3 3 Hit BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Henrg W. Sage 189X ^2oi?y, fVx O C |ob '/»/. Oh Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty CONTENTS Preface, . . . Glossary, . . ..... List of Abbreviations, ...... Historical Greek Coins : 1. The Beginnings of Coinage in Asia Minor : seventh century B.C., ....... 2. The Beginnings of Silver Coinage in Greece : seventh century B.C., ...... 3. The Thalassooracy of Phocaea : circa 602-560 B.C., . 4-6. Solon and the Early Attic Coinage : circa 594-560 B.C., 7. Croesus, King of Lydia : 555-541 B.C., 8-10. Zancle and Rhegium, at the end of the sixth century, 11. Dareius i. : 521-486 B.C., .... 12-17. Rhegium and Zancle-Messana in the time of Anaxilas 494-476 b.c, ..... 18, 19. Acragas and Himera under Theron : 488-472 b.c 20. The Damareteia : 480-479 B.C., 21, 22. Hieron's Foundation of Aetna : 476 — before 461 B.C., 23. Themistocles in Magnesia : after 463 B.C., 24-26. New Sybaris and Thurii : 453/452-443 B.C., 27, 28. Argos and the Bleans in 420 b.c, 29. The Athenian Disaster in Sicily : 413 B.c, . 30. Pharnabazus at Cyzicus : circa 410 B.C., PAGE V X xiv 11 18 21 26 29 35 37 43 45 49 52 54 57 XV HISTORICAL GREEK COINS 31. The Foundation of Rhodes : 408 B.C., 32, 33. Anti-Spartan League after the Battle of Onidus : 394-389 B.C., . 34. The Olynthian League : circa 392-379 B.C., 35. Demonious, King of Citium : 388-387 B.C., 36. Epaminondas : circa 379-362 B.C., 37. The New Arcadian League : 370 B.C., 38. The Achaean League : circa 367-362 B.C., 39. 40. The Arcadians occupy Olympia : 365-364 B.C., 41, 42. Philip's Foundation at Crenides : 357 B.C. 43, 44. Philip of Macedon : 359-336 B.C., 45. Dion of Syracuse in Zacynthus : 357 B.C., 46-49. Dion and Timoleon in Sicily : 357-337 b.c 50-52. The Sacred War : 356-346 B.C., . 53. Philip ii. and Thessaly : 353-343 B.C., 54-56. Mazaeus, Governor of Northern Syria and Oilicia : 350 333 B.c, .... 57. Tarentum in the Fourth Century : 350-330 B.C., 58-60. Alexander the Great : 336-323 B.C., 61-63. Ptolemy i. : 323-284 B.C., . 64-67. Agathocles, Tyrant of Syracuse : 317-289 b.c. 68. The Beginnings of the Aetolian League : 314-279 b.c 69. Demetrius Poliorcetes defeats Ptolemy : 306 B.C., 70. The Foundation of the Seleucid Kingdom : 306 b.c 71. Lysimachus, King of Thrace : 306-281 b.c, . 72. 73. The Foundation of the Pergamene Kingdom : 281 B.C., 74, 75. Locri in the Pyrrhic War : 280-275 b.c, 76. Antigonus Gonatas defeats the Egyptian Fleet : circa 253 b.c. 77. The Foundation of the Parthian Empire : circa 248 b.c, 78. 79. Philip v. and the Cretans : 220 b.c, xvi PACE 60 62 66 67 69 72 73 76 78 80 84 85 89 93 97 101 103 106 110 115 117 118 121 124 126 129 131 132 CONTENTS PAGE 80. Athens and Crete in the League against Philip v. : 200 B.C., 134 81. Flamininus in Greece : 198-190 B.C., . . . .136 82. 83. Eumenes n. and Stratoniceia : circa 186 B.C., . . 137 84. Antioehus Epiphanes at Athens : 175 B.C., . . . 140 85. The Foundations of Antioehus Epiphanes : 175-164 B.C., . 143 86. Orophernes and Priene : 159-156 B.C., . . . 145 87-89. The Revolt of Andriscus : 150-149 B.C., . . .148 90. Antioehus vn. and the Jews : 139-134 B.C., . . . 151 91. Alexander Zabinas 129/8-123/2 B.C., . . . .156 92. 93. Provincia Macedonia : 93-88 B.C., . . .158 94, 95. Athens in the Mithradatic War : 87-86 B.C., . 160 96. The End of the Seleucid Kingdom: 83 B.C., . . .163 97. The Conquest of Crete : 69-63 B.C., . . . .165 98. Pompeius organises Southern Asia Minor : 66 B.C., . . 167 99. 100. Amyntas, King of Galatia : 36-25 B.C., . .168 Index, ........ 171 XVil LIST OF PLATES AT PAGE Plate I. Nos. 1-11, 26 „ II. „ 12-19, 34 „ III. „ 20-28, 52 „ IV. „ 29-35, 66 „ V. „ 36-44, 80 „ VI. „ 45-53, 92 „ VII. „ 54-60, 104 „ VIII. „ 61-67, 110 „ IX. „ 68-73, 124 „ X. „ 74-79, 132 „ XI. „ 80-86, 146 „ XII. „ 87-93, 158 „ XIII. „ 94-100 168 ILLUSTKATIONS IN THE TEXT PAGE Fig. 1. Silver Drachm of Rhegium, 21 „ 2. Bronze coin of Magnesia, with figure of Themistocles, . 47 „ 3. Silver Alliance coin of Sybaris and Poseidonia, . . 51 „ 4. Electrum Stater of Cyzicus, 58 „ 5. Bronze coin of Onymarchus, 89 „ 6. Bronze coin of Phalaecus, 89 „ 7. Bronze coin of Antiochia on the Sarus, .... 143 XIX PKEFACE The title adopted for this volume is meant to indicate that the idea of such a compilation was inspired by the work of Canon E. L. Hicks, deal- ing with Greek inscriptions. It was while I was engaged with Dr. Hicks in preparing the second edition of his book that the thought of making a selection of coins on the same principle first sug- gested itself. It is seldom, indeed, that a single coin can be regarded as possessing equal value, from a historical point of view, with an inscription recording a public decree or treaty, or the erection of a monument to some great man of antiquity. Yet, in a more modest sense, of all fields of archaeological study, that of numismatics is the one of which we can most truly say : quacunque ingredimur, in aliquam historiam vestigium ponimus. Every coin that has been issued under public authority since the invention of coinage is a his- torical document. Apart from monumental sculp- ture, inscriptions, and coins, the remains of antiquity are chiefly of interest as bearing on domestic life, on trade, on art, and religion ; it is only exceptionally that they take rank (no matter HISTORICAL GREEK COINS whether we call it higher or lower rank) as state documents. Fortunately for the student of Greek art, in Greece the fact that a work was produced under the auspices of the state does not imply that it was, as a rule, helow the average level of achievement of the time. The Greek coin, then, enjoys the advantage of being at once the best thing of the kind that Greek art could make, and an official document withal. What is more, the Greek die-engraver was at many mints allowed to give free play to his fancy ; so that these official documents throw many an instructive sidelight on the life of their time. The principles according to which the pieces discussed in this volume have been selected as ' historical ' will, I hope, be fairly clear. Above all, they are pieces which, either by the mere fact that they were issued, or else by information conveyed through their fabric, types, inscriptions or standard, actually add their quantum to our knowledge of the period to which they belong. Sometimes, as in the case of the coins struck after the battle of Cnidus, the amount added is con- siderable. Sometimes, however, as with the early didrachm of the Achaean League, the coins cannot be said to do more than throw a pleasantly illustra- tive light on the period. Yet even such illustration should make our ideas of antiquity more vivid. The monetary series, which in this subsidiary manner vi PREFACE mark the course of the rise and decay of states, are so numerous, so complete, that an acquaintance with them becomes almost as essential to the historical student as is the use of a geographical atlas. But the difficulties in the way of acquiring such an acquaintance are manifold — we cannot, perhaps fortunately, all be specialists. Neverthe- less, by the exhibition of a few instances of the commentary which numismatics can furnish to literary history, it is possible to show that there is a whole mine of information lying ready to be worked, and that no historical problem should be attacked without asking : ' How will the coins help us ? ' The selection here employed for this purpose doubtless differs considerably from that which would be made by another writer if the task were set him, or even by myself, if I began my task again. Athens, for instance, is poorly represented; but, as is stated in the text, we have singularly little certain knowledge of the historical relations of its coinage. The coins of Corinth, again, hardly lend themselves to treat- ment in connexion with history, in spite of the fact that they formed one of the most important currencies in the ancient world. Even merely with a view to illustrating the economic pheno- menon of the money of a single state obtaining an international character, other states provide vii HISTORICAL GREEK COINS better material than does Corinth. There are many other mints which might have been and are not represented here; but it is hardly neces- sary to insist that one cannot find room for everything. Towards the end of the period under review, the centre of interest gradually shifts to Rome. The history illustrated by the Greek coins from the beginning of the first century B.C. becomes increasingly provincial and petty. The true con- tinuation of the historical line in numismatics is to be found in the Roman coinage. If the present volume meets with sufficient encouragement, it may be followed by a companion dealing with Historical Roman Coins. It is often said that controversy should be eliminated from a work which is not meant for advanced students. This book, however, is not intended for readers altogether untrained in the study of history, so that it has not seemed neces- sary entirely to exclude the discussion of certain doubtful points. No little harm is done by giving the impression that the course of study runs smooth, whereas it is beset by obstacles through- out. It is better that the beginner should realise the uncertainties of his path, provided these are not allowed to obscure its general direction. The descriptions have been made as simple as possible. A few unavoidable technical terms are viii PREFACE very summarily explained in the Glossary. The bibliographical references have been purposely re- stricted. Some books, such as Mr. Head's Historia Numorum and Professor Gardner's Types of Greek Coins, ought to have been cited in nearly every section. To save space I would make a general acknowledgment to them here. I much regret that it has not been possible to postpone publica- tion until the second edition of Mr. Head's manual is available. Mr. George Macdonald's work on Coin Types would have been more frequently quoted had its publication been less recent. This volume was complete in manuscript before I had the privilege of seeing his proofs, so that it has only been possible to make occasional modifications in accordance with the new light which he has thrown on the subject. To his kindness and care in reading my own proofs are due improvements great and small on nearly every page. It remains for me to express my thanks to the authorities of the coin cabinets at Berlin and Paris for their kindness in answering my inquiries and in providing casts of coins which were necessary in the preparation of the book. G. F. HILL. March, 1906. IX GLOSSARY OF SOME TECHNICAL TEEMS USED IN THE TEXT Aeginetic Standard : the standard based on a unit (stater or didracbm) of about 12'60 grammes. See No. 2. Attic Standard : see Euboic-Attic. Babylonic, Persian or Lydian Standard : the standard based on a unit (shekel or stater) of from 11 '50 to 10'91 grammes. See No. 7. Blank : see Flan. Campanian Standard : a standard derived from the Phoenician, the didrachm weighing 7"76 grammes (later reduced to 6'82 grammes). Canting Type or Symbol : a type or symbol which indicates, by means of a pun, the person or state to which it refers as the seal ((poixri) of Phocaea, or the Pythian tripod of the magistrate Python at Abdera. Cast Coins : see Struck. Coin : a piece of metal (or, exceptionally, some other convenient material) artificially shaped and marked with a sign or type as a guarantee of its quality and weight, and issued by some responsible authority, to serve primarily as a medium of exchange, in terms of which the value of exchangeable commodities can be expressed. Dis- tinguished from a token by having or being supposed to have an intrinsic value more or less nearly approaching the value imposed upon it by the issuing authority. Corinthian Standard : a standard based on the same unit as the Euboic-Attic (8'72 grammes). The stater, however, was divided into three drachms instead of into two as in the latter system. Countermark : a small mark impressed on a coin, usually by some person other than the issuing authority, and intended to give the coin fresh currency. Die : the instrument containing the design which, by being impressed, produces the type on a coin. The coin in striking was placed between the upper and lower dies. The lower die in ancient times X GLOSSARY was usually let into an anvil, its fellow inserted in the lower end of a bar of metal, the other end of which could be struck with the hammer. Drachm : a division of the stater (q.v.), usually one-half, but in some systems, as the Corinthian, one-third. Usually derived (after Plutarch Lysand. 17) from 8paTrecr8m, as representing a 'handful' of obols. This is probably a popular etymology, and drachm may be the same word as the Phoenician darlcemon. Electrum (rjXeKrpov, Xcukos xp v < r ° s ) '■ anT aH°y> whether natural or artificial, of gold or silver, in which there is more than twenty per cent, of silver. Euboic-Attic Standard : the standard based on a unit (stater) of 8'72 grammes. See Nos. 5, 6. Exergue : that segment of the field of a coin which, lying below the type, is separated from the rest of the field either by the lower out- line of the type itself, or by a line drawn expressly for the purpose. Fabric : the external shape and appearance given to coins by the mechanism employed to cast or strike them ; distinct therefore from style, which is conditioned by the artistic qualities of the designer. Field : that portion of the surface of a coin (within the border, if any) which is not occupied by the type. Flan or blank : the shaped piece of metal which is made into a coin by having the necessary types impressed on it. Incuse fabric : the form of coin in which the type on one side is in intaglio instead of in relief. See No. 8. Incuse impression : the sunk impression made on the flan by the upper die ; according to the shape of this upper die, the impression is square, oblong, circular, triangular, etc. in outline. Italic Standard : a standard reduced from the Corinthian, the stater weighing about 8 - 16 grammes and being, like the Corinthian stater, divided into 3 drachms. Litra : the Sicilian pound of copper or bronze ; or the silver coin of 0'87 grammes which was originally the equivalent of the pound of copper ; or the bronze token nominally representing the pound of copper. See No. 49. Lydian Standard : see Babylonia Mina (p.va, manah) : the weight of fifty shekels or staters. This money - mina is to be distinguished from the weight-mina (used for com- modities) of sixty shekels. xi HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Obol : a division, almost without exception one-sixth, of the drachm. Originally <5/3oX. It is possible that it is actually meant for a theta. If so, it follows, not necessarily that the names of Phocaea and Phaselis began with any other sound than the labial aspirate, but merely that, at the time, the letter in the alphabet most nearly representing that aspirate was theta. Phi, as is well known, was not 1 B. V. Head, B. M. C. Ionia, p. 9, No. 42; Babelon, Mil. deNum., iii. p. 87. 3 Cp. B. V. Head, Num. Chron., 1887, p. 301. 8 B. M. C. Lycia, PI. xvi. 5, a coin dating probably from the end of the sixth century B.C. 9 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS represented by a single sign until comparatively late. 1 The two incuse impressions on the reverses of the two extant specimens of this coin, although formed by the same two dies, are not in the same position relatively to each other. This proves that the two small dies by means of which they were pro- duced were not immovably joined together. Never- theless, these two dies must have been used at the same time, and in the same mint. For, if we sup- pose that the two reverse impressions were made independently at different times, and by persons in different places, we meet with a double difficulty. First, why is it that the person who made the first impression always carefully left space for a second, instead of driving his die into the middle of the blank? Second, if we suppose that the blank, having received its obverse type and one reverse impression, then passed out of the mint, the subsequent striking of the second reverse impression would inevitably produce a corresponding flattening on the obverse side. It follows that both reverse impressions must have been made at the same time, while the blank was in position on the anvil with the die of the obverse below it. This may seem to be a matter of purely technical importance, but it bears on the question of the private origin 1 The question is discussed by Babelon, Sev. Num., 1903, pp. 414 f. He decides in favour of its being a theta, and supposes that the initial sound of the name was intermediate between and . (If I understand him rightly, he supposes these Bigns to have represented fricatives ; but in classical times they represented true aspirates.) He points out that the occurrence of the form on these coins is of interest in connexion with F. Lenormant's theory that the sign

v IIoXiTeia, could hardly have passed it over in silence ; it is still less likely to have escaped the Atthidographers. Again, when Solon's policy in relation to the coinage is mentioned it is implied that he altered in some way what existed before him. Finally, as there is usually some basis for the most foolish tradition, we may justifiably assume that the various legends attributing the invention of the coinage to Erich- thonius and Lycus, or to Theseus, mean that the invention went back to some very early time, at least pre-Solonian. First let us consider the most important piece of the literary evidence. 1 From the famous tenth chapter of Aristotle's 'K0"qvaxwv IIoXiTeta we know that the pre-Solonian mina in use at Athens weighed 70 drachms, and that Solon raised the weight of the mina so as to be equivalent to 100 drachms. Now the pre-Solonian mina in use at Athens must have been the Pheidonian- Aeginetic ; that is generally admitted, and is indeed implied in Aristotle's context. What happened was that the weight of the mina was increased until its drachm (or -j^ part) was equivalent to -^ of the Pheidonian mina previously in use. Now jx> of the Pheidonian mina (t^x 611 '24 grammes) is 8 '7 3 grammes. Therefore 8 "73 grammes was 1 Androtion's evidence has had to be corrected in the light of the passage of Aristotle. See Num. Chr., 1897, p. 292. '3 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS the weight of Solon's drachm, and 873 grammes the weight of his new mina. In what then did Solon's au^o-is tov vo/ucr//,aTo$, as it is described by Aristotle, consist ? The drachm which he introduced was obviously heavier than the drachm of the Pheidonian system (6*1 1 grammes). It was also heavier than (in fact, twice the weight of) the later Attic drachm (4 '36 grammes). Thus, whether the drachm in circula- tion in Athens before Solon's time was a Pheidonian of 6 "11 grammes, or a light Attic of 4*36 grammes, the introduction of a drachm of 8 "73 grammes was obviously an au^tris tov vo/uoyiaros. But if we accept the latter of the two alternatives (the light Attic), we ought to be able to explain why Aristotle went out of his way to express the nature of the av^o-ts in terms of the Pheidonian standard. Instead of the painfully roundabout method em- ployed, he could have said quite simply that the Solonian drachm was made double the weight of the older drachm. One is driven to the conclusion, therefore, that the standard in use for coins at Athens before Solon was the Pheidonian- Aeginetic. It is indeed difficult to see how, if Athens used the Pheidonian mina, as is admitted by the chief repre- sentative of those who believe in a pre- Solonian 'Attic' coinage, she could have used smaller weights belonging to another standard. 1 Unless, then, we are prepared to reject the 1 The Delphic mina of 70 drachms is merely a name for the Attic mina expressed in terms of Aeginetic drachms. See Th. Reinaoh, I'Histoire par les Monnaies, pp. 99 ff. 14 HIST0K1CAL GREEK COINS authority of Aristotle, the standard in use for coins at Athens before Solon was the Aeginetic, and any coins attributed to the Athenian mint before Solon must conform to that standard. Here we are met by the fact that there are absolutely no extant coins of the Aeginetic standard which can with any sort of probability be connected with Athens ! We are loth to reject the literary evidence ; so let us examine once more the general arguments which we stated at the outset. Many a parallel can be found to the absence of a coinage in a great commercial city in early times. None of the Phoenician trading cities issued coins before the second half of the fifth century. Egypt was with- out a coinage until late in the fourth century. And, owing to the importance of Attic literature, we are liable to have an exaggerated opinion of the greatness of Athens before the time of Peisistratus. Further, our ancient authorities on the history of coinage are so fragmentary and unsystematic that the absence of any record of the invention of coinage by Solon must not be regarded as astonish- ing. The collectors of the traditions relating to early Attic history were only too likely to foster theories which took back the invention of the Attic coinage to immemorial antiquity, thus cast- ing additional glory on their theme. Those who mention Solon's reform do so, it is true, in language implying the previous existence of a coinage ; but they do not necessarily imply that that coinage was Athenian. In order to assign a pre-Solonian silver coinage 15 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS to Athens it is necessary to interpret Aristotle in a way which, as we have seen, is liable to the gravest objection. And when this has been done, there arises a further, purely numismatic, difficulty. The coins which, even by the most moderate champion of this theory, 1 are assigned to Athens present an extraordinary variety of types. We have on them an owl, a horse, the forepart or hindquarters of a horse, an amphora, an astragalos, a wheel. It is difficult to admit that all these types can have been in use at Athens in the seventh century. Among these coins, those with the owl on the obverse and a rude incuse impression on the reverse (No. 5) naturally suggest an Athenian origin. Moreover, all the known specimens have been found on Attic soil. Is it not then possible that these are the first coins issued from the Athenian mint as organised by Solon ? The heaviest among them are what writers of a later period would have called StSpa^aa, that is, they weigh 8 '47 grammes max., which doubtless repre- sents the normal 873 grammes. Aristotle, in the passage we have discussed, says rjv S' 6 d/j^aios \apaKrqp SCSpaxjiov. This has by some been taken to mean that the pre-Solonian struck coin was a didrachm. The word ap^cuos, however, may simply be used in reference to the writer's own time, and so may describe the denomination struck by Solon. In addition to the silver coins, there exist a few 1 Babelon, op. cit., pp. 234 ff. 16 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS specimens of an electrum hekte, or sixth of the stater, with a similar type (No. 4). The provenance of these specimens, so far as recorded, is entirely in favour of an Attic origin ; none are known to have come from any other part of Greece. It is natural therefore to class these electrum sixths with the silver owl-coins as representing the earliest Attic coinage. These coins with the owl as sole type are very rare. It may be suggested that they were not issued in very large quantities, and also that they were called in at the time of the introduction of the heavier coins with the head of Athena and the owl, similar to No. 6. The attribution of the double- type coins to Solon, although supported by high authority, has always been disputed. The style of the head, even on the most archaic specimens, seems to belong more to the middle than to the beginning of the sixth century. The appearance of coins with types on both sides is also, to say the least, excessively rare before the middle of that century. There is therefore much to be said for attributing this innovation to Peisistratus, on whose devotion to Athena we have no need to insist. 1 The beginning of the typically Athenian coinage thus coincides with the period when Athens began to count as a really great power in Greek politics. 1 See H. von Fritze, Zeit.f. Num., xx. pp. 153 if. r 7 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS CROESUS, KING OF LYDIA 555-541 B.C. 7. Obv. Foreparts of lion r., with jaws open, and bull 1., heraldically confronted. Rev. Two incuse squares side by side. British Museum. Gold Stater, 8 - 03 grammes. B. V. Head, Num. Chr., 1875, PI. x. 1 ; B. M. C. Lydia, PI. i. 15; G. A., PI. 1, 13. The attribution of this coin to Croesus must not be regarded as absolutely settled ; but as it and similar coins are almost certainly of Lydian origin, and in style belong to the sixth century b.c, they seem to have a better claim than any others to be regarded as the Kpoicretoi orarq/aes. 1 They are of gold of a very fine quality, and fall into two classes. One of these weighs normally 8 "18 grammes, or about 3 grains troy more than the English sovereign. The other weighs 1 • 9 1 grammes . These two standards we call by the names ' gold- shekel ' and ' Babylonian ' standard respectively. In addition to the gold staters, there were struck on each standard smaller denominations (thirds, sixths, and twelfths of the stater). Further, we have silver staters, halves, thirds, and twelfths on the Babylonian, but not on the gold-shekel standard. Electrum now disappears from the Lydian coinage, although it continues to be issued in the neighbour- ing Greek mints. Among the electrum coins attributed to Lydia in an earlier period we find evidence of two 1 Pollux, ix. 84 ; cp. Hesvch., s.v. 18 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS standards. One of these is the Babylonian ; the other is the ' Phoenician,' of which the stater weighs normally 14*54 grammes. This Phoenician standard was convenient for commerce with many of the Greek cities on the coast, while coins on the Babylonian standard would naturally pass more easily towards the east. The new Croesean gold was issued on two standards for a similar reason. The relation between gold and silver was at this time, as we are told by Herodotus, 1 13:1, or more accurately 13 "3 : 1. At this rate, a gold shekel of 8 "18 grammes would be equivalent to very nearly 10 staters of silver struck on the Babylonian standard. 2 Again a gold stater of the Babylonian standard would, on the same principle, be equiva- lent to 10 staters of silver struck on the Phoenician standard. 3 Thus, when both Babylonian and Phoe- nician standards were in use in neighbouring countries for the weighing of metal coined or un- coined, the advantage of the double system was obvious. Yet, as carried out, it had the drawback that the gold staters of the two standards were not distinguishable at a glance. This defect might easily have been remedied by a change of types ; but the fall of Lydia and the Persian reorganisation produced an entirely new monetary system (see No. 11). Herodotus says 4 that the Lydians were, to his knowledge, the first to strike and use coins of gold 1 iii. 95. 3 8-18xl3-3=108-79=10xlO-88. 3 10-91xl3-3=H5-10 = 10xl4-51. * i. 94. 19 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS and silver. He was perfectly familiar with electrum ; and we know 1 that there are electrum coins of earlier style than the gold and silver money attributed to Croesus, while it is almost as certain that the silver coinage of Greece Proper begins as early as the seventh century B.C., long before the time of Croesus. Herodotus cannot be using 'gold and silver ' in the sense of a mixture of the two metals. Nor can his words be strained to mean that the Lydians were the first to use a coinage which com- prised both gold and silver, as opposed to the simple coinages in one metal. We are forced to conclude, therefore, that he had forgotten, if he ever knew, that there was any coinage earlier than the Lydian gold and silver with which we are dealing ; and as has already been suggested, 2 the fame of Croesus — if to him these coins really belong — was such that his coinage would cause its predecessors to be forgotten. The type of the coins has been variously ex- plained, but never with much semblance of proba- bility. The opposition of the lion and the bull is a common motive in the art of the Near East. In Asia Minor we shall not be far out in connecting it with the cult of the Anatolian Mother-Goddess, with which the symbol of the lion devouring the bull is so frequently associated. 3 1 See above, No. 1. 2 See above, p. 2. 3 Crowfoot in /. H. S., xx. p. 118 f. 20 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS ZANCLE AND RHEGIUM, AT THE END OF THE SIXTH CENTURY 8. Obv. kANKUE Dolphin 1. ; the whole within a sickle-shaped object, outside and inside of which are pellets. Rev. Dolphin r. within similar object ; all incuse. British Museum. Silver Aeginetio Drachm. Wt. 5 '68 grammes. W. Wroth, Num. Chr., 1900, p. 5, PI. i. 1 ; cp. A. J. Evans, Num. Chr., 1896, p. 101, PI. viii. 1. 2. 9. Obv. REUNION (retrograde). Bull with human head in swimming attitude 1. ; above, a locust. Rev,. Similar type r. and symbol ; all incuse. Pig. 1. — Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Silver Aeginetio drachm, 5-64 grammes. Garruoci, Le monete dell' Italia antica, PI. cxiv. 1. 10. Obv. MOP Poseidon, nude but for chlamys over shoulders, striding r., wielding trident. Cable border. Rev. MOT Similar, but type 1., and seen from behind ; all, except the inscription and the trident, incuse. British Museum. Silver Campanian Stater, 7'48 grammes. Head, C. A., PI. 7, 12. It was about the middle of the sixth century that the cities of Magna Graecia began to issue coins with their own types, instead of using money 21 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS imported from Greece Proper. The standard adopted by most of the Achaean colonies — Siris, Metapontum, Croton, Sybaris, Caulonia, Pyxus, Laiis, etc. — was the Corinthian, with staters of about 8*42 grammes, and thirds of about 2 '8 5 grammes. Tarentum employed a stater of the same weight, but divided into halves. At Poseidonia (No. 10) we find the Campanian standard charac- teristic of its neighbour Velia. Rhegium, on the other hand, was closely connected with Zancle across the strait, and therefore employed the Aeginetic standard. 1 This standard, as it happened, was particularly convenient for the cities in this portion of the Greek west. The majority of the Greek colonies in Sicily employed the Euboic- Attic standard ; and the Aeginetic drachm was approxi- mately one-third of the Euboic- Attic tetradrachm. On the other hand it was also roughly the equivalent of two of the drachms of which the Corinthian stater contained three. Euboic-Attic Aeginetic Corinthian Tetradrachm. Drachm. Drachm. ^x 17-44 = 5-81 = 2 x 2-90 grammes. So that the standard in use at Zancle and Ehegium exactly corresponds to the geographical position of the two cities. 2 The early coins of Magna Graecia present a peculiarity of fabric which is not found elsewhere, save at Zancle. This peculiarity, illustrated by 1 The highest weight recorded by Mr. Evans for the earliest coins of Zancle is 5'76 grammes. That these were meant to be Aeginetic drachms is shown by the occurrence of obols of -90 grammes, which do not fit in with any other standard. 2 Hill, Handbook, p. 36. 22 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS the three coins before us, consists of the repetition on the reverse in incuse of the essentials of the obverse type, which is in relief. Small details, and usually the legend, are omitted in the repetition. The effect is almost that produced when in striking coins the workman forgets to take away one piece before he places the next in position. But there is this difference : what we have on the incuse reverse of these coins is often a back view of the figure on the obverse. Thus on No. 10 we see on the reverse that portion of the god's chlamys which on the obverse is concealed, because it passes behind his back. We have a naive attempt to enable one, so to speak, to look through the coin and see the obverse type from behind. What was the reason for this peculiar fashion ? x Had it been adopted for some technical purpose, for convenience in striking or in packing coins, we can see no reason why it should have died out rather suddenly. Had the cause been a federation with a commercial and economic basis, we should have found it accompanied by a community of standard ; probably also by some community of type. It is well known that at the time with which we are dealing, the Pythagorean brotherhood exerted an extraordinary influence in southern Italy. 1 Elsewhere (Handbook, p. 152 f.) I have suggested that it was intended to facilitate the piling of coins. Mr. 0. R. Peers pointed out to me the objections against this view, and suggested that there was pro- bably, after all, something in Lenormant's theory of Pythagorean in- fluence ; but he is not responsible for the application which I have made of his hint. 23 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Pythagoras himself seems to have arrived in Croton at the beginning of the last third of the century. 1 The coinage of southern Italy cannot have begun much later, for we have a few coins of Sybaris, which was destroyed in 511-510 B.C. 2 The south Italian monetary ' federation ' has already been connected with the Pythagorean domination. The peculiarities which differentiate this union, the sole bond of which appears to be similarity of fabric, from real monetary unions, prompt us to look for its explanation in some such abnormal influence as was wielded by the Pythagorean school. And as the fabric is a somewhat fantastic one, we need not fear the charge of fancifulness if we look for what, in other circumstances, would be a far-fetched explanation. Is it not possible that in this representation of both views, both front and back, of the same object, there may have been some awkward attempt to express one of those ten pairs of contraries of which the Pythagorean system made so much ? To ovv Setjibv kcu avca /ecu efiirpocrdev dydabv iicdkovv, to Se apio~Tepbv /ecu /cdYco /ecu omcrda/ kclkov eXeyov. 3 Why, it may be asked, take so much trouble to represent— unnecessarily — what was kclkov ? The answer is, that it was not un- necessary, according to this system, for the complete representation of the object in its essence : e/c tovtcov yap (t&v crrot^eicov) o>s evvTrapxovrcDv crwecr- 1 533-532 or 529-528 B.C. Busolt, Gr. Gesch., ii. 2 762. 2 Also of Siris, the destruction of which Busolt dates about 530 (pp. cit., ii. 2 758) ; but the date is quite uncertain. 8 Aristot. ap. Simplic. de caelo, 173" 11. See Ritter and Preller, Hist. Phil. Gr., 55 e. 24 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS rdvai koX Treir\dcr0at, 6poi of the royal body-guard ; Herodotus 1 tells us that those nearest to Xerxes had (golden) apples on their spears. The attitude of the king is that familiar to all students of early Greek art — a crude attempt to represent running. The gold darics formed one of the most im- portant currencies of ancient times, and circulated in very large quantities in Greece, as well as on the outskirts of the Persian Empire. How far they were used in Persia itself is doubtful ; probably they were intended primarily for external circula- tion, and for the payment of mercenaries employed by Persian generals. 2 RHEGIUM AND ZANCLE-MESSANA IN THE TIME OE ANAXILAS 494-476 B.c. 12. Obv. Lion's scalp on a round shield. Rev. Prow of Samian galley 1. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 17 "31 grammes. P. Gardner, Samoa and Samian Coins, PI. i. 17 (Num. C/iron., 1882). 13. Obv. Lion's head facing. Rev. M ESSEN ION Calf's head 1. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 17 '31 grammes. Head, H. N., p. 134 ; G. A., PI. 9, 30. 14. Obv. Mule-car (apene) driven to r. by a bearded charioteer. Rev. MESSENION Hare running r. British Museum. Silver Attic Didraohm. Wt. 8.49 grammes. G. F. Hill, J. H. S., xvii. p. 88, PL ii. 7. 1 vii. 41. 2 Babelon, op. cit., p. vii. 2 9 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS 15. Obv. Mule-car driven by male charioteer to r. ; above, Nike flying r. crowning the mules ; in exergue, laurel-leaf. Rev. MESSANION Hare running r. ; in field, laurel-spray. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm. Wt. 17'14 grammes. P. Gardner, B. M. C. Sicily, p. 101, No. 18. 16. Obv. Lion's bead facing. Rev. PECI(N)ON (retrograde). Calf's head 1. British Museum. Silver Aeginetic Drachm, 5 "69 grammes. R. S. Poole, B. M. C. Holy, p. 373, No. 1. 17. Obv. Mule-car driven r. by bearded charioteer ; in exergue, laurel-leaf. Rev. PECINON (retrograde). Hare running r. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm (or Aeginetic Tridrachm), 17 '17 grammes. The Samians and the Milesian refugees were the only people who accepted the invitation to settle at Kale Akte that was sent by the Zancleans to Ionia. On their way they touched at Locri, and there Anaxilas, who was on bad terms with Zancle, tampered with them. He persuaded them to take possession, not of Kale Akte, but of Zancle itself, which was at the time denuded of its military forces, since the king, Scythes, was occupied in the siege of a Sicel town. The new-comers made use of the opportunity, and the Zancleans, shut out of their city, appealed to Hippocrates of Gela. In this quarter also they met with treachery. Hippocrates betrayed their cause to the Samians, who retained possession of 30 HISTOEICAL GKEEK COINS Zancle, while the original inhabitants were en- slaved. Scythes ended his days at the Persian court. This is the account given by Herodotus in a passage which seems to be inspired by a source friendly to the old Zancleans. 1 Elsewhere 2 he tells us that Cadmus, son of Scythes, whom Dareius had probably made tyrant of Cos, resigned the tyrannis which he had inherited from his father, and went to Sicily. There he received from the Samians 3 the city of Zancle ttjv es Me. Bekker reads peri 2. 4 Busolt, Gr. Oesch., ii. a p. 782, n. 2. 5 iv. 23, 5 ff. 6 Busolt, loc. cit. 3* HISTORICAL GREEK COINS How do the coins illustrate this problem ? x In the first place it must be noticed that the lion's scalp (not head) and the calf s head are types of Samos, and that the prow on No. 12 is of the Samian kind. The fact that tetradrachms like No. 12 have been found near Messina, 2 taken in conjunction with the absence of any inscription on them, gives much force to the suggestion that they are derived from the Samian colonists who came in 493 B.C. Next, we observe that the name Messene was borne by the city when it was still striking coins with Samian types, and that these Samian types are found on coins of Rhegium of contem- porary style. Finally, in both cities appear the types of the mule-car and hare, and in the Sicilian city the legend, which at first had the Ionic form Meo-, must belong, as Evans has shown {Num. Ghron., 1896, pp. 109 f.), to an otherwise unrecorded restoration of Zancle under its old name about the middle of the fifth century. 2 Ze.it. f. Num., iii. p. 135, and v. p. 103. * v. 73. 4 H. N. 1 , p. 93. 3 2 HISTOKICAL GREEK COINS the introduction of the hare into Sicily by Anaxilas may have originated merely in his introduction of the hare-coins. In any case, however, the instru- mentality of Anaxilas in having the type of the mule- car placed on the coins is not denied. But the fact that both types appear at the same time in two cities politically connected with each other suggests that they owe their origin to the same cause. Is the hare merely the symbol of a cult introduced by Anaxilas, or does it allude to his introduction of the animal into Sicily as Aristotle (so far as we can trust Pollux) believed ? On this question those who hold the extreme view of the religious origin of coin-types will pronounce for the former alter- native. But why should not Aristotle's statement be accurate ? The type of Pan caressing the hare cannot be held to prove that the hare was adopted as a type because it was his attribute. It only means that, once it was adopted, the die engraver, allowed to indulge his fancy, associated the animal with the god to whom it was sacred. The connexion of these types with Anaxilas is clear enough ; but the precise significance of the Samian types at both cities is difficult to ascertain. It is easy to understand why the Samians should issue in their new home coins with types recalling their old one. But why did Anaxilas himself issue in Pthegium coins with the same types (No. 16.) 1 It cannot have been merely out of sympathy with the new colony. We have to remember that Anaxilas was a tyrant, whose power in all probability was continually threatened by the remnants of the c 33 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS oligarchical party which he had subverted. 1 There is every reason to suppose that, when he bought the Samian immigrants at Locri, he did so because it was to his advantage to have friends instead of enemies across the straits. There was probably, therefore, a close alliance between the Samians in Zancle and Anaxilas in Ebegium, and of this alliance the similarity of coin-types is a proof. As to the change of name, this may or may not have been due to the influence of Anaxilas ; but in any case the coins offer distinct evidence to the effect that the change was made while the Samians were still masters of the city. It was probably some time before 480 B.C. that Cadmus, the son of Scythes, returned to Sicily and entered into posses- sion of his father's old dominion. This, of course, involved a breach with Anaxilas, and resulted in the expulsion of the Samians and their new king. Anaxilas then recolonised the place with a mixed population ; and the fact that the inscription changes from the Ionic to the Doric form shows that the Doric element in the colony eventually got the upper hand. After the death of Anaxilas (476 B.C.) the Messanians continued to be ruled by his dynasty until 461 B.C. 2 From that date until 427 b.c. we have no light on the history of Messana, except such as is thrown by a coin (mentioned above, p. 32, note 1,) which shows that about the middle of the century there 1 Aristotle, Pol., viii. (v.), p. 1316* 38. 2 His son had perhaps already been governor of Rhegium for some years (Busolt, Gr. Oesch., iii. (i.) 2 169, n. 7). 34 PLATE II. Nos. 12 — 19. HISTORICAL GREEK COINS was a temporary restoration of the Zanclean faction. Such seems to be the most probable outline of the history of Messana at this period. It is need- less to insist on the large element which conjecture must play in the construction of such a sketch. ACRAGAS AND HIMERA UNDER THERON 488-472 B.C. 18. Obv. AIreS^\a<7ev iipav Kai xaipby tVioiVijs &vaTo\ijs. 36 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS name of the town. Plato 1 indeed says that ifiepa was an older form of rjfiepa, ; but on such a vague statement little reliance can be placed. 2 Still the words are near enough in spelling and sound to admit of a pun, such as is common in the history of Greek coinage. THE DAMAKETEIA 480-479 B.C. 20. Obv. Slow quadriga to r., driven by male charioteer, in long dress, the horses crowned by a flying Nike ; in exergue, lion r. Rev. SYfrAKOSION Female head (of Nike?) r., laureate, surrounded by dolphins. The whole in circular incuse. British Museum. Silver decadrachm or irevTi)KovT6Xi.Tpov. 44 '426 grammes. B. V. Head, O. A., PI. 17, 33. Cp. A. J. Evans, Num. Chron., 1894, PL vi. The traditions as to the origin of the Damareteia are two. Both agree in connecting the name with that of the wife of Gelon. Diodorus, however, 3 says that the coins were struck out of money received from the Carthaginians after their defeat, while, 1 Cratyl., 418 CD. 2 Cp. Jannaria, Hist. Or. Grammar, § 41. 3 xi. 26, 3. oi Si Kapxr)86vwi (after their defeat by Gelon) irapaS6{a>s ttjs ouTijplas Terete-res ravrA re (the indemnity demanded by Gelon) Siiaeiv TrpoeedQavTO koX cr^tpavov xpiKroGp Tfl yvvaad tov ViXiovos ActjuapeVfl irpocaj/MO- \6yi)aav. aifrrj yhp iiir' airutv dfiwfletffa irvv^pyqffe irXeiffrov els ttjp (jtivBeaiv ttjs eipijcijs, leal v kolI ttcvti/Jkovtcl rakavTOiv AaperCov xpvcrov, ras Se/caTas SeKarav. Bentley emended Aapertov to Aap-aperiov. Whether, however, we accept his emendation or not, the evidence of this couplet is worth little; for it is clearly one of the many additions from which Simonidean epigrams have suffered at the hands of Alexandrian scholars. 4 Were the emendation certain and the couplet of Simonidean date, we could infer on excellent authority : (1) that all the treasure obtained from the Carthaginians went by the name of ' Damaretian,' and (2) that the coins called Damareteia were struck out of that treasure and not out of ornaments presented by the queen and other women. As matters stand, it seems (Bentley's reading being admitted) that the couplet 1 Onom., ix. 85. 'H Ayiiapfrri TiXapos ofara yvvri, Kara, rbp rpbs Mfivas ir6\c/iov iwopovvTOS airov, rbv nbanov alrrjaaixivr} wapa tuv ywaiKwv avyx^Pfi- iracra vbiuo/xa iKb^/aro Aa/mperioy. 2 Arjuapirtoy, vbniap.a iv StxeXfg &t6 IVXaicos Korif, ^iriSoi«r>;s airy AiHiapirris rrjs yvvaittbs els airb rbv Kbo/nov. 3 Suidas Aaperlov and Anthol. Pal. , vi. 214. 4 Cp. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff in GOtting, Nackrichttn, 1897, p. 314. 38 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS enshrines just the kind of error that an interpolator would make. Knowing the fact that precious metal obtained from the defeated Carthaginians was associated with the name of Gelon's queen, he would extend the name 'Damaretian' to all the treasure, out of a tenth of which the tripods were dedicated. Busolt * offers one solution of the difficulty. Ac- cepting the tradition represented by Pollux and Hesychius, and assuming the first Damareteia to have been struck before the battle of Himera, he explains the other tradition by supposing that Gelon, after the victory, struck a number of coins which were known as Damareteia, because the first coins of that kind were struck in the circumstances already mentioned. 2 Evans, 3 on the other hand, unhesitatingly prefers the account of Diodorus. In his favour we must remember that such a magnificent piece of money — it stands alone in the Sicilian coinage before the defeat of the Athenian expedition — is not the kind of coin which would be produced amid the pressure of war-preparations. It is, on the other hand, just the kind of coin which would be produced in the time of triumph after the victory of Himera. We have the analogy of the later Syracusan ' medal- lions,' pieces exactly similar in motive, although later in style by some seventy years at least. 1 Gr. Gesch., ii. 2 pp. 789,796. 2 Busolt's remark (p. 796, note 2), that the head on the Damareteia gives the impression of a portrait, will not, I think, be confirmed by any trained numismatist. 3 Syracusan 'Medallions,' p. 123. 39 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS These, as Evans has shown, belong to the period following the defeat of the_ Athenians at the Assinarus. 1 There is probably something in both the tradi- tions. In order to accept the view to which Evans has lent the weight of his authority, it is unneces- sary wholly to reject the evidence of Pollux and Hesychius. What happened was probably this. Damarete and the other ladies made the sacrifice for which they have justly been honoured ; but, when the new coins were struck after the victory, some sort of return for their treasures, which had been melted down, was made to them in the form of the Damareteia. When so much treasure was acquired from the enemy, it would be no derogation from the value of their sacrifice that they should be repaid in part or in whole. Very few specimens of the Damareteion are extant. Evans 2 enumerates ten specimens, and among these he distinguishes no less than four different dies for the one side of the coin, and three for the other. Nevertheless ' the general style of the engraving is so uniform on all the existing varieties of the Damareteion, that we must con- tinue to regard them as having been struck con- temporaneously.' From a modern point of view, the number of dies used, compared with the number of extant specimens, is remarkably large. But the coin was of greater weight and diameter than any which had been produced in Sicily before, and the 1 Syracusa/n, 'Medallions,' pp. 131 ff. ; see below, No. 29. 2 Num. Chron., 1894, p. 190. 40 HISTOKICAL GKEEK COINS strain on the comparatively weak dies which the Syracusans were capable of making must have been excessive. The coins, as we know, were struck out of the silver equivalent of 100 talents of gold. Some have supposed that the talents were the small Attic talents containing six gold drachms. More probably Diodorus' authority meant the local Sicilian talents, which, as the silver talent contained 120 litrae of silver, would contain 120 litrae of gold. 1 The wreath would therefore con- tain 12,000 litrae of gold, which at the exchange rate of 15:1 would account for an issue of 3600 TrevrqKovTaknpa of silver. Any smaller number is rendered improbable by the number of recorded dies. Evans indeed goes further. Arguing from the emended and probably spurious couplet which we have discussed, he thinks 2 that ' the share of the Carthaginian loot received by Gelon and his brothers, with the exception of the tenth part reserved for the votive tripod, may have been devoted to the coinage of the Damareteia.' But this is disproved by the testimony of Diodorus 3 and others, to the effect that Gelon, among other things, built a considerable double temple of Demeter and Kore, — unless indeed we suppose that he turned his funds into coin in order to pay for these works. We have also to remember that tetra- drachms were issued with exactly the same types as the decadrachms, and presumably out of the same treasure. 1 See Evans, Syracusan 'Medallions,' pp. 124 f. 2 Num. Ohron., 1894, p. 194. 3 xi. 25, 1 ; 26, 7. See Busolt, ii. 2 p. 796, n. 3. 41 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS It is not possible to identify with certainty the goddess whose head is represented on the Dam- areteion. The supposition that she is Nike seems to have most in its favour. In any case, the sig- nificance of the dolphins is plain. Here, as on the later decadrachms (No. 29), they stand for the sea surrounding the island of Ortygia, on which the goddess was worshipped. As to the symbol in the exergue below the chariot, it may seem fanciful to suppose that it is the African lion, and refers to the defeat of the Carthaginians ; but there is no doubt that exergual symbols on Sicilian coins often have historical significance of this kind. On the contemporary tetradrachms of Leontini, in addition to the lion which is used as the badge of the city, a similar lion occurs with apparently the same significance. 1 The Damareteion, in historical significance, ranks almost first among Greek coins. Artistically also it is of incomparable importance. Its fixed date makes it the chief point d'appui for the numismatist in his classification of fifth century Sicilian coins. But, apart from this, it has extraordinary merit of its own ; and the eye which has been sated by the beauty of the later Syracusan coinage finds relief in its fresh and naive charm. 2 1 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, p. 77, PI. v. 4. 2 I may refer to my Coins of Ancient Sicily, pp. 55 f. for a description of its artistic qualities. 42 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS HIERON's FOUNDATION OF AETNA 476 — BEFORE 461 B.C. 21. Obv. Head of bald Seilenus r. Rev. KATANE Thunderbolt with two curled wings. British Museum. Silver Sicilian Litra, 0'28 gramme. P. Gardner, B. M. C. Sicily, p. 42, No. 9. 22. Obv. A UNA ION Head of bald Seilenus r. wearing ivy-wreath ; beneath, beetle. Rev. Zeus Airvcuos seated r. on throne covered with a skin, his r. hand resting on a vine-staff, his 1. holding a thunderbolt with two curled wings ; in the field, an eagle on a pine-tree. Brussels (Hirsch Collection). Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 17 '24 grammes. Hirsch, Num. Chr., 1883, p. 164, PI. ix. 1 ; Head, ibid. p. 171 f. In 476-475 Hieron of Syracuse removed the in- habitants of Catana and Naxos from their homes, and replaced them by fresh citizens, drawn in equal proportions from Syracuse and Peloponnesus. 1 His object was not merely to satisfy a despotic whim, but rather to establish a reserve, in case his position in Syracuse should be threatened. The old inhabitants were removed to Leontini. Hieron renamed Catana,Aetna, and gave it the old ' Dorian ' institutions ; the government he placed in the hands of his son Deinomenes and his friend Chromius. He himself was honoured as founder, and was buried 1 The ancient sources for the history of this whole episode are collected in my Sources for Greek History, 478-431 B.C., viii. 43-52, 155, 156. 43 HISTORICAL GEEEK COINS there. After his death (spring, 466) and the fall of Thrasybulus (spring, 465), it was not to be expected that the foundation would be left undis- turbed ; and indeed the Sicel leader Ducetius lost no time in attacking it. Assisted by the Syra- cusans, he was able to expel the Aetnaeans, who settled in Inessa, on the southern slope of Mount Aetna. This place in its turn took its name from the volcano, 1 while Catana reverted to its old name. Diodorus recounts these events under the archon- ship of Euthippus (461-460), but they probably took place soon after the fall of Thrasybulus. 2 The unique tetradrachm, No. 22, one of the most remarkable in the whole Sicilian series, is not the only monument of the dozen years or so during which Catana bore the name of Aetna. There are small silver coins reading AITNAI, and bearing the same types as the little coin, No. 21, with KATANE. The combination of the peculiarly formed thunder- bolt with the head of Seilenus is sufficient to show that the two sets of coins belong to the same city under different names. On the tetradrachm, every detail of the types serves to give local colour. In this connexion I can hardly do better than quote from Head's ex- haustive publication of the piece. ' It can hardly be doubted that the Zeus here represented is the great god of Mount Aetna, 3 the volcanic soil of 1 The coins struck in the fourth century and later reading AITNAIQN belong to this place (Head, H. N.\ p. 104). 1 Cp. Busolt, Or. GescA., iii. i. 2 172, n. 2. 3 Pind., 01., iv. 10. 44 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS which was especially favourable to the cultivation of the vine, 1 whence perhaps the vine-staff on which the god rests his arm. ... It is noteworthy that across the throne of the god is spread the skin of a lion, or of some other mountain-bred beast of prey ; but the most characteristic symbol on the reverse is undoubtedly the pine-tree, iXdrr) or TrevKTj, with which, according to Diodorus, 2 the slopes of Aetna were once richly clad. . . . Seilenos, as we learn from Euripides' satyric drama Kyklops, was enslaved by Polyphemos, and dwelt in the caves of Aetna with his savage master. More generally the head of Seilenos may be taken as pointing to the cultus of Dionysos, who, as we know from other coins, was especially revered at Catana ; but, as if still further to specialise the locality, the artist has placed beneath the head of Seilenos one of those huge scarabei, Kavdapoc, for which Mount Aetna was celebrated.' s THEMISTOCLES IN MAGNESIA AFTER 463 B.C. 23. Obv. 0EM I ^TOKAEOS Apollo, wearing chlamys over his shoulders, standing r., his r. hand on his hip, his 1. resting on a long branch of laurel. Rev. MA Raven (?) flying. 1 Strabo, vi. p. 269 : fyeiv ti olKeta/m wpbs rty &/iwc\oi' elxis rijv Alrvalav ffiroSiv. 2 xiv _ 42 -4. Qp. Pind., Pyih., i. 53. 3 Aristoph., Pax, 73 and Schol. 45 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Silver Attic Didraehm, 8 - 56 grammes. Waddingtoa, Melanges de Numismatique, PL i. 2 ; Babelon, Penes AMminides, PL ix. 8. Themistocles landed in Asia about summertime in 469 B.C., but did not reach Susa until shortly after the accession of Artaxerxes I. in 464. After another year's delay he presented himself before the king, and was received with favour. Being granted the revenues of the three cities of Magnesia on the Maeander, Lampsacus and Myus, he took up his abode in the first. 1 Thence he issued the now ex- cessively rare coins bearing his name and the letters MA (for MayvriTdiv). 2 He represented on them the Apollo of Magnesia, and a bird which has been described as a raven, the oracular bird sacred to the god. But it bears, as Dressel remarks, much greater resemblance to some kind of hawk, a bird which, as we know, was connected with Apollo. 3 The identification of birds and mammals on Greek coins is among the most perplexing tasks that con- front a numismatist. 4 Themistocles' residence in Magnesia was long remembered. He was supposed to have instituted 1 Tb.ua, i. 138, 5 ; Plut., Them., 31 ; Hill, Sources, vi. 44 f. 2 Besides the Paris specimen here illustrated, there are known to me two other didraehms, in the British Museum (Head, B. M. C. Ionia, p. 158, abated specimen) and in the Berlin Museum (Dressel, Zeitf. Num., xxi. PL v. 10, with Apollo to L, and a bird flying over his hand). Dr. H. von Fritze informs me that a specimen of the corresponding drachm, also plated, exists in the collection of A. Haji Demo at Aidin (Tralles). 3 Cp. II., xv. 237 ; Od. , xv. 526. Our bird has also been taken for an eagle, but there is no evidence of any connexion of the eagle with Apollo. 4 There are coins of Paphos in Cyprus in which one despairs of deciding, not merely between an eagle and a hawk (which need not surprise us), but between these two and a dove 1 4 6 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS there the festivals of the Panathenaea and the Choes — reminiscences of his fatherland.* After his death the people of Magnesia erected a monument, to his memory ; 2 and even as late as the time of Plutarch, his descendants were accorded certain privileges (ti/ach tlvcs), which Plutarch's friend Themistocles enjoyed. Although the monument, which was doubtless a heroon of some dimensions, has not been found in the excavations of Magnesia, we have a representation of the statue of the hero on a bronze coin (Fig. 2) 3 issued at that city, with the head and name of Antoninus Pius, in the year of the Secretary (to the Council) Dioscurides Gratus. It reads on the reverse £111 AIOC[ls) MArNHT(w^). The type is a nude figure, identified by an inscription as eCMICTOHAHC, standing to 1. ; his 1. hand grasps a sheathed sword which hangs at his side; f m . 2. -coin of Magnesia, with in his r. is a phiale, with which fl e™° t Themis. he pours a libation over a lighted altar. In front of the altar is seen the forepart of a slaughtered bull. There is no reasonable doubt that we have here a representation of the statue of Themistocles in the Magnesian agora. The analogy of other similar representations proves that, although he appears to 1 Posais of Magnesia, quoted by Athen., xii. 533 d. 2 Thue., i. 138, 5; Diod., xi. 58; Plut., Them., 32, etc. 3 Rhouaopoulos, Athm. Mitth., xxi. (1896), p. 22. 47 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS be performing a sacrifice himself, he is really the hero to whom the sacrifice is offered. 1 Now we know that a vigorous tradition prevailed as early as the fifth century 2 to the effect that Themistocles committed suicide by drinking the blood of a bull which he was sacrificing to the Artemis of Magnesia. We can hardly hesitate to connect that tradition with the monument as repre- sented on our coin. There was undoubtedly some mystery about his death ; and the invention of the story of the bull's blood to account for it would be much facilitated by the existence of the statue of which the coin of Antoninus Pius gives us some, though doubtless but a rude, idea. 3 Two out of the four extant specimens of the coinage issued by Themistocles are made of base metal plated with silver. The occurrence of plated coins in the period to which these pieces belong is on the whole not common ; and we do not know how far we have to do with forgeries by private persons, or with state issues. But the proportion of good to bad in the case of the Themistoclean coinage is startlingly small ; and we can hardly doubt that the swindling of his subjects by issuing plated coins must be reckoned among the tricks of the astute Athenian. 1 Deities are often represented, as it were, sacrificing to themselves : an excellent instance is the river-god Selinos on coins of Selinns in Sicily. - Aristoph., Eq. 83 f. 3 Wachsmutb, Xhein. Mus., 52, p. 140; P. Gardner, Class. Set!., 1898, pp. 21 f . 4 8 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS XEW SYBABIS A>"D THUEII 453 452-443 B.C. 24. Obv. VM ( = Su). Poseidon, nude, striding r., chlaniys over L arm, brandishing trident in r. Rev. MOT ( = IIoo-). Bull standing r. Fig. 3, British Museum. SilTer Sixth of Italic Stater, 0S5 gramme. Poole, etc, BMC. JtaJjf, p. 2$7, Xo. 1 ; G. F. Hill, Handbook, p. 115, PL iii. S. 25. Obv. Head of Athena r. in Athenian helmet, bound with olive-wreath. Rev. 2IYBAPI Bull standing r., head reverted. British Museum. Silver Third of Italic Stater, - 2-64 grammes. Poole, etc, op. cii., p. 2S6, Xo. 31. 26. Obv. Head of Athena r. in crested Athenian helmet, bound with olive-wreath. Rev. eOVPIAN H. Bull butting r. British Museum. Silver Italic Bistater, O'lo grammes. Poole, etc, op. eft., p. CS7, Xo. 1; Furtwiiigler-Sellers, Ifa&trf.Uw of Grtti Stn^pitirt, p. 10-5. note 2. PL vi. 1 : TTTIl, op. ?>:., PI. vi. 5. It was in 453-452 B.C. 1 that the descendants of those Sybarites, who had fled to Scidrus and Latis after the destruction of their home more than half a century before, gathered together their forces and re-founded their city on the old site. But only sis years later (445-447 B.C.) they were driven out by their implacable foes, the Crotoniates.' 1 But 1 For the history and chronology oi this section, see Busolt, Gr. Ge&Ji. , iii. L' : pp. oiS 1 * There is evidence that at one time in its earlier history Sybaris had stood in friendly relations with Crcton : witness certain silver staters D 49 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS they did not relax their efforts to recover their fatherland, and indeed made an appeal to Sparta and Athens to aid them in their aims. Sparta was characteristically unsympathetic ; in Athens, Pericles was not slow to see the advantage of an outpost of Athenian commerce in southern Italy. So that in 445 a band of colonists, mainly Athe- nians, but including also many Peloponnesians, settled in New Sybaris with those who two years before had been expelled by the Crotoniates. We are told that the two elements did not harmonise, the old Sybarites reserving to their own families the more important offices and privileges. In 444 things came to an open breach ; the Sybarites were expelled, and settled on the River Traeis, whence shortly afterwards they were driven by the Brut- tians. Now was the opportunity of Pericles. He reinforced the earlier colonists by a large expedition, which left Athens in the spring of 443 to seek a site near Sybaris, under the guidance of the sooth- sayer Lampon and others. They found it at a fountain called ®ovpCa (' rushing '), and called their new city ©ovpioi. Of the three coins illustrated, the first (No. 24) is attributed by most numismatists to the period of the first foundation of New Sybaris, 453-448 B.C. But it is not a coin of Sybaris alone ; the type of bearing on the obverse a tripod (type of Croton) and fPO, on the reverse (incuse) a bull with head reverted, and VM for Sybaris. F. von Duhn (Zeit. fur Num., vii. p. 310), and Busolt (Or. Oesch., ii. 2 p. 770) regard these coins as Siegesmunzen struck by the Crotoniates to commemorate their destruction of Sybaris, thus opening the way for a revision of the accepted interpretation of 'alliance-coinages.' 50 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS the obverse is that of Poseidonia, and that city is also indicated by the inscription of the reverse. We have, in fact, to do with an alliance coin between Poseidonia and Sybaris. The interlacement of the types and inscriptions of vm. s.-n<>. 24. the two cities — for the bull belongs to Sybaris as much as Poseidon to Poseidonia — is an unusual but most effective way of marking the close alliance between the two cities. 1 To the same period belong other small coins, all of which have on one side or the other a figure of Poseidon. These therefore all induce to the conclusion that Poseidonia took a leading part in the restoration of Sybaris. 2 The second coin (No. 25) is attributed by Head 3 to Sybaris on the Traeis. But in order to explain the Athenian character of the obverse type, he assumes that the banished Sybarites continued to maintain commercial relations with the more powerful city from which they had been obliged to retire. If we consider the feelings of the banished people, we must regard this as a somewhat unusual proceeding. It seems prefer- able to assign the coins to the second founda- tion (445 B.C.), which immediately preceded the foundation of Thurii. 4 The Athenian type is thus 1 So too on a coin of Croton and Temesa (Head, S. N. 1 , p. 80). The ordinary arrangement is found on a coin probably of Poseidonia and Sybaris (Garrucci, Mon. dell' Italia Antica, PI. cxxi. 8). 2 Head (H. N. 1 ,?. 70) and Holm {Or. Gesch., ii. p. 287) say that during the period of exile, from B.C. 510-483, the Sybarites lived in Scidrus, Laiis, and Poseidonia. Is this last a conjecture based on the coins with which we are dealing? I know of no other evidence. 3 H. N. 1 , p. 71. 4 So P. Gardner, Types, p. 103, followed by Busolt, iii. i. 2 p. 525 note. 5i HISTORICAL GREEK COINS fully explained, and so is the uniformity of style of the coins ; for the issue must have come to an end in two years, when Thurii sprang into existence. It is unlikely that Sybaris on the Traeis can have been a place of any importance. The third coin (No. 26) is given as a specimen of the earliest coinage of Thurii. It belongs to a small group which is marked off from the later coins of Thurii by greater severity and nobility of style ; unfortunately,, its preservation is not of the best. ABGOS AND THE ELEANS IN 420 B.C. 27. Obv. Head of the Hera of Argos r., wearing Stephanos with floral decoration. Rev. AFTEIJIN Two dolphins swimming in a circle ; between them, wolf 1. British Museum. Silver Aeginetic Stater, 11-92 grammes. P.Gardner, B. M. C. Peloponnesus, p. 138, No. 33, PI. xxvii. 9. 28. Obv. Head of Hera r. wearing Stephanos with floral decoration. Rev. FA Thunderbolt in olive-wreath. British Museum. Silver Aegiuetic Stater, 12 "14 grammes. P.Gardner, op. cit., p. 64, No. 55, PI. xii. 11, and p. xxxvii. Head, C. A., PI. 14,30. The circumstances of the fourfold alliance which immediately preceded the battle of Mantineia are too well known to need recapitulation here. 1 The 1 Busolt, Gr. Geech., iii. (ii.) pp. 1216-1230. 52 PLATE III. Nos. 20—28. HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Argive and Elean coins illustrated belong to a class which, if we may judge by style, were first struck about this time. 1 It is significant that two heads so similar in arrangement should appear concurrently at the two mints, and at once take the position of chief type. The head at Argos, which is undoubtedly inspired by the Hera of Polycleitus, is, we may admit, not a fine work of art. This may be explained by the fact that up till this time the Argives had been content with coins of smaller size, affording less scope for a good artist. An engraver capable of treating the subject worthily was not to be found at a moment's notice. At Olympia, on the other hand, the mint had already produced some of the noblest works of art known to us among Greek coins ; and the earlier of these heads of Hera, with their large and mas- sive treatment, form fitting pendants to the head of Zeus, which was issued from the same mint about the same time. On some slightly later specimens, where the artist's style is softer, we find the name HPA written on or above the crown of the goddess. On such a coin as No. 28 there is no necessity for a label of this kind. The dolphins on the reverse of the Argive coin are doubtless symbols of Apollo, to whom also the wolf belongs. On the Elean coin the thunderbolt of course represents Olympian Zeus, while the 1 Head, H. N. 1 , p. 354, places the appearance of the head of Hera at both Elis and Argos after 400 B.o. ; but in the forthcoming second edition this date is modified. The early form of p found on some of the Argive, and the severe style of some of the Elean, coins are strong arguments in favour of the earlier date adopted by Gardner. 53 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS olive-wreath is the prize at the Olympian games. The archaic form FA(Xeiew) for 'AXeiW remains in use at this mint down to the end of the autonomous period. The alliance, as is well known, collapsed almost at once. Had the Eleans not possessed a cult of Hera at Olympia, we should perhaps have expected the new type to disappear from their coins as suddenly as it had come in. As things were, we can well understand why the type continued in use at both mints for some time to come. THE ATHENIAN DISASTER IN SICILY 413 B.C. 29. Obv. £YPAI<02:iriN Head of the nymph Arethusa 1. ; around, four dolphins ; on the lowest, signature of the artist, MM/IN Rev. Quadriga drawn 1. by four prancing horses ; the charioteer, who holds a goad, is crowned by Nike flying r. In the exergue, arranged on steps, a shield, pair of greaves, cuirass and helmet ; below AGAA On the upper surface of the exergual line, faint traces of the signature MM JIN British Museum. Silver Attic Decadrachm, 43 "29 grammes. Head, B. M. C. Sicily, p. 176, No. 201; C. A., PI. 25, 29; A. J. Evans, Syracusan ' Medallions,'' PI. ii. 8 We have seen that the first large silver coins issued in Sicily, the Damareteia, are connected with 54 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS the defeat of the Carthaginians at Himera (No. 20). The decadrachm No. 29 is one of a large group of coins which were likewise issued in connexion with the next epoch-making victory of the Syracusans over an invading foe. On or about September 16th, 413, the retreating army of Nicias was overwhelmed at the Assinarus. The day of this decisive termina- tion of the war, the 27th Karneios, was appointed by the Syracusans to be celebrated annually as a festival, to which the name Assinaria was given. 1 The researches of Evans have established the fact that the class of decadrachms to which No. 29 belongs was first issued in or shortly after the Syracusan victory, most probably out of the spoils of war. And while the chariot on the reverse symbolises the races which were run at the festival of the Assinaria, the panoply which stands below it, labelled ' Prizes,' still more plainly indicates the rewards which were given to the victors in the games. Whether the decadrachms themselves formed part of a money-prize is more doubtful. The dies for this coin were engraved by the artist Cimon. We are enabled to identify the head as that of the nymph Arethusa, whose foun- tain of sweet water rose, and still rises, on the north side of the island of Ortygia. For on a famous tetradrachm by the same artist, representing ob- viously the same divinity in full face, her name is inscribed above the head. The present coin, although issued before the end of the fifth century, was probably not one of the 1 Plut., Nic, 28. 55 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS first of its kind. In particular, one small and rare group of decadrachms by Cimon * shows a head of Arethusa, whose less florid treatment, combined with a somewhat less skilful technique, points to its being a little earlier than No. 29. Before the close of the century another artist, Euaenetus, who had already distinguished himself at Syracuse in the period preceding the Athenian expedition, was set to work on the decadrachms. With an almost identical reverse he combined a beautiful head of a goddess generally, but without certainty, called Persephone. 2 The significance of the dolphins has been explained above (No. 20). The decadrachms of this kind, some signed by Euaenetus, some unsigned, seem to have continued to appear from the mint nearly down to the end of the reign of Dionysius. Finally, there exists an extraordinarily rare variety, known from two specimens only. 3 The head approximates to the one created by Euaenetus, but differs in many small but character- istic details, which justify Mr. Evans in attributing it to an unknown artist of considerable merit. 4 1 Evans, op. cit., PI. i. 5. 2 Specimens in Evans, op. cit., PI. v. and vi. ; Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, frontispiece 4-6. 3 Evans, op. cit., PI. iv. (enlargement), and Hill, op. cit., frontispiece 7. The supposed signature on the reverse is merely due to a flaw in the die. * The date which he assigns to it, between Cimon and Euaenetus, seems to me less certain. The style shows extraordinarily fine technique, but, so far as inspiration is concerned, the work must rank below the best of Euaenetus, to the artistic content of which it adds nothing. It is marked by a certain floridity and restless aiming at effect, which seem rather to indicate a later date ; I would suggest that the engraver was called in towards the end of Dionysius' reign to design a new coin, and that these are the last of the decadrachms. Cp. Le Music, i. (1904), pp. 50 f. 56 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS PHARNABAZUS AT CYZICUS circa 410 B.C. 30. Obv. *AP[N]ABA Portrait-head of Pharnabazus r., bearded, and wearing Persian head- dress, with the flaps tied under his chin. Rev. Prow of war-galley to 1., adorned on the upper part with a griffin to 1. ; to r. and 1. a dolphin, head downwards ; below, a tunny 1. British Museum. Silver Phoenician Stater, 14 - 68 grammes. W. Wroth, Num. Chr., 1893, PI. i. 11. The view that this coin, issued by Pharnabazus, bears his own portrait, and not that of the reigning king of Persia, is now generally accepted. This fine head stands as one of the earliest examples of portraiture on a coin ; and its only rivals in point of date (with one possible exception, of which below) must be sought among coins issued by other non- Hellenic rulers, Such are the dynasts of Lycia, one of whom (Kariga) struck coins bearing what appears to be his own portrait some time during the last third of the fifth century. On Greek coins proper, portraiture does not find a place until the breaking down of civic independence has begun with the Macedonian period. Even then, the por- traits are at first more or less disguised by assimi- lation to a divine type, as on the coins of Alexander the Great. An exception to this rule seems to be the remarkable electrum stater of Cyzicus, which 57 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS bears the likeness of a bearded, bald-headed person, with a laurel crown (Fig. 4). 1 This coin belongs to the first half of the fourth century. Many, it is true, deny that the head is a portrait; but the extraordinarily realistic treatment, in no way approach- i '-..■; : .terof m & ^e representation of any daemonic cyzicus. beings in the art of the time, seems to point to a human subject. J. P. Six proposed to identify the person as Timotheus, son of Conon. 2 It seems on the whole safer to refrain from identifica- tion. The occurrence of a portrait may surprise us less at Cyzicus when we remember that what we are accustomed to speak of as the type of these electrum coins is really a glorification of a differentia, a mint- mark, or moneyer's symbol. The civic type is the tunny-fish, the reduction of which to a subordinate position on this series, just as the seal is reduced on the electrum sixths of Phocaea, has given scope for some of the most beautiful designs in the whole Greek coinage. Many of these designs are obviously copied from monuments ; for instance, the group of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, and the two types which between them reproduce the Cecrops Gaia and Erichthonius group, known to us from various other works of art. 3 A Cyzicene magistrate, who for some reason was interested in 1 W. Wroth, B. M. C. Mysia, PL viii. 9 and p. 33, No. 103. 2 Num. Ghr., 1898, p. 197. 3 These Atticising types may have had a special political significance ; but the evidence hardly seems to me strong enough for Weil's theory that Athens had a special arrangement with Cyzicus to supply gold coins (Zeit.J. Num., xxv. pp. 52 i.). 58 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS an honorary statue erected to some distinguished person — a Timotheus or a Conon — might therefore very well place a copy of the portrait on the coin which he issued, and do so without offence, since he was not in any way dishonouring the civic type. This digression has a hearing on the coin of Phar- nabazus, since in all probability that coin also was struck at Cyzicus, at a slightly earlier date than the electrum stater. The Cyzicenes would thus have a precedent for issuing a coin bearing a por- trait. The presence of the tunny-fish on the reverse is strong evidence in favour of the attribution of this piece to Cyzicus. Babelon has connected it with the fact * that at the time of the campaign of Alcibiades in the Hellespont Pharnabazus was in Cyzicus, and was keeping Mindarus well supplied with money for his troops. 2 There is less pro- bability in the suggestion of J. P. Six, 8 that these coins were issued by Conon when in 395 he was rescued by Pharnabazus from Pharax, who was block- ading the Athenian admiral at Caunus in Caria. If the coin of Pharnabazus was struck at Cyzicus in the circumstances mentioned, it need not surprise us that it is an essentially Greek coin, by a Greek engraver, and with a Greek inscription. For it was issued to pay Greek forces and circulate among the Greek cities of Asia Minor. The same is true of 1 Rev. Num., 1892, pp. 442 f. 3 Xen., HeUen., i. 1. 14: Alcibiades says oi) yap iariv xp^l mTa ^M'"i to'S Si ToKefdois &(j>Sova irapa fiaaCKim ; and 24 : Pharnabazus, after the defeat, supplies the troops of the slain Mindarus with pay for two months, as well as with clothing. 3 Num. Ghr., 1890, p. 256; cp. Wroth, Num. Ohr., 1893, p. 12. 59 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS the other satrapal coins issued in these parts. It is only when we move farther east that we find legends wholly or partially non-Greek, as on the satrapal coins issued in Paphlagonia or Cilicia, These coinages were nearly all purely military issues, and had to conform to the local necessities of the case. Just so, in the Abyssinian War of 1868, the British army was obliged to use Austrian dollars with the types, legends, and date (1780) of the Empress Maria Theresia, since they alone would circulate in the country. THE FOUNDATION OF KHODES 408 B.c. 31. Obv. Head of Helios, nearly facing, inclined to r. Rev. POAION Half-blown rose, with bud on L ; to r., an aphlaston (?). British Museum. Silver Rhodian Tetradrachm, 1514 grammes. Head, B. M. C. Caria, p. 232, Xo. 19, PL xxxvi. 7 ; cp. pp. cii f . The three cities of Lindus, Ialysus and Camirus joined together to found the famous city of Rhodes in 408 B.c. They had previously struck coins in their own names, although Camirus and Lindus may have ceased to issue money for some little time before the synoecism. 1 One of the first measures taken was to inaugurate a new and splendid 1 About the time of the Sicilian expedition, the Athenians decreed restrictions on the coinage of the allies (see R. Weil, Z. f. N., xrv. pp. 52 f.) possibly not for the first time. It may have been in accordance with some such decree that the mints of these two cities became idle. 60 HISTOKICAL GREEK COINS coinage. For obverse type the Rhodians chose the head of the sun-god, the chief deity of the island, boldly represented as it were ' in his noonday glory, with rounded face and ample locks of hair blown back as if by a strong wind, and thus delicately , suggesting his rapid course.' x The type has not, it is true, the delicacy of the best facing heads on the coins of Syracuse or Amphipolis, nor the robust vigour of the head of Hermes at Aenus ; but it has an attractiveness of its own which makes the coin on which it is found one of the most popular in the Greek series. For the reverse the Rho- dians adopted a beautiful, very slightly conven- tionalised, rendering of the rose, at once the canting badge of the island and a local product. The first coins were issued on the Attic standard, which is also found about the same time at Samos. But the Rhodian coins of this weight are rare, and a new standard, hereafter known as the Rhodian, soon came into use. The tetradrachm weighs from 15"55 to 14*90 grammes, and the system thus seems to be nearly identical with that of Chios. 2 Soon after its inauguration, we find the standard in widely different parts of Greece. As we shall see, certain coins issued by Byzantium early in the fourth century conform to it. For this there were political reasons; but probably the use of the standard, or of one closely approximating to it, at such a city as Aenus in Thrace was due to purely commercial causes. One of the chief courses of Rhodian trade seems to have been toward the east, 1 Head, B. M. C. Oaria, p. oiii. 2 Head, op. cit., p. civ. 61 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS so that we are not surprised to find the standard in Cyprus and, for a short time, in Egypt. The coins had a very wide currency, and some of the later silver was actually in circulation in 71 A.D., for an inscription of that date tariffs Bhodian drachms at 10 assaria, or f- of the denarius. 1 And they have always been plentiful in the Levant ; which ac- counts for the curious fact that, out of the fifteen or twenty coins which are known to have been preserved in various Christian churches as relics of the Betrayal of Christ (' Judas-Pennies '), at least eight were Bhodian coins of the fourth century B.C. 2 ANTI-SPARTAN LEAGUE AFTER THE BATTLE OF cnidus (394-389 B.C.) 32. Obv. x. YN Infant Heracles, kneeling, strang- ling a snake in either hand ; around his body, crepundia. Rev. E Bee ; beneath, PE British Museum. Silver Rhodian Tridrachm, 11 "44 grammes. W. H. Waddington, Rev. Num., 1863, p. 224 ; Head, B. M. C. Ionia, PI. ix. 6; C. A., PI. 19, 29; Regling, Z. f. N., xxv. p. 210. 33. Obv. Similar to preceding. Rev. £ A Lion's scalp. British Museum. Silver Rhodian Tridraohm, 11-55 grammes. Waddington, op. eit. , p. 223 ; P. Gardner, Samos and Samian Coins, PI. iii. 1. ; Head, B. M. C. Ionia, PI. xxxv. 13 j O. A., PI. 19, 28. Regling, loc. cit. These two coins, the first of Ephesus, the second 1 0. I. [>v(?)], and in 364-363 B.C. 4 Asopodorus and Diogiton. 6 Another important statesman whose name appears on the coins is Euares, known from a Delphian inscription. 6 There is thus considerable probability that these coins are signed by prominent members of the Boeotian government ; and the presumption amounts almost to a certainty that we have, in No. 36, a coin issued by the authority of the great Epaminondas himself in one of the years between 379 and 362. It must be admitted as curious that Pelopidas, who was Boeotarch continuously from 378-364, is not represented on the coins. Possibly the superintendence of the coinage devolved on the holder of some particular office in the college of Boeotarchs, an office which Pelopidas may never have filled. The Boeotian shield (which derives its shape from the Mycenaean 7 ) is the commonest of all Boeotian coin-types. The krater on the reverse is also common in this district of Greece. It is evidently meant to be of metal, and is of the form 1 The coin with Qeoir (not a misreading of &eoy) is published by Prokesch-Osten, Inedita, 1859, p. 16. 2 Plut., Pelop., 6-8. 3 I.G., vii. 2407 ; Dittenberger, Syll. 2 , 99. The restoration is uncertain ; Pococke's wretched copy, on which the text depends, has TIMOM>" • • Possibly Pococke's 0H2N0S represents IloSiwvos. */.IAipnOY Two-horse chariot r. ; in field, thunderbolt. British Museum. Gold Attic Stater, 8 '62 grammes. G. F. Hill, Handbook, PI. vii. 2. 44. Obv. Head of Zeus 1., laureate. Rev. 4>IAirnOY Youth on horseback r., carrying palm-branch ; in field, bee. British Museum. Silver Phoenician Stater, 14"39 grammes. W. Wroth, Num. Ohr., 1894, p. 2, No. 1, PI. i. 1 ; G. F. Hill, J. H. S., xvii. p. 79, PI. ii. 11. The circumstances, under which Philip became able to issue the enormous bulk of coinage repre- sented here by Nos. 43, 44, are explained in the preceding section. The gold coins of the type of No. 43 are the well-known ^iXtmreioi o-rariJ/Des or Xpvcrol, nummi Philippei, regale nomisma Philippi — to mention only some of the names by which they went. 1 1 For a list with references, see F. Hultsch, Gr. u. Bom. Metrol. 2 , p. 243, note 2. 80 PLATE V. Nos. 36—44. HISTORICAL GREEK COINS These are the first gold coins issued in any quantity in Greece Proper. Hitherto the most common gold currency had been the Daric (No. 11), with which the Cyzicene and Lampsacene staters, not to mention the few gold coins issued by Athens in her own name, can have maintained but an unequal competition. Philip's new coin soon superseded the Daric in the west. The introduc- tion of a gold coin which would more or less take the place' of the Persian money may or may not have been part of Philip's grand policy ; 1 at any rate it is noticeable that in the somewhat higher weight of his gold coins he approximated to the Attic rather than to the Persian standard. The enormous quantity of coin issued by him seems to have sent down the value of gold all over Greece. 2 His silver is struck on the ' Phoenician ' standard, which had been in use in Macedon in the fifth century, but under Archelaus I. had been replaced by the ' Babylonian.' It is difficult to see what can have been his object in reviving this standard, unless he wished in some way to regulate the ratio between gold and silver. His gold stater is divisible into halves, quarters, eighths, and twelfths, and was probably equivalent to 24 drachms of silver at 3 "62 grammes, or to 6 of his tetradrachms, the ratio of gold to silver being 10 : l. 3 The types of Philip's coins are not, at first sight, 1 Hultsch, loc. cit. ; but see Th. Reinach, L'Hist. par lea Mommies, p. 62. 2 Reinach, op. cit. , pp. 52 f . 3 Reinach, op. cit., p. 62. The older explanation, which assumes a ratio of 12$ : 1, is shown by Reinach to be improbable. F 8l HISTORICAL GREEK COINS very remarkable, but they have been a good deal discussed. The male head on the gold stater is probably meant for Apollo. In the case of certain specimens, where the hair is long, 1 this interpreta- tion can hardly be disputed. Other heads, such as that here illustrated, have by some been called Ares. 2 But it is unlikely that more than one god should be intended in the obverse type of this highly uniform series of coins. And the argument for Ares rests solely on a comparison with the head labelled APEOS on coins issued more than half a century later by the Mamertines in Messana. Now that head is copied directly from a head on Syra- cusan coins, which is there called Al OZ EAAAN I OY, and which is itself inspired by the coins of Philip. The fact is that the type was adopted by the Sicilians without reference to its original significance. They were returning the compliment paid to them by the Greeks of Thessaly who had copied the head of Arethusa to represent the nymph Larisa. Philip's reverse types merely carry on the tradi- tion of the Macedonian coinage ; for none of his predecessors who issued coins at all was able to dispense with the type of the horse in one form or another. This is but natural in the land which produced the Macedonian cavalry. In the case of Philip the significance of his name makes the types doubly appropriate. Finally, we have the state- ment of Plutarch, 3 that Philip celebrated his Olym- pian victory with the chariot by engraving it on 1 e.g. Head, G. A., PI. 22, 17. 3 Gardner, Num. Chr., 1880, p. 52. s Alex., 4. 82 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Lis coins. Just about the time, also, when he was first obtaining the metal from his new mines, he won a victory vmrtp KeXrjTL at Olympia, and there can be little doubt that this event is commemorated on his silver tetradrachms. The symbols in the field of Philip's coins in most cases represent the mint at which they were struck : thus the thunderbolt is in all probability the badge of Pella, while the bee indicates Melitaea in Thessaly. But as a rule the identification of mints by these symbols is very hazardous. The coinage of Philip had a great attraction for the barbarians in the upper parts of the Balkan Peninsula, and also for the inhabitants of Gaul. Thanks to this fact, the earliest coinage of Britain is to be traced back to the gold staters of Philip. These coins were introduced into Gaul, possibly by the Massaliotes, 1 and largely imitated there. From Gaul, the influence passed to Britain. The imita- tion, when it reaches this stage, bears but a faint resemblance to the original ; but the intermediate links make the process fairly clear. 1 There is much to be said for the route up the Danube valley, across to the Rhine valley, and so into Gaul. But most authorities pronounce for Massalia as the intermediary (see J. A. Blanchet, TraM des Monnaies gauloises (1905), pp. 207-225). The evidence as to finds of original Philippei along the great central trade-route is apparently very deficient ; and very few originals have been found in Gaul itself. 83 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS DION OF SYRACUSE IN ZACYNTHUS 357 B.C. 45. Obv. Head of Apollo r., laureate. Rev. A I AN 02 Tripod, between the feet of which, IE A British Museum. Silver Aeginetic Stater, 11 '23 grammes. P.Gardner, Num. Ohr., 1885, p. 96, and B. M. C. Peloponnesus, p. 97, No. 33. It was at Zacynthus that Dion assembled the small but picked body of troops (less than eight hundred men) with which he made his daring and successful descent on Sicily. The chief deity of Zacynthus was Apollo, and to him Dion offered up a magnificent sacrifice, going in procession to the shrine with all his men in full armour. 1 During his exile Dion had travelled much in Peloponnesus and Attica, and made a considerable impression on the Greeks at home, by his wealth as well as by his personal qualities. He received the citizenship of Sparta, he was honoured by Epidaurus, and his relations with the Academy at Athens are well known. As he chose Zacynthus for his base, that city must have granted him special facilities. Among these was the right to issue a coinage to pay his troops. The coin before us bears his name and the letters IA (for ZclkvvOlcov), and its types are the regular types of the Zacynthian coinage. 2 Had we not known of the connexion of the son of 1 Plut., Dion., 23. 3 There are also bronze coins of the same series on which the name is abbreviated to AI. 84 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Hipparinus with Zacynthus, the Dion of the coin would have been taken for an ordinary magistrate, like the Anaxippus who signed coins in the period immediately following. It is improbable, however, that the son of Hipparinus occupied any constitu- tional position at Zacynthus. It was as much to the advantage of the Zacynthians as to his own that he should be allowed to convert some of his silver into coin, of which a large proportion would be spent in the island. That it was not intended primarily to be carried in his treasure chest to Sicily is proved by the standard on which it is struck. That is the Aeginetic, in use in Zacynthus and Peloponnesus, but not in Sicily. The privilege of putting his own name on it was balanced by the use of the regular Zacynthian types and inscription. None the less, in view of the jealousy with which each little Greek state guarded its right of coinage, these coins are eloquent of the great influence which Dion exercised in the land of his exile. DION AND TIMOLEON IN SICILY 357-337 B.C. 46. Obv. SYPAIOSION Head of Athena r., in Corinthian helmet. Rev. Pegasus flying to 1. British Museum. Silver Corinthian Stater, 8 - 48 grammes. Head, B. M. C. Corinth, etc., p. 98, No. 1. 47. Similar to preceding, but SYPAKOSHAN British Museum. Silver Corinthian Stater, 8 '51 grammes. Head, op. cit., p. 98, No. 2. 85 HISTOEIOAL GREEK COINS 48. Similar to 46 but inscribed AEONTINON, and with grain of barley behind head. British Museum. Silver Corinthian Stater, 8 - 34 grammes. Head, op. cit., p. 98, No. 1. 49. Obv. APXArETA£ Head of Apollo 1., laureate. Rev. £YMMAX[llo/uo>ia), with other types and no mint-name. Some, but not necessarily all, of these varieties were issued from Halaesa. For some of them the type of Apollo Archagetas suggests Tauromenium as the mint. But the coins are perhaps the more interesting for the lack of the mint-name, in that they illustrate all the better the formation of the anti- Carthaginian confederacy 1 e.g. in Hist. Num. 1 , p. 101. 8 7 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS by which Timoleon sought to guarantee the safety of the cities. Another feature of the coinage of this time is found in the fact that large bronze coins make their first appearance in the Sicilian towns which came within the sphere of Timoleon's influence. In the interior of Sicily, as in central Italy, bronze was evidently of far greater importance as a medium of exchange than in the more completely Hellenised parts of the Mediterranean. Where bronze hitherto had been issued by Greek cities, it was only in the form of a token coinage, with an artificial value. But to appeal to the people whom Timoleon now organised into a confederacy under the leader- ship of Syracuse, a confederacy which was to be strengthened by increasingly intimate commercial ties, it was necessary to issue coins which would not shock the ideas of people accustomed to re- gard bronze as a precious metal. And if Halaesa, Centuripae, etc., issued these large coins, it was necessary that Syracuse should also issue them. 1 The arrangement arrived at was, however, a com- promise, since these new coins, substantial as they were, probably represented a value somewhat greater than their weight. 2 The civilised Greeks 1 Holm (Oesch. Sic, iii. p. 620, No. 137), whom I have elsewhere followed {Coins of Ancient Sicily), places the issue of the large Syracusan litra earlier. Many of the litrae of other Sicilian cities are struck on these Syracusan litrae ; on the reverse of No. 49 it is easily possible to discern the dolphins of the original type ; but such over-strikings might occur very soon after the issue of the Syracusan coins, if the cities in the interior found themselves short of bronze in any other form, or wished to avoid the trouble of casting new blanks. 2 Head, loc. cit. 88 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS would never have accepted coins of the unwieldy size which satisfied the honest Romans of the time. THE SACRED WAR 356-346 B.C. 50. Obv. Bull's head facing, bound with fillets hanging from horns. Rev. ONY|MAP|XOY in laurel-wreath. Fig. 5. Berlin Museum. Bronze. Cp. Head, B. M. C. Central Greece, pp. xxvii and 23, No. 103 ; PI. iii. 24. Fia.,5.— No. 50. Fig. 6.— No. 61. 51. Obv. Similar to No. 50. Rev. ct>A|AAI]KOY in laurel-wreath. Eig. 6. Berlin Museum. Bronze. Cp. Head, op. cit., pp. xxvii and 23, No. 104. 52. Obv. Head of Demeter 1. wearing veil and wreath of barley-leaves. Rev. AM4>lliA.i7r7Ta>vTOS. ets S'eorli' oSros iw KaTaa-Tadevrcov vtto tXt777rou Kvpicov ©eTraAxas cMmcr^s. From this we see that the name of Eudicus occurred in the manuscript of Demosthenes used by Harpocration or his source. If it was interpolated, the inter- polation must be a fairly old one. 2 On the other hand, an interpolator would not have allowed the grammatical false concord to stand. Possibly the singular kiroi^crev is due to the two singulars which precede it, and we should read : jnexpi TOVTOV EvStKOS [o * * * ] Kdl %ZflOIAETAIPOY Athena seated 1., her r. resting on her shield before her, her left arm supporting spear ; in the field, ivy leaf and bow. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradraehm, 16 - 81 grammes. Wroth, B. M. C. Mysia, p. 114, No. 28, PI. xxiii. 12. 73. Obv. Head of Philetaerus r., wearing plain round fillet with ties. Rev. Similar to No. 72, but monogram of A© on side of Athena's seat. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradraehm, 16 - 96 grammes. Wroth, op. tit., p. 115, No. 30, PI. xxiii. 13. In the generally accepted classification of the coins of the Pergamene dynasty, which is due to Imhoof-Blumer, 2 the tetradraehm No. 72 is assigned to Philetaerus himself (281-263), No. 73 to Eu- menes I. (263-241). The obverse of No. 72 without doubt represents Seleucus Nicator ; that is proved by a comparison with Syrian coins (cp. No. 70). 1 Caius and Lucius were adopted as heirs by Augustus in 17 B.c. and died in 4 and 2 a.d. respectively. 2 Die Miinzen der Dynast it von Pergamon {Abhandl. der K. Preuss. Akad., 1884). A recently suggested modification of the arrangement (A. J. B. Wace, J. H. S., xxv. pp. 99 f.) does not affect the coins with which we are dealing. 124 PLATE IX. Nos. 68—73. HISTORICAL GREEK COINS It is generally supposed that the coin was struck after the death of the founder of the Seleucid dynasty in 281, since he is represented wearing a fillet, in those days still a sign of divinity. The premiss is unsound, since there is evidence that Seleucus was worshipped during his lifetime ; but the conclusion is probably correct, since we may doubt whether Philetaerus would have issued coins in his own name before the epoch-making events of 281. The head on No. 73, which occurs as the ordinary type of the Pergamene tetradrachms down to the reign of Attalus II., also represents a divinised person. The cast of the features, and the appear- ance throughout the whole series of the name of Philetaerus, make it quite certain that we have here a portrait of the eunuch who founded the dynasty. Philetaerus, the son of Attalus, 1 who had controlled the treasury of Lysimachus in Per- gamum, fell away to the side of Seleucus shortly before the battle of Corupedium (spring 281), in which Lysimachus lost his life. The assassination of Seleucus followed in the same year, and Phile- taerus was able to set himself up as an independent ruler. But, presumably as a matter of policy, and in order to obviate any objections to his indepen- dence on the part of Antiochus I., who now suc- ceeded his father on the Syrian throne, Philetaerus placed the head of Seleucus on his coins, just as he showed especial honour to the body of the murdered 1 C. H. Smith in J. H. S., xxii. pp. 194 f. ; Dittenberger, Or. Or. Inscr., No. 748. 125 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS king. For the portrait of Philetaerus himself we have to wait until the reign of his successor, his nephew and adopted son. The coins on which he is represented wearing the plain taenia are rare, and seem to belong to the beginning of the reign of Eumenes I. After this the founder wears either a laurel wreath and diadem entwined, or a plain laurel wreath. Athena naturally appears on the reverse of the coins as the goddess who was especially honoured at Pergamum, and it is even possible that the monogram which appears on her throne on No. 73 refers to her. The significance of the symbols of the ivy-leaf and the bow is not quite clear. They (like other of the symbols found on the Pergamene regal tetra- drachms) occur as independent types on the bronze coins. Were it not that there is evidence for the origination of the cistophori (see No. 82) outside Pergamum, we might see in ivy-leaf and bow a kind of shorthand indication of the cults which furnished the cistophoric types. locki in the pyrrhic war 280-275 b.c. 74. Obv. Head of Zeus 1., laureate; below, NE in monogram. Rev. AOKPAN The goddess Eoma (PAMA) seated r., with shield and sword, is 126 HISTOKICAL GREEK COINS crowned with a wreath by Loyalty (P I £T 1 2), "who stands before her. British Museum. Silver Italic Stater, 7 - 08 grammes. Head, O. A., PI. 45, 23. 75. Obv. Head of Dodonaean Zeus 1., wearing oak- wreath. Below, 9E2 (partly in mono- gram). Rev. [B]A£IAE.fl5: TYPPOY Dione, wearing Stephanos, seated 1. on throne; in her r. a sceptre ; her 1. raises her peplos like a veil ; in exergue. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 16 - 72 grammes. P. Gardner, B. M. C. Thessaly, etc., p. Ill, No. 6, PI. xx. 10; Types, PL xi. 7 ; Head, O. A., PI. 46, 27. Locri was one of the cities which sided with Home on the arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy. The effect of Pyrrhus' victory at Heracleia was such that the garrison was betrayed to him, and he was able to occupy the city. He made it one of his principal bases ; and the strong resemblance in style between the heads of Zeus on the two coins^Nos. 74 and 75 makes it almost certain that he set up a mint there. 1 His son Alexander was in command of the occupying force ; but he was called to Sicily when the king's affairs began to go ill, with the result that Locri fell into the hands of the Romans (277 B.C.). When Pyrrhus returned in the spring of 275 B.C. Locri once more changed 1 Head, H. N. 1 , p. 88. The fact that Pyrrhus' tetradrachms have frequently heen found in South Italy, and even on the site of Locri itself, is some confirmation of this conjecture ; although, since Locri was one of the king's chief strongholds, it is inevitable that some of the coins with which he paid his troops should be found there, wherever they were struck. 127 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS hands. The members of the Roman party were harshly punished, and the king set up his head- quarters in the city. To pay his troops he even plundered the temple of Persephone. But he finally left Italy in the autumn of the same year. When Locri returned to Roman hands is uncertain ; but, in view of the strength which the Roman party in this city had always possessed, it is un- likely that it hesitated after the death of Pyrrhus (273), if indeed it did not come over even sooner. No. 75 must have been struck between 280 and 277 or in 275 ; it can hardly be later than the date of Pyrrhus' final departure. It is difficult to say whether the Locrian coin, No. 74, was struck in the interval between the two occupations by Pyrrhus, or after his departure and before 268, when most of the South Italian mints were closed for silver. Head explains the coin as celebrating the good faith of Rome towards the Locrians ; but in that case it is difficult to see why Pistis is represented as crowning Roma. If, on the other hand, Pistis personifies the loyalty to Rome of the Roman party in Locri, there would be much significance in the adoption of this type during either of the brief periods mentioned, when that party was in the ascendant. The crown is given to Rome as a token of honour and amity. The coin of Pyrrhus has interesting types — the two deities of Dodona. Zeus wears a wreath of leaves from his sacred oak ; his consort Dione holds her peplos-veil in the conventional attitude of the bride. 128 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS ANTIGONUS GONATAS DEFEATS THE EGYPTIAN FLEET circa 253 B.C. 76. Obv. Head of Poseidon wearing wreath of some marine plant. Rev. BA2IAEA£ ANTITONOY Apollo, nude, seated on prow of war-galley 1. ; he holds bow in r. ; in field, a monogram. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradraohm, 16'85 grammes. Head, G. A., PI. 41, 6 ; H. N.\ p. 203. Although the inscription on this coin does not enable us definitely to say to which Antigonus it ought to be attributed, the choice certainly lies between Antigonus Gonatas (276/5-240/39 B.C.) and his nephew Antigonus Doson (229-221/0 B.C.). The now generally received attribution * is to the former, the type, which obviously refers to some naval victory, 2 being connected with the battle off Leucolla in Cos, where, about 253 B.C., 3 Anti- gonus defeated the Egyptian fleet. As a thank- offering for the victory he dedicated a trireme to Apollo : rrjv 'Avnyovov lepav Tpirjprt), ■$ ivLK7](re tous Ti.To\ep.aiov 7s), on others Ka/oai^o?. From this it follows that the elephant must be the symbol of Antiochus, unless (which is highly improbable) it represents yet a fourth person. The letter Z on the oil-amphora marks this coin as having been issued in the sixth month of the year. The letters £ A below the amphora probably indicate the particular officina of the mint in which the coin was produced. No better illustration than this coin could be found of the elaborate system of con- trol over officials which prevailed under the Athenian democracy of the second century. Any official fraud or adulteration could, by means of the various names 1 See Babelon, Sots de Syrie, pp. xxvii f. 2 For an analysis of the evidence as to relation of the symbol to the name, see my Handbook, pp. 122 f ., and Macdonald, Coin Types, pp. 54 f. 142 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS and letters on the coins, be traced to the culprit with the minimum of difficulty. THE FOUNDATIONS OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES 175-164 B.C. 85. Obv. Veiled female head (Demeter ?) r. Rev. ANTIOXEAN TAN PPOC Till 2APDI Horse trotting 1. ; countermark con- taining uncertain object (quiver ?). Fig. 7. British Museum. Bronze. Wroth, Num. Chr., 1904, p. 305, No. 27. Fig. 7.— No. 85. History has left no written record of the exist- ence of a city called Antiochia on the Sarus in Cilicia. We know, however, from various sources that the name Antiochia was given by Antiochus rv. to more than one city in the Seleucid dominions, only to fall out of use immediately or soon after the end of his reign. Thus the people of Tarsus for a few years were called 'Avrto^ets ol it/jos tw KvSvco, and struck bronze coins in this name. ' Antiochia on the Sarus ' is therefore to be looked for in Adana, the only city of importance on that river. The identification is rendered certain by the fact that coins bearing types like those of No. 85 exist with the inscription AAANEAN. Another coin with the same inscription as No. 85 has for types a radiate H3 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS and diademed head of Antiochus iv., and Zeus seated holding Nike. In these apparently insignificant bronze coins we have illustrations of the policy of Antiochus Epi- phanes. We do not know how far he modified the constitution of Adana, as he had modified that of the great Syrian Antiochia, in accordance with the Athenian model which he had learned to admire before he became king. 1 But these and similar coins throw a little light on the way in which he set about his task of unifying the Seleucid Empire. The king's head on coins of this time, struck at many different cities, is radiate, as though to bring his divinity into manifestation. The usual reverse type is Zeus 2 — the special object of the king's wor- ship, possibly even identified with him. In the cults of the king and of Zeus, whether separate or combined, was the religious bond between the various cities of the empire. Citizens who had been known as 'AScweis, Tapcms, Moxpearai, OIvlolvBloi, 'ESecraraloi were now compelled to call themselves 'Avrio^eis ot irpbs tw 2,dpq>, 'AvTio^eis ol wpbs tgj KuoVw, XeXeuKeis 01 irpbs t<£ TlvpapjO), 'Em^a^eis, 'Ai'Tto^eis ol erri KaWiporf. All these names re- called either Antiochus himself or the founder of the dynasty. The veiled head on the obverse of No. 85 is pro- bably a goddess. An identification with Antiochis, 1 See Bevan, House of Seleucus, ii. p. 151 ; and for the significance of the coins and their types, p. 156. 2 Doubtless Antiochus was not always the first to introduce the Zeus cult into all these cities ; but at least he seems to have endowed it with special privileges. 144 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS the concubine to whom the king gave the revenues of Tarsus and Mallus, suggests itself. But the same head appears on many coins issued by Adana after the death of Antiochus ; and the features of the hateful woman against whom the Cilicians revolted would certainly not have been retained on the coins when once the control of Antiochus was removed. It is most probably Demeter who is represented. The horse has apparently some local significance, which escapes us. In the British Museum is another bronze coin 1 of Adana with the same veiled head and, on the reverse, the figure of Zeus seated holding Nike. Behind the head of ' Demeter ' is an eagle, and this side of the coin is countermarked with a radiate male head. If, as seems possible, this head repre- sents Antiochus IV., then the coin must have been issued before he gave the new name to the city, for it is inscribed AAANEAN; and it follows that two of the types, which as we have seen appear on coins with the new title, were already in use at Adana a little earlier. OROPHERNES AND PRIENE 159-156 B.C. 86. Obv. Head of Orophernes r. diademed. Rev. BASIAEAS: OPOEPNOY NII«H*OPOY Nike standing 1. holding palm in 1., 1 B. M. C. Lycaonia, etc., p. 15, No. 1. K 145 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS with r. placing wreath on the king's name; in field 1., owl on round basis, and monogram. British Museum. Silver Attio Tetradraohm, 16-39 grammes. Newton and Clarke, Num. Ohr., 1871, pp. 19 f. ; Head, G. A., PL 51, 23 ; Wroth, B. M. C. Gcdatia, etc., p. 34, No. 1, PI. vi. 5. The only coins by which Orophernes, the pre- tender to the Cappadocian throne, is known to us were accidentally found in 1870 in the basis of the statue of Athena in her temple at Priene. They were a foundation-deposit, showing, in accordance with a custom which has lasted from imme- morial antiquity to the present time, that to Orophernes the Prienians owed the cultus statue which rested on the basis. 1 Orophernes was an elder, supposititious brother of Ariarathes v., the legitimate king of Cappa- docia and faithful ally of the Romans. Demetrius I. of Syria failed to attach Ariarathes to his own side in his quarrel with Rome, but he was more successful with Orophernes. Supported by Demetrius, Oro- phernes seized the throne. While he still held it, he deposited with the Prienians a large sum of money, four hundred talents, and this for security was placed in the national bank, the treasury of the temple. Ariarathes, when shortly afterwards he succeeded in expelling his rival (156), demanded the money from the Prienians, on the ground that it was the property of the Cappadocian state, and not of Orophernes. Rather than yield up the 1 On this statue, of which, unfortunately, only small fragments remain, see Dressel, Sitzungsber. d. kSn. preuss. Akad., 1905, No. xxiii. I46 PLATE XI. Nos. So— S6. HISTORICAL GREEK COINS treasure to any but the depositor, the Prienians suffered their city to be besieged by Ariarathes and his ally, Attalus II. They succeeded in keeping their trust inviolate, and Orophernes eventually received his deposit back intact. Orophernes in his youth had been sent to Ionia, in order to get him out of the way, and secure the succession for the legitimate son of Ariarathes IV. and Antiochis. It was doubtless thus that his con- nexion with Priene began. Later, when he felt insecure on his usurped throne, he probably sought to provide himself with support in Priene, and with that view endowed the city in the way already mentioned. It has indeed been supposed that Orophernes did not dedicate the statue of Athena until after the Prienians had shown their fidelity to him in so remarkable a manner ; that, in fact, the presentation was an expression of his gratitude. Ex- cept, however, for the four hundred talents — about £100,000 — which had been preserved for him, we may doubt whether Orophernes, after his expulsion from Cappadocia, was in a position to spend much money on the Prienians. On the other hand, while still king, he distinguished himself by all kinds of extortions, and by the plundering of the treasury of Zeus. Probably, then, he thought well to invest some of this ill-gotten gain in securing the fidelity of a powerful Ionian city. The coins, as is clear from their fabric, must have been struck in some city on the western coast of Asia Minor. A similar broad flan, with bevelled edge, is found in the large tetradrachms of Smyrna, 147 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Magnesia, Lebedus, and Myrina. 1 Priene itself has been suggested, the owl that appears in the field of the coin being regarded as a mint-mark ; for an owl on an olive-branch is one of the types found on Prienian bronze coins. It is true that the owl — after all, a natural type wherever there was a cult of Athena — occurs at other Ionian cities, such as Lebedus and Heracleia ad Latmum. But, in view of the history of Orophernes, Priene certainly seems the most probable mint. We may note further that the owl is standing on a round basis. It is probably, therefore, the representation of a particu- lar figure of an owl, dedicated, we may suppose, in some temple of Athena. It is difficult to abstain from the conjecture that Orophernes dedicated a figure of an owl in the temple to which he after- wards gave its cultus-statue, and that when his coins were struck for him at Priene that owl was used at once as a mint-mark, and as an allusion to the king's gift to the Prienian sanctuary. On the motif of the crowning of the king's name, see above, No. 71. THE REVOLT OF ANDRISCUS 150-149 B.c. 87. Obv. Bust of Artemis Tauropolos r., with bow and quiver at shoulder, in the centre of a Macedonian shield. Rev. LEG MAHEAONJIN Club; in the field, 1 Head, G. A., PI. 49. 15; 50. 18-20 148 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS above, hand holding olive-branch. The whole in oak-wreath. Berlin Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 16 '87 grammes. Berlin Beschreibung, ii. p. 21. 2; Gaebler, Z.f. N., xxiii. 149 c. 88. Obv. Similar to preceding. Rev. MMANOY2 NII

OPOY Zeus, wearing himation about lower limbs, seated 1. on throne, holding in his r. Nike with wreath, and resting with his 1. on sceptre. British Museum. Gold Stater, 8 '66 grammes. Babelon, Rois de Syrie, pp. cxlix f. ; Wroth, Num. Ghr., 1897, p. 115, PI. v. 8. This unique gold coin probably belongs to the close of the reign of Alexander Zabinas or Zebinas. Deserted by the man who had set him up, Ptolemy Euergetes n., and vigorously attacked by Antiochus Grypus, the usurper was defeated and forced to fly to Antioch (123-122). At a loss for money to pay his troops, he laid hands on the treasure of the temple of Zeus. He seized, in particular, the solid golden statue of Nike which belonged to the shrine, indulging in the somewhat poor jest, Victoriam commodatam sibi ab love esse. 1 Of the gold coins which were presumably made out of the metal obtained by melting down this statue, but one, No. 91, has come down to us. The type of the enthroned 1 Just., xxxix. (ii.) 5. 156 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Zeus holding the figure of Nike does not, it is true, now appear for the first time on Seleucid coins, or even on the coins of Alexander himself; for there exist silver coins of his reign with this type issued from 126-125 to 123-122 B.C. But there is an im- pudent aptness in the use of the image of the god, whose treasure Alexander had plundered, as the type of the coins which he was thus able to strike. There is little else in the types which calls for re- mark. The portrait of Alexander shows a weak and foolish type of face. The fillet-border which sur- rounds it is first used by Antiochus in. (the Great). 1 It undoubtedly had in the beginning a religious significance, for it is simply one of the woollen fillets which were tied to sacred or devoted objects, or worn by priests ; and it is as expressive of the divine character of the king as the title 0eo? would be. But it soon lost its special significance, and was used as a purely ornamental border. The title Nik^o^os borne by the king is generally assumed to have a direct reference to the fact that Zeus holds a figure of Nike. 2 That there is some allusion of this kind it would be pedantic to deny ; but the concrete sense thus given to the verbal part of the compound is foreign to the usage of good writers. 1 It occurs on coins which have been attributed to ' Antiochus, son of Seleucus III. ' ; but this prince is a myth, and the coins are probably later. See Macdonald, J. H. S., xxiii. pp. Ill f. 2 See E. R. Bevan, J. H. S., xx. (1900), pp. 28 f. 157 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS PB.OVINCIA MACEDONIA 93-88 B.C. 92. Obv. C/E ■ PR • MAKEAONAN Head of Alexander the Great r. with horn of Ammon and flowing hair. Rev. AESILLAS Q Club downwards be- tween money-chest (fiscus) on 1. and sella quaestoria on r. ; the whole in laurel-wreath. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 15 - 49 grammes. 93. Obv. MAKEAONAN Head of Alexander r. as on No. 92 ; behind 0, in front, traces of SI Rev. SVVRA • LEG • PRO Q Club, fiscus and sella, all in laurel- wreath as on No. 93. British Museum. Silver Attie Tetradrachm, 16 '07 grammes. Head, C. A., PI. 65, 10. Cp. Gaebler, Z.f. N., xxiii. p. 171. Sura is evidently the Q. Bruttius Sura who acted as legate of the praetor C. Sentius Saturninus in Macedonia. 1 To meet the demands on the military chest at this period, the Roman governor issued coins, which were signed by his leg(atus) pro q(uaestore), Sura. One of Sura's coins is from the same obverse die as one of a series signed by the quaestor Aesillas. Now a certain number of the coins, issued by Aesillas bear the name of the praetor Caesar (No. 92). This Caesar was L. Borghesi, (Euvres, ii. pp. 236 f. ; Gaebler, loc. cit. 158 PLATE XII. Nos. 87 — 93. HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Iulius, who was consul in 90, and evidently governed Macedonia as praetor immediately before Saturninus. For about half a century before the praetorship of L. Iulius Caesar there was no issue of coins in Macedonia. The coins with his name are uncom- mon. On the other hand coins with the name of Aesillas alone are among the commonest that have come down to us. Gaebler accordingly suggests that he must have continued in office for some time under Saturninus, until he was relieved by Sura. To this period would belong his coins without Caesar's name. Some bear monograms or letters showing that they were issued from the mints of Thessalonica and Bottiaea (Pella), while others without any mint-mark belong to Amphipolis. Further, some of the latest of his coins, like that of Sura No. 93, bear the letters S I, probably giving the value of the tetradrachm in sesterces (si/=16). The head of Alexander the Great with the horn of Ammon is descended from the type of Lysim- achus (No. 71). Before this period it does not appear on Macedonian coins, nor, indeed, does any undisguised portrait of the hero-king. But from this time forward the king's head is the commonest of Macedonian types. Under the empire the Kowbv MaKeB6vo)v was allowed to issue a large series of bronze coins, of which the obverse type is the head of Alexander, sometimes half-disguised, it is true, as Heracles, but at others wearing merely a diadem or a helmet. The club on the reverse is the relic of the type 159 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS of the earlier tetradrachms (Nos. 87 f.) ; and the quaestorial insignia explain themselves. The habit of putting such symbols of office on coins is in keep- ing with Roman custom ; and the combination of the two kinds of type in one well expresses the way in which the Greek element in civilisation was embraced in and absorbed by the Roman. The doubling of the vowel V to represent length is characteristic of Latin inscriptions from the time of the Gracchi to about 75 b.c. It was introduced by the poet Attius. 1 ATHENS IN THE MITHRADATIC WAR 87-86 B.c. 94. Obv. Head of Mithradates the Great r. dia- demed, with flowing hair. Rev. BASIAE/IS: MI6PAAATOY EYnATOPOS Stag feeding 1. ; in field 1., sun in crescent ; r. A and monogram of riEPr ; beneath, another monogram ; the whole in ivy- wreath. British Museum. Gold Stater, 8 '48 grammes. Wroth, B. M. C. Bithynia, etc., p. 43, No. 1, PI. viii. 5. 95. Obv. Head of Athena Parthenos r. wearing triple-crested helmet (as on No. 84.) Rev. AGE BA£IAE MIGPAAATHS APISTI/IN Owl standing to front on a prostrate amphora (as on No. 84) ; in the field r., 1 J. C. Egbert, Introd. to the Study of Latin Inscr., p. 30. 1 60 HISTOBICAL GREEK COINS sun between crescents. The whole in wreath of olive. British Museum. Gold Stater, 8 "23 grammes. Wroth, Num. Chr., 1897, PI. iv. 9 ; Hill, Handbook, PI. ix. 7. The Aristion, 1 whose name is read on No. 95, is the Athenian 'philosopher' and agent of Mithra- dates. He had little difficulty in persuading the Athenians of the probable success of the king; and, backed by the presence of some two thousand mer- cenaries, and by a share of the plunder of the trea- sury of Delos, with which the general Archelaus sent him to Athens in 88 B.C., he inaugurated a tyranny which lasted until March 86. The Athenian silver coins of the year 88-87 bear the names of Aristion and Philon. The types are those of No. 95 — the regular types of the Athenian coinage — but in the field is the symbol of Pegasus drinking. That symbol is one of the chief types of the coinage of Mithradates himself. In the next year (87-86) the names are as on No. 95, the symbol being changed to a sun and crescents. 2 This symbol again is only a modification of the sun in a crescent which occurs constantly on the coins of Mithradates (No. 94). Aristion further marked the breach with Rome by issuing a coinage in gold. Mithradates caused gold coins to be issued about the same time at Ephesus, 3 Smyrna, 4 and possibly elsewhere, with local types ; 1 On the history of this period and its connexion with the coins, see especially Weil in Athen. Mitth., vi. (1881), pp. 315-337. 2 Kote that the coin is further distinguished from the ordinary issues of the Athenian mint by the absence of mint-letters. 3 Head, Coinage of Ephesus, p. 69. 4 Head, B. N. 1 , p. 509. L T6l HISTORICAL GREEK COINS some of his own gold staters (as No. 94) were struck at Pergamum, for they bear the letters riEPr in monogram. They are also marked with single numerals A, B, T or A, and not with the years of the Bithynian era which he used on his other coins. Probably the numerals represent the years of a new era beginning in 89-88 B.C., when the Romans were expelled from Asia. 1 The Athenian gold coinage thus falls into a general scheme organised by the Pontic king for subsidising his partisans against Rome. These are the last gold coins struck by the Greeks, if we except the series issued by the kings of the Cimmerian Bosporus, to whom the Romans for special reasons granted the privilege. 2 The coins with the head of Mithradates are the last fine works of art produced by the coin-engraver in Greece. They — especially the silver tetra- drachms, on which the work can be better ap- preciated owing to their larger size — indeed stand almost alone in the first century. Nothing approaching them had been produced since the time of Philip v. But although the technique is good, the treatment is rather showy, so that the eye, although at first attracted, soon tires of the subject. 3 The ivy-wreath on the reverse of the coins of Mithradates 4 reminds us of the cistophori. Whether 1 Th. Reinach, Trois Royaumes, p. 195. 2 For apparent exceptions, see Hill, Handbook, pp. 86 f. 3 See the excellent criticism in Buskin's Aratra Pentelici, § 120. * See Reinach, op. cit., p. 441, and Wroth, B. M. C. Bithynia, etc., p. xxv, on these types. l62 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS it was adopted for commercial reasons we cannot say ; but in any case it was appropriate to Mithra- dates, who posed as Dionysus. The feeding or drinking stag, it has been suggested, may, as the symbol of Artemis Agrotera, refer to the king's love of hunting ; the Pegasus, as the offspring of the Gorgon Medusa, refers to Perseus, the legen- dary ancestor of Mithradates. THE END OF THE SELEUCID KINGDOM 83 B.C. 96. Obv. Bust of Tigranes r. ; wearing Armenian tiara, decorated with sun between two eagles. Fillet border. Rev. BA2IAE.Q:e: TITPANOY The Tyche of Antioch seated r. on rock, holding palm-branch ; at her feet, half-figure of the river-god Orontes swimming r. In the field, mint-letters. The whole in a wreath. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 16 '45 grammes. Gardner, B. M. C. Seleucid Kings, p. 103, No. 2, PI. xxvii. 6 ; cp. Macdonald in Num. Ghr., 1902, pp. 193 f. The slow decay of the Seleucid dynasty had, at the beginning of the first century B.C., brought the affairs of Syria to such a degree of disorder that nothing less than the removal of the diseased member could restore the state to health. The remedy was close at hand, for under the great Tigranes Armenia had risen to be a power. This 163 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS king carved large pieces out of the territories which surrounded his own, chiefly at the expense of Parthia and Cappadocia. In 83 b.c. he was invited, or invited himself, into Syria, and the ruling power collapsed, apparently at his mere- approach. Some places remained loyal to their old masters, notably Seleucia. But from 83 B.C. onwards Tigranes was regarded as king of Syria, and he occupied the throne until in 69 he was defeated by Lucullus. Then he retired to reign once more in Armenia proper. He seems to have issued the majority of his coins from Antioch on the Orontes, as is clear from the type represented on the reverse of No. 96. The figure of Tyche is copied 1 from the famous group of Tyche and the Orontes made by Eutychides of Sicyon, an artist of the Lysippean school. This work was set up at Antioch soon after the foundation of the city, and many copies, varying in details, have been preserved. Of these the best known is the graceful marble statuette in the Vatican. Tyche wears a mural crown — not clearly visible on this specimen — and is seated on Mount Silpius. The river Orontes is represented at her feet in the attitude of sw immin g. The choice of this type by Tigranes was obviously dictated by a desire to publish the fact that he was ruling in Antioch. The statuary group was widely known, but, curiously enough, it had occurred to none of the Seleucid dynasty to repre- sent it on their coins. Possibly it would have 1 For the literature, see Wroth, B. M. C. Oalatia, etc., p. lxi. 164 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS savoured too much of civic independence. Tigranes was therefore able to break effectively with the tradition of the Seleucid coinage, and at the same time to keep in touch with local feeling, at least as regarded the most important city in his new ' possessions. The statue of Eutychides, or more probably the representation of it on the coins of Tigranes and on later coins of Antioch, was widely copied on the coins of other places, where it represents the local Tyche. Macdonald 1 has pointed out that some of the coins of Tigranes himself with this type were probably struck outside of Antioch, perhaps at Damascus. THE CONQUEST OF CEETE 69-63 B.C. 97. Obv. [PjAMAC Head of Eoma in winged helmet, adorned on one side with ele- phant's head ; in front, 1V. No. 98 is dated in the sixteenth year (eroi/s is') of the city, that is 51-50 B.c. It bears the head of the founder. In front is the curved rod, the lituus, 167 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS quod clarissimum est insigne auguratus. 1 The star was used as a type by the Pompeiani on some of the first coins issued at the newly-founded city. Its especial significance here is obscure. On earlier coins of Soli it also occurs as a symbol, seemingly with reference to one of the cults of the city. Athena was the chief local deity, and her head appears on the coins from the latter part of the fifth century onwards. AMYNTAS, KING OF GALATIA 36-25 B.C. 99. Obv. Head of Athena r. in crested helmet. Rev. HAEYX Nike advancing 1., carrying a diadem. In the field, a slipped pome- granate. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 15 - 85 grammes. Hill, B. M. C. Lycia, etc., p. 148, No. 39, PI. xxvii. 5. 100. Obv. Similar to No. 99. Rev. BA£IAEA£ AMYNTOY Nike advanc- ing 1. carrying sceptre bound with regal diadem. British Museum. Silver Attic Tetradrachm, 16'05 grammes. Wroth, B. M. C. GaZatia, etc., p. 2, No. 5, PI. i. 3. Amyntas, who first appears in history as a secretary of king Deiotarus, adopted a consistent policy of deserting the losing side during the civil wars which followed the murder of Caesar. For 1 Cicero, De Divined., I. xvii. 30. 168 PLATE XIII. Nos. 94 — ioo. HISTORICAL GREEK COINS abandoning Brutus and Cassius he was rewarded by Marcus Antonius with the crown of Galatia, including Pisidia and parts of Pamphylia and Lycaonia; and by deserting Antonius before Actium he succeeded in retaining his realm until his death in 25 B.C. The chief city in his dominions was the port of Side, and here he seems to have established a mint. No. 99 is a tetradrachm of Side, struck just before the city came into his hands. The attribution is proved by the pomegranate (0-1817), which is the canting badge of the city, and occurs either as type or as symbol on all its coins down to this period. So well was the meaning of the pomegranate known that the Sidetans dispensed with the inscription of their name on the coins long after such inscriptions had become almost universal at other mints. The tetradrachms of the class with which we are con- cerned were first issued after the fall of Antiochus the Great, when these 'spread' coins came into fashion. That the coins signed by the magistrate l6pos, title, 157. Oak-wreath, Macedon, 149. Odessus, coin of, with Alexandrine types, 106. Oeniandus in Cilicia, 144. Olive - branch or spray (symbol) : Athens, 11 ; Macedon, 149. Olive - wreath : Athens, 140, 160; Cnossus, 134 ; Means, 52. Olympia : coinage of Eleans at, 53 f. ; Hera at, 54 ; seized by Arcadians, 76 f. Olympia (nymph), head of : Eleans, 76. Olynthian league, 66. Omphalos, Arsaces seated on, 132. Onymarchus, Phocian general, 89 f. Orchonienus (Boeotia) : Aeginetic in- cuse at, 6 f. ; connexion with Calaurian Amphictiony, 7 ; coinage of fourth century, 70. Orontes, R., personified, Antioch, 1631 Orophernes and Priene, 145 f. Owl : Athens, 11 f. ; on amphora, Athens, 140, 160, Cnossus, 134; on pedestal, Orophernes, 148. 177 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Pan: Arcadia, 72; caressing hare, Messene, 32. Panathenaic vases with Nike or Athena holding standard, 105 n. Pangaeus, Mt., 78 f. Parthian Empire, foundation of, 131. Patrae, coin with Athena, 75. Pausanias on history of Zancle, 31. Pegasus : Leontini, 86, Syracuse, 85 ; drinking, badge of Mithradates, 161, 163. Pegasus (coin) : of Agathocles, 114 ; of Dion and Timoleon, 85 f. Peisistratus and the Attic coinage, 17. Pelagonia as mint under the Romans, 149 f. Pella: mint of Philip n. at, 83; Athena of, 108 ; under the Romans, 159. Pelopidas, Boeotarch, 71. Pergamum : early coinage of kings of, 124 f. ; Athena crowning king's name on coins of, 123 ; gold coinage under Mithradates, 162. See also Attalus, Eumenes. Pericles colonises Sybaris and Thurii, 50. Persephone, head of : Agathocles, 110 ; on Syracusan ' medallions,' 56. Perseus, the hero : legendary ancestor of Mithradates, 163 ; Perseus of Macedon and Andriscus in his guise, 149 f. Perseus, king of Macedon : his head as the hero Perseus on coins of Philip v., 151. Persian : coinage, 26 f . ; king as archer, 26 f . ; weight-standard, 3. ®=, 9. Phalaecus, Phocian general, 89 f. Pharnabazus at Cyzicus, 57 f. Phaselis, coin inscribed 0=0, 9. Pheidias : his Athena Promachos, 68 ; his Parthenos, 141. Pheidon, king of Argos, 4 ; standard named after him, 13 f. Pheneus, 74. Philetaerus of Pergamum, 124 f. Philip II. : founds Philippi, 78 f. ; his coinage, 78 f., 80 f. ; dealings with Thessalian tyrants, 93 f. ; his types imitated by Agathocles, 112. m., coins with name of, 107. v. : type of Athena, 108 ; head of, 132 ; interferes in Crete, 132 f. ; as Apollo, 133 ; opposed by Athens and Cretans, 134 f. ; his dies used by Thalna, 150. Philippei nummi, 80 f. Philippi, 78 f. Philomelus, Phocian general, 90 f. Phocaea, earliest coinage of, 8 f . Phocaic standard, 8. Phoeians, coinage of, in Sacred War, 89 f. Phoenicia, no early coinage in, 15. Phoenician standard, 19, 109, 155. Pisa, its coinage at Olympia, 76 f . Pistis, see Loyalty. Plated coins, 48. Pollux : on invention of coinage, 1 ; on the Damareteia, 38 ; on types of Rhegium, 32. Polyrhenium : relations with Philip v., 132 f. ; allied with Athens, 135. Pomegranate of Side, 169. Pompeiopolis in Cilicia, 167 f. Pompeius Magnus: organises Southern Asia Minor, 167 f. ; his portrait, 167. Portraiture : on early coins, 57 f. ; earliest Roman, 137. Poseidon : Demetrius Poliorcetes, 117 ; Poseidonia, 21 f. ; Poseidonia and Sybaris, 49 ; Zancle, 32 re. ; with infant Taras, Tarentum, 101 ; head of, Antigonus, 129. Poseidonia : early coinage of, 21 f . ; allied with Sybaris, 51. Priansus imitates Athenian types, 135. I 7 8 INDEX Priene and Orophernea, 145 £. Private coinage, supposed, 2, 10 f. Prizes in Assinarian games, 55. Prow of war-galley : Cyzicus, 57 f. ; Samians, 29 f. ; symbol, Alexander the Great, 103; Apollo seated on, Antigonus, 129 ; Nike on, Deme- trius Poliorcetes, 117. Ptolemy i. : coinage of, 106 f. ; de- feated by Demetrius, 117; relations with Agathocles, 113. v. allied with Athens, 135. Punning types, 8, 36, 169. Pyrrhus and Locri, 127 f. Pythagorean brotherhood in S. Italy, 23 f. Quadriga, Syracuse, 37, 54 f. Quaestor's chair, Macedon, 158. Quinctius (T. ), Flamininus, 136. Raven, Magnesia, 45. Rhegium : relations with Zancle at end of sixth century, 21 f. ; under Anaxilas, 29 f. Rhodes : foundation of, 60 ; standard of, 61, 63 f., 109; in the anti- Spartan league, 63 ; allied with Cnossus, 134 ; allied with Athens, 135. River-Gods, representations of, 26, 120, 164. Roma : crowned by Pistis, Locri, 126; head of, Gortyna, 165. Pesetas, 165. Rome and Locri, 126 f. Rose, Rhodes, 60. Rosette, Boeotia, 69. Sacred War, 89 f. Sacrifice, scenes of, 47 f. Salamis (Cyprus), battle of, 306 B.C., 117. Samians in Sicily, 30 f. Samos : types of, 32 ; in the anti- Spartan league, 63. Samothrace, Nike of, 118. Sanctuary, shekel of the, 155. Saturninus, C. Sentius, 158 f. Scythes of Zancle, 30 f. Seal, Phooaea, 8 f. Seilenus, head of, Gatana- Aetna, 43 f. Seleucia on the Pyramus, 144. Seleucid kingdom : foundation of, 118 f. ; end of, 163 f. Seleucus I., 118 f. ; head of 118, 124. Selinus : coins of, imitated by Solus, 7 ; coin with Selinos sacrificing, 48?i. Sella quaestoria, Macedon, 158. Sentius (C), Saturninus, 158 f. Shekel, 28 ; Jewish, 152 f. Shield : Boeotian, Boeotia, 69 ; bust of Artemis on, Macedon, 148 ; head of Perseus on, Macedon, 149 ; ini- tials or monogram on, 116; lion's scalp on, Samians in Sicily, 29. Ship, see Galley. Sicily personified , 87. Sickle-shaped object, Zancle, 21 f. Side under Amyntas, 169. 2(7X05, 28. Signatures : of monetary officials, 2 f . ; of engravers, 54 f . Sikelia, head of, Sicily, 87. Silver, first coins of, 1 f., 3. Simon the Hasmonaean, 151. Simonides' epigram on the Delphic tripods, 38. Simus of Larisa, 93 f. Smyrna : fabric of large tetradrachms, 147 ; gold coinage under Mithra- dates, 161. Snakes, boy playing with : Zacynthus, 64 f . See also Heracles. Soli (Cilicia), 99 ; refounded by Pompeius, 167. Solon and the early Attic coinage, 11 f. Solus imitates coins of Selinus, 7. Sparta, league against (394 B.C.), 62 f. Stag, Mithradates, 160. Standard, naval, held by Nike, 105, 118. 179 HISTORICAL GREEK COINS Standards of weight, see Attic, Babylonian, Phoenician, etc. Star (symbol) : Pompeiopolis, 167 ; Tarentum, 101. See also Sun. Stratonice, wife of Enmenes n. , 138. Stratoniceia in Caria, 138. on the Caicua, 138. Striated surface, I. Stymphalus, coins of, 74 f . Sun (symbol) : in crescent, Mithra- dates, 160 ; between two crescents, Athens, 161. Sura, Q. Bruttius, 158. Sybaris and Thurii, 49 f. Symbols, exergual, significance of, 42. 2v/itiaxiK6v, 86. 2w[paXLK6v), 62 f. Syracuse : defeats Athenians, 54 f. ; coinage of Dion and Timoleon at, 85 f.; under Agathocles, 110 f. Syria : See Alexander, Antiochus, Demetrius i. , Mazaeus, Seleucus, Tigranes. Syro-Cilician Gates, 99. Tabas supplicating Poseidon, Taren- tum, 101. Tarentum : standard of, 22 ; in fourth century B.C., 101 f. Tarsus under Mazaeus, 98 f. ; under Antiochus Epiphanes, 143. TaupoKufld^ia, Thessalian, 97 n. Tauromenium, coinage of, 87. Temple-tax, 155. Thalna, P. Iuventius, 150. Thasians of the Mainland, 7S f. Thebes : coins with Heracles and serpents, 63 f . ; in time of Epamin- ondas, 69 f. Themistocles in Magnesia, 45 f. Theopompus of Thebes, 71 f. Theoxena, daughter of Ptolemy, 113. Thermae Himerenses, 36. Thermopylae, Amphictionic Council at, 92. Theron of Acragas, 35 f. 180 Theseus, invention of coinage attri- buted to, 11. Thessalonica as mint under the Romans, 149, 159. Thessaly under Philip n., 93 f. Thrasybulus at Byzantium, 65. Thrasydaeus, son of Theron, 35 f. the Thessalian, 95. Thunderbolt : as type : Agathocles, 111 ; Catana- Aetna, 43 f.; Means, 52; with grapes, Sicily, 87. as symbol : Alexander the Great, 103 ; Philip II. , 80 ; Philip Y., 132 ; Stratoniceia, 137. wielded by Athena, 108, 132. three half-thunderbolts, Pisa, 76. Thurii and Sybaris, 49 f. Thyateira under Eumenes n., 138. Tigranes the Great, 163 f. ; founds Tigranocerta, 167. Timoleon, coinage in Sicily, 86 f . Timon, Boeotarch, 71. Timotheus, son of Conon, supposed portrait of, 58. Tiridates i. of Parthia, 131. Torch : with two ears of barley : Sicily, 86 ; as symbol, Pergamnn, 138. Torgium, battle of, 112. Tortoise : Aegina, 3, 5 f . Triangle in incuse square, 11. Tripod : Thasians of the Mainland, 78; Philippi, 78; Zacynthus, 84; as symbol, Delphi, 89. Triskeles (symbol), Agathocles, 110. Tryphon murders Antiochus vi., 151. Tunny, Cyzicas, 57 f • Tyche of Antioch, 163 f. Velia, standard of, 22. VV = long«, 160. Walls of city, Tar6 Wolf, Argos, 52. 37 f. INDEX Wreath: Antioch,163 ; Gortyna, 165 ; Phocis, 89 ; see also Ivy, Laurel, Oak, Olive. Zaotnthus : coins with infant-god playing with snakes, 64 ; Dion at, 84 f. ZdynXov, 25. Zanole at the end of the sixth cent. , 21 f.; under Anaxilas, 29 f. ; be- comes Messene-Messana, 31 f.; old name revived, 32 n., 34. See Messana. Zeus : Ahfaios, 43 f . ; Amarios, 75 ; Eleutherios, 87 ; Hellanios, 82 ; worshipped at Acragas, 36 ; wor- shipped by Antiochus IV. , 144 ; his thunderbolt, 53. figure of, seated : Achaean league, 73; Adana, 144; Alexander the Great, 103 ; Alexander Zabinas, 156 ; Catana- Aetna, 43 f. ; Odes- sns, 104; Ptolemy I., 106. head of : Aetna, 87 ; Agyrium, 87 ; Arcadia, 72 ; Means, 76 ; Hal- aesa, 87 ; Locri, 126 ; Philip II., 80 ; Pisa, 76 ; Pyrrhus, 127 ; Seleucus I., 119; Syracuse, 82, 87. Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press j'j -■'-> iff '