any 
 exclusive financial privilege. 
 
 Though Keys and Council intermingle in financial matters in 
 debate, when divisions are taken, each branch votes separatel}'. 
 The Governor takes the votes of the Council, and directs the 
 Speaker to take the votes of the Keys. The members of 
 neither branch retire while the division is taken, but merely 
 answer "aye" or "no" when their names are successively 
 calleid out. When the division is completed, the Speaker 
 reports the result in the Keys to the Governor, who thereupon 
 announces that "the Council is of the same, opinion," or 
 that the Council is of a contrary opinion, as the case may 
 be. When the two branches concur in opinion, the question 
 is carried or lost accordingly. When they differ in opinion, 
 the question is lost, the separate concurrence of both branches 
 being necessary for its passage. 
 
 On ordinary occasions no inconvenience results from these 
 circumstances ; in fact, no more difificulty can ordinarily result 
 from a difference of opinion between two branches of a Legis- 
 lature sitting in the same Chamber, than from a similar differ- 
 ence between two branches of a Legislature sitting in different 
 Chambers. But for certain purposes the Tynwald Court acts 
 not as a_legislative, but as an administrative, body. It appoints, 
 fur instance, the boards or committees which govern the lunatic 
 
 1 The Law and Customs of Parliament, vol. i. p. 14. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 277 
 
 asylum and poor asylum, which supervise the highways, and 
 which regulate education ; and, as these boards and committees 
 are required to be appointed on particular days, a difference 
 of opinion as to their constitution may no doubt lead to 
 administrative embarrassment. Such a difficulty did arise 
 a few years ago in constituting the Asylums Board. The 
 Council, which was in favour of some extensive additions 
 to the asylum, vetoed the nominees of the Keys; and the 
 Keys, who were desirous of greater economy in building, 
 vetoed the nominees of the Council. In the result, the court 
 was kept alive by adjournment, while the Houses agreed each 
 to nominate two members for each vacancy on the Board, 
 allowing the other House the right of vetoing one of those so 
 nominated. 
 
 It is probable that with the exercise of a little tact any 
 similar difficulty hereafter arising may be avoided in the same 
 way. Yet it must be acknowledged that, while the forms of 
 Tynwald remain as they are, the embarrassment might at any 
 moment recur and become critical. But the highest incon- 
 venience that would consequently , result would be the pro- 
 tracted failure to elect an administrative board. In every 
 other respect the machinery of Government would go on as 
 smoothly as ever. 
 
 Any one who has read the preceding account with attention- 
 will have observed the unique position which is occupied in 
 the Island by the Governor. As the representative of the sove- 
 reign, he has succeeded to many of the functions and privi- 
 leges of the old Lords; and the circumstances of the Island, 
 which is too small for the formation of a regular Ministry, has 
 confirmed him in the possession of these powers, and has vested 
 in him the sole executive authority. Thus, in addition to his 
 legislative duties as president of the Tynwald court and of the 
 Council, he discharges many of the duties which in other 
 
278 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 Countries are performed by responsible Ministers. He is his 
 own finance minister, his own home secretary, his own presi- 
 dent of the Local Government Board. If taxes are imposed, 
 they are imposed at his suggestion ; if expenditure is brought 
 forward, it is proposed on his authority ; if licenses are issued 
 for the custody of dangerous goods, they are issued under his 
 signature; if even local authorities require to borrow fresh 
 money, the Tynwald court has required them of recent years 
 to lay their applications before the Governor, with such in- 
 formation as he may require, in order that his opinion may 
 be pronounced on their policy. Add to this that the Governor 
 is responsible for the preservation of order ; that the police 
 of the Island are directly under his control ; that, from the 
 chief constable to the lowest constable, they act under his 
 Commission ; that the insular prison is under his supervision ; 
 and it will be seen how large is the range of his administrative 
 duties, which steadily tend to increase with the increasing re- 
 quirements of modern society. 
 
 But the administrative duties of the Governor form only one 
 portion of his functions. He is not only Governor, but chan- 
 cellor. Till a few years ago he regularly presided at every 
 sitting of the Chancery Court ; he is also president of the 
 Common Law Division of the High Court ; he always presides 
 when appeals are heard either from the superior or inferior 
 courts of the Island; he presides at the general court of 
 gaol delivery; he directs the examination of candidates for 
 the Manx Bar; he regulates the terms of their admission to it ; 
 he commissions them to practise ; in short, just as he is the 
 supreme administrative authority in the Island, so the highest 
 judicial powers are confided to him. 
 
 To these duties must be added those which he discharges as 
 the representative of the sovereign. In this capacity he sum- 
 mons the Legislature, he dissolves the House of Keys, he 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 279 
 
 may prorogue the Legislature. The Tynwald cannot even 
 adjourn of its own motion ; it can only be adjourned by the 
 Governor. Its members are forced to obey the Governor's 
 precept to attend its meetings. His name may not be used 
 to influence debate. When he speaks, he speaks sitting. The 
 Keys at the end of each sitting send him a deputation to 
 report their proceedings. In addition to these duties con- 
 nected with the Legislature, he exercises as representative 
 of the sovereign the prerogative of pardon ; he disposes 
 of most of the patronage of the Island. The appointments, 
 which are made directly by the Sovereign are made on his 
 recommendation, conveyed through the Secretary of State. 
 Justices are similarly included in the Commission of the Peace 
 on his nomination. Traces of a Manx militia still survive in 
 the appointment of captains authorised to train the force in 
 their respective parishes, and these officers receive their com- 
 missions from the Goveinor. The officers of the Isle of Man 
 Volunteers also receive their commissions from the Governor, 
 and not from the Crown. 
 
 Thus, in the Legislature, in the Judicature, and in the Execu- 
 tive, power is largely concentrated in the Governor ; and, 
 strangely enough, the progress of ideas, instead of limiting, 
 tends to extend his authority. The precise influence which 
 he may exert will necessarily depend on the character and 
 capacity of the individual who happens to hold that office. 
 But it will in any case be large, and in the hands of a man of 
 judgment it will continue to increase. Judged by the powers 
 which have been already enumerated, the Governor appears 
 possessed of almost autocratic authority. Responsible as he 
 is to the Crown alone, there seems at first sight no limit to his 
 power. But, in practice, a Governor thrown into constant com- 
 munication with the people, who approach him on every kind 
 of business, and periodically confronted, not with his Council 
 
28o THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 alone, but with the two branches of the Legislature in Tyn- 
 wald, necessarily learns to mould his views to the people's 
 views, and to give shape and effect to their wishes. Thus, 
 while the authority of the Governor tends to increase, its 
 increase is regarded without jealousy. And the Legislature 
 over which he presides, instead of restricting his functions, 
 recognises, and even extends, his authority ; and gladly sees 
 him exerting his legitimate influence in promoting and direct- 
 ing the ?ood government of the Island. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 It is one thing to describe the constitution and arrangements 
 of a particular island : it is another to consider how far they 
 conduce to the good government of its people, or tend to 
 preserve harmonious relations with the larger countries with 
 which it is associated. . The people, of the Isle of Man, it 
 must be recollected, have no voice in the government of the 
 United Kingdom ; they send no representative to the Imperial 
 Parliament; they have no concern in the political struggles 
 and changes which take place at Westminster ; and, it may be 
 safely added, that they have no desire to take part in them. 
 Proud of their own institutions, content with their own inde- 
 pendence, they have no ambition to mingle in the larger 
 conflicts of their neighbours. They reap the advantages of 
 imperial protection and of their connection with the British 
 Empire, but they never cease to recollect that they are not 
 English, Scotch, Welsh, or Irish, but Manx, and that their first 
 duty is to their own people. 
 
 The only link which unites them to the British Empire is 
 the crown. Technically, the Isle of Man is not a British 
 possession : it is a possession of the British crown ; and, 
 though the Queen has only once touched at the shores of the 
 Island, and the members of her family have only visited it at 
 rare intervals, there is no part of her Majesty's dominions 
 where the people are more affectionately loyal to her person, 
 and her dynasty. 
 
282 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 It has been of late years the policy of successive Ministers 
 to leave the Island free to regulate its own concerns ; and 
 there is probably no part of her Majesty's dominions which 
 gives her responsible advisers less cause for thought and con- 
 cern. The Governor, indeed, is under the Home Office, and, 
 within easy reach of London, he can personally communicate 
 with the Secretary of State on any matter of importance. But, 
 in practice, even these communications are not frequent ; and 
 Mr. Froude rightly says of Sir H. Loch, who for nineteeri 
 years conducted the government of the Island, and, by his 
 energy and prudence, conferred the greatest benefits on its 
 people, that "he achieved the highest success now-a-days 
 possible — the success of being never spoken of outside his 
 dominions." "■ 
 
 Politics in the Island take a diff"erent course from that with 
 which Englishmen are familiar. Man aff'ords a ■ proof that 
 autonomous institutions do not necessarily involve the exist- 
 ence of Ministries dependent on the will of the Legislature. 
 Whatever may be the issues of debates in Tynwald, no one 
 imagines that they will lead to the resignation either of the 
 Governor or of any member of his Council. Perhaps for 
 this reason there are no political parties in Tynwald, Differ- 
 ences of opinion of course occur, but in neither branch of 
 the Legislature are rival views of government maintained by 
 opposing factions. Questions affecting particular places in 
 the Island, or the rival interests of town and country, occa- 
 sionally excite debate; but a struggle between Liberals and 
 Conservatives, or between Church and Dissent, is ; practically 
 unknown. 
 
 Though legislation, as a rule, follows the course of legislation 
 in England, it does not always do so. In the Isle of Man,^ 
 for instance, there are no Factory Acts ; and the absence of 
 
 ^ Oceana, p. 82. 
 
CONCLUSION. 283 
 
 large industries makes them probably unnecessary. Except 
 in Douglas and Ramsey, the two largest towns, there is no 
 compulsory provision for the relief of the poor ; no machinery 
 has hitherto been instituted for the local government of the 
 rural districts, though a measure is now before Tynwald with 
 this object. On the other hand, there is a School Board 
 (or School Committee, as it is called in Man) in every parish 
 in the Island ; and practically these Committees all concur in 
 providing religious education for the children. 
 
 In the towns, the growth of the population and the require- 
 ments of the nineteenth century are tending to increase the 
 pressure of local taxation, and the rates, though low compared 
 with those in similar circumstances in England, are already 
 high, and are increasing. In the rural districts, on the con- 
 trary, the rates only amount on an average to about ninepence 
 in the pound. Small as this sum is, however, it is regarded 
 as a grievous burden, and any policy likely to increase it 
 would almost certainly excite grave opposition. 
 
 If local taxation is light, the taxation imposed by Govern- 
 ment, compared with that of other countries, is also small. 
 In the Island there is no income-tax; there are no death 
 duties ; there are no assessed taxes ; with small and unim- 
 portant exceptions, there are no stamps. The whole revenue 
 is practically raised by customs duties : even an excise on 
 beer is collected by the officers of the customs and classed 
 as customs duty. The duties for the most part are fixed 
 at lower rates than those in force in England. A consider- 
 able proportion of them, moreover, practically falls, not on 
 the resident, but on the visiting population. The revenue 
 amounts to above ;^72,ooo ; the expenditure to about ;^6o,ooo 
 a year. The surplus is applied by Tynwald towards the 
 improvement of the harbours in the Island,, and towards 
 effecting other needed public works. During the last quarter 
 
284 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 of a century, nearly half a million of money has been so 
 expended, and about half of this sum has been provided 
 out of current revenue. The gross debt of the insular 
 Government does not reach ^^300,000, and is being rapidly 
 paid off. 
 
 Those persons who are familiar with statistics will see from 
 these figures that the Isle of Man enjoys the advantage of 
 singularly light taxation and of exceptionally cheap govern- 
 ment. On the other hand, the circumstances which have made 
 it the playground of Northern England have given it great 
 prosperity. Its chief imports are not goods but people, who 
 reach it in their tens of thousands at a time. Probably, in 
 fact, no such traffic exists in the world as that which is main- 
 tained. in the summer months between Liverpool and Douglas, 
 An English reader may derive some idea of the extent of this' 
 traffic if it is added that three people land every year at DouglaS; 
 for every two that land at Dover. 
 
 This traffic would have been impracticable if the great im- 
 provements which have been carried out in the harbours had 
 not been effected. Few people, who have not had practical 
 experience of it, have any idea of the difficulty of embarking or 
 disembarking 5000 or 6000 people at the same pier, almost at 
 the same time. Yet this process is carried out almost every 
 day at Douglas during the height of the summer, The extent 
 of the traffic suggested of late years to the Governor the im- 
 position of a penny tax on every ticket. The Tynwald court 
 and the Treasury approved his policy, which has for some few 
 years been in operation. The tax is paid through the steam- 
 boat companies, and is perhaps the only extant instance of a 
 tax which involves no charge for its collection ; it is so low 
 that it has made no addition to the fares, and it produces a, 
 revenue of nearly _;^3ooo a year. 
 
 The 300,000 visitors who annually visit the Island neces- 
 
CONCLUSION. 285 
 
 sarily leave large sums of money behind them. It may give 
 some idea of their expenditure if it be added that in 1891 
 the insular banks exported ^£'450,000 in gold and ;^i 20,000 
 in English and Irish notes. These sums represented the 
 amount which the Island was unable to absorb in its own 
 circulation, or which its people were unable to carry away in 
 their own pockets to England.^ 
 
 The stream of wealth which the visitors thus pour into the 
 Island is constantly adding to the resources of its people. Its 
 effect may be traced in the rapid growth of Douglas and its 
 neighbourhood, and in the increasing value of real property 
 in that town and in its vicinity. But it indirectly benefits 
 other classes of the community. Even the agriculturists, 
 though they have suffered like their English neighbours from 
 the severe depression of the last few years, have not experi- 
 enced .the difficulties which have ruined so many farmers in 
 the British Islands. They have been saved by the constantly 
 increasing demand for milk and dairy produce in the summer 
 months. The rent of agricultural land in the Island generally 
 is not materially lower than it was twenty years ago. In 
 the neighbourhood of Douglas it is maintained at its former 
 level. 
 
 The wealth which the visitors bring with them is the more 
 welcome because of late years the fishing industry, on which 
 
 1 The facilities for banking in the Island are very great. There are three 
 joint-stock banks, all of which are banks of deposit and banks of issue. The 
 issue is based on securities deposited with the Governor and Council, and the 
 law directs that, if a bank suspend payment, its notes shall be repaid with 
 6 per cent, interest from the date of the suspension. The authorised circu- 
 lation of these banks is jf 109,000, the average circulation between jf 50,000 and 
 .£■60,000. All three banks allow their depositors interest at the rate of 3 per 
 cent, on their current accounts. This circumstance, and the great facilities of 
 banking, have naturally led to a prodigious increase of business, and the 
 deposits exceed ;£i, 300,000 ; in other words, the deposits amount to £25 for 
 every member of the population. 
 
2S6 THE LAND OF HOME RULE. 
 
 the Manxmen have so long relied, has not been prosperous, 
 From some mysterious and unascertained cause, the herring 
 have again — it may be hoped only temporarily — deserted the 
 Manx coasts, while the increasing development of the Irish 
 fisheries has led to the presence of a continually growing fleet at 
 the Irish ports, and to a consequent fall in the price of herrings. 
 From these and other reasons, the Manx boats of late years 
 have not succeeded in obtaining that return for their exertions 
 which rewarded them in former times ; their owners and their 
 crews have passed through a period of depression and anxiety 
 which has not yet passed away ; and the population of Peel, 
 the chief fishing port in the Island, actually declined during 
 the last decade. 
 
 These, however, are reflections which are hardly pertinent 
 to this little book, whose object was rather to give a concise 
 account of the history and constitution of the Isle of Man than 
 to describe the present circumstances of its people. In carry- 
 ing out the chief purport of his work, the author has en- 
 deavoured to confine his observations to the Island itself, 
 and to forbear from considering whether arrangements which 
 work in Man are or are not applicable to other communi- 
 ties. The constitution of the Isle of Man is, no doubt, in 
 one sense an anomaly. Consistency might suggest that a 
 little island, smaller than an ordinary English county, might 
 with advantage be absorbed into the United Kingdom, and 
 that Man could be governed at least as easily as the Orkneys 
 or the Outer Hebrides from London. But it may fairly 
 be replied that, while no clear advantage would ensue to 
 the United Kingdom from such a change, the Island itself 
 would suifer a distinct loss, since it would be subjected to 
 higher taxation, would be deprived of its own individuality, 
 and would lose the right of managing its own concerns in 
 its own way, which is perhaps the highest privilege which 
 
CONCLUSION. 287 
 
 any community can obtain. Whatever may be the result of 
 autonomous institutions in other places, autonomy has made 
 the Manx a loyal, orderly, easily governed community. 
 Their virtual independence may be denounced as an anomaly 
 and an anachronism ; constitutional writers may succeed in 
 demonstrating that dependent Legislatures are likely either to 
 become inconvenient or to break-down ; but anomalies and 
 anachronisms, when they are attended with no evil conse- 
 quences, have a tendency to survive ; and autonomous in- 
 stitutions, at any rate in the Isle of Man, display an increasing 
 capacity for work. 
 
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A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
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 FITZWYGRAM (Major-General Sir F.).— HORSES AND STABLES. 
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 FORD (Horace).— THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF ARCHERY. 
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12 A CATALOGUE OP BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
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 Vol. IV. Leviticus, Part II. 15^., or adapted for the General Reader, Zs. 
 
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 I2J I Library Edition, 5 vols. Svo, £a,. 
 
 {Continued. 
 
14 A CATALOGUM OP BOOKS IM GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 MACAULAY (Lord)-(C<7«ft-KK«4 
 
 CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL ESSAYS, WITH LAYS OF 
 
 ANCIENT ROME, in i volume. 
 Popular Edition, Crown 8vo. 2J. dd. 
 Authorised Edition, Crown 8vo. 2J. 
 
 dd. , or 3^. 6d. gilt edges. 
 
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 CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL ESSAYS. 
 
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 People's Edition, 2 vols. Crown Svo. 8s. Cabinet Edition, 4 vols. Post Svo. 24.1. 
 
 ' Library Edition, 3 vols. Svo. 36J. 
 
 ESSAYSwhichraaybehadseparately,price6(ir. eachsewed. i.r. each cloth. 
 
 Addison and Walpole. 
 Frederic the Great. 
 Croker's BosKell's Johnson. 
 Hallam's Constitutional History. 
 Warren Hastings(3rf. sewed, 6rf. cloth). 
 The Earl of Chatham (Two Essays). 
 
 Banke and Gladstone. 
 Milton and MachiavelU. 
 Lord Bacon. 
 Lord Clive. 
 
 Lord Byron, and the Comic Drama- 
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 The Essay on Warren Hastings, anno- I The Essay on Lord Oliye, annotated by 
 tated by S. Hales. Fcp. Svo. li. 61^. | H.CourthopeBowen. Fcp.8vo.2i.61f. 
 
 SPEECHES. People's Edition, Crown Svo. 35. 6d. 
 
 LAYS OF ANCIENT ROIVIE, &c. Illustrated by G. Scharf. Library 
 
 Edition. Fcp. 4to. 10s. 6d. 
 Bijou Edition, iSmo. 2S. 6d. gilt top. I Popular Edition, Fcp. 4to. 6d sewed, 
 
 I IS. cloth. 
 Illustrated by J. R. Weguelin. Crown 
 
 Svo. $s. 6d. gilt edges. 
 
 Annotated Edition, Fcp. Svo. it. sewed. 
 
 Cabinet Edition, Post Svo. 3^. 6d. | is. 6d. cloth. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS. 
 
 People's Edition. Crown Svo. 4s. 6d. \ Library Edition, 2 vols. Svo. 2IJ. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS AND SPEECHES. 
 
 Popular Edition. Crown Svo. 2J. 6d. I Cabinet Edition, Post Svo. 241. 
 Student's Edition. Crown Svo. 6s. \ 
 
 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF LORD MACAULAY. 
 
 Edited, with Notes, by the Right Hon. Sir G. O. Trevelyan. Crown Svo. 6s. 
 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF LORD MACAULAY. By the Right 
 
 Hon. Sir G. O. Trevelyan. 
 
 Popular Edition. Crown. Svo. zs. 6d. 1 Cabinet Edition, 2 vols. Post Svo. lar. 
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 THE MIRACLES OF OUR LORD. Crown Svo. 3^. 6d. 
 
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 MACKAIIi (J. W.).-SELECT EPIGRAMS FROM THE GREEK AN- 
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PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, 6^ CO. 15 
 
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 THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF BANKING. Vol. I. 8vo. i2j. , 
 
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 THE THEORY OF CREDIT. 8vo. Vo\.l.[New Edition in the Press]; 
 
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 MACVUTE (John).— SIXTY-THREE YEARS' ANGLING, from the Moun- 
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 ZEALAND ALPS. Illustrated. Svo. lai. (d. 
 
 TVTATiTTTAT.H OF CATHOLIC PHILOSOPHY (Stonyhurst Series). 
 
 Lo|ic. By Richard F. Clarke. Crown 
 
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 John Rickaby. Crown Svo. 5s. 
 Moral Phllospphy (EtIiicB and Natural 
 
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 MARBOT (Baron de).— THE MEMOIRS OF. Translated from the 
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 ENDEAVOURS AFTER THE CHRISTIAN LIFE. Discourses. 
 
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 HOME PRAYERS. Crown Svo. ■y. 6d. 
 
 THE SEAT OF AUTHORITY IN RELIGION. Svo. i+f. 
 
 ESSAYS, REVIEWS, AND ADDRESSES. 4 vols. Crown Svo. 7J. 6d. 
 
 each. 
 
 I Personal: Political. I HI- Theological: Philosophical. 
 
 II. Ecciesiastioal : Historical. | IV. Academical : Religious. 
 
 MATTHEWS (Brander).- A FAMILY TREE, and other Stories. Crown 
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 PEN AND INK— Selected Papers. Crown Svo. sj. 
 
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 The Treasury of Bible Knowledge. By 
 
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 Biographical Treasury. 
 
 Treasury of Natural History. With 
 
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 Treasury of Geography. With 7 Maps 
 
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 Scientific and Literary Treasury. 
 Historical Treasury. 
 Treasury of Knowledge. 
 
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 The Treasury of Botany. Edited by 
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 2 vols. 
 
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 THREE LECTURES ON THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE. Cr. 
 
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 ■ THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE, founded on Lectm-es delivered at 
 
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 ^ IConitnued. 
 
i6 A CA TALOGUB OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITER A TURE 
 
 MAX MtJLLER (F.).— HIBBERT LECTURES ON THE ORIGIN AND 
 GROWTH OF RELIGION, as illustrated by the Religions of India. Crown 
 8vo. 7J, (id. 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE SCIENCE OF RELIGION ; Four 
 
 Lectures dehvered at the Royal Institution. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 NATURAL RELIGION. The Gifford Lectures, delivered before the 
 
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 University of Glasgow in i8qo. Crown 8vo. loi. 6d. 
 
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 THE SCIENCE OF THOUGHT. 8vo. 21s. 
 
 THREE INTRODUCTORY LECTURES ON THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 THOUGHT. 8vo. ar. 6d. 
 
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 INDIA, WHAT CAN IT TEACH US? Crown 8voL 3^. 6d 
 
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 ■ • DEB AND THE DUCHESS. lUust. byM. E. Edwards. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 
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 IS. 6d. each, cloth. 
 
 The Gladiators. 
 The Interpreter. 
 Good for Nothing. 
 
 The Queen's Maries. 
 Holmby House. 
 Kate Coventry. 
 
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 General Bounce. 
 
 MEWDEIiSSOHN.— THE LETTERS OF FELIX MENDELSSOHN. 
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 8 vols. Crown 8vo. jr. Srf. each. 
 
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 GENERAL HISTORY OF ROME FROM B.C. 753 TO A.D. 476. 
 
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 MILL (James).— ANALYSIS OF THE PHENOMENA OF THE HUMAN 
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PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, 6» CO. 17 
 
 MIIiI. (Jolin Stuart).— PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 
 
 . Library Edition^ 2 vols. 8vo. 305. | People's Edition, i vol. Crown 8vo.3j.6rf. 
 
 A SYSTEM OF LOGIC. Crown 8vo. 3^. 6rf. 
 
 ■ ON LIBERTY. Crown 8vo. u. 4^. 
 
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 UTILITARIANISM. 8vo. 5^. 
 
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 MOIiBSWOKTH (Mrs.).— SILVERTHORNS. With Illustrations by F. 
 
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 THE PALACE IN THE GARDEN. With Illustrations. Cr. 8vo. s^. 
 
 THE THIRD MISS ST. QUENTIN. Crown 8vo. bs. 
 
 NEIGHBOURS. With Illustrations by M. Ellen Edwards. Cr. 8vo. bs. 
 
 THESTORYOFASPRINGMORNING. With Illustrations. Cr.8vo.5j. 
 
 STORIES OF THE SAINTS FOR CHILDREN : the Black Letter 
 
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 MOOEE (Edward).— DANTE AND HIS EARLY BIOGRAPHERS. 
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 MULHALIi (Michael G.).— HISTORY OF PRICES SINCE THE YEAR 
 1850. Crown 8vo. 6j. 
 
 ISTATNTRTllNr (Dr. Fridtjof ).— THE FIRST CROSSING OF GREENLAND. 
 With s Maps, 12 Plates, and 150 Illu-strations in the Text. 2 vols. 8vo. 36J. 
 Cheaper Edition, abridged. With numerous Illustrations and a Map. In i 
 vol. crown 8vo. 7J. 6rf. 
 
 NAPIER.— THE LIFE OF SIR JOSEPH NAPIER, BART., EX-LORD 
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 THE LECTURES, ESSAYS, AND LETTERS OF THE RIGHT 
 
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 LAYS AND LEGENDS. First Series. Crown 8vo. jr. 6rf. Second 
 
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 iraJWMAK'.— THE LETTERS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF JOHN 
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 NEWMAIT (Cardinal).— Works 
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 Sermons on Varians Occasions. Ca- 
 binet Edition, Cr. Svo. 6s. Cheap 
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 The Idea of a University defined and 
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 ■]s. Cheap Edition, Cr. 8vo. 3J. bd. 
 
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 3 vols. Crown Svo. 6j. each. Cheap 
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 Discussions andArgumentsonVarlous 
 Subjects. Cabinet Edition, Crown 
 Svo. bs. Cheap Edition, Crown 
 Svo. jr. dd. 
 
 {Continued. 
 
i8 A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 BTEWMAM" {Carclinal).-"Worts by ■.—(conHmied). 
 
 Tracts, i. Dissertatiuncute. 2. On 
 the Text of the Seven Epistles of St. 
 Ignatius. 3. Doctrinal Causes of 
 Arianjsm. 4. Apoliinarianism. S- 
 St. Cyril's Formula. 6. Ordo de 
 Tempore. 7. Douay Version of 
 Scripture. Crown 8vo. Ss. 
 
 Apologia Pro Vita Sua. Cabinet Ed. , 
 
 Crown 8vo. 6s. Cheap Ed. 3J. 6d. 
 Development of Christian Doctrine. 
 
 Cabinet Edition, Crown Svo. 6s. 
 
 Cheap Edition, Cr. Svo. y. 6d. 
 Certain Difficulties felt by Anglicans 
 
 In Catholic Teaching Considered. 
 
 Cabinet Edition. Vol. I. Crown Svo. 
 
 ■js. 6d. \ Vol. II. Crown Svo. 5J. 6d. 
 
 Cheap Edition, 2 vols. Crown Svo. 
 
 3J. 6d. each. 
 The Via Media of the Anglican Church, 
 
 Illustrated in Lectures, &c. Cabinet 
 
 Edition, 2. vols. Cr. 8vo. 6s. each. 
 
 Cheap Edition, 2 vols. Crown Svo. 
 
 3J. 6d. each. 
 EBBayB,CriticaiandHistorica!. Cabi- 
 net Edition, 2 vols. Crown Svo. lar. 
 
 Cheap Edition, 2 vols. Cr. Svo. -js. 
 Biblical and Ecclesiastical Miracles. 
 
 Cabinet Edition, Crown Svo. 6s. 
 
 Cheap Edition, Crown Svo. 3.9. 6d. 
 Present Position of Catholics in Eng- 
 land. Cabinet Edition, Crown Svo. 
 
 7J. 6d. Cheap Edition, Crown Svo. 
 
 3i. 6d. 
 
 *#* For Cardinal Newman' s other Works see Messrs. Longmans ^ Co.'s 
 Catalogue of Theological Works. 
 
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 Svo. 3J. 6d. 
 
 Caliista : a Tale of the Third Century. 
 Cabinet Edition, Crown Svo. 6s. 
 Cheap Edition, Crown Svo. y. 6d. 
 
 Loss and Gain: a TaleA Cabinet 
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 The Dream of Gerontins. i6mo. 6d. 
 sewed, u. cloth. 
 
 Verses on Various Occasions. Cabinet 
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 BTORTOIf (Charles L.).- 
 
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 O'BRIEN CWiUiam).— WHEN WE WERE BOVS : A Novel. 
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 OMAN (C. W. C.).— A HISTORY OF GREECE FROM THE EARLIEST 
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 FARKES (Sir Henry). — FIFTY YEARS IN THE MAKING OF 
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 PAUL (Hermann).— PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. 
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 Rifle and Hound In Ceylon. 
 
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