(UnrttplI Itttoprattg Ctbrarij Jtlfara, Nrm ^nrk THE CELTIC LIBRARY PRESENTED BY CLARK SUTHERLAND NORTHUP CLASS OF 1893 The date shows when this volume was taken. To renew this book copy the call No. and give to the librarian. HOME USE RULES ^^^™!^^T^^ ^°°^^ subject to recaU All borrowers must regis- ter in the library to borrow books for home use. All books must be re-i turned at end of college year for inspection and repairs. Limited books must be returned within the four week limit and not renewed. Students must return all books before leaving town. OfEcers should arrange for the return of books wanted during their absence from town. Volumes of periodicals and of pamphlets are held in the library as much as possible. For speqial pur- poses they are given out f^or a limited time. Borrowers should not use their library privileges for the benefit of other persons. Books, of. special value and gift - books, when the giver wishes it, are not aUowpd to circulate. Readers are' asked > to re- port all cases ,of bopks marked or mutilated. Do not deface books by marks and writing. CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 091 786 289 1>A THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE 400 COPIES OF THIS WORK PRINTED, OF WHICH THIS IS No. ..1.5.9 <\ ^^ Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924091786289 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE: A HISTORY OF THE COUNTY, BURGHS, PARISHES, AND LANDS, MEMOIRS OF FAMILIES, AND NOTICES OF INDUSTRIES CARRIED ON IN THE LENNOX DISTRICT. BY JOSEPH IRVING. VOLUME I. COUNTY. W. AND A. K. JOHNSTON, EDINBURGH AND LONDON. 1879. >1 PREFACE. ^«j^ j| N L Y a few words are necessary to explain the design of i^^j this Book of Dumbartonshire. The impression of the ~^ author's History of Dumbartonshire was so limited, that during the twenty years which have elapsed since its publica- tion, the work has been more or less difficult to obtain. Various occurrences worthy of permanent record have also taken place in the County within that period, while the circle of readers to which such a book might fairly appeal has been greatly extended, partly by the yearly increasing number of new residents, and partly from the wider interest now felt in Topographical Literature. In these circumstances, the writer has gone minutely into the modern history of the County, retrenching in former labours what was of purely Antiquarian interest, correcting such errors as a careful revision showed to be necessary, and continuing the general narrative of affairs down to the present time. So far as concerns the Industries of the County, the Succession to Properties, and the more note- worthy details of Family History, every endeavour has been made to be at once full and accurate — minute enough to be of use for all purposes of inquiry, and interesting enough to be preserved as a permanent record of what the County is in its social, official, and business relations. iv PREFACE. In addition to the wide sources of information previously accessible to the historian, local, family, and State papers have lately been brought to light in great abundance, and many of them are of supreme interest to all concerned, however slightly, with Dumbartonshire. Of the Ordnance Survey, completed quite re- cently, advantage has been taken to set forth with exactness a Map of each Parish, in addition to a trustworthy view of the entire County. In a district not more famous for ancient historical associations than the beauty of its scenery and the comfort of its mansions, it was often regretted that so little advantage had been taken to call in the aid of Engraving or Photography for the purpose of illustrating features which lend themselves so readily to purposes of Art. An endeavour has been made in this work to give a series of Views and Portraits in a style worthy of the places and families concerned, and creditable, it is hoped, to the style of the accompanying Letterpress. In each of these departments the desire of the author has been carried out by the publishers with much zeal, taste, and judgment. His own labour, protracted by various unforeseen occurrences, has been slight in comparison with the pains taken in the work by Messrs W. and A. K. Johnston, Edinburgh. The writer can look for no higher reward than that the Book of Dumbartonshire may be accepted as a worthy evidence of their enterprise, as well as of the varied resources of their establishment. An endeavour has been made throughout to combine the special attractions of an elegant table- book for the drawing-room, and a useful companion in the library. PREFACE. To all who have aided in its progress, by furnishing informa- tion or drawings, the author of the Book of Dumbartonshire tenders his best thanks. Some who took much interest in its completion have passed beyond the reach of thanks during its progress through the press, but the Author thinks it none the less proper to remember their kindness, in closing what there is every probability will be his most important contribution to the general history of the County of Dumbarton. Inquiries connected with the task have taken up a lafge portion of the spare time of twenty years ; but the labour has not been without enjoyment, and also, it is hoped, not altogether without interest, to readers even beyond the bounds of Dumbartonshire. J.I. Christmas, 1878. VOL. I. CONTENTS. -okJks- "Saxon Chronicle;" William of Mal- mesbury, and Henry of Huntingdon, A modern English historian, Sir Francis Pal- grave, has founded on the above and similar submissions a defence to the claim of supe- riority set up by Edward I. over Scotland. It is replied on the other side that the sub- mission was made by the northern kings only for the possessions they held in England. = " Welsh Archiaol," vol. ii. p. 482 ; Lhuyd's Com., ed. William, p. 41. 6- TRA THCL YDE D UMBA R TON SHIRE. 43 Strathclyde more unfit than formerly to contend with success against these foes, also indicated that the time was approaching when they, who had for five hundred years not unskillfully developed the seeds of civilization planted by Rome, were themselves to become subor- dinate to a power which had already acquired such dimensions as foreshadowed the greatness it afterwards attained. The events which preceded the extinction of the kingdom of Strathclyde are thus succintly narrated by Chalmers : — About the year 920, they lost their king Dovenal. Constantine III. (who ruled over the Scots) had influence enough to obtain the election of his brother Donal, the son of Adodh. This prudent choice appears to have secured peace between the two nations till the year 965, when the thirty years' harmony was disturbed by the misconduct of Culen, who then occupied the Scottish throne. An unnatural outrage which he committed upon his own relation, the grand-daughter of Donal, seems to have revived the native spirit of the Britons, and they flew to arms under Andarch their king. They encountered the Scots in Lothian, where, in a sharp conflict Avhich ensued, Culen and his brother Eocha were both slain. Andarch did not long survive this the last great victory of the Britons, for two years afterwards we find seated on the throne Dunwallon, who was destined to close the line of the Strathclyde reguli. Kenneth III. seized the sceptre of Culen, and with the intention of carrying out his own ambitious schemes rather than revenging the merited fate of his predecessor, carried on with energy the war which Culen had commenced. Success at- tended his efforts. The enfeebled Britons of Strathclyde made a gallant struggle for independence ; but the superior power of the Scots generally prevailed, and at length their victory on the field of Varconar made them masters of the whole territory of Strathclyde, which was at once annexed to the dominion of the Scottish kings.^ ' " Caledonia," vol. i. pp. 355 and 393. 44 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Upon this defeat Dunwallon retired to Rome, where he exchanged the sceptre of the monarch for the cowl of the monk, and the strong towers of Alcluid for the cell of penitence and prayer. Regarding the early history of the race by whom the Britons were subdued, a word or two is necessary here to prevent that confusion in the historic narrative which might follow from the subversion of one kingdom and the rise of another. That the Scots were emigrants from Ireland, and not natives of Britain, is a fact now as clearly ascertained as any in history ; and the only undecided portion of the question which zealous antiquaries contested so long relates not so much to their origin as to the period of their first appearance in the sister isle, and the subsequent dispersion of some of them over the west parts of Scotland. Certain Scottish historians, who admit that the immediate progenitors of the race that subdued the Picts and Britons came from Ireland, contend strenuously for the " native origin " of the Scots by alleging that in the very early period of their history they were settled in Scotland, and went from thence to Ireland. But, without entering upon this very obscure portion of history, it is sufficient for our purpose that the "Annals of Ulster" and of Tigernach clearly show that about the commencement of the fifth century, a colony of Scots were conducted from Ireland to the territory of the Epidii, on the promontory of Cantyre, by Loarn, Fergus, and Angus, the three sons of Ere, king of Dalriada. Having effected an easy settlement there, they soon began to extend their territory along the whole coast of Argyllshire, which is sometimes described a Dalriada, from the territory in Ireland seized by Carbre Riada, and governed by his descendant Ere. Bede and others also allude to the emigrants under the name of the Dalriadini ; but following the practice of most modern inquirers, it has been thought better to designate them as Scoto-Irish — a name suggestive both of their origin and colonization. Notwithstanding much disunion among themselves they succeeded, sooner or later, in subduing almost every 5 TRA THCL YDE D UMBA R TONS HIRE. 45 power with which they came into contact. About the middle of the seventh century, and during the reign of Kenneth MacAlpin, they overcame the powerful nation of the Picts, which merged so com- pletely into the predominating race as to give rise to the supposition that the two were not only descended from the same Celtic stock, but spoke cognate tongues and practised the same customs. Having already noticed in detail the wars which took place between the emigrants from Ireland and the Britons of " Strathclyde, it is not necessary to enlarge upon their disputes here, further than to state that from a beginning so small arose a kingdom which extended from the remote Hebrides on the north to the territories of the Anglo-Saxon kings on the south ; and from an origin so obscure sprung a people renowned for every virtue which can elevate and adorn humanity. Though no longer governed by their own native princes, the Britons of Strathclyde, unlike the Picts of the east coast, continued for many centuries to inhabit the territory they originally possessed. Their line of kings was changed, but their language and customs appear to have remained the same. In the charter " De decimis solvendis," granted in the twelfth century by Malcolm IV., mention is made of the Normans, English, Scots, Welsh, and Galloway men, who are all enjoined to pay their tithes, and such other ecclesiastical dues as the law of God enjoins to be paid.^ The Welsh mentioned in this document, and who, with others, are again alluded to by the successor of Malcolm, William the Lion, were the Britons of Strathclyde, living within the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the successors of St. Kentigern. But though both laws and language seem to have been maintained for centuries in an uncorrupted state, the history of the. Britons, generally, is now so interwoven with that of the Scots, that it is only by events occurring among the latter any light is thrown upon the condition of ancient Dumbartonshire; • " Chartulary of Glasgow," p. 203. 46 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. From the commencement to the extinction of the Strathclyde kingdom, the progress of Christianity among the people seems to have been marked and decisive. It began to shed its genial in- fluence on their lives almost as soon as they formed themselves into an independent sovereignty ; and, during five centuries, kings and subjects alike appear to have contributed by their conduct to advance that cause from which sprung so many reforms in all that related to their domestic condition, and their intercourse with other nations. A knowledge of the truth — dim it might be, but still powerful — seems to have prevented the early Strathclyde re- guli from making their accession to a throne an excuse for sacri- ficing all who had opposed them ; and when their long line was closed, Dunwallon bore testimony by his example that the religion he professed afforded consolation for the loss of the highest earthly honours.^ Almost contemporary with St. Patrick, alluded to in the last chapter, was Ninian, or Ninias, who laboured among the Britons of Strathclyde during the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century. Bede describes this preacher as a reverend bishop, and holy man of the British nation, who had been regularly instructed at Rome in the faith and mysteries of the truth, and whose episcopal see, named after St. Martin the bishop, and famous for a stately church, wherein Ninias and many other saints rest in the body continued to exist till this day.^ The place (continues Bede) be- longs to the province of the Bernicians, and is generally called the White House, because Ninian built there a church of stone, which was not usual among the Britons. The White House of Bede was the Candida Casa of the Romans, and the Whithorn 1 In his notes to Adamnan's " Life of St. Co]umba," Dr. Reeves expresses an opinion that the early date fixed for a Christian settle- ment at Alcluid has arisen from an erroneous reading of the "Annals of Ulster, A.D. 554." The place really meant he takes to be Ach- adhcinn in Ulster. ^ Bede, " Eccles. Hist.," b. iii. c. 4. STRA THCL YDE D UMBA R TON SHI RE. 47 in Galloway of modern times. The learned Usher supposes that the diocese of St. Ninian extended from Glasgow to Stanmore Cross, on the borders of Westmoreland ; but Bishop Nicholson and others, after careful inquiry, arrive at the opinion that at this early period the bishops of Scotland had no fixed see, and exercised their episcopal ofifice in whatever part of the kingdom they might for the time be residing. Usher further intimates that Ninian divided the whole land into certain parishes, but this must also be taken with some reservation, as the term " parochia " signified in early times a much larger district than a modern parish. As In the case of St. Patrick and other early Christian missionaries, the fame of Ninian Is preserved to this day by many churches and parishes which bear his name throughout the north and west of Scotland. More closely connected with Dumbartonshire than even Ninian and his disciples was Kentlgern, the deserving pupil of Servan, who appeared among the Britons of Strathclyde In the sixth century It is said he was an illegitimate son of Eugene III., king of the Scots, by Thamit, a daughter of Loth, king of the PIcts. Being secretly conveyed from his birth-place in Culross, to a hermitage not far distant, he was there educated and prepared for carrying on that work of evangelization which had been so successfully commenced by Ninian. Under the protection of Morken, Kentlgern fixed his residence at Alcluld, and laboured with great diligence among the Britons in the neighbourhood ; but the jealous king, thinking that the power of Kentlgern clashed with his own, attempted to put an end to his career of usefulness by imprisoning him. This fate the saint escaped by taking refuge in Wales, where he remained till Morken's successor, Ryderich the Bountiful, recalled him to his former seat of usefulness. He then recommenced his scheme of consolidating the ecclesiastical power of Strathclyde. In accom- plishing this, so far was he from exciting either the fear or jealousy 48 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. of the new ruler, that he became everywhere known under the en- dearing name of St. Mungo, or " the beloved." As the founder of the diocese of Glasgow, and the patron saint of the city, the life of St Kentigern is interwoven with the oldest traditions of the Western metropolis. His last expressed wish, " Let Glasgow flourish by the preaching of the Word," is still the motto on the city arms, and up to the period of the Reformation, when it became a sin even to look on the vestments of the old faith, the head of St. Mungo, surmounted with a mitre, appeared on the dexter side of the shield. Under St. Kentigern, Glasgow, became the ecclesiastical capital of the king- dom, the spiritual mother "of Reged wide and fair Strathclyde." It was there, says Dr J. Robertson, the Saint made his own sepul- ture, and there for ages the kings and warriors, the saints and sages of Cumbria, were interred beside the ashes of the renowned apostle of their nation. Here the cross was planted, and here was ground blessed for Christian burial by a Christian bishop, while lona was yet an unknown island among the western waves, while the pro- montory of St. Andrews was the haunt of the wild boar and the sea-mew, and only the smoke of a few heathen wigwams ascended from the rock of Edinburgh. The ground which St Ninian hal- lowed and St. Kentigern chose for the seat of his religion was honoured also by the footsteps of St. Columba, who came hither in pilgrimage from his island monastery, singing hymns in honour of the apostle of Strathclyde. That nation pined away. Its wasted terri- tory was shared by sundry tribes and strange races. The faith itself scarce survived, and when the see of St. Kentigern fell, its wide possessions were seized by laymen. The restoration in the twelfth century was the work of the sainted son of Margaret. As next in succession to the Scottish crown, David was Earl or Prince of Cumbria during the reign of his brother King Alexander the Fierce; and in the year 1115 he procured the consecration of his preceptor John to the bishopric of his semi-barbarous princedom. STRA THCL YDE DUMBARTONSHIRE. 49 The new prelate, after a short sojourn, fled in terror from the wild tribes over whom he was appointed, and took the staff of pilgrimage for the Holy Land ; but the injunction of Pope Calixtus and the per- suasion of Prince David overcame his fears, and he returned to preach repentance and tidings of salvation throughout all the Cambrian dales. Bishop Joceline laid the foundation stone of the new cathedral in i i8i. He began at the east, and the work advanced so rapidly that the crypt was consecrated in 1 197, on the octave of St. Peter and St. Paul.^ Whether it was that the monks sent to England by Pope Gregory, under Austin, were less zealous in the discharge of their duties than those of Columba, or because the Saxon was more firmly wedded to his old faith than the Briton, we will not seek to decide, but the fact is apparent enough, that in the time of St. Kentigern the progress of the Gospel was much more marked in the northern than in the southern part of the island. In Dumbartonshire the monks of lona preached the truth in such purity, and lived a life of such self-denial as put to shame their indolent brethren of later years ; but ' Three bishops (continues Dr. Robert- son) took part in the rite, and its anniversary was commemorated by the institution of a " dedication feast " with a great fair of eight days duration, which is still a high holiday with the unsuspecting youths and damsels of the covenanted west, and of old gathered yearly around the cathedral, for business or devotion, craftsmen from Selkirk, guild burghers from Dumbarton, Solway fishers, shepherds from the forest, Nithsdale yeo- men, squires of Carrick, Clydesdale knights, the lordly abbots of Jedburgh and Corsraguel, Highland chiefs from the Lennox, Border moss-troopers from the Liddle and the Esk. That evanescent throng has passed away — even the religious purpose of its first institu- tion is forgotten as if it had never been ; VOL. 1. but Bishop Joceline's magnificent crypt still remains, the admiration of all eyes. "Tectum augustum, ingens, centum sublime columnis.'' It has perhaps no rival, certainly no superior in the island ; and they who of late years — since it was cleared of modern deformities — ■ have wandered in the gloom of its central maze of pier and pillar, or have lingered in the twilight of its noble arcades on either side, will confess that the chroniclers of Melrose gave the old abbot of their house no undue praise when they wrote, " Jocelinus episcopus sedem episcopalem dilatavit et Sancti Kentegerni ecclesiam gloriose mag- nificavit." — Scottish Abbeys and Cathe- drals, by Dr. J. Robertson in " Quarterly Review," vol. Ixxxv. G so THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. in the south the missionaries were glad to make a kind of compromise between the old and the new belief. Gregory himself seems to have been disposed to accommodate his discipline to the habits of the people. He directed their ancient temples to be preserved, and their old days of festivity to be continued. The companions of Austin seem to have brought with them from Italy not only all the subtlety of the schools for which she was already becoming famous, but those habits of indulgence which the close application to abstruse and speculative questions is so apt to engender. In the north, as Bede says, there were apostles " who loved not anything of this world, and who daily practised such works of piety and chastity as they could learn from the prophetical, evangelical, and apostolic writings." But in the south, there was a class whose reading savoured more of St. Gregory, or St. Augustine, than St. Paul — who preferred the " Philology " of Marceianus Capella to the interesting narrative of the evangelists, and neglected both prophets and apostles for Boetius or Cassiodorus. Before the extinction of the Strathclyde monarchy, the ecclesi- astical polity established by Columba and Kentigern was further illustrated and extended by the Culdees, who, differing from the early preachers in being rather a secular than a clerical body, yet continued for about four centuries to maintain with much zeal the usefulness and purity of the Church. Though not mentioned by either Bede or Ninian, or indeed by any writer till about the ninth century, yet Culdeeism was a natural offshoot of the system founded in lona, and its professors seem naturally to have established them- selves in those cells which the ravages of the Danes had compelled the early missionaries to desert. In the immediate neighbourhood of Dumbarton, the name Dalmonach still keeps fresh the memory of the monks who flourished on the banks of the Leven. Unlike their successors, the Culdees neither taught nor practised celibacy, and while some doubt may exist as to whether their form of government STRATHCLYDE DUMBARTONSHIRE. 51 was Presbyterian or Episcopal, there can be none regarding the zeal of those early missionaries of the Cross, the simplicity of character in which they carried on their great work, or their entire freedom from any of those corruptions in doctrine and discipline which, even prior to their time, had crept into the Church in Rome. Regarding the learning of this period, though little can be sa'd which would have exclusive reference to Dumbartonshire, yet a few words may be necessary to indicate its progress there and in other places. Of Merlin, who flourished in the sixth century, and resided in and about Alcluid, we have already had occasion to speak. In his " Avallenau " he bequeathed to his countrymen an elegant specimen of the poetry of his age, and his prophecies continued to be popular with the multitude till times comparatively recent. In those wander- ings, which he performed as a penance for inciting Gwenddolau to raise the standard of revolt against his sovereign, Merlin appears to have been as often about the east coast as the west. It was there Kentigern encountered him, to that locality many of his prophecies relate, and that he died and was buried, his grave being yet pointed out beneath an aged tree in the churchyard of Drumelzier, in Tweeddale.^ Aneurin, Taliessin, and some other bards of the period have also left specimens of their composition, but generally they ^ On the east side of the churchyard the Pausayl falls into the Tweed ; the following prophecy is said to have been current con- cerning their union : " Wlien Tweed and Pausayl join at Merlin's grave, Scotland and England shall one monarch have." Accordingly (writes Pennycuick, the historian of Tweeddale), the Tweed overflowed and joined the Pausayl on the day of the corona- tion of James VI. Another prophecy of Merlin's seems to have been current about the time the Regent Morton was confined in Dumbarton Castle : — " In the mouth of Arrape a selcouth shall fall, Two bloodie beasts shall be taken with a false traine. And derfly dung doun withouten dome." When Morton was told that James Stuart, Earl of Arran, was among his accusers, the Regent exclaimed, " And is it so ? I know then what I may look for ;" meaning, as was thought, that the old prophecy of the " falling of the heart " (the cognizance of Morton), by the mouth of Arran should then be ful- filled. — Spottiswoode, p. 313. 52 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. throw little light upon either manners or occurrences, and no labour of ours could made them attractive to the common reader.^ Following the bards, and at no great distance, were the monks, who were at once the teachers of religion, the chief artificers of the time, and the custodiers of such secular and theological literature as then existed. On the industry of the natives of Strathclyde it is not possible to throw much light. Among the Britons the practice of agriculture does not seem to have been neglected in the era extending from the fifth to the tenth century. The tending of sheep was the task assigned to St. Patrick in his captivity ; the apostle's friend Dicho seems to have possessed a barn, which implies that the practice pre- vailed of storing grain, and in the Irish "Annals" for the year 650 there is the mention of a murder which took place in "the bake- house of a mill." Adamnan, the biographer of Columba, speaks of ploughing and sowing, and mentions on one occasion, as the result of the saint's intercession, that they had an abundant harvest. In addition to herbs and pulse, honey appears to have formed part of the monastic diet ; and in these days the Brehon laws provided so stringently for the protection of the bees, that if any one carried them away unlawfully from a fort or enclosure, they were considered as wealth or substance taken from a habitation. Orchards at one time were also plentiful in Strathclyde, but their cultivation was often neglected in the civil commotions which disturbed the kingdom, and the extent to which they were laid waste by the Danes in their various invasions, is the subject of frequent lamentation by the native poet Merlin. In building, the use of stone seems to have been almost unknown ; dwelling-houses and churches were alike built of rough timber, bound together by slender withes ; and if the chief lived in ' In the " Four Ancient Books of Wales," mention is made of " a battle in the ford of Alcluid; a battle in the Inver;" and again " There will come from Alcluid men bold and faithful to drive from Prydein bright armies." STRATHCLYDE DUMBARTONSHIRE. S3 a retreat more secure than could be furnished by these materials, such retreat was, as in the case of Dumbarton, more indebted to nature than art for its defences.^ In keeping up the means of com- munication within Strathclyde, the Britons appear rather to have fallen off than improved upon the noble example set by their Roman predecessors. In navigation, some slight advance was made, the rude canoes^ of the aboriginal tribes, giving place generally to " currachs " formed of wicker frames covered with the skins of animals, and supplied with masts, sails, and oars. Though it is not likely that the Britons (considering their intercourse with the Romans) were wholly ignorant of the use of money, still barter appears to have been the ordinary mode of carrying on such trade as existed ; and for carrying the various commodities between the Western Isles and the mainland, these currachs appear to have been largely employed. In vessels of this description also did the pious missionaries and warlike chiefs of the time carry on the various ex- peditions. St. Columba and St. Cormack appear to have performed lengthy and even dangerous voyages in them ; while in currachs was fought the great battle in the Frith of Clyde between the Scoto- Irish chiefs, Selvach of Lorn, and Duncha of Cantyre. ' So late as 1233, in an " Inquisito ter- rarum de Monachkenneran,'' an oath was made that sixty years before that date a person called Bede Ferdan, set apart appa- rently for attending to pilgrims at the shrine of St. Patrick, inhabited near the church of Old Kilpatrick, the great house built of twigs — " Domo magna fabricata de virgis." — Cart. Paisley, p. 274. In 1277 the chapter of Glasgow purchased from Maurice, Lord of Luss, the privilege of cutting such timber as might be required for the erection of their steeple and treasury. King Edward I., as overlord, granted Bishop Wischart for the same purpose in 1291, sixty oaks from Ettrick, and twenty stags from his own table. But the spire of St. Kentigern was not yet to be built. The faithless prelate had scarcely digested the last of the king's venison, before he turned the oaks into catapults and man- gonels, and with them laid siege to the garrison which kept the Comyn's castle at Kirkintilloch. '^ Remains of several canoes buried deep in the sand have been found along the Dum- bartonshire channel of the Clyde, the most recent being at Bowling. Inside was a for- midable piece of decayed wood, in shape suggesting a war club, and a few crumbling bones. CHAPTER III. A. D. 976 TO A. D. 1296. SCOTS OCCUPY DUMBARTON— DANES RAVAGE THE WEST COAST— ORIGIN AND SUCCESSION OF THE EARLY EARLS OF LENNOX— DUMBARTON BURGH— FOUNDATION CHARTERS- DISPUTES WITH GLASGOW— HACO, THE NORWEGIAN KING, ENTERS LOCHLONG AND LOCHLOMOND, AND LAYS WASTE THE SURROUNDING COUNTRY— UNSETTLED STATE OF SCOTLAND ON THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER III.— COMPETITION FOR THE CROWN, AND SUBSEQUENT STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE. OME time before the Scots became possessed of the im- portant stronghold at the junction of the Leven with the Clyde, the old name of Caer-Alcluid appears to have given place to that of " Dunbritton," or Fort of the Britons, — which appellation, by an easy transition, has in modern times been converted into the more melodious but less suggestive name of " Dunbarton," and last of all, through the same law of euphony, to " Dumbarton." By this name the castle, town, and county are now generally distinguished.^ The district generally was known as the Lennox or Levenach — the field of the Leven, or smooth-flowing river — a name in strict unison with the beautiful stream which meanders across the centre of the county, and falls into the Clyde at the Castle Rock. The Scots were not allowed to retain quiet possession of their new fortress for any length of time. Not that the Britons gave them much trouble ; for though a remnant con- tinued to inhabit their old territory, they do not appear to have made any attempt to regain their independence after the retreat of ' In days when no settled principle of orthography prevailed, variations in spelling such proper ■ names were considerable. " Dun-Breaton " is a very ancient Celtic form ; others were, " Dunbretane," and " Dunbertane." DANES AND NORMANS. 55 Dunwallon. But the Danes, the inveterate enemies of the conquerors as well as the conquered, continued to commit such excesses in Scotland, that for between two and three hundred years the country may be said to have been in a constant state of turmoil. From the territories they had secured in the north of England, these early scourges of Britain, neither discouraged by defeat nor restrained by fear, overran, time after time, the southern portion of Scotland, and on more than one occasion encountered with success the armies brought against them by the second Malcolm, Duncan, and Macbeth. On the east and west coast their inroads were equally frequent, and some notion of the destruction caused by these scourges may be formed from the circumstance that between the years 80 1 and 1070 the monastery of lona was burned to the ground six times, and the abbot and his subordinates as frequently put to the sword. In 1072 William the Conqueror marched northward with an army for the purpose of compelling Malcolm III. to do homage for the posses- sions he held in England. Before hostilities actually broke out, the two kings appear to have met in conference, and Malcolm, as the weaker of the two, submitted to the demands made by William, as his father, forty years previously, had submitted to the demands made by Canute. But the Conqueror, not satisfied with the promise of Malcolm, or even the possession of his son Duncan as a hostage, laid waste Northumberland and Cumberland, and exterminated many of those families who favoured the Scottish monarch, and whose traditions extended back to the time when these districts were held by their ancestors, without the superiority of England being either claimed on the one hand, or acknowledged on the other. It is to this dim disturbed period that genealogists trace the rise of the great house of Lennox. Among the Saxon chiefs of Northumbria, who fled for refuge to the court of Malcolm, was Arkil, the son of Egfrith, who, in consideration of the noble stand he had made against the Conqueror, and as some recompense for 56 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. the losses sustained thereby, received the gift of that tract of country described most frequently under the title of the " Comitis de Levenax." As the grant was made at a time when boundaries were not observed with very great strictness, it is almost impossible to indicate the exact extent of the ancient earldom, but it may be set down as comprehending at least what came afterwards to be known as the county of Dumbarton, before Drymen, Strathblane, and Campsie were exchanged for the detached Lenzies. Though the title of " Earl " is supposed to be coeval in antiquity with that of " Thane," so well known in the north, it is yet uncertain when it was first used in Scotland ; but Arkil's son or grandson, Alwyn, if he was not among the first earls ever created by a Scottish monarch, was at least the first Earl of Lennox of whom history gives any account.^ He died about 1155, and left a family of young children, for until the eldest came of age it appears from the " Register of Paisley" that the possessions of the family were in the hands of David, Earl of Huntingdon. Another Alwyn succeeded to the title and estates towards the close of the twelfth century, and died in 1225, leaving a family consisting of Malduin, his heir; Dugald, rector of the church of Kilpatrick; Aulay, or Macaulay, whose patrimony was composed of the lands and castle of Faslane and other properties on the Gareloch ; Gilchrist, who succeeded to the lands of Arrochar, and became the founder of the Clanfarlane ; Christin, who, from the number of charters he witnessed, was probably the "Judex de Levenax," an honour more ancient than that of the earldom itself; and Core, whose son Murdoc obtained the lands of Croy. Malcolm, Duncan, and Henry were also sons of the second earl, but of them little more is known than that, like Christin, they stand as witnesses to many of the charters granted by • In Moneypenny's Abrid. "Scot. Chron." I III., they who were called Thanes, as Fife, it is mentioned that in the reign of Malcolm I AthoU, Lennox, etc., were made Earls. EARLS OF LENNOX. 57 their father. There was also a daughter, Eva, who married Malcolm, son of Duncan, Thane of Calendar, and from whom sprung the old family bearing that title. In 1238, Malduin, the third earl, obtained from Alexander II. a charter confirming to him the earldom of Lennox as held by Alwyn, " excepting the Castle of Dumbarton, which passed into the hands of the king/ and the lands of Murroch " — portions of these having previously been gifted to the burgh of Dumbarton. On the resignation of the Castle of Dumbarton, the chief residence of the Earls of Lennox appears to have been at Balloch, which, from its contiguity to Lochlomond and the Leven, must have 1 The charter ran thus : — " Alexander Dei gratia Rex Scot- torum omnibus probis hominibus totius terra sue clericis et laicis salutem. Sciant presentes et futuri nos dedisse concessisse et hac presenti carta nostra confirmasse, Maldoveno filio Alwini comitis de Levenax, comitatum de Levenax quern pater ejus tenuit, cum omnibus justis pertinentiis suis ; excepto castro de Dunbretane, cum terra de Murrach, et cum toto portu, et cum tota aqua et piscai-ia, ex utraque parte fluminis de Levyne quantum terra de Murrach se extendit, et cum omnibus aliis ad predictam terram juste pertin- entibus, que prcdicta ex consenus et bona voluntate ipsius Maldoveni comitis in manu nostra retinuimus : Tenendum sibi et hered- ibus suis de nobis et heredibus nostris, in feodo et heredifate, in bosco et piano, in terris et aquis, in pratis et pascuis, in moris et maresiis, in stagnis et molendinis, cum sacca et socco, cum furca et fossa, cum thole et theame et infangandthef, ita libere et quiete sicut aliqui comites nostri comit- atus suos liberius et quietius de nobis tenent VOL. I. et possident : Faciendo inde forinsecum servitium quod pertinet ad [alias nostras] plenarias villas in exercitibus ex auxiliis. Testibus, Gilberto Dunkeldensi et Celestino Dumblanensi episcopis, Ada abbate de Mel- ros, Waltero filio Alani senescallo Scotie, W. Olifard [Olifant] justitiario Laudonie, Patricio comite de Dunbar, W. de Ros, Ada Hostiario, W. Byssat, W. Sowles, Johanne de Maxwel, Johanne de Haya, Thoma de Haya, A. de Dufglas, R. Vinet, Apud Selkrig, vicesimo octavo die Julii, et anno regni do- mini Regis vicesimo quarto." " Cartularium de Levenax," p. i . The original of this useful collection of local charters was in possession of the burgh of Dumbarton so late as the close of last century. It appears to have been lost soon after that time, but a transcript had fortunately been made for that indus- trious antiquary, Walter Macfarlane of Ar- rochar, and from his collection in the Ad- vocates' Library a copy was prepared for the press by James Dennistoun, Esq., Col- grain, and presented in 1833 to the members of the Maitland Club, by Alexander Camp- bell, Esq., Barnhill. H 58 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. been a place of considerable importance in those days. Gather and Faslane were also strongholds occupied either by the earls them- selves or members of their family ; but before the close of the four- teenth century (if we may judge from the date of various charters), all these places seem to have been forsaken for the seat on the island of Inchmurren. To a period a few years anterior to the date of the charter just quoted can be traced the erection of Dumbarton into a royal burgh. In 1 22 1, Alexander II., anxious to encourage the trade of the country, and desirous at the same time to bestow some mark of his favour on those who had no doubt stood between him and many an enemy, took a step which, in his age, was considered certain to accomplish both ends. He granted a charter, announcing that he had made a burgh at his " new castle of Dumbarton," granted to its burgesses all the liberties enjoyed by the burgesses of Edinburgh, allowed them a weekly market on Wednesday, and freed them from tolls throughout the country.^ ' " Alexander, Dei gracia, Rex Scot- orum, episcopus, abbatibus, comitibus bar- onibus, justiciaris, vice-comitibus, prepositis ministris, et omnibus probis hominibus tocius terre sue, clericis et laicis salutem : Sciant presentes et futuri me, ad novum castellum meum apud Dunbritan, burgum fecisse ; et, eidem burgo et burgensibus meis in eo manentibus, omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines concessisse, quas bur- gensibus mei de Edinburgh et in eo manen- tes habent : Concede eciam in predicto burgo meo, in qualibet septimana unum diem fori, scilicet diem Mercurii : Concessi, eciam, burgensibus qui illuc venient ad pre- dictum burgum meum inhabitandum, et ibi sedentes et manentes erunt kersecum a Pentecoste, anno gracie, millesimo ducen- tessimo vicesimo prime usque ad terminum quinque annorum completorum ; Et, ut quieti sunt de tolneo et omni alia consue- tudine per totam terrain meam, de dominicis cataliis suis imperpetuum : Prohibeo, itaque, firmiter ne quis, in regno meo ab aliquo illorum tolneum aut aliquam aliam consue- tudinem de dominicis cataliis suis exigat, super meam plenariam forisfacturam : Con- cessi eciam, firmam pacem meam omnibus illis, qui venient ad predictum burgum meum inhabitandum : Precipio, eciam, ut omnes, qui, cum mercancis suis ad venden- dum veil emendum ad predictum burgum meum venient, firmam pacemmeam habeant ; et ibi forum exerceant, et bene et in pace inde redeant, saluis rectitudinibus predicta burgi mei ; Testibus, Willelmo de Boscho, cancel- lario ; Waltero Olifant, justiciario Laodonie; Philippe de Mowbraye ; Ingeramo de Balliol ; DUMBARTON BURGH CHARTERS. 59 In 1224, the same monarch granted to the freemen of Dum- barton and their successors two parts of the lands of Morvaich (Murroch), for the common good of the burgh, and again, two years later, bestowed upon them a third charter, granting permission to the burgesses to hold an annual fair of eight days' duration, on the Feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, and conferring there- with all the privileges with which such a grant was usually accom- panied. From the original documents having been lost sight of for nearly a century, it is impossible to describe with any exactness the privileges conferred by these two later charters of Alexander II., but from certain occurrences which soon took place in the history of the burgh, it is apparent they were akin in spirit, if not in detail, to those so circumstantially set forth in the charter of confirmation granted by James VI.^ The occurrences referred to were those disputes which, at this early period, took place between the men of Dumbarton and the men of Glasgow regarding the nature and extent of their several privileges. Till the time of William the Lion the villagers of Glasgow were the mere men of the Bishop,^ and when they did Henrico de BallioU ; Johanne Maxwell ; Roberto, filis Roberto de Ross ; Johanne de Haye ; Henrico Merschell : Apud Jedvord viijo die Julij anno regni nostri octavo." The original has been long lost sight of. The above is taken from a copy written evidently about the end of the fourteenth century, and now kept in the town's charter- chest with other documents of a kindred nature. Keeping out of sight its own in- ternal evidence, the authenticity of the document is fully established by the charter of confirmation of James VI. in (609. 1 So late as 1685 (Nov. 9) an entry occurs in the Burgh Records : " Com^^ sent to Ed^ with ' ane old charter, under the great seall, grantit be Alexander,'' of the lands of Murvaich to this burgh, daited at Air, 28 Jan, and of the King's reign the 17 yeir. Ane uther charter be King Alexander, of the founding pf this burgh, dated 8th July, at Jedbrut, in the 8 yeir of his reign, under the grit seall. Ane uthir charter be King Alex- ander, of the toll and customs of this burgh and tua pairts of Murvaich, dated at Ed'' the 12 of Dec, and of his reigne the last yeir. ^ In the " Chartulary of Glasgow," fol. 45, there is the following : " Quod homines, nativi, et servi Episcopi Glasguen. quiete et libere sint a solutione tholonei." 6o THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. receive their charter from that monarch between 1175 and 11 80, it was not granted to them as a body, but to Jocelyn the Bishop, who was to have " a burgh in Glasgow with a market on Thursdays." The freemen of Dumbarton, therefore, thinking that their charter far surpassed Jocelyn's in respect of the privileges it conferred, endeavoured to prevent " the Bishop's men " from trading either to or past Dumbarton by the Clyde, or through the burgh to the West Highlands generally, unless the customary "can" or tax was paid by those so trading. For twenty years did the burgesses of Dum- barton resist the claim of the " Bishop's men " to pass " can free " through their territory, till at length, in 1 242, their disputes reached such a height that the peace of the whole west coast seemed endan- gered, and Alexander III. interposed a fresh charter granting special exemption to " the Bishop's men " in their trade with Lennox and Argyll.^ This arrangement sufficed till the end of the fifteenth century, when it was found necessary for the preservation of the peace to draw up a " Mutual Indenture," by which the parties con- cerned bound themselves to observe, maintain, and defend each other's rights, neither of them pretending privilege or prerogative over the other so far as the river Clyde was concerned.^ ^ It was different in ecclesiastical matters. In the Life of St. Kentigern, Jocelin relates how it came to pass that the Bishops of the See were subject to neither York nor Can- terbury, but were vicars of the apostolic See itself, and took precedence and had power above even kings so long as Cumbria was a kingdom. 2 The following documents will throw some additional light upon the disputes be- tween the burgesses of Dumbarton and those of Glasgow and Renfrew, regarding the navigation of the Clyde ; — " In an inven- tory of writings belonging to the city of Glasgow, there is an entry to this effect : — No. 2. Item, A Charter be King Robert the first, dated at Glasgow the 15 th day of November, and of his Majesty's reign the twenty-third year, which was in the year 1329, approving and ratifying a charter granted by King Alexander his predecessor last deceist, which was King Alexander 3, dated at the Maiden Castle the i8th day of June, and of the said King Alexander his reign the 26th year, which was the year of God 1275, which is repeated verbatim in the said King Robert's charter; and bears the said King Alexander to direct his charter to CL YDE DISPUTES. 6i As the very principle upon which burghs were founded was exclusiveness it soon became a settled maxim in the laws of Scot- the Sheriff, Baillies, and Provosts of Dum- barton ; and to say to them thairby, that they knew Weill how his Majesty had granted to the Bishop of Glasgow, that his men of Glasgow might go to and return from Argyll with their merchandise freely and without any impediment. And because the same was granted be his Majesty to the said Bishop before the foundation of the burgh of Dumbarton, commanding therefore, that if they had taken any thing from the said Bishop his men, that without delay they would make restitution, and that none should vex or trouble- them against this commission upon his Majesty's highest displeasure. Decree of the Lords Auditors in Parliament, in the case of the Bishop, Provost, Baillies, and Community of Glasgow, against the Provost, Baillies, and Community of Dum- barton, 1469. In the actioune and caus persewit be a reverend fadir in Criste, Andro, Bischop of Glasgu, and the Provost, Baillies, and Com- munite of his cite of Glasgu, on the ta parte, againe the Provost, Baillies, and Communite of the burgh of Dumbartane on the tothir parte ; anent the stopping and impediment makin to the said R. fader, and to the Provost and Baillies and Communite of Glasgu, in the bying of certane wyne fra Peris Cokate Fransch man, and out of his schip in the water of Glide, in contrar thar fredome, as was allegit. Bath the said partijs beand present be thar procurators and commissars, and thar charteris, infeftments, evidents, richts, resouns and allegaciouns beand at lenth sene, herde, and understandin ; The Lords auditours of complaints decretis and deliveris, that the said Provost, BaiUies, and Communite of Dumbartane, has wrangit and injurit the said Rev. fader, and the said Provost, Baillies, and Communite of Glasgu, in the stoppin of thaim in the bying of the said wyne, and tharin has brokin thair privilege, fredome, and thair aid infeftment grantit to thaim be oure Soverain Lord's predecessours of lang tyme of befor, as is contenit in thair charteris and infeftments maid tharuppon, schawing and producit befor the . . . Lords, in sa far as the said R. f. Provost and Balzies of Glasgu was the first byars of the said wyne, and tharefter stoppit in the resaving of the samyn, be the said Provost, BaiUies, and Communite of Dumbartane, as was clerely provit befor the said Lords be the schawin of the instruments and indenturis of bath the partijs : And ordanis the said Provost, Balzies, and Com- munite of Dumbartane, to desist and cess of sic wrangwis stoppin and impediment makin in tyme to cum, and to be punyst for the said injure done be thaim of before, at the wil of our Sovverain Lorde. Indenture between the Burghs of Dumbarton and Renfrew, as to the Determination of Disputes between the said Burghs. [1424.] Fra the incarnaciovn of oure Lorde Jm. cccc. twenty and four ; In the decoUacion of Saynt John the Baptiste, In the Kyrk of Saynt Patrik, quhare thare come twelffe of the burch of Dumbartane, that ar for to say, John Stute, John of Banachtyn that tyme balzeis, Donald Flemyng, John Sammale, John Waltir, John Henryson, Wilzam Stut, Wil of Hall, John Adamson, John Nevynson, Mackay Baxtar, and Sir Davy Rede; and 62 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. land that all merchants and burghs should enjoy their own privileges, and that none but guild brethren should buy or sell within the uther twelffe of the burch of Renfrew, Necole Jonson, John Watson that tym balzeis, Sir Fynlaw Buntyn, Sir Robert of Edderdale, John of Stanhous, Fynlaw Gilcriston, Rankyn Oglach, Wil Johnson, John Johnson, Robyn of Knok, John of Langmur, and Adam Hude. The quhilks xxiiij of the forsayd burws, with consent and assent of bath thair communiteis; the quhilks considerande and zarnande the fredome of bath the burws to be suppleit, and frendschip to be maynteinyt, made conven- tiovn and ay leftand bande, betwixt the forsayd partis and burws ; the qwhilks con- ventiovn and bande is thus as follows. That IS FOR TO SAY in this manner : That the balzeis and the wyt of the said town of Dumbartan, sal chese sax of the worthiaste, discretest, and mast tretabile ; and uther swa the balzeis and the wyt of Renfrew sal tak uther sax of thair burch, in the samyn maner, with ane oureman, the quhilk ourman sal be takyn ^ tym of the ta burch, ane uther tym of the tother ; the qwhilks xii, with the ourman succeedandly in thair tymis, sal determyt al playnts, iniuris and debats, done and to be done be the said burws and partis lelily and treuly, as in thair wyttis and powers extend, and as the cause requiris : And gis ony kind of personis of the sayd burws, dos ony wrang or iniure til uther, thai sal cum to the balzeis, and to the wyt of the said tovnis, and mak their complaynts ; the quhilks bailzeis and wyt, sal do thair lele besyness vnpartiabilly, to reform wrangs and plants done agayn thair fredomis ; the quhilks giff thai may nocht do as for cause, thai sal put it to the determinaciovn and the sum- missiovn of the xii personis and the owre man, at the fornemyt place of Saynt Patrik ; the day of determinacion to be limite and set bi the consent of bath the partis. Alswa it is poyntit and fullyly accordit betwixt thir sayd partis, that giff ony thyngis happynis, that lyis nocht in the sayd partis power to be determyt, ovther be see or be lande, thai sal pas with the consent of bath the partys, to the place qwhar thai trow that sunnest remede and discussion sal be gottyn to thaim bath ; and ather partis sal gife til uther, the lelest and the treuest consale bi thair wytting, lelyly and treuly as thai wad do to yair awin nychtbur at hame, within their awin fredom : And at al thir fredomis sal be kepit in tyme for to cum, that nane sail forstall na by within vthiris schyris na fredom, withoutyn leve purchest of thaim that powar has, bot ilk an entercomovn with uther within thair burws, to by and sal as gude nytchburhede walde, frely and passabilly. To the qwhilks al thyngis to be fulfiUit, and to be haldyn in maner as is befor wryttyn ather part til uther, the haly euangellis twechit, has giffyn bodylyk ath. In the WYTNES of al thir thyngis and syndry, the comovn sele of the burch of Dumbertane, to the ta part remaynand with the burges of Renfrew, is to put : And to the tother part remaynand with the burges of Dumbertane, the comovn sele of the burch of Renfrew is to put, the saidis day and place before wryttyn. Decree of the Chamberlain of Scotland^ in the Action between the Burghs of Renfrew and Dunibartojt. [1429]. Til al thaim til quhais knawlage thir presentis lettrez sal to cum, Johne Forstar of Corstorfyn Knycht, Chamberlane of Scot- land, greting in God ; Syne mede and merit CL YDE DISPUTES. ^i liberties of any royal burgh. Thus while competition between the individual merchants of a guild was not likely to be carried to any able thing it is, to beir witnes to suthfastnes, We mak it kende be thir our lettres, That of mandiment and powar gefin til vs be our liege Lorde the King, anence the debate mouit betuix the burges and comrnunite of the burgh of Dumbertane on the ta part ; and the burges and comrnunite of the burgh of Renfrewe on the tother parte, anence certane fredomes and fyschangis belangand thaim ; Efter the execucioune of our saide Lorde the Kingis bidding, We summonyt the burges of bathe the said burrowis to compere before vs, as commissaris hafand ful pouar in that cause, at Glasgow, the tuysday the xxii day of the moneth of Nou- embre, the zere of our Lord m.ccc. twenty and nine ; And in the samyn maner We gert the Sherifs of bathe burrowis sumound the Lordis and the Gentilles of the contree, to compere befor vs the said day and place, to be apon an assize, touchand the debats of the said burrowis. The quhilk day, comperit befor vs the Commisaris of bathe the burrowis, hafeand ful power to be thair com- missions, schawand thair charters, evidents, and thair complants in writt. The quhilk beand seyn, rede, and herde, and inforsyt, with consents of bath the partis, put thaim til ane gude assise of thir Lordis and Gentillis vnderwrityn, That is to say, Sir Robert of Conynghame Lord of Kilmaurs, Alexander of Mongumrij Lorde of that ilk, Alane Stewart Lorde of Dernele, Patrik of Houstoune Lorde of that ilk, Thomas Maxwell Lorde of Netherpollok, John of Langmore, Alex- ander Stewart, David Stewart, Lorde of Fynnarde, John of Culquhone Lord of that ilke, Thomas Malvil Lord of that ilk, John of Buchquhanan, Robert of Hamiltoune, Williame Lorde of Badinhath, William of Dunlop, Johne Logane, Johne Naper Lorde of Kilmehew, Donaldbene M'Alpi, James of Douglas, Murchou, Johne Broune of the Kennet, and Alexander of Name of Sandforde, Tuechand thair fredomez and fyschingis befor said is : The quhilk forsuth gude assise, beand wele avisit, Decretit, Deponit, and Determinit, that the burges and comrnunite of the burgh of Renfrew ar in possessioune of the fisching of the Schotts, quhilk is callit the Sand orde : Alswa the saide assise deponit, that the burges and communite of the said burgh of Renfrew are in possessioune of the Mid[stream] of the water of Clyde, and auch to have the custom and ankerage of yt that commys within thaym, the quhilk water of Clyde thai synde extendis til the [Eri]kstane ; And fra thine downe, the assise decernys of yt that is debatable, the profit of yt to be devidit and departit betwene thaim of bathe the burrowis: And this til al thaim to quham it affers, or may affer in tyme to cum, We mak it kende be thir presentes lettres. In witnes of the quhilk thing, to thir presentis lettres our seel is to put ; and to the mare soverte and sekirte, the seel of Sir Robert of Conynghame, Alex- ander of Mongumry, Alane Stewart, John of Culquhone, John Logane, and Johne of Buchanane to thir lettres ar to put, at Edin- burgh the thrid of the moneth of Januare, the zere of our Lord, a thousand four hundreth twenty and nynt zere. Seven tags annexed ; — On the back. The decreett appertens to us, gevin be the Chamberland of Scotland, aganis Dumbartane. 64 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. great extent, the equally healthy principle of competition between burgh and burgh seems to have been almost unknown. Yet this monopoly, however mischievous may have been its effects, could not well be prevented. In the turbulent times to which reference is made a great step was gained when communities could be induced, for any consideration, to substitute the arts of peace for those of war ; and as the system of granting local privileges was the readiest and most effective course that could be adopted to accomplish such a desirable end, it need excite no wonder that it was frequently adopted, even though the ultimate effect was to cripple, while in its infancy, the general trade of the country.^ So far as Dumbarton was concerned, an opportunity was soon given its burgesses of showing that their love of commerce had made them neither less loyal nor less courageous. In the year 1263 Haco, King of Norway, incensed at certain excesses committed among those whom he considered his subjects in the Western Isles, declared his intention of proceeding in person against their author, the King of Scotland, with such a force as would enable him to establish for ever the wavering dominion of the Norwegian crown over this portion of its possessions. In July 1263 the preparations were completed, and the fleet led out by the king in person, left the rendezvous at Herlover, the port of Bergen ; but a series of un- looked for delays took place on their route, and it was not till September that Haco's fleet entered the Frith of Clyde. To allow time for concentrating his forces, Alexander III. commenced to negotiate with his formidable foe, till at length (says Tytler, follow- ing the chronicle of Snorro Struelsen), the patience of Haco became exhausted ; and finding that he had been made the dupe of one ^ Some idea of the value of property in the county about this period may be gleaned from the circumstance that in 1288, Duncan, Earl of Fife, vicecomes of Dumbartonshire, accounted for 54 lib. 6s. 8d. as the amount of the small rents of that baillery for two years. William Fleming was the consta- bularius. — " Chamberlain's Rolls.'' NOR WEGIA N EXCESSES. 65 younger in years, but more skilled in diplomacy than himself, he declared the truce at an end, and despatched Magnus, king of Man, with a squadron of sixty ships into Lochlong. Along with Magnus were the vassal chiefs of the Hebrides, who had joined Haco in his progress to the western coast, Prince Dugal and his brother Allan, grandsons of Reginald, king of the Isles, and a large body of soldiers who ranked themselves under these leaders. Then commenced a scene of havoc and slaughter, which made it appear that in proportion as the vengeance of the Norsemen had been deferred it was to be made swift and terrible when once let loose. Laying waste the country' bordering Lochlong,^ they ran their vessels ashore at the head of the loch, and unshipping their smaller boats, succeeded in dragging them across the narrow neck of land which at that point separates Lochlong from Lochlomond.^ This beautiful lake, from its retired situation, had been deemed little exposed to attack ; and on some of the islands with which it is studded were numbers of people, who, not anticipating the extraordinary measures which the persevering enterprise of these northern pirates enabled them to carry into execution, had taken refuge in a retreat which they esteemed perfectly secure. To their terror and dismay the flotilla of the Norsemen was upon them before any plan of defence could be adopted. Multitudes of the unhappy peasantry were put to the sword, and the country around the lake, then a wealthy and populous district studded with villages and fertile in agricultural produce, was reduced in a few days to an arid smoking desert, strewed with the dead bodies of its inhabitants, the smouldering fires of plundered granges, and the blackened ruins of cottages and castles. From ' At Knockderry is a small fort supposed to be of Danish origin. ' The words of the Norwegian chronicle are : — " The persevering shielded warriors of the throwers of the whizzing spear drew their boats across the broad isthmus. Our fearless troops, exactors of contributions, with flaming brands wasted the populous islands in the lake and the mansions around its winding bays.'' VOL. I. I 66 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Lochlomond one of the Norse chiefs named Allan, the brother of Prince Dugal, at the head of a wild multitude penetrated into the very heart of Dumbartonshire and Stirlingshire, slaying many of the inhabitants, carrying off everything that was worth the labour of transport, and destroying by fire what they could not remove. But this was the last triumph of the Norwegians in Scotland. Their measure of success was now full ; and the event which had been so eagerly anticipated by the sag'acious calculations of Alexander III. at last occurred. Scarcely had the Norwegians secured their plunder in the vessels in Lochlong when the weather suddenly changed, and the fleet was attacked by a hurricane which drove the whole of the ships from their moorings and reduced ten of them to complete wrecks. During three days over which the storm extended, the heights commanding the Norwegian fleet, were covered by the Scottish soldiery, who used their advantage to such purpose that Haco was compelled to land the remnant of his forces, and engage in conflict with the well-equipped army of Alexander. The result is known to every one possessing the slightest acquaintance with Scottish history. With the battle of Largs terminated the last hope of the Norwegians to establish a footing in Scotland, nor did they ever after appear in a hostile manner on the shores of the Clyde, which had been so often given over to their excesses. After a prosperous reign of thirty-seven years, Alexander III. was killed by a fall from his horse, while riding between Inver- keithing and Kinghorn on the night of March 19th, 1286. As his family had one after another been borne to the grave before him, the nearest heir to the throne was his grand-daughter Margaret, or, as she was sometimes called, " The Maiden of Norway." But unfortu- nately for the peace of the kingdom, she did not long survive her grandfather, having died at Orkney in 1 290, while being con- ducted to her dominions by the ambassadors appointed for that DISPUTED SUCCESSION. 67 purpose.^ As the happiness or misery of the Scottish people hung suspended on this single life, we n.eed not -wonder at the expression of contemporary writers, that at the report of her death the king- dom became disturbed, and the whole community sunk into despair. As the last descendant of Alexander III., her death entailed upon Scotland two of the most grievous calamities which can befall a nation — a civil war carried on by fierce and powerful competitors for the crown, and a war of defence against an ambitious neighbouring sovereign who had long plotted to destroy the independence of Scotland. Failing the descendants of Alexander, the right of succession belonged to the heirs of David, Earl of Huntingdon, third son of David I. Among these were Robert Bruce, who claimed as the son of Earl David's second daughter, and John Baliol, who claimed as the grandson of the eldest daughter. As the order of succession was not ascertained in those ages with the same precision as now, each of these competitors became the centre of powerful factions, that, uncontrolled by the authority of the regent appointed on the death of the king, broke out into rebellion against the government, and carried fire and sword into each other's territories. Edward I. of England, a king as artful as he was brave and ambitious, had for years been endeavouring to destroy the inde- pendence of Scotland by reviving the old claim of its feudatory dependence upon the English crown — a claim which, if it ever had any foundation in fact, was solemnly renounced by Richard I. In 1 Letter from William, Bishop of St. Andrews, to King Edward. In obedience to the King's commands, his envoys and those of Scotland, who had been sent to him, met at Perth on the Sunday next after the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, to- gether with some of the Scottish nobles, to hear the royal answer to the questions laid before him by the Scottish envoys. And this being done, they were on the point of setting out towards the Orkneys for the purpose of treating with the King of Nor- way's envoys and receiving their Royal Mistress, when a lamentable rumour (in- sonuit in populo dolorosus rumor) sounded through the people that the little maiden was dead. 68 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. an evil hour for the peace of Scotland, the contending parties, for- getting the interest of their country in their own personal interests, accepted the proffered aid of Edward as umpire. After various delays, and much ostentatious display of his desire to decide justly, Edward gave judgment in favour of Baliol, who at once professed himself the vassal of England, and submitted to every condition which the exacting monarch was pleased to prescribe. In the exercise of his assumed right as feudal superior, the English king in November 1292, issued an order to Nicolas de Segrave, Custos of the castles of Dumbarton and Ayr, commanding him to put Baliol in possession of both these fortresses.^ But it served no useful purpose. The reign of the new king commencing in humiliation, was continued in disaster, and ended in disgrace. Provoked by the haughty and unscrupulous demands of Edward, even the passive spirit of Baliol began to mutiny ; but it appeared that in this respect he only fell into the trap prepared for him by his wily master. The time had come when the English monarch could dispense with the services of his vassal king, and therefore, having subdued the revolt of Baliol, compelled him to resign the sovereignty amid every disgrace which tyranny could suggest. King Edward next openly announced his intention of managing the affairs of the kingdom in his own name, and to show that this was no empty threat, opened a Parliament at Berwick in August 1296, where he settled many points connected with the government of Scotland. Here he also received the homage of the clergy and nobles, and such of the lesser barons and burgesses as chose to obey his summons.^ " Rotuli Scotise" I., p. 12. " Palgrave's Illustrations. CHAPTER IV. A.D. 1296 TO A.D. 1329. ALLEGIANCE TO EDWARD I. BY DUMBARTONSHIRE FAMILIES — WALTER DE DUNFRES, PARSON OF DUMBARTON "CAREER OF WALLACE— CAPTURED NEAR GLASGOW, AND CONFINED IN DUMBARTON CASTLE— MENTEITH, GOVERNOR OF THE CASTLE— OBSER- VATIONS ON THE CONDUCT OF MENTEITH— THE WALLACE SWORD IN THE CASTLE- ROBERT BRUCE CROWNED KING— HIS WANDERINGS IN DUMBARTONSHIRE— ROMANTIC OCCURRENCE ON LOCHLOMOND SIDE— BRUCE'S RESIDENCE AND DEATH AT CARDROSS. MONG those connected with Dumbartonshire who signified their allegiance to Edward by signing what is known as the " Ragman Roll" were — Malcolm, Earl of Lennox ; Duncan Macgilchrist, descendant of Alwyn, the second earl, and founder of the Clanfarlane ; Maurice de Arncaple, progenitor of the M'Aulays of Ardincaple ; Macoum de Buquhannan, and Walter Spreul, " Senescalli Comitis de Lennox ;" William Fitz Thomas de Noble, supposed to be an ancestor of the Nobles of Ardardan ; and " John le Naper del counte de Dumbretan," reputed to be the founder of the house of Merchiston, but more likely connected with that of Kilmahew. Another who at this time sought the favour of the English monarch was Walter de Dunfres, then Parson of Dumbarton, but who served his new master so faithfully as to be raised in after years to the high post of Chancellor of Scotland. Previous to his sub- mission he appears to have taken a somewhat active part against Edward, as his Majesty caused a writ to be transmitted to the Sheriff of Dumbarton, authorizing him to return to the repentant Parson all the money which he had forfeited by sedition and rebellion.^ ' In Crawfurd's " Officers of State " (vol. i. p. 17), there is the copy of a mandate directed to Allan de Dunfres, as Chancellor, calling upon him to expede, under the Great Seal,a discharge to SirWilliamMaule of Pan- mure, of a part of his relief due to the Crown. 70 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Following the notable example set by his bishop, Wishart of Glas- gow, there is some room for believing that Dunfres may have before this time found it convenient to take the oaths prescribed by Ed- ward, and afterwards break them. Five years before the date of the Berwick Parliament, a De Dumfreys appears as one of the com- missioners appointed by Edward for the purpose of taking care of and examining all the records which had been gathered together concerning the claims of the different competitors for the Crown.* There is a slight difference in the manner of spelling the names ; but making due allowance for the carelessness of transcribers, and the mutilated state of the documents relating to that age, it is not unlikely that De Dumfreys, keeper of the records, was one and the same with De Dunfres, Parson of Dumbarton, and Chancellor of the kingdom. Not content with having secured the sworn allegiance of the chief families in Scotland, Edward, before his return to England in 1296, placed friends of his own in command of the prine^lpal strong- holds in the country, and sought to overawe the inhabitants of the larger towns, by placing them under the surveillance of English soldiers. The Governor of Dumbarton Castle was again changed. An order bearing date the 5th October, and addressed to James, Seneschal of Scotland, was issued, commanding that Alexander de Ledes be put in possession of that fortress, and also made Sheriff of the County. About this period William Wallace appears for the first time on the stage of public affairs. His connection with Dumbartonshire commenced in early life. His father. Sir Malcolm Wallace of Elderslie, in Renfrewshire, having refused to take the oath of alle- giance to the English monarch, they both fled to the mountainous district in the north of the county, and took refuge there from the ' Robertson's " Index of Charters," Introduction, p. 11. CAREER OF WALLACE. 71 vengeance with which they were threatened. The younger Wallace, profiting by the example of his father and the precepts of his uncle (an ecclesiastic near Stirling, who had been his tutor), speedily became celebrated for his independent spirit and brave conduct. An insult received in Lanark from a band of English soldiers, and then the slaughter of an English Sheriff, were among the first of a series of events which made him the determined and systematic enemy of England. "It was from this time (says an ancient chronicler) that all who were of bitter mind, and who had become weary of the servitude imposed by the domination of the English, flocked to this brave man like bees to their swarm, and he became their leader."^ By his courage and genius, no less than from his extraor- dinary strength of body and great powers of endurance, he soon showed by success how well qualified he was for the part to which he had been called by the voice of his companions. Traces of the presence of the hero in Dumbartonshire about this time are to be found in his biography by the minstrel Harry, and also in the unwritten traditions of the district. In Rosneath parish there is a high precipitous rock, known as the " Wallace Leap," from the circumstance, it is said, that on one occasion, when closely pur- sued by his enemies, he spurred his steed over the dangerous height. The poor animal (tradition further affirms) was killed on the spot, but Wallace himself escaped unhurt, and, having reached the side of the Gareloch, swam beyond the reach of his pursuers. In the pages of " Blind Harry," Wallace afterwards appears in the district referred to rather as a conqueror than a fugitive ; for we there read that he sacked the town of Dumbarton, laid the Castle of Rosneath in 1 " Frae he thus the Schyrraive slewe Scottis men fast till him drewe, That wyth the Inglis oft time ware Aggrevyd and surpprysed sare. And this Williame thai made thare Owre them cheftane and leddare." — Wynton. THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. ashes, and then proceeded to Faslane, where he was warmly wel- comed by his friend and supporter, Malcolm, Earl of Lennox.^ Among the notes to Sir Walter Scott's poem of " Rokeby," there is an extract from an old manuscript written by one Ralph Rokeby, to the following effect : — " There is somewhat more to be found in our (the Rokeby) family in the Scottish History about the affairs of Dun-Bretton town, but what it is, and in what time, I know not, nor can have convenient leisure to search. But Parson Black- ■ wood, the Scottish chaplain to the Lord of Shrewsbury, recited to me once a piece of a Scottish song, wherein was mentioned that Wm. Wallis, the great deliverer of the Scotts from the English bondage, should, at Dun-Bretton, have been brought up under a Rokeby, captain then of that place ; and as he walked on a cliff, should thrust him on a sudden into the sea, and thereby have gotten that stronghold, which, I think, was about the 33d of Edw. I. or before."^ But it is with the sad closing scene of the hero's life that Dum- barton stands most intimately associated. The Castle and also the ' " Than to Faslane the worthy Scot gan pass, Quhar Erie Malcolm was bydand at defence, Richt glad was he of Wallace gude pre- sence." — Blind Harry. ' Sir Walter Scott probably strikes the true key-note to this passage, when he says : — " To what metrical Scottish tradition Par- son Blackwood alluded, it would be now in vain to inquire. But in Blind Harry's ' His- tory of Sir William Wallace,' we find a legend of one Rukbie, whom he makes keeper of Stirling Castle under the English usurpation, and whom Wallace slays with his own hand : — Tn the great press Wallace and Rukbie met. With his good sword a stroke upon him set ; Derfly to death the old Rukbie he drave, But his two sons scaped among the lave.* These sons, according to the romantic min- strel, surrendered the castle on conditions, and went back to England, but returned to Scotland in the days of Bruce, when one of them became again keeper of Stirling Castle. Immediately after this achievement follows another engagement, between Wallace and those Western Highlanders who embraced the English interest, at a pass in Glendon- chart, where many were precipitated into the lake over a precipice. These circum- stances may have been confused in the nar- rative of Parson Blackwood, or in the recol- lection of Ralph Rokeby." CAPTURE OF WALLACE. 71 Sheriffship of the county was held at the period in question by Sir John Menteith, second son of Walter Stewart, Earl of Menteith.^ His name does not appear in the " Ragman Roll," but after his capture at Dunbar, in 1296, he seems to have given in his allegiance to Edward, and in August of the following year undertook to serve in the expedition fitted out by that sovereign against France. In this service Sir John appears to have borne himself in such a way as secured the favour of his new master, for soon after his return to England he obtained a grant in the following terms of the two important offices mentioned above : — " Edwardus," &c., " universis et singulis tenentibus cseterisque fidelibus nostris de castro de villa et de vicecomitatu de Dunbreton," Sec, " custodian castri villae et vice- comitatus prsedictorum cum omnibus pertinentiis suis dilecto et fideli nostro Johanni de Menteth nos comississe noveritis," &c., " Dat apud villam Sancti Andree xx Martij."^ Popular tradition has long connected the name of Menteith with the betrayer of Wallace.^ " Blind Harry" records that the Governor of Dumbarton Castle not only took up arms against his own country, but basely effected the capture of Wallace through a friendship formerly existing between them. About the simple fact of the capture there can be no question ; it is corroborated by several witnesses of fair repute ; and in a memorandum to one of the docu- ments published by the " Record Commission," it is plainly stated that " forty merks were given to the valet who spied out William Wallace, and John de Menteith obtained, not, as Buchanan says, the ' This Earl of Menteith appears from the Chamberlain's Rolls to have temporarily filled the office of Sheriff of Dumbarton- shire in 1290. ' Wodrow M.S., "Jac," vol. i., 14, No. 9 (in Advocates' Library), referring to the original in the Tower. Quoted in Napier's " Memoirs of Merchiston," p. 530. The VOL. I. year is not mentioned, but it was most probably 1303-4, when Edward was at St. Andrews. ' A certain Ralph de Haliburton, one of the prisoners taken at Stirling, and carried into England, undertook to seize Wallace, and for this purpose was sent back to Scotland, but history is silent as to his proceedings. K 74 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. governorship of Dumbarton Castle for his services, but a gift of land of the value of a hundred pounds."^ While it would be difficult to establish that anything like cordial private friendship ever existed between Wallace and Menteith, it is yet not improbable, that the circumstantial account given by our northern Homer may be in accordance with the main facts of the case.^ The latter, it is true, was the acknowledged governor of Dumbarton Castle for the English interest, but then he was a Scottish nobleman, and was known not only to have fought at one time for the independence of his country, but was destined in after years to furnish at Bannockburn another proof of the power with which he could wield his sword in defence of her rights. Nay, if the governor of Dumbarton Castle could change sides as occasion suited, there is nothing even improbable in the Minstrel's statement that he made use of a former friendship with Wallace to effect his capture. " Cursed be the day of the nativity of Sir John Menteith (says Arnold Blair, the faithful chaplain of Wallace) ; may his execrated name be for ever blotted from the Book of Life." Langtoft, speaking of the capture of Wallace, says Menteith pursued the hero closely, and by means of the treason of his servant, Jack Short, took him one night when he deemed himself secure in the company of his mistress. It was generally reported ^ De la terre, c'est a savoir cent livres pour Johan de Menteth. — Palgrave's Scottish Documents, p. 154. ^ Lord Hailes was 'the first writer of any note to throw a doubt over " Blind Harry's narrative." Those who condemn Sir John Menteith (he says) ought to condemn him for having acknowledged the government of Edward I., and accepting an office of trust under him — not for having discharged the duties of that office. "Annals," vol. ii. p. 346. The Minstrel's narrative has been ex- amined more recently, and still more closely, by Mr M. Napier, who, anxious no doubt for the honour of the Rusky descent, endeavours to prove that little or no intimacy could have taken place between Wallace and Menteith, and further, alleges that even after the execu- tion of the hero the governor of Dumbarton continued to be trusted, honoured, and be- loved by those who had at heart the inde- pendence of Scotland. — " Memoirs of Mer- chiston," pp. 527-534. CAPTURE OF WALLACE. n that Wallace had slain Jack's brother, which made him more willing to do his master this ill turn.^ Some doubt exists as to whether the capture was made in Glasgow or the neighbouring village of Robroyston, but in which- ever place, the attendant circumstances narrated by his fond biographer are quite in keeping with the occasion. As Wallace slept (says the Minstrel) two soldiers stole into the room and re- moved his arms and his bugle, while Menteith kept watch outside. Having rudely shaken him out of his slumber, the two men attempted to secure the hero ; but they far miscalculated their own strength as well as his ; finding himself disarmed, he seized an oaken stool as the first object within his grasp, and with it struck them both dead at his feet. Menteith now showed himself, and having explained to Wallace that as the building was surrounded by soldiers, escape was impossible, pledged his knightly oath that if he would allow himself to be carried to Dumbarton his life should be spared. Wallace upon this, submitted to be made prisoner, and trusting to his old friendship with Menteith, accompanied him quietly to Dumbarton, where he was kept till intelligence reached Edward that his most formidible foe was now within his grasp.^ " William Waleis is nomen that master was of theves Tiding to the king is comen that robbery mischeives, SirJohnofMenetestsuedWilliamsonigh, He took him when he ween'd least, on night, his leman him by, That was through treason of Jack Short, his man. He was the encheson that John so him ran. Jack's brother had he slain, the Waleis that is said. The man Jack was fain to do William that braid." Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 329. "^ This seems the most appropriate place for referring to a tradition connected with a huge two-handed sword, still shown in the Castle, as the weapon which Wallace wielded so powerfully in defence of his country's in- dependence. At this distance of time there are of course many difficulties in the way of proving that the old weapon can rightly assert an ownership so illustrious, but it may assist some wavering sceptic to mention, that the tradition can lay claim to great antiquity, and in circumstantial uniformity, possesses at least one essential element of credibility. In 1505, when James IV. visited Dumbarton, the following item of expendi- 7^ THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Overjoyed at the tidings, the English monarch at once ordered Wallace to be sent to London in custody of a band of tried soldiers, that he might at least go through the form of a trial previous to his execution. Though his journey thither was by the most un- frequented route, yet from the crowds that gathered round him his progress rather resembled that of a conquerer than a captive, and when he reached the metropolis the sympathies of even the English became so thoroughly roused in his favour that, instead of being taken through the city to the Tower, he was quietly lodged in the house of a private citizen. On the next day, being the eve of St. Bartholomew, Wallace was tried at Westminster. Being- impeached as a traitor by the king's Justice, Wallace answered that he could not be a traitor, as he owed Edward no allegiance, nor while ture occurs in the books of the Lord Treasurer, under date December 8 : — " For bynding of ane riding sword and rappyer, and binding of Wallass Sword with cordis of silk and new hilt and plomet, new skab- bard, and new belt to the said sword, xxvjsh." In 1644, when Provost Sempill entered on the keeping of the Castle, an old two-handed sword without a scabbard, is described in the inventory of arms as then lying in the Wallace Tower. Under instructions from the Board of Ordnance, the weapon was sent to London early in the present century, and was shown for some years among the other curiosities in the Tower. At the suggestion of the Duke of Wellington, it was then examined by Mr Meyrick, who pronounced it to be a sword of a lat°r date than Wallace, and had most likely been carried in state ceremonials before various English kings. In compliance with a request contained in a local memorial, the sword was returned to Dumbarton Castle, and hung there somewhat neglected, till its exhibition at Stirling on the occasion of laying the foundation stone of the Wallace Monument in 1861 led to a neat oak case being prepared for its reception. An attempt to remove it altogether to the Museum on the Abbey Craig, led the War Office authori- ties to refer again to the Meyrick report as to the antiquity of the weapon, and instruc- tions were thereafter given, permitting it to be exhibited in the Castle armoury only as a sword reputed to have belonged to Wallace. The weapon measures from point to point four feet eleven and a -half inches, the handle being one foot two inches, the guard half-an-inch, and the blade itself three feet nine inches. It varies in breadth from two inches and a-quarter at the guard to three- quarters of an inch at the point, and weighs six lbs. It has been welded in two places, and is believed to have lost each time from six to eight inches in length. The scabbard and silk binding renewed by King James IV. cannot now be traced. ROBERT BRUCE. 77 he lived should he ever receive it. To the charge of having burnt villages, stormed castles, and slain the liege subjects of the king, Wallace confessed that he had done so, yet it was not of Edward of England he would ask pardon. Upon this confession he was ordered to be executed immediately with all the ignominy his enemies could devise. The head was stuck on a pole on London Bridge, and the limbs sent — the right arm to Newcastle, the left to Berwick, the right leg to Perth, and the left to Aberdeen. Thus was consummated the final act of that tragedy which had its origin in the jealousy and subserviency of the Scottish nobles themselves, was matured by the eagerness of the governor of Dumbarton, and perfected by the hostility of Edward. Wallace's mantle fell on no unworthy successor — Robert Bruce, the grandson of that Bruce who had contested the throne with Baliol. Though educated in the Court of Edward, and for a time seemingly won over to his views, Bruce yet appears at a very early period to have resolved on doing what he was able to free his country from the thraldom under which it was suffering. His grandfather, Robert Bruce the competitor, appears to have taken no very decided steps to set aside the award of the English king, while his father, more intent upon lessening the influence of the Baliol and Comyn families than wielding supreme power himself, lent his active assistance to Edward, and appeared in Scotland among the leaders of his army. The ambition of the younger Bruce took a more daring flight. By turns the partizan of Edward and the vicegerent of Baliol, he appeared for a time to stifle his own pretensions to the crown ; but as his character gradually developed itself this desire became so evident and so deep-rooted as to give a firmness and consistency to his whole life. Even before the capture of Wallace the murder of Comyn compelled Bruce to. adopt open measures of hostility against the English king, and the mangled remains of the great patriot had hardly been withdrawn from public 78 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. gaze when, with maimed rites and in presence of a scanty train, he was crowned at Scone by the Bishop of St. Andrews. It was after the unfortunate engagement at Methven that Bruce commenced to lead that wandering and precarious hfe among the wilds of his native country which, as in the case of Wallace, made him more familiar with the people, and roused many of them to embrace his cause. Being joined by his own wife and the wives and sisters of a few of his followers, who preferred the perils of a life in the woods to the protracted misery they would undergo if captured by the English, Bruce with his faithful followers retreated still farther westward in the direction of the head of Loch Awe. But this was a part of the country peculiarly beset with danger ; the Comyn faction mustered strong in Argyllshire, and every member of the family had vowed vengeance against Bruce for the slaughter of their kinsman. Proceeding through a narrow pass between Dalmally and Bunawe Bruce's party was suddenly attacked by a body of Argyll Highlanders under the chief of the Macdougalls — the Lord of Lorn — and so fierce was the encounter that it was with great difficulty Bruce and two or three more escaped with their lives. Soon after this defeat the King resolved upon proceeding to Ireland, and despatched Sir Neil Campbell with a small company to procure, if possible, a sufficiency of ships and provisions among his kinsmen in that country. Meanwhile, he directed the course of his party towards Dumbartonshire, a district in which he considered he would not only be safe but welcome, as Malcolm, Earl of Lennox, had long been among the trustiest of his friends. Bruce appears to have approached Lochlomond so far southward as to give rise to serious apprehensions about getting across, but this was possibly owing to a desire to avoid Perthshire on the one hand, or get to some particular portion of the Earl's estate on the other. Barbour, in his metrical life of Bruce, has recorded certain romantic incidents connected with this visit of the King to Dumbartonshire, and which have thus been BR UCE AT L OCHL OMOND. 79 modernized by Tytler : — On reaching the east side of the lake Bruce made dihgent search along the shore in the hope of discovering some boat in which he and his companions might cross to the lands of Earl Malcolm ; but in this he was disappointed, nor were the scouts he despatched on either side more successful. Failing better quarters, therefore, they bivouacked for the night in the caves of Craigrosten, and glad must they have been of even this shelter, for the winter was now commenced, and they were but indifferently protected from its bitter blasts. As Bruce's party were crouching together, they became alarmed by a strange stirring and breathing around them, and began to fear that they had unwarily entered a den occupied by outlaws more desperate than themselves. On a light being procured the cause of alarm was found to be a flock of wild goats which, like the belated wanderers, had taken refuge in the cave for the night. Bruce, it is said, was so pleased with his shaggy companions, whose warm breath was anything but disagree- able to himself and his thinly-clad followers, that he from that time took an especial liking to the goat species, and in after years when he occupied the throne in security, made a humorous enactment that on manors belonging to the crown all goats should go grass-mail free, or, in other words, that no rent should be taken for their pasture. Next day Sir James Douglas, who had now completely recovered from the wound received at Dairy, after a long search, found a little crazy boat in one of the creeks of the loch, but it was so small and leaky that not more than three persons could be taken across at a time, and of these two were continually throwing out water, while the third rowed with an energy which was poorly recompensed by the swiftness of the rickety craft. But, wretched as was the convey- ance, its discovery was hailed with joy by all present, and Bruce and Douglas, with another, whose name is not given, threw themselves into it, and were landed in safety on the west side. The boat was then despatched for a new freight ; but a few of the party, impatient 8o THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. at the delay, plunged into the lake, and with their swords in their teeth and their clothes on their back, swam across in less time than the boat took to perform the passage.^ Though Bruce's followers ' Barbour thus describes the adventure : — The king, after Sir Niele was gane, To Lochlomond the way has tane ; And cam thar on the third day, Bot tharabout na bot fand tha That micht tham our the watir ber. Than war they wa on gret maner, For it was far about to ga, And tha war into dout alsua To meit thar fais that spred war wid, Tharfor endlang the lochis sid Sa beslay tha socht and fast, Quhell James of Douglas at the last Fand ane litill sonkin bot. And to the land it drew full hot : Bot it sa littil was that it Micht our the watir bot thresum flit, Tha send tharof word to the king That was joyfuU of that finding. And first into the bot is gane, With him Douglas : the third was ane That rowit tham our deliverly And set tham on the land all dry, And rowit sa oftis to and fra, Fechand ay our twa and twa. That in a nicht and in a day Cumin out our the loch ar tha. For sum of them couth swym. full well And on his bak ber ane fardell : Sa with swymming and with rowing Tha brocht them our and all thar thing. The king the quhilis meraly Red to thaim that war him by Romanis of worthy Ferambras That worthely ourcamin was, Throu the rycht douchty Oliver, And how the Dukperis wer Assegyt intill Egrymor, Quhar king Lawyne lay thaim befor, With ma thousands then I can say : And bot elevyn within war tha And a woman that war sa stad That tha na mete thar within had, Bot as thai fra thair fais wan, Yhet sa contenit thai thaim than That thai the tower held manlely, Till that Richard of Normundy, Magre his fails warnit the king That was joyful of this tithing : For he wend tha had all been slane Tharfor he turnyt in by agayne. And wun Mantrybill, and passit Flagot And syne Lawyne and all his flote Dispitously discumfyt he, And delevyrit hys men al free. And wan the nalis and the sper And the croun that Jhesu cerith ber. And of the cros ane gret party He wan throu his chevelry. The gud king upon this maner Comfort tham that war him ner. And mad tham gamyn and solas Quhill that his folk all passit was. Quhen tha war passit the watir brad, Suppos tha fele of fais had, Tha maid tham mery and war blith, Nocht farthir full fell sith, That had full gret defalt of met, And tharfor venesoun to get In tua party s ar tha gane ; The king himself was intill ane. And Schir James of Douglas Into the tothir party was. Than to the hicht tha hsld thar way. at this time could not be more than two hundred, the crossing of Lochlomond in the manner we have described occupied one night And huntit lang quhile of the day, And socht schawis and setis set, Bot tha gat litill for till it. Than hapnit at that tym percas That the Erl of Levenax was Emang the hillis ner tharby, And, quhen he herd sa blaw and cry. He did wondir quhat it micht be. And on sic maner spyrit he. That he kneu that it was the king And than fouronten mar duelling With all them of his cumpany He went richt to the king in by Sa blith and sa joyfull that he Micht on na maner blithar be ; For he the king wend had bene ded, And he was alsua will of red That he durst nocht rest into na plas. Na, sen the king discomfit was At Meffen, he herd nevir thing That evir wes certane of the king, Tharfor into full gret dawte The king full humilly halsit he. And he him welcumit richt blithly. And askit him full tendirly. And all the lordis that war thar Richt joyfull of thar meting war, And kissit him in gret dawte. It was gret pite for to see How they for joy and pite gret Quhen that tha with thar falow met That tha mend had bene ded, farthi Tha welcumit him mor hartfuUy, And he for pite grat agane That nevir of meting was sa fane. Thouch I say that tha gret suthly It was na greting propirly. .*.**•■• The baronnis upon this maner VOL. I. Throu Goddis gras assemblit wer, The Erl had met, and that plente, And with glad hart it them gaf he, And tha et it with full gud will That socht nane othir sals thartill Bot appetite that oft men takis. For richt wele scourit war thar stomakis. Tha et and drank sic as tha had And till our Lord syn lifing mad And thankit him with full gud cher That tha were met on that maner. The King than at tham sperit yharn How tha sen be tham sene had farn ? And tha full pitwishly can tell Aventuris that tham befell And gret annoyis and pouerti. The King tharat had gret pite, And tald tham pitwisly agane The noy, the travale, and the pane That he had tholit sen he tham saw. Was nane emang tham he na low That he ne had pite and plesons Quhen that he herd mak remembrans Of the perillis that passit war : For, quhen men ocht at liking ar. To tell of panis passit by, Plesis to heiring pitwisly. And to rehers thar aid dises Dois tham oftsis comfort and es, With thi tharto folow na blam, Dishonour, wikkitnes, na scham. Eftir the met sone ros the King Quhen he had levit his spering And buskit him with his menbye And went in hy toward the se Quhar Schir Nele Cambell tham met Bath with schippis and with meet Salis, aris, and othir thing That was spedfull to thar passing. L 82 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. and the whole of the following day. During this day the king continued as before to share the toil of his followers, and to support their drooping spirits by his own cheerfulness. While they lay on the banks of the lake over which his men were being conveyed, he beguiled the hours and diverted their minds from misfortune by the recital of some of those o!d romances in which he seems to have taken peculiar delight. The story of Fierabras and the unconquered Oliver, and the adventures of the Twelve Peers of Charlemagne, were told to an audience whose own escapes were scarcely less extraordinary than the marvels to which they listened.^ To provide against immediate want was now absolutely neces- sary ; and with this object Bruce divided his little band into two parties, who took different directions into the neighbouring woods of Luss for the purpose of engaging in the chase — no longer, as in former days, a joyous pastime, but as a resource to which they were driven by stern necessity. Since the defeat at Methven in the beginning of June, some of his most faithful adherents had never ■" The romance of Fierabras, which pos- sesses an almost local interest from its re- cital by Bruce to his followers gathered round him on Lochlomond side, is likely, from the similiarity of the names, to have been the Norman French original of the story which Mr EHis epitomized in his " Specimens of Ancient Enghsh Romances." If we may judge of the original from the spirited translation of the opening stanzas, Bruce's taste in the choice of a story deserves high commendation : — • ** It befell between March and May When kind Corage beginneth to prick. When frith and field waxen gay, And every wight desireth her Uke. *' When lovers slepen with open eye. As nightengales on green tree. And sair desire that they should fly, That they mighten with their love be. ** This worthy Soudan in their season. Shape him in greene wood to goon. To chase the boar or the venison, The wolf, the bear, or the bawson. " He rode through upon a forest stroude With great route and royalte. The fairest that was in all the lande With alauntes, lymeris, and racches free." Sir James Douglas, and probably many of the barons who were with the king in Dum- bartonshire had been educated in France, and were well acquainted with the French romances of the time, of which Fierabras, from the variety of its incidents and the humorous description with which it abounds, was one of the most popular. — Ty tier's " Worthies,'' vol. ii. p. 170. BRUCE MEETS EARL OF LENNOX. 8j seen the king, and remained ignorant of his fate. Among these was Malcolm, Earl of Lennox, whom Bruce now sought. He had been pursued by the English into the fastnesses of his own earldom, and by a singular coincidence happened to be engaged in the chase in the very neighbourhood where Bruce and his party were now hiding. As Bruce woke up the echoes with his hunting horn, the Earl at once recognised the blast, and hastened to the spot from which it proceeded. The joy of such a meeting may be easily conceived. Lennox rushed into his master's arms and wept aloud ; while Bruce also deeply moved, pressed his faithful supporter to his heart, and since they were both alive and well, bade him yet hope for the success of their cause. The first emotions of joy having subsided, the Earl began to observe the haggard plight to which his sovereign and followers were reduced, and without loss of time led them to a secure retreat, where they sat down to a more plentiful meal than it had been their lot to enjoy for many days. Dumbartonshire, however, was at this time no place in which the party could venture on a protracted residence, even if such had been their intention. Although the hereditary property of Lennox, It was full of the friends of the Comyns — the Macdougalls, Macnaughtans, and Macnabs — with other families obeying the Lord of Lorn, who had complete possession of the roads and passes, while many of the Earl's vassals had been seduced so effectually from their allegiance that they were eager to waylay the king wherever an opportunity offered, and deliver him up to the English leaders. Bruce, therefore, pressed forward to Cantyre, and advised Earl Malcolm to follow him thither as soon as possible with what force he could yet gather on his paternal estate. This the Earl quickly accomplished, but in passing down the frith with his men, some English galleys got on his track, and were only eluded by a bold, skilful manoeuvre. Even in Can- tyre, Bruce found he was still pursued by his active enemies, and after a stay there of only two or three days proceeded to the small 84 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. island of Rachrine, about four miles from the north-west part of Ireland. About 1313/ Bruce reappears in Dumbartonshire, the threat- ened victim of a conspiracy concocted by the reputed betrayer of Wallace. The incident does not rest upon the highest authority — (two interpolated chapters of Fordun) — and little or no light is thrown upon it by the public documents of the time, but presuming that it has some foundation in fact, it is thought right to notice it, with the above caution. The version followed is that of Buchanan, lib. viii. Among the few fortresses in the west then holding out against Bruce was the Castle, governed by Sir John Menteith. No way more scrupulous in his conduct than formerly, the governor contrived a scheme by which, if successful, he would obtain a position among the nobility of Scotland, secure the King as he had secured Wallace, and at the same time retain possession of the Castle. To Bruce, Menteith professed himself desirous rather to sell dearly than defend well. He would surrender on condition of being put in possession of the earldom of Lennox, but to no other offer would he so much as give an answer. Bruce hesitated about complying with such a demand, for though the Castle was no doubt of the utmost importance in a strategetical point of view, yet Earl Malcolm was among his staunchest supporters, and had been so when his cause was less popular than now. Lennox, however, who, like Douglas, may have been called " the Good Earl," insisted that Bruce should comply with the governor's demand, even though it was none of the most reasonable. He had before this sacrificed for his country all that makes life agreeable, and why should he now be reluctant to ' The date is a surmise, and the difficulty of reconciling the incident with certain known occurrences in Menteith's career shortly before this time might warrant its rejection as apocryphal. Thus, it appears from the " Foedera " that in 1309 Menteith, so far from being opposed to Bruce, was associated with his relative Sir Neil Camp- bell in an attempt to conclude a truce with England. ATTEMPT TO ENTRAP BRUCE. 85 part with its honours ? The magnanimity of the Earl overcame the scruples of the King ; he agreed to the demand made by Menteith ; a deed setting forth the several conditions was drawn out and solemnly ratified ; and all that remained was for the King to give it effect by taking possession of the Castle. On his journey thither, there came upon the party " in the wood of Colquhoun, nearly a mile distant," a carpenter named Roland, who, having obtained an audience with the King, informed him that Menteith had concealed in one of the cellars a strong body of English soldiers, whose in- structions were to sally out when Bruce was seated unsuspiciously at dinner in the great hall, and secure, or if necessary slay him and his attendants. The King being thus in possession of the treacherous design of the governor, continued his way to the Castle. On entering the gate the keys were delivered up to him with the ceremony usually practised on such occasions, and Menteith, with seeming kindness, conducted him over the greater portion of that stronghold which had been his home for the last ten years. One cellar the governor was observed to avoid, and as some colour was thus given to the carpenter's story, Bruce resolved that it should be searched before sitting down to the banquet Menteith had prepared for him. The latter made some objection to this, by pretending that the smith who had possession of the key was then absent, but would return before long. These evasions, as may be supposed, had only the effect of making Bruce more determined to unravel the plot. To the dismay of the governor, the door was at once broken open, and within were discovered a band of soldiers fully armed, who, being separately interrogated, confessed the whole scheme of treachery. If additional evidence was wanted, they said, it was furnished by the ship of war then lying off the Castle, which was commis- sioned by Menteith to carry Bruce a prisoner to England if his de- sign had been as successful as he expected. But the unenviable distinction of betraying two of the leaders of Scottish independence 86 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. was not to be his, and before night-fall he found himself an inmate of that very dungeon where he had planted his emissaries. Bruce's first impulse was to put Menteith to instant death, as he did some of the conspirators of lesser note ; but, traitor though he was, he had several powerful relations, or, as Buchanan says, " some uncommonly beautiful daughters married to great but factious noble- men," and it was therefore deemed advisable simply to place him under confinement. On the eve of the battle of Bannockburn (1314), the King, whose policy led him to conciliate all whom it was possible to conciliate, offered Menteith his freedom on condition of engaging with the Scots against the English in the great battle then drawing nigh. Menteith, equally unscrupulous as before, accepted the conditions, and, strange to say, in his post of danger on the field, this man, otherwise faithless, served his country faithfully, and by his conduct there, the King not only granted him a full pardon for past misdeeds, but conferred on him several other substantial marks of royal favour.^ In such intervals of peace as occurred between the battle of Bannockburn and the peace of 1328 Bruce seems to have taken every opportunity of strengthening those ties which bound him to ^ In Robertson's " Index of Charters," p. 14, No. 121, Johannis Menteith, militas, appears as having a charter from Bruce of the lands of Glenbecriche, and Aulisay in Kintyre. Sir John Menteith's eldest son. Sir Waher, was grandfather to Sir Robert Menteith of Rusky, who, in 1392, married Lady Margaret, daughter of Duncan, Earl of Lennox. A son by this marriage, Murdoch Menteith, of Rusky, left two daughters who came to share between them half the lands of the earldom, — Agnes, married to Sir John Haldane, of Gleneagles, and Elizabeth, married to John Napier, of Merchistoun. The Sir Walter above referred to was killed in a feud with the Drummonds, who granted (as compensation, it is said), to the family of the deceased, the lands of Rosneath, in the Lennox. The grant was confirmed by a charter of Robert II., in March 1372, the confirmation proceeding upon a grant which Mary, Countess of Menteith, made to the deceased John de Drommond of the lands of Rosneath, and the grant which the said John made to Alexander Menteith, knight (father of the above Sir Robert), of the same lands, all described as in the Lennox. — Reg. Mag. Sig., 113. BRUCE' S CASTLE AT CARDKOSS. 87 Dumbartonshire. In the parish of Cardross, and on a summit overlooking the vale of Leven and the lower portion of the vale of Clyde, he built a residence, to which he retired as often as his kingly cares permitted. All traces of the building have long since disappeared, but tradition has kept alive a knowledge of the site, on what is now two wooded knolls forming part of the farm still known as Castlehill, on the north side of the Cardross road, and about a mile from the Cross of Dumbarton. A somewhat steep ascent on the western side appears to have led to a terrace, running along the top, on which may have been a building from eighty to a hundred feet long and about twenty in breadth. An erection this size, not more than one storey over the ground floor, and probably a ground floor only, divided by a narrow court, but joined by a cross building at one end and a gate at the other is a probable conjecture as to King Robert's residence at Cardross.^ Here, as we learn from 1 Lecture by Marquis of Bute, Rothesay, Jan. 1875. Here he said is before antiquarian investigation a search of extraordinary i n terest. " For I believe the house was not a castle, as we generally use the word, but merely a con- struction mostly of clay and timber, with a mortarless stone base, perhaps a low, vaulted ground floor, used for cellars, larders, wash- houses, etc., and the upper parts of timber and clay, like those with which the courtyard of Rothesay Castle was once crowded. A careful removal of the turf would in all probability show, as it did elsewhere, the foundation of King Robert's house, tfie scene of events which are told of where few or almost no other things touching Scotland are known. The work has yet to be attempted." Continuing his scheme of re- construction, the Marquis observed, " If we enter the house through a porch with a strong gate and bars, and perhaps its portcullis hanging over our heads by chains from the machinery in the engine-room above, we would probably go through a narrow passage, with porter's room on one side, and perhaps the guard-room on the other, and then get into a narrow court like a wynd. The lower storey of stone would have been devoted to such offices as the larder, where we know that sixty-one carcases at a time were wont to hang. An outside stair, probably on the left hand, looking westward, with a penthouse for it, would have brought us to the door of the great hall. Most likely the great hall would be a room about 50 feet long and 20 broad, with seven or eight at the bottom, cut off by a wooden screen, to shut off the open door, and the rougher preparations for serving the dinner. The hall itself would have win- dows along both sides, and very likely an open fireplace in the middle, and a hearth with a fire made of peats, of which the Con- 88 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. the accounts of the High Chamberlain, he spent much of his time in constructing vessels of war and of pleasure, in sailing in the Clyde and the Leven, in hawking when his health permitted, and in im- proving his palace and park. In 132 1 we find Earl Malcome giv- ing to Bruce a carucate of land in Cardross for one-half the lands of Lekkie nearest Buchaum (probably Buchanan) in the county of Stirling ; and in the same year Adam, the son of Alan, gives to the king an additional two merk land in the barony of Cardross for the lands of Moyden in the county of Ayr.-' The books of the Lord Chamberlain enables the student to follow with great exactness the daily life of Bruce at his mansion in Cardross. By their aid he may be seen adorning the interior of his mansion, extending his pleasure grounds, and engaging in the chase. At one time he is in company with his nephew Randolph, making experiments in ship-building, and at another he is found sailing his vessels on the Clyde, or harbouring them in the Leven. As circumstances characteristic of the nobility and simplicity of his nature, it may be interesting to mention that at Cardross Bruce is said to have kept a lion and a jester, and, as his household books show, attended regularly to the wants of each.^ He appears also to have entertained the clergy and barons who visited him at Cardross in a truly royal style, and though his expenditure was arranged with order and economy, his huntsmen, falconers, dogkeepers, gardeners, and rangers, shared with those of stable used to buy cartloads. The roof would be open timbers, like the inside of the roofs of most modern churches, with a sort of spire or lantern, with pierced windows, rising up in the middle of it for the smoke of the fire to go up through, and letting in as little rain and wind as possible. Down the sides would be long tables, boards on trestles, put away except at meal times, with benches for the servants. The upper end of the hall would be raised about six or eight inches above the rest, and that platform, would have been the table for the King and the Lord of Moray. ' Robertson's " Index to Charters," p. 8, No. 80, and p. 15, No. 14. ^ The Chamberlain's accounts are hardly so clear about the lion as Mr Tytler would lead his readers to infer. The jester will be referred to afterwards. KTWk ^4 -^^ar.?/ -^ Mi ? u 03 CQ o (E C5 LU ai X 4 ^i -rWtvC8kf fej\Vx«zt U4-t a» (Z»..<. 0^ ^. -9 ':Sz:m:^fi'9 fcCrfa.^ ^^^^S^I^E^. t^!!^C3S^^ 9.Q|WiS^. A/W^*fc^ -htitCo U4MtC. '^r*^'^^ ^'/^.^^ 'ittSSJI^ ;j^ ^^ ft>0*^/ (t»i ^^^ iMf :/^- ff" (1, k-tl«p?^>2fe^ \ ■ \ CHARTER (WITH SEAL) OF ISABELLA , COUNTESS OF LENNOX AND DUCHESS OF ALBANY TO WILLIAM OF EDMONSTOUN, OF THE LANDS OFDUNTREATH ETC. Bated. Inchmurrin 15 ^'i' Fet .1445 Utho^TKpTi. '■"/■* A.l^.. LENNOX FA MIL V. IIS Besides the Countess Isabella, Earl Duncan had two daughters — Elizabeth, married to John Stewart of Darnley, whose grandson assumed the title of Earl of Lennox; and Margaret, married to Robert Menteith of Rusky, with issue two daughters — Elizabeth, married to John Napier of Merchiston, and Agnes, married to Sir John Haldane of Gleneagles. Earl Duncan had also a son, Donald, through whom the family of Woodhead claim their descent, but he is now generally admitted to have been illegitimate.^ The disputes as to the honours of the earldom fall more appropriately to be noticed in another chapter, but the preceding details may not be deemed out of place as exhibiting the descent prior to the division of the estate between the different claimants. ^ In reference to the term "filio legittime" applied to this Donald in a charter of con- firmation of Ballegrochyr, Mr Riddel makes the following observations : — " In one of the Woodhead grants ' legitime,' and not ' legi- timus ' (the objective) is employed, which may possibly be the French word, ' legitime,' borrowed, perhaps, like others, from our Galilean neighbours, and actually expressive, as in its noted application to the spurious offspring of Louis XIV., of the previous signification '' — legitimated — not legitimate. • — " Statement in reference to the Pretensions of the Family of Woodhead." Mr Napier, who has an equal interest in proving the illegitimacy of Donald, thus speaks of the term " laffwell," applied by Earl Duncan to his "well beluit sone" : — "Applied to a son who was not heir of the earldom, and who, in ordinary circumstances, was not recog- nized as having heirs except of his body, the qualifying term ' laffwell,' or legitime,' in- dicated his legalised state, and sanctioned the reference (in the charter) to his heirs and assignees." — " Partition of the Lennox," p. 34. But as if to place the illegitimacy of Donald beyond doubt, Mr Riddell, by researches in the Brisbane charter chest, was enabled to exhibit a charter of Earl Duncan's witnessed by " Malcolmo, Thoma, et Donaldo, filiis nostris naturalibus." This, as Mr Napier says, may be called the coup de grace to the case for Woodhead. CHAPTER VI. 1437 TO 1542. DUMBARTON CASTLE AGAIN ANNEXED TO THE CROWN— SEMPILL THE GOVERNOR SLAIN— DISPUTED SUCCESSION TO THE EARLDOM OF LENNOX— REBELLIOUS PROCEEDINGS OF JOHN, LORD DARNLEY— SIEGE OF THE CASTLE— SURRENDERS TO KING JAMES IV.— DUMBARTON MADE A NAVAL STATION— THE LENNOX MEN AT FLODDEN— THE CASTLE TAKEN BY SURPRISE— ARRIVAL OF JOHN, DUKE OF ALBANY— IMPRISONMENT OF THE EARL OF LENNOX— WESTERN TOUR OF JAMES V.— ARRIVES AT DUMBARTON— CALA- MITOUS OVERTHROW OF THE SCOTTISH ARMY, AND DEATH OF THE KING— EXTRACTS FROM THE LORD TREASURER'S BOOKS. URING the regency caused by the violent death of James I., the Castle of Dumbarton was held by the namesake of a former governor, Sir Robert Erskine ; but the Court party being desirous of making some change in the government of the for- tress, they induced Sir Robert, in August 1440, to resign his charge on condition of being put in possession of the Castle of Kildrummie.^ Three years afterwards serious disturbances took place in the Castle between Patrick Galbraith, a partizan of the house of Douglas, and Sir Robert Sempill, the deputy-governor and deputy-sheriff of the county. Some time prior to the 14th of July 1443, Galbraith be- came possessed of the fortress, but on that day Sempill compelled him to leave the place, and reinstated himself on the Rock. His triumph, however, was of brief duration. Next day Galbraith re- turned with an increased force, and not only secured possession of the fortress, but slew Sempill, and afterwards assumed the entire command. Powerful though Douglas was, he manifested consider- able anxiety regarding the issue of such violence on the part of his 1 Act Par., ii., 52. LENNOX PARTITION. 117 supporters, and with well-feigned humility at once sought an interview with the young King, to put himself wholly in his power, James, whose hatred of his governors seemed to make him esteem their enemies, first gave the Earl a full remission, and afterwards admitted him into the most secret of his counsels.^ In 1445 the Castle of Dumbarton, with the lands of Cardross, Rosneath, the annual rent of Cadyow, and the payment of dues known as the " Watch Meal of Kilpatrick," were formally annexed to the crown.'^ On the death of the Countess Isabella, about 1460, several important events occurred in connection with the earldom, and the honours and possession thereto belonging. Though the Countess appears to have exercised the rights of a feudal superior during her lifetime, it is not clear that she obtained any formal entry into the estates as held by her father. Earl Duncan,^ and at her death the King took advantage of his casualty of non-entry, so far as to assign the revenue of the earldom for building the Castle of Stirling.* As Earl Duncan had no heir-male of his own body, the succes- sion, on the death of the Countess, opened up to heirs-general in terms of the marriage-contract of his eldest daughter. The heirs- general in this instance were Elizabeth and Agnes Menteith, co- heiresses of Sir Robert Menteith of Rusky, by Margaret, Earl Duncan's second daughter, and Elizabeth, Earl Duncan's youngest daughter. The latter was married to Sir John Stewart of Darnley ; the first-mentioned Elizabeth to John Napier of Merchiston, and 1 Pinkerton, " Hist. Scot.," vol. i. p. 197. ^ " Caledonia," vol. iii. p. 875, referring to Act Par., ii., 42. "^ In a roll of Great Chamberlain accounts, 1455-56, a complaint appears against the Countess Isabella, " Et de relevio terrarum quarte partis de Glorate in qua hseres non- dum intravit, licet litere sasine de eisdem de cancellaria emanaverint, vis viiid quarum terrarum firmas antiqua comitissa de Lenax percipit, et de eisdem et non rex continuatur." On the margin " super quo consulendus est rex." — " Partition of Lennox," p. 16. * " Non onerat se de firmis conitatus de Levenax, of quod Dominos Rex assignavit dictas firmas ad fabricandum castrum de Strivelyne." — Chamberlain's Account, July 1459, to June 1460. 1 1 8 THE BOOK OF D UMBA R TONS HIRE. Agnes to John Haldane of Gleneagles. Claims upon the territory thus fell to be made in proportion to the position occupied by the heirs-general to Earl Duncan. Darnley set up a claim for half the possessions, while Elizabeth and Agnes sought to divide between them the half which would have fallen to their mother Margaret had she been alive. In making up their titles each of the claimants sought entry as heirs-general of Earl Duncan, a circumstance in itself sufficient to show that the estate was not forfeited by the execution of that nobleman.^ The claimants met with little success in the first stage of their proceedings. The Chancellor, through whom they approached the King, was Andrew Stewart, one of the seven illegi- timate sons of James Stewart of Albany, son of Duke Murdoch, and grandson of the deceased Duchess Isabella. In early life he appears to have resided with the Duchess on Inchmurren ; but James II., touched probably with some regret for the fate of the house of Albany, interested himself in the career of the young Stewart, and about three years before the death of the Duchess created him Baron of Evandale. On the accession of James III. he was raised to the high office of Chancellor of the kingdom, and exercised almost supreme control in the councils of the youthful King. Finding himself unable to reach the King through the Chancellor, Darnley addressed a petition direct to the monarch, praying to have " cdnsuablU brieves, and tuiching the lands of half the earldom of the Levenax, of the quhilk as yet I can get ne expedlclone nar outread, etc. And that ye mak, na ger mak, na stoping to me In the serving of thame, sua that I may be servit in alls far as offers. For the quhilk to be done to me, I proffir to hald a hunder spers, and a ' Hec inquisitio facta apud Dunbertane, 4 November 1473, etc., quod quondam Dun- canus Comes de Levenax, proavus Elizabeth de Menteth, latricis presentium, obiit ultimo vestitus et sasitus ut de feodo ad pacem et fidem Domini nostri Regis, de omnibus et singulis terris et annuls reditibus totius Comi- tatus de Levenax. — Retour of Elizabeth Men- teith — Merchiston Papers. LENNOX PARTITION. 119 hunder bowls dewly bodin for a yere an myne awin expensis, in quhat part of this realm that ye will charge me in resisting of your rebills and enemys whatsumevir thai be." ^ Still the suit of Darnley and the other heirs-general was unsuccessful. The earldom remained in non-entry till 1471, when the Chancellor himself obtained a royal grant of a liferent possession of the whole fief, " to be as fully and freely enjoyed by him during the whole period of his life as the same was wont to be enjoyed by the Earls of Lennex themselves." This seems to have facilitated an arrangement with the different claimants. In 1473, Haldane of Gleneagles, obtained a charter of a portion of the earldom accruing to his wife Agnes Menteith ; and in the same year, her sister Elizabeth was retoured to her share ; each of them, how- ever, recognizing the life-rent acquired by the Chancellor, who, in addition to the grant obtained letters of legitimation. Lord Darnley was dealt with in a similar way. He resigned his lordship proper into the King's hands, there to remain till his entry " to his part of the land of the earldom of the Levenax, and thereaftir quhill be half infeft and giffen to our weill belovit cousing and chancelar Andro Lard Avindaill, the said lands of the earldom of Levynax in liferent, as frely and in siclyke form as our foresaid chancelar had the samyn lands of us befor, and also quhill our cousying Wilzam of Edmon- stoune of Duntreath ' be made sickker be said John Lord Dernley for his part," upon which condition his majesty shall restore to Darnley all the lands held in security of the agreement. But the ambition of Darnley extended beyond the large share of the lands which naturally accrued to him. He aspired to the honours of the house of Lennox, as well as its possessions. By a process most irregular he obtained a brief of inquest ordaining that his claim should be determined upon by a jury, and succeeded in obtaining a verdict • VV^oodhead Case, p. 67, quoted as from original in Montrose charter chest. ^ Duntreath was married to the Chancel- lor's sister, Matilda Stewart. I20 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. serving him heir to Earl Duncan in the principal messuage as well as half the lands of the earldom. This verdict was followed on the 2nd October 1473, by a royal precept commanding the tenants of the Lennox to attend and obey Lord Darnley as Earl of Lennox, and under this title he took his seat at several meetings of the Scottish Parliament. In 1475, when Sir John Haldane returned to Scotland from Denmark, he complained to the King that the letters of protec- tion granted on setting out on his mission had been disregarded in the course of the proceedings taken by Darnley, and that he ought to have been a party in any process affecting the division of the earl- dom or the appropriation of its honours. The King remitted the complaint to the lords of his council, who decided against Darnley, and placed the earldom in the position it was prior to his elevation to honours. Irritated, it may be, at the dishonour thus cast upon him, Darnley made common cause with the factious nobles, who, in 1482, seized the King at Lauder, and virtually kept him a prisoner for several weeks. In 1485 he was among those who attempted to compel his sovereign to abdicate in favour of his son Prince James ; and three years later assisted to defeat the royal forces near Stirling. Even amid these turbulent proceedings, he never seems to have lost sight of that prize which had been for a short period within his grasp. He entered into contracts of excambion with the other heirs- general of Earl Duncan, in which (under an evident misunderstand- ing as to its nature) they were induced to recognize his title to the honours of the house, and in the first Parliament of James IV. (6th October 1488) Darnley, who, four months previously, had been known as " Dominus de Dernele," takes his seat as " Comes de Levenax." It does not appear that on this second assumption of the honours he obtained any formal investiture, or was, indeed, in any other position with reference thereto than in 1475, when denuded of them by the lords of his majesty's council. Fully aware, no doubt, of the terms of that agreement, en- DARNLEY, EARL OF LENNOX. 121 tered into between Earl Duncan and the Earl of Fyfe — an agreement formally sanctioned by the succeeding charter of Robert III., Darnley seems to have founded his claim to the honours of the earldom upon his assumed position as the heir of line, though a superior title to these indivisible rights was possessed by one or other of the daughters of Earl Duncan's second daughter Margaret.^ Prior to his second usurpation of the honours in 1488, Darnley appears to have taken efficient steps for quieting any opposition that might be offered by the representatives of Gleneagles or Merchiston. His title was tacitly acknowledged by the King and the Parliament, and within two years he obtained a royal charter acknowledging the right of his son Matthew, and his heirs, to the honours of the earldom of Lennox as well as the Renfrewshire lordship of Darnley. Between 1490 and 1493 a division was concurred in of the lands of the earldom. The share accruing to Darnley may be taken as fairly set forth in the retour of 1680.^ Merchiston obtained " Gertnes, ^ It is still an unsettled point which of Margaret's daughters was the eldest — Eliza- beth, married to John Napier of Merchiston, or Agnes, married to John Haldane of Glen- eagles. The question was litigated in various shapes by their immediate successors, with- out any satisfactory result ; and in our own day it gave rise to a sharp controversy be- tween Mr. Riddell, who advocated the claim of the Gleneagles family, and Mr. Napier, who contended for the house of Merchiston. The reader is referred to their different vo- lumes for the details of the controversy, which include much curious information connected with the Lennox. Another volume is also important in this respect : the " Case of Margaret Lennox of Woodhead, in relation to the title, honours, and dignity of the ancient Earl of Levenax," prepared by R. Hamilton. The object of this " case " is to VOL. L show that the heirs-male descended of Earl Duncan ; and the heirs of the marriage be- tween his daughters and Murdoch, Duke of Albany, having failed, that right to the dig- nity necessarily opened to the heir what- soever of that Earl, or more explicitly to the claimant, who, as descended from Donald, son of Earl Duncan by a second marriage, was unquestionably the true heir of line. The descent is clear enough ; but it seems impossible to get over the fact of Donald's illegitimacy. 2 RETOUR OF CHARLES II. TO THE DARN- LEY PORTION OF THE LENNOX. Retornatus terrarum et comitatus de Levenax. Carolus Secundus Dei gratia Magnas Britannicfi Franciae et Hibernise Rex, etc. haeres masculus et tallias Caroli Lennocite et Q 122 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Dalnair, Blairour, Gartharnen, the twa Ballattis, the Dowchlass, Bad- mow, Eddinballo, Ballacharne, Tumdarach, with the half of the yill of Inchstavanohe and Castelgile," with " the halff-wod and all the proficitis of the samyn ; " and, in addition, a tract of land adjacent to his share for the right of superiority yielded. The fourth accruing to Gleneagles, consisted of " Callemar, the Rossmakrath, Lurglorn, Kebedeyn, the half of Drummakill, the three Catyrs, Finwicktenant, Blarquhosh, Blarnyle, Shenaglass, Ladryshbeg and the twa Boturi- chis;" and, in addition, as a compensation for the claims of Gleneagles Richmondise ducis, comitis de Darnlie March et Leitchfield, domini Torboltoune Meth- venet Aubigney, atnepotis attavi, in ducatu comitatu dominio baronia et regalitate de Lennox, cum libera capella et cancellaria, comprehendentibus x libratas terrarum de Killmahew ; liii solidatas iv denariatas terra- rum de Blairchynnachra ; lii solidatas et iv denariatas terrarum de Balimannoch ; liii soli- datas et iv denariatas terrarum de Geilstoune alias vocatas Ardardanes M'Aulay; viii libra- tas terrarum de Ardardanes Noble et Lyll ; v libratas terrarum de Keppoch ; v libratas terrarum de Cowgraine ; vii libratas terra- rum de Camseskaines ; xl solidatas terrarum de Kirkmichaell Stirling; xl solidatas ter- rarum de Kirkmichaell Buchanane ; xxvi solidatas et viii denariatas terrarum de Stuckleckie ; viii libratas terrarum de Milli- gis ; viii libratas terrarum de Ardingaples ; iv mercatas terrarum de Laggarie ; v libra- tas vi solidatas viii denariatas terrarum de Ardinchonnel ; iv libratas terrarum de Let- terowallbeg et Stuckiheich ; v libratas vi solidatas viii denariatas terrarum de Blair- vaddich et Stucknadow ; iv libratas xiii solidatas iv denariatus terrarum de Baller- nickmoir ; v libratas vi solidatas viii denari- atas terrarum de Letterowallmoir ; v libratas terrarum de Fauslaine ; ix libratas terrarum de Garlochheid, Mamore, Mambeg et For- lincarie, cum piscatione salmonum aliorum- que piscium in aqua et lacu de Garloch ; vi libratas xiii solidatas et iv denariatas terrarum de Alterpittoune et Lettir ; xl solidatas terrarum de Duarling ; iii libratas vi solidatas viii denariatas terrarum de Stronrattine ; v libratas vi sohdatas viii denariatas terrarum de Fynnart, Porchappell et Forlinbreck ; vi libratas xiii solidatas iv denariatas terrarum de Stuckidow, Auchen- vennallmoir et Auchengach; iii libratas vi solidatas viii denariatus terraram de Auchen- vennallmouling ; vi libratas terrarum de Thrie Kilbridis ; v libratas terrarum de Bannachraes ; iii libratas terrarum de Blair- nairne ; xxxiii solidatas iv denariatas ter- rarum de Blairvairden ; v mercatas terrarum de Meikle Drumfadd ; ii mercatas terrarum de Little Drumfadd ; v libratas terrarum de Darleith; v libratas terrarum de Auchin- donnan Dennystoune ; v libratas terrarum de Cameroun Dennystoune ; x libratas ter- rarum de iii Tullichquhewines ; viii libratas terrarum de Bonyle Lindsay; v. libratas terrarum de Dalquhirn ; xl libratas terrarum de Arroquhar ; x libratas terrarum de Craig- crostan ; i solidatas terrarum de Bonyle DARN LEY, EARL OF LENNOX. 123 upon the superiorities, " Trynbeg, Knockour, with the Fischarland, callit the Croft, Blairlosk, Ladrishmor, and twa Achinkerachis." ^ It is now necessary to revert to some of the more prominent occurrences in which Darnley was concerned. For a brief period after the accession of James IV., he was fortunate and quiet. In conjunction with his eldest son, Matthew Stewart, and Lord Lyle, there was committed to Darnley the entire government of Dum- bartonshire, Renfrewshire, the lower ward of Clydesdale, and that part of Lennox lying in Stirlingshire, till the King should reach the age of twenty-one years. Nor was this all ; the custody of Dum- barton Castle, which had been in the hands of Avondale from the death of Sir John Colquhoun in 1479, was also given to him, with Noble alias Noblestoune ; x mercatas terra- rum de Bonyle Naiper ; v libratas terrarum de Balloch cum piscatione salmonum in aqua de Levin et lacu de Lochlomond, cum insulis de Inchmirrine, Inchvannoch et Cre- vinsh in Lochlomond, cum advocatione pro- positurae et Prebendariorum ecclesise de Dunbartoune et aliarum ecclesiarum ; offi- cium vicecomitatus de Dunbartane ; v lib- ratas terrarum de Portnellan Galbraith ; I solidatas terrarum de Portnellane Halliday ; I solidatas terrarum de Ardoch Campbell ; I solidatas terrarum de Finwickblair alias Finwickmalice ; xl solidatas terrarum de Ballantoune ; iv mercatas terrarum de Drumakill ; v libratas terrarum de Letter Stryvelirig ; i solidatas terrarum de Gart- forrane ; xxv libratas terrarum de Drumqu- hassil, Bowquhinning, Blairfadd, Ladinrew, Craigievairne, Balarnane, Eister Mugdock, Meikle Blairquhoise et Midlemboig ; xx mercatas terrarum de Finoick Drumond, Cashleyes, Offrings et Gartinstarie ; v. mer- catas terrarum de Callingadis ; v libratas terrarum de Blarinvadies, cum insulis de Inchmoin et Blaron in lacu de Lochlomond ; XX mercatas terrarum de Renroyes, Asque- moir, Drumveans et Drumquhairnes ; v. libratas terrarum de Auchentroig ; x merca- tas terrarum de Enboigs alias Glenboigs Cunynghame et M'Ewin ; v mercatas terra- rum de Gartchell ; v libratas terrarum de Blairnshogle ; v libratas terrarum de Balli- kinraine ; xv libratas terrarum de Kilcreuch et Dallingonnachane ; v libratas terrarum de Balzeoun alias Balewins Buchanan et Lennox ; xx mercatas terrarum de Balvey Fergustoune, Gartconnell, Ledcamroch, Ban- nochtoune, Camron, Camquhill et Balqu- hinnings Loganes ; xii libratas terrarum de Maynes, Little Balvey, Ledcamroch, Camron, Camquhill, Balquhinning, et Harleheavin Douglos ; XX libratas terrarum de Drumry ; V libratas terrarum de Dalmuire ; v libratas terrarum de Kilmardinny ; xl solidatas ter- rarum de Ballagan ; infra vicecomitatus de Dumbarton et Stirling respective, etc. — vi Jul. M.DC.LXXX. 1 Introduction to Cart, de Lev., referring to Montrose and Napier papers. 124 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. all the revenues attached thereto/ As these gifts Indicate at once the munificence of the young King and the loyalty of Lord Darnley, it is diiificult to account for the treasonable proceedings in which the latter was soon after engaged. Even before the close of 1488, he appears to have taken steps to overthrow the existing government ; but due submission having been made, a sentence of forfeiture issued against him, Matthew Stewart his son, and Lord Lyle, was formally rescinded by the Parliament which met in February 1489. The adherents of the King had soon reason to repent of their haste in this matter, for in a few weeks Darnley was again engaged in a revolt which it required all the power of the Government to subdue. On the 26th of April, as appears from the Treasurer's books, messengers were despatched to the Bishop of St. Andrews, Brechin, and Dunblane, and the Abbots of Arbroath, Dunfermline, Lindores, and Scoon, to cause them to come to Dumbarton. On the 4th of July the Parliament made an order for besieging the Castle of Dumbarton, which had been fortified by him against the King, and also his Castle of Cruikstown, and Lord Lyle's Castle of Duchall.^ The militia having been called out,^ and a large supply of artillery gathered together, the King left Glasgow on the 19th of July to lay siege to Duchall and Cruikstown.* After a siege of seven days Duchall surrendered to the King's forces on the 27th of July; but regarding Cruikstown, the result does not appear to have been so satisfactory. To the Chancellor, the Earl of Argyll, was entrusted ^ Act Par., vol ii. p. 208. " Act Par. ii. p. 214. ^ 1487 July 10. — Item, To James Thomson to passe in Tweddall to warn the country of the siege of Dum- bartoune, iiij sh. vj. d. 1489, July 10.— Item, To Peter Kerr to pass to the east pairt of Lowthene with letters for the samen, iiij sh. ' Treasurer's Accounts, July 1489. CASTLE BESIEGED. I2S the difficult task of attacking Dumbarton Castle/ But so well was this fortress defended, that it not only resisted all the attacks of Argyll, but during the progress of the siege the garrison found time and opportunity to make a sally into the town and committed a great portion of it to the flames. On the surrender of Duchall and Cruikstown, the King repaired to Dumbarton, and issued commands to different noblemen to repair to him at that place.^ But Darnley's party still held out, and the Chancellor was ultimately compelled to raise the siege. This seems to have still more emboldened the Darnley or Lennox party. In a letter to Robert Arbuthnot of that Ilk, dated at Stirling the 2 2d of September, the King says, " Farsamekle as we suppos ye know the grete tressoun and usurpatioun made agains us and owre autorite be Wilyame Erie Marchall, Alexander, Master of H untie, and Alexander Lord Forbess, and thair complices, in the making of certane ligs and bands at owr Castell of Dumbertane, etc. ; " and the King enjoins him " surely and sikkely ger observe and kepe your howsys and strenthis to your behuf and owrs and ye sail repart singler thank and rewarde of us therfore and be mantenyt be us as our thankful! and trew liege."^ Whether any formal league was entered into in Dumbarton or not it is now impossible to say, but it is more than likely such was the case, as the rebellion soon assumed an almost national magnitude, and drew together all who had enmity against the advisers of the young King. Lennox having 1 Tytler appears to think that the huge piece or ordnance. Mens Meg, was used against Dumbarton Castle on this occasion. It was certainly conveyed from Edinburgh, for under the date, July lo, the Treasurer enters, " Item to the gunners for drink silver quhen thai cartit monss, viij sh. ; " but the route taken from Kirkintilloch rather indi- cates that it was used against some place on the south side of the Clyde, probably Duch- all — " Aug. 4, Item to Carcar and ane ither gunner to pass furth of Lythgow to Kirkytow- locht to help them with the gunnis, ij lib." ^ Aug. 9, Item to the clerk for the writing fifty letters, ij lib. xiij sh. 3 Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. ii., Appendix, p. 83. 126 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. gathered together a considerable force in Dumbartonshire, set out to join some of his northern confederates, but finding that the King's troops had possession of Stirhng, he turned to the west, and, in- tending to cross the Forth by a ford higher up, encamped for the night at a place called Gartalunan, near Tilly Moss, about the south end of what is now the parish of Aberfoyle. Owing to the treachery of one of Lennox's followers, Drummond of Cargill received notice that the rebels considered themselves so secure as to dispense with all precaution against a surprise. Accompanied by the King,^ Drummond proceeded with a few volunteers to the spot occupied by the unsuspecting followers of Lennox, of whom so many were slain that resistance by those spared could not have been of any avail even if attempted. The captives (says Pinkerton) were taken with indifference and dismissed with contempt, except a few tumultuous spirits, who were distinguished by punishment. Among those exe- cuted for their share in the rebellion, was Galbraith of Culcreuch, chief of the Galbraiths, whose lands afterwards passed to Adam Hepburn, brother to the Earl of Both well. ^ A week after this rout the Castle of Dumbarton, which was held by the sons of Lennox, was besieged by the King in person, accompanied by Argyll, the chancellor. Home, the chamberlain, Bothwell, the master of the 1 The presence of the King at Tilly or Talla Moss, and the exact date of the attack, are established by entries in the Treasurer's books : — 1489, Oct. II. — Item, To the king the same day he raid to the field furth of Dum- blane, x angells. „ „ „ To the [gunners] the same day to pass to Strivelin to get cul- verins to bring to the field, ivlib. xvj sh. 1489, Oct. 12.— Item, To the king to offir quhen he came fra the field of Gartlunnan, at the kirk of Kip- pane, xxiv sh. [Gartalunan still re- tains the name ; Talla is unknown, but may be iden- tified with the marshy ground west of Inchmahone.] ' Reg. Mag. Sig. xii., 154. CASTLE SURRENDERS TO THE KING. 127 household, Sir William Knolls, the treasurer, the Prior of St. Andrews, the Bishop of Glasgow and Galloway, Lord Oliphant, and others — all of whom had men engaged at the siege, and for whom they received pay from the royal treasurer. After a siege of six weeks the fortress surrendered, but on the most favourable terms. as Lennox, his sons, and Lord Lyle, obtained a full pardon for holding the Castle against the King, for burning Dumbarton, and for all their other rebellious proceedings.^ 1 The King appears to have been in and 1489, Nov. 24. — Item, Given to the king in about Dumbarton from the i8th Oct. to the Dunbartane, xxiiij lib. 13th Dec. :— „ Dec. 3. „ The Chancelor for se- 1489, Oct. 18. — Item, Quhen the king raid to ventein dayes wages siege Dumbartane. in Dunbartane for „ „ 22. „ In Glasgow to the twenty- four men, king, xviij sh. X lib. viij sh. „ ., „ To the carriage men to „ „ „ To the Laird of Laucht pass to Edenbrucht [Lussjfor a ship bocht for powder to Dunglas. fra him to the king's „ „ „ To thre boytis that use. brocht the gun called [In the instructions by Duchal fra Arthill to Edward IV. of Eng- Dunglas, vj sh. land, to his ambas- „ Nov. 12. „ For a dizzen of aris to sador in Scotland, the bot that suld have mention is made of gane to Dumbar- a ship belonging to tane xxxiij sh. the Laird of Luss, „ „ 20. „ TotheOrmondHerauld taken by Lord Gray. to passe in Fyf and It was enacted by Angusse, to the car- James I. that all riage menforthe wages barons and lords at Dunglass, xx sh. having lands and „ „ „ To Schaw the courier lordships near the to pass fra the south sea, on the west syde the wattir for the parts, and especially same, — against the Isles, should have galleys, „ „ 23. „ Quhen the king raid to Lythgow to Dun- and maintain them bartane, given him. according to their xiiij sh. ancient tenor.] I2i THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Soon after the surrender of the Castle, King James took steps to make Dumbarton one of the west coast stations for the navy which he was then sedulously employed in gathering together.^ A ship purchased from the Laird of Laucht, was repaired, equipped, and victualled in Dumbarton, and he caused be there built several "row barges" which kept a number of men employed for seven months. It was from this port he sailed in July 1494, and again in May following, on his expeditions for quieting the Western Isles.^ 1489, Dec. 13. — Item, In Lythgow, to the king quhen he came fra Dunbartane, xxiv lib. In 1490 the King, then at Paisley Abbey, caused letters to be expede under the privy seal commanding John, Earl of Lennox, and Matthew, his son, to make proclamation at the Market Cross of Renfrew of his Majesty's displeasure with the community and bur- gesses of that burgh, for having, under silence of night, gone to Paisley and de- stroyed the wooden work of the new Market Cross set up three years since, when the King was pleased to erect Paisley into a free burgh of barony. 1 In the early part of the following year one of his vessels seems to have been pursued by the English : — 1489-90, Feb. 18. — Item, After the kingis ships was chaysit in Dunbartane be the Englishmen, and tynt hir cabillis and other grayth sent with John of Haw, xviij lib. ^ These occurrences are thus illustrated by the Treasurer's Books : — 1494 (no date). — Item, To the byggin of the king's rowbarges by- gite in Dunbartane, the tymmyre fra Loch Lowmond and divers uthir woddis, — 1494, July S-— Item, For the cariage of ane barrel of gunpowder fra Edenbrucht to Dunbartane, x sh. „ Aug. 24. „ To Robert Noble, in Dunbartane, be ane precept of theking, lib. 1494-S, Mar. 17. „ For the tursing of the king's litle camp bed for the say to Dunbar- tane, againe the pass- ing to the lies, xv sh. I) !, „ For ane boit to carry guns to Dunbar- tane, and carrying of them, XX sh. The king's well known taste for poetry and music are also curiously illustrated on the occasion of the above visit, — 1494-S, Mar. 19.— Item, To the man that playit to the king on the clarscha (or harp), be the king's com- mand, xiiij sh. J) » „ To the pyper of Dun- bartane be the king's command, xiiij sh. BURGH PRIVILEGES. ' 129 Indeed, in the first Parliament he held (October 1488), King James evinced the regard he had for Dumbarton and some other burghs, by passing an Act in which it was " statute and ordenit that in time to cum all manner of schippis, strangers, and uthers cum to the king's free burrowes, sic as Dumbartane, Irvine, Wigtoun, Kirkcudbright, Renfrew, and utheris free burrowes of the realm, and thair mak their merchandise. And that the saidis strangers bye nae fish, bot salted and barrelled, nor bye nane uther merchandise, but at free burrowes, and thair pay their dewties and customes, and tak their cocquet as efieiris. And that they mak nae merchandise at Lowes nor uther places, but at free burrowes, as said is. And that nane of our Soveraine Lordis lieges take schippis to fraucht, under colour to defraud our Soveraine Lord nor his lieges, under the paine of tinsel • of their lives and gudes ; and that nae strangers do in the contrair, under the paine of tinsel and confiscation of their schip and gudes to our Soveraine Lordis use." For the purpose of repressing " theft, reif, and uther enormities " in the western counties, it was about the same time enacted that Commissioners should be appointed to act as judges within certain limits, the Lord of Montgomery being ap- pointed for " Dumbertane, the Lenneax, Bute, and Arran."^ In the fourth Parliament, held in June 1493, it was "statute and ordenit anent the greate innumerable riches that is tinte in fault of schippis and busches (boats), that such be forthwith made in all burrowes and tounes within the realm, the least of them being of twentie tun ; and that the officiaries of sic burrowes mak all the stark idle men within their boundis to pass with the said schippis for their wages \ and gif the said idle men refuses to pass that they be banishit the burrow."^ The connection subsisting between James IV. and the burgesses of Dumbarton seems to have been of the most intimate nature. 1 Act Scot. Par. ist, James IV., ch. 3. | ' Act Scot. Par. 4th, James IV., ch. 49. VOL. I. R 130 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Hardly a year elapsed without his appearing among them, either as a resident in the Castle or as the guest of some of the neighbouring nobles, while he almost invariably made the port the rendezvous for the different expeditions fitted out with the view of quieting his rebellious subjects in the Isles. By the aid of his carefully kept Household Book he may be seen watching his naval musters in the Leven, and afterwards amusing himself at the "battis" or the "cartis;" now hunting in the woods during the day, and then listening to the " evin-sang " at night in the chapel. Almost every item suggests a path of inquiry which the student of local or even national history may follow up with advantage, but need not be enlarged upon in this work.^ * 1496, May. — Item, To the man that gydit the king to Drum- myn, viij d. 1497, April 24. „ Giffen to ane cheildthat brocht apills to the king fra the Provost of Dunbartane, ix sh. 1498, May 9. „ To the king at the battis in Dunbartane that he tynt, . . . xxxvj sh. „ „ „ For the twa boyis cartis in Dunbartane that kepit the ship in Dun- bartane sen the king cam first furth of Kin- tyre quhill he passit againe, quhilk was in Maij, xlij sh. 1501, July2. „ To the Provest of Both- well that he gaef to the wif in Kirkintul- loch, quhar the king drank, iij sh. 1504, April 15. „ To Robert Stewart, gunner, to pass with the king to Dunbar- tane, xxviij sh. 1504, April 15.— Item, To portingar, to fe him ane horse to Dunbartane with the king, xivsh. „ „ „ To the Franche smith to fe him ane horse with the king, xiv sh. „ (,17 „ To John Forman, of the wardrob to pass fra Dunbartane to Stri- velin, for the king's gere, 14 sh. „ „ „ Ane bard wyf in Dun- bartane, xvi d. „ „ „ The botemen in Dun- bartane that had the king on burd divers tymes on the ship- pes, ixsh. „ „ 18. „ In Dunbartane, to Martin the French- man for X tun of wyne to the schippis vittal- ing in the Isles, ilk tun, Ixx lib. JAMES IV. IN DUMBARTON. 131- In reference to the disturbances in Argyllshire and the Isles, before noticed, it was, in 1503, enacted that "the inhabitants of that part of Couall whilk is not within the boundis of Argyll sail underlie the law at the Justiceaires held in Dunbarten," the disturbed condition of Argyllshire being clearly indicated by a clause in the statute, which enacts that the inhabitants of that county shall underlie the law at Perth "quhair ever-ilk Hielandman and Lawlendman may cum and aske justice without peril or danger." By another Act, passed in the Parliament of 1503, it was ordained " that the landes of Buchquhanane, Fyntries, Campsy, 1504, May 18. — Item, In Dunbartane, to Sir 1504, May 18. — Item, To the boats that had Andro Wode, that he the king and his folkis laid doune for vj tun on burd to see the of wyne maire to the schippis, and furth vittales of the schip- againe, vj sh. ij d. pis for the Isles, „ „ „ To Waghorne, wricht. xlij lib. for helping him wyth [In 1483 this cele- the mast of the Hrt^tpH pfiTTiTTinnflpr schio — obtained a grant of QV^lll^, „ „ „ To the pyper of Dun- the lands of Largo, bartane, xiv sh. in Fyfe, for his ser- 1504-5. To Johne Smolet, vices by sea and burges of Dunbartane^ land against the for vittalling of the English, and in a king's schip in the His, confirmation of the beginnand the xiij day grant, fourteen years of August, to Sanct afterwards, it is men- John's day in Yule, tioned that his most remanand on the His, eminent service was qlk is xix owks, for the defence of Dum- the mariners' hire, barton when the and ane cabill to the English Navy laid said schip, and pairt siege to it in 148 1.] of cabill, be , his J, „ „ Payit to Robert Mak- compt, jclxix lib. xij sh. farlane for having 1505, May I. „ To ane man to pass of the king's mast with writings fra Str5- doune fra Drim- velin to the Alderman mane,...xxxiv sh. iv d. of Dunbartane, . . . iij sh. 132 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Strablane, Buthrane, Drymane, and Inchcalisch," should be as at- tached to the sheriffdom of Dumbarton, and that their inhabitants should appear at the " feif courts of justice " there. The partiality evinced by the King for his west country subjects 1505, May 5. — Item, To Robert Herwart, to 1505, July I. — Continued. pass to Dunbartane [This is elsewhere to see the artillery called the "small there. . . . again,. ship," and is ob- the passage to the viously named after lies, xxviij sh. the discoverer of „ „ 29. „ To ane boy to pass America, then a- to Dunbartane with live.] letter to charge the 1505, July 12. — Item, For ane to have the ships not to ferrie keil of the schip in Dun- the Maister of Mont- bartane fra Striveline gomerie, ij sh. to Cardrbsse, xxviij sh. „ June 5 . „ In Dunbartane, to „ „ 23. „ To the Proveist of the Ffrench quhissilar, Dunbartane to the by the king's com- schip wark, x lib. mand, xiij sh. „ „ „ To the king himself „ „ 8. „ To the king, to play at quhen he assisted at the cartis in Dunbar- Dunbartane, xxiij lib. tane wyth John M urray „ „ „ That day, to ane man and Maister Robert that brocht peirs to Cockburne, iiij lib. x sh. the king, iiij sh. „ „ „ That samen nicht, to „ Aug. 22. „ To ane man to pass the evin sang in the and get the king's kirk to the king himsel bede fra the hunthill in ane purse,. ..xiv sh. to Dunbartane, xiv d. „ „ 10. „ To the priests of the „ }, „ To ane man that coUec of Dunbar- brocht in eggs to the tane XX sh. king, ix sh. „ Dec. 8. „ TobyndingofWallass' VL4.AAX.r* *■■ ■*■ *■■ aat •■• J^J^ tJM.M.9 „ „ 12. „ To the priest of the parish kirk of Dun- sword (quoted, p. 76.) bartane, XX sh. 1 506, June 24. „ Midsomer day, in lin- „ July I. „ To Schir Johne Ram- lithgu., to Johne Smo- say, that he laid doune let, burges of Dunbar- in Dunbartane to the tane, to pas in the His schip wark and riggin with the schip, and to of the schip callit Col- meit William brown- umb,...xxxiij lib. ix sh. hill'sschip, I lib. LENNOX MEN AT FLODDEN. 133 was not without its influence in the hour of his last need. At Flodden the right wing of the Scottish army was not only led by western noblemen — Matthew, Earl of Lennox, who had succeeded his father John, in 1494; and Archibald, Earl of Argyll — but the 1506, June 24.- Aug. 13. Oct. 22. Dec. 12. 1506-7, Feb. 9. -Item, To Andrew Bartoun, be the kingis com- mand, to mak hering to send to France for wyne, and to furneiss the schip biggit in Dunbertane to Bur- deauss, jcvj lib. xiij sh. iv d. „ In Dunbartane, to Schir Andrew Mak- brek to dispone, xlii sh. „ To the maister wricht and warkmen in Inch- mirane...iiij Kb. iiij sh. „ To the man that rowed the king over the water, iij sh. „ To the nuris there xivsh. „ To the man that rowed the king fra Inch- mirane to Dunbar- tane, vij sh. „ To the priests in Dun- bartane, x sh. „ In Cummernauld, to Lord Fleming's tam- bourer, xiiij d. „ In Dunbartane, to ane priest for his yaird where the schip was biggit, xsh. „ That nicht, to the king at the cartis,...xiij sh. „ That nicht, in Cragber- nard, to the king to play at the cartis, xxiij sh. 1506-7, Mar. 17. — Item,Payit JohnSmoUetfor cordage,. ..jc lib. vj sh. „ „ 27. „ To the Comptroller, that he gave to ane man to pass to Schir Duncan Campbell for carrying of the king's masts to Dunbar- tane, vi sh. „ „ „ To ane man that past to the laird of Buquhan- nan for planks, iv sh. „ „ „ To ane man to pass to IVIartin Lenalt for roset and nails to the schip in Dumbar- tane, xviij sh. „ „ „ To the maister wricht in Dunbartane to drink silver,... xlij sh. J, „ „ To the lave of the wark- men at the schip in Dunbartane... xxiv sh. „ „ „ To the men that rowit the king fra the Castell and againe, ix sh. July I. „ The king and queene tuik ship to Quhith- erne. „ „ 24. „ To the priests in Dun- bartane, XX sh. „ „ „ To Lord Averdaill, he laid down to men that brocht straw- berries and uther berries to the king and quene, xiiij sh. 134 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. men under their command were raised almost entirely in the western counties ; and ardently, though unsuccessfully, did they contend with the English billmen. Exasperated at the havoc made in their ranks by the distant archers, and at no time very amenable to discipline, they pressed eagerly forward for a hand-to-hand fight, without thinking of the mischief that was certain to arise from breaking up 1506-7, July 23.— Item, To the ferryaris of 1 506-7, Sept. I . — Item, For Rutherford, to pass Dunbartane that had to summond the Laird the king over the of Buquhannan for water, xiiij sh. the lands of Loch „ Feb. 16. „ To Makcaule's man Kethren, ix sh. in bridal silver of ane „ „ 27. „ To ane man of Mak- horss, xiiij sh. caule's that brocht „ Aug. 10. „ To the king's belcheir twa houndis to the quhair he dynit at king, xiiij sh. Balloch, X sh. [The Treasurer's books. „ „ „ That nycht to the king from August 1508 to to play at the cartis. 151 1, are amissing.] in quhit silver, 15 1 1, Jan. 8. „ To William Strivelin xvj sh. for carriage of leid out [As we find the king of Dunbartane to Edin- in Glasgow on the burgh,. ..iij lib. xiij sh. itth, this was pro- „ March 22. „ In Dunbartane, to the bably at Balloch. maister of the Ffrench The Earl of Len- schip for freight and nox is elsewhere hyre to turss de la Mo- mentioned as one ite, and John Balzard, to whom the king and thair servandis, to had lost money at France, xij lib. xvj sh. cards.] 1 5 12, April 28. „ To Gray Finour, to „ Sept. I. „ In Inchcalloun, to ane follow the king to Dun- clarscha, xiiij sh. bartane to fyn leid [in [This was probably Islay], xij sh. Inchcallinish, as 1 5 1 3, May 31. „ For ane Ffranche sadill next day there is an wyth the harnessing. allowance of 6 lib. to la Mote, quhen 13 s. 4d. to M'Gre- he past to Dunber- gor's men for corn tane, xxxij sh. eaten during two „ June I. ,, La Mote's expensis to nights.] Dunbartane,. ..viij lib. LENNOX MEN AT FL ODD EN. 1 3 5 their ranks. It was to little purpose (says Tytler) that La Motte and the French officers who were with him, attempted by entreaties and blows to restrain them. They neither understood their language, nor cared for their violence, but threw themselves, sword in hand, upon the English pikemen. But the well-marshalled squares stood their ground, and although for a moment the shock of the moun- taineers was terrible, its force, once sustained, became spent with its own violence, and nothing remained but a disorganization so com- plete that to recover their ranks was impossible. The consequence was a total route of the right wing of the Scots, accompanied by a dreadful slaughter, in which, among other brave men, the Earls of Lennox and Argyll were slain. ^ The death of James IV. at Flodden opened up a new chapter of turmoil and bloodshed in the history of Scotland. From a feeling of affectionate regard for the late King, the regency was, contrary to the practice followed on former occasions, committed to the Queen-mother ; but as this was a step not unattended with danger to the interests of the country, a secret message was despatched to the Duke of Albany in France, requesting him to repair to Scotland and assume the office of Regent, which of right belonged to his rank. An imprudent marriage which the Queen-mother contracted with the young Earl of Angus, had the effect of making more marked than before the hostile feeling of the people towards her measures. The Earl of Arran, encouraged in his_ designs by an unavoidable delay which took place in the arrival of Albany, sought to instal himself into the office of Regent, and found powerful adherents in the person of John, the successor of Matthew in the Earldom of Lennox, and the Earl of Glencairn. During a tempestuous night in January 15 14, these noblemen gained access to Dumbarton Castle, and turned out the governor. Lord Erskine, who held it for the ^Tytler, vol. v. p. 65. 136 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Queen's party. ^ The words of Bishop Lesly are, — " Every ane pressand to tak sic possessione as they mycht obtaine, principallye of that was lyand nearest unto thame ; and thairfore the Erie of Levenox and Maister of Glencairn, in ane mirk, wyndy nycht, the xij day of Januar, under myndit the neddir sole of the yett of Dum- bartane, and enterit thairat, and tuik the castell, and putt furth the Lord Erskine, then capitane thairof." Though the fortress continued in possession of the captors, the designs of Arran were frustrated by the arrival of Albany at Dumbarton — an event thus noticed by one who appears to have been an early if not a contemporary chronicler: — "In 15 15, at the Witsonday, John, Duke of Albanie, came into Scotland, and landit at Dunbartane, and thair wes res- saueit with greit honour, and convayit to Edinburgh with ane greit cumpany, with greit blythnes and glore, and thair wes constitute and maid governour of this realme ; and sune thairafter he held ane parliament, and ressaueit the homage of the lordis and thre estattis ; quhair thair wes many thingis done for the weill of this countrey."^ The ships which accompanied Albany to this country — eight in number, and all well supplied with warlike stores — appear to have remained in the harbour of Dumbarton at least till the 21st of November following, as there is in the books of the King's Treasurer a statement of the expenses incurred on their account till that period 1 The important office of keeper of Dum- barton Castle appears to have been held at this time, not by the Earls of Lennox, but by men of humbler position, and who, it may be supposed, were less likely to use for their own ends, the power placed in their hands. On the 26th of October 1497, John Strevling, son of John Strevling of Craig- bernard, and steward to the King, obtained a grant of the keeping of Dumbarton Castle for nineteen years, with all the revenues, as possessed by Robert Lundie, the preceding keeper, and on the 6th June 151 1, the above Robert, Lord Erskine, had a similar grant. '"Diurnal of Occurrents:" Printed for the Bannatyne and Maitland Clubs. For an inquiry into the authenticity of this work (which we shall have frequently occasion to quote), see Appendix to Tytler, vol. v., let- ter A. Malcolm Laing thinks the original M.S. was greatly altered by Crawford of Drumsoy. REGENT ALBANY IN DUMBARTON. 137 by James Stewart, brother to the Laird of Ardgowan, who was " keeper of the ships." ^ The active regency of Albany proved anything but acceptable to the powerful, jealous, and, it may be added, selfish nobles, whose disputes at once disturbed and weakened the country, The Earl of Lennox having travelled beyond the bounds of his own district, was seized and thrown into Edinburgh Castle till he would deliver up Dumbarton. This he did to Allan Stewart, and was afterwards set at liberty. When Albany finally sailed from Dumbarton for France in 1524, James V., then thirteen years of age, was formally invested with supreme authority. The real governing power of the country, however, was centred in a party consisting of the Queen-mother, and the Earls of Arran, Lennox, and Morton ; but mutual jealousy frus- trated their best designed schemes, and for several years the country suffered all the evils resulting from a weak and divided executive. In 1526, the Earl of Lennox and his party having fortified Dum- barton,* and such other strongholds as they could secure, determined ■ 1515, July 26.- -Item, Deliverit to James Stewart, brother - germane to the Laird of Ardgowane, to pay the masters and mariners of the king's schipis, being in Dunbartane, for the month of Junj., at the Lord Gover- nouris command. Imprimis, to tua maisters of the James and Marga- ret, forthemoneth of Junj.jilkaneof them sex pundis qulk amounts to xij hb. VOL. I. 1515, Sept. 20. — Item, Deliverit to the said James Stewart, to hyre warkmen for to mak dokkis in the watter of Dunbar- tane for the keeping of the forsaid tua schippis, . . xl lib- '■* In the Privy Seal Register, of date June II, 1526, there is a "respitt to Sir John Colquhon of Luce, Patrick Colquhon, John Logon of Baluey, Walter and Robert, his sons, George Buchquhanan of that Ilk," and about thirty others, for " their tressonable asseging, taking, and withalding of our soueraine lordis Castle of Dunbartane.'' On July 16, Glencairn and others obtained a " respitt." S 138 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. to rescue the King from the thraldom in which he was held by the powerful house of Douglas. He assembled an army of nearly 10,000 men, and on the river Avon, near Linlithgow, encountered the royal forces, nominally led by the King, but in reality by his governor, the Earl of Angus. As the intention of Lennox was to secure the capital or die in the attempt, his troops, composed of a motley array of borderers from the west and middle marches, attacked the force of Angus with great spirit, but in attempting to secure a difficult ford on the river, they were thrown into disorder, and finally routed with great slaughter. Among the slain was Lennox himself; and it is affirmed, on what seems good authority, that he was killed, not during the engagement, but after he had surrendered, by Sir James Hamilton of Finnart, a natural son of the Earl of Arran. Arran himself is recorded to have been seen standing over the body, lamenting that the wisest, stoutest, hardiest man that ever was born in Scotland, had been slain that day. Nine months after the battle, the above Hamilton received through the influence of Angus, the custody of Dumbarton Castle, his deputy, William Stirling of Glorat, obtaining about the same time a grant allowing him and his suc- cessors in office liberty to build and hold a mill on the lands of Murroch, which pertained to the castle.^ In 1531, the fortress again ' This Stirling was murdered in 1535 by a. member of the family of Galbraith, which about this time possessed considerable in- fluence in Dumbartonshire. Proceedings having been taken against the parties impli- cated, there is the following entry regarding the case in the Books of Adjournal of the High Court of Justiciary: — "July 20 (1535) • — Patrick Colquhoun, and Adam Colquhoun, sons of Sir John Colquhoun of Lus, knight, and twenty-five other (among whom were Andrew Cunynhame of Drumquhassil and William Cunynhame of Fenyk) found surety to underly the law at the next Justice-aire of Dumbarton, for resetting, supplying, in- tercommuning, and assisting Humphrey Gal- brayth and his accomplices, rebels, and at the horn, for the cruel slaughter of William Striveling of Glorat. Donald Macdow and six others were denounced rebels ; Sir John Colquhoun of Lus and Donald Macmanys were proved to be sick ; while Humphrey Colquhoun, parish clerk of Lus, Adam Col- quhoune, pensioner of Lus, and David Col- quhoune, clerk, were replegiated by the Archbishop of Glasgow." — Pitcairn's " Cri- JAMES V. IN DUMBARTON. 139 changed hands, Sir James Hamilton being induced, at the entreaty of the King, who had a hngering respect for the house of Lennox, to resign it into the hands of Matthew, the new earl. For the purpose of maintaining his influence in the Western Isles, James took frequent opportunities of corresponding with and visiting the different chiefs. In 1531, and again in ISSS,"^ he set out minal Trials, vol. i. p. 170. As there is no record extant of the proceedings at the Dumbarton justice-aires of this date, it is impossible to tell whether the parties above mentioned were ever summoned to compear there, or how their alleged offence was dealt with, if they did so compear. Walter Stirling of Glorat was slain in 1546, four members of the house of Sempill finding caution to un- derlie the law at Dumbarton for being art and part therein. The same remark applies to the following entry in the Books of Ad- journal regarding the waylaying of Lady Colquhoune of Luss : — "i 6th August 1536, — Walter Macfarlane found John Napier of Kilmahew, and John Buntyne of Ardoch, as cautioners for his entry at the next justice- aire of Dumbertane, to underly the law for airt and pairt of convocation of the lieges in great numbers, in warlike manner ; and be- setting the way to Margaret Cunynhame, relict of umquhile Sir John Colquhoun of Lus, knight, and David Farnley of Colmis- toune, being for the time in her company, for their slaughter, and for other crimes." — Pitcairn's " Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 178. 1 Regarding the expenses incurred on the occasion of these visits, minute information is given in the books of the Lord High Treasurer : — Thus, under date September 3, 1525, there is the following relating to " the expensis maid vpone the schip and marinaris feis sene sche came to Dunbertane : item, in primis, to xij marinaris that was send hame fra the ,schip be the space of thre oulkis wagis fra the third of September 1534, xviij li. Item, payt in Glasgow to xiij men quhilk was left wyth the schip to bring the king out of Argile, for ane monthis wagis, begynnand the said third day of September, xxxiij li. Item, far ane pype of irne to be the botis ruder, xxijd." The account, of which these are the first entries, extends over five folios, and amounts to 502 li 13s. ii^d. The payments are principally for wages, victuals, timber, cables. 1540. — Gevin to William Stratherne, messinger, the vj day of Junij., to pass to Dunbartane, Irving, and Air, with lettirs to charge them to send bottis and schippis with victualis to meit the kingis grace to the lies the vj day of July nixtocum, iij lib. vj d. During the absence of the King on the above tour, John Johnstone of that Ilk had been committed to Dumbarton Castle, and, on March 13, found caution that he would not remove beyond the bounds of the town under the pain of 10,000 merks. Two days afterwards, John Hume, Laird of Elackadder, also found surety that he would remain within the bounds of the Burgh of Dumbarton, under pain of an equally large fine. According to the Diurnal : — " Vpoun the xij day of October, 1538, Mr. Adame Ottirburne was commandit in waird to Dun- bertane," for the offence, as we learn from another record, of failing to attend the army of Solway. He was released on February 16, 1539. I40 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. with large retinues for these parts, and in 1450, when he might be said to be as free from the machinations of his factious nobles as at any period of his reign, he undertook another expedition for the purpose of repressing the disturbance which had broken out between Donald Gorme of Sleat and Mackenzie of Kintail. The fleet, con- sisting of twelve vessels, left the Forth about the end of May, and proceeded towards Orkney, Skye, Trouterness, and Kintail. The King then visited in succession the Isles of Mull and Isla, and the districts of Kintyre and Knapdale. The closing scene in the expedition was the King's entry into the harbour of Dumbarton, accompanied by Cardinal Beaton, who had under his command five hundred gentlemen of Fife and Angus ; the Earl of Huntly, who was at the head of a similar force belonging to the northern shires ; and the Earl of Arran, who commanded a like array of Western Highlanders, and a great number of persons of distinction who had been seized on the voyage. The King having been safely landed at Dumbarton, the fleet was again despatched northward, and ar- rived in the Forth by the route followed on proceeding to the Isles. The latter days of James V. were much embittered by those disturbances which ushered in his reign, and in 1542, unable to bear up against the intelligence of the severe loss which befel his army in an engagement with the English on the shores of the Solway Frith, he died of a broken heart, leaving by his wife, Mary of Guise, one daughter, who became the celebrated Queen Mary ; and among other illegitimate children, a son James Stuart, who became the scarcely less celebrated Regent Murray, and a daughter, who became Countess of Argyll. CHAPTER VII. A.D. 1543 TO A.D. 1567. THE INFANT MARY SUCCEEDS TO THE CROWN— PROJECT OF HENRY VIII. TO UNITE THE TWO KINGDOMS— ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH KING'S SUPPLIES AT DUMBARTON— PROCEED- INGS OF MATTHEW, EARL OF LENNOX— IS ADMITTED INTO DUMBARTON CASTLE, BUT AFTERWARDS EJECTED BY THE DEPUTY-GOVERNOR^THE CASTLE BESIEGED AND TAKEN BY THE QUEEN'S PARTY— QUEEN MARY EMBARKS AT DUMBARTON FOR FRANCE— ARRAN OBTAINS THE GOVERNORSHIP OF THE CASTLE- THE QUEEN RETURNS TO HER DOMINIONS — VISITS DUiMBARTON— RESTORATION OF THE EARL OF LENNOX— QUEEN MARY'S MARRIAGE TO DARNLEY— JOHN ELDER OF DUMBARTON COLLEGIATE CHURCH- MURDER OF DARNLEY— DISTURBED STATE OF THE COUNTRY— THE EARL OF MURRAY HOLDS A COURT OF THE SHERIFFDOMS OF DUMBARTON AND RENFREW— CONVENTION OF THE QUEEN'S LORDS AT DUMBARTON— COPY OF THE DUMBARTON BOND AGREED UPON— THE LENNOX FAMILY AND THE QUEEN— THE LENNOX-DARNLEY JEWEL. HIS chapter and the succeeding one embrace a period full of exciting occurrences, so far as the Lennox is concerned. When James V. died his daughter Mary was only six days old, and as no precaution had been taken to appoint an acceptable or efficient regency, the prospect of affairs was as dark and troubled as can well be imagined. The government of a queen of any kind, much less of an infant queen, was all but unknown in Scotland, and could not be supposed to inspire a martial nobility with much enthu- siasm in its support ; and this unfortunately happened at a con- juncture of affairs when it was that the executive should be powerful both to punish and protect. Cardinal Beaton was the first who claimed the dangerous pre-eminence of Regent. By the aid of a forged will he succeeded for a few months in making the nobility believe that it was by the desire of the late King he assumed his ofifice ; but the fraud being discovered he was compelled to resign in favour of James Hamilton, Earl of Arran, a man of certainly inferior capacity to the Cardinal, but more amiable in disposition ; and, what was of even more importance to the welfare of the country, who appeared at this period to be firmly attached to the principles of the 142 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Reformation. Arran had hardly entered upon the duties of his new- office, when he was called to consider and decide upon a proposal made by Henry VIII. to unite the two kingdoms by the marriage of his son Edward with the young Queen of Scots. The Regent decided in favour of the alliance ; but with that irresolution which was the great defect of his character, he within three days made a secret treaty with Beaton's party actively opposed to it, and for- mally renounced the friendship of England. The English monarch had at this time many friends in the Scottish Court, for after the death of James he had released the most powerful of the nobles seized at Solway Moss, on condition that they would aid him in carrying out his schemes. These came to be known as the "assured Scots." It was therefore necessary that the party opposed to the alliance should be resolute in the measures they took to defeat what otherwise seemed certain to be accomplished sooner or later. The Cardinal and his adherents, Argyll, Huntly, and Bothwell, seized upon the persons of the young Queen and her mother, and despatched trusty messengers to France, to represent that unless assistance was now sent to Scotland, the country would infallibly be united to England. At this time the party of the Cardinal, or the French treaty, as it was sometimes called, received an accession of strength by the arrival from France of Matthew, Earl of Lennox, who might be said to be the hereditary enemy of the Regent, and was thought by many to have a superior claim to the honours of that office as being the nearest heir to the crown in the event of the young Queen's death. -^ ^ " The pretentions of the Earl of Lennox were thus founded :— Mary, the daughter of James II., was married to James, Lord Hamilton. Elizabeth, a daughter of that marriage, was the wife of Matthew, Earl of Lennox, grandfather of the present Earl of the same name. The Regent was likewise the grandson of the Princess Mary ; but his father having married Janet Beaton, the Regent's mother, after he had obtained a divorce from Elizabeth Home, his former wife, Lennox alleged that there was some informality in the sentence of divorce, and that the Regent being born while Elizabeth Home was still alive, ought to be considered as illegitimate." — Crawford's "Peerage,'' p. 192. FRENCH SUPPLIES LANDED AT DUMBARTON 143 But as consistency was a virtue which poHtlcIans In this age neither professed nor practised, the adhesion of this nobleman was of brief duration. Finding that Beaton only sought to use him for the pur- pose of operating upon the fears of Arran, he broke off from his party and attached himself to that of Henry. In May he had possession of Dumbarton Castle, but appears to have been negotiated out of it by Arran, and fled westward, leaving the fortress In the hands of a captain on whom he could rely.-^ This change was soon afterwards attended with a serious mishap to the cause of the Cardinal. From the familiarity of Lennox with the French Court, Beaton's party had entrusted him with the negotiation to procure assistance from that power, and It was at his urgent entreaty that the French ambassador Sleur de la Brosse, was despatched northward with a fleet bearing a quantity of military stores, and ten thousand crowns, to be distributed among the friends of the Cardinal. Having received no notice that Lennox had changed sides, De Brosse made the best of his way up the Frith of Clyde (or Dumbarton),^ and on the 30th of October he entered the harbour of Dumbarton. He was here met by Lennox, and Glencairn, another active partizan of Henry's, and on their re- presentations, placed his precious freight in the neighbouring Castle, which was forthwith taken possession of by Lennox on behalf of the English king. Along with De Brosse came a Papal legate named GrimanI, Patriarch of Aqulleia, who was commissioned to enquire Into the prevalence of heretical opinions in Scotland, and to urge upon the people the necessity of renewing the league with France, if they wished to save themselves from the thraldom of Henry. How far he succeeded In checking the progress of heresy, we are not informed ; but In regard to the latter part of his Instructions, Sadler, the English ambassador, informed his royal master that such had been 1 State Papers — Scotland— Henry VIII., vol. vi. p. 24. * In certain maps of this date what is now known as the Frith of Clyde, is laid down as the Frith of Dunbartane. 144 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. the effect of the legate's pensions and promises that the whole realm might be said to be in the French interest.-' In return for many favours conferred on him by Henry, Lennox appears to have made large pro- mises to serve him in Scotland, yet so little value did he set upon his pledged word that in January 1544, to escape a sentence of forfeiture passed upon him by the Scottish Parliament, he, along with the Earls of Cassillis, Angus and Glencairn, transmitted to Arran an agreement by which they bound themselves and all others their complices and partakers for mutual obedience to the Queen of Scotland, and for faithful true and manly resistance to their old enemies of England.^ Nor was this their last change. Three months afterwards Lennox and the party with whom he acted are again found mustering their retainers, and fortifying the Bishop's residence in Glasgow against those with whom they had so recently entered into alliance. Arran, whose measures were now directed by his former opponent, the ever active Beaton, advanced westward at the head of one thousand men to attack Lennox in his new stronghold. After a siege of ten days, a twenty-four hours' truce was granted, during which the soldiers were gained over to the Regent's cause, and the Castle surrendered.^ Cruikston, also held on behalf of Lennox, surrendered two days after- wards. Lennox afterwards made good his escape, and having now gone too far to retreat, took an early opportunity of cementing his former alliance with the English King. On the 17th of May an in- denture was concluded at Carlisle between Lord Wharton and Sir ' Sadler, vol. i. p. 26. In the " Diurnal of Occurrents," the arrival of the French fleet at Dumbarton is noticed under date 1543 : — " Vpoun the penult day of October the king of France sent to Scotland 10,000 crownis and fiftie peices of artailyerie, with ane of his household men, nameit Mr. Cow- par. There came also ane counsellour of Rome, quha brocht fra the Paip and Patri- ark, with powar to waill all the bouis of the benefices, to debait the realme, quhair thai landit at Dunbartane. All this money wes delyuerit to the Lord of Lennox, capitane of Dunbartane Castell." ^ State Papers— Scotland— Henry VI I L, vol. vii.. No. I. ' " Diurnal of Occurrents," ist April, 1544, P- 31- LENNOX AND GLENCAIRN. 14S Robert Bowes on the part of Henry, and Hugh Cunningham and Thomas Bishop on the part of Lennox and Glencairn, in terms of which they agreed to put the English king in possession of some of the strongest fortresses in Scotland, and to promote the marriage of the young Queen with Henry's son, Prince Edward. Glencairn was to receive a pension of 1000 crowns per annum, while Lennox was to be made Governor of Scotland, and to receive in marriage the hand of the King's niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas.^ The custody of Dumbarton Castle was provided for in instructions given to Sir Peter Mewtas and Thomas Awedely, who were to receive the fortress from Lennox, and strengthen and vitual it as circumstances required. Lennox's brother, Robert Stewart, Bishop of Caithness, was to remain in England as a hostage for the performance of the treaty. Thus aided and urged on by a powerful sovereign like Henry, Lennox adopted a bolder course of action than ever. From Carlisle, where the agreement was entered into, he proceeded northward to Dum^ barton, and there he gathered together such of his supporters in the west country as still countenanced his designs. Among these were the Lairds of Arrochar,^ Buchannan, Drumquhassil, Houston, and Tul- libardine. Between his own vassals and supporters obtained from other quarters, his force amounted in all to about five hundred men. This was certainly far under the army of the Regent, but thinking it sufificient at least to trouble the Hamiltons in Clydesdale, Lennox despatched the men under the command of Glencairn, while he re- mained to perfect his schemes in Dumbarton. But the movement was anticipated by the leader of the royal army, who, on the 24th of May, forced Lennox's party into a conflict on the moor of Glasgow, which is thus described by Bishop Lesley : — " The Governour with 1 State Papers — Scotland— Henry VIII., vol. vii.. No. 10. "^ Some of the Macfarlanes seem to have aided the Regent, as is shown by the foUow- VOL. I. ing entry in the Treasurer's Books : — " 1544, 13th April. Gevin to M'Farlane eftir the assige of Glasgow, xxij lib." 146 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. his army approcheing to thame lychtit upoun fuit, and suddantlie boith the armeis with sic forces ran together and joyned, that none culd perfithe discerne quhilk of thame maid the first onset. It wes crewellie fochin a long space on ather syd, with uncartane victorie, and gret slauchter on boith the sydis. Bot at last the victorie in- clyned to the Governour, and the uther parte was constraned to gife bakis and flie. Thair wes on Lenox part slayne mony gentill men, preistis and commons, and speciallie the laird of Houstoun ; and the laird of Minto being than provest of Glasgw wes evill hurt, and mony takin presoners. And on the Governouris syd the laird of Kamskeyth and Siluertoun hil, war slayne with dyverse utheris. The Governour following his victorie, entered in the toun and besegit the castell and stepill, quhilk was randerit to him. Bot presentlie he causet saxtene gentill men quho kepit the same, to be hangit at the croce of Glasgw, and pardonit the uderis inferiors suddartis. The hoill citie wes spulyeit, and war not the speciall labouris of the Lord Boyd, quha maid ernist supplicatione to the Governour for suaftie of the same, the hoill toun with the bischoppe and channonis houssis had bene alluterlie brint and distroyit." Lesley goes on to say that Lennox, finding himself worsted in the conflict, sought to be admitted into the favour of the Regent, but it appears more likely that he left Dum- barton at once for the Court of Henry, as he there renewed his allegiance on the 26th of June, and so far implemented the conditions of agreement as to marry the Lady Margaret. Lennox on his side again became bound to put the English king in possession of the Castles of Dumbarton and Bute, and in addition to the hand of Henry's niece was to have secured to him lands to the value of £1^00 sterling per anum.^ As if for the purpose of precluding all 1 State Papers — Scotland — Henry VIII., vol. vii., No. 17. Paper No. 20 is a list of articles to be observed on the part of the Earl of Lennox. He is to cause the Word of God to be duly preached, to surrender his title to the throne of Scotland to Henry VIII., and to acknowledge him as supreme lord and governor. HENR Y VIII. AND LENNOX. H7 future equivocation on the part of Lennox, Lady Margaret's settle- ment was made on the Earl's own inheritance, and consisted (as appears from the "Foedera") of Glenrinne, Balloch, and Arthinturless (Aucintorly) in the Lennox, and the baronies Chukispe (Cruikston), Inchinnan, and Neilston, in Renfrew. Shortly after this marriage the Earl of Lennox left Bristol with a squadron of ten ships, and a small force of hagbutters, archers, and pikemen, for the purpose of upholding Henry's cause in the west of Scotland. Seizing upon the islands of Bute and Arran in the name of his royal master and kinsman, he proceeded up the Clyde and arrived at Dumbarton on the loth of August 1544. In the agreement entered into between Henry and Lennox, it was stipulated that Stirling of Glorat, the deputy-keeper of the Castle, was to receive a pension of 100 merks yearly if he quietly surrendered the fortress ; but as soon as he knew that the intention of Lennox was to hold it in aid of the English king, Stirling turned the governor {de jure) out of the gates, and compelled him and his English followers to return to their ships. As George Douglas, with a force of 4000 men, was at this time close upon Dumbarton, Lennox judged it wise to leave the harbour and drop down the Clyde. On passing Dunoon he was fired upon by a party of Argyll's men — a proceeding which induced Lennox to land under cover of a fire from his own ships. His small force attacked the Highlanders with great spirit, and ultimately routed them with considerable slaughter.^ On returning to Bristol Lennox ' In February 1562, Thomas Bishop, Len- nox's secretary, who had then fallen into disgrace with Henry's party, addressed an epistle to Sir William Cecil, in which he sets forth the various important but ill-requitted services he had been engaged in. Among the first of these Bishop mentions the assist- ance given by him to Lennox in his attempt upon Dumbarton in 1544. " At the journey in Dunbertane Castell (says Bishop), upoun disclosing of the tresone against the kinges majestic and us, openlie in the chapell I willed therle of Levenax tak a marrishepyke and feight rather than returne witht shame to Englande. For my harde escaping, doublett alone, with my lyef, and by my good polycye after our betraying in pre- servying the kinges majesteis power upoun 148 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. despatched Sir Peter Mewtas to King Henry to inform him of the indifferent success which had attended his enterprise. On the 2d of September, the Earl was summoned at the Cross of Dumbarton to answer to the above charges of treason and lese majesty, and failing to appear, a sentence of forfeiture was passed against him in a parlia- ment held on the ist October following. The King of France so deeply resented the part which Lennox had taken in these transactions that he deprived his brother, Lord Aubigny, of all his high offices, and threw him into prison. Francis also used every effort to uphold the Queen's cause by sending what soldiers he could to Scotland. On the 31st May 1545, according to the " Diurnal," " the king of France send ij thousand gunnaris, iij hundred barbit horss, and ij hundred archeris of the gaird which landit at Dumbartane with greit provisioun, and thir wageis payit for sax months to come, and silver to fie ij thousand Scottis for the said §ax^n>ontheis space. Vpoiji; the fourt day of Junij thei Frenchmen came out of Dumbartane, quhair they were ressauit be the queen's grace and governour with great dignitie ; the principall of them was callit Monsieur Lorge Montgon;ery, quha was weill tretit by the queen's grace. Vpoun the same day the Bischope of Glasgow pleit with the Cardinall about the bering ©f his croce in his dyocie, and baith their croceis was broken in the kirk of Glasgow, throu thair strying for the gamin." Stirling of Glorat, who refused to deliver up the Castle of Dumbarton to Lennox, does not appear to have ^cted much more ceremoniously to the party to whom Lennox was opposed. The Regent himself had some suspicion as to which party Stirling be- longed — a suspicion further confirmed by a declaration on the part gf the deputy-governor that he would hold the Castle of Dumbarton lande eight myles from there schippis ; the munition, vittelles and the exploeits done at Arrane, Bewte, Dynone, in Argile, and others in that service for which I am attented.''^ — " Illustrations of the Reign of Queen Mary " (Maitland Club), p. 98. CASTLE SURRENDERED. 149 against both the Regent and Lennox till the young Queen was her- self of age to demand it from him. In May 1545 Lennox, having received intelligence from Glencairn that the time was favourable for the recovery of Dumbarton Castle, despatched his brother, Robert Stewart, the Bishop-elect of Caithness, to prepare the way for his reception. The Regent's party thereupon became alarmed for the safety of the fortress, and ordered a siege to be made of it without loss of time. In the end of June, Arran, along with whom were Huntly and Argyll, surrounded it with a large force, but it resisted all their efforts for fifteen days, and was even then only secured by an appeal made to the cupidity of those interested in its defence. Caithness was bribed by the promise of restoration to that see which he had forfeited by rebellion, and Stirling received the promise of a pension large enough to compensate him for the loss of the fortress, even if it had been his own. According to the tes- timony of the " Diurnal," they both had cause to regret delivering up the Castle, as the Regent did not keep one word of his promise ; while, it is believed, if they had held out a few days longer, the besiegers would have been compelled to retire, in consequence of Lennox himself approaching with a formidable squadron which he had fitted out in Ireland in conjunction with the Earl of Ormond.' During the siege, some of the adherents of Lennox collected a band of retainers in the neighbourhood, and making a sudden attack upon the Regent's party, killed fifty of them, and carried off much plunder.^ If the Regent failed to keep his word regarding the rewards promised to the chief defenders of Dumbarton Castle, he appears to have at least screened them from that punishment to which their offences exposed them. On the i6th of July a remission was granted to Robert Stewart, John Spottiswoode, John Maik, chaplain, and John 1 Letter, Privy Council of Ireland to the King, isth November 1545. '■ Privy Seal Reg., xx., 42 ; xxi., 8. ISO THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Maxwell, for treasonably holding the Castle of Dumbarton against the Queen and her governor, for remaining in England in time of war, and for all other crimes.^ For two years after this date, the proceedings of Lennox are involved in some obscurity, but as he was not included in the above remission, the supposition may be safely hazarded that he was, in company with many other Scottish noblemen, seeking to advance by every means in his power the influence of the English king in the affairs of Scotland. Soon after the capture of St. Andrews, in July 1547, the Regent's party de- spatched John Hamilton of Milburn as ambassador to France to confer with the King and the Cardinal Lorraine regarding the captives taken on that occasion. On returning to this country, he met with a fatal mishap at Dumbarton, which is somewhat exultingly recorded by Knox. " The sum of all his negotiation (says the Re- former), was that those of the Castle were to be sharply handled ; and on leaving the French Court received great credit, and many letters which this famous clerk (whom Knox previously intimates had neither French, nor Latin, nor much Scotch) foryett by the way ; for passing up to the craig of Dumbarton before his letters were delivered, he broke his neck, and so God took away a proude igno- rant enemye.^ As many of the Scottish nobility had not only gone over to the side of the English king themselves, but taken their retainers with them, the whole force which the Regent could muster was found to be utterly insufficient to defend the country, and his party was there- fore once more compelled to solicit assistance from France. Though I Privy Seal Reg., xx., 28. Some of lesser note were not equally fortunate. On October 7, 1547, "Peter Gamyll, dwelling in Bray- hede of Corsehill, being at the horn, found caution to underlie the law at the next jus- ticeair of Air, for abiding from the Queen's army convened by the Lord Governour at the burgh of Dumbarton, for besieging and recovery of the Castle thereof." ^ " Hist, of Refor.," vol. i. p. 207.— Wodrow Society ed. SUPPLIES FROM FRANCE. IS! the French king was himself in daily fear of being attacked by England, he contrived to send northward a supply of soldiers and also of money to aid the cause of the young Queen of Scotland. Mait- land, a spy, writing to Lord Wharton, on March 30th, 1547, mentions two ships as having arrived at Dumbarton with powder and ordnance from France ; and Bulmer, in a letter to Somerset, speaks of other two towards the end of that year. " On Christmas day last past (says Sir Ralph) two French ships came to Dumbarton and there landed fifty French captains, bringing money to wage 10,000 Scots for a year, which money is sent by the Bishop of Rome. There came three of the chief captains to Stirling to the Queen and the lords, on St. Stephen's day at night, apparalled all in white satin, and told the Queen and the council the cause of their coming. They showed her there was 6000 Frenchmen on the sea for Scotland waiting a wind.^ The Protector Somerset failing to follow up the success gained on the field of Pinkie, the Queen-mother took advantage of the • State Papers — Scotland — Bulmer to the Protector, 30th December 1547. In the Trea- surer's Books there is the following entries in reference to the siege of Dumbarton in 1547 :- 1547, Dec. 30. — Item, For ane horse hyrit to ane francheman furth of Edinburgh to Strivelin qlk Franche- man came furth of France to Dunbar- tane with powder and past to Striviling to invent saltpetar,xv sh. „ „ „ The nynt day of May to ane pure woman that had hir kye slane at the assege of Dun- bartane, iij lib. vj sh. 1547, Dec. 30. — Item, The samyn tyme to ane pure smyth that had his hous and forge brynt the time of the said assege, ... x lib. An old prophecy of Sibylla and Eltraine is thought to be applicable to these arrivals from France :— " In their (the combatants) fight shall appeare A nauie of men-of-weir. Approaching at hand, Then put their men in ordinance With five hundreth knights of France And a Duke then to aduance, To be in the vanguarde. And to the Anthelope shall leind And take him easlie to freind Then the Libbert shall the teind," etc., etc. The inquiring reader is referred to the entire rhapsody — " Scottish Prophecies," Ban. Club, pp. 45 to 47. 152 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. temporary quietness which succeeded that engagement to prepare for removing Mary to the French Court, where, it was thought, she would be safe from the machinations of England, and the no less dangerous factions which existed in her own country. With this object in view, the young Queen, on the last day of February 1547-8, was removed from the monastery of Inchmahome, where she had been placed on the advice of the Protector, to the Castle of Dumbarton, and committed to the care of John Erskine, a partizan of the Queen-Dowager, and William Livingstone, a kinsman of the Regent.^ The Regent himself appears to have looked with some misgivings upon the removal of the Queen to Dumbarton, as likely to defeat a scheme he had long cherished of marrying her to his son, James Hamilton. The Earl of Huntly, writing to Somerset under date 20th March 1 548, says : — " My Lord, I am credibly advertised that our governor repents that our mistress is past to Dumbarton, and is labouring to bring her grace again to [Stirling], which is pro- mised to him so soon her grace is whole in person. She has been very sick in the small-pox, and is not yet whole."^ ' State Papers— Scotland— Ed. VI., vol. iii., No. 79. An entry in the Royal Com- potus indicates the punctuahty of the pay- ments made to Mary's personal guardians : — " Unto the last day of February in the year of God, 1547-8, which was the day of their departing with the Queen's grace to Dum- barton, dcbursed the sum of 200 lib.'' — Excheq. Rec. in Reg. House. ' Huntly's observation regarding the sick- ness of the young Queen is curiously corrobo- rated by Adriani Turnebi in his " Epithala- mium Francisci, Francs Delphini et Marias Scotorum Regins : " — " Huic decus et tantum specioste frontis honorem Invidit Cytherea Venus ; populataque sseva Diva lue obsevit varis deformibuSjOra." Mary's beauty, however, appears not to have been marred by a disease which, in her time, might be considered a national scourge, for the poet adds — " Non tulit invidiam Cj'priEe tamen smula Juno Non Pallas/' etc. Her experience at this time enabled Mary nearly twenty years afterwards, to bestow her sympathy on her sister of England, that she (Elizabeth) had got quit of an attack with- out having her good looks injured thereby. State Paper — Mary to Elizabeth, May, 1566. From other references in that letter it ap- pears probable that the young Queen con- tinued under treatment even after her arrival in France, as she speaks of having been attended by Fernel, who was physician to Henry II. QUEEN MAR Y LEA VES DUMBARTON. 153 At a Parliament held in the Abbey of Haddington on the 1 7th July, Monsieur D'Esse gave affectionate assurances of the anxiety felt by the French king to assist the Regent against what he termed the cruelty and arrogance of England.^ D'Esse stated that his royal master was extremely desirous that the league which for so many centuries had bound the two nations together should be further strengthened by a marriage between his son, the Dauphin, and their youthful Queen ; and if the Estates would in the meantime commit her to his charge her education would be superintended with the utmost care. To these proposals the Scottish Parliament unani- mously agreed, upon the condition that the French king should solemnly promise to preserve the laws and liberties of the realm of Scotland as they had existed under its own race of kings. In com- pliance with this resolve, Monsieur de Villegagne, a French naval officer, then lying in the Forth, was instructed to proceed to Dum- barton with four galleys, to receive the young Queen. As it was well known that Somerset had sent Clinton with a fleet to intercept her, Villegagne pretended at first that he was bound for France, but on clearing the mouth of the Frith suddenly changed his course northward, passed through the Pentland Frith, and then steered southward till he entered the Clyde. In a letter sent by Sir John Luttrell to Shrewsbury, August 5, he mentions in a postscript : — " The young quyne ys embarked at Donbritayne, and gone towards Fraunce." Lord Grey, however, writing to Somerset two days later, says — " I am informed that the young Queen is not yet transported, but lieth in a galley accompanied with other galleys, and four or five ships, a little from Dumbarton, where she undoubtedly was yes- terday (August 6) at twelve of the clock at noon. The Lady Fleming, her mistress, making request to the captain of the galley. ' D'Ess^ had arrived in Scotland with the second detachment of 6000 French auxiliaries, referred to in a preceding page. VOL. I. U 1 54 THE BOOK OF D UMBA R TONS HIRE, whose name is Villegaignon, to have her on land to repose her because she hath been long on the sea, he answered she should not come on land, but rather go into France, or else drown by the way !" About three weeks previously, the Queen- Dowager had left the nunnery of Haddington for Dumbarton, to prepare for the departure of the young Queen. ^ " The touching scene of the parting," says Miss Strickland, "between the royal mother and daughter took place on the 7th of August, in the presence of the Governor Arran, and many noble spectators, on that picturesque green spot of broken ground which juts from the foot of the lofty rock of Dumbarton into the broad waters of the Clyde. All things being ready, and the tide serving, the young sovereign was brought, with the ceremonial pomp of royal etiquette, by the Lords Erskine and Livingstone, the two noble commissioners for the safe keeping of her person then on duty, and her other officers of state, down the narrow descent from her chamber in the fortress, on the western peak of the rock, attended by her four Maries, her faithful nurse Janet Sinclair, her governess the Lady Fleming, her two preceptors, the Abbot of Inchmahome and the Parson of Balmaclellan ; and her three illegitimate brothers — the Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews, afterwards the Regent Murray, Lord John, the Commendator of Holyrood Abbey, and the Lord Robert, Prior of Orkney — who were to be the companions of her voyage. The Queen-mother, assisted by the Governor Arran, delivered her royal daughter to the Chevalier de Villegaignon and the Sieur de Breze (or Brosse), hereditary Seneschal of Normandy, the gentlemen commissioned by the King of France to receive that precious charge. The little Queen was observed to shed tears silently after she had received the maternal blessing and farewell kiss of the only parent she had ever known ; but early trained in the regal science of self-control, she offered no ' State Paper — Scotland — Palmer and Holcroft to Somerset, July 13, 1548. PLOTS TO SECURE THE CASTLE. ISS resistance, and permitted herself to be carried on board the galley of the King of France, which had been fitted up and sent expressly for her accommodation, by the august sire of her future spouse. An eye-witness of the embarkation has recorded that the young Queen was at that time one of the most beautiful creatures in her own dominions — nay, that her equal was nowhere to be found, nor had the world another child of her fortune and hopes.^ The little squadron escaped every danger, and cast anchor in the harbour of Brest after six days' sail. From this place the young Queen made her progress to the palace of St. Germain, where she was joyfully received by the French monarch, and an honourable court and household appointed for her at the public expense."^ During the absence of Queen Mary in France, the period for which Arran had been elected Regent expired, and as the energetic measures latterly adopted by the Queen-mother to eject him from the regency made any attempt he might make to retain the honour for a longer period quite hopeless, he went through the formal cere- mony of resignation in a Parliament which assembled at Edinburgh in April 1554. As his power, though greatly lessened, was still to be dreaded, the Queen's party procured him the dignity of Duke of Chatelherault, and allowed him to retain the governorship of Dum- barton Castle, with all the revenues arising therefrom. Various schemes were then set on foot by the English party for securing that fortress on behalf of their sovereign Elizabeth. One of them (when it was for a brief period in their possession) is thus noticed by the ambassador Randolph, in a letter to Sadlier and Croft, dated February 23, 1560: — "The Castle itself is marvellous strong by nature, but greatly neglected, and many places to be repaired to withstand the force of an entrance. Since the receipt of my letter to ■ " Queens of Scotland," vol. ii. pp. 99, [ ' State Papers — Scotland — Edward VI., 100. I vol. iv. p. 93. 156 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. the Duke, it is determined to send hither one hundred harquetusers, to vituall it and repair it with all speed. Of artillery they have sufficient [the castle] being well placed to defend itself. I assure your honour that it is a matter of great importance to have that place well kept. I think it will be desired [desirable] that your honours send some such [person] to examine the place and give his advice what is most expedient to be built or repaired for the better defence of the same." Chatelherault nominally held possession of Dumbarton Castle till April 1561, when, from his alleged accession to a conspiracy against Queen Mary, he was compelled to resign the fortress into the hands of Captain Anstruther. While the young Queen was being trained up in the most ortho- dox of Popish courts, the cause of the Reformation had made such strides that an attempt to celebrate mass ^ on her return in 1561, a tumult was created which required the most active interference on the part of her brother Lord James Stewart, to suppress,^ Two years after the arrival in Scotland, the Queen, with a numerous retinue, made a progress through Argyllshire to Inverary, and on her return homeward, took the opportunity of visiting the Castle of Dumbarton, which had afforded her protection at a time when many of the royal strongholds were in the hands of her enemies.^ • On May 19, 1563, Robert Galbraith of Garscadden was among the forty-seven who, along with John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was called upon to underlie the law, " for assisting at the celebration of mass " in the chapel of his own house. Garscadden's punishment is not mentioned, but three of those indicted along with him, viz., Malcolm, Prior of Quhithorne, Sir Thomas Montgomery, and Sir William Tail- yefeir, were " adjugit to be put in ward with- in the Castell of Dumbartane.'' ' This was hardly in keeping with what was alleged against the Lord James in 1559. In a letter dated at Dumbarton, the 12th August of that year, he defends himself from charges of ingratitude and turbulence brought against him by his absent Sovereign — Knox's " History of the Reformafion," vol. i. p. 396. ' The route is thus indicated in her Household Book : — 1563, June 29. Holyrood to Linlithgow. „ „ 30. To Dunipace, Stirlingshire. „ July I. To Glasgow (where she con- tinued till 13th, visiting Paisley and Hamilton). QUEEN MARY AND LORD DARNLEY. 157 In 1563, Mary began openly to give evidence of a feeling of great respect for Matthew, Earl of Lennox, whose attachment to the interest of England, had kept him in banishment from his native kingdom for the long space of twenty-one years. This feeling on the part of the Queen may be traced partly to the circumstance that she at this early period looked with no unfavourable eye on the Earl's son, Henry, Lord Darnley, and partly to the fact that the Earl of Lennox, from his marriage with Lady Margaret Douglas, was Mary's most dangerous rival in her claim upon the English succes- sion. She therefore considered it her wisest policy to draw still closer her former friendly intercourse with the house of Lennox. In September 1563, the Earl, according to the " Diurnal," was "relaxit fra the proces of our souerane lady's home," and in December 1564, the act of forfeiture passed against him was repealed by Parliament, and immediately thereafter he was publicly restored to his former honours and possessions. The marriage negotiations which had been commenced almost upon the death of her first husband, the Dauphin, were carried on with the most fruitless result till the summer of 1565, when the Queen put an end to all further suspense by announcing that she had resolved to unite herself in marriage with Henry, Lord Darnley.^ The ill-starred union was solemnized in the chapel of 1563, July 14. To Dumbarton. „ „ 15, 16. Rossdhu. „ „ 17, 18. Dumbarton. „ „ 19. Set out for Inverary, which was reached on the 22d, and where she stayed nearly four days with her illegitimate sister, the Countess of Argyll. 1 Darnley's principal preceptor had been a member of the Collegiate Church of Dum- barton, who followed the fortunes of Lennox when he fled to England. "John Elder" (says Miss Strickland) "was a clever linguist, a good Latinist ; and as to his English, he surpassed most of the natives of the south in the clearness and pleasantness of his style. He had written in favour of the royal supre- macy of Henry VIII. ; also a popular pam- phlet, setting forth the advantages of the union of England and Scotland — a union into which King Henry was then endeavour- ing to coerce Scotland at the point of the sword. The little treatise, which is well known to black-letter collectors, proves John Elder to have been a man in advance of his 158 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Holyrood House on the morning of the 29th July 1565. Immedi- ately after her marriage, Mary took active steps to break up the faction headed by her natural brother the Earl of Murray, which had manifested great opposition to the match, and was generally believed to look to the English Court for direction and support. Darnley for a time aided her in this attempt, but with characteristic folly and ingratitude he afterwards allied himself with her opponents, and finally alienated all affection the Queen might ever have felt for him, by consenting to, if not originating that scheme of hostility to her government which led to the murder of her favourite David Rizzio. From this period revenge, dignified as far as such a passion can be dignified, and ill concealed by either her levity or despondency seemed to take possession of the mind of Mary ; nor did the birth of a prince, which took place on the 19th of June following, very seriously change the current of her thoughts. Darnley, from playing false with his fellow-conspirators, was for a time received into Mary's favour ; but his capricious conduct had raised up many against him, and he in turn became the victim of a plot which historians affirm was neither unknown to, nor disapproved of by the Queen.^ Unfortunately the time, in regard to statistical wisdom — the more remarkable, as the author claims to be a Highlander, those worthy Celts, at that period, being little skilled either in political economy or in the noble science of compos- ing readable and idiomatic English. Never- theless, the priest signed himself John Redshank — the appellation by which the Highlanders were known in the south." — " Queens of Scotland," vol. ii. p. 335. ' In one of the few letters dictated by the Queen herself in Scotch, dated 30th Septem- ber 1566, when Darnley, in one of his sulky moods, was threatening to leave Scotland, the Earl of Lonnox is informed that she had required of her husband " To know quhat is the mater that he findis himself grevit in, and mislykis, and gif the samyn stude in our awin hand we war content to do thairin quhat becomes us, as the Counsell likwis offerit for thair pairtes that in reasoun he suld have na occasioun of discontentation. Be his answer, als weill to ourself, as to our Counsell in Monsieur Le Crocques presence he mysknawis that he hes ony sic purpos in hede, or ony cause of miscontentatioun. But his speking is conditional! sua that we can understand na thing of his purpos in that behalf Alwayes we thocht gude to give yow advertisement hairof, that ze may weill per- save in quhat devoir we have putt ourself to satisfie him in all thingis as accordis upoun MURDER OF DARN LEY. IS9 conduct of Mary at this crisis was not of a kind calculated to impress her subjects with a belief favourable to her innocence. The Earl of Bothwell, who was generally looked upon as the prime mover of the conspiracy against Darnley, went through the form of a trial, but the proceedings were so arranged as to let in the least possible light upon the tragedy of the Kirk-of-Field, and he obtained an acquittal, as was to be expected from a court overawed by, if not composed of, a band of his armed retainers. With indecent haste Bothwell was acknow- ledged by Mary as her friend, and before she had been three months a widow was accepted by her as a fitting successor to that husband whom he was believed to have murdered. But so unfortunate was the issue of Mary's affairs from the date of her union with Bothwell, that in little more than four weeks afterwards she was compelled to surrender to the nobles confederated in arms against her at Carberry Hill ; and on the day following that surrender she was, in violation, as some think, of a solemn promise to the contrary, conveyed a captive to the Castle of Lochleven. Her brother, the Earl of Murray, was soon afterwards raised to the dignity of Regent, and in conjunction with a party favourable to the cause of the Reformation, took active steps to restore tranquillity to the country. In the "Diurnal" we read of the Regent proceeding to Glasgow, where he held a court of the Sheriffdoms of Dumbarton and Renfrew, and " punisht certane greit thevis, malefactouris, and oppressouris to the nomber of xxij personis." Justice also began to overtake several of these concerned in the murder of the late King, though seizures were still confined to the more obscure conspirators. As appears from an entry in the " Treasurer's Accounts,"-^ the limbs of certain of those executed were reasoun. Likeas he sal nevir be us have occasioun to the contrarie. Subscruit with our hand, at Edinburgh, the last day of September 1566 : Zour gud dochter, Marie R." — See fac similie in " The Lennox,'' by Wm. Fraser, Esq., vol. ii. p. 350. Also Historical Commission Report. — Buchanan Muniments. 1 1568, Jan. 13. Item, To JohnneBroune, messinger, and ane boy, passand of Edr with clois i6o THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. set up in the burgh of Dumbarton, no doubt as a token that signal justice had been meted out to those concerned in the murder of one so intimately connected with the district. The suspicious delay in bringing any of the culprits to trial led Lennox to beseech the Queen directly to bring to instant punishment the parties named in certain anonymous placards affixed to the gate of the Parliament House, Edinburgh. Another letter, dated Houston, March 17th, plainly charged Bothwell and several others with being concerned in the crime. It was then the mock trial was resolved on, and instructions issued to summon Lennox at the market crosses of Glasgow, Dum- barton, and Lanark, to make good his charge. The Earl, through Robert Cunningham, declined to attend, on the ground of the short notice given, and the limited number of followers permitted to accompany him. While the leaders in excesses such as the murder of Darnley were allowed to escape almost with impunity, it may readily be believed that in the districts far removed from the Court the offences against the peace of the country were both numerous and aggravated. In Dumbarton, as elsewhere, there were many families who preferred settling their feuds after their own lawless method to taking them before the properly constituted tribunals. On the i8th of March 1568, Jan. 13. — Continued. writtings, togidder with the heid of Pourie, leggis of Johnne Hay yr. of Tallo, and Johnne Hepburne of Bol- toun, to be afifixit on the portis of Glasgow, Hamil- toun, Dumbertane, Air, and Wigtoun, iiij H. ij s. 1568, Jan. 13. Item, For crelis and turs- ing (conveying) of the saide heidis, leggis, and armis, and candle for packing thairof, xs. In i56g,William Stewart, formerly Lyon King at Arms, was confined in Dumbarton Castle on the charge of being concerned in the murder of the King, and afterwards exe- cuted at St. Andrews, on the same day appa- rently as the hapless French page Nicholas Hubert. THE QUEEN'S LORDS IN DUMBARTON. i6i 1564, nine individuals of the name of Houstone/ residing in and about Dumbarton, attacked Andrew Hamilton of Cochno on the High Street of the burgh, and as they were fully armed for a fray, would in all probability have taken his life had he not found means of escaping from their fury to a friend's house in the neighbourhood. Three months afterwards the Houstones were tried in Edinburgh, and (with one exception) found guilty of " unlawfully convening the lieges " on the occasion referred to, and also of intending to slaughter the " aforesaid Andrew Hamilton ; " but as there is an unfortunate hiatus in the "Books of Adjournal" about this period, it is impossible to say what punishment was inflicted on the panels, or in what cir- cumstances their offence had its origin.^ Soon after the imprisonment of the Queen in Lochleven, a party professing adherence to her cause, and known as the " Queen's Lords," finding themselves removed from all offices of importance under the new government, betook themselves to the Castle of Dum- barton, then held by Lord Fleming for the interest of Mary, and there entered into a bond to release and protect their captive sovereign.^ • Their names were Patrick Houstone of that ilk ; Peter, William, John, and William Houstone, his brothers-german ; William Houstone, burgess of Dumbarton ; John Houstone in Kilpatrick ; John Houstone, elder, in Dumbarton ; and John, his son. 2 It is not improbable that the attack may have been made under colour of law, as Hamilton of Cochno was a staunch adherent of Queen Mary, and, with his son John, was among those outlawed after the battle of Langside. The " assize " on the Hous- tones were — John Colquhoun of Luss ; David Berkley of Ladyland ; Robert Lord Boyd ; James Glenne, Barr ; John Somerville of Cambusnethane ; Robert Colquhoun of Camstradden ; William Smollett, burgess VOL. L of Dumbarton ; Walter Buchanan, Druma- kill ; William Livingston of Jerviswood ; Andrew M'Farlane of Arrochar, and John Cunningham of Drumquhassil. Among the absentees were — Mungo Lindsay of BaluU ; Robert Buchanan of Balloch, and Luke Stirling of Ballagan.— Pitcairn's " Criminal Trials," vol. i. p. 45 1. ' The terms of the Dumbarton bond are : — " Forasmuch, considering the Queen's Majesty, our Sovereign, to be unlawfully de- tained at present in Lochleven in captivity, wherefore the most part of her lieges cannot have free access to her Highness : and see- ing that it becomes us of our duty to seek her liberty and freedom, we, earls, lords, and barons under subscribed, promise faithfully X 1 62 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Fortunately for the peace of the country, the parties to the Dum- barton bond (some of whom were deeply implicated in the excesses of Mary's reign), made no attempt at this time to put their threat into execution, though they sought, by secret means, to substitute Chatel- herault for Murray in the regency ; which change, and not the libera- tion of the Queen, was generally understood to be the real object of the confederacy. In the following month (July) a powerful associa- tion was formed for the purpose of protecting the young Prince and carrying on the government in his name. Among the signatures to the bond then entered into are those of John Noble of Ardardan, Walter Macaulay of Ardincaple, and John Cunningham of Drum- quhassil. Whatever suspicion the Earl and Countess of Lennox may at to use the utmost of our endeavours, by all reasonable means, to procure her Majesty's liberty and freedom upon such honest con- ditions as may assent with her Majesty's honour, the common weal of the whole realm, and security of the whole nobility who at present have her Majesty in keeping; whereby this our native realm may be governed, ruled, and guided by her Majesty and her nobility, for the common quietness and administration of justice and weal of the country. And in case the noblemen who have her Majesty at present in their hands refuse to set her at liberty upon such reason- able conditions as said is, in that case we shall employ ourselves, our kindred, friends, servants, and partakers, our bodies and our lives, to set her Highness at liberty, and also to concur to the punishment of the murderers of the King her Majesty's husband ; and for sure preservation of the person of the Prince, as we shall answer to God, and our honour, and credit ; and to that effect shall concur every one with another that are deemed proper. And if any shall set upon us, or any of us, for the doing as first mentioned, in that case we promise faithfully to espouse one another's interest under pain of perjury and infamy, as we shall answer to God. " In witness whereof, we have subscribed these presents with our hands at Dumbarton, the day of " St. Andrews, Argyle, Huntly, Arbroath, Galloway, Ross, Fleming, Herries, Stirhng, Kilwinning, Will. Hamil- ton, of Sanquhar, Knt." Keith, in his " Church History," gives the Dumbarton bond nearly as quoted above, and suggests as its probable date the 29th July 1567 ; but this is obviously an error, as Throgmorton, the English ambassador, in a letter to Elizabeth, dated 14th July, says : — " Herewith I send your Majestic the last bounde agreed on and signed by the Hamil- tons, etc., at Dumbertan." The true date of the bond, as is seen from an original transcript in the State Paper Office, is 29th June 1567. first have had of the Queen's comphcity in the murder of Darnley, a certain amount of confidence came to be restored between them and various courtesies were exchanged afterwards during Mary's unhappy captivity in England/ Another interesting evidence of the close alliance kept up be- tween the Lennox family and the royal house, even when under extreme peril, is furnished in the presentation by the widowed Countess to the young King, of the famous Lennox or Darnley jewel, thought to shadow forth in its ingenious devices some of the more striking incidents in the recent career of this ancient family. Its early history is obscure, and can only be in part surmised through the emblems traced by the hands of some cunning but unknown work- man on the outer and inner sides of the jewel. At the breaking up of Walpole's Strawberry Hill collection in 1842, her Majesty Queen 1 The Countess Margaret, dating from Hackney, November 1 1 (no year mentioned), writes ; — " Yt may please your Maiesti, I have reseved your tokyn and mynd, both by your letter and otherways, moch to my com- fort, spesyally parseving what zelouse naturall care your Maiesti hath of owre sweet and peerless juell in Scotlaund [James VI. then a child], not letyll to my ccn'.ent. I have byn no les ferfuU as your Maiesti of hyme, that the wyked governor should not have powre to dow yll to hes parsone, whom God preserv from hes enemys ... I besych your Maiesti fere not, but trust in God that all ther shal- be well. The treachery of your traitour ys known better than beffore. I shall alwayse play my pairt to your Maiestis content, wyll- ing God, so as may tend to both our com- forts, and now mwst yeld your Maiesti my most humble thanks for your good remem- brance and bounty to our letyll daughter hyre, who sum day may sarve your highness. Almighty God grant and to your Maiesti long and happy lyffe. Hackney, thys xjth of November. Your Maiestis most humble and loveyng mothere and awnt. M. L."— State Papers — Queen Mary, vol. x.. No. 71. Regarding a letter written in a similar vein, dated 2d May 1578, Mr Froude re- marks : — " This acknowledgment, which was of extreme value at the time to the Queen of Scots in assisting to clear her reputation, has been relied upon in later times as an evi- dence in her favour. It is worth while to observe, therefore, that Lady Lennox con- tinued long after to speak in her old language to others. Elizabeth, suspecting the recon- ciliation, questioned her about it. ' I asked her Majesty if she could think so,' Lady Lennox wrote to Burghley, ' for I was made of flesh and blood, and could never forget the murder of my child;' and she (Queen Elizabeth) said, ' Nay, by her faith, she could not think that ever I could forget it, for if I would I were a devil.'" — Vol. xi. p. 72. 1 64 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Victoria became possessor of the relic, and soon afterwards com- missioned Mr. P. F. Tytler to prepare a series of historical notes showing how far and in what way the Lennox-Darnley jewel, with its figures and inscriptions, illustrated the troubled career of one of her Scottish ancestors. It is not known how the jewel came into Walpole's possession, nor is there any note in his writing indicating its history or design. In the description of his curiosities it is simply mentioned as, "A golden heart, set with jewels, and ornamented with emblematic figures enamelled, and Scottish mottoes, made by order of the Lady Margaret Douglas, mother of Henry Lord Darnley, in memory of her husband, Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox and Regent of Scotland, murdered by the Papists." The jewel, as stated above, is a golden heart, measuring about two inches each way, encircled with a couplet signifying that whoever hopes con- stantly with patience shall obtain victory in their " pretence " or claim. On the outer face is a crown surmounted with three white fleurs-de-lis, upon an azure field, and set with three rubies and an'eme- rald. Beneath it is a heart formed of sapphire, with wings enamelled blue, red, green, and yellow, all supported by other figures repre- senting Faith, Hope, Victory, and Truth. This small crown opens, showing within the lid two hearts united by a blue buckle and a golden true-love knot, pierced with two arrows, feathered with white enamel, barbed with gold, and surmounted with the motto, " what WE RESOLVE." Below this device in the cavity within the crown are the letters "m. s. l.," the cipher apparently of the Earl and Countess. The heart of sapphire also opens, and within its lid is the device of two hands holding a hunting horn, with a motto rhyming to the other, " DEATH SHALL DISSOLVE." The reverse of the heart is covered with devices, and bears a couplet in the quaint spelling of the day, " my state to these I may compare, for you who are OF GOODNESS RARE." The heart itself opens by a hinge at the top, and within the lid a fresh grouping of emblems, among others a CO X Q_ < CD O 1— < _J < O tr >- az < a X o THE LENNOX-DARNLEY JEWEL. 165 martyr's stake surrounded by flames, and near it a female figure on a throne with a tiara on her head and a scroll inscribed " gar tel MY RELEAES." The emblems taken together are thought to denote a hidden claim to some dignity or right, which Truth, Patience, and Hope were to crown with Victory. In the lives of the Earl and Countess of Lennox, Mr. Tytler did not fail to discover such a resolution and such a claim. He showed that the great family purpose, ultimately realized, was the marriage of their son Henry Lord Darnley to Mary Queen of Scots. On the death of Darnley, the hopes of the Earl and Countess were centred in their grandson, James VL ; and the last words of the Regent Lennox when slain in 1572 were in the form of a kindly inquiry after the safety of the young King, and the memorable message to his wife, fondly styled "Meg" — " If the bairn's weel, all's weel." From these and many other considerations mentioned by Mr. Tytler,^ he came to the 1 The historic application of the various emblems, even if they could be read with complete exactness, would occupy unneces- sary space; but the ingenuity with which Mr. Tytler follows the parallels may be illustrated by his description of some of the emblems inside. The two warriors might have had reference to the death of Lennox, who, mortally wounded, points to a crowned shield bearing the figure of the young King. The other crowned figure seizing a female by the hair, may indicate the temporary triumph of the Scottish Queen's party over the fortunes of the Countess of Lennox and the young King. This party whose object it was to restore Mary to the throne she had been compelled to abdicate in favour of her son, undoubtedly used their triumph with no sparing hand ; and the figure of the lady dragged by the hair is not too strong an emblem of the ruin which for a time fell on the house of Lennox, on the death of the Re- gent. The stake he accepted as an emblem of religious persecution. Lady Lennox, it was observed, had been reported a Roman Catholic, and, as such, had become an object of suspicion and persecution by Queen EH- zabeth. It was asserted in the Privy Council, that one great object of Lady Lennox's desire for the alliance of Darnley with Mary was to re-establish the religion of the Church of Rome. This noble lady was also bitterly attacked by falsehood on another ground — her legitimacy. These points in her life may offer a key to the complicated emblems of Time and Truth. Her being slandered and threatened with loss of honour, birthright, and royal descent is indicated by the jaws vomiting out fire and lies ; whilst Time pulling Truth from the well, marks the 1 66 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. conclusion that the jewel had been made about 1576 for Margaret Countess of Lennox, in memory of her husband the Regent, as a present to her royal grandson the King of Scots. triumph of truth in the establishment of her legitimacy. The celestial sphere, with the inscription "ZE SEIM," etc., may allude to the bright influences which seemed to reign over her early days, her education at the court of Henry VIII., her marriage and the favour she ei.joyed from her sovereign, Mary of England. These were succeeded by her becoming, under Elizabeth, the victim of persecution and dissimulation. ' This tempo- rary triumph of evil over the celestial in- fluences, is represented by the double face of Time, and by half his body in shape of a demon resting on the celestial sphere and checking its motions. The lady enthroned — last feature of the group— points to the same story. " She is no longer (to use Mr. Tytler's own words) at the mercy of her enemy : no longer in the miserable state in which she appears below, dragged by the hair, wretched and discrowned. She has regained her liberty, her honours are re- stored, her diadem sparkles on her brow, and she proclaims her release — ' GAR TEL MY RELAES.' " CHAPTER VIII. QUEEN MARY, ON ESCAPING FROM LOCHLEVEN, SEEKS TO REACH DUMBARTON— BATTLE OF LANGSIDE-THE CLAN FARLANE— DUMBARTON CASTLE KEPT BY JOHN, LORD FLEMING, ON BEHALF OF QUEEN MARY— BESIEGED BY MURRAY— TAKEN BY SURPRISE DURING THE REGENCY OF LENNOX— THE REGENT MORTON IMPRISONED IN DUMBARTON- CHANGES IN THE LENNOX SUCCESSION— TRADE BETWEEN DUMBARTON AND GLASGOW —LETTER FROM KING JAMES TO THE BURGESSES OF DUMBARTON- CAMPBELL OF ARDKINLASS ATTACKED IN DUMBARTON — THE KING PREPARES TO EMBARK AT DUMBARTON FOR THE ISLES. jN the evening of the 2d May 1568, Queen Mary, aided by one of her keepers, young ■ George Douglas, made her escape from the Castle of Lochleven. She proceeded without loss of time to Hamilton, where the nobility and clergy assembled round her in great numbers, and, in the enthusiasm of the moment entered into a bond to restore her to her crown and kingdom. Regent Murray, at this time in Glasgow, determined with that quick decision and sound judgment generally marking his movements, to oppose the Queen's party, and for this purpose drew out his army, now sorely diminished by desertion, on the neighbouring burgh muir. Queen Mary appears to have been desirous of avoiding a battle, and thought if she could only reach Dumbarton Castle in safety she might there regain that influence over the minds of her subjects which she had lost by indiscretion. Her advisers generally were of opinion that it would be for the interest of the kingdom if she would occupy Dumbarton till a Parliament could be called together to devise measures for the welfare of herself and the young Prince.^ But this design was opposed by the Hamiltons, who, thinking themselves stronger than Murray, deemed the opportunity a favourable one for 1 Keith's " Church History," book ii. c. 13. 1 68 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. crushing him for ever ; and though they ultimately did consent to march to Dumbarton, it was evident they would lose no opportunity of bringing the two armies into hostile collision. Contrary to their expectation, the Regent himself was the first to attack, and on the 1 5th May, on the field of Langside, he obtained a victory which was sufficient to dispel any hope Mary might have entertained of once more ascending the throne. In this engagement the Clan Farlane, from the Lennox, bore a prominent part. Hollinshed, speaking of the battle, says : — " The valiancie of ane Heiland gentleman named Macfarlane stoode the Regent's part in great stede ; for in the hottest brunte of the fighte, he came up with two hundred of his friendes and countrymen, and so manfully gave in upon the flankes of the Queen's people, that he was a great cause of the disordering of them. This Macfarlane had been lately before condemned to die for some out- rage by him committed, and obtanying parden through the suit of the Countess of Moray, he recompensed that clemencie by this piece of service now at this batayle." The accounts of Calderwood and Melville are less favourable to the Macfarlanes, but the statement quoted above is borne out by a document entitled " Advertisement of the Conflict in Scotland," which appears to have been written two days after the battle by one who was present on the occasion, and is still further confirmed by the Regent granting their leader a crest consisting of a demi-savage proper holding in one hand a sheaf of arrows and pointing with the other to a crown, with the motto — ■ " This I'll defend." The chief of the Clan Farlane at this time was Andrew, the thirteenth in direct descent from Gilchrist, the first of Arrochar. He was married to Agnes, a daughter of Sir Patrick Maxwell of Newark. Colquhoun of Luss and the Laird of Buchanan also supported the Regent at Langside, while Colquhoun of Balvie was made prisoner fighting for Queen Mary. That Dumbarton had not been backward in supporting the cause of the Regent against Queen Mary's party is evident from a REGENT MURRAY IN DUMBARTON. 169 communication addressed to the burgesses by the Regent, on the eve of his departure to the borders against the rebels, at the close of the year following the battle of Langside : — ^ " Efter our maist hertlie commendatiounes, Seeing we can not yet have the money to send you for furnessing of the suderts accord- ing as we have oft promisset and writtin to you, And that upoun ane schort and suddane occasioun we mon repair to the borders, Becaus the inglis rebellis having left thair strenthis ar repairit thairto, we will pray you yit as of befoir to tak in patience, safer unto the tyme that the money be gottin we will not lett your bailHe Alexander Douchall nor Cpt°. Murray dep', ffor howbeit ye half greit loisse of the want of your siluer sa lang, Be weill assurit ye sail not want ane penny of that thing q"' is awand, and that sasone as possibillie we can or ma. And sa referring to new occasioun committis you to God. At Edinburgh the XX of December 1 569. At olir departing from ed'., " Your assurit freind. Addressed r" To our traist freindis the> burgessis and inhabi- tants of the burgh of( Dunbertane.'' f)^yny^^e^^^y^ It is doubtful if the burgesses were ever reimbursed for the ex- penses incurred on that occasion ; but as if to put their claim beyond cavil, they obtained the following obligation from the Regent when in Dumbarton at the siege of the Castle, in January 1569-70 : — " We, James, erle of Murray, lord Abirnethie, Regent to our Souerane lord, his realme, and lieges. Be the tenour heirof, obleisses us, our airis and executouris. To content pay and thankfullie deleuir to the baillies, burgesses, and inhabitantis of the burgh of Dunbertane all sowmes of money awand to thame be o' Souerane lordis men of weir and suddartis that hes lyne in Dumbertane, and bene furnist of 1 From original, among Dumbarton Burgh Records. VOL. I. Y I70 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. mete, drink, and other furnessing thair diuers moneths bigane, accord- ing to the captanis tikkettes, and that betuix the date heirof and the first day of fehruar nixtocum w'out farther delay, fraude, or gyle. In witness heirof, we haife subscriuit this present obligatioun with our hand. At Dunbertane, the sevint day of Januar, The yeir of God jm^c. three scoir nyne yeirs, Before thir witnesses, Johnne, erle of Mar ; Alexander, erle of Glencairn ; Robert, lord Sempill ; maister James haliburtoun, provest of Dundie ; and Alex'' hay, o' seruand, w' vtheris diuers. " James, Regent." Indorsed (■"Re 1 ff Regent Murrayis oblig; ffor the suddartis det, a"" ") " i From an eminence adjoining the field of conflict at Langside Mary witnessed the total defeat of her army, and immediately after- wards fled southward ^ to Sanquhar^ and then to Terregles, the seat of her faithful friend Lord Hemes. Having rested here a day or two she proceeded towards the Abbey of Dundrennan, near Kirk- cudbright, where she again halted for a brief space. From this place she crossed the Solway Frith to the English coast, and put into execution the ill-advised scheme of submitting her case to the de- cision of Queen Elizabeth. During an interview between Middle- more and Mary at Carlisle, the English commissioner, following his instructions, demanded, in name of his royal mistress, that the Scottish Queen should prohibit her friends at Dumbarton from receiving supplies from France, in the event of any being sent northward. Mary, with greater spirit than prudence, replied, " That in case his Sovereign (Elizabeth) would not assure her of her assistance for the suppression of her evil and unruly subjects, she would go to the great Turk himself for help against them, and neither could nor would for- 1 It seems to have been rumoured at the time that Mary had crossed the Clyde and taken refuge in Dumbarton Castle. — Letter from Douglas of Bonjedworth to Mow of Mow, May 15, 1568. State Papers— Scot- land — Elizabeth, vol. xv., No. 20. QUEEN MARY AND THE CASTLE. 171 sake her faithful friends ; but if her sister of England would resolve to give her aid she would then promise not to seek it of other princes." ^ A few weeks after this interview Mary, having besought her " dear sister " to use her good offices in her favour, makes the follow- ing reference to the Governor of Dumbarton Castle, who had accom- panied her in her flight, but, unlike his royal mistress, had been allowed to return to Scotland : — " As for my Lord Fleming, seeing that upon my credit you have suffered him to go home to his house, I warrant you he shall pass no farther, but shall return when it pleases you. In that you trust me, I will not (to die for it) deceive you. But for Dumbarton, I answer not when my L. Fleming shall be in the Tower. For they which are within it (Dumbarton Castle) will not forbear to receive succour if I don't assure them of yours ; no, though you should charge me withal, for I have left them in charge to have more respect unto my servants and to my estate than to my life. Good sister, be. of another mind ; win the heart, and all shall be yours, and at your commandment.^ Mary R." The nearness of Carlisle to the border land of her own dis- tracted country causing serious anxiety in m.eting out to Mary that protection so summarily solicited from her sister of England, not to speak of suspicious meetings among the old Catholic families in the north of England, she was, about the middle of July, removed to the safer locality of Bolton Castle, Yorkshire. This was the first decisive step taken by the English Court to dispose of her person against her will. On the eve of her removal, therefore, it is not surprising to hear that Elizabeth's minister, Knollys, has to record an outburst of temper on the part of the fugitive Queen : — " I require (she said) the Queen my good sister either that she will let me go into France or > Miss Strickland's "Queens of Scotland," vol. vi., quoted from Anderson's Collections. Mary to Elizabeth, 5th July 1568. 172 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. that she will put me into Dumbarton, unless she will hold me as a prisoner ; for I am sure that her highness will not of her honour put me into my lord of Murray's hands. I will seek aid (she continued) forthwith at other princes' hands that will help me — namely, the French king and the King of Spain — whatsoever come of me be- cause I have promised my people to give them aid by August." The scene thus closes :—'' And thus (saith she) I have made great wars in Scotland, and I pray God I make no trouble in other realms also, but if we detained her as a prisoner we should have much ado with her."^ As it was of the utmost importance to the Regent that the Castle of Dumbarton should no longer be held by an enemy to his government, he adopted measures of open hostility and also secret negotiation to secure this important fortress.^ About the end of December 1569 (says the " Diurnal"), "the maister of Grahame was send diverse tymes to Johne, Lord Flemying, being within the Castell of Dunbartane, and holding the same, to treit with the said lord touching the deliuerance of the said castell, and thai commounit thairvpone, bot culd not aggrie togedder vpoun the articles quhilkis my Lord Flemying desyrit. Vpoun the same day, the laird of Borg, and his freindis, convenit thameselffis togedder, and convoyit to the said Castell of Dunbartane in the mornying, certane key and laidis of meill, and thaireafter departed, quhairof my Lord Flemying wos verry glaid ; bot when the samen came to my lord regentis earis, he was havilie discontintit thairwith, and wos verry angry at the capltanes and men of weir being then in the toun of Dunbartane, ' Wright's " Queen Elizabeth," vol. i. p. 286. ' In August 1569, Elizabeth commanded Murray to forbear from besieging Dumbar- ton, to which he replied that he was not then engaged in such an undertaking. The Re- gent's secretary, John Wood, writing to Cecil, October 31, speaks of Dumbarton as being in great strait. State Papers — Scotland — Elizabeth, vol xvi., Nos. 5r, 53, 70. CASTLE BESIEGED. 173 that tholit the said furnisching to pass to the said castell."^ In January 1570, the Regent proceeded in person to the siege of Dum- barton, and having carefully guarded every approach, reduced the garrison to such straits that, in accordance with the articles of war of the period, Fleming promised to surrender upon a given day if supplies did not reach him in the interim.^ Before making such a promise the Governor seems to have been well assured that supplies were likely to be received from France. Nor was he disappointed. In a few days two large ships bound from France for Dumbarton arrived in Lochryan, and so far relieved the anxiety of the Governor that he refused to hold further parley regarding the surrender of the fortress. That the garrison was in great straits previous to these supplies is evident from Mary's letter to La Motte. In pleading with him to use his influence with the French king in her behalf, she proceeds : — " x\nd if his own affairs will not permit him as yet to give me his entire support, I pray that it may at least please him not to allow me to lose Dumbarton for the want of munition and ' a little money." ^ A calamity which soon befell the nation gave Fleming the required opportunity of turning the supplies to advantage. The Regent (as may be seen by the " Obligation " before referred to), was in Dumbarton early in January ; he seems to have left about the 1 6th ; on the i8th he was at Stirling, and on the 23d he entered 1 The importance attached to the posses- sion of the fortress of Dumbarton is curiously illustrated by a contemporary jeu d'esprit, entitled, " The copy of ane advertisement sent from the court to a friend of my Lord [Argyllis]." The " advertisement," which is said to have been the work of Thomas Mait- land, a younger brother of the house of Lethington, purports to be the report of a conference held by the Regent, Lord Lind- say, the Laird of Pitarrow, John Knox, John Wood, the tutor of Pitcure, and James M'Gill. Wishart of Pitarrow, speaking of the different strongholds in the country, is made to express himself as follows : — " To get Dumbartan, I wald nocht stik for geir, and albeit I shuld give als meikill as Sir James Balfour gat. Ane kyng seik and treasone may find land : An ye list ye may ay get your hand beyond my Lord Flemying." — " Bannatyne's Memorials," p. 9. '^ " Diurnal of Occurrents," p. 155, 5 Depeches de La Motte Fenelon, vol i. P- 376. " Queens of Scotland," vol. vi. p. 371, 174 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Linlithgow, on his way towards Edinburgh. On proceeding up the High Street of that burgh he was shot at by Hamihon of Bothwell- haugh, and wounded so severely that he died in a few hours. As it was feared that the assassination of Murray might be followed by an attempt upon the person of the young King, the soldiers at the siege of Dumbarton were removed to Stirling, where James then was — a proceeding which, while it strengthened the garrison there, gave, on the other hand, the opportunity desired by Lord Fleming of re- ceiving into the Castle of Dumbarton the supplies sent from France. In the excitement caused by the suddenness and atrocity of the occurrence, Bothwellhaugh found means of making his escape from Linlithgow, and was warmly welcomed by the Hamilton party, who, along with Argyll, held a convention in Dumbarton ten days after- wards. After a troubled interregnum of four months' duration, the Earl of Lennox was elected Regent ; but as the harsh treatment of Mary by Elizabeth had greatly strengthened the party professing attach- ment to Mary, to which Lennox was opposed, he felt it necessary to take instant steps for thwarting their designs and lessening their power. In May, active measures were in progress for besieging Dumbarton. The Earl of Lennox, writing to Elizabeth on the 1 7th, encloses an epistle signed by Lennox, Morton, and Glencairn, urging the necessity of besieging the Castle ; and again, in writing to Cecil on the 31st, a kindred application is forwarded, recommending that Sir William Drury remain in Scotland, and attack Dumbarton.^ Elizabeth appears rather to have desired a cessation of hostilities ;^ and with this view Drury was despatched from Berwick to Lord Fleming and the Bishop of St. Andrews (who was known to be in Dumbarton along with the Governor), with power to negotiate for ' State Papers— Scotland— Elizabeth, vol. i ^ State Papers — Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. xviii., Nos. 28, 42. I xviii., No. 33. THE TRESSOUN OF DUNBARTANE." 17s an abstinence of arms. The interview was altogether of a most ex- traordinary character, and will be best told in the words of Sussex to his royal mistress : — " He (Drury) was answered that they would meet him the next day at a village half-way betwix Glasgow and Dumbertane. So according to that appointment Drury went thither, and finding no person there, went forward to Dumbarton, and sent them word before of his coming thither, because he found them not at the place appointed. The messenger returned with answer that they would come out of the Castle to speak with him, and therefore willed him to come on, with one or two that were with him, and to put away his company ; which he did, and when he was within shot sent him word they could not come to him, and willed him to take to himself, for his time was out; and as he turned his horse did see the harquebusers (laid for the purpose) shoot at him, and they dis- charged a falcene at him out of the Castle, but he escaped without hurt, and returned to Glasgow."^ Sussex was not long in making 1 State Papers — Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. xviii.. No. 45. This outrage on the person of an ambassador seems to have excited the muse of some writer not over friendly to the cause of the exiled Queen. The author of the following ballad is not known with cer- tainty, but its subject and style place it among the set written by Robert Sempill, illustrative of public affairs about the close of the re- gency of Murray. Judging from its similarity to "The Poysonit Schot" and " The Regent's Tragedie," this " Treasoun of Dunbartane " may be more safely attributed to Sempill than any other writer of his time. The anti- quity of the ballad is beyond question. A copy first transcribed for " A Lennox Gar- land " was made from the above mentioned volume of State Papers — Elizabeth, vol. xviii., No. 23. No. 24 is another copy of the same ballad, also in black-letter. The third volume of the Roxburghe Collection of Ballads in the British Museum (the volume made up by the Duke himself) contains copies of six of Sempill's poems relating to the Re- gent, but the one now submitted is not among them : — The Tressoun of Dunbartane. In Mayis moneth, mening na dispyte, Quhen luiffaris dois thair daylie obseruance To Venus Quene the goddes of delyte. The fyftene day befell the samim chance The Generall raid with mony demylance, Doune to Dunbartaine doand na man ill Quhair furious Fleming schot his Ordinance Willing to wraik him, wantit na gude will. Mair I lament the great Ingratitude Of cruell catiues kankirit and vnkynde. 176 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. reprisals for the reception his ambassador had met with at Dumbar- ton. In the same epistle he was enabled to announce that the noblemen who accompanied Drury had burnt the country belonging to the Hamiltons, with the town of Hamilton and the Castle ; and, in effect, had thrown down or burnt the whole of the chief residences belonging to that family. In urging upon Sussex the necessity of assaulting Dumbarton, the Regent and his coadjutors seem to have been influenced by the opinion that the Governor would not only Quhat gart you schute to slay yon man of gude, Lunatyke Monsters mad and by your mynd. Degenerat Stewartis of ane Hieland strynde, As mix me balme and poysone put into it, Rycht as the tre is nureist be the rynde ; Cardanus counsell causit the to do it. That Bastard Bischop bred ane greiter blok Laitly expremit, I neid not speik it heir, Thocht thou be cumin of ane Royall stok. The kingis hous and als his Cousing deir. Giff naturall kyndnes could in the appeir, Thou has na cause to keip him in thy hous For airt and pairt ressetting him I feir, Of thy auld Lordschip beis not left ane sous. Mycht thou not licence Inglis men to ryde Throu all this Realme vpoun thair awin expensis Bot thou vaine bable bouistrit vp in pryde, Crabit but cause and caryit by thy sensis. Thou Sorcerie and vther vain pretensis, Doist thou belief the michtnes of thy waivis May keip zone knaif that slew our faikles Precis Na Weill I wait God will reuenge that cause. Gif that was foule, now foular may be spokin Without respect to honour lyfe or landis Bot not the first tyme that thy faith was brokin Thankit be God he skaipit of thy handis. Haifand thy traist as all men vnderstands DissaitfuUy thou schot but ryme or ressoun, Bot had not bene ane slack was in thy sands Weill had he payit you tratouris for your tressoun. Ganzelous gettis relict of Synoins seid Tratouris to God and mainsworne to the King, Deir sail ye by your foule vnduchtie deid Betraissand strangers vnderstude na thing. I put na doubt man for thy deidis Inding, To se vs shortly in thy place possesst At euerie part a spald of the to hing As tratouris sould for schutting vnder trest. Makcloid, Makclaine, nor he that slew Oneill, Or yit quhat micht Johne Moydirnoch do mair? Ane Turk, ane Jow, or than thy mekle Deill, To thy foule tressoun trewly na compair : Weill hes thou leird it at the Bischoppis lair, Becum his prentise broderit in his band Gif thou denys, thair was ane dofane thair Better nor thou dar fecht it hand to hand. " THE TRESS OUN OF D UNBA R TA NEr 177 continue to make it a rallying point for the Queen's friends in Scot- land, but deliver it over, if need were, to the French king, in ex- change for the active support he continued to give to the cause of Mary. Lennox at least gives currency to a rumour of this descrip- tion in an epistle to Cecil, written in August, and it is confirmed in Praise be to God he skaipit of that chance Ze plaid the knaiffis, and he the nobill knicht I hope in God or ye get help of France Of better freindis to see ane blyither sicht Our caus is Just, the king hes kindly richt, Groundit on God and the foundatione laid Thocht me throu murther mene to mount on hicht Thow sail he lyche doune as the Lord hes said. Ze saue yourselfis the Inglis men raid neir For all your croking caiit within ane Cro, It is na Fables furth of France thay feir Cum fra the Paip and the grand Prore to. Thay half your Quene in keping (quhair is she?) Lang may ye luke or sche relieff your weiris Ze will not wit quhat Inglismen can do, Quhill Drureis bells be roung about your Then sail ye cry for merci dune on your kneis Murnand for mercy, and able for to wys it; Quhen ye luke doune to Wallace Toure and seis Sougouris of Berwick brekand vp your kist. Thair sal ye se your bastard Bishop blist, Out of his hoill weill houndit lyke ane tod That bludy Bouchour euer deit of thrist Soukand the soules furth for the Sanctes of God. VOL. L For saikles blude and murther maid sensyne, Gone is his grace, ye haif ane godly part of him Trewly my Lord, and I war in your lyne The Deill a bit sulde byde within the yet of him. Wald ye go seik ane Secreit place weill set of him Cardanus pym weill closand in ane Spreit, Pull me out that, thair is na mair to get of him, Bot as ane bledder blawin fra held to feit. In waryit tyme that Bischop hes bene borne, Mars hes bene maister at that Balials byrth, Throw him his friends ar houndit to the home Baneist and slaine, uncertane of ane gyrth. Gone is thair game, and murning is thair myrth, Thair cattell caryit, thair Granges set in fyre, The worlde may se thair wisdome was na worth Murther left ay his Maister in the myre. Now fair weill, Fleming, but foule ar thy deids The Generall this Schedul at schort to the sends Thow sail heir ma nouells as farder proceids, Bot not to thy sythment as sum men intends. The actioun is not honest thow defends, Gif thow be angrie with ocht that I reheirs The narrest gait thow can gang seik amends Is mend thy maners, and I sal mend the veirs. Z 178 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. the following month by Randolph, who, in mentioning the arrival of bullets and lead from France, speaks of a compact as existing between Fleming and the Grand Prior for the delivery of the strong- hold.^ The Regent therefore continued so active in his hostility to the Governor, that the latter, in an epistle dated at Dumbarton, the 7th of February 1571, brought under the notice of the Commis- sioners of the Queen of Scots the persecution he was being subjected to by Lennox, and the destruction to which his property was exposed by the party who supported him as Regent. Among the enormities perpetrated by Lennox, particular stress is laid upon the slaughter of the white kye in the forest of Cumbernauld, as " the lyke was not manteint in ony uther pairt of this He of Albion." Lennox, in reply, describes this as a " vane brag," the contrary being known to many. In another note of " Certain Actes done by the Earle of Levinax againes the tenour of the Assurance," he is said to have prevented the merchants of Glasgow, Dumbarton, and the neighbouring towns, from selling provisions to Lord Fleming for victualling the Castle. To this the Regent replies : — " Giff I had inhabite the merchandis of Glasgw, Dumbartane, "and vtheris townis, to sell victuallis to the Lord Flemyng, for victualling of the kingis castell, withaldin aganis his hienes auctoritie, in that doing I had not violat the Abstinence ; for that I did specialie require to knaw gif the lord Flemyng wald be content to be comprehendit vnder the promisse of the duke and tua erles, and neuer had yit ansuer of that demand. And for the lord Flemyngis awin behaviour, he hes nawise observit the Abstinence, ^ State Papers— Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. xix., Nos. 16-43. Richard Bannatyne, the gossiping secre- tary of John Knox, thus speaks of the supplies sent to Dumbarton : — "About the end of August, came from France, ane pynnace first, and after ane ship with that famous ambassador, Monsieur Viracke, a notabill pyrate. With him he brocht some oranges, some reasins, some bisqueat bread, some powder, some bullet, and so, of onmigad- darum, he brocht a maledictione to furneis Dumbartun." — " Bannatyne's Memorials," p. 53- REGENT LENNOX. i79 bot takln and reft the victuallis and guidis of all the kingis guid subjectis, travelling vp and doun the river of Clyde, ane in the cuntrey ; he hes banished diuerse honest men of Dumbartane from thair houssis, and hes dimolesched sum of thair houssis, with thair kirkis, to the grund, evin sen the Abstinence began ; and thairwith maid new fortificatioun and building in the castell of Dumbartane ; and yit, with all this, na contramand wes gevin to the merchandis, as is (beside the trewthe) allegit in the said article, bot to sel thair guidis and victualis, in sic sorte as suld pleas thame, at their liberty." In a letter of instructions from the Regent to Robert Pitcairn, com- mendator of Dunfermline, then at the Court of Elizabeth, mention is made of no less than eleven breaches of the " Abstinence " on the part of Fleming's supporters, the first being the case of one Craik, a messenger, who had been apprehended at Dumbarton executing the King's letters, and afterwards conveyed as a prisoner to Dunoon. In their answer to the allegations contained in the Regent's epistle, the Queen's party seek to justify Craik's detention on the ground that " he passit to Dunbartane and thair maid execution of the Prince's lettres in that toun, quhilk is not nor hes not bene at ony tymes befoir at the Prince's devotioun, nor at the devotioun of ony of thame that professis thair obedience for the queue ; sa be this ressoun it seamys the Abstinence hes bene infringit be the com- plineis." Kirkcaldy of Grange, the governor of Edinburgh Castle, also made complaints against Lennox, and even issued a challenge, offer- ing to encounter any one who would maintain the truth of certain re- ports spread against him by the Regent. But the time was now approaching when the desire of the Regent, so far as Dumbarton was concerned, was to be fulfilled in a manner as unexpected as it was extraordinary. The achivement, indeed, for cool daring and in- genuity equals anything of the kind ever attempted. The following account of the enterprise is based partly upon an epistle addressed i8o THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. by Crawford of Jordanhill to John Knox, and partly upon the narra- tive of Buchanan, whose writings possess an almost local interest, and who is likely to have been well acquainted with the locality he describes so accurately.^ In March 15 71, the Regent Lennox, while he was confined to his dwelling in Glasgow in consequence of a fall from his horse, had his desire for the possession of Dumbarton Castle gratified through the treachery of one of the garrison named Robertson, whose wife had been whipt for some petty theft by the orders of Lord Fleming. Eager to accomplish his revenge, the soldier communicated his ^ George Buchanan, though not a native of the district embraced in modern Dum- bartonshire, may yet be reckoned among the distinguished men connected with the Len- nox by birth, as well as descent. -He was born at Mid-Leowen (or as it is now called, the Moss) on the Blane, about two miles from Killearn, and situated, according to Buchanan himself, " in Levinia Scotiee pro- vincia," but now embraced in the county of Stirling. The founder of the family seems to have been Gilbert, " Senescallus comites de Levenax," who obtained a grant of the lands of Buchanan, and thereupon assumed that name. George Buchanan's father was Thomas, the second son of Thomas Bucha- nan of Drumikill, and his mother, Agnes Heriot, of the family of Traboun in East Lothian. His Buchanan descent connected him with the old house of Lennox. George's great-grandfather, Patrick Buchanan of that Ilk, was a grandson of Isabella, Duchess of Lennox, by her second daughter, Isabella, who married SirWalter Buchanan of Bucha- nan. Crawford, in describing his " Baronage" the descent of George from Robert second of Drumikill, refers to other two brothers — Robert and Thomas. Dr. Irving also nien- tions that George Buchanan's mother was left with a family of eight children, five sons and three daughters ; but the family evi- dents do not clearly indicate the existence of more than three — Patrick, Alexander, and George. It has been stated by Mac- kenzie in his " Lives of Scots Writers," that George Buchanan was removed from the village school of Killearn to the grammar school of Dumbarton, and received there the rudiments of that classical knowledge for which he afterwards became famous. It would certainly be a pleasing duty for a local historian to be able to confirm such a statement: but, while there is nothing im- probable in hazarding it as a supposition, it is but right to say, that after a careful search we have not been able to discover any evidence confirmatory of the statement. At the age of thirteen or fourteen, his maternal uncle, James Heriot, sent George Buchanan to prosecute his studies at the University of Paris, where he resided two years. For a full account of the career of this distinguished scholar, statesman, and poet, the reader is referred to the carefully written biography by Dr. Irving. CAPTURE OF CASTLE BY CRA WFURD. i»i design of betraying the Castle to Robert Douglas, and even offered, if it were necessary, to be the first to scale the Rock. The offer being communicated to the Regent, the importance of the object strongly induced him to favour the enterprise, hazardous though it appeared ; but as Robertson did not seem to be the safest leader that could be selected, it was thought proper to entrust the command to Thomas Crawfurd of Jordanhill,^ a brave and experienced officer. As the truce recently proclaimed with the Queen's party expired on Monday the ist April, it was resolved to put the scheme into execu- tion that day, and employ the interim in preparing scaling ladders and other necessaries. On the evening of the day fixed John Cunningham of Drumquhassil, who had been early made acquainted with the design, was sent forward with a few horsemen to intercept all passengers, and thus prevent any communication being made to the garrison. Crawfurd followed with his party on foot, and having reached the base of Dumbuck Hill about midnight, explained to them the nature of the exploit they were to engage in. He pointed out the warder Robertson, who had volunteered to ascend first, and made large promises as to the honours which would be conferred on him, and all who followed. The soldiers received the intelligence joyfully, and guided by a cord which extended from the first to the last of the party, they proceeded in single file across the meadow to the base of ^ Jordanhill is on the north side of the Clyde adjoining Scotston, but within the parish and county of Renfrew. Crawfurd was a younger son of Lawrence of Kilbirnie, by Helen, daughter of Hugh Campbell of Loudon. He was taken prisoner at Pinkie, but afterwards liberated, and, like many other military adventurers of his age, found his way to France, and entered the service of the Scottish Guard of Francis I. Return- ing to his native country in the train of Queen Mary, he continued attached to her interests till the murder of Darnley,whenhe passed over to the Confederate Lords, and afterwards, as indicated in the text, attached himself to the cause of the Regent Murray. Crawfurd was twice married — first, to Marion Colquhoun, daughter of Sir John of Luss, by whom he had a daughter, married to Sir Robert Fairly of Fairly, and second, to Janet Ker of Kersland, whose epitaph appears along with his own in the parish church of Kilbirnie. He died in 1603. I82 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. the Rock/ Though a convenient fog then encircled the upper part of the Rock, it was feared on the first attempt that all was lost. The height of the ascent compelled them to use ladders too long to be easily managed, and as they could not be fixed very firmly in the slippery rock, the weight of those who hurriedly ascended them loosened their hold, and several of the party fell to the ground. As no one was hurt, however, the alarm occasioned by this mishap soon subsided, and, fixing their ladders more judiciously than before, they gained a small jutting-out ledge where an ash tree had struck its roots. To this tree ropes were fixed, by which those below were pulled up while the advance party were fixing the ladders for a new ascent. At this stage another untoward accident occurred, — and one, too, which promised to be attended with more disastrous consequences ^ Crawfurd's narrative at this point be- comes singularly interesting : — " Now we had mony fowseis to pas, and ane deip water, brigit with ane single trie, afoir we come to the castle ; and the formest of vs buire the ledderis ; and swa we past fordwart. And becaus thei suspected nocht the heighest pairt of the craig, thair was not ane watche in that pairt of the wall aboue, within sex scoir of futes to the pairt whare we entered. We thocht it best to assay it at the same pairt, and swa we did, which is the last pairt, called the Beike. And when we had knit the ledderis of thriescoir of stepis, we wer yit XX stepis from ane trie that was aboue vs ; to the which trie the guyde and my self wan to without ledderis, with grit difficultie, tak- ing coardis with us, and feschoned the said coirdis at the trie ; and sua lating the coirdis hing doune to the ledderis, whairwith men mycht draw thaim sellis vp to the trie. And when we war at the trie, we had fyvescoir of faddomes to the rute of the wall, to the which we bare cordis in lyk maner. Be this was done, day licht was come, becaus it was long of doing ; and thair we tuike one of the ledderis and brocht to the wall, whairwith we enterit euerie man. And the entrie of the first man vpoun the top of the wall, the watche that sate besyd saw him ; and im- mediatlie he cryed and waikened the place. And ane clud of myst fell about us which was litil lychter than the nycht : And thair comes out of sundrie houses of the place men runing naiked, swa that thair wes in- continent thrie slaine and sindrie hurt ; and sua the restis gevis bakis, and incontinent we wan thair artailyerie, and thair powder and thair bullates, and turned the samen to thaim self : wha yit keipit Wallace toure, the Whyt tour, with the Windie hall, the chalmer betweine the craigis, and the neather baillie. And als soune as thai saw thair owin artailyerie turned to thaim self, everie man tuike him to his schift ; and becaus the mist was so done thicke, some lap the walls and escapit, and vther some we gat as ye haue hard." CAPTURE OF CASTLE BY CRA WFURD. 183 than the last, as day was now breaking, and it was almost impossible to screen themselves from the sentinels heard pacing above. One of the soldiers in ascending was so overcome by the perilous nature of the enterprise that he was seized with a kind of fit, and to the annoy- ance of his comrades held on the ladder so firmly that no one could either pass him or unloose his hold. But Crawfurd, ever fertile in expedients, caused the ladder to be turned round, and bound the un- fortunate soldier to it in such a manner that, however terrified he might be, he could not fall on recovering his senses. Having by gradual ascents reached the highest part, or " Beik " of the Rock, Alexander Ramsay, Crawfurd's ensign, and two other soldiers, scaled the wall ; but being discerned by the sentinels through the fog, they were attacked with stones and other missiles, and seemed in great danger of losing any advantage they had gained. Ramsay, unused to this kind of warfare, leaped down among his enemies, and, though attacked by three, managed to keep them at a safe distance till the more advanced portion of his party came to his aid. In the meanwhile, the rest of the party had been industriously prosecuting their ascent, and on reaching the summit of the Rock their weight and struggles to surmount, it made a breach in the old wall, through which they rushed, shouting, "God and the King!" — "A Darnley! A Darnley!" The garrison offered but a faint resistance, though they held posses- sion of the three chief towers — the Wallace, White, and Windy Hall. Lord Fleming, making a quick descent by an almost impassable pre- cipice, was let out by a postern-gate which opened upon the Clyde, and fled towards Argyllshire, from which place he soon afterwards made the best of his way to France. Among those taken prisoners were Lady Fleming; Hamilton, Bishop of St. Andrews, who was found with his mail shirt and steel cap on ; Verac, the French am- bassador, who had recently arrived with the supplies ; Fleming of Boghall ; and John Hall (or Herle), an Englishman who had fled to Scotland after Dacre's rebellion. Hamilton was instantly conveyed 1 84 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. to Stirling, and being deeply implicated in the murders of Darnley and Murray, was tried, condemned, and executed/ Lady Fleming was dismissed with many marks of the Regent's favour, being allowed to depart at leisure with all her jewels and clothing. With Verac there was some difficulty what to do, as a number of merchants accused him of plundering their vessels in the Clyde, but after a short confinement in St. Andrews, he also was set at liberty. In accordance with the command of Queen Elizabeth, Hall, who is described as " a person very seditious," was sent a prisoner to Berwick to give an account of his dealings with the Bishop of Ross. Boghall was sent to Stirling, and appears to have been the only one detained for any length of time. Various important papers were also found in the Castle, amongst others a memorial by Claude Hamilton of his negotiations with the Duke of Alva, relative to the expedition then preparing in Flanders for the assistance of Mary and the English Catholics — a document of which the sagacious Cecil afterwards availed himself to some purpose. Of the ammunition an exact inventory was made when Drumquhassil assumed the command, and a copy sent by Crawfurd to Knox along with the epistle before referred to.^ ' This distich was affixed on the gal- lows : — " Cresce diu felix arbor, semperque vireto Frondibus, qui nobis talia poma feras." 2 Item, in the first, ane gross culvering, monted for the wall is, and nodit for the feildis, with xxiiij bullatis for hir. Item, tuo batteris monted for the wallis, and not for the feildis, with sufficient number of bullatis for thame. Item, tuo myons, ane monted for the wallis, and not for the feildis, the vther vnmounted ather for wallis or feildis ; with sufficient number of bullatis for thame tua. Item, tua Bartenyie falcones, monted for the wallis and not for the feildis, with suffi- cient number of bullatis for thame. Item, ane quarter falcone, monted for the wallis and not for the feildis, with sufficient number of bullatis for hir. Item, ane dowbill barse of irne. Item, thrie hacquebutes of fownd whole ; and ane broken. Item, ane singill barse of irne. Item, threttie grit barrelis of cannon powder. Item, viij barrelis of harquebute of fine powder. Item, xviij calleveris ; of these, at my CRA WFURD OF JORDANHILL. i8s This daring capture of Dumbarton, originating apparently in the most accidental manner, yet carried out with the most consummate skill and thoroughly decisive at the same time against the Queen's cause, was yet an almost bloodless victory. The assailants did not lose one man, and of the garrison only four fell, and these, it was thought, were slain in the confusion more by accident than design. Crawfurd received as a reward for his services a pension of ;^200 yearly from the revenues of St. Andrews, and certain lands on the Clyde described as Bishop Meadow, Blackstoun Barns, and Mill of Partick.-^ He was also permitted to bear the honourable distinctioii of a crest representing the Castle he had so successfully attacked. The grant of lands proceeds on a charter emanating from James Boyd, Archbishop of Glasgow, dated loth March 1573, but either through want of confirmation, or from a desire on the part of the King to confer additional honours on Crawfurd, his Majesty writes to the Captain in September 1575 : — " I have heard sic report of your guid service done to me from the beginning of the weirs agains my onfriendis as I sail sum day remember the same God willing to your greit contentment. In the mein quhyle be of gud comfort and reserve you to that tyme with patience, being assurit of my favour."^ In the royal grant the gift is said to be an acknowledgment " for taking by storm the Castle of Dumbarton, filled not only with rebels setting at defiance the king and laws, but also with provisions, war- like machines, and stores of arms, situated on the eminence of a very lordis command, ane gevin to Harie Wedder- bume, ane vther to George Dundass ; restis thairof, xvj. Item, of speiris, heidit, and vnhediit Ix. Item, of culvering powder, thrie barrell. Item, of victuallis left in the place at our entrie thairto, after my lordis departing : Imprimis, of wyn, xx tune. Of meill, twelfF chalderis. VOL. I. Item, of wheit, ten boUis. Item, of malt, viij boUis. Offbisquite breid, xj hole hogheidis. Item, of balcone, iiij whole puncheounes. 1 Crawford's " Renfrewshire," 1772, p. 25 ; and Privy Seal Reg. xxxix., 92. '' Ratified at Falkland, 5 th September 1584, and at Linlithgow, 23d March 1591. A A 1 86 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. rugged rock deemed by all impregnable." Crawfurd is therein also referred to as " a prudent soldier, bold and expert in war." Queen Elizabeth, on hearing of the capture, lost no time in com- municating with Lennox : — " Rycht trustie and richt weil-belouit cousin we greit you weill. We haue understoud by report made to us as Weill by o"^ cousin yo'' wiff as by the laird of Buchleu suche thinges as you comitted vnto the chairge of the berer heiroff y"' ser- vaunt, speciallie concerning the Castell of Dunbartane wh'^'' we are glad is returned to your possession and custody. . . . And tharfor we do hartlie wish that you may mak good choyce of such as shall have the charge undir you as it be not surprisit by fraude or corruption." Her Majesty then refers to proceedings connected with the Earl of Morton, and closes her epistle by a request that the spy Hall " taken in the said Castell of Dunbartane, may be safely sent to our Marshall of Berwick to be there deliuered and keped as prisoner until farder orders shall be taken w' him, and we pray you to send unto us such- information as may be had touching his un- loyalty." "Given under our signet, at our palace of West- minster, the xxij day of April, 1571." Lennox, writing from Stirling on the ist May, describes her Majesty's pleasure at the recovery of Dumbarton to be " as great a comfort as I can wish ; " and trusts " to use that house to your Mat'" lyking and contentment as heretofore." Queen Mary, beset by spies, and anxious, no doubt, to keep up the drooping spirit of her DBA TH OF REGENT LENNOX. 187 adherents, is said by Shrewsbury, in a letter to Burleigh, to have exhibited little concern for the loss of Dumbarton,^ though it reduced the strongholds in possession of her friends to the single fortress of Edinburgh, held by Kirkcaldy of Grange.^ Fleming, after his escape from the Castle, seems to have lost no time in proceeding to France, for on the 28th of May following he found means of entering the harbour of Dumbarton with supplies of men and money, which he obtained in that country. In the quaint language of the " Diurnal,'' " the fauourirs of the Queen wes ay awantand of the silver, bot not of men, and quhen thai gat the same, thai culd not spair the poore suddarte's wages, but sufferit thame to steill away ane by ane to Leith, for great hunger thai had."' Within a few weeks after his arrival Fleming was accidentally wounded by a shot in the streets of Edinburgh, and died upon the 6th of September following. The Hamilton party never forgave the Regent for executing their kinsman, the Bishop of St Andrews, and it is to this cause more than any other that the assassination of Lennox in Stirling six months afterwards is to be traced.* The Earl of Mar succeeded Lennox in the regency, but after a brief tenure of power he was suddenly seized with sickness and died at Stirling in October 1572. His successor in office was James, Earl of Morton, who managed affairs till March 1578, when the united power of the Queen's faction, and the faction which professed 1 State Paper— Scotland — Marj', vol. vi., 46. 2 Kirkcaldy profited so far by the capture of Dumbarton, as to cause his men to form a ditch round the Castle, and cut away all the grass growing on the sides of the Rock, that no scaling party might hope to surprise it in a similar way.—" Bannatyne's Memo- rials," p. 112. ' " Diurnal of Occurrents," p. 298. * Buchanan lamented his friend and coun- tryman the Regent in a well-known Latin epitaph : — " Regis avus, Regis pater, alto e sanguine Regum, Imperio quorum terra Brittanna subest, Matthseus : genuit Levinia, Gallia fovit, Pulso Anglus thalamum, remque decusque dedit. Cepi invicta manu, famam virtute refelli, Arma armis vici, consilioque dolos. Gratus in ingratos, patriam justeque pieque Cum regerem, hostili perfidia cecidi, Care Nepos spes una domus, meliore setiectam Attingas fato csetera dignus avo." l88 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. attachment to the young Prince, compelled him to resign his important trust. The King, though scarcely twelve years of age, then took the government upon himself, and with the assistance of a council com- posed sometimes of one party and sometimes of another, sought to restore peace to a country which had long been distracted by internal feuds. John Cunningham of Drumquhassil, who still continued Captain of Dumbarton Castle under the new Earl of Lennox (Esme Stewart), was now mixing himself up in those cross plots which led to forfeiture of estates and death. As Lennox's lieutenant, he could not openly engage in any scheme which had not the countenance of his chief ; and, on the other hand, his secret dealings with the English party were conducted in such a way that it was impossible to tell whether he would keep his engagements either with them or their opponents. Early in April 1580, Bowes ascer- tained that Lennox, aided by Drumquhassil and Argyll, had some intention of conveying the King to Dumbarton, in order that they might more effectually carry out those designs which the English ambassador had been instructed to oppose. " Drumquhassil " (he writes to Walsingham) " cannot well be charged with any desertion, for upon his charge to deliver the Castle, he wrote to me to know his master's pleasure in the same ; and being thereto directed (as you know), I did persuade him to hold the Castle from the hands of Lennox, whereupon he was both put to the horn for the deten- tion of the Castle, and also proclaimed rebel. Upon being again advised by me to render the Castle to the Regent, he sought, by D'Aubigne, to obtain protection for his life and inheritance. Yet I think that by good handling he may be drawn to stand to his former promises.^ On the ground of Lennox's hostility to the reformed religion, the English party about this time took active measures for neutralizing ' State Papers— Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. xxviii. Bowes to Walsingham, April 1 6, 1580. ESME STEWART, EARL OF LENNOX. 189 the favour which the young King was disposed to show towards this nobleman. On April 19, Queen Elizabeth addressed one letter to Bowes, instructing him to take steps for reducing the credit of D'Aubigne in Scotland, by supporting his opponent Morton ; and another to D'Aubigne, in which, while reminding him of the jea- lousies that had arisen since his arrival in Scotland, she expresses her belief that his future actions will stop the mouths of his accusers.^ The English ambassador now became busier than ever. In May, when Lennox was likely to obtain Dumbarton, he thought it right to write to Walsingham — " We can count upon men of note to remain at our devotion. Among the rest we think it convenient that Drum- quhassil, if he continue captain of Dumbarton, and the Master of Marr, be of the number whom we would have you to put in mind to continue stedfast in their devotion toward us."° Even Morton is re- puted as willing to execute a certain "platt" for the common benefit; but Bowes in this latter particular may have been speaking on indif- ferent authority, for in July, Morton, in writing to Elizabeth, declines taking part in matters which so highly concern King James without his knowledge.^ Still, he did not slacken in his hostility to Lennox. When the latter obtained Dumbarton during the King's pleasure, Morton took the opportunity of reminding Bowes of a former ar- rangement made between them, and even urged its immediate execution.* Lennox, however, was not in the meantime to be baffled in his design. On the very day that Walsingham was pressing upon Bowes the necessity for Drumquhassil resisting Lennox in any attempt he might make to obtain possession of the Castle till Lord Scroop was before it, Bowes was informing Elizabeth of the appre- hension of Drumquhassil in Edinburgh, and his agreement, under a bond of forty thousand pounds, to deliver up his charge to the Earl ' State Papers — Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. xxviii., 14, 15. ^ Ibid., May i6. 5 State Papers— xxviii., July 15. * Ibid., July 29. Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. I go THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. of Lennox or William Stewart of Cavers, who had been made Captain.^ Walsingham now adopted bolder measures. Not content with instructing Bowes to warn the King of the danger attending his connection with Lennox, the Marshal of Berwick was directed to confer with Morton and others for the purpose of laying violent hands upon the King's favourite ; ^ but this scheme was almost immediately departed from, and in its place Bowes was instructed to operate upon the King himself, by imparting intelligence of a pre- tended scheme to exclude him from even the possibility of succeeding to the throne of England. Still neither remonstrance nor threats seemed to have any effect on James. In August 1581, he created the earldom of Lennox into a dukedom, to advance his favourite, and elevated him also to the office of Lord High Chamberlain of Scot- land. With the exceptional case of Queen Mary's third husband, Bothwell, created Duke of Orkney, this was the first time the dignity of a dukedom had been conferred on any one not directly a member ' State Papers — Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. xxviii., No. 72, Aug. 27. When Drumquhassil resigned the command, an inventory (printed in T. Thomson's " Illustrations of the Royal Wardrobe ") was made of the furnishings. A few of the items may interest the reader : — Tuo ''cattirts of found," mounted on carriages. Tuo " moyens of found," also mounted. Tuo "singill falcones of found," also mounted. (Of these six pieces of artillery three were marked with the arms of Scotland, and the others with those of Brittany. The car- riages of all were in indifferent order. For each description there was one chargeour or rammer, one moppette or mop, and an iron worm.) Tuo haggbitties of crok of found stoppit. One thousand balls for the artillary. 15 stand beds in various rooms, that in the chalmer of dais being of eistland timmer with roof and pannel of wood. 3 forms. 3 stools. I iron chimney. I man-mill, complete. A very few articles of furniture for the kitchen, bake-house, brew-house, peat-house,pan try, girnel house, and wine cellar. I great girnel to contain 16 chalders of meal. 6 bolls of meal. 3 bolls of malt. I puncheon of- salt beef. \ „ salt herring. 6 firlots of great salt. I puncheon of wine. 3 great barrels of ale. " State Papers — Scotland— Elizabeth, vol. xxviii., No. 76, Aug. 31. ESME STEWART, DUKE OF LENNOX. 191 of the royal family. The imprisonment of Morton in Dumbarton,^ followed by his execution in June 1581, tended not only to strengthen the Lennox party, but attached the King to them more firmly than At the " Raid of Ruthven," the hostility with which the new ever. Duke was regarded, had reached such a height that the confederated nobles openly declared the King must either dismiss Lennox or they would bring him to trial for some of his past misdeeds. Lennox, whose gentle disposition and discreet conduct are noticed by most historians, thought it better to comply with the demand than plunge the country into another war ; and, therefore, with the consent of the King, he resigned his various offices, and left Scotland in December 1582. Presbyterian historians relate, with evident relish, the manner of his leave-taking. The Rev. James Melville, referring in his " Diary " to Lennox's departure, records that " he remained at Dumbarton at the West Sea, where (or ere) he got passage he was put to as hard a diet as he caused the Earl of Morton to use there, yea, even to the other extremity that he had used at Court ; for whereas his kitchen was sae sumptuous that lumps of butter were cast in the fire when it soked [grew dull] and two or three crouns waired upon a stock of kale dressing, he was fain to eat of a meagre ^ In March 1 581, a remarkable interview took place in this fortress between Morton and Stewart, who, along with the Earl of Montrose, had been commissioned to bring him from Dumbarton to Edinburgh to take his trial. In those dark days (says Tytler, following the narrative of Spottiswood) many prophetic warnings hung over ancient houses; and among the rest was one which predicted that the bloody heart, the emblem of Douglas, would fall by Arran (See note ante, p. 5 1.) This saying Morton affected to despise, as the Earl of Arran was dead, and the Hamil- tons, in whose family the title was hereditary, were banished from the kingdom. James Stewart, however, had recently procured from the King the gift of the vacant earldom, though the news of his promotion had never reached the captive in his prison at Dum- barton. When Morton therefore read the name of Arran in the commission he started, exclaiming, " Arran ! who is that ? — the Earl of Arran is dead." " Not so,'' said his at- tendant, " that title is now held by Captain Stewart." "And is it so ?" said Morton, the prediction flashing across his memory, "then indeed all is over ; and I know what I must look for." 192 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. gure scoudered with strae." Before leaving Dumbarton, Lennox addressed a letter to King James denying the truth of the accusa- tions made against him, and expressive of sincere devotion towards his Majesty.^ The Duke proceeded first to England, and then to France. Even there his existence was a source of uneasiness to Bowes. In March 1583, he represented to James that a design was on foot among the Catholic princes to send Lennox back to Scotland, and secure, if possible, Dumbarton Castle in their interest.^ Lennox died in May 1583, his fatal illness, it is believed, arising principally from excessive grief. During Lennox's residence in France, the command of the Castle (greatly to the annoyance of Bowes) continued in the hands of Captain Stewart. In 1585, when the Hamiltons were restored to favour, the governorship was conferred upon Lord John, second son of James Earl of Arran, who held it quietly till 1594, and with varied fortune till 1598, when it passed into the hands of Lennox's son, Ludovic, whom James brought over to Scotland, and raised to all the honours which had been conferred on his early favourite, Duke Esme. From the close of the sixteenth century till the time of the great Civil War few events of interest occurred in connection with the Castle of Dumbarton. The very peace which ensued upon the union of the crowns, while it tended to mutual advantage in a general way, greatly lessened the importance of fortresses like Dum- barton, and may be considered as the commencement of an era in which many of our national strongholds were either transformed into simple residences or utterly deserted. So long as James remained in Scotland, — and even after he ascended the English throne, — he manifested in various ways his attachment to the Lennox. In the ' State Papers — Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. XXX., 74. ''' ^ State Papers — Scotland — Elizabeth, vol. xxxi., No. 47. JAMES VI. IN DUMBARTON. 193 charter of confirmation which he granted in 1609 to the burgh of Dumbarton, special mention is made of the attendance of the bur- gesses on "our royal persons in all journeyings and huntings in these parts, especially in the island of Inchmurren," and their hospitality to the nobility and domestics who attended him on such occasions, as well as the protection they afforded to his peaceable lieges "from the tyranny and cruel oppression of a lawless and wild kind of men dwelling in the neighbouring mountainous parts." In December 1592, when the whole nation was excited by the discovery of a plot known as the "Spanish Blanks," King James addressed the follow- ing epistle to the Town Council of Dumbarton : — " Traist friendes, — We greit you hartlie weill. We have thot meit heirby effectiouslie to desyr you that ye faill not to direct and have your commissioner heir upoun the xxviij dai of December in- stant, instructed to deale trulye wyth our dewties of the wynne and customes, in respect of the commissioun past be Parliament upoun the desyr of our burrowis, as ye will do us gude plesyr. Sa we comit you to God. From halyrudhouse the xiij day of December 1592."^ ( " To Or traist friendes the Baillies and Counsa of or burgh of Dumbartane.' I That the protection afforded by the burgesses of Dumbarton to the peaceable lieges, referred to in the preceding page, was a dan- gerous as well as difficult service is manifest from certain proceedings 1 From the original, preserved among the Dumbarton Burgh Records. The command made in the above letter must have referred to a commissioner to some Convention of Burghs, not to a Parliament. The Parlia- ment immediately preceding the date of the letter was held in June of that year, and the next one in July, the year following. At the latter the local representatives were — for the barons, William Cunningham of Dumbarton ; and for the burgh, the Lairds of Duntreath and Touche. VOL. I. B B 194 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. which took place before the Privy Council between John Campbell of Ardkinlass and John Buchanan of Drumfad. From the complaint submitted by Ardkinlass, it appears that " he being cuming to the burgh of Edinburgh, under his Majestie's protectioun,^ and being on his jorney at Dumbertane vpoun the xxviij dai of March (i593)) accumpanyed only with four servandis, in peceable and quiet manner, he tuik purpose to hold forward his jorney that same nycht efter supper, be ressoun of the troublis quhilkis are in that cuntrey, lippyn- ning for nathing les than ony injurie or truble to have been intendit agains him ; notwithstanding it is of the trewth that John Buchanan, &c., being advertisit of the said Laird of Arkinlass' intention to hold forward his jorney that nycht, they associate unto thameselffis sindrie utheris, brokin men and fugitives, to the number of twentie-foir per- sonis on horse and fute, all bodin in feir of weir, with lang hagbuttis, jakkis, pistolletis, and utheris waponis invasive, prohibite to be worne be the lawis of this realme and Actis of Parliament ; and lay in ambushment in ane yaird, direct opposite to the gait quhairby the compleneris behovit to pass, of sett purpose and provisioun to have murderit him in his byecuming. Lykas Duncane Campbell, and uther of his servandis, being gangand a littil befoir him, and the Buchanans suirlie believing that ane of thame had been the said Laird of Ardkinlass, thay dischairgeit ane dusane of harquebuttis at the saidis twa personis, and shot the said Duncane in the held with ane of the same schottis ; and thairefter cuming furth of the yaird, finding the said Duncane not to be deid, and still believing he had been the Laird of Ardkinlass, they schamefuUie and barbarouslie 1 It is possible that this was one of the occasions upon which Ardkinlass proceeded to Edinburgh to " underlie the law " for be- ing concerned in the murder of his namesake the Laird of Calder. The trial excited an unusual commotion in Edinburgh ; and from the manifest danger of bringing in a con- viction against him, the pursuer was induced to desert the diet, and the sureties were dis- charged. Campbell's chief surety was the Laird of Ardincaple. EXPEDITION TO THE ISLES. 19s manglit him with swerdis, and cut off his heid ; and then persaving themselffis to be disappointit, they scharplie followit the said Laird ; schott aucht or nine hagbuttis at him, and had not faiht lykwayis to have slaine him wer nocht be the Providence of God he escapit." For this outrage Buchanan of Drumfad, James Buchanan of Blair- lusk; Archibald and Arthur M'Arthur, in Ardindowane ; John M'Kinlay, Dunstuge ; and George Buntene M'Indochy, servant, Blairlusk, were severally ordained to be denounced rebels at a meeting of the Privy Council on the r2th April. For some years prior to 1595, the peace of the Highlands and Isles had been seriously disturbed by feuds among the chiefs whose estates lay in that part' of the kingdom,^ and to repress these the King in that year issued a proclamation announcing his intention of proceeding in person against that portion of his " proud, rebellious, disaffected, and disobedient subjects." As on former occasions, Dumbarton was the rendezvous for the force ordered out to accom- pany his majesty. "It being necessary," says the Proclamation, " that his hieness be weell and substantiouslie accumpanyit with a force of his faithful subjectis, he ordanis all and sindrie earlis, lordis, baronis, fewaris, and freeholdaris, betwix saxtie and saxteen yeiris, worth in yeirlie rent the soume of three hundreth merks, to address thameselffis to meet his Majestie at Dunbarton upoun the fyrst day of August nixtocum weill bodin in feir of weir, with schippis, crearis, boitis, and uthir veschellis, to embark and pass forward to the said Isles for the space of fourtie days, under paine of tinsall of lyff, landis, and guidis." As the time for setting out drew near. King James, sheltering his timidity under the excuse that many of the • The English Court seems to have been kept well informed regarding these occur- rences by a spy named John Auchinross (servitor to M'Lean of Dowart), stationed in Dumbarton from June 1595 to August 1602. A John of Auchinross is mentioned as a bailie of Dumbarton in 1494. — Acta Audi. Dom., p. 185. 195 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. chiefs had laid down their arms, forsook his first intention of pro- ceeding to the Isles, and elected a Commissioner in the person of Sir William Stewart of Houston, Commendator of Pittenweem.^ But there was a growing dislike on the part of the people to expeditions of this description, and at the time fixed for setting out only a fraction of the required force had reached Dumbarton. Another proclamation was therefore issued, announcing that, in consideration of the near approach of harvest and other weighty causes, certain counties might escape the burden of personal service if they sent twenty horsemen and thirty footmen to Dumbarton, or paid £2\ for every horseman, and _^ 1 2 for every footman short of their numbers. The burghs of the realm were allowed to compound by sending three ships of moderate size well supplied with ammunition, 500 men, one-third armed with muskets, one-third with pikes and corse- lets, and the remaining third with hackbuts and headpieces, or by paying a sum equivalent to what was paid by the counties for every footman provided by the King.^ Even upon these improved conditions, counties as well as burghs were still slow in complying with the royal proclamation, and as the poverty of the public exchequer was one of the reasons for proceeding against the Isles- men, the King, it may easily be believed, was but ill prepared for supplying from his own resources the money needful to fit out the expedition. As a last expedient, it was about the end of Sep- tember proposed to borrow ^4000 from the Duke of Lennox, and that nobleman was further requested to go in person to his own county and compel 200 of his vassals to accompany his Majesty's Lieutenant to Kintyre. Early in October, Lord Blantyre, High Treasurer, was in the neighbourhood of Dumbarton superintending the preparations for the expedition, and from a letter addressed by ' Records of Privy Council, May to June I = Records of Privy Council, zd August 1596. I 1596. EXPEDITION TO THE ISLES. 197 him to the Secretary of State, it appears that the sum of seven thousand merks was then wanting to enable the expedition to sail. Before the end of October, however, this difficulty appears to have been overcome, for about the latter period, the expedition left the harbour of Dumbarton, and arrived in Kintyre early the following month. The interference of the Commissioner in the disputes between the Macdonalds and Macleans does not appear to have been attended with much permanent benefit, as in June 1598, the King found it necessary to issue another proclamation commanding an array of the shires of Dumbarton, Bute, and Renfrew, the bailaries of Carrick, Cunningham, and the lower Ward of Clydesdale, and of the burghs of Dumbarton, Glasgow, Ayr, Irvine, Renfrew, Rothesay, and Paisley, to meet him at Dumbarton on the 20th of August following in order to proceed to the Isles. In this instance the King went so far as to name the particular vessel in which he was to sail, and even gave directions for its being properly furnished, but he justified the doubts of the lieges by again drawing back as the time for setting out approached, and appointed the Duke of Lennox to be his Lieutenant. As even a smaller force assembled than on the preceding occasion, it is doubtful if this expedition ever left the port of Dumbarton.^ ' Balcarras Papers, as quoted in Gregory's "Western Highlands," pp. 267-83. CHAPTER IX. THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN : ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. HE year 1603, memorable in British history from the Union of the Crowns, is also conspicuous in the annals of Dumbartonshire by various bloodly conflicts between the Clangregor and the ancient family of Colquhoun of Luss. As a full and impartial history of the affair at Glenfruin is an essential part of any " Book of Dumbartonshire," some pains have been taken to collect together such documents as tend to throw light on the occurrence, as well as the circumstances which led to it and the extraordinary measures by which it was followed ; while the object being neither to defend the Macgregors, nor apologize for the proceedings adopted against them, it has been judged proper, in most cases, to let these documents tell the story of the fray after their own fashion. That the Macgregors for many years prior to 1603 were con- sidered a disorderly clan, is not and cannot be doubted. In 1563 their excesses had reached such a height that Queen Mary, by an act of Privy Council, granted commissions to several noblemen to pursue them with fire and sword, and prohibited the lieges from re- ceiving or assisting them in any way whatever. In 1589 the murder of John Drummond in the forest of Glenartney^ — a murder attended with circumstances of appalling atrocity — again let loose the terrors of the law against the clan ; but to so little purpose that in 1594 the Macgregors along with the Macfarlanes, occupy the unenviable dis- tinction of being the first mentioned clans against whom the statute for the punishment of "theft, reiff, oppression, and sorning," was THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 199 directed. It has been alleged that the extensive possessions held by the Macgregors in Perthshire and Argyllshire had been iniquitously wrested from them by the Earls of ArgylP and Breadalbane, and that therefore the clan was justified in treating with contempt those laws from which they so often experienced severity and never protection. But this allegation, even if correct, could have only a secondary bear- ing in their dispute with Colquhoun of Luss, as it is not even hinted that this family either shared in the plunder or abetted others in their attacks upon the Glangregor. In order, no doubt, to strengthen their hands for purposes of attack as well as defence, the Macgregors, about the close of the six- teenth century, entered into alliances, offensive and defensive, with certain families reputed to be connected with them by " auld descent " or otherwise. One was concluded at Kilmorie, on the 6th June 15 71, between James Macgregor of that Ilk and Luchlin Mackinnon of Strathardill,^ and another, twenty years later, between Alexander Macgregor of Glenstray and Aulay M'Aulay of Ardincaple. At a time when the Macgregors were a marked and even a proscribed clan, it is certainly singular that they were able to secure as an ally the representative of an old distinguished Dumbartonshire family. M'Aulay does not appear to have been mixed up with them before in any way. He was certainly at feud with the Buchanans, but it is not clear that for purposes of either gain or revenge the alliance was likely to advantage him in that respect, and a far less astute chieftain that Ardincaple must have seen that the connection would end (as it actually did) in a manner most disastrous to all connected with the 1 In August 1546, Archibald, Earl of Argyll, appears to have slightly profited by the turbulence of the Macgregors and others. He then obtained a grant of the escheat of certain Macgregors, Macfarlanes, and Buchanans, concerned in the slaughter of fifty persons, servants to the governor (Arran), at the Townend of Dumbarton during the siege of the Castle in July pre- ceding. — Register Privy Seal, xx., 41. "^ Douglas' " Baronage,'' p, 497. 200 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. turbulent Macgregors. The " Bond " drawn up between them was to the following effect : — "Be it kend till all men be thir presents Letters, Us, Alexander M'Gregor of Glenstray on the ane part, and Awly M'Cawley of Ardingapill on the other part, under- standing ourselfs and our name to be M'Calppins of auld and to be our just and trew surname whereof we are all cumin, and the said Alexander to be the eldest brother and his predecessors, for the qlk cause, I the said Alexander takand burden upon me for my surname and frynds to fortifie mentyne and assist the said Awlay M'Cawlay his kyn and frynds in all their honest actions against quhatsumevir personne or personnes the Kinges Magesty being only except, And syklyke I the said Awlay M'Cawlay of Ardingapill taking the burdand on me for my kin and frynds to fortifie assist and partak with the said Alexander and his frynds as cumin of his house to the utermist of our powers against quhatsumevir personne or personnes in his honest actiounes the Kings Majestic being only except. And further quhen or quhat tyme it sail happin the said Alexander to have ane wychte or honest caws requesit to hayff the advise of his kinsmen and special frynds cumin of his house, I the said Awlay, as brenche of his hous, shall be redde to cum quhair it sail happin him to haif to do to gyff counsall and assistance efter my power. And syklyke I the said Alexander Binds and Oblisses me quhen it sail happin the said Awlay to haiff the counsall and assistances of the said Alexander and his frynds that he sal be redde to assist the said Awlay and cum to him where it sail happin him to hayf to do as cuming of his hous Provydin Always albeit the said Alexander and his predecessors be the eldest brother the said Awlay M'Cawlay to haiff his awin libertie of the name of M'Cawlay as Chyffe and to uplift his Calpe as his predecessors did of befoir. And the said Awlay grantis me to give to the said Alexander ane Calpe at the deceas of me in syng and tokin as cuming of his hous he doying therefoir as becumes as to the principal of his hous. And we the said parties Binds and Oblisses everie ane of us to utheris be the fayth and trewthis in our bodies and undir the pain of perjurie and Defamatioun. At Ardin- gapill the xxvij day of Maij the zeir of God Jai v" fourscoir alewin zeirs Before y' witnesses Duncan Campbell of Ardintenny, Alexander M'Gregour of Ballmeanoch, Duncan Tosache of Pittene, Matthew M'Cawlay of Stuk, Awlay M'Cawlay of Dar- lyne, Duncan Bayne M'Rob, with uthers (Signed) Awlay M'Cawlay of Ardingapill, Al. M'Gregour of Glenstre, Duncan Tosach of Pittene witnes, Matthew M'Cawlay of Stuk witnes, Alex' M'Cawlay witnes.'" 'A transcript of the "Bond" is in the Register House. The above is taken from a copy (in the handwriting of the Rev. Macgregor Stirling) in the manuscript col- lection of the late James Dennistoun, Esq., nowin the possession of A. J. D.Brown, Esq., Balloch Castle. Documents in this collection will be afterwards referred to as Dennistoun- Brown MSS. THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 201 The mischievous consequences of this " Bond " were not long in revealing themselves. Before the close of the year in which it was signed, the Secret Council were called to listen to a complaint by Buchanan of Culcreuch, that, under pretence of avenging the slaughter of certain of his men by the Buchanans, M'Aulay had conceived deadly hatred against the complainer, and, under colour of his Majesty's charge, had brought within the Buchanan territory a great number of Macgregor's men, all of them " broken men and sorners, to sorn, harry, and wrack the complainer's lands and possessions." The cross feuds which distracted Dumbartonshire about this period, are further illustrated by the proceedings of the Privy Council regarding a " Commission of Pursuit " held by Galbraith of Calcruech, and whose hostility to the Colquhouns seems only to have been equalled by his hostility to some of their enemies : — May 3, 1593. — Robert Galbraith of Culcreuch, be the speciall counsale and devise of George Buchannane of that Ilk, having purchaset a commissioun of Justiciary for perswit of the Clangregour, thair resettaris and assistaris, with fyre and sword, alsua containing charges for convening the lieges to concur and assist him in its execution : quhilk commissioun the said Robert has not purchaset vpoun ane in- tentioun to attempt onything agains the Clangregour, bot vndir cullour thairof to extend thair [his] haitrent and malice against Alexander Colquhoun of Luss, and Allane M'Aulay of Ardincaple, thair kin and freindis, with all extremitie; and vndir cullour of sercheing and seiking of the Clangregour to assege thair housses and rais fyre thairin ; quhairof he hes alreddy givin a sufficient pruffe, be the convocating of the haill name of Buchannane, for the maiste parte in armes (with quhome the said Allane standis vnder deidlie feid), and be quhais power and force he proceidis in all his actionis. And albeit thay ar na less willing to persew the Clangregour with thair haill power and force than the said Robert is, yet they dar nocht ryse and accompany the said Robert to that effect, for feir of thair lyveis ; in respect of the deadlie feid standing betuix the said Alexander Colquhoun of Luss and the said Robert, throu the slauchter of umquhile Donald M'Neil M'Farlane, houshald servand to the said Robert, committed be the said Alexanderis umquhile brother ; quhilk feid yet standis betwix thair houssis unreconsiliat, and the said laird of Culcreuch daylie awaittis all occasiones to revenge the same ; and in respect of the feid laitlie renewit betuix the Laird of Ardincaple and the Buchannanis, with quhais power, counsale, and VOL. I. C C 202 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. force the said Robert is assisted, in executioun of the said commissioun, using thair advise and directioun in all things thairanent ; as alsua in respect of the grit grudge and haitrent standing likwayis betuix the said Laird of Ardincaple and the said Robert, quha haueing bereft his awin moder, quheme the said Laird of Ardincaple lies now maryt, of hir haill leving, he hes be ordour of law recoverit the same furth of his handis ; for the quhilk caus, the said Robert seikes to have his advantage of him, hes geven up kindness, and denunceit his evill-will to him with solemne vowis of revenge. Vpoun quhlk complaint the kinges Majestic, with advise of the Lordis of his secreit counsale, in respect of the evill-will and inimitie standing betwix the foir- saidis pairteis, thair kin and freindis, and pairtlie for the slauchtir of umquhile Peter Colquhoun, committit be Johnne Buchannane, sheriff-depute of the said Robert Galbraith, be vertew of a commissioun, as he allegit. Exempts the said Alexander Colquhoun and Allane M'Aulay, thair kin, &c., fra all rysing, convening, or assisting the said Robert, in putting the said commission to executioun ; and decemis the same, in so fer as it is extendit to the sercheing or seiking of the Clangregour within thair houssis, to be suspendit and dischargeit simpliciter in tyme cuming.' The apologists of the Macgregors have frequently asserted that hostilities originated, not with that clan, but with the Colquhouns : but it is unfortunate for this theory that the earliest notices of the feud between the two houses represent the former as the aggressors ; and some have even affirmed that between them and the Clanfarlane rests the guilt of the assassination of Sir Humphrey Colquhoun in his Castle of Bannachra in the year 1592.^ ' Privy Council Records, as quoted in Pitcairn, vol. i., part 2, pp. 289-299. The commission to Galbraith seems to have been entirely cancelled on the 8th May, as he was then denounced rebel for not finding security in terms of the General Bond, " that he be himself, and all sic as he is obliest to answer for, sould be answerable to justice and satisfie parties skaithit, under the pane of 2,000 poundis." ' In certain genealogical accounts of the family the assassination of Sir Humphrey is said to have taken place in 1595 ; but after investigating the subject, Pitcairn is of opinion that the true date is as quoted above — 1592. — "Criminal Trials," vol. ii. p. 431. We give the fact regarding the assassination of Sir Humphrey as it has been given by most historians who differ from the popular belief that he was slain at or soon after the " Raid of Glenfruin ; " but in justice to both the Macgregors and Macfarlanes, it is but fair to state that an entry in the Diary of Robert Birrell, burgess of Edinburgh, goes far to relieve them irom the stigma attached to the perpetrators of that outrage. Nov. 30 [1592], says Birrel, in his usual brief way, " John Cachoune was beheidit at the Crosse of Edinburghe for muthering of his auen brother, the Laird of Lusse." THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 203 In the introduction to " Rob Roy," Sir Walter Scott tells the following story of the origin of the feud between the Macgregors and Colquhoun of Luss : — " Two of the Macgregors (he says) being benighted, asked shelter in a house belonging to a dependent of the Colquhouns, and were refused. They then retired to an outhouse, took a wedder from the fold, killed it, and supped off the carcase, for which they offered payment to the owner. The Laird of Luss, however, unwilling to be propitiated by the offer made to his tenant, seized the offenders, and by the summary process which feudal barons had at their command, caused them to be condemned and executed. The Macgregors verify this account of the feud by appealing to the proverb current among them execrating the hour (mult dhu an carbail ghil), that the black wedder with the white tail was ever lambed." If the dying declaration of Macgregor of Glenstra can be believed — and there seems no good reason for questioning his veracity — the feud was kept up, if not originated, by the artful machinations of Archibald, Earl of Argyll, who, in January 1593, obtained a commission for repressing the violence of " the wicked Clangregour, and divers other broken men of the Hielands," with power to charge " all and sindrie pecsonis of the surname of Macgregour, thair assistaris and pairt-takaris, to find souirtie, or to enter plegeis as he sail think maist expedient, for observatioun of his hieness peace, quietness, and guide reule in the cuntrey," and, if necessary, to " persew and assege their housis and strengthis, raise fyre and use all kind of force and weirlyke ingyne " against that clan.^ In these circumstances (says Pitcairn, whose valuable " Criminal Trials " throw so much light upon the " Raid of Glen- fruin ") it might be supposed that it was Argyll's interest, as it certainly was his duty, to have done all in his power to retain the ' Privy Council Records, Jan. 30, 1592. 204 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Clangregor in obedience to the laws ; but on the contrary, it appears that from the time he first, as King's Heutenant, acquired complete control over the Macgregors, the principal use he made of his power was artfully to stir up the clan to various acts of aggression and hostility against his own personal enemies, of whom it was well known Colquhoun of Luss was one. It is therefore to be remarked as worthy of notice, that at the period of the conflict at Glenfruin, both parties were in a manner armed with royal authority — the Laird of Luss having raised his forces under a commission emanat- ing from the King himself, while the Laird of Macgregor marched to invade the Lennox, instigated (it has been alleged) by one so high in office as the King's lieutenant/ With " Commissions of Pursuit " in the hands of leaders like Argyll, and subordinates like the Laird of Culcreuch, it is little wonder that the restless though brave Clangregor had recourse to desperate measures both of defence and retaliation. In 1602 their forays upon the lands of Luss became so frequent and aggravated that the King, upon complaint being made to him, issued the follow- ing warrant, dispensing in favour of Sir Alexander Colquhoun, with the provisions of the Act James VI., Par. i., c. xviii., anent the wearing of guns and other weapons : — " We, vnderstanding that sindrie of the disorderit thievis and lymmares of the Clangregour, wyth utheris thair complices dailie makis incursions vpoun and within the boundis and landis pertening to Alexander Colquhoun of Lus, stealls,^reiffs, and awataks divers gret herschipps fra him and his tenantis ; likeas they tak greater bauld- ness to continew in thair said stouth and reaff becaus thay ar inarmit wyth all kynd of prohibit, and forbiddin weapponis. Thairfor, and for the bettir defense of the Laird of Lus and his saidis tennants, guidis, and gear, fra the persewit of the saidis thievis and broken men, we have given and grantit, and be the tenor heirof gevis and grantis licence and libertie to the said Alexander Colquhoun of Lus, his househaldmen and servantis, and sic as sail accompany him, not onlie to beir, weir, and shuitt wyth hagbuttis and pistolettis in the following and persewit of the said thievis and lymmaris, 1 Pitcairn's "Criminal Trials," vol. iii. p. 131. THE CONFLICT AT GLEN F RUIN. 205 quhilk is lauchful be the act of parliament, but alas to beir and weir the same hagbuttis and pistolettis in ony pairt abune the water of Levin, and at the said Laird's place at Dunglas and landis of Colquhoun, for the watching and keeping of thair awn guidis without ony crime, scaith, pane, or dainger to be incurred be thaim thairthroU in thair personnis, landis, or guidis in ony manner of way in tyme coming, notwithstanding our acts, statutes, or proclamations in the contrar thairanent, and panis therein con- tenit, we dispens be thir presents. Given under our signet and subscrivit wyth our hand at Hamiltoun, the first dai of September, and of our reign the xxxvj year, 1602. " James R." The privilege conferred upon Colquhoun and his retainers by the above warrant seems rather to have irritated than alarmed the Macgregors, for within three months the clan were advancing towards Glenfinlas, harrying and burning, and two months later again — in February 1603 — eclipsed all previous excesses by descending in war- like array through the quiet valley of the Fruin. The two events have come to be described as the " Raid of Glenfinlas " and the "Raid of Glenfruin," — the first taking place 17th December 1602, and the second 7th (or 8th) February 1603/ Glenfinlas is a valley about two miles north of Glenfruin, running in the same direction across the Luss territory, and equally open to an inroad from the Macgregor country by way of Lochlong. A band of about eighty, led on, it is said, by Duncan, tutor of Glenstrae, broke into the farm steadings of the Luss tenantry, and, in addition to much inside " plenishing," carried off three hundred cows, one hundred horses and mares, four hundred sheep and four hundred goats. Among the farms thus despoiled special mention is made of Edintagert, Auchin- tilloch, Finlas, and Midross. In the early part of 1603, the Macgregors and Colquhouns are ' In his attempt to reconcile some appa- rent discrepancies as to ,the date of offences charged against the Macgregors, the author of the " History of Dumbartonshire'' would seem not to have sufficiently distinguished between events recorded as having occurred in Glenfinlas, and others as having happened in Glenfruin. The error has been pointed out, and the dates apparently put right by Mr Fraser in his " Chiefs of Colquhoun and their Country." 2o6 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. described by several writers as desirous of terminating their feud by a friendly conference, but with characteristic imprudence they each seem to have made secret preparations to follow up that conference with instant measures of hostility if its results were not satisfactory. Judging from the records of the burgh of Dumbarton, the alleged peaceable intentions of the Macgregors do not appear to have made any strong impression on the burgesses. There can be no doubt that the following entry in the Council Book of the period refers to some contemplated attack, quite as much as to the ostensible " weapon schawing : " — " 1603. — 8 Jan. — It is ordained that all burgesses within the burgh be sufficientlie furnissit with armor, and that sik persones as the baillies and counsall think fitt sail be furnissit with hagbuttis, that they haif the samyn with the furnitear thairto, uthirs quha sail be appointit to haif jak speir and steil-bonnat, that they be furnissit with the samyn, and that the Baillies and counsall on the xxi of this instant mak ane catholok of the saidis personis names with thair armor, and they be chargeit to haif the said armor redey, and to present thame with the samyn at muster, and this toremaine in all tymes under the pane of x punds, the ane half to the Baillie, the uthir to the use of the burgh. Item, that ilk merchand or craftisman keipand buith haif ane halbart within the samyn undir the pane of v punds. Item, that na burgess be maid heireftir without productioun of his armor at his creatioun, and that he sweir the samyn is his own." As not the slightest record relating to any conference between the families at feud has been preserved, it is more than doubtful if it ever took place ; and the allegation made against the Laird of Luss, that he treacherously attacked the Macgregors at its termination, is not substantiated by documents of the slightest value. Neither, on the other hand, can more credence be attached to the statement that the Macgregors on this particular occasion were the assailants. All that can be safely affirmed of the occurrence is, that about the 7th of February 1603, both parties, fully prepared for hostilities, met in the Valley of the Fruin, or Glen of Sorrow — a name singularly suggestive of the events of the day, as the victory proved not more fatal to the vanquished than the victors. The Macgregors came down as before THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 207 from their retreats in Appin, Lochaber, and Glenorchy, and entered the Glen at the head or west end from a rude pathway then skirting the shore of Lochlong. The Colquhoun men, who had apparently advanced on the Fruin by way of Luss Glen and Glen Mackurin, were first encountered, so tradition runs, near the farm of Strone or Auchengaich, not far from the source of the stream giving name to the valley, and well-known in more modern and peaceable times as a favourite resort for ano-lers. Regarding the force by which each chief was supported, various contradictory statements have been made. Alexander Ross, the historian of the Sutherland family, puts down Macgregor's force at three hundred footmen ; and notwithstanding the manner in which the clan was broken up, there is no room to doubt that he would be able to raise at least that number to attack such an enemy as the Laird of Luss/ But when the same authority states Luss's force to have been three hundred horse and five hundred foot, the assertion must be received with great caution, as it is not likely, even with the aid he received from the burgh of Dumbarton, that this chief could in a single district of the Lennox raise an army equal to what on some occasions obeyed the behest of the King.^ His footmen are 1 In the Luss Papers is a roll of "the nams of the Clannis that assistet the Clan- gregour at Glenfruin and Glenfinlas." Among those who figure there are : — Allane Don M'Andow V'allester in Glentym, John Moir M'Ando we his brother, Angus M'A ndew V^Allester in Glenav, Johne Oig M°Andowe his brother, John Roy M°Aw, The Agalbuy Roy his servand, Ewin M'Anelwheithe Cameron in Lochaber, Johne Bane his brother thair, Allane Cameron his brother, M'Coull V'Neter in .Strafellen vnder Glen- orchey, Patrik Darlyt in Glengyil, Angus M'Andow beg. The aid received by the Macgregors is further illustrated by another document in the same collection purporting to be " The namis of the Clancameroun vnder Strowane Robertsoun that wer at Glenfrune." ^ From a case which occurred in an ecclesiastical court seven years after the conflict at Glenfruin, it is evident that Colquhoun thought he was but indifferently supported there even by his own friends : — "Presbytery of Glasgow, May 16, 1610. Quhilk day comperit Alexander Colquhoun of Lus, he lachtfuUie summoned to this dyett be the synodall assemblie, to produce his witness aganst Mr. John Campbell his minister, that he was ane pairtie aganst him 2o8 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. not likely to have much outnumbered Macgregor's, and if any horse- men were foolhardy enough to accompany Luss to the scene of the conflict, the nature of the ground must have made their services perfectly useless. The locality was of the worst possible description for a fair trial of strength, but admirably suited for such desultory attacks as the Clangregor had been long in the habit of waging. The only wonder is how the Laird of Luss, who must have known the place thoroughly, ever ventured to encounter such an enemy in such a place. With great forethought, Allaster Macgregor divided his force into two divisions — one led by himself, which advanced against the vanguard of Luss's party ; and the other, led by his brother, John Macgregor, who attacked them in the rear. The possession of the Glen was stoutly contested for a short time, but Colquhoun's force finding itself quite unable to contend with success against the enemy, commenced a retreat which was almost as disas- trous to them as the conflict ; for besides having to fight their way through the force led by John Macgregor, they were closely followed by Allaster, who, finding his brother slain, reunited the two divisions, and hung upon the fugitives to the gates of Rossdhu. Numerous stragglers who had become detached from the main body in the flight, were seized and slain without mercy, while the weak and defenceless who had taken no share in the conflict, were also sacri- ficed by the infuriated Macgregors. When the flight had terminated, a scene of murder, robbery, and destruction commenced, which finds with Clangregour at Glenfrune. The said laird bene enquyrit be the moderator, to wit, the bischope of Glasgow, gif he could qualifie that Mr. John Campbell was present in the foirnamed day as a pairtie aganst him ? Answerit. He could prove that he wes upon the field, bot he could not prove that he wes aganst him ; bot the said laird desyrit the brethren of the presbyterie to demand sic interrogattar at the said Mr. John, quhilk wuld prove the said Mr. John to have been thair as a pairtie aganst him.'' This the brethren, for reasons given, declined, and both this charge and the charge of having made irregular marriages, appears to have fallen to the ground. — Register of the Presbytery of Glasgow, published in " Maitland Club Miscellany," vol. i. p. 416. THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 209 no parallel in even the bloody raids of that period. In the language of the indictment against their chief, the Macgregors seized six hundred kye and oxen, eight hundred sheep and goats, fourteen score of horse, set fire to the houses and barn -yards of the tenantry, and, in a word, carried of or destroyed the " haill plenishing, guids, and gear of the fourscore pund land of Luss." In the conflict and retreat the Colquhoun party lost about one hundred and forty, while the Macgregors, it is said, did not lose more than two men — a slender excuse for the atrocities with which they disgraced their victory/ Among those slain while aiding the Colquhouns were — Peter (or Patrick) Napier of Kilmahew; Tobias Smollett, bailie of Dumbarton ; David Fallisdaill, burgess there, and his two sons Thomas and James ; Walter Colquhoun, and John Colquhoun, Barn- hill ; and Adam and John, sons of Colquhoun of Camstradden. In addition to the slaughter in the open field, the Macgregors are accused of massacring in cold blood a party of students, whose curiosity had led them from their studies in the Grammar School of Dumbarton to the scene of the conflict in Glenfruin. Some doubt is certainly thrown upon this statement from the circumstance that it is not mentioned in the indictments against the Macgregors ; but it seems not indistinctly alluded to in the record of the Privy Council proceedings against Allan Oig M'Intnach of Glenco, who, in 1609, was accused of assisting the Clangregor of Glenfruin, and of having with his own hand, there "murdered without pity, the number of forty poor persons, who were naked and without armour."^ The In that noble boat song, " Roderigh Vich Alpine Dhu," Sir W^alter Scott thus alludes to the victory of the Macgregors at Glenfruin : — " Proudly our pibroch has thrilled in Glen Fruin, And Bannachra's groans to our slogan replied : Glen Luss and Rossdhu they are smoking in ruin, And the best of Loch Lomond lie dead on her side. VOL. I. Widow and Saxon maid Long shall lament our raid, Think of Clan- Alpine with fear and with woe ; Lennox and Leven-glen, Shake when they hear agen, ' Roderigh Vich Alpine Dhu, ho ! ieroe ! ' " ^ The popular tradition in this case is said to be further confirmed by a ceremony ob- served annually by the pupils of Dumbarton D D 2IO THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. Macgregors themselves do not deny there was a massacre of unpro- tected people who were present as spectators, but they impute the cruel deed to the ferocity of a single man of their clan — Dugald Ciar Mhor, or the Dun Coloured, who is said to have been an ancestor of Rob Roy. The deed is alleged to have been committed during the time of the pursuit ; and on the chief of the Macgregors asking after the safety of the youths on his return, the Ciar Mhor drew out his bloody dirk, exclaiming in Gaelic, " Ask that, and God save me."^ Hardly had the pursuit ceased and the plunder been secured, when vengeance in its wildest form was let loose upon the track of the Macgregors. The measures taken against them, from their very severity, often defeated the object they were designed to serve ; and hence, in seeking to extinguish the clan and abolish the name, more was done to keep alive a knowledge of both, than anything the Macgregors themselves could have accomplished. Almost as soon after the conflict as the bodies could be stripped. Sir Alexander Colquhoun appeared before the King at Stirling, accompanied by the female relatives of the slain, each clad in deep mourning, and bearing aloft the bloody garments of their kinsmen. The idea of Academy, and continued so late as 1757. On the anniversary of the alleged massacre, the scholars arrayed the dux of the highest class in the vestments of the tomb, and hav- ing laid him on a bier prepared for the purpose, carried him in the most solemn manner to the churchyard, where a mock interment was performed, and Gaelic odes recited having reference to the massacre. The novelist Smollett, however, and many other eminent men, who attended the school long prior to 1757, have made no reference to such a curious ceremony; and whatever truth there may be in the story of the massacre, it is more than probable this story of its cele- bration had an origin much later than the middle of the eighteenth centuiy. No re- ference is made to it in the records of the burgh of Dumbarton, though allusion is repeatedly made there to the other excesses of the Macgregors. ' In a note to this version of the story, Sir Walter Scott says he is inclined to place greater reliance upon a tradition current among the Clanfarlane, which fixes the guilt of the massacre upon a certain Donald Lean and his gillie Charlioch. It affirms that the homicides dared not return to their clan, but resided as outlaws in an unfrequented part of Macfarlane's territory. — Introduction to " Rob Roy." THE CONFLICT A T GLENFR UIN. 2 1 1 this impressive spectacle seems to have originated — not with Colquhoun himself, but with some of his advisers, Sempell of Fulwood, and William Stewart, Captain of Dumbarton Castle, being referred to in the following epistle, written immediately after the " Raid of Glenfinlas " by Bailie Fallisdaill, Dumbarton : — To y" r' honowb'° Alex' Colquhoune off Luss, y' wretting in haist. Ry' honorable s' my dewtie wyt service reme'"' plass you the lard of fuUew^ and ye capitane thinkin that you ma[stership] adres y'self wy' als monie bludie sarks as ather ar deid or hurt of your men togitter wy' als mony wemen to present y" to his majestie in Stirling and to your ma[stership] to be their vpoun Tysday next for thai ar boy' to ryd thair vpoune tysday quha will assist you at y' power. The meitest tyme is now becaus of y" french Imbasador y' is wy' his majestie. The rest of y' opinion I sail c" up y' morne vpone y' aduertisement, I half gottine fra Johne Cunynghame of rois yo' hundrethe markis vpone my obligatioun to gif him his obligatiouns and Donald Cunynghams. Sua aduertis me gif I sail bring y° same wyth me. My Lord Duke is also in Stirling quhame y' laird of fuUwood and y° capitaine wald fain haif you agreit wy' presentlie and let actiones of law rest owir. Sua I end comitting you for ever to y° lord. Dumbartane y' Sunday y" xix of Dec"' 1602. y' awen for evir Thomas Fallisdaill burges of Du'"'*"'- ' The King, peculiarly susceptible of such emotions as this spectacle was calculated to produce, vowed vengeance against the lawless clan. By an Act of the Privy Council, dated 3d April 1603, it was made an offence punishable with death to bear the name of Macgregor, or to give any of the clan food or shelter. After this they were hunted like wild beasts, their dwellings were destroyed, they were loaded with every epithet of abhorrence, and every corner of the country was ransacked where there was the least possibility of them taking refuge. The Macgregors continued for several weeks after the con- flict at Glenfruin, to hang about the borders of the Lennox in large numbers. The burgesses of Dumbarton, apprehensive, no doubt, of another attack, came to the following resolution : — 1603. — I April. — It is concludit that the watching of the town nytlie be followit furth other and q" it be dischargit be the baillie with advyse of the counsall to wit ffour 1 From original at Rossdhu. 212 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. sufficient men with armor and quha failyies being duly sent for be the officers to paye xl sh unforgiven, provyding that the pure vvidowis q"* hes na servandes and uthirs pure anes in the toune be consideration of the bailyie be not astrictit to watche and qutsom- evir personis being on the watche and fund neghgent therein be the chak watche sail be wardit and put in the stokkis fra ten hours befoir none qu" ffoure efternone. As it was the Earl of Argyll who was responsible to the Privy Council for the conduct of the Macgregors, to him was chiefly entrusted the execution of the severe measures adopted against them. Among the first against whom he directed the full force of his new powers, was Aulay M'Aulay of Ardincaple, who, as has been seen, so far back as May 1591, had entered into a bond of clanship with Allaster Macgregor, admitting that he was a cadet of his house, and pro- mising to pay him " The Calp." Proceedings were therefore insti- tuted against him for having aided and abetted the Macgregors at Glenfruin ; but as he was among the train of the Duke of Lennox in the King's journey to England to take possession of the throne, a seasonable warrant was issued by his Majesty to the Justice-General and his deputies, commanding them to " desert the dyett " against M'Aulay, as he was "altogeddir free and innocent of the crymes allegit agains him."^ To other offenders, no such leniency was shown. On the 28th of April, Allister M'Kie, Gilchrist Kittoche, and Findlay Dow M'Lean, were " dilattet of certane poyntis of thefts " and for " cuming to the Laird of Lussis boundes in companie ' Jus. Court Books of Adjournal. — May 27, 1603. The following record of the agree- ment between Lennox and M'Aulay exists in the Records of Secret Council : — " Apud Dunfermling 28th April 1602. The q"^ day in prs" of the kingis ma*°° comperit person- allie Ludovick Duke of Lennox and Awla M=awla of ardincaple and maid the declara- tioun following To wit the said Duke of Lennox declairit that the said Laird of Ardincapill wes ane of his speciall depend- aris quhome he wald comprehend in the submissioun subscrybit betuix him and the erll of Ergyll and promeist that the said Laird of Ardincapill sould stand and abyd at his Majestys Deicreit and deliverance to be pronuncit upoun the said submissioun Lyk as the said Laird of Ardincaple maid the lyke declaratioun and promsist to stand and abyd by the said Deicreit but reclama- tioun." THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 213 with the Laird of Macgregour, and being airt and pairt of the mur- thour and reiff committat thairon " in February. Being found guilty, "the justice, be the mouth of James Hendersone, dempster of Court, ordaint thame and ilk ane of thame to be tane to the Burrowmure of Edenborough, and to be hangit vpone the galloise thairof quhill they be deid ; and all thair moveable gudes to be escheit." On the 20th May, Gillespie M'Donald M'Innes Dow, Donald M'Clerich or Stewart, and John M'Coneill M'Condochie, were severally accused of being " airt and pairt in the lait grit slauchter and crewall mur- thour of sevin scoir persones in the Lennox, all friendis and servandis to the Laird of Luss ; and of the thiftous steilling and reififing of aucht hundreth oxin, ky, and ither bestiall, and herrieing the haill cuntrie ;" and being found guilty, were sentenced " to be tane to the Castell-hill of Edinburge, and to be hangit thair on ane gibbet, quhill they be deid."^ On the 5th of July, Gilliemichell M'Hissock, and Nicoll M'Pharie Roy M'Gregor; on the 14th, John Dow M'Ane- valich M'Gregor; and on August 12th, Dugall M'Gregor, and Neil M'Gregor Prudache, were dealt with in a similiar manner ; but the most of these being merely the servants of leaders more actively engaged in the conflict, the Privy Council found it necessary to take still more stringent measures than they had yet done with those who had been entrusted with commissions to bring some of the chiefs within reach of the law. This is apparent from the following deli- verance of the Privy Council regarding a supplication presented to them by " the gentlemen of the Lennox," who seem to have been afraid that legal procedings would be adopted against them for having " intromittit with the guids and gear of the Macgregors :" — "At Edinburgh the twentie-fyve day of August the yeir of God 1603 years, Anent the suppHcatioun maid and presentit to the lordis of his Majesties secrit counsell be the gentlemen of the Lennox, makin mentioun that quhairefter the cruell and detest- abill murthour and slaughter comitit be the wicked and unhappie Clangregour vpoun 1 Pitcairn, " Criminal Trials," vol. ii. p. 415. 214 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. their kynsmen and friendis within the Lennox, His Majestie and the saidis lordis being movit with that crueltie, and finding that God culd not be pleasit, His Majestie reponent in honour, nor the country relevit of that ignominie and sclaunder quhilk it underlay sae long as ony of that unhappie race was sufferit to remain within this countrie ; thair was thairfor ane veri memorabill and worthy course set doun be his majestie and saidis lordis for the utter exterminacion of all that race ; and commis- siounes war past and exped to that effect, the executioun of the quhilk commissiounes being for ane tyme delayit vpoun offers given in and promyses maid for performance of the samen ; the said offers and promyses have now provin void and ineffectual as tending to nothing else but to ane plain mockerle of the saidis lordis, dysapointing of that guid course layd doun againe them as said is whereof ye saidis lordis have had guid and sufficient pruff ; and the saidis lordis having now resolved na langer to be eluded be thaim, and finding the first course and resolutioune laid doun against thaim to be maist fit and expedient yet to be followit out and prosecuted, chairges ar direct for this effect against the haill personnes to quham that chairge was comittit, and the said Clangregour knowing thairof, being in all their wicked actiounes maist subtil and craftie, sae they intend be craft and deceit still to frustrat and undo all that sail be intendit against thaim, seeing the coniissioune direct against thaim is as weel with ye melling with their gier as for the pursewit of thair personnes, and for this effect they have sparpellit [distributed] thair haill guidis amang sum of thair friens and receivars in the incountry to quham they have maid similar assignatioune and dispositioun of the same ; and have movit thaim to intend actioun against the saidis complainers before the saidis lordis for thair personall compearance to answer vpoun their wrangus intromissions with the saidis guids ; and intend sae to weary and fash the saidis complainers at all tymes with cuming to and frae to Edinburgh that they sail never hawe the lezir nor commodity to invade and perseu thaim conform to the said commission, thinking gif they onywise may be holden of, seeing they haiue maist speciall and chief interest in that actioun, that they wil find out some way to free themselves frae the rest of the commissioners, quhilk is the onely butt they shuit at ; and for quhilk end thair persuits ar movit against the saidis complainers, indirectlie be thair freindis and favouers as said is, and sae gif they sail even be subject to thair personall compearance befoir the saidis lordis to ansuer vpon thir matters the saidis complainers will be altogidder constrainit to neglect that dutie quhilk thai aucht to his Maiestie in thair efauld concurence against the saidis Clangregour. In considera- tion quhairof [and] maist humblie thairfor desyring the saidis lordis to pas and exped ane act of Counsell in thair favor, and to effect following like as at mair length is contenit in the said supplicatioun, whilk being read, heard, seen, and considerit be the saidis lordis, and they ripUe aduisit thairwith, the saidis lordis of Secret Counsell grant to the saidis complainers and every one of them, ane supersederi frae all persuit, criminall or civill, movit or to be movit against thaim or any of thaim for thair intro- missions wyth the said Clangregour's guids and geir quha are culpable and gwiltie of THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 215 the attempt committed within the Lennox during the tyme quhilk ye commission granted against ye said Clangregour, and aye and quhile that service be put to impoint, and Hcenciates the saidis complainairs to adjoin to thaimselffs som broken men for perswit of that wycked race for quhaim the saidis complainirs sail be ansuerabill frae the daye of their entrie in thair service to thai [gang] furth thairof Extractum de libris actorum secreti consilii s. d. n. Regis per me, Jacobum Prymrios, clericum ejusdem sub meis signo et subscriptione manualibus. "Jacobum Prymrois." ' Notwithstanding the close manner in which he was hemmed in, Allaster, the chief of the Macgregors, contrived to elude the vigilance of his pursuers for nearly a twelvemonth. The Sheriff of Argyll- shire, Campbell of Ardkinlass, attempted his capture by inviting him to a banquet, but detecting the trick before it was accomplished, Macgregor leapt out of the boat in which he was placed, and swam to the shore in safety. With the Earl of Argyll he was not so fortunate. Under the pretence that he would either obtain a pardon from the King, or convey him safely out of Scotland, Argyll managed to bring the Laird of Macgregor from his hiding-place ; but, to use the expression of old Birrel, " The Earl kept a Highlandman's promise ; " for he first marched out of Scotland with his guest as far Berwick, and then having satisfied himself that he had fulfilled the letter of his engagement, carried him a prisoner to Edinburgh. They arrived there on the evening of the i8th January 1604, the next day Macgregor made the following confession,^ which, making due allowance for the irritation he must have felt at being entrapped by Argyll, will be found to give some explanation of the occur- rences which led to the conflict at Glenfruin : — " I, Allester Macgrigour of Glenstra, Confesse heir before God, that I have bein persuadit, movit and intysit, as I am now presentlie accusit and troublit for ; alse, gif I had usit counsall or command of the man that hes intysit me, I wald have done and ' From original in Luss Papers. 2 The original of this paper (says Pitcairn, from whose valuable work we extract it) is preserved in the General Register House, and is in the hand of the then Clerk of Secret Council, James Primrose. It is marked, "Presentit by Mr. Williame Hairt" (of Levilands), as an article of evidence of guilt at trial. 2l6 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. committit sindrie heich Murthouris rnair ; ffor trewlie, sen I was first his Majesties man, I culd never be at ane eise, by my Lord of Argylls falshete and inventiones ; for he causit M'Claine and Clanchamrowne committ herschip and slauchter in my roum of Rennoche, the quhilk causit my pure men therefter to bege and steill : Also, ther- efter, he moweit my brother and sum of my freindis to commit baith hership and slauchter upone the Laird of Luss : Also, he persuadit myselfe, with message, to weir aganis the Laird of Boquhanene, quhilk I did refuise; for the quhilk I was conteno- wahe bostit that he sould be my unfriend ; and quhen I did refuise his desire in that point, then he intysit me with uther messingeris, as be the Laird of M'Knachtane and utheris of my friendis, to weir and truble the Laird of Luss ; quhilk I behuffit to do for his fals boutgaittis : Then, quhen I was at ane strait, he causit me trow he was my guid friend ; bot I did persave that he was slaw therein : Then I made my moyan' to pleis his Majestie and Lords of Counsall, baith of service and obedience, to puneische faltouris and to saif innosent men ; and quhen Argyll was made foresein thereof, he intysit me to stay and start fra thay conditiouns, causing me to understand, that I was dissavit ; bot with fair wordis, to put me in ane snair, that he mycht gett the lands of Kintyre in feyell fra his Majestie, begane to putt at me and my kin : '' The quhilk Argyll inventit, maist schaimfullie, and persuadit the Laird of Ardkinlass to dissave me, quha was the man I had maist trest into : bot God did releif me in the mean tyme to libertie, maist narrowlie.' Neuertheless, Argyll made the oppin brutt, that Ardkinlass did all that falsheid by his knawlege ; quhilk he did intyse me, with oft and sindrie messages, that he wald mak my peace and saif my lyfe and landis, only to puneis certane faltouris of my kin, and my innosent friendis to renunce their surname, and to leif peaseablie. Vpone the quhilk conditiounes, he was suorne be ane ayth to his friendis; and they suorne to me ; and als, I haif his warrand and handvrytt there- vpon. The quhilk promeis, gif they be honesdie keipit, I let God be Juge ! And at our meeting, in oure awin chalmer, he vas suorne to me, in witnes of his awin friend. Attour, I confess, befor God, that he did all his craftie diligence to intyse me to slay and destroy the Laird Ardinkaippill, M'kallay, for ony ganes kyndness or friendschip that he mycht do or gif me." The quhilk I did refuis, in respect of my faithfull ' Did my endeavour. 2 This refers to the Royal promise of reward to Argyll, after February 7, 1603, for apprehending Glenstray ; which reward, as he had earned it, he afterwards received ; and it was confirmed to him by the Parlia- ment of 1607. ' Allusion seems to be here made to that escape from Campbell of Ardkinlass, here- ditary Sheriff of Argyllshire, formerly men- tioned. '^ In the Treasurer's Books, Nov. 1602, is the following entry : — " Item, to Patrik M'Omeis, messinger, passand of Edinburghe, with Lettres to charge A''' Earle of Argyle to compeir persnnallie befoir the Counsall, the xvj day of December nixt, to ansuer to sic things as salbe inquirit at him, tuiching his lying at await for the Laird of Ardin- capill, vpone set purpois to have slain him, xvj li." THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 217 promeis maid to M'kallay of befor. Also, he did all the diligence he culd, to move me to slay the Laird of Ardkyndlas, in lyk maner ; bot I neuer grantit thereto.' Throw the quhilk he did invy me grettumly.^ And now, seing God and man seis it is greidenes of warldlie geir quhilk causis him to putt at me and my kin, and not the Weill of the realme, nor to pacifie the samyn, nor to his Majesteis honour, bot to putt down innosent men, to cause pure bairnes and infanttis bege, and pure wemen to perisch for hunger, quhen they ar hereit of thair geir : The quhilk, I pray God, that thais faltis lycht not upon his Majestie heirefter, nor upon his successione. Quherfor, I wald beseik God that his Majestie knew the veratie, that at this hour I wald be content to tak Baneisment, with, all my kin that was at the Laird of Lussis slauchter, and all utheris of thaim that ony fait can be laid to thair charge : And his Majestie, of his mercie, to lat pure innosent men and young bairnes pas to libertie, and lerne to leiff as innocent men : The quhilk I wald fulfil, but ony kynd of faill ; ^ quhilk wald be mair to the will of God and his Majesteis honour, nor the greidie, cruell forme that devysit, only for leuf of geir, haueing nether respect to God nor honestie." On the 20th of January — two days after his arrival in Edinburgh — Allaster Macgregor, along with four of his party, was brought to trial, and being found guilty, they were all executed the same day. The following record of the case has been preserved in the Books of Adjournal : Curia Justiciare, S-D-n.,* regis tenta in pretoria da Edinburghe, vigesimo die mensis Januarii, anno domini millesimo sixentesimo quarto per honorabilem et discretum virum Dominum Wilhellum Heart de Prestoun, Militem Justici- carium [deputatem], s.d.n., regis curia ligittime affirmata. Allaster M'Gregour of Glenstra, Patrik Aldoche M'Gregour, Williame M'Neill, his seruand, Duncan Pi.drache M'Gregour, and Allaster M'Gregour M'Ean. Dilatit, accusit and persewit, at the instance of Sir Thomas Hamiltoun of Monk- land, knycht, aduocat to our sourane lord, &c., off the crymes following : Forsamekill as thay and ilkane of thame, accumpaneit with vmq" Johnne Dow, brother to the said Allaster M'gregour of Glenstra, and vtheris thair kin, freindis, and of thair counsall, haifing concludit the distmctioune of Alexander Colquhoune of Luse, his kyn, freindis and alya, and the haill surname of the Balquhannanis, and to herrie thair landis ; thay convenit to thamselffis the Clanchamrone, the Clananvericli, and dyuerse vtheris ^ Ardkinlass, as appears from the Book of Taymouth, was Glenstray's near kins- man. ' Bore a great or mortal grudge at me. ^ Without failure or evasion. * Supremi domini nostri. VOL. I. E E 2l8 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. brokin men and soirneris. to the number of foure hundredth men, or thairby, all bodin in feir of weir, with hagbuttis, pistolettis, murrionis, mailzie-coittis, pow-aixes, tua- handit-swoirdis, bowis, darloches, and vtheris wappones invasiue, incontraire the tennour of the Actis of Parliament : And, for the performance of thair wicked con- clusioun, vpone the sevint day of Februare lastbypast, come fordvvard, in arrayit battell, to the Landis of Glenfrwne, pertening to the Laird of Luse ; quhair the said Laird of Luse, accumpaneit with certane of his freindis, war convenit, be vertew of our souerane lordis Commissioun, to resist the saidis persones crewall interpryses ; and thair set vpone him, his kyn and freindis, and crewallie invaidit thame for thair slauchteris, schamefullie, crewallie and barbaruslie murdreit and slew Peter Naper of Kilmahew ; Johnne Buchannane of Buchlyvie ; Tobias Smollet bailzie of Dumbarten ; Dauid Fallesdaill, burges thair; Thomas and James Fallasdaillis, his sones ; Walter Colqu- houn of Barnehill ; Johnne Colquhoun, feear thairof ; Adam and Johnne Colquhones,' sonnes to the Laird of Campstradden ; John Colquhoun of Dalmure, and dyuerse vtheris persones, our souerane lordis leigis, to the number of sevin scoir personis or thairby ; the maist pairt of thame being tane captiues be the saidis Macgregouris befoir thai pat violent handis on thame, and crewallie slew thame : And tressonabillie tuik Williame Sempill and dyuerse vtheris, our souerane lordis frie legis, and convoyit thame away captiue with thame, and be way of maisterfull stouthreif, staw, reft and away-tuik sax hundredth ky and oxin, aucht hundreth scheip and gait, fourtene scoir of horse and meiris, with the haill plenissing, guidis and geir, afif the fourscoir pund land of Luse ; and at the samyn tyme, treassonabillie raisit ffyre in the houssis and barne- zairdis thairof, brunt, waistit and destroyit the samyn, with the coirnis being thairin. And the foirsaidis persones and ilk ane of thame ar airt and pairt of the saidis crewall, horrible and tressonabill crymes ; the lyk quhairof was nevir committit within this realme : Committing thairby manifest Tressone, in hie and manifest contempt of our souerane lord, his hienes authorite and lawis. AssiSA. — Sir Thomas Stewart of Garnetullie ; Colene Campbell younger of Glen- orchie ; Alexander Menzeis of Weyme ; Robert Robertsoun of Strowane ; jw Napier fiear of Merchinstoune ; Johnne Blair younger of that Ilk ; Johnne Grahame of Knokdoliane ; Moyses Wallace burges of Ed' ; Sir Robert Creychtoune of Clwny, kny' ; Robert Robertsoun of Faskeilzie ; Thomas Fallasdaill burges of Dumbartene ; Johnne Herring of Lethindie ; Williame Stewart, Capitane of Dumbartene ; Harie Drummond of Blair; Johnne Blair elder of that Ilk. ^ A John Colquhoun, younger of Cam- stradden, " underlies the law," along with two of the Macfarlanes, nine months after the conflict at Glenfruin. Here, therefore. the indictment is probably in error, as it certainly is in another case, where it makes the Macgregors appear in arms against " Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss.'' THE CO NFL ICT AT GL ENFR UIN. 2 1 9 For verification quliairof, the said Sir Thomas Hammiltoun of Monkland, aduocat, producet the saidis persones Depositiones and Confessiones, maid be thame in presens of dyuerse lordis of his hiens Secreit Counsall and Sessioun, subscryuit with thair handis. — The Aduocat askit instrumentis, (i.) Of the swering of Assyse, and protestit for Wilfull Errour aganis thame, in cais they acquit. (2.) Of the sweiring of the Dittay be the I.aird of Luse. (3.) Of the productioune of the pannellis Depositiones to the Assyse. Verdict. — The Assyse, all in ane voce, be the mouth of Johnne Blair, elder of that Ilk, ffand, pronouncet and declairit the saidis AUaster M'Gregour of Glenstra, &c. to be fylet, culpable and convict of the crymes aboue specifeit. Sentence. — ^And thairfoir, the Justice-depute, ffinding the saidis crymes to be treassonabill, be the mouth of James Hendersoun, dempstar of Court, Ordanit the saidis persones to be tane to the mercat-croce of Edinburgh, and thair to be hangit vpone ane gibbet quhill they be deid;'and thairefter thair heidis, legis, airmes, and remanent pairtis of thair bodeis to be quarterit and put vpone public places, and thair haill landis, heritageis, annuelrentis, takis, steidingis, rowmes, possessiones, coirnes, cattell, guidis, geir, and sowmes of money pertening to thame, to be fforfaltit, escheit and inbrocht to our souerane lordis vse, as convict of the saidis tressonabill crymes. The inhabitants of Dumbarton now enjoyed a savage kind of revenge in ornamenting their Tolbooth with the heads of the dismem- bered Macgregors : — 1604. — 13 Feb. — The Baillies and Counsall of Dumbarton " concludit and ordanit that the Laird of Macgregor's held w* Patrick Auldochy his heid be put up in the tolbuith on the most convenient place the baillies and counsall thinkis gui"d." [From another entry its appears that a sum of 24 merks was paid as part of the expense incurred in carrying this order into effect.] 1604. — 17 April. — "Feiringthe creueltie of the tyrannous persons of the name of the Clangregor and fyring of the toune be thame Thairfore it is statut and ordanit that the toun be devydit in aucht p** and ilk aucht pairt to watch ane nycht The watches to be armit and placit nytly by the q'm". chosen by the baillies. And quha keipis nocht watche according to the Baillies ordinance gif he bes at hame himself and in his absence ane sufficient man, to paye ffourtie ''' for his disobedyances and the samyn to be payit to the watchers and that the baillies cheis aucht q'm". Item that na dwellers w*" this toun ressaif ony straingers puir or rich w'out making the baillies foreseen undir the paine of ffourtie ''' toties quoties, the tua p*" to the toun and the third to the baillies. ^ The gibbet on which Allaster Mac- 1 his awn hicht abune the rest of his gregor was hanged (says Birrel), "was! friends.'' 220 THE BOOK OF DUMBARTONSHIRE. In April 1605, the Privy Council urged on the pursuit of the Macgregors by ordaining that whoever should present any of that clan quick [alive], or failing that, the head of any of them, should have possession for nineteen years of all the lands and goods belonging to such Macgregor, or a money recompense, to be paid by the land- lords of the district. As it is not intended to detail at length the trials of the other Macgregors^ (seeing that nearly the same form was observed in each), it may be stated generally that from the number executed under form of law, and the still greater number slain as outlaws, the survivors in 161 2 were described as "bot unworthie miserable bodyis." Indeed the "Raid of Glenfruin" seems to have been a last desperate effort on the part of the clan, for very soon afterwards Lord Fyvie wrote to King James that if all the great Highland clans were reduced to a like point, he " wald think it ane grait ease to the commoun weill, and to his Majestie's guid subjects in Scotland ;"^ while about the same time, the Lords of Privy Council state that the Macgregors generally are so impoverished that it is utterly impossible to extract from them- what will pay the expenses attending their removal to other countries/ In this, however, there is likely to be some exaggeration, seeing that for the servants of his Majesty to underrate the strength of the Macgregors was to magnify their own exertions in the way of ' The names of some of them may possibly interest the Highland antiquary. On Feb. 17th, 1604, there were tried and executed Johnne Dow M°Ewin M'Gregour, Patrik Moilvarnoch, his man, Duncan M°en- ham M'gregour, Duncan M"AlIester Vrek, Allester M'Ewin V°condochie, Johnne M^ean V'gregour, Ewin M'condochie clerich, Johnne Ammonoche M^gregour, Duncan Beg M'gregour V°coul chere, Gregour M°Nicoll in Dalveich, Johnne Dow M^con- dochie Vewin. On March ist, Neill M«gregour in Meirie (Mewie), Patrik Gair M^gregour, Donald Roy M^gregour, Dun- cane M°gregour, Donald Grassiche M^Cada- nich. On March 2d, Malcolme M'coull clerich (M'cherich), in Innerlochlarg ; Dun- can MTadrikV'couU Chere,in Innerlochlarg, vnder the Laird of Tulliebardin ; John M'coull Chere, in the Brae of Balquhidder, and Neill M"Williame V'Neill. ^ Lord Fyvie to King James, 29th April 1603. ' Lords of Privy Council to the King, 1 8th May 1603. THE CONFLICT AT GLENFRUIN. 221 suppressing them ; and the following letter, written in November 1609, by the Laird of Luss himself, will show that however much the clan might be reduced in number, it was even then powerful for purposes of " thift, reiff, and oppressioun :" — Most Gracious Soueraigne, May it pleas your most sacred Majestie, I have oft tymes complained of the insolence and heavye oppressioune committed vpoun me and my tenants and lands be Clangregour, and have bene forced to be silent this tyme bygaine, hoping that sometyme thair sould be ane end thairof : Bot now finding myself disappointed, and thame entered to theire former courses, have taine occasione to acquent your sacred Majestie thairvvith, beseeking your Majestie to have pitie and compassioune vpoun us your Majestie's obedient subjectes, and remanent poire pepill quha sufferes, and to provyd tymous remeid thairin; and that your Majestie may be- the better informed in this particular, I here acquent your Majestie's secritar thairin, to quhois sufficiency referring the rest ; and craveing pardoune for importuning your Majestie, I leive in all humilitie in your Majestie's most sacred hands. Your sacred Majestie's most humble and obedient subject.