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F 5923 
 
 New Lewis and Clark map / by Annie Heloi 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 028 908 287 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP 
 
 BY 
 
 ANNIE HELOISE ABEL, Ph.D. 
 
 Associate Professor of History, Smith College 
 
 REPRINTED FROM 
 
 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 Vol. I, 1916, No. 5 
 
 AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 
 
 BROADWAY AT 156th STREET 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
^.■aw^as* 
 
/ 
 
 THE 
 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 Vol. I May, 1916 No. 5 
 
 A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP 
 
 By ANNIE HELOISE ABEL, Ph.D. 
 
 Associate Professor of History, Smith College 
 
 [With facsimile map, PI. II, facing p. 344] 
 
 The possible — and, one might easily add, the almost inevitable — recovery 
 of historical sources, even though they be lost for many years, finds no 
 better illustration than in connection with the records of the great Lewis 
 and Clark exploring expedition of 1804 to 1806. It is well known that 
 President Jefferson, in making arrangements for -that expedition, was in- 
 sistent that careful and complete records of it, in detail, should be kept, 
 and they were kept, yet Jefferson's purpose failed of logical fulfillment by 
 reason of the fact that, in his time, they were never brought all together 
 into one place and published. On the contrary, they became widely scat- 
 tered, and some of them have never to this day been traced. In recent 
 years, however, important finds have been made and reported. For example, 
 when, in 1905, R. G. Thwaites published his excellent edition of such of 
 the original journals as were then known for a certainty to exist, he had 
 occasion to record the circumstances of the recovery of some of them, notably 
 the Whitehouse diary. Last summer his eminent successor, Milo M. Quaife, 
 had a similar task to perform, 1 he having, with the aid of others, relocated 
 the long-lost Ordway narrative, which is shortly to appear in print under 
 his editorship. 2 
 
 Such recoveries as those of Thwaites and Quaife called, of course, the 
 attention of historical scholars to the existence of various repositories of 
 Lewis and Clark data and offered the suggestion that more might yet be 
 
 1 Cf. Mississippi Valley Hist. Rev., June, 1915, pp. 108-109. 
 
 2 After this study had been thoroughly well entered upon, it developed that Mr. Quaife, having heard 
 that a Lewis and Clark map had been found in the V. S. Indian Office, had hopes of being able to repro- 
 duce it in conjunction with the Ordway Journal. The study was not abandoned, however, mainly for the 
 reason that the Indian Office authorities wished it to proceed and were decidedly averse to having the 
 map advertised as a Lewis and Clark map until after its identity had been satisfactorily established. 
 Moreover, the present investigator felt that, since even a cursory examination showed the map to be a 
 very valuable one historically, it was deserving of a more extended, specific, and individual treatment 
 than it could possibly get were it to appear with the Ordway Journal, particularly as that was already in 
 the hands of the printer. 
 
 329 
 
330 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 found, and, as a matter of fact, another has been found and that within the 
 last few months. The new repository is the U. S. Indian Office and, con- 
 sidering that Clark was for so large a part of his life in direct connection 
 with that office, the wonder is that special students of the Lewis and Clark 
 expedition never thought of it as a possibility before. 
 
 The particular way in which the Indian Office is already proved to be 
 a repository of Lewis and Clark data is in its possession of a manuscript 
 map that has recently come to light among its archives. This map, upon 
 examination, reveals itself to be of such a character that it seems safe to 
 contend that it must assuredly have constituted a very useful portion of 
 the original Lewis and Clark equipment and is certainly not a thing hereto- 
 fore noted by either collectors or editors. 
 
 The map was found by H. M. Hamblin, M.D., a clerk in the Mails 
 and Files Division of the Office of Indian Affairs, among some old Cen- 
 tral Superintendency "Accounts." 3 It was enclosed with other maps 
 and sketches 4 — all presumably once of Clark ownership 5 — in a wrapper, 
 
 3 "Accounts," it should be explained, include, in Indian Office filing, "Estimates," "Property Re- 
 turns," " Vouchers," and the like. 
 
 4 The contents comprised :— 
 
 a. A tracing showing the Mississippi, the Missouri for a short distance above the Kansas, Lakes 
 Michigan, Superior, and Winnipeg, and then the country onwards to the Pacific. Towards the south 
 appear the " sources of Rio Norte according to De Lisle." 
 
 b. A rough sketch showing the Mississippi River from its junction with the Ohio to a little below 
 Memphis. On the west bank of the Mississippi, opposite the mouth of the Ohio, is " Spanish Guard," 
 where customs were collected. Lower down is Fort Jefferson. 
 
 c. A rough sketch showing the Mississippi River from the Louisiana line, latitude 3:3° N., to Rock 
 River and giving various Indian boundaries. The Cherokees are shown as living west of the Mississippi. 
 
 d. A rough sketch of " Chipaway and Sioux Lines," showing Port Snelling and a Saul; River encamp- 
 ment "after the peace made at St Peters 1821." 
 
 e. A rough sketch showing a part of the Kaw and Osage cessions of 1808 and 1825, with Port Osage near 
 Fire Prairie and Cantonment Gibson located. 
 
 f. A rough sketch illustrative of certain phases of the Black Hawk War. Memoranda on the back 
 indicate the whereabouts of "Coles party " upon information furnished by Mr. Forsyth (Agent Thomas 
 Forsyth ?) and give a list of " good " chiefs and one of " bad." At the top appears the name, " Frances 
 Lesseur." 
 
 g. A plat of the survey of the Ioway and Sauk lands by W. S. Donohoe, surveyor, 1837. 
 h. A plan of fortifications, indeterminate. 
 
 i. A copy of a contemporary map with added details. 
 
 j. A census map of the region of the, "Bend of the Missouri, Long. 101° 25'— Lat. 47° 32' by Mr. 
 Thomson ... in 1798." On the outside of the'rnap is written, "A sketch of the North Bend of the Missouri. 
 This belongs to Cap 1 ; Lewis." 
 
 k. An incomplete tracing of the Missouri and Platte Rivers on a scale of 50 miles to the inch. 
 
 1. A " Sketch given by George Drewyer, 5th August, 1808," indicating " the road to the Spanish settle- 
 ments " and the " supposed " waters of the " Gulph of California," also the "establishment made by 
 Manuel Lisa in October 1807" with the information communicated, apparently in Clark's handwriting, 
 that " from this establishment a man on horseback can travel to the Spanish country in 14 days—" (for 
 corroborative testimony on this point, see Coues's citation of Clark N125 in " History of the Expedition 
 under the Command of Lewis and Clark," Vol. 3, p. 1153, note 14.) In connection with the Manuel Lisa 
 establishment, it is interesting to observe that Drewyer placed it where one of the Clark maps (<*/. Coues, 
 Vol. 4, No. 2) placed it; that is, right in the fork of the Big Horn and Yellowstone Rivers. It will be noted 
 that Chittenden, contrariwise, placed it on the east bank of the Big Horn and the south bank of the 
 Yellowstone (('/. " History of the Fur Trade of the Far West," Vol. 3, map). He further described it as " on 
 the west bank of the river— just above latitude 46° N." ( ibid., p. 956). Apparently Chittenden confounded 
 its location with the site of the Clark camp, July 26, 1806 (c/ " Original Journals," Vol. 5, p. 296, and Vol. 8, 
 map, No. 51). 
 
 5 This is inferred from the fact that they all date from the period and relate to the region of Clark's 
 official activities. 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP 331 
 
 bearing- the following vaguely identifying superscription, or endorse- 
 ment: 
 
 Retained 6 
 
 Central Superin y 
 
 Maps flic 
 
 of 
 
 Indian Country 
 
 The particular bundle of ' ' Accounts ' ' in which it was had no distinguishing 
 marks, no special label, no office brief, no file notation. 7 In short, it had 
 nothing whatever about it that would differentiate it from a thousand or 
 more other such bundles or that would indicate ever so slightly how exceed- 
 ingly interesting, not to say especially valuable, some of its contents might 
 possibly be. Had it not happened, forsooth, to be the business of Dr. 
 Hamblin to sort the "Accounts," the richly detailed Clark map, subject 
 of this investigation and discussion, might easily have been consigned to 
 oblivion for another hundred years or lost altogether, accidentally burnt, s 
 or even destroyed, 9 perchance, under authority of the next Executive Order, 
 the issue of which might at any time be rendered necessary by the pressure 
 of current business and the congested state of the Indian Office quarters. 
 
 An attempt to identify the Indian Office map gave rise to several con- 
 jectures, some fundamental, represented by the following and other interrog- 
 atories : 
 
 1. Is it a map illustrative of the Lewis and Clark expedition? 
 
 2. Was it made subsequent to the expedition? 
 
 3. Was it made during the expedition ? 
 
 4. Was it made anterior to the expedition? 
 
 5. If made before the expedition, is it, 
 
 a. The Mackay map ? 
 
 b. The Evans map ? 
 
 c. A composite itinerary map ? 
 
 6. What is its geographical and historical value ? 
 
 6 Clark's letter to Biddle, January 27, 1818, reproduced in facsimile in Coues, Vol. 1, would indicate 
 that Clark was of the opinion that he had a perfect right to hold back at discretion anything bearing upon 
 the expedition that was not of strictly scientific value and that, under no circumstances, did he entirely 
 relinquish certain possessory rights in the data. This may account for the Indian Office map's not being 
 with the rest of the Clark data. In other words, the " retained " on the wrapper is significant. It implies 
 that the map was not left at the headquarters of the Central Superintendency by accident. 
 
 7 Agency and Superintendency papers, sent in from the field, after an office is discontinued or changed 
 in location, bear, of course.no file-marks. They are only indirectly a part of the Indian Office records 
 and are not so well looked after as even the regular files. 
 
 8 The particular "Accounts " in which the map was found were and are stored in the basement of the 
 Pension Building in close proximity to the furnace- So cramped is the Indian Office at present that there 
 is really no other place for them. 
 
 9 Under comparatively recent Congressional enactment, no government records can be destroyed until 
 they have first been submitted to a competent authority in the Library of Congress in order that their 
 historical value or lack of value may be determined. In practice, the departments submit a list of the 
 
332 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 Considering these questions in their order, we can begin by answering 
 the first of them in this wise : The map is most certainly illustrative of so 
 much of the Lewis and Clark expedition as extended from the point of 
 beginning, St. Charles, to the Mandan villages. The proof of this is found 
 chiefly in the fact that all places of importance, mentioned in any of the 
 travel narratives descriptive of the expedition, are marked upon the map 
 as well as at least one thing 10 that the explorers heard about in the course 
 of their voyage up the Missouri Eiver and incidentally commented upon. 
 Moreover, the map itself bears this endorsement (Fig. 1) :" 
 
 For Captn William Clark 
 
 or 
 Captn Meriwether Lewis 
 
 a 
 on their voyage up the 
 
 Mississippi. 
 
 The only noteworthy expedition that Lewis and Clark ever made together 
 was the famous one of 1804-1806. The name "Mississippi" must have been 
 accidentally inserted in the endorsement instead of that of ' ' Missouri ' ' ; for 
 the map is not in any sense illustrative of the Mississippi region and it is 
 of the Missouri. It is worth noting, however, that the same confounding of 
 the Mississippi with the Missouri occurs in the Jefferson correspondence 
 bearing upon the great expeditions. 
 
 The Indian Office map appears not to have been made subsequent to the 
 expedition, at all events, not in its entirety and not in its main portion ; for, 
 although, as will be conclusively proved before this study is done, it carries 
 more of the journal geographical detail than any known map of the time, 
 it varies from the journals in certain marked ways, or, more specifically 
 speaking, it does not accord closely enough with them to have been made 
 
 papers set aside for destruction, and occasionally that list is so non-committal that it is returned for more 
 specific detail. Neither the ordinary list nor the additional description would ever have saved the Lewis 
 and Clark map from destruction. How it came to be among " Accounts " is a mystery ; for "Accounts," 
 properly speaking, are regular Indian Office records, and the bundle in which the map was belonged to 
 Superintendency records. Its being among "Accounts" made its situation all the more precarious. 
 " Accounts " figure in duplicate, and the Indian Office has frequently gone upon the supposition that since 
 the originals are in existence anyway, lodged with the Treasury Department, the duplicates among its 
 files may well be the first things to be disposed of when more room is needed — and it is even now urgently 
 needed— for current business. 
 
 10 " Mr. Louisells House in the Winter 1803 & 4" 
 
 11 The endorsement is on the back of the map and is reproduced here as it is in the original. Another 
 thing on the back of the map may possibly be an additional means of identification. It is the name of 
 "Peter Tabeau." The name appears written first in pencil, thus :— Mr. Peter Tabeau, and then in ink, thus 
 (Pig. 2):- 
 
 Mr. Peter Tabeau 
 
 at the Ricaries. 
 In the journals there are various references to a Mr. Tabo, or Tabeau. Tlrwaites, in his index to the 
 " OriginalJournals," mentions only one Tabeau and that one bears the Christian name of "Antoine" ; but, 
 in the text of the narratives, the mention is usually of " Mr." Tabo, or Tabeau. Antoine is referred to 
 directly in one instance only, which might imply that wherever else a Tabeau is noted some other one 
 than Antoine, or Anty, is meant. Such a supposition would permit of a place for Peter. The Tabeau of 
 the journals, whatever his Christian name may have been, is always found associated with the Arikara 
 Indians (Ricaries). 
 
'*>■'. Zg s-A^<£~S^i^ 
 
 &. 
 
 £^i 
 
 O 
 
 '^4^fi^LsP£e^^</a&%jLl- ^U^l^, 
 
 -*yy*^*~S> ^L,. 
 
 'n 
 
 Fig. 1. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fin. 1— Endorsement on the back of the newly discovered Lewis and Clark map. 
 Fig. 2— Additional entry on the back of the map. 
 
 333 
 
334 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 from them. And it is not in any way related to the Lewis 1806 map, 12 
 which we know to have been compiled from the travelers * data. 
 
 A close scrutiny of the discrepancies between the journals and the Indian 
 Office map strengthens the opinion that not only was the map not made subse- 
 quent to the expedition, but it was not even made during the expedition. The 
 very differences are of such a nature that they attest the fact that the map 
 antedates all the written records. Neither names assigned to newly discovered 
 places — that is, places noted for the first time by these explorers — , nor 
 new names assigned to places previously known appear on it, as is sufficiently 
 instanced in the cases of ' ' Independence Creek, ' ' 13 discovered July 4th, 1804, 
 ' ' Council Bluffs, ' '" in the vicinity of which the explorers held a council with 
 the Indians, "Floyd's River," 15 named after Sergeant Floyd of the expedi- 
 tion, who died August 20th, 1804, and the "Teton River," 16 rechristened 
 because the Teton Sioux were found dwelling in its neighborhood. Further- 
 more, some few things that Lewis and Clark had heard about but which they 
 were obliged to record in their journals as not having been found, notably, 
 "the old fort" 17 on the Missouri River, above its junction with the Grand, 
 and "the old volcanoe," 18 southward of the mouth of the White, have, on 
 the Indian Office map, a rather conspicuous position, as have also many 
 places that either are not referred to in the least by the journals or are 
 referred to under other names. 19 Quite interestingly, too, an occasional 
 item of the map data is incorrect when judged by the journals. 20 Finally, 
 
 12 Conveniently to be found in Coues. 
 
 13 "... as this Creek has no name, and this being the 4th of July the day of the independanee of the 
 U S. call it 4* of July 1804 Creek, . . . this Creek we call Creek Independence ..." (Thwaites, Vol. 1, pp. 66-67). 
 
 "... passed a creek . . . which we called Independence ..." (Hosmer's " Gass," p. 11). 
 
 14 " The situation of our last Camp Coiineile Bluff . . . " (Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. 98). 
 
 " Tlntrxrtay ind . . . This place we named Council-Bluff ..." (Hosmer's " Gass," p. 17). 
 "... 12 of the Zottoe Indians Arriv? at Our Camp Call? the Council Bluffs, or the Brarareham prarie 
 ..." (" Whitehouse's Journal," p. 47). 
 
 15 " . . . We buried him (Floyd) on the top of the bluff J^ Mile below a Small river to which we Gave 
 his name ..." (Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. 114). 
 
 "... Our commanding officers gave it the name of Floyd's river; ..." (Hosmer's " Gass," p. 21). 
 "... we named this hill Sg? Floyd's Bluff we then proceeded on to a Creek on the Same Side which 
 we named Sg? Floyds Creek" ("Whitehouse's Journal," p. 51). 
 
 16 " . . . Came to about lj^ Miles above off the Mouth of a Small river about 70 yards wide Called by 
 Mr. Evens the Little Mississou [J/w«hh7] River. The Tribes of the Scauex Called the Teton, is Camped 
 about 2 Miles up on the N. W. Side, and we Shall Call the River after that Nation, Teton. ..." (Thwaites, 
 Vol. 1, p. 163). 
 
 17 " . . . we came to on the S. S. in a Prarie at the place where My Mackey lais down & old french fort, 
 ..." (Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. 50). 
 
 18 "... I walked on Shore with a view to find an old Vulcanoe, Said to be in this neighbourhood by 
 Mr J. McKey of S? Charles. I walked on Shore the whole day without Seeing any appearance of the 
 Vulcanoe ..." (Thwaites, Vol. 1, pp. 146-147). 
 
 19 The most prominent of these are : Renville River, probably what the explorers called the Whitestone 
 (ef. Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. 119; Coues, Vol. 1, p. 84; Whitehouse, p. 52; Gass, p. 22), or the present Vermilion, 
 and Old Englishman's Island. Some of less significance are: Tobacco Island, Five Barrels Island, Iron 
 Island, Peter's Island, Good Island, the Four Islands, Buffalo Island, Little Island, Isle of the Sioux, Pole- 
 cat Island ( apparently in the neighborhood of the place where the explorers say they found pole-cats, 
 September 17, 1804), Half-moon Island, Little Missouri Island, Friendship Island, Cock Island. 
 
 20 Some of these will be noted presently in another connection ; but the discrepancy involved in the 
 location of Cock Island (I. au Coc) may as well be disposed of here. Cock Island appears on the map a 
 considerable distance above the mouth of the Maropa River; but the only thing mentioned in the travel 
 narratives that would correspond to it is Grouse Island, and Grouse Island was passed by Lewis and Clark 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLAEK MAP 335 
 
 innumerable small creeks and islands and a few other things, 21 noted by 
 the explorers, and some of them expressly named 22 by them, are not on the 
 map at all. 
 
 In addition to what has already been said answering negatively the 
 third question in our scheme of conjecture, Was the map made while the 
 expedition was in progress 1 these facts can be adduced : The paper is too 
 thin and the chirography too regular and too elegant, the lines of writing 
 are, as a rule, too uniformly parallel to warrant the supposition that the 
 map was made, from start to finish, under the rough conditions incident to 
 travel. It might, indeed, be thought from the appearance of the map that 
 it was not even taken upon the voyage. It shows so few signs of really hard 
 usage. It is true it is very brittle now, so brittle and worn that it will 
 scarcely bear handling. The brittleness, however, is simply a sign of age, 
 perhaps, also, the result of folding 23 and of exposure to intense heat. 
 
 That the map was taken upon the expedition and used and consulted 
 may be readily surmised from an examination of certain interesting addi- 
 tions to its data, additions made under circumstances no more conducive 
 to neat work than most likely were those connected with the voyage of 1804. 
 The extreme northwestern section of the map, that depicting the region, 
 say, between the White Kiver and the Mandan villages, has every appear- 
 ance of having been checked up by means of underscoring lines. 24 Not too 
 much need be made of the circumstance, however, since the check marks 
 occur only at rare intervals, and, all told, are exceedingly few in number. 
 It is just as if the explorers treasured their map too highly to care to deface 
 it. 25 In the same upper portion of the map occurs material that may or may 
 
 after they had passed the Sur-war-kar-na and before they had come to the We-tar-hoo, much less to the 
 Maropa (cf. Thwaites: Original Journals, Vol. 1, pp. 1x2-183). Cases where an island and a creek in close 
 proximity to each other carry the same name, the one being on the map and the other in the journals, 
 are not regarded, in this study, as mistakes or discrepancies. We have, for instance, an I. au Bonhomme 
 on the map, a Bonum Creek in the journal; a R. a, la L'outre on the map, a Luter Island in the journal, 
 and so on. There is, on the map, a small unnamed stream opposite I. au Bonhomme and an island 
 opposite R. a la L'outre. 
 
 21 A few of these are: Island of Mills (Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. 43), Shecco Island (ibid., p. 45), Plumb 
 Creek ( ibid., p. 46), Tabboe Creek, Tiger River, Panther Isle (ibiil., p. 52), Hay Cabbin Creek (ihiil., p. 57), 
 Chabonea Creek, Bennet's Creek (ibid., p. 58), Dimond Island, Biscuit Creek, Tree Frog Island, Tree Prog 
 Creek (ibid,, p. 63), Four le tourtere Prarie (ibid., p. 83), Lake Despree (ibid., p. 103), Black Bird's grave 
 (ibid., p. 106), Mahars Wau can di Peeche Creek (ibid., p. 107), "Good Humered Island (ibid., p. 163), etc- 
 
 -'2 Cupboard Creek, Nightingale Creek (Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. 38), Lead Creek, Sand Creek (ibid., p. 40), 
 Indian Knob Creek (ibid., v . 92), Xo Preserves Island (ibid., u. 140), Corvus Creek (ibid., p. 150), Sentinal 
 Creek, Lookout Creek (ibid., p. 175), Island of Caution ( ibid., p. 177), etc. 
 
 23 It had been folded into small compass and, when found, was cracked and broken at the seams. An 
 unwise attempt to repair such damage resulted in worse. As a matter of fact, the frail paper should have 
 been immediately mounted upon linen or something equally broad and stable. 
 
 24 E. petit Missouri is underscored; so is an unnamed right tributary farther upstream, so also are the 
 Maropa River, Labeaume's River, and various of the Indian village groups. I have taken the unnamed 
 riyer of the map to be the We tar hoo of the journals (cf. Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. lx:S), described as heading 
 in the Black Hills, which, on the map, it does. 
 
 25 There is some reason for thinking that the explorers guarded and handled their map so carefully 
 that they did not consult it on every possible occasion. Had they done so, they would most certainly have 
 remarked the fact that the river they note as known by the name of Whitestone was labeled on the map 
 the Renville. This they did not do. 
 
336 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 not be new. It consists of legends crowded in, 26 forcing a departure from 
 the original parallel appearance of the lines of writing. The chief objec- 
 tion to considering this matter new is the fact that the legends are in both 
 French and English. Lewis and Clark, as will be argued more at length 
 later on, could have had no good reason for inserting into the detail of a 
 map already crowded the French equivalents of insignificant place names. 
 Most of the additions, if additions they be, inclusive of the underscoring 
 lines, were made in lead pencil. 27 Some were later inked over, 28 others left 
 in penciled form. 29 A few additions, 30 occurring at the top of the map, 
 were written in the first instance with ink and are taken to be additions 
 because the penmanship is large and sprawling, quite different in general 
 character from that of the bulk of the map. They include names like St. 
 
 26 I am not at all prepared to insist or even to claim that this seemingly crowded-in material is new. 
 It has the appearance of having been written with the same quill and by the same hand and to have been 
 inked at the same time as the bulk of the map. Moreover, I am puzzled by the fact that Good Hope 
 Island, which the explorers introduced (Thwaites, Vol. 1, p. 179) by the familiar, "we call", is not 
 crowded in and is not in a different handwriting and has its French equivalent, I. bonne Esperance, im- 
 mediately below itself on the map. It is barely possible, of course, that in this case Lewis and Clark 
 erroneously but inadvertently claimed the credit of having done the christening. On the western side of 
 the Missouri River and nearly opposite the mouth of the Otter River is a large stream designated simply 
 " Riviere " on the map. In location it exactly corresponds to the Sur-war-kar-na of the journals and, as 
 Lewis says in his notes (Thwaites, Vol. 6, p. 49), it " takes its rise short of the Black Hills . . ." The writ- 
 ing of the word " Riviere " is fine and regular, the e differently shaped from the usual e of the map. Is it 
 fair to conclude, then, that the person who attempted to add the name stopped short at " Riviere " because 
 he could not spell the Indian Sur-war-kar-na? Other instances of the kind are not entirely wanting, as for 
 example, " Prairie du ", " Prairie," " I-& village ". 
 
 27 The skeleton of the entire map seems to have been traced originally in pencil. 
 
 28 As for instance, " Mr Louisells House in the Winter 1803&4 " and " 50 Leagues to the Mouth of the 
 Missouri ", the latter legend being written on what I have chosen to regard as an extended portion of the 
 map and, therefore, new. The part referred to is unmistakably an extension and in no sense a part of the 
 original drawing, it being very plainly discernible where the work of one cartographer ended and that of 
 another began. The extension is drawn on approximately the same scale as the remainder of the map. 
 It reaches from and beyond the Mandan villages, perhaps in order to make a proper connection with the 
 Yellowstone and was very probably put in after Clark had returned to the Mandan villages by way of the 
 Yellowstone. 
 
 29 Some of these I cannot satisfactorily decipher. An extremely faint legend beyond the Black Hills I 
 at first thought might possibly be meant for " Jon Vallie," and the journals tell us that the travelers did fall 
 in with a Frenchman of that name (the Jean Valle" of Thwaites's suggestion), who informed them "that he 
 wintered last winter 300 Leagues up the Chien River under the Black mountains . . ." (Thwaites, Vol.1, p. 
 176) ; but I have since changed my mind. Two of the penciled names that I can decipher are " Yellow 
 Stone R." and " Fork River." " Fork River " is written alongside of " Dog River " (R. du Chien), but up- 
 side down, a circumstance which supports the contention that penciled names are new. " Yellow Stone 
 River" and " Black Mountains " had no pencil foundation: but "Black Hills" is found written near the 
 margin, in pencil. Some writing on the upper waters of the James River has been rendered a trifle more 
 clear by the photostatic process but is not yet clear enough to be confidently interpreted. 
 
 30 My supposition is that these additions were made by the explorers to indicate the " headings " of 
 rivers. Again and again they tell us of what they have learned about the sources of some of the rivers 
 they pass or of such and such a river "heading" in a certain locality or at some approximate distance- 
 Thus, on June 13, 1804, they record that the Grand River "heads with the R. Dumoine," and the map 
 suggests it. Under date of August 29, 1804, the river James (Jacques, or Yankton) is described as passing 
 the Sioux River and as heading with the St. Peters. On the map, the James River (R a Jacques) parallels 
 an improvised Big Soox, rising beyond it to the north, and receives a tributary from the direction of the 
 Red River of the North, also improvised. On the 13th of October, Lewis and Clark learned from the Riekores 
 (Arickaras) "that the Yankton or R Jacque heads at about 2 Days March of this place Easterly, the R. de 
 Seaux one Day further, the Chien (Clmvenne the Clmy* formerly there) a branch of R. Rouche (Rouge) Still 
 beyend, and the River S? Peters 4 days march from this place on the Same Dereetion ..." On the map, 
 again, the " Riviere " appears to rise in the first range of the Black Hills and to that Clark bears testimony 
 under date of ^October 7th. 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP . 337 
 
 Peters, Demoin, Big Soox, and Camerons House. It took some little time 
 to decipher the name last given, the map being defective and the writing 
 scarcely more than a mere scratch of the pen. Reference to Lewis' notes, 
 however, revealed 31 the fact that a trader of the name of Cameron 32 had 
 been heard of as having his headquarters in the region, and a photostatic 
 copy of the map disclosed, much more clearly than did the original, the 
 legend, ' ' Camerons House. ' ' 
 
 The addition that is a really worth while contribution is something that 
 has been already cited twice in the footnotes, namely, "Mr Louisells House 
 in the Winter 1803 & 4." This legend is in the near vicinity of "Island 
 of the Three Sisters" (Les I. de 3 Soeurs) and "Goat Island" (I. au 
 Cabris). It is written upside down. The history of its insertion may be 
 suggestively traced by means of journal entries. When Lewis and Clark 
 were in the neighborhood of River a Chouritte, May 25, 1804, they record 33 
 that they "met with M. Louisell, imedeately down from the Seeder [Cedar] 
 Isl d Situated in the Country of the Sciox [Sioux] 400 Leagues up . . ." 
 and that Mr. Louisell gave them ' ' a good Deel of Information ..." Very 
 probably he told them of the location of his own trading house. Anyway, 
 on the twenty-second of September, after they had passed an island, ' ' Called 
 the 3 Sisters," they came to one, "Called Ceder Island," and this is what 
 they have to say about it : " this Island is about 1% miles long & nearly as 
 wide Covered with Ceder, on the South Side of this Island Mr. Louiselle 
 a trader from S* Louis built a fort of Ceder & a good house to trade with 
 the Seaux & Wintered last winter: . . ," 34 After taking careful note of 
 Louisell 's fort, 35 they "proceeded on and Camp d late on the S. Side below a 
 Small Island in the bend S. S. Called Goat Island, . . ." 36 It is interesting to 
 observe that map and journal, with Clark as the writer of the one particular 
 entry 37 and Lewis of the other, 38 spell the trader 's name in exactly the same 
 way. Lewis, it is true, adds a final e ; but that need not be deemed signifi- 
 cant, because the spelling of the journals varies to a remarkable degree and 
 
 31 ". . . The Sioux annually hold a fair on some part of this river (James), in the latter end of May, 
 thither the Yanktons of the North, and the Sissitons, who trade with a Mf Cammaron on the head of the 
 8^ Peters river, bring ..." (Thwaites : Original Journals, Vol. 6, p. 45). 
 
 32 Undoubtedly the same as the Cameron of the Journals ("Original Journals," Vol. 1, p. 267) and the 
 Murdoch Cameron who, in 1805, was a trader on the St. Peters in Minnesota. ( OS. Coues : New Light on the 
 Early History of the Greater Northwest, Vol. 1, p. 189, note 8. See also Coues : The Expeditions of Zebulon 
 SI. Pike, Vol. 1, p. 66 and note, p. 64. Pike calls Murdock Cameron " a Scotchman by birth, but an English- 
 man by prejudice," ibid., p. 64). 
 
 There were several men of the name of Cameron connected with the Northwest Company (cj. Masson, 
 Vol. 2, p. 231, and Coues: New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, Vol. 1, p. 189, note 8). 
 For additional information about Murdoch Cameron, see Xeill's article on " Indian Trade " in Minnesota 
 Hist. Soc. Annals, 1852, p. 43. 
 
 33 Thwaites: Original Journals, Vol. 1, p. 29. 
 
 34 Ibid., p. 160. 
 
 35 Gass gives a minute description of the fort, including its dimensions, which would indicate, that it 
 was carefully examined by at least some of the party. 
 
 ^Thwaites: Original Journals, VoO, p. 161. 
 
 3 ? May 25, 1804. 
 
 38 September 22, 1804. 
 
338 _ THE GEOGRAPHICAL EEVIEW 
 
 even in the same sentence. Gass spells 39 the name "Lucelle," and it was 
 ordinarily spelled ' ' Loisel. ' ' 40 
 
 The similarity in spelling that has just been noted is all the more worthy 
 of remark, because, ordinarily, the spelling of what, for the sake of argument 
 if for nothing else, we have chosen to regard as the older part of the map is 
 most emphatically not the spelling of the journals. 41 The map almost invari- 
 ably presents the French place-name and its English equivalent, or what is 
 intended 42 to be an English 43 equivalent, and the use of the two languages 
 gives color to the view — particularly as the French is the original 44 and the 
 English the translation — that the map was most certainly not made during 
 the expedition or afterwards. The explorers were Americans using the 
 English language as their native tongue. They could have had no reason 
 for jotting down, first hand and systematically, the French name for even 
 tiny creeks, notwithstanding the fact that some of their employees were 
 Frenchmen and that they were constantly coming across Indians to whom 
 the French language had become as familiar as their own. Besides, the 
 map data that, for other reasons, seem to be new, do not, in a single 
 instance, have a strictly French form. The journals sometimes give the 
 French name but they always give it as additional or explanatory infor- 
 mation, except in cases where the French name must have been the only 
 one known and used. Discrepancies in spelling are often to be accounted 
 for by the varying use of French and English or by a very limited knowl- 
 edge of the former. They are not such as would preclude the idea that the 
 map was in the hands 45 of the explorers for, at the least, occasional consul- 
 tation, but they would contradict the notion that the legends on the map 
 were written either at the same time as or from the journals. 
 
 39 Cf. Hosmer's " Gass's Journal," p. 35. 
 
 40 For instances of such spelling, see the report of Regis Loisel, signed by himself, dated San Luis de 
 Ylinoa, May 28, 1804, published in Houck's " Spanish Regime in Missouri," Vol. 2, pp. 359-364, also Billon's 
 " St. Louis in the Early Days," p. 465; and a Clark memorandum (Thwaites, Vol. 6, p. 59). 
 
 41 This statement should be modified to some extent, for quite often the spelling of names, enclosed by 
 parentheses or by brackets, is the spelling. For Thwaites's explanation of enclosed matter, see " Original 
 Journals," Vol. 1, p. 11, note 1. Moreover, mitirnt is used on the map and in Clark's contribution to the 
 travel narratives, which is a rather interesting coincidence, if it is nothing more. 
 
 *2 Sometimes the equivalents are what one might call the approximate or the obvious rather than the 
 exact translations. Thus, "Isles des Parques " is rendered" Field Islands"; "I. au Cabris," "Goat 
 Island"; " I. au biche," "Elk Island"; "Isle au bocuf," in one place, "Beef Island," in another, " Buffaloe 
 Island " ; " I. de periche," is " Peter's Island." 
 
 43 In one instance we have an attempted French equivalent, and, at the same time, perhaps, an inter- 
 esting case of folk etymology. The present Cannon Ball River is labeled "R. a la Bomb, Labeaume's 
 River." The river was very likely named in honor of Louis Labeaume (Labaume) {cf. Houck's " Spanish 
 Regime in Missouri," Vol.2, p. 299; American State Papers: Public Lands, Vol. 3, p. 699). The name would 
 literally mean " balm " ; but the spelling Labaume would indicate the pronunciation and explain, in a 
 measure, the supposed equivalent. 
 
 ■" There seems no good reason to doubt this. The French has always the right of way on the map. 
 It is the one written first and the one that has the greater amount of room given it. Yet I would not have 
 it thought that I incline to the opinion that the English was added later. Both the English and the French 
 appear to be the work of one draftsman. 
 
 45 It seems a little strange that, if the explorers did have the map before them, they did not see fit 
 to comment upon some of its peculiarities. Why, for example, did they not mention in their journals 
 Labadie's Island, Lapensee's Channel, R. & Chanaille de baton (Cane River and Channel), Premier Poste 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP 339 
 
 It now having been determined that the Indian Office manuscript map 
 could scarcely have been made either during the progress of the Lewis and 
 Clark expedition or subsequent to its completion, inasmuch as map and 
 narrative journals differ too much in terminology and in character of infor- 
 mation conveyed for them ever to have been the work of the same mind or 
 minds and of the same period, there remains a consideration of the question 
 whether or no the authorship of the map is to be ascribed to one of two men, 
 James Mackay, a Scotchman, and John Evans, a Welshman, both of whom, 
 in their capacity as agents of the Missouri Company, are believed to have 
 prepared a map illustrative of that particular part of the Missouri River 
 region that they individually explored. Up to date neither map has, for a 
 certainty, been seen since the prosecution of the Lewis and Clark expedition. 
 
 The organization of the Missouri Company, a commercial concern, having 
 for its object the establishment of trade relations with the great tribes of 
 the Upper Missouri, though begun earlier, was not formally completed until 
 May, 1794. Its headquarters were at St. Louis, and from that point, during 
 the next few years, various exploring expeditions started out. The first was 
 led by Jean Baptiste Truteau. From June 7, 1794, to March 25, 1795, 
 Truteau penetrated a considerable distance up the Missouri in what proved 
 to be a vain search after the Arikaras and, in the summer of 1795, he so- 
 journed about two months among them. His diary, describing the incidents 
 of the first summer, 46 has recently come to light and bears an interesting 
 
 de la Compagnie du Missouri, Riv. & Village des Petite Os, R. du vieux Langlois, and, finally, the most 
 puzzling thing on the map, Riv. a Renville? 
 
 As a general thing it can be said that most of the prominent people interested in Indian'trade at the 
 time are represented by name upon the Indian Office map. No doubt the expression, " vieux Langlois," 
 ought not to be translated into "old Englishman's," since there were traders of the name (<*/. Henry's 
 "Journal," in Coues's edition, Vol. I, p. 50, note). Concerning the Riv. a Renville, some additional 
 remarks might well have a place here. The first letter of the name on the map proved exceedingly 
 difficult of determination. The river, bearing the name, is evidently the Whitestone of the journals and 
 the Vermilion of today. The initial part of the map name might easily pass for Tli, K, or R. The result- 
 ing name would then be Thenville, Kenville, or Renville ; but no such name appears upon any contem- 
 porary map that has been, for purposes of this study, accessible, either in the Library of Congress or 
 elsewhere. In travel narratives of the Missouri River region and beyond "Thenville" does not seem to 
 figure at all. "Kenville" does, but out of range of the Vermilion (cf. Coues: New Light on the Early 
 History of the Greater Northwest, Vol. 2, p. 627). A Joseph Renville, on the other hand, was known in the 
 early days on the Upper Missouri. He was probably born about 1726 (cf. Tanguay's " Dictionnaire 
 Genealogique des Families Canadiennes," Vol. 3) and, at the time of the organization of the Northwest 
 Company, identified himself with it (E. D. Neill: Indian Trade, Annals Minnesota Hist. Sue., 1852, p. 42). 
 This would have doubtless brought him, as it brought Faribault (cf. H. H. Sibley, in Minnesota Hist. Col- 
 lections. Vol. 3, p. 171) into the country of the Yankton Sioux. At all events, he married a Sioux woman. 
 His son, another Joseph Renville, was a Sioux interpreter in the time of Pike (cf. Coues: The Expe- 
 ditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. 1, p. 40, note 46) and was later associated commercially with Dixon, who 
 had a post in the vicinity of the mouth of the Vermilion, hence the name, " Dixon's Bluff " (cf. map pub- 
 lished with the Report of I. N. Nicollet, Semite Doc. 2iitli Cong., 2ivl Srss.). The region of the Vermilion 
 was originally Sioux country, and it seems more than likely that the father, equally with the son, traded 
 there. The name is variously spelled, even as late as the middle of the nineteenth century, Renville or 
 Rainville (Indian Office Register of Letters Received, Vol. 28, July 11, 1844, and July 18, 1844). 
 
 46 This is the so-called first part of Truteau's journal, and it was discovered in the Archives of the 
 Indies at Seville by Roscoe R. Hill. It covers the period from June 7, 1794, to March 25, 1795, and is to be 
 found, in its French form, in the Amer. Hist. Rer., January, 1914, pp. 301-333. The second part of Truteau's 
 journal, that extending from May 24, 1795, to July 20, 1795, has been known for some time. It appears in 
 translation in the Missouri Hist. Hoc. Collections for 1912. Strictly speaking, perhaps, it should be counted 
 the third part, since a narrative of the intervening period, from March 25, 1795, to May 24, 1795, is supposed 
 to have been prepared and may be yet in existence somewhere. 
 
340 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 comparison with the Indian Office manuscript map. This idea will be 
 enlarged upon later. 
 
 In 1795, Mackay was similarly sent up the Missouri, and he explored 
 the river course as far as the Omaha, or Maha, villages. 47 He was accom- 
 panied 48 by Evans whom, in the year following, he himself authorized 49 to 
 proceed farther, even to the Mandans. Evans reached his destination in 
 due season and destroyed a British fort, or trading post, erected there. 50 
 Of his later movements, little is known. In 1799, Mackay reported him as 
 ill and his system deranged. 51 He probably did not long survive. Mackay, 
 on the other hand, lived for several years, dying in 1823. 52 He made his 
 home within easy reach of St. Louis, occupied most of the time with matters 
 that involved him in land litigation. 
 
 Reference has already been made to a possible Mackay and to a possible 
 Evans map, and the evidence bearing upon each point will now be investi- 
 gated. That a Mackay map once existed is inferred from a statement 53 
 made by James Mackay himself to the effect that, from a certain voyage of 
 discovery up the Missouri River, he had brought memoirs and a map, and 
 likewise from two 54 references in the journals of the Lewis and Clark expedi- 
 tion. A third 55 reference is sometimes cited as also testifying to the ex- 
 istence of a Mackay map; but it is of such a nature that it might better 
 imply a conversation than a map, and such a conversation Lewis, if not 
 Olark, could most certainly have had with Mackay on the occasion of one 
 of his frequent trips to St. Louis and vicinity while the expeditionary party 
 was encamped from December to May on the Dubois River. 
 
 The proof that there was ever an Evans map is to be found in the corre- 
 spondence of Jefferson as well as in the journals 56 of the Lewis and Clark 
 expedition. Jefferson, writing to Lewis, January 13, 1804, 57 with reference 
 to the preparations being made for the proposed exploration of the Missouri, 
 said, "I now inclose you a map of the Missouri as far as the Mandans, 
 12 or 1,500 miles I presume above its mouth, it is said to be very accurate 
 having been done by a M r Evans by order of the Spanish government. ..." 
 
 47 See " Report of Governor Zenon Trudeau, 1798," in Houck's " Spanish Regime in Missouri," Vol. 2, 
 p. 253. 
 
 4 8 Michaux gives as a journal entry for December 11, 1795, the following: " I was informed at Illinois 
 that Mackey a Scotchman and Even a Welshman, started at the end of July 1795 from St. Louis to ascend 
 the Missouri in a 4 oared Barge. They are aided by a Company whereof Charles Morgan (Jacaues 
 Clanmorgan), a Creole from the Islands, is manager." (Cf. Thwaites: Early Western Travels, 1748-1846, 
 Vol. 3, pp. 79-80.) 
 
 49 " Through my fear of arriving late next summer at the Mandans, I am going to send out a detach- 
 ment within a few days under charge of Monsieur Even, until he meets Trudeau who must have already 
 constructed his fort among the above-mentioned Mandans, if he has experienced no opposition on the 
 part of the English, who have had the audacity to unfurl their banner there." ( '//. Mackay's " Journal " 
 in Houck's " Spanish Regime in Missouri," Vol. 2, p. 192.) 
 
 50 See Thwaites's British Regime in Wisconsin, Wisconsin Hist. Collections, Vol. 18, p. 451, note 72, 
 
 51 American State Papers: Public Lands, Vol. 6, p. 719. 
 
 52 See Houck's " History of Missouri," Vol. 2, p. 71, note 145. 
 
 53 American State Papers : Public Lands, Vol. 6, pp. 718, 720, and Vol. 8, p. 868. 
 
 54 Original Journals, Vols. 1, p. 50, aud 6, p. 125. 
 •>•"> Jhiil., Vol. 1, p. 147. 
 
 56 Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 163, 195, 198, 200. 
 
 67 Jefferson Papers, Letter Press Copy Books, Series I, Vol. 10 (1804-1805), No. 1. 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP 341 
 
 Writing again, on the 22nd,' 5s he repeated his message, saying, "... in that 
 of the 13th inst. I inclosed you the map of a M r Evans, a Welshman 
 employed by the Spanish government for that purpose." Jefferson had 
 previously sent to Lewis extracts' 59 from the journal of Truteau. Later on, 
 he sent a transcript. 
 
 It now behooves us to decide the question of the identity of the Indian 
 Office map with the Mackay map. The former shows the Missouri River 
 country to the Mandan villages ; but, so far as we know, Mackay never went 
 beyond the recognized territory of the Omahas and Poncas. It is, of course, 
 barely possible that the maps ambiguously attributed severally to Mackay 
 and Evans were a single joint affair, Mackay contributing the data for the 
 lower part and Evans that for the upper. 60 Jefferson may have been 
 impressed with the idea that it was entirely the work of Evans; because 
 he was chiefly concerned with its farthermost reach and it was probably 
 matter of common report that Evans had traveled to the Mandans. The 
 map satisfies, with one possible exception, the journal references to both 
 Mackay and Evans, so that they furnish little assistance on this particular 
 point. The map maker, whoever he may have been, had no great mastery of 
 the French language. 61 Nothing is known concerning Evans' knowledge of 
 either French or Spanish; but Mackay 's 62 seems to have been worthy of 
 special comment. Teggart, be it remembered, is of the opinion that the Per- 
 rin du Lac map is substantially the same as the Mackay map. 63 That being 
 the case, the Indian Office map is certainly not the Mackay map. Both may, 
 perchance, be copies of the same original. They are enough alike to give 
 some support to that view and yet they differ in marked ways. 64 The Perrin 
 
 58 Ibid., No. 8. 
 
 s» Ibid., Vol. 9 (1802-1803), No. 305. 
 
 60 There is a slight difference in the workmanship of the two parts of the Indian office map, the 
 lower part showing greater wealth of detail. 
 
 61 This is illustrated in a number of ways, as, for instance, in confusion of gender, in ignorance of 
 exact or of fine shades of meaning, and in the use of the article, The following are cases in point : 
 
 Riviere a la roche percee, really " Pierced Rock River," is rendered " Split Rock." 
 
 Riviere petit Manitou, " Small Great Spirit River," is rendered " Little Conjurer River." 
 
 Riviere a fleehe, "Arrow River," is rendered " Flint River." 
 
 Petite riviere platte, " Little Flat River," is rendered " Little Shoal River." 
 
 Riviere au vase is translated as " Muddy River." It would be correct to call the river such, were the 
 expression "Riviere a vase," since rase, feminine gender, means "mud." Vase, masculine gender, means a 
 "vase." 
 
 Isles des Parques is translated, "Field Islands"; but the plural of the French word, signifying the 
 English " park," is pares. Parques would be more correctly rendered " the Fates." 
 
 I. au cabris offers a case of a singular article and a plural noun. 
 
 I. au biche is translated " Elk Island " ; but biche is a feminine noun and signifies the female deer. 
 
 62 Houck's " History of Missouri," Vol. 2, p. 70 ; Teggart's " Notes on Lewis and Clark " in Rept. Amcr. 
 Hist. Assoc, 1908, p. 194 and note h. 
 
 63 Rept. Amer. Hint. Assoc, 1908, pp. 188-189. 
 
 64 The subjoined tabulation is based upon a comparison of the two maps from the Grand River to the 
 point on the Missouri where the Perrin du Lac map data end : 
 
 Renin du Lac Map Indian Office Map 
 
 Wachante ou endroit de serpens Wocanton, ou Endroit des serpents 
 
 Anciens villages des Antient village des Missouri 
 
 petits Os et Missouris Antient vill of the Missouri 
 
 Antient village petits os 
 Antient village of the little Osages 
 
 vieux Fort Vieux fort 
 
 Marais des apaques marais des apaques 
 
 flag Pond 
 
342 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 du Lac map cs does not satisfy all the journal references ; but it does give, as 
 the Indian Office map does not, the Mackay route of 1796. It is faulty in its 
 use of French, as is the other. Both call a certain thing, Marais des apaques, 
 which the Indian Office map translates as Flag Pond ; but, while the Perrin 
 du Lac map offers ancien for "old" or "former," the Indian Office map 
 offers the incorrect, or at least unusual, antient of the journals. Conversely, 
 be it said the Nichinibatone of the Perrin du Lac map more nearly 
 approaches the Neesh-nah-ba-to-na of fhe journals and of today than does 
 the "R. & Chanaille de baton" of the other map. 
 
 That the Indian Office map is the map that, under the name of the Evans 
 map, was transmitted to Lewis by Jefferson is the most satisfactory con- 
 clusion reached by the author of this article. It is not contended that it is 
 the identical map that Evans may have made. Jefferson is really the only 
 authority for the supposition that Evans personally ever made a map, and, 
 as intimated before, the map that goes under the name of the Evans map, 
 
 Perrin da Lac Mav Indian Office Map 
 
 Prairie de Sacki Prairie des Kakias 
 
 Sakia Prairie 
 
 R. du Feu (river unnamed) 
 
 Prairie du Feu Prairie du 
 
 K. de l'Eau bleue l'Eau bleu 
 
 blue water River 
 
 R. des Kance's Riviere des Kanees 
 
 Kances River 
 Petite Riviere Platte petite Riv. platte 
 
 little Shoal River 
 J. de Pare Isles des Parques 
 
 Field Islands 
 V? Ancien village des Kances premier ant? village des Kances 
 
 first old vill of the Kances 
 
 Wasabi Wachanda 
 
 2? Ancien village des Kances 2 nd vieux village Kances 
 
 2 d old village of the Kances 
 Prairie S! Michel Prairie de S' Michel 
 
 St Michael's Prairie 
 Riviere Madavvay Riv. Nadawa 
 
 Mandan River 
 R. du Loup R. des Loups 
 
 Wolf River 
 R. Taquio 
 
 Taquio River 
 R. Grand Nimakas R. grand N I Maha 
 
 Big Nimaha River 
 J. S* Joseph Isle S' Joseph 
 
 St Joseph's Island 
 R. Nichinibatone R. & Chanaille de baton 
 
 Cane River & Channel 
 R. Petit Ximakas petit R. Nimaha 
 
 little Riv r of the Nimaha 
 J. Achoven Isle Chauvin 
 
 Chavin's Island 
 l'eau qua pleure R. Eau qui pleure 
 
 weeping water 
 I. du Tobac 
 
 Tobacco Island 
 oeil de fer I. du fer 
 
 Iron Isl d 
 .1. de 5 Barrils 
 
 five Barrels Island (footnote GU continued on ar.ct page) 
 
 G5 For convenience of reference, it should be observed that the so-called Perrin du Lac map, originally 
 published in connection with Perrin du Lac's " Voyage dans les deux Louisianes et chez les Nations 
 Sauvages du Missouri en 1801, 1802, et 1803," Paris, 1805, has been reprinted in smith Dakota Hist. Catl/etiom, 
 Vol. 7. 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP 343 
 
 in the Jefferson correspondence, may in reality have been the same map 
 that Mackay described as his own. Again, let it be repeated that the Indian 
 Office map satisfies, with one exception, all the Lewis and Clark journal 
 references to both Evans and Mackay. It also illustrates the journals gen- 
 erally and, more important still, it illustrates the Truteau narrative. What 
 Jefferson very probably did was to have a certain map that had come into 
 his possession, maybe through Michaux, and that depicted the Mackay and 
 Evans expedition (for the journeys of the two men were actually parts of 
 a single expedition) copied with particular reference to the needs of Lewis 
 and Clark and its French terminology translated, for their edification, into 
 English. The inexperience of the translator may possibly account for 
 faulty French syntax, for the attempted translation of proper names, and 
 even for the transference of "ancien village des petits arcs" into the very 
 much more natural "Riv. & village des petits os" (River & Village of the 
 Little Osages). 
 
 Prrr'ni. du Lac Map LvUmi Office Mtip 
 
 Per Poste de la Compagnie Premier Poste de la Compagnie du Missouri 
 
 du haut Missouri the first post of the Missouri Company 
 
 E. Platte Eiv. Platte 
 
 Shoal Kiver 
 R. du Papillion 
 
 Butterfly Eiver 
 '. Aiouah Bluffs 
 
 Ecore des Aioas [aceore?] 
 
 R. a Boyer R. a Boyer 
 
 Boyer's Eiver 
 
 R. des Soldats R. des Soldats 
 
 Soldiers River 
 
 P™ R. des Sioux Eiv. des Sious 
 
 Sious River 
 Ecore des ( 'edres 
 
 red Cedar bluffs 
 
 Entrepot de la compagnie Maha village 
 
 village des Marias Maha village 
 
 E. des Sioux petite Eiv. des Sious 
 
 little Sioux River 
 
 Eiv. A Renville 
 
 Renville River 
 
 R. a Loutre 
 
 Cap blanc 
 
 White cape 
 
 ancien village des petits arcs Eiv. & village des petits os 
 
 River & village of the little Osages 
 
 E. Sague E- a Jacques 
 
 James River 
 
 I.aSego 
 
 Sego's Island 
 I. au Sable 
 
 Sand Island 
 I. au bonhomme 
 
 good man's Island 
 village des panis 
 
 Panis village 
 I au Panis 
 
 Panis Island 
 
 Islelongua 
 
 long view Island 
 
 Maison de Mr Trudeau 
 
 Mr. Trudeau's house 
 
 R. qui monte 
 
 E. l'Eau qui court Eiv. qui courre [coure or court?] 
 
 Rapid Eiver 
 
 E. desPoncas E. des Panis 
 
 village des Poncas 
 
344 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW 
 
 The promised comparison of the Evans map, as we will now designate 
 it, with the second part of the Truteau ' ' Journal, ' ' reveals a striking simi- 
 larity in the matter of place names and in the location of Indian villages, 
 but not more so than does a like comparison with the Perrin du Lac map. 
 There are also some noteworthy discrepancies. In Truteau 's "Journal" 
 figure "la prairie du feu," "campe au pare," "nichenanbatonnois. " Sev- 
 eral Indian villages named in the "Journal" are indicated but not named 
 on the map, in one instance, perhaps, because they were off the route of the 
 Lewis and Clark expedition. In the matter of the various Sioux rivers, the 
 ' ' Journal ' ' more nearly corresponds with the Perrin du Lac map than with 
 the Evans. There are three such rivers on the Evans map, the "Riv. des 
 Sious," the Little Sioux of today, the "Petite Riv. des Sioux," the Floyd 
 
 Perrin du Lac Map Indian Office Map 
 
 J. des Basques I. au Basques 
 
 Basque Island 
 
 Second Poste de la Compagnie 
 
 J. de Cedre — I. au Cedres 
 
 Cedar Island 
 J. a Pierre I. de periche 
 
 Peter's Island 
 I. au vase 
 
 Muddy Island 
 I. Bon 
 
 Good Island 
 Quatre Isle 
 
 the 4 Islands 
 J. du Boeuf Isle au boeuf 
 
 Buftaloe Island 
 J. de Pate I. petite 
 
 little Island 
 Viau (?) Volcano 
 
 old Volcano 
 E. Blanche R. blanche 
 
 White River 
 Sious Island 
 
 Isle des Sious 
 I. bete puante 
 
 pole Cat Island 
 I. des deux Rivieres 
 
 Island of the two Rivers 
 Portage des Sious 
 
 The Sioux carrying place 
 R. du vieux Langlois 
 
 old Englishmans Island 
 I au bas de grande 
 
 Island below the big bend 
 Grand detour 
 
 I. solitaire 
 
 Solitary Island 
 I. demi-lune 
 
 half-moon Island 
 : I. de 3 Soeurs 
 
 Island of the three Sisters 
 I au Cabris 
 
 Goat Island 
 
 Mr Louisells House in the Winter 1803&4 
 
 I au biche 
 
 Elk Island 
 R. de Cheyenne R. petit Missouri 
 
 Little Missouri River 
 I de longue vue 
 
 long view Island 
 Ancien village de Ricaras village des Panis 
 
 Panis Village 
 R. de Chaguyenne R. du Chien 
 
 Dog River 
 
THE EVANS MAP OF ABOUT 1795 OR 1796 
 
 This manuscript map of the Missouri River from St. Charles, Mo., near its mouth, (above the Mandan villages, in what is now North 
 Dakota, was found among old files in the Office of Indian Affairs in Washington, D. \ It is probably the map which Jefferson sent to 
 Meriwether Lewis in a letter dated January 13, 1804, prior to Lewis and Clark's departure cheir expedition of 1804-1806. It, or the original of 
 which it may be a copy, was presumably compiled in 1795 or 1796 by John Evans, a >thman in the employ of the Missouri Company. 
 
 The map from which this ph< 
 by 28^ inches and is on a scale 
 and creases have been obliterated ii 
 
E EVANS MAP OF ABOUT 1795 OR 1796 
 
 The Geographical Review, Vol /, No. 5, 1916, PL II 
 
 iges, in what is now North 
 ip which Jefferson sent to 
 1806. It, or the original of 
 of the Missouri Company. 
 
 The map from which this photograph was taken measures along the outer border of the drawing 37^ inches (top ; bottom, 36^ inches) 
 by 28 J<£ inches and is on a scale of 1: 1,630,000. From the present reproduction, which is on a scale of 1:3,670,000, a number of stains 
 and creases have been obliterated in order to bring out the lettering more clearly. In other respects than this it is a facsimile. 
 
A NEW LEWIS AND CLARK MAP 345 
 
 of today, and "Riv. des Sious," the Big Sioux. Incidentally, Truteau 
 remarks that there were a number of islands in the near neighborhood of 
 the "Missouri Blanche" (White River), and such there are on the Evans 
 map. 
 
 In recapitulation, it might be advisable to call attention again to the 
 circumstance, so exceedingly consequential, that on the Indian Office map 
 we find Mackay 's ' ' old f rench fort, ' ' his particular ' ' river Souix, ' ' and his 
 ' ' old Vulcanoe. ' ' We also find Evans ' ' ' Little Missouri, " his " Carp Island, ' ' 
 but, unfortunately not his "remarkable places." We do have, however, 
 definitely located for us, Truteau's ["Trudeau's"] House. 
 
 All these things bear witness to the great historical value of the Indian 
 Office map, for, even if it should not be the original map sent by Jefferson 
 to Lewis, it is the most detailed primary source for geographical knowledge 
 of the Missouri River country that has yet been forthcoming. There is a 
 bare possibility that it was made by or under the direction of Lewis and 
 Clark themselves before they started up the Missouri, being to them a com- 
 posite itinerary map.