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 Modern Jesutism or The movements and 
 
 olin 
 
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MODERN JESUITISM; 
 
 MOVEMENTS AND VICISSITUDES 
 
 $mits in fyt Siiutwnijj €mhx%, 
 
 KUSSIA, ENGLAm), BELGIUM, FRANCE, 
 SWITZERLAND, 
 
 AND OTHEK PAKTS. 
 
 db. edw. h: michelsen, 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE "OTTOMAN EMPIBE AND ITS BESOUBCE8 j" "LIFE OF NICHOLAS I.: 
 ' AND "ENGLAND SINCE THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA, 1 * ETC. 
 
 LONDON: 
 DAETON AND CO., HOLBOKN HILL. 
 
 MDCCCLV. 
 
n 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 WILLIAM STEYENS, PSINTER, 37, BELL TARE-, 
 TEMPLE BAR. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 — e — 
 
 Page 
 
 THE JESUITS, SINCE THE DISSOLUTION OP THEIB OEDEE 
 
 BY POPE CLEMENS XIV. IN 1773 .... 1 
 
 PACCANABI AND THE " FATHEBS AND MOTHEBS OF 
 
 FAITH " . 6 
 
 THE JESUITS IN EI7SSIA, AFTEB THE DISSOLUTION OF 
 THE OEDEE ; THBIE FOEMAL EESTOEATION IN THAT 
 EMPIEE IN 1801 12 
 
 EESTOEATION OF THE OEDEE IN NAPLES AND SICILY . . 17 
 
 GENEEAL EESTOEATION OF THE OEDEE BY PIUS Til. IN 
 
 1814 19 
 
 the oedee in eussia under alexandee i. until 
 
 theie expulsion in 1820 21 
 
 eestoeation of the oedee in spain in 1815, and its 
 
 expulsion in 1835 34 
 
 introduction of the oedee in fobtugal by dom 
 miguel in 1829 ; its' expulsion by dom pedeo 
 in 1834 42 
 
 the oedee in the papal states. inteenal squabbles. 
 
 — patee-geneeal eoothaan 45 
 
 the oedee in the two sicilies and saedinia . . 55 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 THE OEDEE IN MODENA, PAEMA, AND TUSCANY ; ITS PBE- 
 
 VIOUS ATTEMPTS IN LTTCCA 69 
 
 THE OEDEE IN THE AUSTRIAN DOMINIONS, UNDEB ITS 
 
 PEOPEE NAME, AS ALSO OF THAT OE THE LIGORIANS 77 
 THE INTBIGUES AND ATTEMPTS OF THE JESUITS IN THE 
 
 BEST OF GERMANY. THEIE SETTLEMENT IN ANHALT- 
 
 KOTHEN AND BAVABIA 110 
 
 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BBITAIN 122 
 
 THE JESUITS IN BELGIUM 126 
 
 THE JESUITS IN FRANCE 150 
 
 THE JESUITS IN SWITZEELAND 215 
 
 THE JESUITS SINCE THE EEVOLUTIONS OF 1848 . . 274 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The author is not aware of the existence of any- 
 modern history of the Jesuits, especially in the 
 English language, besides that of Nicolini (published 
 in 1852 by Bohn). This excellent history is full 
 and complete in all details as regards the origin, 
 development, and progress of the order, until its sup- 
 pression in 1773. Its vicissitudes and movements, 
 however, since that period, are but rapidly sketched, 
 and the whole of the outlines comprised within the 
 narrow compass of only forty or fifty small pages. 
 The author has therefore endeavoured to fill up the 
 gap, and to render the modern sketch more compre- 
 hensive, by collecting and compiling into a proper 
 chronological form the principal facts and data which 
 
V1U PREFACE. 
 
 are given in the contemporary writings, pamphlets, 
 and journals, which the Jesuit question had called 
 into life in the various countries where the fatal ope- 
 rations of the members had most materially affected 
 the social institutions and welfare of the people. 
 
 London, March, 1855. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Jesuits, or Society of Jesus, is the name of an 
 order which, without church functions and prelatures, 
 quickly acquired a prominent position in history by 
 its ambitious views and aspirations, to which there 
 is no parallel in ecclesiastical history. The least 
 part of that notorious eminence is due to the founder 
 of the society, Ignatius Loyola, who owes his reputa- 
 tion more to the worldly wisdom and power of his 
 successors than to his own. When still a student at 
 Paris, he joined (1 6th August, 1534) Pierre Lefevre 
 of Savoy, Francis Xaver of Navarre^Laynez and Bo- 
 badilla, two high-spirited Spaniards, and Rodriguez, 
 a Portuguese nobleman, in the resolution to make a 
 pilgrimage to Jerusalem for the purpose of convert- 
 ed 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ing the infidels in that part of the eastern world. 
 But as the war with the Turks prevented at that 
 time the accomplishment of the project— the journey 
 to Jerusalem — they dispersed themselves to the 
 various universities of upper Italy, to enlist new 
 members for their religious scheme. Loyola re- 
 paired, in company with Lefevre and Laynez, to 
 Rome, where he carried into execution (1539) his 
 plan for the establishment of an order of a peculiar 
 character and bearing. In consequence of a vision 
 in a dream, he called it the "Society of Jesus," 
 the members of which he bound, besides the usual 
 monastic vows of poverty, chastity, blind and implicit 
 obedience to their superiors, also to a fourth duty, 
 to repair gratuitously as missionaries to any land 
 or part of the world whither the pope may choose 
 to send them, and to execute their mission with 
 all the zeal and by any means in their power. The 
 novices were to undergo besides many other spi- 
 ritual exercises, also the lowest drudgeries and the 
 most disgusting services in the hospitals, after the 
 example of Xaver, who instituted such low ser- 
 
INTRODUCTION. xi 
 
 vices as the most honourable task of the chivalrous 
 order. A special bull of Pope Paul III. (27th Sept., 
 1540) confirmed the order in due form, and at the 
 meeting of the members in the following year at 
 Borne, the founder was nominated the first general of 
 the society, though he was but little qualified to be 
 the head of a comprehensive administration, his 
 rough plans having generally been properly deve- 
 loped and carried into practical force by Laynez, 
 and some others of his learned friends. Julius III., 
 like Paul III., granted to the order prerogatives 
 which no corporation, spiritual or temporal, ever 
 was in possession of. Not only were they to enjoy 
 all the privileges of the mendicant friars and lay 
 clergy — they were not only free of the jurisdiction 
 of any episcopal or secular authority, save that of 
 the pope and their own superiors, but they were 
 also to be allowed to perform all clerical duties 
 anywhere and anyhow, even during the time of an in- 
 terdiction. They were, moreover, empowered to grant 
 absolution of sins and church penalties, to change 
 the special vows of laymen into other good works, 
 
Xll INTBODUCTION. 
 
 to build churches, acquire estates and property, to 
 dispense, according to circumstances, with the usual 
 regulations of the church, and even to act against 
 the canonical laws without first consulting the will 
 and opinion of even the pope himself. To the pater- 
 general was given unlimited authority over all the 
 members; he could send them with missions any- 
 where he chose ; he had the power to appoint them 
 everywhere as professors of theology or divinity, and 
 invest them with academical titles equal to those 
 given by the faculties of the secular universities. 
 
 The fundamental principle of the constitution of 
 the society, is the universal spread of the order, and 
 the most consolidated internal union and connection 
 of the members throughout the world. The society 
 is accordingly divided into several classes or ranks. 
 To the first and lowest class belong the novices; 
 they are taken from all classes of society without 
 regard to birth and station, and their only and abso- 
 lute recommendation is talent and education. Their 
 probation lasts for two years, during which time 
 
INTEODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 they are exercised into blind obedience and self- 
 denial. These novices are not yet ranked among 
 the real members, the lowest of whom consist of 
 secular co-labourers or coadjutors, who, having made 
 no monastic vow, can be dismissed or released at 
 any time. They act partly as subordinates and 
 partly as allies to the members of the higher ranks. 
 Many high statesmen, functionaries, and other in- 
 fluential personages (as Louis XIV. was in his old 
 age), had sometimes the honour of being received 
 into that class. Higher in rank stand the scholars 
 and spiritual coadjutors, men of knowledge and eru- 
 dition, monks who have made solemn monastic vows, 
 and who entirely devote themselves to the educa- 
 tion of youth. They are employed as professors, 
 preachers, rectors, and tutors in families, and as 
 missionary assistants. The highest rank occupy the 
 professed monks, who have distinguished themselves 
 by worldly wisdom, energy, and loyalty to the order. 
 In addition to their monastic vows, they are em- 
 ployed in all sorts of missions, and serve as mission- 
 aries amongst the heathens and infidels, as regents 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in distant colonies, as confessors of princes and 
 monarchs, and as representatives of the order in 
 places where no colleges are as yet founded, though 
 they themselves are exempt from the duty of 
 instructing the youth. 
 
 It is only these professed monks alone, who have 
 the right to vote in the election of a pater-general. 
 The latter is not eligible to the post without 
 having previously served himself in the above 
 capacity of a professed monk. He appoints from 
 the midst of that voting congregation his assistants, 
 provincials, superiors, and directors. The general 
 is elected for life, resides at Rome, and has a council 
 of his own, consisting of one admonitor and five 
 assistants, who are supposed to represent the five 
 principal nations : the Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians, 
 French, and Germans. He receives reports from the 
 provincials once every month, and from the supe- 
 riors of the cloisters and rectors of the colleges once 
 every three months, on all matters connected with 
 religion and politics, as also on the character, con- 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 duct, merits, and capacities of the individual members. 
 Being in possession of these reports, he gives his 
 instructions accordingly, and acts upon the whole as 
 the supreme head of the order, the members of which, 
 from high to low, are obliged to obey implicitly his 
 commands without asking questions, or questioning 
 the expediency of any of the measures he may think 
 proper to adopt. He is even aboye the laws and 
 statutes of the order ; he can alter them whenever he 
 thinks it advisable to do so ; he can punish, exile, or 
 promote any member of the society by a single stroke 
 of the pen, or even a mere instruction by mouth. 
 
 Already, at the death of the founder (1556), the 
 society numbered about 1000 members in twelve 
 states. The first was Portugal,, where Xaver and 
 Bodriguez (1540) had, established colleges at the in- 
 vitation of the king. The order met also with the 
 same rapid success in the Italian states and Spain, 
 where the example of one of the most powerful 
 grandees, Francis Borgia, Duke of Granada, was 
 followed by a great number of individuals of more 
 
XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 or less eminence. Also in Catholic Germany, and 
 more especially in Austria and Bavaria, the order 
 rapidly spread, particularly amongst the students at 
 the universities of Vienna, Prague, and Ingolstadt, 
 where it maintained an influential dominion for more 
 than two hundred years. 
 
 By its strictly hierarchical principles, its inde- 
 fatigable activity and successful operations in prose- 
 lytism, the Catholic princes and monarchs, as also 
 the popes themselves, had recognized in the order 
 the most efficacious antidote against the fast growing 
 Protestant religion at that period. Also to the 
 masses generally, the Jesuits had soon recommended 
 themselves as the offspring of the new spirit of the 
 age — an appellation that suited even the views of 
 anti- monastic individuals. To those to whom the 
 Franciscan monks had appeared too clumsy and 
 vulgar, the Dominicans too rigorous and gloomy, 
 the finely-formed, cheerful, and social Jesuits were 
 just the monks calculated to please the eye and the 
 heart in a far higher degree. No one could re- 
 
INTKODTJCTION. xvii 
 
 proach them with idling away their time in solitary 
 prayers or chanting of hymns. Their devotional 
 hours were few and short, their conduct meek and 
 civil, and their apparel the same as that of the lay- 
 clergy, or even of common civilians. They were, 
 moreover, instructed to proceed very gently in their 
 active spheres of religious and political conversion, to 
 win people by yielding to their peculiar tastes and 
 views, and generally not to manifest any passion or 
 zealous excitement, but to keep their own views and 
 measures secret and concealed, in order to carry out 
 the better, by an external show of sang froid and 
 seeming carelessness of manner, plans which might 
 otherwise meet with public opposition. The spirit of 
 this sort of worldly wisdom, or rather cunning, to be 
 adopted in the affairs of social, religious, and poli- 
 tical transactions, chiefly emanated from the second 
 general of the order, Laynez, who so modified the 
 sombre and over-rigorous rules of the first founder 
 as better to fit the members for social intercourse in 
 the management of affairs so closely connected with 
 the sole object in view — the universal sovereignty of 
 
XV111 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the holy chair against the attacks of Protestantism, 
 princes, and national bishops. This was the task 
 allotted to the Jesuits, who tried to accomplish the 
 object in view under the pretext of promoting 
 throughout the world true religion or the honour of 
 God (in major em Dei gloriam, as is manifest from 
 the inscription of their escutcheon), by acting upon 
 the minds of the youth, in the establishment of 
 schools, and of the adults, by means of social inter- 
 course, the confessional, and the pulpit. At the 
 death of Laynez (1565), that spirit had already pene- 
 trated so deeply into the internal life of the orde^ 
 that neither the example of monastic piety practised 
 by his successor, Francis Borgia, nor the suggestion 
 of the popes, Paul IV. and V., to assimilate the 
 pious devotions of the order to those of the other 
 monastic orders, produced the least effect upon the 
 members. 
 
 Their missions out of Europe had been crowned 
 with almost incredible success. Francis Xaver and 
 his assistants have converted to Christianity within 
 
INTRODUCTION. XIX 
 
 ten years, from 1541 to 1551, hundreds of thousands 
 of heathens, in Goa, Travancur, Cochin China, Ma- 
 lacca, Ceylon, and even Japan, Brazil, and Paraguay, 
 where subsequently the Jesuit missionaries brought 
 about the subjection of the aborigines, amongst 
 whom they had previously introduced the light of 
 civilization and education. Africa alone seemed deaf 
 to the teachings of the Jesuits; the natives of the 
 western coast would not suffer the missionaries to 
 approach their territory ; the Copts in the east lite- 
 rally drove them away; while the Abyssinians 
 treated them even as spies and traitors. On the 
 other hand, their influence in Europe had increased 
 so rapidly that all traces of the effects of the Re- 
 formation were soon lost and annihilated in the 
 Catholic states of this part of the world. 
 
 Claudius Aquaviva, a descendant of the ducal race 
 of Atri, the fourth general of the Jesuits (1581 — 
 1615), became the creator of their famous school 
 system, and the plan of education as adopted in 
 all, the Jesuit colleges. Their teachers were distin- 
 
XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 guished for erudition, the arts, and the sciences, 
 and no wonder that the order soon inspired the 
 learned -world with deep respect for their esta- 
 blishments. But the Jesuits also knew how to 
 profit from their position, capacities, and fame. 
 Their establishments and estates increased from day 
 to day, their churches and confessionals were never 
 empty, while legacies and donations flowed in abun- 
 dantly on all sides. The particulars of their internal 
 constitution they wished to be neither known nor 
 imitated. Consequently, when a number of females 
 in Italy and the lower Rhenish provinces had formed 
 a notion (1623) to establish an order of female 
 Jesuits, similar in constitution, functions, and classes 
 to that of the male Jesuits, the latter induced the 
 pope (1631) to interdict the formation of such an 
 order. 
 
 Notwithstanding the high favour in which the 
 Jesuits stood with the princes and the people in the 
 different states of Europe, the non-jesuitical clergy 
 and the university professors soon discovered the 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXI 
 
 mischief which had been worked by them. They 
 became odious to the bishops, curates, and univer- 
 sities by their prominent privileges, to the old 
 monastic orders by their encroachments upon their 
 rights and clerical duties, and finally to the govern- 
 ments and judicial authorities by their meddling 
 with politics and state transactions, the evil effects of 
 which were seen in Portugal under the reigns of 
 John III. and Sebastian (their pupil), when, after 
 the death of the latter, Portugal had been trans- 
 ferred by their intrigues to the Spanish crown. For 
 twenty years the parliament and the high clergy of 
 France, therefore, stoutly opposed the attempt of the 
 Jesuits to settle in the kingdom. The university at 
 Paris declared the order useless, and incompatible 
 with the rights of the Gallican Church, and it was 
 only owing to the favour of the court that they were 
 allowed (1562) to settle in France under the name of 
 " fathers of the college of Clermont/' and by fore- 
 going all their most important privileges. Gradu- 
 ally, however, they recovered their rights and privi- 
 leges, and more especially during the civil war, 
 
XX11 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 under the protection of the Guises, though they had 
 been suspected of participation in the murder of 
 Henry III. In 1594, it is true, they were banished 
 from Prance, on account of the murderous attempt 
 of their pupil, Chatel, upon the life of Henry IV. ; 
 but in 1603 they had not only returned to Prance, 
 but were even playing their former part of confessors 
 at the Prench court. 
 
 At still greater eminence had they arrived in Ger- 
 many under the Ferdinands II. and III., while in 
 the thirty years' war they displayed political talents 
 of an extraordinary character ; they were in fact the 
 soul of the Liffue, which did hardly anything of im- 
 portance without their advice and consent. By means 
 of the Jesuit pater Lamormain, confessor of the em- 
 peror, Wallenstein fell, and Bavaria was saved for 
 Austria. 
 
 In Prance, however, a new storm broke over their 
 head, through Pascal's " Lettres Provinciates" 
 (1666), in which they were charged with loose 
 
INTRODUCTION. XX111 
 
 morals, selfish motives, unfair means, mental reser- 
 vation, &c. ; while, in some towns of Italy, many of 
 the members had been guilty even of seduc- 
 tion and violation — odious acts which brought 
 the order into general disrepute throughout Europe, 
 and compelled them to fly in order to escape the 
 popular rage, or Lynch-law of the present day. 
 But what particularly offended the middle classes 
 against the Jesuits was their mercantile traffics 
 with the raw productions of the trans-Atlantic coun- 
 tries where their missionaries had settled. Also 
 in France, the mercantile speculations which they 
 carried on, despite all papal orders to the con- 
 trary, were the chief cause of their fall and ruin. 
 Ever since 1743, they had established, through 
 their missionary, Pater Lavalette, a regular house 
 of business at Martinique, which bought up all 
 the raw productions of that and the neighbouring 
 West India islands, and shipped them to France. 
 Two vessels, laden with a large cargo of these pro- 
 ductions, valued at two millions of francs, had, how- 
 ever, been captured by the English. They had been 
 
XXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 consigned by Lavalette as a remittance in payment 
 to the house Lioncy, at Marseilles, and as the 
 Jesuits would not hear the loss of the cargo, or re- 
 imburse the amount, an action was brought against 
 them, when they were condemned to the full pay- 
 ment of the debt and costs. That lawsuit was also 
 the means of bringing to light many other abuses 
 and frauds in their transactions and mercantile deal- 
 ings. Laurence Bicci, their general, having refused 
 to modify in the least the constitution of the order, 
 by his declaration — " Sint ut sunt, aut non sint," (It 
 must remain as it is, or cease altogether,) a royal de- 
 cree (1764) abolished the order as a political society, 
 despite the protestations of Pope Clement XIII. 
 
 They were also expelled from Spain in 1767, and 
 soon afterwards likewise from Naples, Parma, and 
 Malta, which at last induced Pope Clement XIV. 
 entirely to dissolve the order in due form (21st July, 
 1773) by his bull — " Dominus ac redemptor noster." 
 
MODERN JESUITISM, 
 
 THE JESUITS, 
 
 Since the Dissolution of their Order by Pope 
 Clemens XIV. in 1773. 
 
 The fable of the Hydra in the ancient mythology 
 has become re-east into an historical fact in modern 
 times under a different name, the " Order of Jesus." 
 This many-beaded monster of papal usurpation had 
 in process of time become so intergrown with the 
 spirit of ultramontane Catholicism, that neither 
 the hatred of the Cabinets, nor even the bull issued 
 by Pope Clemens XIV., by which the order was so- 
 lemnly and formally dissolved, had the effect of an- 
 nihilating its existence in the true sense of the term. 
 After the promulgation of that bull, the Jesuits 
 were certainly so far obedient to the papal injunction 
 as to discontinue living congregated under one roof, 
 or to appear in pubHc in the costume of their order ; 
 but beyond these outward compliances they consi- 
 
 B 
 
2 DEATH OF CLEMENS XIV. — HIS SUCCESSOR, PIUS VI. 
 
 dered the bull as regarded the effectual abolition of 
 the order invalid, unbinding, and contrary to the 
 spirit of Catholic progress. Abandoned by the head 
 of their church, the ex- Jesuits redoubled their 
 efforts to keep the scattered fraternity in active zeal 
 and union, hoping that at no distant time the restora- 
 tion of the order would follow in the natural course 
 of events. To this anticipation they were not a little 
 encouraged by the death of their inveterate enemy, 
 Pope Clemens, which ensued under rather suspicious 
 circumstances one year after the promulgation of 
 the famous bull, as also by the favourable reception 
 they had met with in some parts of Europe, in spite 
 of the papal warning and denunciation. Neither 
 were they mistaken in their speculation ; the suc- 
 cessor of Clemens, Pope Pius VI., proved a warm 
 friend of the order. He tacitly approved of their 
 movements, and was only restrained by considerations 
 for the courts of the Bourbons, from re-establishing 
 the order in due form and solemn procession. He 
 allowed them, however, to receive novices in some 
 parts of Europe, and more especially at Vienna and 
 Naples, where they were soon at their old game of 
 working miracles and enlisting the feelings of the 
 
INTRIGUES OF THE EX-JESUITS. 3 
 
 masses by pampering to their senses by all sorts of sen- 
 sual tricks and intrigues. Bysucb and similar means, 
 the Jesuits succeeded in reconstructing their broken 
 institution in many states of the Catholic world, 
 assisted as they were in their manoeuvres by the 
 ready sympathy of the masses, who looked at them 
 as martyrs and persecuted members of society. 
 Neither had their influence become less decisive and 
 powerful even at some of the Catholic courts of 
 Europe. In Portugal, under the bigoted Maria 
 Francisca (1777-1792), they managed even to remove 
 from the Administration the enlightened Pombal, to 
 destroy all that statesman had effected for the moral 
 and material welfare of the country, and to re- 
 introduce the whole rubbish of old abuses which 
 Pombal had been at so great pains in clearing away. 
 In Bavaria the lewd and hypocritical Charles Theodor 
 (1779-1799) was a ready machine in their hands. 
 In his dominions of the Lower Ehine, the dissolution 
 act of the order was confined to a trifling change 
 in the dress, while the members continued to live to- 
 gether in their college at Diisseldorff, where they re- 
 ceived novices (under the appellation of ex- Jesuits) and 
 acted upon the whole as if nothing had happened to 
 
 b 2 
 
4 ASCENDANCY OF THE JESUITS IN VARIOUS STATES. 
 
 check their baneful operations. At the university of 
 Ingolstadt (Bavaria) most of the professors were 
 ex-Jesuits in disguise. In Austria, under Leopold 
 II. and Francis II., they were the soul of the re- 
 action then stirring against the reforms of Joseph II., 
 while in Belgium they were even among the ringleaders 
 of the insurrection which had broken out in conse- 
 quence of those reforms. So great indeed was their 
 power in Belgium, that they set their face for a long 
 time against the Abolition-act of Clemens, and not 
 less against the Government 'who had ordered the 
 enforcement of its provisions. They even appeared 
 in public in the costume of their order, and enrolled 
 new members as in the previous periods.* At their 
 college at Liege, depravity and debauchery had 
 placed (1779) a great number of the students under ; 
 medical treatment for secret diseases. It was aHo. 
 in Belgium whence the proposition emana'teiWflJffiO)* 
 for the restoration of the order ; and the example was 
 imitated in 1793 by the Catholic cantons of Switzer- 
 land, where the proposal was supported by eleven 
 bishops at Rome and most of the Catholic bishops 
 in Hungary. The outbreak of the first French 
 
 * Vide Sequel. 
 
THEIR HOSTILITY TO THE FRENCH INNOVATIONS. 5 
 
 revolution, the ex-Jesuits ascribed, in pamphlets and 
 from the pulpit, as a just retribution of Heaven for 
 the sin committed against their order. With the 
 dissolution of the order, they said, the bulwark of 
 both the throne and the altar has been demolished ; 
 and the consequence was, anarchy and infidelity, 
 evils that can be remedied only by the restoration of 
 the order, which commands implicit obedience to 
 God and to the rulers by his right. Neither would 
 they have failed to accomplish their object in those 
 stormy times, if the triumph of the French arms had 
 been less signal. Exasperated in the extreme against 
 Prance and her innovations, they kindled the civil 
 war in the Vendee, which, as it assumed the character 
 of a war of religion, was also attended by all the 
 horrors that usually characterise such a war. The 
 emblem of the heart of Christ, which served as a sign 
 of recognition among the secret disciples of Loyola, 
 had been found to exist at that time also among 
 the rustic royalists of Western France, and Charette, 
 one of the chiefs of the Vendee insurrection, had 
 that very emblem even embroidered on the collar of 
 his coat, though he was far from being an orthodox 
 enthusiast. 
 
NICOLO PACCANAKI. 
 
 PACCANARI AND THE "FATHERS AND 
 MOTHERS OF FAITH." 
 
 The FreDch revolution, while it prevented on the 
 one hand the formal re-establishment of the order, 
 stimulated on the other hand its regeneration, 
 though under a different name. The general sym- 
 pathy which was aroused at the European courts 
 in favour of the ex-Jesuits, by the efforts of the 
 French emigrants abroad, was suddenly brought 
 into action by the appearance of Nicolo Paccanari, 
 an adventurer and native of Tyrol. From a tailor 
 (at Trient) he became a papal soldier, and after the 
 outbreak of the French revolution he thought he 
 could contrive to restore the Jesuit order. For 
 that purpose he repaired to Vienna, where he in- 
 gratiated himself with the bigoted Archduchess 
 Maria Anna, and persuaded her to spend her private 
 property in the endowment of an institution under 
 the title " Fathers of Faith." Pius VI. confirmed 
 (1792) the new society for fear of meeting, as was 
 
THE EX-JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 7 
 
 plainly hinted to him by Paccanari, with a similar 
 end as did his predecessor, who it was rumoured had 
 died of poison. Pius even allowed the members 
 of the new society to wear the costume of the Jesuits 
 with some trifling addition, and took them under his 
 special protection, while the Austrian Duchess went 
 in her zeal so far as even to establish various colonies 
 of the "fathers " beyond Austria, and more especially 
 at Venice, whence they soon spread all over Italy, 
 France, Holland, and England. 
 
 Like many other refugees, the ex-Jesuits too, 
 had found an hospitable asylum on Britannia's 
 shores, where Thomas Weld (father of Cardinal 
 Weld) farmed out to them a magnificent mansion 
 (Stonyhurst), with considerable lands attached to it, 
 near Blackburn in Lancashire, for a mere nominal 
 rent, while in his Will he bequeathed the whole 
 property to them unconditionally. The pious fathers, 
 as may be imagined, converted the mansion into a 
 college, after the model of the Jesuit institutions 
 abroad, and they found so much support and en- 
 couragement from the rich Catholic inhabitants in 
 England that they were soon enabled to build a 
 second establishment or college, Kensington House, 
 
O THE JESUITS IN FKANCE. 
 
 nearly opposite the palace of that name. Stony hurst 
 became afterwards the nursery and mother of all 
 other similar establishments in England, while the 
 existence of Kensington House was but of short dura- 
 tion. The latter had been frequented mostly by the 
 sons of the French emigrants of rank, and was con- 
 ducted by the Abbe Broglie, son of the Marshal of 
 that name. The members, from national pride, 
 refused for a long time to acknowledge as their su- 
 perior a Mr. Stone, the rector of Stonyhurst and pro- 
 vincial of the " fathers of faith " in Great Britain, who 
 in return refused them the loan of money to defray the 
 expenses of their establishment, which in consequence 
 fell into decay, bankruptcy, and final dissolution. 
 
 It was in Prance, however, where the " fathers of 
 faith " (alias Jesuits) had made the greatest progress. 
 Every castle of the expatriated nobility served them 
 as a loophole, whence they carried on their operations 
 all over the country, until they found warm friends 
 and supporters in the influential Cardinal Feseh and 
 the Abbe Emery, superior of St. Sulpice. At the 
 intercession of the former, Napoleon granted (1800) 
 the fathers, in violation of the law of 1792, the free 
 settlement at Lyons, whence they successfully endea- 
 
THEIR PROGRESS THERE. 9 
 
 voured to spread throughout the country, under the 
 various names of " fathers of faith," Paccanarites, and 
 " adorers of Jesus." At Amiens, Belley, and various 
 other places of France, they established schools, which 
 were soon numerously attended by nearly all classes 
 of society. But when, encouraged by success, they 
 attempted at proselytism even among the medical, 
 polytechnic, and law students at Paris, Napoleon 
 ^thought it advisable to abolish (1804) all their insti- 
 tutions, and order the members to return to their 
 respective homes, and live there in the character of 
 lay-clergy. The imperial order was however but 
 imperfectly obeyed ; the favour and protection of 
 Fesch and his sister, the mother of Napoleon, enabled 
 them to continue uninterruptedly, though secretly, 
 their active intrigues, even in the French metropolis 
 itself. Nay, they even contrived to re-establish there 
 their institution, though Napoleon himself would 
 never give his consent to it, despite the low profane 
 flatteries which they bestowed on him.* In revenge, 
 
 I 
 
 * In one of the catechisms composed? by them at that 
 
 period, it is said — "To honour and serve the Emperor is to 
 honour and serve God himself; that those who fail in their 
 duty towards our Emperor render themselves worthy of 
 eternal damnation." — Montglavre and Chalas, p. 388. ' 
 
 B 3 
 
10 PACCANARl's NEW INSTITUTION. 
 
 the " fathers" managed in 1809 to establish in Italy a 
 widely-ramified society under the name of the " Theo- 
 cratico-anti-Napoleon Union/' which, when discovered 
 in 1810, was found to number so many men of high 
 rank and distinction, that Napoleon thought proper to 
 restrict his punishment to only thirty of the ringleaders. 
 About the same time Paccanari himself met with a 
 sad end. This man, a mixture of greatness and 
 meanness, of boldness and temerity, who, himself one 
 of the most uneducated of his class, had declared 
 that the only means of salvation for the present 
 generation is to be sought in reducing the human 
 race to the ignorance of the barbarous ages — this 
 Paccanari, we say, had persuaded the Archduchess 
 Maria Anna, who resided at that time at Rome, to 
 found also there a female society under the name 
 " Mothers of faith," and to entrust him with the 
 entire management of the institution. The Inqui- 
 sition, however, soon suspected that Paccanari, who 
 had in the eyes of his votaries already advanced to 
 the rank of a saint, had some other rather sensual 
 motives for frequenting the female institution besides 
 that of praying with the pious sisters. An investi- 
 gation took place (1804), when he was found guilty 
 
HIS SAD END. 11 
 
 and condemned to perpetual imprisonment, from 
 which lie was however delivered by the entrance of 
 the French into Rome. New misdemeanors, how- 
 ever, brought him again into prison, from which 
 he made his escape, to terminate his life, as it ap- 
 pears, in a more fatal way. His body was found 
 in the Tiber pierced by daggers. His influence had 
 however been on the wane in Italy long before that 
 catastrophe, owing less to his own adventures and 
 intrigues than to the tyranny with which he treated 
 his subordinates in the discharge of their duties. 
 Many of his adherents had abandoned him long 
 before his death, and repaired to their brethren in 
 Prance, England, or Russia, in which latter country 
 the Jesuits had lived for a century in undisturbed 
 peace and quiet. 
 
12 THE JESUITS IN RUSSIA. 
 
 THE JESUITS IN RUSSIA, 
 
 After the Dissolution of the Order; their formal 
 Restoration in that Empire in 1801. 
 
 It was a phenomenon not less strange than remark- 
 able, that the collective members of the Jesuit order 
 should, after their banishment from their homes, the 
 Catholic countries, not only find an asylum, but even 
 be allowed to establish themselves formally and to 
 carry on their previous movements in countries such 
 as England, Holland, and Prussia, where they had 
 always been considered as the bitterest enemies of 
 the throne and the church. Still more surprising is 
 the tenderness with which the disciples of Loyola 
 were treated in Russia in the days of their adversity. 
 Neither would it be reasonable to ascribe their suc- 
 cess in Russia to feelings of generosity and sympathy 
 entertained by the empress Catherine for the perse- 
 cuted monks, and more especially when we consider 
 tbat their treacherous behaviour to that empire 
 during the previous centuries had induced Peter the 
 Great (1719) to banish them for ever from his 
 
PROBABLE REASONS FOR BEING WELL TREATED. 13 
 
 dominions. The real motive of this favourable 
 treatment must be sought in the political position 
 of Russia at that period. Shortly before the disso- 
 lution of the order by Clemens XIV., the division of 
 Poland had taken place (1772), when, in the share 
 obtained by Catherine II. for Russia, was included 
 also the province White Russia, where the Loyolites 
 possessed several colleges and owned more than 
 10,000 serfs, and where their influence upon the 
 ignorant and brutish population was without parallel. 
 The Empress saw at once the great advantages to be 
 gained in the new province, by making active allies of 
 the religious body, and by becoming herself the pro- 
 tector or patron of the order. She might moreover 
 also have been actuated to the step, by a desire to 
 show to the world how little authority the pope pos- 
 sessed in her Catholic dominions, that, notwithstand- 
 ing his bull for the dissolution of the order, she was 
 resolved to keep the latter intact in Russian Poland ; 
 and secondly, perhaps, to be saved the expenses of 
 providing national instruction for the Catholic youth 
 in the newly acquired province, a consideration which 
 also induced Frederick the Great to tolerate the order 
 (though under a different name) in Silesia, after their 
 
14 empress Catherine's favour to the jesuits. 
 
 banishment from the Catholic countries. If these 
 were indeed her motives for the mode in which she 
 acted in the case of the Jesuits, the Empress was not 
 mistaken in her calculations. The good services 
 which the Jesuits subsequently rendered her by their 
 intrigues and plots against the very country where 
 they had been overwhelmed for centuries with kind- 
 ness and privileges, have greatly contributed to seal, 
 perhaps for ever, the destiny of unhappy Poland. 
 
 It was in vain that Charles III. of Spain added his 
 exertions to those of the holy father to dissuade 
 Catherine from her resolution to take under her 
 protection the order and its members. The Empress, 
 in reply, referred to the Charter she had granted in 
 1772 to all Catholic institutions generally, from 
 which grant, she alleged, the subsequent bull of 
 dissolution had no power to exclude even the order of 
 the Jesuits. She even threatened Clemens XIV. to 
 withdraw her protection from all her Catholic subjects, 
 should he insist on the execution of his bull in her 
 dominions. The consequence was, that she not only 
 confirmed the " fathers " in the undisturbed posses- 
 sions of all their estates in White Eussia, but even 
 exempted them from all ground-rent and taxes on 
 
STANISLAS, ARCHBISHOP OF MOHILOW. 15 
 
 the same, and allowed them to receive in their circle 
 as many of the ex- Jesuits abroad who should be in- 
 clined to settle in her dominions. 
 
 A certain Stanislas Sestrenzevicz (previously a 
 Calvinist, and Prussian officer in a hussar regiment, 
 but, since 1774, Catholic bishop of Malvi in White 
 Russia) was in 1778 provided by Pius VI. with un- 
 limited power and control over all the ecclesiastical 
 orders in his diocese. Aware of the real sentiments 
 of the new pope as regarded the Jesuit order, Stanis- 
 las at once granted (1779) to his protegees, the Loyo- 
 lites, the formal establishment of a noviciate in White 
 Russia, in return for which favour, the latter pro- 
 moted by their influence with the Empress, the ele- 
 vation of Stanislas to the newly created archbishopric 
 at Mohilow. The " fathers " did so, however, under 
 the condition that one of the members of their order, 
 Pater Benislowski, should be installed coadjutor to 
 the new metropolitan. Benislowski repaired (1783) 
 on an imperial mission to Rome, to obtain for the 
 new archbishop the pallium, in which he succeeded 
 after considerable difficulty. He was, however, not 
 so fortunate in the second part of his mission, to re- 
 store in due form the order of the Jesuits, as the pope 
 
16 CREATION OF A VICAR-GENERAL IN RUSSIA. 
 
 could not possibly accede to the request without 
 irritating the courts of the Bourbons. Pius found 
 it nevertheless expedient tacitly to sanction the 
 election (1782) of Ezernievitz as Vicar-general of 
 their order in Russia, the election having been made 
 by the resident Jesuits there by permission of the 
 Empress. 
 
 It may not be unimportant to mention, that 
 Catherine II, showered all these favours on the 
 "fathers" under the strict condition, Jthatf none of 
 their action's and movements should in 1 a&yj|j r ay clash 
 with*4jhel4eitj|blished law^' of the land, and that their 
 own sMtufes^should in erery.|respeet be-in harmony 
 with those of the Russian' empire. Catherine's suc- 
 cessor, Paul I., was even a greater admirer of the 
 Loyolites than his mother. He saw in them, at the 
 representations of the French emigrants, a mighty 
 bulwark against the further spread of revolutionary 
 notions. He granted them (18O0)>the- use of the 
 Catholic church in his metropolis, allowed, them <to 
 establish there a school, which they soon converted 
 into a regular college, and supported with great zeal 
 the efforts of their Vicar-geheral Kareu for the formal 
 restoration of the order throughout Europe. His 
 
 
ATTEMPT TO RESTORE THE ORDER IN FRANCE. 17 
 
 success in that respect was however only partial; 
 Pius VII. could only be persuaded to grant (1801) 
 the restoration of the order in the Russian empire 
 alone, naming Kareu General of the Jesuits residing 
 in that country, but he would not venture to extend 
 that measure to the other countries of Europe. 
 
 RESTORATION OF THE ORDER IN NAPLES 
 AND SICILY. 
 
 From this partial restoration of the order, may be 
 dated its formal and general regeneration a few years 
 afterwards. Having formed secret unions throughout 
 Europe, Pater Gabriel Gruber (successor of Kareu in 
 Russia) applied (1803), through the medium of the 
 French ambassador at Vienna, to Napoleon Bona- 
 parte for the restoration of the order in France, pro- 
 mising in return a constant readiness on the part 
 of the order to promote the Consul's political views 
 in any way possible. The First Consul . not being 
 anxious to form such a dangerous alliance, returned no 
 
18 RESTORATION OF THE ORDER IN NAPLES. 
 
 reply to Gruber's letter. The latter was, however, 
 more successful with Ferdinand IV. of Naples, who 
 had in his younger years, though he greatly contri- 
 buted to the dissolution of the order, become a con- 
 vert to the Czar's views by bitter personal experience 
 and the fatal results of the French revolution. The 
 delegate of Gruber, Pater Angioli, found it there- 
 fore no difficult matter to persuade Ferdinand to join 
 in the application to the pope of granting the same 
 favour for Naples as he did for Russia. Pius 
 VII. readily complied with the request by a breve 
 (1804). After the lapse of a few months, the Jesuits 
 occupied already at Naples three mansions, which 
 they were about to convert into schools and convents, 
 when, unfortunately for them, the French took 
 possession (1806) of the greatest part of the kingdom, 
 and Ferdinand and his court were obliged to fly and 
 take up their abode in Sicily. Thither the French 
 commander shipped also his favourite Loyolites, who 
 by Ferdinand's liberality numbered in 1814, in Sicily, 
 200 members, with four colleges and one noviciate. 
 
GENERAL RESTORATION OF THE ORDER IN 1814. 19 
 
 GENERAL RESTORATION OP THE ORDER 
 BY PIUS VII. IN 1814. 
 
 The year 1814, which saw the triumph of old 
 Europe over the great son of the Revolution, wit- 
 nessed also the formal restoration of the society of 
 Jesus in all the states of Catholic Christendom. It 
 was the first act of Pope Pius VII. after his release 
 from captivity, which he had undergone for five years, 
 since 1808. This general restoration was one of the 
 consequences of a time when both Catholics and Pro- 
 testants were bent upon re-introducing old institutions 
 into the new order of things, that they might serve in 
 future as a defence against the demon of revolution. 
 On the 7th August, 1814, the holy father, Pius VII., 
 repaired in solemn procession to the Jesuit church at 
 Rome, where, after saying mass at the altar of St. Ig- 
 natius, he ordered the public reading of the bull (Sol- 
 licitudo omnium Ecclesiarum), in' which he restored 
 the order of Jesus, together with the whole of its 
 
20 FALSE REASONS FOE RESTORING THE ORDER. 
 
 constitution and privileges, in all Catholic countries 
 indiscriminately. The contents of that bull are full 
 of contradictions, if not untruths. He speaks in it 
 of the dangers that were still surrounding the Chair 
 of Peter, though he well knew that they no longer 
 existed since the termination of the war, which, on 
 the contrary, had opened the best prospects for papal 
 aggression by the general mania in Europe, of reduc- 
 ing everything to the old anti-revolutionary regime. 
 He further assures in it, that he restored the order at 
 the earnest request of the whole Catholic world, while 
 in truth, France, Germany, and Holland only learnt 
 for the first time from the papal bull itself, that they 
 had ever eviriced an anxiety for the restoration. It is 
 even a notorious fact that the Emperor Francis I. 
 showed great reluctance to comply with the papal bull, 
 and that also the Prince Regent of Portugal and Brazil 
 (afterwards King John VI.) had formally protested 
 (1815) against the repristination of the order, and 
 openly declared that he would never tolerate the Jesuits 
 in his dominions, nor ever enter into negotiations 
 with the holy father on the subject. It was in fact 
 only Spain, Italy, and a few cantons of Switzerland, 
 that rejoiced at the restoration of the order, and for 
 
ATTEMPT TO CONTROL PUBLIC EDUCATION. 21 
 
 some years afterwards the order was indeed only in 
 these countries legally acknowledged by the state, 
 while in the rest of Europe the Governments were ex- 
 tremely slow in complying with the holy father's will. 
 
 THE ORDER IN RUSSIA UNDER 
 
 ALEXANDER I. 
 
 Until their Expulsion in 1820. 
 
 We have seen in the foregoing pages how kindly 
 the Loyolites were received and treated in Russia by 
 Catherine II. and Paul I. Neither did Alexander I. 
 treat them less so after his accession to. the throne. 
 In , 1805 the General of the order, Berzozowsky 
 (successor of Gruber), conceived the plan of bringing 
 into the hands of the order, the whole depart- 
 ment of public instruction in that most schismatic 
 empire. The first steps towards the accomplish- 
 ment of the plan consisted in the attempt at having 
 their own college at Palozk raised to the rank of a 
 university, and endow it not only with all the 
 privileges peculiar to the other universities of the 
 
22 THE JESUIT COLLEGE AT POLOZK. 
 
 empire, but also and chiefly with the control 
 and supervision of all the schools of the order 
 existing throughout Russia, a right that exclusively 
 belonged to the state, or Minister of Public In- 
 struction. The attempt gave rise to disputes be- 
 tween the Jesuits and the faculty of the University 
 of Wilna, at that time the most exalted in Russia. 
 The struggle assumed the same bitter character which 
 distinguished similar conflicts before and since that 
 period, between the pious fathers and the Catholic 
 universities at Paris * and other places. Assisted by 
 the powerful influence of Count Joseph de Maistre, 
 the Sardinian Minister at the court of St. Petersburg, 
 Alexander granted the Jesuits their request, and 
 raised the college of Polozk (1812) to the rank of 
 a university, against the will and remonstrances of 
 Prince Galitzin, the then Minister of Worship and 
 Public Instruction. 
 
 If the disciples of Ignatius would only possess in 
 the days of prosperity half the prudence, moderation, 
 and perseverance which we cannot help admiring in 
 them in times of their adversity, verily, the dominion 
 of the world, after which they are continually striving, 
 
 * Vide Sequel. 
 
THEIK, ATTEMPT AT PROSELYTISM. 23 
 
 and of which they had so frequently possessed them- 
 selves, would not so easily escape their grasp, and 
 their triumph and glory might, at all events, not 
 be subject to so frequent changes and vicissitudes. 
 Happily for mankind, however, the beams of fortune 
 dazzle their sight, intoxicate their senses, and stimu- 
 late them to the commission of extravagant follies, 
 by which they lose at one blow all the advantages 
 they have gradually gained by long and hard labour 
 and intrigues. Thus it happened with them also in 
 Russia. Filled with pride at the victory they had 
 obtained over their foes, and at the favour and con- 
 fidence reposed in them by the Emperor Alexan- 
 der, they began to set at nought the laws of the 
 land, which strictly prohibit proselytism and con- 
 version from the established reHgion of the empire. 
 They soon threw out their nets with increasing impu- 
 dence also among the votaries of the Greek church, 
 whose children they frequently kidnapped for the 
 salvation of their young souls, but also to the dis- 
 tress of the parents and indignation of the previous 
 Government, while they had confined these baneful 
 operations to the Jewish and Protestant inhabitants 
 alone. 
 
24 THEY SUCCEED IN CONVERTING P0PILS. 
 
 The want of proper teachers and tutors, which was 
 then felt in Russia in a far higher degree than at 
 present, had induced several distinguished families in 
 the empire to intrust the Loyolites with the educa- 
 tion of their children. So long as their schools stood 
 under the immediate control of the state, the Jesuits 
 thought it too dangerous to extend their conversion 
 plans beyond the limits of the law. No sooner, how- 
 ever, had Government confided to them the authority 
 over the schools, and reserved for itself only the 
 superintendence of the Polozk university, than the 
 pious fathers believed that the time had arrived when 
 they might dispense with reserve and moderation. 
 A great number of Greco- Catholic pupils in their 
 schools soon became converts to the Roman Catholic 
 Church ; and through the children the Jesuits found 
 an easy way to the hearts of the mothers and other 
 female relatives. The operations of conversion were 
 carried on with such impudence and success among 
 the higher circles, that even several ladies of rank, 
 attached to the court, had secretly embraced the 
 Roman Catholic religion against the will of their 
 families. Not satisfied with these illegal proceedings, 
 the "fathers" believed they might also engage with im- 
 
THE CONVERSION OT PRINCE GALITZIN. 25 
 
 punity in a warfare against the British Bible Society, 
 which Alexander had encouraged throughout Russia 
 with so much zeal and religious enthusiasm. The 
 Loyolites saw in this Anglican propaganda a very 
 dangerous rival, which they tried to combat and sup- 
 press by any means in their power. Even the en- 
 treaties, nay, the threats of the minister Galitzin, 
 were unable to restrain them in their outrageous 
 attacks upon that favourite society of the emperor, 
 to which step they were in some measure encouraged 
 by the formal and universal restoration of the order 
 by Pius VII., which modified to a great extent the 
 Russian character which the order had hitherto 
 borne in the empire. As it now stood under the 
 direct authority of Rome, that of the czar was na- 
 turally brought in question, and the Loyolites no 
 longer considered themselves citizens of Russia. 
 Two circumstances in particular accelerated the ca- 
 tastrophe in the political drama of the order in that 
 empire. Prince Alexander Galitzin, nephew of the 
 afore-mentioned minister, after having visited for 
 two years the college of the pious fathers at St. 
 Petersburg, openly declared, in 1814, his conversion 
 to the Roman Catholic church, a circumstance 
 
 c 
 
26 CONVERSION AND FATAL END OF A PRINCESS. 
 
 ■which excited the more attention, as he had, until 
 that period, been notorious for his fanatical attach- 
 ment to the established church of the country. 
 Although he was at once removed from the college, 
 and installed among the pages at court, he clung to 
 his new religion with all the devotion of an orthodox 
 Catholic, and was even once seen clad in the dress of 
 a penitent monk, with curious amulets hung round 
 his neck, and a scourging girdle round his body. 
 It was long, before the Archbishop Philaretkes 
 succeeded in bringing him back to the religion of 
 his family. While the above event was still the talk 
 of the town, another intrigue of a similar character 
 plunged one of the first families in the empire into 
 the deepest mourning. A charming young princess 
 had been by her parents confided to the instruction 
 of a disciple of Loyola, who, to convert her to his 
 creed, continually represented to her in the most 
 fiendish colours the eternal torments she would have 
 to undergo beyond the grave as a heretic. The 
 poor girl, unwilling on the one hand to offend her 
 parents, and wishing on the other to accustom herself 
 in lifetime to the torments by fire, which she was 
 sure awaited her after death, tried to exercise herself 
 
THEIB EXPULSION FKOM THE TWO METROPOLES. 27 
 
 into endurance by scorching her body several times 
 a day with a hot-burning copper pan, until the re- 
 peated agonizing pain at last threw her on a sick 
 bed, from which she never rose. 
 
 These facts induced the Emperor Alexander as soon 
 as he was informed of them, to comply at least partially 
 with the urgent requests of Galitzin and the whole of 
 the Greek and Protestant clergy. He issued (January, 
 1816) an imperial ukase by which the Jesuit College 
 at St. Petersburg was dissolved, and the members of 
 the order banished from the two metropoles (Moscow 
 and St. Petersburg) of the empire. It was a heavy 
 blow for the order, no less than the holy father, to be 
 scorned by the very monarch who was then considered 
 to be the representative of traditional legitimacy 
 throughout Europe, who, after the example of his pre- 
 decessor, had protected the order with almost paternal 
 care, and in whose dominions the Loyolites had found 
 a cheerful home for nearly half a century. Alexander 
 undisguisedly declared in the afore-named ukase that 
 " he had earned but indifferent thanks from the order 
 upon whom he and his ancestors had lavished so many 
 favours, and that he had great reason to complain of 
 the intrigues of the members to destroy the peace of 
 
 c2 
 
28 INTERVIEW WITH THE GRAND-DUKE CONSTANTINE. 
 
 the country., &c. &c." It may easily be imagined, that 
 the pope and the order left no means untried to induce 
 the czar to revoke the ukase. Alexander, however, 
 remained inexorable. 
 
 Soon after the banishment of the Jesuits from the 
 two metropoles of Russia, two of the worthy members 
 arrived at Warsaw, for the purpose of requesting the 
 Grand-Duke Constantine to allow them to establish a 
 college in the Polish capital. Not venturing, how- 
 ever, to make such a bold request after their recent 
 expulsion from the Russian capitals, they began 
 by asking the favour of an audience from the grand- 
 duke, naming for its object the permission for them- 
 selves and a few of their exiled brethren to take up 
 their residence at Warsaw during the cold winter 
 season. The readiness with which Constantine 
 granted them their reasonable simple request during 
 their interview with him, encouraged the fathers to 
 enter into the details of their sufferings, and as the 
 grand-duke seemed to listen to them with interest 
 and sympathy, they had the imprudence or rather im- 
 pudence to take chairs and sit down at the side of 
 Constantine without his having bid them to do so. 
 In the heat of their gesticulation, they gradually 
 
THEIR IMPUDENT BEHAVIOUR TOWARDS HIM. 29 
 
 approached so near the grand-duke as frequently 
 to touch his arm. The latter felt so annoyed 
 at the familiarity, that he rose and called for his 
 carriage. The two fathers, however, far from taking 
 the hint, actually followed him to the very steps of the 
 carriage, and were about to enter it after Constantine 
 had taken his seat, when the latter, losing all patience, 
 said to them : " Now I am truly sick of it ; you have 
 just shown me, my good fathers, the manner in which 
 your order is accustomed to abuse the least favour 
 held out to them. Within one single hour you have 
 become, from timid petitioners, impudent claimants, 
 not even allowing me the free use of my own time and 
 carriage. I now limit your abode at Warsaw to only 
 fourteen days." The anecdote was told by the grand- 
 duke himself to the French ambassador, the Duke of 
 Richelieu, and it certainly speaks volumes of the 
 spirit that pervades the order. That Alexander did 
 not visit them with the whole extent of his wrath, and 
 banish them from the whole of his empire, instead of 
 only the two metropoles, was no doubt owing to the 
 fear he entertained lest they might reveal some un- 
 pleasant family secrets in which the heads of the 
 order at least were initiated by their familiar inter- 
 
30 THE JESUITS EXTEND THEIR WORK OP PROSELYTISM. 
 
 course with the courts of Catherine II. and Paul I. 
 Among the papers of Gruber (predecessor of Ber- 
 zozowski) were found, the czar knew it well, letters 
 from his father, Emperor Paul, which were calculated 
 highly to compromise himself and the whole house of 
 Romano w. Neither were the fathers ignorant of the 
 moral hold they had on the emperor, since they con- 
 tinued their labours of proselytism with unabated 
 energy even after that partial expulsion from the 
 metropoles, when the order still counted (1816) 
 674 members in the various parts of Russia. Alex- 
 ander, though fully informed of the fact, still thought 
 it proper to shut his eyes to their doings, and this 
 show of leniency emboldened the fathers to extend 
 their work of proselytism unreservedly and not with- 
 out success even among the military circles of the 
 empire. This fear of tell-tale exposure, explains also 
 why Alexander would not listen to the urgent request 
 of Berzozowski, and allow him to leave Russia and fix 
 his abode at Rome, at the solemn and repeated invi- 
 tation of the pope. He remained almost a prisoner 
 at Polozk to the end of his life, to the 5th February, 
 1820. 
 
 Since their partial expulsion from Russia, vindic- 
 
THEIR EXPULSION FROM THE WHOLE OF RUSSIA. 31 
 
 tiveness prompted the fathers to excite even the 
 Chinese against the czar, and it was indeed chiefly 
 owing to their influence, that some of the learned tra- 
 vellers who had been sent by the Russian government 
 on a scientific mission to China were not allowed to 
 remain at Peking. Some time before the death of 
 Berzozowski, Alexander was authentically informed of 
 the existence of a conspiracy by the order, having for 
 its object nothing less than the restoration of the 
 independence of Poland and the elevation upon its 
 throne of a scion of the old Poniatowsky family. They 
 had gained a great number of partisans to the cause at 
 St. Petersburg, Moscow, Smolensk, Wovonesch, Arch- 
 angel, and even at Cherson in the Caucasus. Alex- 
 ander waited, however, patiently, until the death of 
 Berzozowski (which the Jesuits alleged was not 
 natural) before he ordered the total and eternal ex- 
 pulsion of the Loyolites from the Russian empire. 
 This was done by an ukase of the 20th March, 1820. 
 Apprehending a rise in their behalf by the peasantry 
 of their localities, military divisions were dispatched 
 thither to watch and hasten their departure. The 
 university at Polozk, and all the other schools and 
 colleges of the order were abolished, and the pupils 
 
32 REASONS ASSIGNED FOR THEIK EXPULSION. 
 
 transferred partly to the episcopal seminaries and partly 
 to the university at Wilna. The territorial possessions 
 or domains of the order were sequestrated by the 
 crown, and the revenue applied for the benefit of the 
 Roman Catholic churches in Russia. The pious 
 fathers were brought at the expense of government 
 under escort to the frontier of the empire, where each 
 received from thirty to fifty ducats travelling expenses. 
 Most of them repaired to Rome, Vienna, or Galicia, 
 where they met with hospitable receptions. 
 
 The reasons assigned in the ukase for the total ex- 
 pulsion of the Jesuits were : their love of intrigues, 
 proselytism, meddling in family affairs, and seduction 
 of the feeble sex. Of the discovered conspiracy, 
 however, not a word was mentioned; the Russian 
 government generally does not Hke to talk loudly of 
 even the possible existence of such phenomena, and 
 events of such character are usually suppressed se- 
 cretly, and without the process of judicial formalities. 
 To the above assigned reasons, which are in them- 
 selves of sufficient force, another was added in the 
 official report of the minister Galitzin. It says, 
 "that the Loyolites, who profess to educate the 
 whole human race, have nevertheless left their own 
 
THE EMPEROR IS CONVINCED OP THEIR BASENESS. 33 
 
 serfs, amounting to more than 22,000 souls, in the 
 greatest ignorance possible, as also in the most 
 wretched state of physical misery. During his 
 travels through the interior, the emperor has had 
 numerous opportunities to convince himself of the 
 fact. He had met on the high roads numbers of 
 those individuals, who, having by physical sufferings 
 become unfit for hard bodily labour, were cast as 
 beggars upon society, provided with certificates to 
 that effect from their masters, the Jesuits. The em- 
 peror," the report continues, " had frequently spoken 
 on the subject to the pater-general, and observed 
 that it seemed to him incompatible with the doc- 
 trines of Christianity, to throw upon public charity 
 wretched serfs, and more especially when those who 
 have caused their ruin have ample means in hand 
 to provide for their bare existence." The report, or 
 act of accusation, concludes with the general obser- 
 vation: — "All actions of the Jesuits have no other 
 motive than that of their own benefit, and no other 
 object than the unlimited aggrandizement of their 
 power, while they have no equals in the skill of dis- 
 covering a plausible excuse or authority for any of 
 their meanest actions, in the statutes of their order." 
 
 c 3 
 
34 THE ORDER IN SPAIN. 
 
 RESTORATION OP THE ORDER IN SPAIN 
 IN 1815, AND ITS EXPULSION IN 1835. 
 
 By a peculiar coincidence, in the same year that the 
 Loyolites were expelled from one extreme part of 
 Europe, they met with the same fate in also the 
 opposite extreme part of Europe. Already in 1799, 
 King Charles IV. had recalled to his dominions the 
 surviving members of the order whom his father had 
 banished thence. But as the popular feeling of the 
 nation was against their presence, the king was 
 obliged, after the lapse of a few years, to rebanish 
 them from Spain. An attempt by Berzozowski, in 
 1812, to induce the Cortes to their recall, equally 
 failed. No sooner, however, had Ferdinand VII. 
 ascended the throne, than he thought proper to re- 
 invite the Jesuits, and more especially as the pope 
 had about the same time restored the order through- 
 out Catholic Christendom. Like many of his brethren 
 by the grace of God, he was of opinion that the sons 
 of St. Ignatius were the best pillars of thrones, and 
 that they were unparalleled in the art of quieting the 
 
FERDINAND VII. RE-INTRODUCES THE JESUITS. 35 
 
 consciences of monarchs who did not find it to their 
 interest to keep their solemn promises made in time 
 of need to their subjects. Indeed, the warm recom- 
 mendations and urgent solicitations addressed by the 
 pope to Ferdinand, in favour of the Jesuits, seemed 
 quite superfluous, as regarded the personal feelings 
 of the king, though they greatly assisted to render 
 harmless the opposition he had met with by the high 
 Council of Castilia on that point. Despite the almost 
 unanimous opposition of the Council, Ferdinand issued 
 (29th May, 1815) a decree for the re-establishment of 
 the order throughout Spain, and the restoration to 
 its members of all their previous domains, which had 
 not been disposed of. Emanuel Zuniga (provincial 
 of Sicily), who had been deputed from Rome to regu- 
 late the relations of the order in Spain, was received 
 at Madrid, where he had arrived in company of 
 fathers Ossuna and Be Silva, with great popular de- 
 monstrations of joy and satisfaction, and even the old 
 rivals of the Jesuits, the Dominican and Franciscan 
 monks, showed their satisfaction by accompanying 
 the new comers in solemn procession to the capital. 
 At the invitation of Zuniga, 115 grey-headed Spanish 
 Jesuits soon made their appearance in the metro- 
 
36 THE JESUITS ARE FAVOURED BY THE PEOPLE. 
 
 polis, to whom was transferred, by order of the 
 monarch (29th March, 1816), the royal college at 
 Madrid, with all its estates and revenues. The col- 
 lege instruction commenced on the same evening 
 with an introductory lecture by the professor of 
 mathematics, who opened his discourse by remarking 
 that " all the evils that had befallen Europe for the last 
 thirty years are solely the results of the extravagant 
 notions of enlightenment and education propagated in 
 the last century, and calculated to mislead men to re- 
 bellion and impiety. I therefore propose to teach only 
 arithmetic, algebra, and geometry, as the lecturing 
 on the higher branches of mathematics might seduce 
 pupils into materialism and atheism." .... Aware of 
 the high opinion entertained by the monarch of the 
 loyalty, utility, and powers of the Jesuits, and the 
 great hold they had upon him, the whole population, 
 as if with a simultaneous consent, conceived all of a 
 sudden a great liking for the order. Twenty-five of 
 the most prominent towns of Spain petitioned in the 
 most vehement manner the monarch to favour them 
 with the godly men. At Barcelona, Valencia, Cadiz, 
 Sevilla, and Tortosa, public festivities were held at 
 the reception of the joyous tidings, that the monarch 
 
SPANISH YOUTH INDUCED TO ENTER THE ORDEK. 37 
 
 had complied with their request, while at Navarre 
 and Guipuzcoa the arrival of the Jesuits was solem- 
 nized as a national holiday. Already, towards the 
 close of the year 1815, the order possessed in Spain 
 ten colleges, while the continual demand for new in- 
 stitutions rendered it necessary to renovate the old 
 superannuated stock hy new Jesuit-recruits. To in- 
 duce the Spanish youth to enter the order, a very 
 mild, almost loose discipline was introduced in the 
 noviciates, in direct opposition to the rigorous statutes 
 of the order. Instead of accustoming the young men 
 to ahstinence and labour, the profuse luxuries of their 
 table could compete with any princely in the king- 
 dom, while the permission they so easily obtained of 
 retiring for days and weeks to the country-seats be- 
 longing to the order, naturally encouraged them to 
 indulgence in all sorts of excesses and debauchery. 
 
 In return for the services rendered to them by 
 Ferdinand VII. and his people, the Jesuits have done 
 their best to render the reign of that prince one of the 
 most execrable, and the condition of his people one of 
 the most wretched and deplorable on earth. They 
 were the soul, the invisible movers of that Camarilla 
 whose low intrigues and abominable manoeuvres con- 
 
38 THE REVERSES OF THE JESUITS IN SPAIN. 
 
 verted within a few years the majority of the servile 
 adorers of Ferdinand into his bitterest enemies, and 
 who forced him in the end, to sanction and accept the 
 constitution of 1812. Neither did the Loyolites fare 
 much better under the revolutionary agitations. The 
 re-established Cortes (1820) re-abolished the order, 
 and applied its revenues and domains to the benefit of 
 the public treasury. Each of the old Jesuits who had 
 come over from Italy received a pension of 300 
 ducats so long as he remained in the country, but 
 they were obliged to lay aside the costume of the 
 order, and officiate as lay-priests under the jurisdiction 
 of the local bishops. The novices were all restored to 
 their friends and relations, while those who had 
 actually entered the order remained under the same 
 category as the old members, with the only exception 
 that the amount of their pension was rather smaller. 
 The reverses of the Jesuits in Spain were however 
 of very short duration. Assisted by the arms of 
 France, Ferdinand recovered his unlimited sove- 
 reignty, and with it re-introduced the order in Spain 
 (1824), restored to the members their privileges and 
 property, and extended even much farther their con- 
 trol and authority over the institutions of national in- 
 
THEY VASTLY INCREASE IN NUMBER. 39 
 
 struction. Even in the new military school, founded 
 at Segovia in 1825, the professors of theology, history, 
 politics, and geography belonged to the Jesuit order, 
 while father Gil received even the appointment of 
 president of the royal Ordnance-college of the same 
 place. Besides many other grants and privileges, 
 Ferdinand entrusted them also with the civil admi- 
 nistration of the country, and did in fact hardly any- 
 thing of importance without consulting his beloved 
 fathers. No wonder, that under such extraordinary 
 favours the number of the members had increased 
 from 397 in 1820, to 900 in 1826. The order be- 
 came moreover the wealthiest class in the whole 
 kingdom, and there was hardly a family of rank and 
 distinction in which a Jesuit did not officiate as 
 chaplain or confessor. The Jesuits now began to re- 
 claim the restitution of their domains in Spain, 
 which had been sequestrated and disposed of to pri- 
 vate individuals some fifty years ago. They refused 
 to refund even a part of the purchase-money, and 
 went to law with the holders, who in most cases were 
 even condemned to pay the costs of the suit. The 
 enormous wealth of the order about that time may 
 be gathered from the fact, that they bought for ready 
 
40 THE PART THEY TOOK IN THE CIVIL WAE. 
 
 cash from Government the domains of their old foes, 
 the Franciscans, for 20,000,000 piastres (4,000,000Z.); 
 and still more remarkable is the reply of the provin- 
 cial of the Jesuits to one of his old lay friends, 
 who wondered at the large amount : the order, he re- 
 plied, was resolved to he possessed of those domains, 
 and would have paid down even double the amount, 
 had Government insisted upon the figure. 
 
 In the civil war which ensued after the death of 
 Ferdinand VII. (1833), the Jesuits took the part of 
 Don Carlos, whose sons had been educated in their 
 schools according to the custom of the old Spanish aris- 
 tocracy. Pater Mariano Puyal had been entrusted 
 since 1824 with the education of the present pretender 
 to the throne, the Count Montemolin. They spared 
 neither money nor intrigues to procure the ascendancy 
 for their favourite don. The rancour of their party 
 spirit was so notorious, that a rumour found ready 
 credit among the masses, to the effect that they had 
 poisoned the wells of Madrid, which report caused a 
 most frightful popular outbreak in that place against 
 them. National guards, accompanied by numbers of 
 infuriated citizens, assembled (17th July, 1834) before 
 the college of the worthy fathers, with the cry of 
 
POPULAR REVENGE ; EXPULSION OP THE JESUITS. 41 
 
 " Poison, poison ! death to the Jesuits." The latter 
 were about to make their escape, when the bolted 
 gates were broken open by the people, whose rage 
 now knew no bounds, and more especially after having 
 been fired at by the besieged within the gates. The co- 
 adjutor (Ruedas),the prefect of the seminary (Carassa), 
 together with twelve other members, were killed on 
 the spot, while some others were mutilated for life by 
 the loss of an ear, cheek, and other barbarous atro- 
 cities. No injury was however done to the pupils 
 of the college, nor was the order formally abolished, 
 before July 1835, so that the surviving fathers had 
 more than a year's time to save and secure at least a 
 great portion of their wealth (estimated at 300,000,000 
 reales, or 3,000,000Z.) . It was only in 1835 that a 
 royal decree appeared ordering the banishment of 
 the Jesuits, the abolition of their college and other 
 establishments, and the sale of their property for 
 the public exchequer. The Jesuits of Spanish descent, 
 however, were permitted to remain in the country, 
 Government allowing to each of them five reales (one 
 shilling) per diem. Many of the latter made their 
 way to the northern provinces, which still adhered 
 to Don Carlos. After these provinces were however, 
 
42 INTRODUCTION OF THE ORDER IN PORTUGAL. 
 
 in 1839, brought under the authority of the consti- 
 tutional queen (Maria Christina), the Jesuits were 
 obliged to leave Spain altogether, though they sub- 
 sequently found means of returning to their old 
 haunts, under the secret protection of the petticoat - 
 government. Thirteen Jesuits retook possession of 
 their college at Cordova in 1844, while more than a 
 hundred members of the order are still found scat- 
 tered about in various parts of the kingdom. 
 
 INTRODUCTION OF THE ORDER IN POR- 
 TUGAL BY DOM MIGUEL IN 1829; ITS 
 EXPULSION BY DOM PEDRO IN 1834. 
 
 Of far shorter duration was the restoration of the 
 order in the neighbouring Portugal. We have men- 
 tioned above, that King John VI. had addressed a 
 very energetic protest to the pope in 1815, against 
 the admission of the Jesuits in his dominions ; to this 
 view he adhered to the last, and would have nothing 
 to do with the pious fathers. It was only his son, 
 
DOM MIGUEL FAVOURS THEIR RETURN. 43 
 
 Dom Miguel, who resolved (10th July, 1829) to open 
 the country to the disciples of St. Ignatius " for the 
 advancement of the welfare of his dear subjects/' as 
 he alleged. In the decree for their admission, he 
 however plainly stipulated, that neither the pro- 
 perty nor the privileges which they previously pos- 
 sessed in Portugal should ever be restored to them 
 on their return to the country. The fathers on 
 their arrival at Lisbon (29th August, 1829) were 
 but sparingly provided with pecuniary means by 
 Dom Miguel, owing to the sad state of his own 
 finances, and it was only in December, 1830, that 
 their old institution at St. Antonio, in the capital, 
 was restored to them by Government, while more 
 than another year elapsed before they received back, 
 at the intercession of Bonaventura, Archbishop of 
 Evora their old famous college at Coimbra (9th Jan., 
 1832). The first pupils therein were the three sons 
 of the Countess Oliveira (granddaughter of the great 
 Pombal !). The Jesuits were however not long in the 
 enjoyment of these possessions. No sooner had Dom 
 Pedro expelled from the throne the usurper, than he 
 hastened to banish from Portugal Miguel's protegees, 
 the pious fathers. The decree of their banishment 
 
44 THE JESUITS LEAVE PORTUGAL FOE EVER. 
 
 was dated (24th May, 1834) nine days after the de- 
 cisive battle of Asseceira, and only two days before 
 the treaty of Evora, by which Dom Miguel resigned 
 the throne of Portugal for ever. The decree proved 
 fatal to the Jesuits. At Coimbra they were arrested, 
 and like culprits dragged from prison to prison, 
 until they were lodged in the horrible tower of 
 St. Julien, from which they were however soon re- 
 leased by the intercession of the French ambassa- 
 dor, Baron Mortier, who claimed them as his 
 countrymen. They then left Portugal for ever, as 
 they said, most of them turning to Italy, and parti- 
 cularly to Rome and Naples. 
 
PIUS VII. GREATLY FAVOURS THE ORDER. 45 
 
 THE ORDER IN THE PAPAL STATES.— 
 INTERNAL SQUABBLES. 
 
 Pater-General Roothaan. 
 
 The eternal city has only since the death of Ber- 
 zozowski become the focus of the " order of Jesus." 
 In later times, we have mentioned above, the Emperor 
 Alexander would not allow Berzozowski, the general 
 of the order, to quit Polozk, and take up his resi- 
 dence at Rome; by this means Polozk had re- 
 mained until the death of the general the real seat of 
 the government of the order. The death of Ber- 
 zozowski (1820) forms an epoch in the annals of 
 the order. Pius VII. had lavished his favours upon 
 the order ever since its restoration in 1814. On the 
 same day of its repristination, he also restored to the 
 order the three palaces which they formerly possessed 
 at Rome, and endowed moreover very richly in the 
 following years their new colleges at Viterbo, Urbino, 
 Orvieto, Ferrara, Terni, Tivoli, Eano, Perentino, and 
 Benevento. The immense progress which the Jesuits 
 had since made throughout Italy, had greatly excited 
 
46 THE ELECTION OF A NEW GENERAL DELAYED. 
 
 the jealousy not only of all the other orders, but also 
 of a considerable number of the lay-priesthood at large. 
 After the death of Berzozowski, the opponent orders 
 united their efforts to suppress the Jesuits, or at 
 least to lessen their influence with the pope. 
 
 They found powerful allies in the ambitious "father" 
 Mariano Petrucci (rector of the noviciate at Genoa, 
 and temporary vicar-general of the order), as also in 
 the Cardinal della Genga. It is to this day not 
 clearly understood, what the motives of the cardinal 
 might have been to act as an opponent to the 
 Jesuits, since it was well known that he belonged to 
 the Zelanii, or the orthodox party, who were always 
 in favour of the order. Be this however as it may, 
 it is a fact, that having been appointed by Pius VII. 
 papal vicar, or head of the ecclesiastical administra- 
 tion at Rome, he put all sorts of obstacles in the way 
 of the clerical chapter-general, who had assembled 
 for the election of a new general for the order, in the 
 place of Berzozowski deceased. He found a great 
 supporter in Petrucci, who expected to become gene- 
 ral of the order by the peremptory and direct autho- 
 rity of the pope, who might have used that prero- 
 gative in order to make an end to the protracted 
 
DISMISSAL OF PETRUCCI FROM THE CHAPTER. 47 
 
 interregnum. Petrucci and Delia Genga would pro- 
 bably have carried their point, or the pope, disgusted 
 perhaps at the split in the camp, would have thought 
 proper to allow the order to fall into decay, had it 
 not found a warm protector in Cardinal Consalvi, 
 secretary of state. The latter, though by no means 
 a friend of the order, was however induced to take it 
 under his protection, out of spite to Delia Genga, an 
 old enemy of his, whose plans he was glad to have an 
 opportunity of thwarting. He effected a papal de- 
 cree (3rd October, 1820) abolishing the vicarage- 
 general and ordering the speedy election of a general 
 for the order. After considerable delay on the part 
 of the opponents, in which the pope was again obhged 
 to interfere by a second decree, the chapter at last 
 met for the purpose of election. But Petrucci, the 
 president of the chapter, having found fault with the 
 written powers presented by the deputies of England, 
 France, and Italy, which were as he said irregular, 
 and not in due form, objected to the admission of 
 those deputies as competent electors. He was how- 
 ever outvoted on that point, and as he still protested 
 against the decision, and even threatened to appeal 
 to another tribunal, the chapter dismissed him from 
 
48 PATER LTTIGI FORMS IS ELECTED GENERAL. 
 
 his post as president. The election now proceeded 
 without interruption, and on the 18th December, 
 1820, Father Luigi Fortis (aged seventy-two years) 
 was elected general of the order. Petrucci, who was 
 tried before a commission, was fonnd guilty, but 
 having shown great penitence, he escaped punishment, 
 while his accomplices were expelled for ever from the 
 society. 
 
 Pius VII. having died (20th August, 1823), Car- 
 dinal della Genga ascended the holy chair of St. 
 Peter (28th September, 1823) under the name of 
 pope Leo XII. It was fully expected that he would 
 now take his revenge, and suppress, or at least inflict 
 injuries upon the order; neither did the Jesuits 
 themselves anticipate much less, from his well known 
 vindictive character. They were however agreeably 
 mistaken ; no sooner had he entered upon his ponti- 
 ficate, than he evinced the most benevolent feelings 
 towards the order. In January, 1824, he made over 
 to the members the college Romano, the oratory del 
 Caravita, the Gregorian observatory, as also all the 
 other institutions founded by them previous to the 
 dissolution of the order in 1773, the restoration 
 of which having been hitherto refused to them. 
 
FRESH FAVOURS GRANTED BY THE NEW POPE. 49 
 
 The college Romano, which was opened in November, 
 1824, remained until very recently an ecclesiastical 
 university, while the Caravita oratory, or church, was 
 devoted to nocturnal missions, i. e., the Jesuits held 
 there nocturnal sermons and religious exercises ; they 
 also confessed there lay-people and granted absolu- 
 tion in the hours of night. Leo XII. subsequently 
 also assigned to them the old Jesuit college in his 
 native place, Spoleto, as also the Borromi palace, 
 which had originally been built by the Jesuits, and 
 was of an enormous size. After the dissolution of 
 the order in 1773 it had been let to private families. 
 In 1826 it was occupied by about forty families, 
 exclusive of the numerous shops and magazines on 
 the ground floor. All these tenants and occupiers 
 were now suddenly ejected by the Jesuits, who took 
 possession of the building, and separated it by a wall 
 from the adjoining edifices. 
 
 The result of the extraordinary favour shown by 
 Leo XII. to the Jesuits was that, at his death (10th 
 February, 1829), their number had so increased at 
 Borne, that there were not institutions in sufficient 
 number to hold them all. A new settlement was in 
 consequence prepared for them without the precincts 
 
50 ELECTION OF ROOTHAAN AS GENERAL. 
 
 of the city. After the death of their general, Forbes, 
 (fourteen days after that of the pope,) the Jesuits expe- 
 rienced new vexations from the other orders at the 
 election of his successor, but were soon released from 
 their difficulties by the energetic interposition of Car- 
 dinals Pacca and Gregorio, who, themselves rivals for 
 the Tiara, gave, nevertheless, their votes in the con- 
 clave in favour of their colleague, Castiglioni, after 
 having obtained from him the solemn promise that 
 he would without delay decree the election of a new 
 general for the order. No sooner had he ascended 
 the holy chair (as pope Pius VIII.) than he ordered 
 the immediate convocation of the chapter for the 
 speedy election of a general for the order. The 
 chapter met at Rome on the 20th June, 1829 j and 
 after ten days deliberation, the election fell on father 
 Roothaan. 
 
 With the exception of Aquaviva (died 1615), the 
 order did not possess for its chief a man so young 
 in years, and yet so endowed with various acquire- 
 ments and possessing such pre-eminent talents as 
 did Koothaan, who is to this day (we believe) the 
 propositus generalis of the order. He was born at 
 Amsterdam on the 20th November, 1785, and served 
 
HIS CAREER AND ABILITIES. 51 
 
 for some time as clerk to Myaheer Mos, a tobacco 
 manufacturer of that place. At the age of nineteen, he 
 entered (1804) the college of the Jesuits at Palozk, 
 where he displayed considerable tact, talent, and ac- 
 tivity. At forty-five, he was elected general of the 
 order, and was not unjustly called the greatest poli- 
 tical head and the most skilful pilot to whom the 
 vessel of the society of Jesus was ever confided. The 
 general opinion at Home was, that Heaven deigned to 
 signify its approval of his election by a miracle. On 
 the ninth day after his election (18th July) a frightful 
 storm had broken over the eternal city at the moment 
 when eighty of the disciples of Jesus were assembled 
 for prayer at the chapel of St. Louis Gonzaga. The 
 lightning entered at two points of the chapel and 
 passed through the midst of the praying monks with- 
 out inflicting the least injury to any. " A miracle, a 
 miracle! " shouted the assembly, in which cry the pious 
 fathers of course joined with heart and soul. Though 
 it cannot be denied, that the successful schemes of 
 the Jesuits were at that period greatly promoted by 
 the spirit of the age, by a general re-action in favour 
 of religious fanaticism, with which even the most 
 enlightened courts of Europe seemed affected, it 
 
 d2 
 
52 GREGORY XVI. AND ROOTHAAN. 
 
 must be admitted on the other hand, that Roothaan's 
 distinguished talents had not a little contributed to 
 the success of the order. He was, properly speaking, 
 not only the leader of his own order, hut virtually the 
 moving spirit and absolute ruler of the whole ecclesi- 
 astical administration within the dominions of the 
 pope, and even of the Vatican itself. Hence the 
 lamentable condition in which the succeeding pope 
 had found at his accession the affairs of his country 
 and his people, Father Roothaan having turned every 
 available interest and resource of the state not only 
 to the sole advantage of his order, but also to the 
 great injury and neglect of the moral and material 
 welfare of the country generally. Thus it happened, 
 that during his absolute power, even the erection of 
 railways, for instance, was wholly out of question in 
 the papal states, as he was bent to keep the in- 
 creasing masses of the citizen-beggars more and 
 more dependant on the support of the wealthy order 
 of Jesus. Gregory XVI., who succeeded (2nd Feb- 
 ruary, 1831) pope Pius VIII., was a mere puppet in 
 the hands of Roothaan, and did all he could, soon 
 after his accession, to benefit the Jesuits, even to 
 indemnify them for the losses they had sustained at 
 
THE OLD COLLEGES RESTORED TO THE JESUITS. 53 
 
 the hands of the insurgents in Italy soon after the 
 July revolution in France. 
 
 The insurgents had stormed their colleges at 
 Spoleto, Fano, Forli, Ferrara, and other places, and 
 forced the fathers to save themselves by flight ; and 
 though tranquillity was soon restored by the inter- 
 vention of the Austrian troops, much damage had 
 been done to the buildings and their contents. 
 
 One of the first decrees of the new pope consisted 
 in a provision of quite a novel character ; it invited 
 all the monks of whatever order living at Rome to 
 accustom themselves to the pious and ascetic exer- 
 cises adopted by the Jesuits. The Jesuit-church was 
 chosen for the theatre of, and father Finetti as the 
 instructor in, those exercises. Soon afterwards (2nd 
 October, 1831) Gregory XVI. issued an edict, by 
 which the whole system of education adopted in all 
 the schools throughout the papal states, including 
 the two chief secular universities, at Bologna and 
 Sapienza at Rome, was to be reformed in the true 
 spirit of the Loyolites, while five years afterwards 
 (1836), the same pope likewise entrusted them with 
 the exclusive management of the famous college of the 
 Propaganda. Still later, he restored to them the 
 
54 NEW SAINTS GRANTED TO THE OBDER. 
 
 Loretto and Illyrian colleges, which had been under 
 their control before 1773. 
 
 In addition, pope Gregory granted to the order a 
 boon of a spiritual character, that of beatising a great 
 number of the members. A beatification (i. e., the 
 pope raising the individual into the rank of the lower 
 nobility in heaven) is fraught with heavy expenses ; 
 it costs about 25,000 dollars, while a canonisation 
 (i. e., the advancement to the rank of the highest 
 aristocracy in heaven) costs several hundred thou- 
 sands of dollars, as it entitles the individual to the 
 dedication of altars and churches on earth to his 
 memory. And though the revenues accruing to the 
 papal exchequer from these sources are very con- 
 siderable, yet were the popes usually very sparing 
 and economical in the granting of those celestial pri- 
 vileges, probably not to depreciate the articles in the 
 terrestrial market. It was therefore a great favour 
 which the pope showed to the Jesuits, by granting 
 them as many blessed saints as they were able and 
 willing to pay for. 
 
THE ORDER IN THE TWO SICILIES AND SARDINIA. 55 
 
 THE ORDER IN THE TWO SICILIES 
 AND SARDINIA. 
 
 We have mentioned in the foregoing pages that the 
 Loyolites, after their banishment from Portugal, had 
 made their way chiefly to Rome and Naples, two 
 places where their order was mostly cherished and 
 held in high esteem. We also know, that they stood 
 in very high favour with .Ferdinand IV. (since 1816 
 Ferdinand I.), even before the universal restoration of 
 the order by Pius VII. No sooner had Ferdinand 
 re-entered Naples, than he fetched from Sicily his 
 beloved Loyolites, to whom he restored their old 
 college with all its estates, and entrusting them, more- 
 over, with the almost exclusive education of the 
 nation at large. His successor, Francis I. (1st January, 
 1825), generally acted up to the principles of his 
 father, and created even a new Jesuit college at his 
 own expense, for the exclusive education of the young 
 nobility. Such of the pupils who had distinguished 
 themselves in religion and literature were subse- 
 quently taken in ' special favour by King Ferdinand 
 II. (November, 1830), during whose reign both 
 
56 THEIR SUCCESS IN NAPLES AND SARDINIA. 
 
 the influence and settlements of the Jesuits had in- 
 creased to an enormous extent. In the kingdom of 
 Naples they possessed in 1844, besides the above 
 colleges in the capital, also some at Aquila, Lecce, 
 Maglie, Salerno, and Sorrento; and in Sicily, at 
 Palermo, Caltanisetta, Aleamo, Trapani, Marsala, 
 Monte Albano, Modica, Mazzara, Eoto, Salemi, and 
 Termini. 
 
 In the second kingdom of the Peninsula, at Sar- 
 dinia, the Loyolites acquired a still more brilliant 
 position. King Victor Emanuel, whose patrimony, 
 in addition to the late republic of Genoa, had been 
 restored to him by an act of the Congress of Vienna, 
 had by a long series of misfortunes imbibed on the 
 one hand a deep hatred against the innovations of the 
 present age, and an enthusiastic love for the good 
 olden times with all their traditions and institutions 
 on the other. He played somewhat the part of a Don 
 Quixote in all matters touching legitimacy, and caused 
 even the exotic plants reared in the botanical garden 
 by the French savans, to be torn out and destroyed 
 as Jacobine noxious weeds. No wonder, then, that 
 he took the first opportunity, after the restoration of 
 the order in 1814, to recall to his dominions the 
 
REVENUE TRANSFERRED TO THE JESUITS. 57 
 
 members of the order, " the pious sons of St. Ignatius, 
 the strong pillars of the throne and altar."* Already, 
 in 1815, they had opened at Turin their previous col- 
 lege, and the same they did in the following year 
 (1 816) at Genoa. The king went so far in his partiality 
 for them, that he compelled the university of Genoa 
 to restore to them the domain, which government 
 had, after the dissolution of the order in 1 773, trans- 
 ferred to that university, the annual income of which 
 amounted to about £4000. This violent act of gross 
 partiality no doubt greatly contributed to alienate 
 from him the hearts of the Genoese. The seat of the 
 Muses faded away in the flower of its existence, while 
 the indemnifications promised by the monarch for the 
 withdrawal of those revenues, were never fulfilled. De- 
 spite, however, the unpleasant feelings created thereby 
 in the minds of the people against the Loyolites, the 
 latter succeeded in accumulating in the capital of 
 Liguria, a considerable sum of money. The inha- 
 bitants and noble families, from fear of their power, 
 
 * One of his ancestors, King Victor Amadeus, (died 1732,) 
 had a far different opinion of the Jesuits. He being asked 
 one day, why the Jesuits did not sing high mass, after the 
 custom of the other orders of the Catholic church — " Birds 
 of prey," replied he, "never sing." — Zscholche, p. 283. 
 
 D 3 
 
58 WEALTH AND INFLUENCE OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 not only offered no resistance whatever to the opera- 
 tions of the Jesuits, but even tried to ingratiate them- 
 selves with them by rich legacies and charitable con- 
 tributions, which latter they delivered into the hands 
 of the Jesuits for discretionary distribution among the 
 poor, and the greatest part of which no doubt went 
 into the coffers of the Jesuit Exchequer. Within a 
 short time, the fathers at Genoa were enabled to pur- 
 chase a magnificent country seat at Montebello (in the 
 province Tortona), though they still went begging from 
 house to house for charitable contributions to their 
 poor institution, which few had the courage to refuse, 
 while others agreed to contribute a certain sum per 
 month, amounting in all to upwards of 12,0Q01ireayear. 
 The success and spread of the Jesuits under Victor 
 Emanuel and his two successors, were so extensive 
 that there was hardly a place in Sardinia where the 
 order had not colleges and other institutions of its 
 own, as also the almost unlimited control over all 
 other secular establishments for national education. 
 Its treasury, too, had increased almost daily, 
 by numerous legacies from pious laymen, among 
 which we may mention the sum of 500,000 lire be- 
 queathed by Count Boigne (1822) for the foundation 
 
RESIGNATION OF VICTOR EMANUEL. 59 
 
 and endowment of their college at Chambery. Not 
 satisfied, however, with thrusting the hard earnings of 
 the poor people into the pockets of the sons of St. 
 Ignatius, Victor Emanuel did not scruple to extend 
 their influence over the educational department, and 
 gradually also over the civil administration of the poor 
 country. Queen Theresa and her confessor, the 
 Jesuit Botta, were the actual rulers of the land. Prom 
 them emanated the tyrannical decrees which caused a 
 popular outbreak in 1821, and forced the old monarch 
 to resign in favour of his brother Charles "Felix. The 
 latter proved even more bigoted and partial to the 
 Loyolites than his brother; he frequently went through 
 the pious discipline and exercises of the order, not 
 despising even to wear the robe courte, the apparel of 
 the order. Father John Grassi became his confessor, 
 and it was with this monk that the pater-general, 
 Roothaan, at that time superior of the college at Turin, 
 shared the control over the conscience of the monarch 
 and his court. The first use these two godly men 
 made of their absolute power consisted in the abolition 
 (1821) of the so-called old college delle Provincie, 
 which had been founded in 1729 by Victor Amadeus, 
 in connection with the university at Turin, that col- 
 
60 THE JESUITS RECEIVE CONTROL OVER EDUCATION. 
 
 lege having proved, they feared, a successful rival 
 of their own schools. It has only heen restored of 
 late by King Charles Albert, and christened after him 
 (collegioAlbertine), which step gave great satisfaction 
 to the people, though the Jesuits decried the college 
 as the nursery of heresy and all sorts of vices. Like 
 many of his crowned brethren of our time, King Felix 
 laboured under the impression that the only remedy 
 against popular outbreaks and insurrections consisted 
 in withholding from the masses the light of education, 
 and in narrowing the sphere of their mental develop- 
 ment. The Jesuits were therefore entrusted with 
 the unlimited control over the higher schools of the 
 kingdom, and subsequently also over the universities 
 of Turin and Genoa. They formed the Board of the 
 Riforma, or the supreme tribunal over all the colleges 
 and schools public and private, which were regularly 
 visited by the members of their commission to report 
 on the conduct of these establishments. By these 
 means they had it in their power to appoint at the 
 two universities teachers and professors who proved 
 blind instruments in their hands, and only taught 
 doctrines in conformity with the views entertained 
 by their arbiters, the Jesuits. 
 
THEIR PROGRESS UNDER CHARLES ALBERT. 61 
 
 Also under Charles Albert, the successor of Felix 
 (27th April, 1831), the Sardinian state remained for 
 fifteen years the second Paraguay of the Jesuits. 
 Immediately after his accession he said to Father 
 Grassi : " The order has lost in the deceased monarch 
 a protector and father; I will endeavour to supply 
 both, by my love and favour •" and he honestly kept 
 his word. Like his predecessors he honoured and 
 cherished the Loyolites as the strongest pillars of his 
 throne. He showed himself uncommonly liberal to 
 them, and presented them, among others, with his 
 splendid palace, Doria-Tursi, at Genoa, which they 
 soon converted into a college of their own. Nay, he 
 even compelled the municipal authorities of the place 
 to support the new institution by an annual contri- 
 bution of 10,800 lire. Not unfrequently, he even 
 subordinated his royal authority to the will and in- 
 trigues of the Jesuits to an almost incredible degree, 
 as was plainly seen in the case of the daughter of the 
 late Dutch ambassador (Heldevier) at Turin. His 
 only child and heiress, nineteen years old, had been 
 (in June, 1844) induced by the Loyolites to fly from 
 her father's house, become a convert to the Catholic 
 religion, and take the veil in one of the convents in 
 
62 AN HEIRESS INDUCED TO TAKE THE VEIL. 
 
 that place. All the efforts of the father to recover 
 his child remained fruitless, and in a private audience 
 he had with Charles Albert, the latter expressed his 
 sympathy with the distressed parent, but regretted 
 that he could not interfere in the matter. Even the 
 energetic notes of Count Liedekerke, the successor of 
 Heldevier, assisted by the reclamations of the minis- 
 ters of England, Prussia, and at last also of Austria, 
 had no other result, than that the Sardinian govern- 
 ment declined in the most positive terms any foreign 
 interference in a matter not strictly belonging to their 
 province. The distressed father was obliged to de- 
 part without his child. It was only when the Sar- 
 dinian monarch thought fit to put himself at the 
 head of the liberal party, that the Jesuits lost power, 
 influence, and finally even existence, in Sardinia, as 
 will be seen in the sequel. 
 
 We must not omit noticing here, that the conduct 
 of the Loyolites in countries where they were only 
 endeavouring to acquire power, influence, and do- 
 minion, or where they had still to struggle against 
 dangerous rivals, is far different from that in those 
 states where they were already sure and in quiet 
 possession of power. The recent history of the Je- 
 
THE JESUITS ENGAGED .AS POLICE SPIES. 63 
 
 suits in Sardinia amply illustrates that difference. 
 Capacities and talents, which the pious fathers 
 carefully try to withdraw from the public eye when 
 labouring under misgivings of failure or even uncer- 
 tainty of success, shine forth 'in all their ostentatious 
 glory, as soon as they think themselves safe from 
 attack and competition. Thus in other countries 
 where their position is less secure, they would never 
 have dared to scorn public opinion to that extent as 
 they did in Sardinia, where they were officially . en- 
 gaged as police spies.* 
 
 If the lay clergy, no matter where, could be aware 
 how oppressive the yoke is which the sons of Loyola 
 are trying to place npon them as soon as they (the 
 Loyolites) have succeeded in appropriating to them- 
 selves the sovereign power of their locality, they would 
 assuredly take good care not to promote so devotedly 
 the wishes of the Jesuits, and allow them to settle and 
 gain a footing amongst them. The Sardinian clergy, 
 who, in that respect, merited so much of the society 
 of Jesus, learned at last to their horror, the great in- 
 jury they have inflicted upon themselves by that chari- 
 table and well-meant step. No sooner had the Jesuits 
 
 * Gioberti, IV., 361 ; V., 215. 
 
64 INGKATITUDE OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 obtained the brilliant position at court and in the 
 country to which we have alluded above, than they 
 treated also the other clerical orders with tyran- 
 nical cruelty that increased from year to year. The 
 least opposition to any of their most detestable wishes, 
 was visited by a punishment of the most atrocious 
 and vindictive character. We will cite as an instance 
 the case of the parochial clergy at Genoa., whom the 
 Jesuits had requested to adopt a form of penitence at 
 once novel and immoral. Having refused to comply 
 with the request, they were decried in and without 
 the country as persons given to heresy. They were 
 so terribly persecuted on all occasions, that they 
 addressed themselves to their archbishop, Cardinal 
 Tadini, to have their character sifted and cleared; 
 the latter, however, dared not to intercede energeti- 
 cally in their behalf. 
 
 To the particularly amiable qualities of the Loyo- 
 lites belongs also envy, or hostility against all cha- 
 ritable and benevolent institutions which are not of 
 Jesuitical origin, or stand at least in no connection 
 with them. They hate such institutions, because they 
 look at the founders or managers as rivals in public 
 opinion and public merit, which they claim exclu- 
 
THE NEWLY-FOUNDED CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 65 
 
 sively for themselves. No sooner were infant, and 
 ragged-schools, as also lodging-houses for beggars, 
 established at Turin and Genoa, and other Sardinian 
 towns, than the Jesuits persecuted them with all the 
 animosity peculiar to their character. 
 
 One of them, a certain pater Ferdinand Minini, 
 denounced openly from the pulpit (1838) in the 
 cathedral St. Ambrosio, at Genoa, these institu- 
 tions, and even the savings-banks, and similar 
 other establishments of modern invention, as wicked 
 and sinful, alleging, among others, the circumstance 
 that they were first introduced in Protestant coun- 
 tries, where they are managed and promoted by 
 heretics and irreligious individuals. If, concluded 
 the preacher, such institutions were really for the 
 salvation of pious Christians, they would certainly 
 have been introduced already by the holy apostles. 
 Another pious father, a certain Tibero Sagrini, pro- 
 fessor of elocution at the college of Turin, denounced 
 and condemned (10th Nov. 1844) from the pulpit of 
 the St. Martyrs' s church, in that place, the existence 
 of the " poor lodging houses " in that capital, as sinful 
 and impious. The condemnation gave rise to a cha- 
 racteristic negotiation between the administration of 
 
66 PROMISE BROKEN BY THE PROVINCIAL. 
 
 that charitable establishment, and the provincial of 
 the Jesuits, pater Antonio Bresciani. The latter, 
 in a conference with the directors, assured them, 
 that he had heard with much regret the harsh 
 expressions used by Sagrini, and promised most 
 solemnly, that the same preacher should on the 
 following Sunday not only recall those expressions, 
 but on the contrary recommend the institution to the 
 benevolent attention of the citizens. Sagrini was 
 thereupon ushered into the presence of the governors, 
 when he acknowledged the justice of the promise, 
 and his ready compliance with it. The governors of 
 the institution, rejoiced at the happy turn of affairs, 
 deputed one of their members to the provincial to 
 thank him for his intercession in behalf of the cha- 
 ritable institution. Having repeated his previous 
 promise, he sent for Sagrini to confirm it by his own 
 assurance, which the latter did without reserve and 
 equivocation. On the following Saturday, however, 
 Bresciani wrote to the president, that Sagrini had 
 nothing to recall from any of his condemnatory ex- 
 pressions. And as regarded the sacred promise, it 
 was given, Bresciani argued, confidentially, it was to 
 be kept a secret from the public in the interval, but 
 
SOCIETY OF "BROTHERS OF IGNORANCE. 5 ' 67 
 
 since it had been noised abroad (probably by the 
 Jesuits themselves), he did not think it any longer 
 binding upon his conscience. The Loyolites were, 
 however, unsuccessful in their intriguing attempts to 
 destroy these institutions, and the only thing they 
 did accomplish was, to bring the ragged-schools at 
 Genoa for some time under the conduct and manage- 
 ment of the so-called " brothers of ignorance" an 
 epithet given to the " brothers of Christian schools." 
 The institution was first introduced in France by the 
 Abbe John Baptist de la Salle, (canon of Rheims in 
 1679), and confirmed in 1724 by Pope Benedict XIII. 
 Its object was principally the instruction of the chil- 
 dren of the lower or ignorant classes. Expelled from 
 France in 1790, the society had turned to Italy, and 
 particularly to Sardinia, where they possessed some 
 considerable settlements. Napoleon allowed them (in 
 1801) to return to France; there they had made con- 
 siderable progress during that Emperor's reign, and 
 still more so during the Restoration and the July 
 Government. In 1825, 1400 of the ignorant brethren 
 or fathers occupied in France not less than 210 houses, 
 while in 1842, 2136 members were instructing 150,000 
 children. At the time when the members of the society 
 
68 JESUITS JOIN THE " BBOTHERS OF IGNOKANCE. 
 
 lived in exile in Italy, a close connection seemed to 
 have been formed between tbem and tbe Jesuits, 
 who had passed by the name of fathers of faith, 
 who to conceal the real character of their order 
 passed by as many names as they could properly 
 assume. "We know at least, that a portion of the 
 fathers of faith who had returned to Prance during 
 the emperor's reign, appeared there under the name 
 of christian school brothers (ignorants). There ex- 
 isted, at all events, a close alliance between the two 
 orders at that time, the latter forming, as it were, the 
 tail of the Loyolites in several states, and more espe- 
 cially in the interior of Sardinia, where the elementary 
 instruction was chiefly in their hands. The above- 
 mentioned poor or ragged-schools at Genoa had been 
 founded in the beginning of the eighteenth century 
 by a noble-minded curate, a certain Garaventa, and 
 were supported by voluntary contributions collected 
 by the humane and philanthropic lay clergy ; and yet, 
 strange as it may appear, it is a fact, that the insi- 
 nuations of the Jesuits, that attempts were made in 
 these schools to stifle in the breasts of the children the 
 love and affection for their parents, found ready cre- 
 dence at the court of Turin, when King Charles Albert 
 
THE ORDER IN OTHER PARTS OF ITALY. 69 
 
 ordered thereupon (in Feb. 1838) to transfer these 
 schools to the brothers of ignorance, endowing them at 
 the same time with a considerable annuity. In 1841, 
 however, these public schools had become so com- 
 pletely deserted through the mismanagement of the 
 ignorant brothers, or brothers of ignorance, that a 
 number of the wealthy Genoese citizens founded at 
 their own cost similar schools, which they confided to 
 the care of competent, honest, and worthy lay-clergy. 
 
 THE OEDEE IN MODENA, PAEMA, AND 
 
 TUSCANY; 
 
 Its previous attempts in Lucca. 
 
 The Loyolites possessed in the duchy of Modena 
 not less power and influence than they did in Sar- 
 dinia. Thither they were invited by Erancis IV. soon 
 after his restoration to the throne (16th Oct. 1815). 
 Already in 1816, he had not only restored to them 
 their previous college in the capital, together with all 
 the lands and estates attached to it, but had even 
 founded for them a new settlement at Eeggio. The 
 
70 DESTRUCTION OF ALL CLASSICAL WRITINGS. 
 
 two colleges soon numbered among the largest and 
 wealthiest which they possessed in Italy. The duke 
 having entrusted them exclusively with the depart- 
 ment of public instruction, there were in each of the 
 establishments about 400 day pupils, besides fifty or 
 sixty boarders. They had, moreover, the control 
 over the censorship, the duke's confessor being 
 the president of the executive Board. In that capa- 
 city he caused (in 1829) all private libraries to be 
 visited and examined, and ordered that all the works 
 of poets who have not written in the spirit of the 
 disciples of Loyola, even those of Horace, Ovid, 
 Lucretius, and other ancient classics, should be con- 
 demned to the flames. But his dominion was not 
 confined to that department alone ; it soon extended 
 to the aggregate administration of the whole state, 
 with which the cruel and bigoted duke had entrusted 
 him, to the ruin of its poor inhabitants. 
 
 In the neighbouring Parma, however, the Loyolites 
 were not so successful. It lasted a full century 
 before they could get a footing there. The arch- 
 duchess, Maria Louise, or rather the men who 
 governed in her name, had the merit to respect 
 public opinion, and refused for a long time, at 
 
THE JESUITS ALLOWED TO SETTLE AT PARMA. 71 
 
 the request of the population, the admission of the 
 Jesuits into her territory. It was only in 1844, 
 when Austria interceded in their behalf in such a 
 manner, that she could and would not be denied the 
 request, that the relict of Napoleon was obliged to 
 consent to their admission. She introduced the order 
 (20th March) in her dominions, entrusted it with the 
 management of the grammar schools, and partially 
 also of the higher departments of education. Not 
 long after, various colleges made their appearance in 
 the three towns of the state, at Parma, Piacenza, and 
 Guastalla. General complaints, however, soon arose 
 against the very system of their instruction ; which 
 induced the municipal council at Piacenza to address 
 government (Sept. 1846), and assure it, that the 
 college there was about to be wholly deserted by the 
 students, if the management was not withdrawn from 
 the Jesuits, the parents of the pupils being highly 
 exasperated at the great depravity which prevailed in 
 the institution. 
 
 Tuscany, ever distinguished among the Italian states 
 for its wise and benevolent princes, was also spared 
 until recent times the evils arising from the intrigues 
 of the Jesuits. It was only in 1846, that the Grand 
 
72 "sisters of the holt heart OP JESUS. 
 
 Duke Leopold II., no doubt at the importunate 
 representations of Austria, yielded to the papal re- 
 quest to allow the Loyolites to settle in his dominions. 
 He granted to only a few of them the permission to 
 reside at Montepuleiane, hut he allowed the female 
 Jesuits, the " sisters of the heart of Jesus," to open 
 a school at Pisa. Almost simultaneously with the 
 order of the Jesuits, was founded by Isabella Rosella, 
 of Barcelona, the order of the female Jesuits, which 
 soon spread and progressed, especially in Flanders, 
 and other places in the north, until pope Urban III. 
 thought fit to abolish it in 1631 for the many abuses 
 and disorders that prevailed in it. Although some 
 of these religious sisters were afterwards still found in 
 the Netherlands, at Cologne, "Vienna, and other places, 
 the formal re-introduction of the order only took place 
 in the beginning of the present century by Paeeanari, 
 and after him by pater Varin. In honour of the (dis- 
 solved) order of Jesus, which had for some time adopted 
 the emblem of " devotion to the holy heart of Jesus," 
 Varin gave that name to a female congregation which 
 he founded at Paris. Magdalen Sophia Barat was 
 the first head (general) of the female society " of the 
 holy heart of Jesus." The chief task and endeavour 
 
THE FEMALE JESUITS. 73 
 
 of that society is to become intrusted with the edu- 
 cation of the young ladies among the higher classes, 
 in the same manner as the Jesuits try to lay hold of 
 the minds of young gentlemen of wealthy parents 
 and expectations. They stand in close connection 
 with the Jesuits, whose laws they have adopted since 
 1823, and have formed various extensive ramifica- 
 tions, particularly in France, where, like the latter, 
 they are distinguished for deception, hypocrisy, ambi- 
 tion, and intrigues. 
 
 For the influential position which the Loyolites knew 
 how to acquire in France during the Restoration, they 
 were chiefly indebted to the female members of " the 
 holy heart of Jesus," who belonged to the most no- 
 table and eminent families of the kingdom. Many 
 favours which would never have been granted to the 
 male Jesuits, were willingly accorded to the female 
 Jesuits. The sisters of " the holy heart of Jesus " 
 must, by the bye, not be confounded with those of 
 " the good Shepherd," another branch-society of 
 female Jesuits equally founded in France, for the pur- 
 pose of instructing the daughters of the lower classes, 
 as the former were for those of the higher classes. 
 The " sisters of the good Shepherd " professed, more- 
 
74 THEY WEKE REFUSED ADMISSION AT JISA, 
 
 over, to reform and reclaim girls of irregular life, 
 under which profession they had gained access even 
 in some parts of Germany, but more especially in 
 Bavaria, Switzerland, and Italy ; but while the " bre- 
 thren or fathers of ignorance " formed as it were the 
 tail of the Jesuits, the sisters of the "holy heart of 
 Jesus" frequently formed, on the contrary, their 
 heralds and harbingers. This fact was so notorious, 
 that nearly all classes of society at Pisa, headed by 
 the Faculty of the university, protested against their 
 admission in such energetic terms, that their abode 
 there lasted but a very short period. 
 
 Also the Duchy of Lucca was happy enough to be 
 spared the presence of the Jesuits. It was indebted 
 for this advantage to the peculiar temper of its 
 prince, Charles Louis of Bourbon, who having on 
 his frequent travels in Germany become partial to the 
 mystic Protestantism of Jacob Bohm, had secretly 
 become a convert to the creed, and was naturally no 
 friend of the disciples of Loyola. It is a remarkable 
 fact, and may not be out of place here to mention, 
 that the people of Lucca had always entertained the 
 most unconquerable antipathy against the order in 
 consequence of which the Jesuits never succeeded in 
 
AND IN FORMER TIMES AT LUCCA. 75 
 
 gaining a firm footing in that Duchy, despite their re- 
 peated attempts ever since 1581, when the fathers or 
 heads of the Republic (Lucca was one, from 1450 — 
 1805) declared "that the order had already, during 
 the short time of its existence, shown great similarity 
 with the hedgehog, which draws everything to itself 
 wherever it is allowed to settle; that whoever has its 
 members for his neighbours, is no longer master of his 
 own house ; and that, despite their hypocrisy, all they 
 think about is, to eat and drink well, and play every- 
 where the sovereign lords." They (the heads of 
 the Republic) consequently opposed the plan of the 
 Loyolites so energetically, that the latter were obliged 
 to yield to circumstances, and delay the execution of 
 their scheme until more favourable times. These ap- 
 peared to have arrived for them in the years 1624, 
 1651, and 1660, when their request to settle in the 
 Duchy was powerfully supported by the popes of 
 those times. The Republic, however, remained firm, 
 and would listen to no representations. To the pecu- 
 liar remonstrance of pope Alexander VII. (February 
 1660), who extolled to the Republic the vast merits 
 of the Jesuits, especially in point of national educa- 
 tion, the heads of the Republic replied that, " accord- 
 
 e 2 
 
76 CORRECT ESTIMATE OF THEIR CHARACTER. 
 
 ing to their belief, the order is deficient in efficient 
 teachers, far more so than is generally supposed. 
 Granted, however/' they continued, "that such is 
 not the case, and that the order was a Croesus in the 
 possession of eminent professors, it would never coun- 
 terbalance the disadvantages which might accrue to 
 the Kepublic, by the mischievous propensity peculiar 
 to the Jesuits of meddling with politics." To put 
 a stop to all further attempts of the Jesuits, a law was 
 enacted at Lucca (15th November 1660), threatening 
 to punish as a perjurer any one of the citizens of the 
 Republic who should henceforth venture to agitate 
 the question about the admission of the members of 
 the order, without the consent of seven-eighths of the 
 members of government. How superior in political 
 wisdom to all Catholic, and even not few Protestant 
 governments of the present day, did not the govern- 
 ments of that petty Republic show themselves already, 
 in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries! How 
 far did they not exceed in the correct estimate of the 
 character of the Loyolites and their venomous in- 
 fluence upon society, the so boasted far-sighted judg- 
 ment of our present statesmen ! 
 
THE JESUITS IN LOMBARDY. 77 
 
 THE ORDER IN THE AUSTRIAN 
 DOMINIONS, 
 
 Under its proper name, as also of that of the 
 Ligorians. 
 
 In the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, the Loyolites 
 succeeded but slowly in acquiring admission. Verona 
 was the first to see within her walls a colony of the 
 order. It was indebted for the boon to the bishop 
 Grasser, and chiefly to the very wealthy abbate Alber- 
 tini, who possessed a large estate in Loinbardy, and 
 was the owner of the previous Jesuit college at Verona. 
 Both had for three years been unremitting in their 
 exertions to obviate the obstacles against the admission 
 of the pious fathers. Neither is it probable that they 
 would have succeeded in their endeavours, if Alber- 
 tini had not threatened the citizens to withdraw the 
 100,000 florins, with which he intended to endow a 
 Jesuit college, and rather apply the sum for a similar 
 purpose in some place abroad. Pater Eerari, pre- 
 viously provincial at Naples, was appointed president 
 of the first Jesuit college, opened in Lombardy in 
 
78 THEIR ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE IN AUST11IA. 
 
 1837. A few years afterwards (1842) the fathers es- 
 tablished colleges also at Cremona and Brescia, and 
 in 1844 they regained their old house at Venice. In 
 the metropolis of Austria, the Loyolites gained access 
 much sooner than in her Italian dominions. A por- 
 tion of the Jesuits who had heen expelled from Eussia 
 by the emperor Alexander, had repaired to Vienna, 
 where they met with the most hospitable reception. 
 Already at the time of the Congress of Vienna, im- 
 mediately after their repristination by Pius VII., 
 the Loyolites endeavoured to gain access to that 
 monarchy. Their warmest advocate with emperor 
 Francis I., was the archbishop of Vienna, Count Sig- 
 mund Anton of Hohenwart, an old member of the 
 order and previously tutor of the monarch.* Despite 
 his generally great influence upon his former pupil, 
 all his efforts in favour of the Jesuits remained fruit- 
 less. Metternich, as he had at that period (1814-1815) 
 
 * At the age of sixteen he entered (1746) the old society of 
 Jesus, flourished as professor in their colleges at Grate, 
 Laibaeh, Trieste, and Judenburg, and became shortly before 
 the abolition of the order by Clemens XIV., president of one 
 of the most important colleges in the North, at Linz. After 
 the abolition of the order, he was appointed tutor (1778) to 
 Francis, who promoted him in 1803 to the above high dignity. 
 
EFFORTS TO PERSUADE FRANCIS TO ADMIT THEM. 79 
 
 not as yet belonged to the pious and religious ranks, 
 could not possibly become reconciled to an order 
 whicb had previously proved a curse to the coun- 
 try by their mischievous schemes. In one of the 
 private audiences which the archbishop had of 
 Francis I., the former turned the conversation to his 
 favourite subject, the Jesuits ; but the monarch cut 
 him short by saying, " Let us rather talk of some- 
 thing else." 
 
 Shortly after (10th November 1816), Francis cele- 
 brated his fourth nuptial with Caroline Augusta, 
 second daughter of Maximilian Joseph I., king of 
 Bavaria. She had been married by the command of 
 Napoleon, at the age of seventeen, in June 1806, to 
 the present king of Wtirtemburg, at that time heir 
 presumptive to the throne. There having been no 
 personal attachment in the conventional marrriage, 
 they had both agreed to live separate. After the fall 
 of Napoleon, the princess succeeded in obtaining from 
 the pope a formal divorce from the prince, having 
 taken her oath that the marriage had never been 
 consummated. After her marriage with the emperor 
 Francis, she did her best to persuade the emperor to 
 comply with the pope's request, and admit the Jesuits 
 
80 THE ORDEH. FOUNDED BY LIGUORI OF NAPLES. 
 
 into Austria; but, as Metternich and other states- 
 men were energetically opposed to it, a compromise 
 was effected, and they were admitted under the name 
 Ligorians. 
 
 Alfonsa Maria, of the old aristocratic Neapolitan race 
 of the Liguori, whose beatification by Gregory XVI. 
 was mentioned in the foregoing pages, had founded 
 in 1752 a new spiritual order, to whom he strongly 
 recommended, in his famous statutes^ to follow and 
 imitiate closely the example and virtues of Jesus 
 Christ (the Redeemer). He consequently enjoined 
 the members to teach the lower classes the word of 
 God, and reform their rough minds by spiritual in- 
 struction, catechisms, pious exercises, and missions. 
 Pope Benedict XIV. confirmed the new order in 
 1749, under the name "Congregation of the most 
 holy Redeemer," the members having already then 
 styled themselves Hedemptorists ; and it was his in- 
 tention to use them as a new and vigorous order act- 
 ing upon the lower classes for the benefit and increase 
 of his own power and influence among the masses. 
 For his merits of the Catholic Church, Liguori was 
 rewarded by Clemens XIII. (1762) by his elevation 
 to the bishopric of Saint Agate de Goti in the 
 
81 
 
 kingdom of Naples, where he also enjoyed the friend- 
 ship of the Jesuits, there being a perfect harmony 
 in the aim, object, laws and statutes of the two 
 orders. Liguori, like Ignatius, demanded blind and 
 implicit obedience from the members of his order ; * 
 taught, that the will of the pope must be respected 
 and considered as the will of God ; neither was his 
 moral system less loose and elastic than that of 
 Ignatius. Liguori, too, turned ethics, religion and 
 morals into the most perverted systems of casuistry ; 
 adopted, nay, even enlarged upon the Jesuitical doc- 
 trine Probabilism f by explaining, that one's own opi- 
 nion is sufficient to render his action right and just, 
 though it may be condemned by the whole world. 
 At the time of the abolition of the order of Jesus in 
 1773, many members had therefore no hesitation to 
 enter the Liguori order, or the Redemptorists, which 
 served as an excellent substitute for the abolished 
 one, until the latter was again restored in 1814. 
 Since then the Redemptorist order was amalgamated 
 
 * Quod nihil voluntatis propria habeant, sed tota in eorum 
 manu deposita qui illos gubernant. — Zschohhe, pp. 148, 150. 
 
 f The Jesuits only justify an action when some probable 
 authority may be found in its favour, though by only one 
 reverend father, in opposition to all others. 
 
 E 3 
 
82 THE LIGOBIANS SETTLE IN VIENNA. 
 
 with, or rather absorbed in the Jesuitical, the gene- 
 ral of the latter being recognised also as chief by the 
 former. It was, however, considered prudent and 
 political to keep, apparently, the two orders distinct 
 and separate, at the side of each other, as the Re- 
 demptorists did not, like the Jesuits, stand in so bad 
 repute among the people at large, and under which 
 milder name many of the latter really succeeded in 
 insinuating themselves into those countries where the 
 greatest reluctance had prevailed against them. 
 
 Neither were they mistaken in their speculation. 
 Emperor Francis L, who could not make up his mind 
 to brave public opinion and the counsel of his states- 
 men, to admit the Jesuits under their real name, 
 was persuaded to do so under their feigned name, the 
 Ligorians, sincerely believing that they were two dif- 
 ferent orders, who had nothing in common beyond 
 spiritual devotion and discipline. A certain Hoff- 
 bauer, who had entered (1781) the congregation of 
 the Redemptorists, and become afterwards their vicar- 
 general in the states beyond Italy, had in 1809 
 settled in Vienna, where he spared no efforts to intro- 
 duce the order in Austria. He did not, however, 
 live to see the accomplishment of his wishes, he 
 
THE PEOPLE MADE AWARE WHO THEY WERE. 83 
 
 having died 15th March 1820, five weeks before the 
 issue of an imperial decree, granting to the Ligorians, 
 or, as they best liked to style themselves, the priests 
 of the " congregation of the Redeemer," the Passau 
 court of Vienna, together with the adjacent very old 
 church Maria- Stiegen. The explanation given by the 
 court of Vienna for that step, that the Ligorians had 
 been called into the metropolis for the simple purpose 
 of promoting the spiritual welfare of the population, 
 and that their sphere of operation had been strictly 
 limited to the education of the youth, was far from 
 satisfying the minds of the people, and of even a por- 
 tion of the clergy. Not only was it soon discovered 
 who they really were, but a government-rescript to the 
 magistracy of the metropolis (29th November 1820), 
 signifying that the Ligorians were to be henceforth in 
 possession of the unlimited control over all concerns 
 belonging to religion and education, soon opened the 
 eyes of the people as to the real character of the new 
 arrivals, by which a direct lie was given to the previous 
 explanation given by the Imperial Court. Various 
 attempts were therefore made to expel the Ligorians 
 from Vienna, apparently with the tacit consent of 
 Metternich, since in an article of a semi-official cha- 
 
84 THEY PB0SPEB DESPITE PUBLIC OPINION. 
 
 racter, in the Allgemeine Zeitung (13th August 1 822), 
 it is said that "the Jesuits, under the name Redemp- 
 torists, who had begun to establish themselves at 
 Vienna, are about to leave the metropolis and the 
 empire altogether ; one of the greatest and influen- 
 tial statesmen there, having given his countenance to 
 their removal, by which he has given new proofs of 
 the great interest he takes in the true education 
 and enlightenment of the people." There can be 
 no doubt, that such a measure was really in contem- 
 plation by the Austrian government, but which the 
 fathers and their adherents knew well how to frus- 
 trate in right time. 
 
 It is curious to see how these masked Jesuits con- 
 tinued to acquire land, wealth, power and influence 
 in the metropolis of Austria, despite the disposition 
 of its jovial and merry inhabitants, who are but little 
 given to bigotry, despite the numerous don-mots, witty 
 satires and sarcasms, with which they (the Jesuits) 
 were continually persecuted, and despite the con- 
 tempt with which they were met by everybody high 
 and low. Their meekness and impudence, their per- 
 severance and importunateness, were equally great. 
 Keeping only one object in view, they bore patiently 
 
DEPRAVITY OF THEIR PUPILS. 85 
 
 every humiliation and persecution, not unlike the 
 donkey, who is unmindful of the lashes with which 
 he is treated when busy with eating across the fence 
 the thistles of the neighbouring proprietor. They 
 strove zealously for situations as tutors in high fami- 
 lies, as also for the privilege of confessing criminals 
 on the scaffold — a right which hitherto belonged to 
 the Capuchine monks alone. They were not unsuc- 
 cessful in their labours; they could soon boast of 
 being intrusted with the education of a considerable 
 number of high-born youths, though some unpleasant 
 rumours were abroad about the conduct of the pupils 
 in one of their private boarding-schools, an establish- 
 ment managed by a Protestant clergyman in their ser- 
 vice. It was ascertained, that many of the young gen- 
 tlemen, chiefly belonging to high Polish and Italian 
 families, were much given to certain secret vices, and 
 that the sons of counts and other high noblemen who 
 had shown themselves a pattern of religious discipline, 
 devotion and prayers, were in the habit of stealing 
 from their schoolfellows watches, chains, and other 
 jewellery, the value of which they squandered away 
 in brothels and other dens of vice and prostitution.* 
 
 * Schuselka "Der Jesuitenkrieg, etc.," p. 302. 
 
86 NUMBERS OF THE FAIR SEX ATTEND THEIR CHURCH. 
 
 With unparalleled effrontery, the Ligorians forced 
 themselves into sick and dying chambers, against the 
 will of the patients and their families, a circumstance 
 which soon raised the suspicion that their object was 
 merely the obtaining a legacy for the church or 
 themselves. They principally laid siege to rich old 
 widows and influential ladies, while the fair sex gene- 
 rally formed one of their principal objects of specula- 
 tion, intrigues, and machinations, and not without 
 brilliant success. Their church soon became the 
 rendezvous of all pious females, and even elegant 
 ladies of the higher classes gradually began to attend 
 their masses and sermons, and to ease their own 
 hearts and conscience in the confessionals, being 
 powerfully attracted by the eloquence, philanthropy, 
 and wisdom of the manly and handsome paters. 
 Neither were they in want of baits for the stronger 
 sex. Their sermons, and more especially those of 
 John Emanuel Veith,* attracted the attendance of 
 even the enlightened portion of the public, though 
 few could relish the strictures made by him on the 
 
 * He was by birth, a Jew, had studied medicine, after- 
 wards theology, and entered at last (1823) the order of the 
 Ligorians. 
 
THEY ESTABLISH A PKESS OF THEIR OWN. 87 
 
 works of their best poets, such as Schiller, Goethe, 
 fee, which were stigmatised as " inventions of the 
 devil." The same Veith, however, thought it proper 
 in 1830 to quit the order, and accept the canonry 
 at St. Stephen's church in Vienna, since which time 
 he was so bitterly annoyed and persecuted by the 
 members of the order, that he was obliged to relin- 
 quish the living. 
 
 Neither did they lose sight of the Press, the usual 
 organ of public opinion. In 1828 they obtained the 
 permission to establish a "congregational Press," 
 and the country soon became deluged with their re- 
 ligious tracts. Their prior, pater Anton Passy,* was 
 the editor of a vast collection of religious poems, 
 while by his peculiar talent in book speculations, the 
 congregational Press became one of the most flourish- 
 ing in the country. Passy was upon the whole a 
 talented and very adroit disciple of Loyola, who, 
 despite his extreme fanaticism, was distinguished for 
 his affable behaviour, deep knowledge of the human 
 heart, and a vein of original humour. The paters 
 
 * He was born at Vienna 31st March, 1783, and committed 
 suicide in 184.6, having been, it was said, implicated in the 
 Gallician insurrection. 
 
88 THE FATHERS ALLOWED TO ERECT A CONVENT. 
 
 were indebted to him, to the Empress Augusta, and 
 to the pious Count Cudenhofen (who became after- 
 wards a member of their order), for the permission 
 which Francis I., notwithstanding the most lively re- 
 monstrances from many quarters, and even from the 
 police, accorded them in J 830 to erect a convent at 
 Bennweg, one of the suburbs of Vienna. Thus was 
 renewed here the custom of the Middle Ages, when 
 to every male order was attached a similar female 
 one, the cloister and convent being usually built in the 
 same square opposite each other, and joined by sub- 
 terraneous passages. A few old widows of fortune 
 having taken the veil and become tenants of the new 
 building, their property was naturally bequeathed 
 to the institution, and their example was soon fol- 
 lowed by other individuals of all ages and stations in 
 life. The paters having given to the institution the 
 name Penitentiary, it became the receptacle of gay 
 women and prostitutes, whom the fathers proposed to 
 reclaim to society. Vienna was indeed then notori- 
 ous for debauchery, loose manners, and immoral life, 
 and no wonder that such an institution, with such an 
 avowed object in view, found praise in the eyes of the 
 more steady and moral part of the community; but 
 
THEY EMPLOY SERVANTS AS SPIES IN FAMILIES. 89 
 
 whether the pious fathers "were just the men to effect 
 the purpose, is a different question. It is true, that 
 a certain Countess D — became president of this 
 Magdalen establishment, but her own previous life 
 was anything but regular and virtuous. It is at all 
 events beyond all doubt, that no perceptible reform 
 became obvious in the life of the fair sex, and more 
 especially of the servants and nurserymaids of Vienna, 
 ever since the paters had been intrusted with the 
 task. By such and similar means, the pious fathers 
 succeeded in acquiring in a comparatively short space 
 of time a considerable influence among the two 
 extremes of society, the highest and the lowest. The 
 middle classes, it is true, generally evinced contempt 
 and hatred for them, but they had gained friends 
 among the higher and educated classes, and, as is 
 generally the case, the lower classes were not slow in 
 imitating their betters. All the servants of both 
 sexes, whose confessors they were, the fathers 
 employed as secret spies, from whom they frequently 
 learnt the most secret affairs of their masters and 
 mistresses. To like and similar purposes they also 
 employed the filles perdues among the higher and 
 lower classes, by bribes of absolution and spiritual 
 
90 PRINCE METTERNICH BECOMES THEIR FRIEND. 
 
 blessings, and even, if necessary, by money and other 
 presents of a material nature. 
 
 Neither did the Ligorians understand less the 
 mercantile art of making money by way of interest. 
 The millions which they had accumulated within the 
 short space of ten years, were not merely the fruit 
 of begging, presents, and legacies, but also of usury 
 and finance operations on the Exchange, which they 
 carried on with a tact and judgment worthy of our 
 Barings and Rothschilds. 
 
 With the increase of wealth and influence among 
 the aristocracy, they at last gained also the good 
 wishes and patronage of Austria^ real regent, Prince 
 Metternich. It is true, that to some extent, also, 
 female influence* acted upon the mind of the chan- 
 cellor of the empire, as it did upon its nominal ruler, 
 Francis, and after him Ferdinand I. ; that influence 
 was, however, not strong enough to produce such a 
 change in his mind, which must rather be sought in 
 truly political motives, by which alone he could be 
 induced to court the friendship rather than provoke 
 the enmity of the Jesuits. In the political system 
 
 * Metternich's third wife was the Countess Melanie Ziehy, 
 a friend of the Jesuits. 
 
HIS REASONS FOR FAVOURING THE JESUITS. 91 
 
 adopted "by that statesman, it is well known what an 
 important part the priests played in Italy, by the 
 assistance they gave, to extinguish the flame of re- 
 bellion among the masses on the one hand, and to 
 fan the spirit of jealousy among the Italian princes 
 on the other. It is further known, that Austria's 
 moral rule in Italy is absolutely founded on the ab- 
 sence of all reforms and innovations in the existing 
 order of things, and that it was only the crafty 
 Jesuits alone who could be employed for the accom- 
 plishment of such a difficult task. It was they, in- 
 deed, who bridged over and preserved, more especially 
 during the pontificate of Gregory XVI., the sove- 
 reign power of Metternich at Borne, Turin, and 
 Naples. This was the price at which the states chan- 
 cellor had no doubt granted them his favour and pa- 
 tronage, while the co-operation of the Loyolites in the 
 process of enslaving Italy, was probably the strongest 
 bond that chained Metternich to the disciples of 
 Ignatius. Gioberti's* bitter complaints of the Jesuits 
 in Austria, on whose coalition, he says, the subjection 
 of the Peninsula depends, sets the question at rest, 
 if any doubt is still entertained on the subject. 
 
 * II Gesuita moderno, III. 
 
92 HE IMPOSES RESTRICTIVE CONDITIONS ON THEM. 
 
 Neither must we omit to mention, that Metternich 
 had attached to the favours which he granted to the 
 Loyolites in so liberal a manner soon after his third 
 marriage (30th January, 1831) conditions by which 
 he thought to render them harmless to the country. 
 He enjoined the members, among others, not to 
 accept legacies, donations, and endowments, nor to 
 receive novices and missionaries from abroad, without 
 first acquainting Government with the facts, and 
 requesting its sanction to the same ; nor should they 
 even be permitted to introduce new school books, or 
 even teachers, without previous consent of the state. 
 The Austrian Jesuits, moreover, engaged themselves 
 to limit their connection with their general at Rome 
 simply to matters concerning the internal affairs of 
 the order, and also not to allow any of their profes- 
 sors to purchase lands in the realm, &c. &c. All these 
 conditions the Jesuits would in any other country 
 have rejected with indignation ; in Austria, however, 
 they willingly subscribed to them, aware that it 
 would not be difficult to violate them with impunity ; 
 while Metternich plainly showed, on the other hand, 
 by his ready belief in the efficacy of such restric- 
 tions, how little he knew of the spirit of the order, of 
 
THEIR PROGRESS IN GALLICIA. 93 
 
 the impossibility to render it less injurious to the 
 state by bulwarks of paper, or to be guarded against 
 their poisonous attacks, wherever they are allowed 
 to come into close contact with society. 
 
 In the same year in which the sons of St. Ignatius 
 made their entrance into the metropolis of Austria, 
 they settled likewise in the eastern province of the 
 realm, in Gallicia, where they were joined by a por- 
 tion of their colleagues who had been expelled from 
 Russia, and where they at once settled under their 
 real name, Jesuits. The Gallicians, like the Poles, 
 entertained no prejudice against the Jesuits, who in 
 consequence thought it unnecessary to appear in 
 disguise. Emperor Francis I. transferred to them 
 (August 1820) the Dominican cloister at Tarnopoh 
 to be converted into a college, and allowed each of 
 the fifty paters who entered it, an annual pension of 
 300 florins. Shortly afterwards, he delivered to tnem 
 also the high-school of the place, where they subse- 
 quently built, at their own cost, also a philosophical 
 institution, besides boarding-schools and other estab- 
 lishments of education. All these establishments and 
 institutions formed the principal colony of the Jesuits 
 in Gallicia, and which soon flourished to a consider- 
 
94 THEIR INSTITUTIONS AT LEMBEUG. 
 
 able extent. Already in 1822 the high- school at Tar- 
 nopol counted above 400 (in 1841, however, only 
 336), and the philosophical institution 141 students. 
 It is related of pater Dunin, one of the professors 
 there, that he used to the end of his life (1838), to 
 go about from house to house and beg alms for the 
 support of the poor students in his department. 
 Besides the above establishments, they also founded 
 a college at Prezemysl, another at New-Sandecz, with 
 a high-school attached to it, as also one for the chil- 
 dren of the nobility in the capital, Lemberg, be- 
 sides many religious and missionary establishments 
 at Mylatin, Staravies, and other places. From 
 Government they obtained in return for the new 
 institutions founded by them, an annual contribution 
 of 20,000 florins, in addition to the large revenues 
 from the estates at Viniki (which possesses one of the 
 largest tobacco manufactories in the monarchy), for 
 the support of the establishment at Lemberg. The 
 Gallician Jesuits were also in many other respects 
 in the enjoyment of particular favours and rights 
 above those in any other part of the empire. They 
 were not only exempt from the aforementioned re- 
 strictions stipulated by Metternich, but thev were also 
 
CONFLICT BETWEEN JESUITS AND GREEK CLERGT. 95 
 
 at liberty to receive in their colleges students who had 
 been expelled from the imperial university on account 
 of idleness or inaptitude, and of which privilege they 
 availed themselves to an immoderate extent. The 
 step naturally generated bitter feelings between the 
 two opposite institutions, and has probably not a little 
 contributed to lower the literary respect of the pious 
 fathers in the eyes of the public. The almost extra- 
 vagant rigbts awarded by Metternicb to the Gallician 
 Jesuits, led to the suspicion that tbe cbancellor in- 
 tended to weaken by their aid the popular agitation 
 and aristocratic influence in that country. Recent 
 events have bowever shown the inefficiency of the mea- 
 sures, which were of a too startling and curious nature 
 not to render their motives plain and obvious. There 
 were but few among the Polish nobility who paid 
 homage to the Loyolites; their influence, indeed, 
 was chiefly confined to the dregs of society, and 
 more particularly to women who stood in need of 
 mild and indulgent confessors. On the other hand, 
 the movements of the Jesuits in Gallicia proved a 
 great check to the Russian intrigues there. The 
 clergy, or popes as they are called, of the United 
 Greek Church, which numbers, in this part of former 
 
96 NOT ALLOWED TO SETTLE IN HUNGARY. 
 
 Poland, not fewer votaries than does the Roman Ca- 
 tholic Church, had suffered a great deal by the in- 
 creasing influence of the Jesuits, who, to insinuate 
 themselves also into the good graces of the Greek 
 inhabitants, performed gratis amongst them the cere- 
 monies of marriage, christenings, and other clerical 
 duties, which usually formed a portion of the church 
 revenue there. The Greek clergy thus provoked, 
 addressed the Russian Court on the subject, made 
 common cause with it, and assisted it in its move- 
 ments to agitate the country in the name of the holy 
 church and orthodox religion. 
 
 At a somewhat later period, the Loyolites ventured 
 to appear on the political stage also in Hungary, where 
 Klobuszycki, archbishop of Kalocza {himself once a 
 Jesuit) spared no efforts to procure them rights and 
 favours. Their first settlement was at Presburg; 
 but their whole existence in Hungary remained il- 
 legal for want of the requisite formal sanction of 
 the states. The pious fathers had indeed fre- 
 quently, and more especially in 1840, petitioned the 
 Diet on the subject; but although their request 
 had been warmly supported by Government, it was 
 always negatived by the majority of the Diet, 
 
INTRODUCTION INTO GERMAN AUSTRIA. 97 
 
 among whom were most of the bishops, members 
 of the states. 
 
 It soon became evident that the people at large, 
 and even the clergy of German Austria, evinced great 
 repugnance towards the disciples of Loyola, and the 
 Austrian Government thought it therefore prudent 
 to introduce them also there, under the milder name 
 of Redemptorists. Their great patron, the prince- 
 bishop of Sekau, Zangerle, transferred to them as 
 Redemptorists, towards the close of 1826, the parson- 
 age at Fronleiten, in the parish of Gratz, and after- 
 wards (1834) that at Marburg, as also the former 
 Franciscan cloister at Mautern, without meeting with 
 any serious opposition to the grants. When Zangerle, 
 however, ventured in the spring of 1829 to invite four 
 paters from Gallicia, for the purpose of settling them 
 as Jesuits in the country, he met with remonstrances 
 from many quarters. He had made to the fathers on 
 their arrival a present of the college of the Piarists,* 
 at Gleisdorf, which had been abandoned by the latter 
 since 1824. No sooner, however, had the Jesuits 
 
 * Or fathers of the pious schools (scholarum piarum), a 
 religious order founded at Eome by a Spanish nobleman 
 Casalanza, in 1621, for the special purpose of national educa- 
 tion. 
 
 F 
 
98 GEEAT OPPOSITION. 
 
 taken possession of the building, than it was reclaimed 
 by the Piarists, who compelled the fathers to quit it 
 in less than five months. Thence they removed to 
 private lodgings, near the lake at Gratz, in which 
 house an actress of that place was also tenanted. 
 The pious fathers, accustomed to female society, were 
 far from objecting to her proximity, and she even 
 proved a useful instrument in their hands to pro- 
 mote their influence among her acquaintances. The 
 citizens of Gratz, however, were so prejudiced against 
 the Jesuits, that they would not tolerate them 
 within the precincts of the town, and the paters 
 were thus obliged to occupy the same suburban 
 lodgings for nearly three years, until father Streger 
 succeeded by his oratorical powers to render him- 
 self popular as a preacher, and remove, or at least 
 weaken in some measure, the preconceived anti- 
 pathy of the inhabitants to the Jesuits. The Go- 
 vernment then hesitated no longer to transfer to 
 the order, in 1832, the Dominican cloister on the 
 Miinzgraben, but without the lands belonging to it, 
 as their support was to be defrayed by the education 
 fund. In the same year (1832) the paters were 
 introduced into the Archduchy Austria, under the 
 
SETTLEMENT IN TYROL. 99 
 
 name Redemptorists, where they established their 
 first settlement in the former Franciscan cloister. 
 As Jesuits they appeared only in 1836 at Linz, the 
 capital of Upper Austria, where the Archduke Maxi- 
 milian of Este erected for them an excellent set- 
 tlement, close to the town. He converted one of the 
 best fortress-towers there into a rural mansion, built 
 a church close to it, and added besides lands and rents 
 sufficient for the support of the thirty paters, who had 
 removed to that charming place on the 10th August, 
 1839. The inhabitants of Linz were, however, far 
 from sharing the partiality of the prince, their re- 
 pugnance towards the Jesuits having increased rather 
 than diminished on further acquaintance with them. 
 When we consider for what purposes the servants 
 were employed at Vienna by the Jesuits, it cannot 
 be wondered that the inhabitants of Linz should 
 have taken the precaution to stipulate with their 
 servants, on engaging them, not to go to confession 
 to the Jesuits. 
 
 About the same time, the Jesuits also succeeded in 
 settling in the Tyrol under their real name, to the 
 indignation of the people, and even clergy, who in 
 other respects are notorious for bigotry and fanaticism. 
 
 ■e 2 
 
100 GIOVANELLl's EFFORTS. 
 
 Even the prince Bishop of Trient had at an earlier 
 date declared, " he had no need of the Loyolites, as 
 the existing clergy were efficient, and sufficient for 
 the spiritual necessities of his people." 
 
 A very great mediator for the trans-settlement of 
 the Jesuits into this Alpine country -was Joseph, 
 baron Gioranelli, who, after having in his earlier 
 days profusely sacrificed at the shrines of quite dif- 
 ferent deities, had in his later days turned devout, 
 and conceived a great predilection for the society of 
 Jesus, especially after their great success and ex- 
 tended influence at Vienna. He was for a long time 
 watching for a proper opportunity, to satisfy the 
 ardent wishes of the order to settle in Tyrol, which 
 opportunity he at last found in the year 1838. The 
 professors and members of the Premonstration or- 
 der* in the bishopric Wilten, disgusted with the mis- 
 management of the restored Theresa Institution at 
 Inspruck,t thought proper to resign their functions. 
 
 * An ecclesiastical order founded in 1120 by a certain 
 Robert Danton, at Lecon, in France, at the revelation of God, 
 as he said, upon a certain meadow (jprdmontrd, pratum mon- 
 stratum), hence the name. 
 
 f It was founded by Maria Theresa, for the education of 
 the youths of the nobility. 
 
SUCCESS IN TYROL. 101 
 
 Count Frederic Willczeck, governor of the province, 
 being rather at a loss how to replace them, GiovaneUi 
 at once proposed to him the Loyolites. Though the 
 count readily assented to the proposal, he anticipated 
 nevertheless serious opposition from various quarters 
 against the execution of the plan, and particularly 
 from the professors of the Inspruck University, 
 who for the most part were clergymen. To render 
 the expected opposition ineffectual, it was resolved 
 to represent the appointment of the Jesuits as 
 being made in compliance with the general wish of 
 the people, while the representatives of the Ty- 
 rolian Diet were persuaded by Giovanelli to ex- 
 press as much in their decision, and request conse- 
 quently the imperial assent to the resolution. Two of 
 the most important ecclesiastical members of the Diet 
 of 1838, had already previously been instructed from 
 Rome, stoutly to support Giovanellr's godly efforts, 
 while the lay members were obliged to assent to the 
 motion from fear of being branded as heretics by the 
 pope. The decree which was to be presented for 
 sanction to the throne required: that both the 
 Theresa-Academy and the University at Inspruck 
 should be tranferred to the Loyolites. On the 17th 
 
102 CONTBOL OP THE UNIVERSITY. 
 
 October, 1838, the sanction from the throne arrived, 
 by which the Theresa Academy was to be given up to 
 the Jesuits immediately, and the University only 
 gradually. Already before the close of the year 
 (24th Dec.) five paters with their superior, Lange, 
 appeared in the capital of Tyrol, where they under- 
 took (13th Jan. 1839) the conduct and management 
 of the afore-mentioned institutions, and took posses- 
 sion also of the church formerly built by themselves. 
 The Jesuits now endeavoured to get entire posses- 
 sion also of the university at Inspruck, or at least 
 to exercise unlimited control over it. They began 
 with complaining, that the room in their own college 
 was not spacious enough for the students, whose 
 number was daily on the increase. Their patron Gio- 
 vanelli thereupon prevailed upon the committee of the 
 noble states to report to the provincial government, 
 and request it to let a part of the university building 
 to the Jesuits. Count Willczeck, though no enemy of 
 the latter, still thought it prudent to decline interfer- 
 ing in the matter, while the education commission of 
 the supreme court at Vienna flatly rejected the Report. 
 Having failed in this plan, another was projected, 
 purporting to create a rival institution to the Uni- 
 
CONTRIBUTION-CIRCULAR. 103 
 
 versity by the establishment of a boarding-school 
 (convictorium) on a grand scale, for the education of 
 the children of the nobility. It was again Giova- 
 nelli who was intrusted with the petition to the Diet 
 (May, 1841). No sooner, however, had he proposed 
 to levy a regular tax on the landed property of the 
 province, to defray the expenses of the projected 
 establishment, than he was left in a great minority 
 on the question. It met with the same fate also at 
 Vienna, government not being inclined to order a 
 new tax for that special purpose, though it had no 
 objection to the erection of the establishment by any 
 other means, save the public treasury. 
 
 Nothing, therefore, was left to the poor disciples of 
 Loyola but to procure the means by voluntary con- 
 tributions from the wealthy Tyrolians. A committee 
 was in consequence formed (May, 1842) under the 
 auspices of the prince bishops of Trient and Brixen, 
 to receive contributions for the charitable under- 
 taking. In the introductory part of the circular, 
 mention was made of the efforts to preserve the 
 Catholic confession in Tyrol from the erroneous doc- 
 trines which had begun to taint the true religion in 
 other parts of Europe, ever since the middle of the 
 
104 THE NUNCIO LAYS THE FIRST STONE. 
 
 sixteenth century, while the merit of having preserved 
 it in that manner, was therein ascribed to the inde- 
 fatigable labours of the Jesuits, who, happily for the 
 country, have again made their appearance in this 
 part of the orthodox world. The committee then 
 dwelt on the great benefits that had already resulted 
 from their management of the Theresa Academy, and 
 the general wish expressed by the people at large, to 
 establish a similar institution for the benefit of the 
 youth of all classes of society, &c, &c, &c. The 
 sum collected in this way was, however, so small, 
 that recourse was had to loans, and these even were 
 barely sufficient to cover one fourth of the necessary 
 outlay. The papal nuncio at the imperial court 
 (1843) had been invited to lay the first stone of the 
 building; his presence, however, which it was thought 
 would rouse the charitable feelings of the public for 
 the object in view, produced just the contrary effect. 
 The civic guard at Inspruck, who had been sum- 
 moned to form the guard of honour for the high 
 dignitary of the church, refused to comply, and be- 
 fore the papal ambassador had, in company with the 
 prince Bishop of Brixen, entered the splendid tent 
 erected for them, Baron Giovanni (who, by the bye, 
 
THE PEOPLE REFUSE TO SEND THETK CHILDREN. 105 
 
 did not figure with a single groat in the afore- 
 named subscription list), and Count Reisach, were 
 received by the assembled . crowd with loud hisses. 
 All the efforts of the fathers to rouse the interest of 
 the Tyrohans in behalf of the new institution proved 
 fruitless, and it became evident that the people were 
 far from wishing to intrust the Jesuits with the 
 education of their children. After many manoeuvres, 
 the building was at last finished in 1844; but though 
 it contained rooms for 300 pupils, there was, in 1846, 
 only one pupil in it. 
 
 This resolute antipathy of a people so thoroughly 
 catholic, bigoted, isolated, and excluded fiom all con- 
 tact with the protestant world and literature, was 
 solely the result of experience, which the Tyrolians 
 had made of the character and proceedings of the 
 Jesuits during the short time of their new residence 
 amongst them. The Inspruck University, previously 
 the best educational establishment in the land, as 
 also the Theresa institution, had undeniably retro- 
 gressed in the few years they had been managed by the 
 Loyolites. The pupils had decreased in learning and 
 increased in moral corruption. Many families were 
 therefore obliged either to keep tutors at home, or 
 
 f 3 
 
106 CONFIDENCE OF THE WEAKER SEX. 
 
 to send their children to the college or hall, an insti- 
 tution of which the paters had vainly tried to be- 
 come the managers. Neither were many parents 
 more satisfied with the extravagant bills sent to them 
 by the conductors of the Theresa Academy for addi- 
 tional and extra expenses of their children, which fre- 
 quently amounted from 200 to 300 florins. Nor were 
 the attempts of the paters at gaining the good opinion 
 of the weaker sex less conspicuous in Tyrol than 
 elsewhere. They threw the torch of discord into 
 the domestic circles of happy couples, they rendered 
 the women dissatisfied with their lot, and persuaded 
 them to renounce connubial connections and do- 
 mestic life, and rather seek spiritual bliss in the so- 
 litude of the convent. Great complaints were also 
 made against them, for alluring girls to confession. 
 They questioned them in the confessional on things 
 which could but make them blush, though they 
 exacted from them a promise never to marry, in 
 order, no doubt, to have the control over every 
 farthing the silly creatures were in possession of. 
 Obtaining legacies by foul means was another sort 
 of grievance brought against them. An old spinster 
 living in rural retirement and simplicity at Kaltern, 
 
THE PEOPLE AKE DISSATISFIED. 107 
 
 had been persuaded to bequeath to the Jesuits a le- 
 gacy of vineyards and houses amounting to 35,000 
 florins. The reasons assigned in the mil for that 
 legacy, as also some other clauses in it, were of such a 
 character as to produce suspicion in the minds of the 
 judges at Vienna, that unfair means had been em- 
 ployed to induce the old simpleton to the step ; and, 
 among others, that it was done to expiate the sin 
 committed by her father in having purchased an 
 estate which had formerly belonged to the bishopric 
 Tegern; in addition, the testatrix named the pope 
 as the highest judge on the validity of her instruc- 
 tions in the will. Many other instances of the co- 
 vetous and selfish habits of the Loyolites were not 
 calculated to dimmish the bad odour in which they 
 stood with the public. It was thus a notorious fact, 
 that they were levying contributions for the mainte- 
 nance of their missionaries at home and abroad from 
 the poor labourers, female servants, and even children; 
 that, in short, every pretence had been used to fill 
 the purses of the pious fathers with the hard earnings 
 of the poorer classes. 
 
 No wonder, then, that the eyes of even the bigoted 
 Tyrolians should at last have become opened to the 
 
108 THE EFFECT OF YAGER'S ESSAY. 
 
 real character of the Jesuits, and that their dislike 
 of them should have increased from day to day. 
 It was at Inspruck in particular, where the great ma- 
 nifestation to that effect took place in March, 1844. 
 Count Clemens of Brandis, successor of Willczeck 
 (1841), as governor of the province, had ordered 
 that scientific evening meetings should, according to 
 custom, he held during the winter season (1843-1844), 
 in the Ferdinand institution, the name of the society 
 of arts, sciences, and literature, in the place. One of 
 the subjects brought under discussion in the meeting, 
 was a paper on the history of Tyrol, by Pater Albert 
 Yager, late professor at the college at Meran. As 
 an impartial historian, he could not help sketching 
 the mischievous operations of the Jesuits in Tyrol 
 during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. He 
 showed, that the period from 1567 — 1767, when the 
 Loyolites ruled in the land, was one of the sad- 
 dest and most disgraceful in the pages of her history ; 
 and that the Tyrolians had in those days sunk into 
 the deepest abyss of depravity and immorality. 
 Yager's essay produced the more effect, as his lan- 
 guage was eloquent and temperate, and his arguments 
 well supported by undeniable facts. The essay was 
 
ATTEMPT TO PURLOIN THE MS. 109 
 
 spoken of in the highest terms hy all classes of so- 
 ciety. Yager was saluted everywhere as the man 
 who had dared to speak the truth in plain open lan- 
 guage, while his name was drunk at every party 
 with the most cheering enthusiasm, as the hero of 
 historical truth and revealer of great facts. The 
 numerous complaints made by the Jesuits and their 
 friends on that score, induced Count Brandis, as pre- 
 sident of the society, to forbid further discussions on 
 historical subjects; but public opinion had become so 
 strong against the Jesuits (there were about eighty in 
 the place), that the latter found in it more subject for 
 regret than even in the essay of the historian. Their 
 endeavours to get hold of the manuscript, and the 
 attempt of one of the paters even to break open the 
 desk where it had been locked up, so irritated the 
 public, that the fathers thought it prudent to remove 
 the culprit from the place. The rumour of the at- 
 tempted theft had in the meanwhile reached the 
 metropolis, and Government at last issued an order 
 to the governor of Tyrol, to keep a watchful eye 
 on the steps of the Jesuits, and not to allow them 
 too much latitude in the province. 
 
110 OTHER PARTS OP GERMANY. 
 
 THE INTRIGUES AND ATTEMPTS OF THE 
 JESUITS IN THE REST OF GERMANY. 
 
 Their Settlement in Anhalt-Kothen and Bavaria. 
 
 In the other parts of Germany, the order found 
 access much earlier in the countries where either 
 the people or their princes professed the Protestant 
 religion, than in those states where both the monarch 
 and the subjects belonged to the Roman Catholic 
 Church. The phenomenon may in some measure 
 be explained by the progress which Pietism, the 
 twin-brother of Jesuitism, had made at that time 
 at many evangelical courts in Germany. In the 
 untiring efforts of the German princes to reduce 
 their subjects to passive obedience, by withholding 
 from them liberty of conscience, and the freedom 
 of thinking for themselves, even the doctrines and 
 teachings of the Jesuits were considered proper 
 means by which implicit obedience might be 
 enforced, and thinking generally checked. Many 
 princes, it is true, as members of the Protestant 
 Church, held in abhorrence the pope, the Jesuits, 
 
KING H&EBERIC WILLIAM III. Ill 
 
 and their church, but they did not withall scruple 
 to employ Beelzebub to expel Satan, so long as 
 it answered the object in view. Neither would 
 the Loyolites have dared to find their way, since 
 1824, into Catholic Prussia, into Cologne, Dusseldorf, 
 Coblenz, and other places of the llhenish provinces, 
 if Frederic William III., King of Prussia, had not as 
 a true Pietist winked at their sly movements. At 
 Dusseldorf, the good fathers were even allowed to re- 
 take possession of a part of their old college, though 
 the pious monarch could not help disapproving 
 of the custom of sending young men from West- 
 phalia and the Rhenish provinces to finish their 
 studies in the Jesuit colleges abroad. His reluct- 
 ance to that step arose from fear of casting thereby 
 a slur upon the efficiency of the schools at home, 
 rather than of seeing the pupils imbibe erroneous 
 principles and doctrines in religion. He allowed, 
 like Frederic the Great, every one of his sub- 
 jects to go to heaven in the best way he thought 
 proper, while on earth there was but one narrow 
 path for his subjects to walk — implicit obedi- 
 ence to the will of the sovereign. In this spirit he 
 issued a decree (13th July, 1827) prohibiting the 
 
112 THE HERMAN COLLEGE AT HOME. 
 
 youth of his realm to frequent the Jesuit colleges 
 abroad, and particularly in countries, the homes of 
 revolutionary movements. 
 
 The prohibitory edict was chiefly directed against 
 the German college at Rome, which Pius VII. had 
 restored in 1817 for the purpose of planting in Ger- 
 many a new race of true orthodox (Catholic) inhabi- 
 tants, the religious principles of the old existing race 
 having become, he thought, rather modified by the wars 
 and a contact with the impious enlightened nations of 
 the French empire. That college had already been 
 frequented by a considerable number of Prussian 
 students, some of whom, on their return, had not 
 failed to give practical examples of the doctrines 
 and fanaticism they had imbibed at college. Jacob 
 Pontana, the first pupil of the restored college, had 
 as coadjutor of the curate at Bern, in the years 
 18.23 and 1824, so outrageously attacked the "abomi- 
 nation " of mixed marriages, that the local govern- 
 ment was under the necessity of removing him from 
 the town and the canton. The German college at 
 Rome had, moreover, assumed the nature of the 
 Pandora-box for Germany. Many of those indivi- 
 duals who had played in the religious agitations of 
 
PRINCIPLES IMBIBED THERE. 113 
 
 Germany an unhappily important part, had received 
 their education in that school, where patriotism, 
 toleration, and philanthropy are reckoned frail human 
 foibles. Of the one hundred and twenty-five priests 
 who have, in the twenty years from 1822 to 1842, 
 been educated there for Germany (besides sixty-four 
 for Switzerland), we will only mention two, the papal 
 Court-prelate Count Reisach, previously Bishop of 
 Eichstadt, and now Archbishop of Munich-Freising, 
 and Anton Stahl, Bishop of Wiirzburg, two men who 
 have acquired notoriety in the religious agitations of 
 that period. In consequence of the viHanous maxims 
 which the pupils are taught in that institution, and 
 which prove so injurious to countries of mixed con- 
 fessions, even the Austrian Government has found it 
 necessary to prohibit the youths of its dominions 
 from frequenting that college at Rome. Similar pro- 
 hibitions were afterwards also decreed in other Ger- 
 man states, and even in Hanover (1845), though the 
 late king and the provincial government were so little 
 prejudiced against the Jesuits as to allow a con- 
 siderable number of them to settle in the state. 
 Bavaria, however, especially under the Abel Ministry, 
 thought that the fears entertained by the German 
 
114 THE SAXON MONARCH. 
 
 governments against that college were quite illusory, 
 and that no harm whatever could accrue to the state 
 or the pupils from their visiting that institution. Prus- 
 sian students, therefore, who had been refused pass- 
 ports to Rome from their own government, had only 
 to go to Bavaria, where they were provided with the 
 documents without much difficulty. Having finished 
 their studies in that college at Rome, they returned 
 to Bavaria, where some friends managed not only to 
 procure their permission to re-enter Prussia, but 
 even to obtain lucrative hvings for them in Trier, 
 Miinster, and other Prussian dioceses. 
 
 Most aggravating for the German Protestants was 
 the position acquired by the Jesuits in the very home 
 of the Reformation, in Saxony, owing to the circum- 
 stance that the royal family there are members of 
 the Catholic Church. Already, in the last years of 
 King Frederic Augustus I. (died 1827), the great in- 
 fluence which a Jesuit confessor exercised upon the 
 hoary monarch had caused no little alarm to the 
 Protestant population of Saxony. But that Jesuitical 
 influence had still more increased under his successor. 
 King Anton, a staunch devotionist, who had for the 
 salvation of his soul, during an uninterrupted series 
 
A JESUIT COLLEGE AT DRESDEN. 115 
 
 of fifty- six years, heard mass twice a day, was led by 
 the Jesuit Gracchi, the confessor and confidant of 
 the whole court, into measures enough to alarm even 
 less zealous Protestants than the Saxons. Not only 
 were unproportionally large sums of money appropri- 
 ated for the education of the Catholic youths, (though 
 the whole Catholic population there amounted at 
 that time to no more than 25,000 souls,) but it was 
 soon also ascertained that the monarch and the go- 
 vernment had actually resolved to establish and en- 
 dow in the suburb of Dresden a Jesuit college in due 
 and legal form. The petitions which poured in from 
 all parts of the kingdom, and even the remonstrances 
 from the press against that contemplated measure, 
 were treated by government with silent contempt, 
 and it was only after the July revolution, whose 
 stormy echo had also reached Saxony and encouraged 
 the people to loud complaints against the Catholic 
 intrigues at court, that government deigned to assure 
 the inhabitants that there was no truth in the ru- 
 mour, and that the state never had in view the es- 
 tablishment of such a college. At the express desire 
 of the Diet, however, a particular clause was inserted 
 in the constitutional charter (Sept. 1831,) to the 
 
116 CHURCH AT ANNABERG. 
 
 effect that "neither new cloisters nor Jesuits, nor any 
 other monastic order, should henceforth be introduced 
 in the kingdom." The clause was kept in force, and 
 strictly acted upon for ten years. But when the 
 Catholic clergy, in consequence of the Cologne affair, 
 had begun to raise their head in Germany, where a re- 
 action had taken place in their favour, the Jesuits in 
 Saxony thought that a fit opportunity was also afforded 
 to them to renew their previous attempts at settling 
 in that part of Germany. Not to rouse the popular 
 indignation all of a sudden, they began w'ith settling at 
 some distance from the metropolis, at Annaberg, close 
 to the Bohemian frontier. The spot was indeed well 
 selected. The poor dwellers of the Mine Mountains, 
 so given to mystical piety, were well calculated to 
 spread the influence of the paters, who were so richly 
 provided with pecuniary means as to dazzle the 
 wretched population into belief and submission. 
 Having built a church, the officers attached to it 
 gradually arrived. Though there were hardly fifty 
 Catholics among the 7000 inhabitants of Annaberg, 
 Mauermann, Bishop of Rama, had no difficulty in 
 persuading the friends of the order, that the esta- 
 blishment of a Jesuit church was indispensable for 
 
DISCOVEEED TO BE A JESUIT CHURCH. 117 
 
 the small congregation. On the 20th October, 1844, 
 the solemn consecration of the new temple took place, 
 and a few days afterwards a rumour spread at Anna- 
 berg that a tablet bearing a very suspicious inscrip- 
 tion had arrived from Dresden for the church. An 
 official examination followed, when it was found that 
 a tablet had actually been inserted in the middle of the 
 door leading to the niche of the altar, where relics are 
 kept, bearing the inscription of the consecration of 
 the church by Bishop Mauermann, in honour of St. 
 Ignatius Loyola and St. Francis Xaverius. It was 
 then clearly established that the temple was not only 
 a Catholic, but a Jesuit church, devoted exclusively 
 to the service and worship of the saints to whom it 
 was consecrated. And as the church could not exist 
 without officials, the suggestion naturally forced itself 
 even upon the simple-minded Annabergians, that the 
 spot had been selected for the settlement of a Jesuit 
 colony. The discovery called forth loud complaints 
 throughout Saxony, which increased still more by the 
 absence of all reply on the part of government to the 
 earnest representations of the civic authorities at 
 Annaberg on the subject. It had at the same time 
 also been ascertained, that there actually existed Jesuit 
 
118 PRESENT MOVEMENTS IN GERMANY. 
 
 missionaries in the capital of Saxony, though govern- 
 ment thought it advisable to deny the fact; the cir- 
 cumstance soon led to popular agitations against the 
 court and government, and to the sanguinary out- 
 break at Leipsic (1845), which had the effect of cooling 
 the zeal of the patrons of the Jesuits, and retarding 
 the projected settlement at Annaberg for some time. 
 The Jesuits now, as in the time after the West- 
 phalian Peace, wandered about in all parts of Ger- 
 many, under various disguises, names, and mis- 
 sions, for the sake of proselytism and final settle- 
 ment. There is hardly a capital in purely Protestant 
 Germany, where such individuals have not made 
 their appearance and contrived to fix their residence. 
 The masks, means, and ways they use for that pur- 
 pose, are the same which were made use of in the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The order has 
 also, in modern times, its emissaries residing at places 
 where universities exist, and more especially in 
 northern and central Germany. Neither do these 
 emissaries confine their labours of proselytism to the 
 students and educated classes alone ; they work with 
 tolerably good effect also upon the middle and lower 
 classes. Nor are they quite unsuccessful with the aris- 
 
THE PKESENT PRINCES. 1J9 
 
 tocracy of Germany. When King Frederic William 
 III. of Prussia married in 1824 a Catholic princess 
 (Augusta of Harraeh), the Jesuits intrigued for a long 
 time to induce the old monarch, by her influence, to 
 renounce the Protestant religion ; hut at the moment 
 when they were almost sure of success, the princess 
 herself became a convert to the Protestant religion, 
 a step by which they were naturally deprived of 
 their very best instrument, and the plan was thus 
 frustrated for ever.* 
 
 The altered condition in the life of the present 
 princes, have rendered also the task of the Jesuits to 
 effect their conversion next to impossible. Only one 
 single German prince they were able, within the forty 
 years since the restoration of the order by Pius VII., 
 to convert to the Catholic religion — to make him 
 desert the creed of his fathers ; they were assisted at 
 his court by the same circumstances which promoted 
 their views in the former ages. We allude to Prince 
 Frederic Ferdinand, of Anhalt-Kothen, who had so- 
 lemnised his second nuptials (May, 1816) with the 
 Countess Julia of Brandenburg, one of the many 
 
 * Mchman : " The Secretary of the Legation ; or, the 
 Cabals of the Jesuits in Germany," p. 278. 
 
120 THE JESUITS IN ANHAI/T-KOTHEN. 
 
 illegitimate children of Frederic William II., King 
 of Prussia. It was owing to the efforts of the Jesuit 
 Ronsin, that both husband and wife, during their 
 protracted residence at Paris, were gained over to 
 the " only saving church ;" the best means he em- 
 ployed to effect the purpose were, it was generally 
 believed, large advances of money made to the pro- 
 digal couple in that place. After his accession to 
 the duchy (Jan. 1826), he showed his gratitude, or, 
 as some will have it, he fulfilled his secret contract 
 with the Loyolites, by making his capital Kothen 
 the missionary seat of the pious fathers, under the 
 presidency of Pater Beck, who instigated the prince 
 to so many acts of impropriety and chicanery towards 
 his Protestant subjects, that the duchy escaped the 
 consequences of a revolution only by the timely 
 death of the prince, which ensued in August, 1830. 
 The existence of the mission did not, however, cease 
 until after the death of the Catholic widow (1848), 
 when the little duchy fell to the share of the princes 
 of Dessau and Bernburg. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact that in Bavaria, the El 
 Dorado of priestly craft and machination, the dis- 
 ciples of Loyola were late, much later even than 
 
THEY ARE UNSUCCESSFUL IN BAVAEIA. 121 
 
 in Austria, in gaining a firm footing. Having 
 failed in their manifold attempts to induce King 
 Maximilian Joseph I. to grant them permission to 
 settle in Ms dominions, the Loyolites petitioned 
 his successor, soon after his accession, in 1826, to 
 allow them to huild a house at Munich j in return 
 for which hoon they engaged themselves to co-ope- 
 rate most vigorously for the regeneration, of the 
 Bavarian people. Though they used the precaution 
 to present themselves also here under the milder 
 name of Ligorians or Eedemptorists, and to bring 
 with them in addition, warm letters of recommen- 
 dation from the king's sister, the Empress Caroline 
 Augusta of Austria, the king peremptorily refused 
 the request, saying, " that he had no need of them 
 in Bavaria; and that, though he could not refuse 
 them an abode there as private foreigners, their 
 reception as a religious body was out of the ques- 
 tion." Notwithstanding the great change that had 
 since taken place in the character of that king, 
 and the deplorable condition to which he nearly 
 brought his kingdom by his depravity and amours, 
 a long time elapsed before the fathers succeeded 
 in settling in that state. 
 
 G 
 
122 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 The Ex-Jesuits, like all other refugees, had found an 
 hospitable asylum on Britain's shores, after their ex- 
 pulsion from France and Belgium, hy the storms of 
 the Erench revolution, at the end of the last century. 
 They soon acquired — as we have mentioned in the 
 foregoing pages — under the name of "fathers of 
 faith," the large establishment at Stonyhurst. 
 Under the protection of the association rights so 
 liberally guaranteed by the English constitution, and 
 favoured moreover by the gigantic struggle against 
 Napoleon I., which had engrossed the minds of the 
 British statesmen and the public at that period, the 
 order had already, in 1814, at the time of its univer- 
 sal repristination by Pius VII., gained a vast sphere 
 of operation in the United Kingdom. The English 
 paters, who had since 1803, by permission of the pope, 
 joined the order, which had been restored in Russia, 
 and reassumed their real name, Jesuits, possessed 
 ten years afterwards, in addition to their college at 
 Stonyhurst, about thirty stations or establishments 
 
THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION BILL. 123 
 
 of more or less magnitude, such, as residences, mis- 
 sionary houses, schools,. &c. In the forty years which 
 have since elapsed, and more especially since the pass- 
 ing of the Catholic Emancipation Bill, the order has 
 made such gigantic progress in Great Britain, that it 
 possesses now three times as many institutions, at 
 Canterbury, Liverpool, Bristol, Dublin, and many 
 more places, though they do not exactly bear the 
 sign of St. Ignatius. The continual increase of the 
 order was not, however, viewed by the English Go- 
 vernment and aristocracy, soon after the termination 
 of the war in 1815, with pleasing or even indifferent 
 eyes. It formed one of the rocks on which the Catho- 
 lic Emancipation Bill had been wrecked in 1822 and 
 1825. And even after it was carried, in 1829, clauses 
 were inserted in the bill, tending to check the further 
 progress of Jesuitism in England. It was enacted, 
 among others, that thenceforth all British subjects 
 who intended to enter an ecclesiastical order or body, 
 or who had already done so abroad, should report the 
 same to the local authorities of their parish, and have 
 it duly registered ; also, that all foreign monks, and 
 more especially Jesuits, who should venture to come 
 to England after the publication of the Act, should 
 
 g 2 
 
124 THEY EXIST IN SPITE OF THE LAW. 
 
 be banished, and eventransported for life, if they did 
 not voluntarily quit the country within three months. 
 The legislators, in framing the law, which they no 
 doubt considered the most efficacious means of check- 
 ing the progress of Jesuitism in the realm, have 
 thereby shown how little they knew of the spirit of 
 the order, or the many resources the sly sons of 
 Loyola are in possession of, which enable them 
 to circumvent such and similar enactments. The 
 latter had indeed nothing else to do, but to continue 
 the practice they had adopted since their first set- 
 tlement in the island. They used to initiate new 
 members secretly, without the performance of those 
 ceremonies which elsewhere accompany such an act. 
 After the termination of the probation time, the 
 novice used to make his vows before the pater rector 
 of the institution, when he received from him the 
 ordination in a small oratory, or chapel, to which no 
 stranger had access. In this way they do act to this 
 day, and their number may accordingly vastly in- . 
 crease, without the public registers showing any signs 
 of it. The British members are known to nobody 
 except to the superiors of the order alone, so well do 
 the fathers understand how to keep the secret invio- 
 
JESUITISM IN IRELAND. 125 
 
 late. Moreover, the strict observance of the letter of 
 the law, which prevails in English courts of justice, 
 renders legal conviction rather difficult, and helps to 
 envelop the machinations of the Jesuits in mystical 
 darkness. It is only by the fruit, that the operations 
 of the order in the island are to be known. The 
 immense progress which Catholicism is making there 
 at present, is no doubt chiefly, if not wholly, the 
 work of Jesuitical activity. 
 
 In Ireland Jesuitism stalks abroad almost un- 
 masked ; and it has become, with its day- light as- 
 sassinations and wholesale murders, almost a dis- 
 grace to civilised nations, while even England suffers 
 under the infliction of more than one establishment 
 of this moral pest And what is the result ? Rome 
 triumphs over England's tendency to popery, and 
 hails Puseyism as her best ally ! 
 
126 THE JESUITS IN BELGIUM. 
 
 THE JESUITS IN BELGIUM. 
 
 More open than in England, lie before our eyes the 
 workings of the order in Belgium. Here the pious 
 fathers have no hesitation to show themselves in 
 their true colours. To understand better the rela- 
 tions of the order in this quarter, we must remind the 
 reader of the fact, that the Jesuits who had been ex- 
 pelled from Catholic Christendom after the abolition 
 of the order in 1773, had found an asylum, protec- 
 tion, and a new sphere of operation also, in Protes- 
 tant Holland, and more especially at Amsterdam, 
 Nimwegen, and Eulenburg. The first use the order 
 made of their competency after its restoration in 
 1814, was to mark to the Protestant Dutch, who had 
 lodged, fed, clothed, and protected its members in 
 time of their trouble and exile, their sense of grati- 
 tude in a most curious and characteristic manner. 
 No sooner had they learnt that a united kingdom 
 of the Netherlands was to be created, than they 
 presented, through their great patron, Maurice de 
 Broglie, bishop of Ghent, a memorial to the Vienna 
 
MEMORIAL TO THE VIENNA CONGRESS. 127 
 
 Congress, which has no parallel in point of impudence 
 and arrogance. It begun by stating, that the Roman 
 Catholic religion is the only true and saving one; 
 that the Lutheran and reformed confessions were 
 mere tolerated creeds ; and it finished by requesting, 
 among other extravagant demands, that an unre- 
 stricted and independent association right should be 
 granted to them ; that the tithe-tax might be rein- 
 troduced for the benefit of their church; and that 
 they should have the sole control over the higher 
 education of the young, as an indispensable guarantee 
 for the religious freedom of the Belgians, ruled as 
 they are by a heretic prince. The education of the 
 young by the Jesuits, it added, is not only the unani- 
 mous wish of the Belgian people, but the best, nay, 
 only means of bringing them up to truly scientific and 
 religious eminence. In the proud presumption, that 
 the new monarch, William I., would not venture to 
 refuse to his southern subjects the general wish for 
 Jesuit teachers, they made their way at once (1814), 
 without first obtaining permission to do so, to Bel- 
 gium, under their real name, Jesuits. They found 
 friends there, who advanced them money, while 
 Count Thiennes presented them with the castle 
 
128 THE PRELATES AND THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Rumbeke for their establishments. King William 
 I. had not only tolerated the Jesuits in Holland, but 
 had even allowed them to apply (1818) a legacy 
 •which had been bequeathed to one of their mem- 
 bers, Pater Huberti, to the building of a seminary 
 at Eulenburg, as also to settle at the Hague. 
 Neither would he have refused them to settle in Bel- 
 gium, if their behaviour had not roused suspicions 
 in the mind of that prince soon after his accession 
 to the throne. In the new constitution which he 
 granted to his subjects, complete liberty of con- 
 science and equal civil rights were guaranteed to all 
 sects in his realm — a principle that prevails in Bel- 
 gium even to this day. In those provinces where 
 the Catholics formed the minority of the population, 
 the Loyolites and their friends found no objection to 
 that principle, but in Belgium, where the majority 
 were Catholics, they thought it wicked and sinful to 
 grant to the Protestants equal rights with the Catho- 
 lics; they accordingly opposed the liberal measure 
 by all means in their power. The Belgian bishops 
 formally pronounced (August, 1815) the new con- 
 stitution as illegal, and rejected it by a jugement 
 doctrinal. They accordingly refused, not only to 
 
THE JESUITS REFUSE TO QUIT HOLLAND. 129 
 
 take the oath themselves to a constitution which, 
 they alleged, "tended to oppress and degrade the 
 Catholic religion," hut even to grant absolution to 
 all those who had taken that oath. At the head of 
 these rebellious prelates was Maurice de Brog- 
 lie, who went even a step farther than his colleagues; 
 he refused to say the usual prayer in the church for 
 the existing (Protestant) monarch. As it was well 
 known that he entirely acted upon the counsel and 
 under the influence of the Jesuits, whose blind in- 
 strument he was, the king, in his indignation, or- 
 dered (3rd January, 1816) the Jesuits to close their 
 institution at Distelberg, and to quit the united king- 
 dom (Netherlands), immediately. The paters replied, 
 that they were ready to obey if commanded to do so 
 by Broglie, their competent judge, otherwise they 
 would only yield to physical force. Broglie not only 
 approved of that impertinent declaration, but pro- 
 mised even to protect them, if necessary, with his own 
 life. Nay, he even put at their disposal his palace at 
 Ghent, whither they retired as soon as the military 
 had been despatched to enforce obedience to the royal 
 will. Broglie having rendered himself guilty of many 
 acts of sedition and agitation, and even attempts at 
 
 6 3 
 
130 THEY ARE EXPELLED BY FORCE. 
 
 national insurrection, was summoned to appear before 
 a tribunal to answer charges of high treason, but he 
 escaped to France, in company of the pater rector, 
 where he died, July, 1821. He was considered by 
 the Belgians as a martyr. King William having acted 
 rather unadvisedly in causing (9th October, 1817) the 
 effigy of the prelate to be publicly exhibited on the 
 pillory at Ghent, at the same time that two con- 
 demned criminals underwent branding on the 
 spot. The Loyolites were not slow in turning to 
 account the mistake of the king, instigating the 
 people to all sorts of acts of violence and agitations 
 against the heretic monarch and his government. It 
 was at last found necessary to occupy (February, 1818) 
 the castle at Ghent by the military, to put under seal 
 all the papers and furniture found there, and expel the 
 paters from their stronghold. The order of banish- 
 ment, though it extended to all parts of the kingdom, 
 was not rigorously executed; a few members were 
 allowed to remain in Belgium, who now played a 
 very active and important part under Pater Lemaistre, 
 in the continued struggle between the clergy and 
 Government. What particularly irritated the clergy 
 and the Loyolites against William I. and his consti- 
 
REFORM IN EDUCATION. 131 
 
 tution, was not so much the enactment by which all 
 subjects indiscriminately were to enjoy equal civil and 
 religious rights, as the abstract principle combined 
 with it, to civilise and enlighten the masses, and free 
 them from the bondage of priestcraft, under which 
 they had been sighing for centuries past, a principle 
 that even now occupies the mind of all enlightened 
 patriots in Belgium. Such a grand object could cer- 
 tainly not be effected without first paving the way to 
 it by the amended education of the young, which had 
 hitherto been confided to the sole conduct and ma- 
 nagement of the priests, and which had been found to 
 be exceedingly defective, and even vicious. It was on 
 that account that the 226th Article of the Nether- 
 land constitution transferred the control and ma- 
 nagement of public instruction to the king himself, 
 who in his turn declared it to belong to one of 
 the chief departments of the state's administration. 
 By this decision the nerve and sinew of the power 
 of the Loyolites were broken, and no wonder that 
 they decried it as infamous, wicked, and blasphe- 
 mous. The zeal with which William I. devoted 
 himself to the noble task before him, in the face of 
 all obstacles thrown in his way, was the spur which 
 
132 EBENCH JESUITS IN BELGIUM. 
 
 provoked more than any other innovation, the clergy 
 to the most passionate opposition to the new consti- 
 tution. 
 
 Though government was watching with Argus eyes 
 the movements of the Jesuits, who continued to 
 form the focus of the opposition, it was not able, 
 owing to the great facilities given to them hy the 
 clergy, nohility, and the masses, to prevent a great 
 number of the paters stealing into the country from 
 France, under various names and disguises, and se- 
 cretly establishing at Ghent, Lowen, Brussels, Liege, 
 and other places, regular colleges of their own. The 
 establishments, it is true, were closed by order of go- 
 vernment in 1825, hut the Loyolites, in connection 
 with the other orders, continued to hold their prayer, 
 religious, and political meetings, to the great scandal 
 of Government, which not unfrequently, in the con- 
 fusion of the moment, ordered to be transported 
 across the frontier even members who did not exactly 
 helong to the Jesus order, such as the "brothers of 
 ignorance," and many others of a mystical character. 
 These rigorous measures might indeed have put a stop 
 to the machinations of the Jesuits in Belgium, had 
 they heen carried out with strict consequence and per- 
 
THE LIBERALS AND THE JESUITS. 133 
 
 severance. King William, however, alarmed at the 
 great and increasing sympathy evinced for the Jesuits 
 in his southern dominions,* became vacillating in his 
 proceedings, by which the Loyolites were naturally en- 
 couraged to further opposition and resistance. In jus- 
 tice to the prince, we must not omit mentioning, that 
 the Loyolites possessed in the states-council, and even 
 in the cabinet itself, decided friends, who naturally 
 did their best to rouse the monarch's fears of a gene- 
 ral insurrection. In the last years of the Dutch rule 
 over Belgium, the most fatal bastard-alnance was 
 formed between the Belgian liberals, (to whom the 
 monarch had rendered himself odious, by refusing 
 the establishment of juries, by restricting the liberty 
 of the press, and by other political blunders,) and the 
 ultra-montane and Jesuit party, an alliance which 
 finally brought about the fall of the Orange dynasty. 
 The bait held out to the liberals by the Jesuits and 
 the clergy, was, uncontrolled freedom of education, on 
 which the clergy insisted most emphatically. This 
 
 * Thus, for instance, thongh it was forbidden to the 
 Belgian youth to visit the Jesuit seminaries abroad, there 
 were in 1826 not less than 150 students at the Jesuit college 
 St. Acheul, in France, who all belonged to the first families, 
 and even to the highest states-dignitaries of Belgium. 
 
134 CLAIM OF UNRESTRICTED EDUCATION. 
 
 question, as we observed above, bad been the prin- 
 cipal bone of contention, ever since tbe creation of 
 the united kingdom of the Netherlands, between the 
 government and the clergy, and it now became the 
 arena on which the parties contended with increasing 
 passion. The king having ordered (September, 1825) 
 that all the numerous private and public schools 
 established by the clergy against the existing laws, 
 and which had been mostly conducted by the Jesuits, 
 should be closed, the measure entirely changed the 
 plan of operation of the opposing clergy. Previously, 
 the clergy had the control over public education as a 
 spiritual branch of humanity, as a right that ex- 
 clusively belonged to their own calling. No sooner, 
 however, had government itself began to exercise that 
 control as a state affair, than they changed their cry 
 into the opposite extreme. They accused government 
 of wishing to restrict education by subjecting it to its 
 own management, and converting it into a sort of 
 states monopoly ; they now claimed, in short, with 
 the liberal portion of the community, free and un- 
 controlled education for their children. Having 
 once, by help of the bigoted masses and simple- 
 minded liberals, succeeded in snatching *from govern- 
 
IGNQKANCE OF THE BELGIAN PEOPLE. 135 
 
 merit that monopoly, they thought it an easy matter 
 afterwards to appropriate it to themselves. The bulk 
 of the Belgian people was and is in some measure still 
 in a state of intellectual immaturity and under priestly 
 subjection, and the so-called liberty in education, if 
 carried through, could but result in the most cruel 
 tyranny by the clergy, to whose private motives and 
 interests the poor ignorant people would be sacrificed 
 without any hope of redemption. As late as 1826, 
 instances of popular ignorance, bigotry, and cruelty 
 occurred in Belgium, of which there is hardly a pa- 
 rallel to be found in any other country of the civilised 
 world. A countryman was, together with bis four 
 sons, arraigned before the correctional tribunal at 
 Liege,, for having roasted a living woman whom they 
 considered to be a witch, upon burning coals; not 
 satisfied with this cruelty, they afterwards tore with 
 their hands the flesh from her body, and threw the 
 dying wretch into the open street. In the same 
 year, and in the same place, a priest was condemned 
 to fifteeen years' imprisonment for having wandered 
 about the country as an exorcist, and acted, as he al- 
 leged, according to the rules of the church. It was 
 also at Liege, and about that time, that children who 
 
136 THE CLERGY AND THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 had visited the Lancasterian schools were excluded 
 from confession and communion, while all books 
 which taught that all men, no matter of what reli- 
 gion, are permitted to pray to the Almighty, were 
 publicly burnt in formal auto da fes. 
 
 It is very characteristic of the coalition which the 
 Belgian liberalists had concluded with the priestly 
 and Jesuit party, that the latter always prudently 
 kept in the background whenever a question of some 
 magnitude arose, on the result of which the fate of 
 the Dutch government depended. It was only after 
 the revolution in 1830, that the black coats made their 
 appearance, to share the fruits which the liberalists 
 had earned with their blood. 
 
 The liberal provisions of the new Belgian consti- 
 tution were soon turned by the clergy and the 
 Jesuits to their own advantage. The complete 
 separation of the church from the state, as pro- 
 nounced by the constitution, furnished the clergy 
 with the privilege to work mischief with impunity. 
 The extension of suifrage to the most humble and 
 poor inhabitants in the rural districts, who were mere 
 machines in the hands of the clergy, furnished the 
 latter with the most efficacious means to render 
 
THE CONSTITUTION ABUSED. 137 
 
 government subservient to Jesuitism and priesthood. 
 At parliamentary elections, the priests led the 
 peasants to the voting hall in the same manner as 
 herdsmen drive their cattle to market j* there they 
 stood, a compact body without will and without sense, 
 to decide by a majority the election contest against 
 the intelligent and liberal town electors. Aware of 
 their preponderate power, the priests went even so 
 far as to treat with the candidates about the condi- 
 tions under which they were to be elected ; and the 
 neglect or violation of any of the stipulations was 
 sure to be visited at the next election with expulsion. 
 There were two other liberal provisions in the con- 
 stitution, which indirectly gave the party the greatest 
 power possible : freedom of education and association 
 right. By the first, government lost all control over 
 the schools, colleges, and universities in Belgium ; it 
 came into the hands of the rich and influential priest- 
 
 * Arrived at the election room, the priests placed their 
 peasants as a sergeant does his recruits — the taller men in 
 front, and the others behind. They then repeated the 
 speeches of the previous day, and distributed among the in- 
 dividuals cards with the names of the candidates upon them 
 whom they wished to support. Those who would vote other- 
 wise, they threatened to treat with rigour at their confessions. 
 —Bran. Miscell. 93, p. 107. 
 
138 NUMEROUS ESTABLISHMENTS IN BELGIUM. 
 
 hood, wMle the association right removed all limits 
 and restrictions in the establishment of convents, 
 cloisters, or ecclesiastical orders and monastic corpo- 
 rations. Since that time, the number of these insti- 
 tutions has increased in Belgium beyond all propor- 
 tion, and the diocese of Mechlin, e. ff., which pos- 
 sessed in 1827, about eighty-six cloisters, numbers 
 now more than one hundred and fifty. 
 
 We need hardly mention that the Jesuits, even 
 more than the real parties themselves, displayed zeal 
 and skill to turn the constitutional liberties to their 
 own interest. No sooner were these liberties granted, 
 than Belgium became overrun with the disciples of 
 Loyola ; it seemed as if they had grown out from the 
 very soil. Within a few years, they erected colleges 
 at Namur, Antwerp, Liege, Tournay, Lowen, Bruges, 
 Mons, Courtnay, Verniers, Turnhout, Brussels, 
 Ghent, Alost, and various other places. To all 
 these institutions were attached boarding-schools for 
 the sons of the higher and middle classes, some 
 of them numbering already, after a few years, more 
 than two hundred boarders ; while the " brothers of 
 ignorance," the tail of the Jesuits, had also estab- 
 lished themselves, with brilliant success, for the in- 
 
THEY DEFAME THE FREE TTNIVEKSITY. 139 
 
 structipn of the lower classes. In 1841, the schools 
 of the latter at Brussels had been visited by two 
 thousand children, who were probably more at- 
 tracted by the clothes with which they were pro- 
 vided by the brothers, than by their instruction. 
 Most shameful and revolting were the means which 
 the Jesuits employed to bring into disrepute and 
 decay the educational establishments of the state and 
 the municipalities, as also to convert the universities 
 in the towns into Jesuit colleges. In the confes- 
 sional, from the pulpit, by the press, by the secret 
 conferences (to which we will allude by and bye) 
 with the fair sex, all the institutions which did not 
 stand under the control and influence of the clergy 
 were daily branded as heretical, and their teachers 
 as outcasts, profligates, and wicked. In 1834, a 
 "free university" had been founded by the vo- 
 luntary contributions of the liberal party at Brussels, 
 for the purpose of counterbalancing the influence of 
 the clerical and Jesuit institutions; but the Je- 
 suits spread such scandalous reports against that 
 new establishment, as also against the Boyal Athe- 
 naeum of that place, as soon to bring into decay 
 these two excellent establishments. Though the 
 
140 DECLINE Or THE UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 trustees had positively proved that the rumours were 
 false and unfounded, it answered, nevertheless, the 
 purpose in view. The university dragged on a lin- 
 gering existence, the number of the students de- 
 creased every year, while the colleges of Jesuits 
 became filled not only with the pupils of the free uni- 
 versity, but also with those who had previously visited 
 the states and civic universities. The total decay 
 was chiefly owing to the want of competent teachers, 
 as well as of industrious students in these universities. 
 Most of the teachers found it to their interest to leave, 
 and engage themselves rather in the Jesuit colleges, 
 while but few candidates ventured to apply for the 
 vacant places, from fear of being run down and 
 losing their character by the persecuting slanders of 
 the Jesuits. Another very pertinent circumstance 
 also contributed to the decrease of the pupils in 
 those institutions. Many fathers sent their children 
 to the Jesuit schools merely to enjoy domestic peace 
 and quiet. Nor was it very difficult to persuade 
 them to the step, the Belgians being upon the whole 
 matter-of-fact people, who care less for abstract 
 learning and sciences than for useful knowledge and 
 professional arts. Not only were these practical 
 
THEY CONTROL THE PRESS. 141 
 
 branches taught at the Jesuit schools, but by the in- 
 fluence of their teachers, the students, on leaving the 
 colleges, frequently received places under Govern- 
 ment, made rich marriages, or received lucrative em- 
 ployments in some other way. 
 
 In the same way as the provision concerning the 
 liberty of education only served to transfer its control 
 to the clergy and Jesuits, in like manner did that of 
 the liberty of the press only serve to introoduce such 
 barbarous restrictions as are hardly to be met with 
 even in those countries where the most rigorous cen- 
 sorship exists. While the censorship only controls 
 the reading, the Jesuits were powerful enough even to 
 control the reader. After the revolution of 1830, 
 several liberal journals had made their appearance 
 in Belgium, but they gradually disappeared from 
 want of public patronage. Prom the pulpit, in the 
 confessional, and the Roman Catholic papers, the 
 bad (liberal) press was denounced in unmeasured 
 terms, and absolution refused to their subscribers. 
 If a man was insensible to the punishment, it was 
 extended to his wife, on whom it seldom failed to 
 have due effect. The whole staff belonging to the 
 liberal press, the compositors not even excepted, were 
 
142 CONSTITUTION AND BONDAGE. 
 
 excommunicated, and the printers and publishers 
 thereby brought to beggary. The same fate was 
 shared also by the general literature of the country. 
 The publishers in Belgium expressed themselves 
 plainly on that score. Any new work, they said, 
 that does not sacrifice at the altar of the ultra- Ca- 
 tholic clergy is sure to prove a failure, and they must 
 therefore take good care not to publish any work 
 which might in the least prove distasteful to the 
 priesthood. We thus see, that a nation may be pro- 
 vided by its constitution with all sorts of freedom 
 and liberty, and yet carry heavy chains of bondage, 
 if it does not join to its political, spiritual and in- 
 tellectual independence ; if, in the foolish disregard of 
 the higher interests of humanity, it looks at the ma- 
 terial good of the world as the only question of life, 
 opening thereby the most extensive sphere of opera- 
 tion for spiritual jugglery and moral abuses. No 
 nation can be called politically free so long as its 
 mind and reason are kept captive. Moral and mental 
 freedom is not only the mother, but also the best 
 safeguard, and the last keystone of civil liberty. 
 
 Under these circumstances, we must not cavil too 
 much with the King of Belgium for having, as a 
 
THE QUEEN AND THE ORDER. 143 
 
 Protestant, courted the good graces and friendship of 
 the Jesuits, since it was impossible for him to sit firm 
 upon his throne without the aid and assistance of that 
 body, though it is not improbable that the late queen, 
 who, like her mother, was rather devout, and a 
 great patron of the order, may have in some mea- 
 sure inspired her husband with some good feelings 
 towards the sons of St. Ignatius. It is a well-known 
 fact, that the queen never failed to attend church 
 whenever one of the members was to deliver a 
 sermon. The example of the queen was naturally 
 followed by the whole female court, and as a matter 
 of course by the whole female residents of the town. 
 Jesuit preachers thus became the lions of the day, 
 and men of high fashion. 
 
 Moreover, the influence of the Jesuits on the 
 female sex, is nowhere so great and pernicious as 
 in Belgium. It may appear rather strange, that the 
 Belgian women, who are somewhat devoid of imagin- 
 ative powers and deep feelings — qualities by which 
 elsewhere the Jesuits usually make their way to 
 female hearts— should nevertheless appear so enthu- 
 siastically partial to the members of the order. That 
 partiality is, however, easily explained. Most people, 
 
144 INFLUENCE UPON THE FAIK SEX. 
 
 and particularly women, generally entertain the deep- 
 est respect for those who are superior to them in in- 
 tellectual endowments, and still more so, if the little 
 they do know has been exclusively derived from the 
 instruction imparted to them by these superior minds. 
 In Belgium, the Loyolites are not only confessors — 
 aye, exceedingly mild confessors — but also the con- 
 fidants of all family troubles and secrets. Woe to the 
 man with whom the Jesuits are displeased ; he may 
 say farewell for ever to domestic peace and comfort. 
 Neither is their dominion less powerful over the 
 daughters of the unhappy mothers. They allure the 
 young girls, under prospects of rich marriages, into 
 all sorts of pious societies, which stand under the pa- 
 tronage of some favourite Jesuit saints. Their influ- 
 ence is, in short, so unlimited over the female sex in 
 Belgium, that the husbands never dare to oppose the 
 private conferences held between their wives and the 
 paters. The conferences consist, in the woman 
 retiring for a few days to the convent, where she 
 practises pious exercises in the presence of the 
 fathers, who provide her besides with devout rules 
 for her conduct at home. Into these retreats, only 
 married women are admitted, a class of the fair sex 
 
THE "FATHERS" AS MISSIONARIES. 145 
 
 whose intercourse is particularly courted by the 
 disciples of Ignatius. If scandalous reports arise 
 from the overzeal, i. e., too much liberty taken with 
 the fair sex by the priest in such conferences, or in 
 the confessional, the superiors have a ready means of 
 silencing these reports by suddenly removing the 
 sinner from the place, and sending him as a mis- 
 sionary to some part of America. This circumstance 
 accounts for the increasing number of such mis- 
 sionaries within the last fifteen years in America. 
 
 Also in Belgium we meet with the remarkable, 
 though not strange fact, that the pious fathers, 
 having succeeded by the help of the other resident 
 clergy in establishing themselves, and in acquiring 
 wealth,* power, and influence in the land, did not 
 scruple to turn these weapons against their previous 
 
 * Gfioberti, p. 83, says, "Arrived at Brussels, they began 
 with buying the hotel Coulmont for 120,000 f. Since then 
 they have erected a building which cost them more than a 
 million, while now the whole of one side of the Ursuline- 
 street, with the exception of one single house, belongs to 
 them, and there are hardly two or three houses on the oppo- 
 site side of which they are not the owners. In the excess 
 of pride they have asked government to allow them to 
 build a private subterraneous passage, to save them the 
 trouble of crossing the street." 
 
146 THE UNIVERSITY OP LOWEN. 
 
 friends and supporters, in order to force them, like 
 the laymen, into slavish obedience and moral 
 bondage. The Loyolites having increased in Bel- 
 gium from 117 members in 1834 to 454 in 1844, 
 thought that the time had then arrived when they 
 might play the masters and tyrants even over the 
 episcopal church in Belgium. The Belgian bishops 
 had not only always supported the Loyolites in the 
 most obliging manner, but even followed their counsel 
 and suggestions in all matters concerning the hier- 
 archy, aware that they (the Belgian Jesuits) stood in 
 direct communication with Borne, whence they had 
 also received the secret superintendence over the Bel- 
 gian church. In one respect, however, the bishops 
 would not and could not comply with the desire of 
 the Jesuits, to transfer to them the Catholic Univer- 
 sity at Lowen (which had been founded by the bishops) , 
 for the purpose of converting it into a purely Jesuit 
 college. Ever since the establishment of that Uni- 
 versity, the sly fathers had tried to gain influence 
 there by all sorts of machinations, and they finally suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining permission from the Archbishop 
 of Mechlin, Engelbert van Sterkx, to open a theolo- 
 gical course of lectures in that institution, simulta- 
 
THE BISHOPS AND THE JESUITS. 147 
 
 neously with those held by the regular professor of 
 theology, member of the faculty there. Their lec- 
 tures became so popular as to draw to them even the 
 theological students of the university, and the conse- 
 quence was that the theological audience soon de- 
 serted their benches in favour of those of the Jesuit 
 lectures. Having gained that position, the fathers 
 then requested that the university should altogether 
 be handed over to them, since the theological lectures, 
 they argued, which formed the most important branch 
 of education there, were virtually already in their 
 hands. The cardinal-archbishop, and the other mem- 
 bers of the episcopate, however, declined to agree to it. 
 The refusal gave rise to a bitter contest between the 
 Jesuits and the trustees of the university, on whom, as 
 usual, the Jesuits lavished ever since 1844 the grossest 
 calumnies. Prom the pulpit, in the confessional, and 
 in their frequent private visits and conferences, they 
 accused the six Catholic bishops, the inspectors of the 
 university, of promulgating heretical and revolu- 
 tionary doctrines. The Rector Magnificus, the well- 
 known fanatical Abbe de Ram, and several other pro- 
 fessors were, they maintained, ultra-liberals, and over 
 indulgent to the students in their moral training. Nay, 
 
 h2 
 
148 COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE PKOFESSOKS. 
 
 they even advised parents to send their children to 
 the states university at Ghent or Liege, rather than 
 to that at Lowen. To alarm the parents still more, 
 they spread a rumour that the students of Lowen 
 were all attacked with syphilis, and secretly kept 
 under medical treatment in the private residence of 
 the professor, Vice-President de Cock. Also at 
 Rome, and with unparalleled effrontery, even at the 
 Belgian episcopate, they denounced and brought 
 complaints against the trustees and professors of that 
 university. They accused, for example, the rector 
 and vice-rector of neglect of school discipline. Pro- 
 fessor Ubaghs of his philosophical lectures, his col- 
 league Hallard of his course of irreligious lectures on 
 French literature, and two professors of medicine of 
 omitting to attend confession and partake of the 
 communion. 
 
 Absurd and incredible as were all these complaints, 
 they did not fail to produce at least a partial effect ; 
 the respect and influence enjoyed by the Loyolites, 
 especially among the middle and higher classes, were 
 immensely great. The number of the students at the 
 Lowen university visibly diminished, and so did the 
 voluntary contributions by which it was supported ; 
 
THE BISHOPS ADDRESS THE POPE. 149 
 
 it soon became evident, that the institution must ere 
 long cease to exist for want of pecuniary means to 
 maintain it. The greatest blow was given to the 
 university by a rival college established by the Je- 
 suits at Namur, where they opened a regular course 
 of lectures on philosophy and philology, and for 
 which they succeeded in enlisting a great number of 
 students. The bishops, seeing all their efforts frus- 
 trated by the cabals of their foes, resolved at a meet- 
 ing which they held in the archiepiscopal palace at 
 Mechlin, in February, 1846, to address the pope ener- 
 getically on the subject, representing to him the dis- 
 graceful and grievous intrigues of the Jesuits, and re- 
 questing help and redress at his hands. Though they 
 received in April of the same year a reply from Pope 
 Gregory XVI., in which he promised them his assist- 
 ance in unequivocal terms, it might still have been a 
 matter of doubt whether the bishops would after all 
 have received redress from that quarter, had not that 
 pope died shortly after, and the chair of Peter been 
 filled by Pius IX., when the unlimited power of 
 Father Roothaan in Rome was broken for ever. The 
 Jesuits, anticipating adverse and critical times for 
 their order, prudently desisted from further contest 
 
150 THE JESUITS IN FRANCE. 
 
 with the Lowen university, and even resolved to 
 shake hands with the bishops. The consequences of 
 their intrigues, vindictive feelings, and ambitious 
 views which they had manifested in the contest, were 
 however destined to recoil upon their own head. The 
 eyes of the people were at last opened to the real 
 character and aspirations of the order ; a great many 
 who had previously proved the best friends of the 
 Loyolites now spoke openly against their abominable 
 agitations, and the conviction soon became general, 
 that the order is the worst and most dangerous 
 enemy of the country, its constitution, and liberties. 
 
 THE JESUITS IN FRANCE. 
 
 France has, on the other hand, the merit of having 
 combated with exemplary perseverance the spread of 
 Jesuitism, even under the most trying circumstances 
 and in the most critical moments of her social and 
 political convulsions. Already during the consulate of 
 Napoleon, the Jesuits had, as we have shown in the 
 foregoing pages, found in France a welcome reception 
 
THE JESUITS AND THE EMPEBOR. 151 
 
 and encouragement for the spread of their order. 
 Nay, they even dared, under the protection of friends 
 and patrons, to defy the subsequent orders of the 
 emperor for their expulsion. Towards the end of his 
 reign, they possessed four mansions in Paris alone. 
 One of them, situated in the Post-street, contained 
 their largest noviciate, at the head of which stood 
 Pater Cloriviere, an old member of the order before 
 its abolition in 1773, and one of those zealous indivi- 
 duals who by their active perseverance succeed in 
 keeping up a broken institution for a considerable 
 length of time. This opposition to the mandates of 
 the emperor brought him into prison, from which he 
 was however soon released by the intercession of 
 some of his female friends. The Bourbons had 
 therefore no need of importing new Jesuits into 
 France ; they found them there in considerable num- 
 bers already at their arrival, and the question was 
 consequently no longer about their admission, but 
 about the re-introduction of the order in due form 
 under its real name. 
 
 The Loyolites, it may easily be believed, neglected 
 nothing to accomplish that object in France, which 
 country seemed to them to be the most appropriate 
 
152 THE PEOPLE PRAY POR THE JESUITS. 
 
 for their movements and success, as possessing the 
 most decisive influence upon the other Catholic coun- 
 tries of Europe. Already in 1814 the whole of the 
 pious portion of the Gallican population fasted and 
 prayed for the speedy and formal re-introduction of 
 the order in their fatherland. From the pulpits of 
 many churches, not only praises were sung to the 
 Almighty for having inspired the pope with the reso- 
 lution of re-establishing the order in the Catholic 
 world, but also prayers were offered to Heaven to endue 
 King Louis XVIII. with similar sentiments in France. 
 In towns, villages, and boroughs, petitions were pre- 
 sented from door to door for signatures, purporting 
 to address the monarch on the subject, and conclud- 
 ing with the words : " Jesuits and no Charter \" Nor 
 was the press less employed to support the petitions. 
 France was then deluged with fanatical tracts and 
 pamphlets, in which were shown the nullity of all 
 human charters and constitutions, and the impossi- 
 bility of bringing about real civilization in the 
 country without the co-operation of the Jesuits, &c. 
 Louis XVIII. is said to have promised to se- 
 veral fathers, during his abode in England, the re- 
 establishment of their order, should Providence 
 
LOUIS XVIII. EVADES THE QUESTION. 158 
 
 place him upon the throne of his fathers. Neither 
 is it at all improbable that he should have given such 
 a promise, that monarch, like many of his brethren in 
 those days, having sincerely been impressed with the 
 conviction that the revolution of 1789 was one of the 
 effects of the abolition of the order in 1773. Be 
 this however as it may, no sooner had he ascended the 
 throne of his fathers, than he saw that it was much 
 easier to give than to keep such a promise, the great 
 majority of the French population being animated 
 with an irreconcileable hatred towards the order and 
 its members. He therefore evasively replied to the 
 pressing importunities of the friends of the Jesuits, 
 that circumstances would not for the present allow 
 the formal re-establishment of the order, and that he 
 must wait for more favourable opportunities to set 
 the matter to rights. The paters, however, repeat- 
 edly returned to the attack, and as the monarch not 
 only remained passive in their favour, but even kept 
 intact the new constitution granted by him, which in 
 their opinion not only contained wicked and irregular 
 concessions, but had even retained those old laws 
 which declared their order to be illegal in France, they 
 lost all patience, and openly began to wage war against 
 
 h3 
 
154 A WOMAN INTERCEDES IN THEIR BEHALF. 
 
 Louis, his government, and the charter. They dis- 
 puted the legitimacy of that prince, on account of his 
 not having been anointed by the church, which alone 
 is capable of endowing the rulers of the earth with 
 wisdom to perform the duties of their high calling. 
 Pater Boyer carried his impudence so far as even to 
 describe the prince, in a pamphlet published by him, 
 as the herald of Anti-christ, for having granted the 
 constitution to Prance.* 
 
 A monarch so jealous of his authority as that 
 Bourbon was, could surely not be induced to act in 
 favour of the Jesuits by means of violence and at- 
 tempts at insurrection, and the latter would hardly 
 ever have succeeded in conquering the royal ill-will, 
 if an influential woman, the usual guardian angel of 
 the order in times of their troubles and adversity, 
 had not interceded in their behalf. A member of 
 the order, a certain Abbe Liautard, had rendered an 
 important service to the Countess du Cayla, the 
 volatile mistress of Louis XVIIL, in her little 
 intrigues, and thereby inspired her with a very high 
 opinion of an order that counted so very clever and 
 
 * Roche-Amaud, M^moires d'un jeune Jesuite, pp. 11, 17, 
 and 27. 
 
DESCRIPTION OV FATHER GRIVEL. 155 
 
 dexterous an individual in its ranks ; and this favour- 
 able opinion was still more strengthened by the 
 paters Jennesseaux and Grivel, particularly the 
 latter, whom the countess quaintly called a model 
 of a perfect Jesuit.* Since that time the Jesuits 
 possessed in the countess a charming and skilful 
 advocate of their cause, though the monarch still 
 refused to re-establish thfi order in due form, main- 
 taining that the reintroduction of the Jesuits would 
 be as great an error as was their banishment. By 
 the formal instalment of the order, he thought, the 
 liberals would feel highly offended, while the injuries 
 caused thereby to the Bourbons and the monarchy 
 would hardly be compensated by the advantages to 
 be derived from the talents displayed by the Jesuits.t 
 With the exception, however, of the formal re-estab- 
 
 * " Father Grivel is a model of a Jesuit ; lie is pliable, 
 amiable, caressing, and dissembling. His mind is fine and 
 delicate, his manners sweet and polished. He insinuates 
 himself into your familiarity almost against your will. He is 
 moreover toleration personified. . . . Nothing is more ac- 
 commodating than his moral doctrines. . . . "When Morosini 
 (one of her lovers) died, he did all he could to comfort me and 
 sooth my grief. How is it possible to resist so much per- 
 severance ? " — MSmoires d'une femme de qualiti sur Louis 
 XVIII., sa Cour et son Bhgne, IV. 94. 
 
 t Soirees de Louis XVIH., I. 353. 
 
156 GRADUAL SETTLEMENT OP THE JESUITS. 
 
 lishnient of the order under its real name, the Jesuits 
 obtained almost all their wishes : the practical 
 removal of the existing laws against them, the acqui- 
 sition of the most extensive field of operation in 
 France, and their increasing influence at court and 
 with the government generally. 
 
 Already in October, 1814, and before the publica- 
 tion of the repristination bull of the order, many 
 Jesuits had settled at Paris, Bordeaux, Amiens, 
 Soissons, Forcalquier, and many other places of 
 France, under their pseudo name, " fathers of faith." 
 A royal decree (5th October, 1814) had indeed paved 
 the way to these establishments, as also to their 
 settling under their real name, Jesuits, at Toulouse, 
 Aix, Avignon, Poitiers, and other places. By that 
 decree, the so-called "smaller seminaries" were 
 withdrawn from the superintendence and supervision 
 of the universities, and permission given to the 
 bishops to select and appoint their own teachers. 
 The majority of the bishops, moved partly by friendly 
 feelings, and partly by the increasing influence of the 
 Jesuits at court, were easily persuaded to intrust the 
 latter with the conduct of these seminaries. No 
 sooner were the Loyolites in possession of the ma- 
 
THE COLLEGES AT ST. ACHEUL AND MONTROTJGE. 157 
 
 nagement of these institutions, than they founded a 
 great number of colleges of their own under that 
 pseudo name, among which was the one at St. 
 Acheul, near Amiens, which shortly afterwards rose 
 to the highest eminence in the kingdom. That col- 
 lege soon became one of the most fashionable esta- 
 blishments in the kingdom, so much so, that it was 
 considered a high favour" to have a child educated 
 there. At the time when that institution was in the 
 zenith of its glory and prosperity, in the latter days 
 of Louis XVIII. and the first of his successor, even 
 the choristers there consisted of the sons of dukes, 
 counts, and other peers of the realm. St. Acheul 
 and the establishment at Montrouge formed the 
 head-quarters of the pious fathers in Prance, the 
 central points whence they spread their nets all over 
 the country. In this village (Montrouge), which is 
 about a league distant from the French metropolis, 
 Pater Coulon had, at the instruction of his order, pur- 
 chased in his own and his brother's name, in 1814, a 
 small dwelling, a common country house, which had 
 been visited in the summer months by the paters of 
 the Post-street, in Paris, for the sake of recreation 
 and change of air. By the liberality of Count 
 
158 M0NTR0UGE THE RESORT OF THE GREAT. 
 
 Montmorency and other wealthy friends of the order, 
 this modest little country seat became after a few 
 years one of the finest ever possessed by the Jesuits 
 in France. Its magnificent gardens, shadowy lanes, 
 and the tasteful and luxurious arrangements of the 
 whole establishment, made it one of the most attrac- 
 tive residences in the kingdom. In 1818, they had 
 erected there their chief noviciate for France, the 
 abode being well calculated to please, during the 
 time of probation, the sons of high and wealthy 
 families. Montrouge having moreover been selected 
 as the summer residence of the provincial of France, 
 it also became the usual rendezvous of a great 
 number of grandees, the friends and patrons of the 
 Loyolites. Neither was it less frequented by those 
 who were fond of good cheer. Many bishops, dukes, 
 counts, ambassadors, deputies and high statesmen 
 were seen more frequently at the refectory at Mont- 
 rouge than even at court ; indeed, these pilgrimages 
 belonged at that time to the haut ton of distin- 
 guished society in the metropolis. 
 
 A remarkable instance of the activity of the Je- 
 suits during the French Restoration, was the great 
 number of their home missionaries. To meet the 
 
JESUIT M1SSIONAKIES. 159 
 
 want of priests which had been felt in the provinces 
 after the fall of Napoleon, Louis XVIII. had allowed 
 (September, 1816) missionary sermons (or sermons 
 by missionaries) to be held in the various churches. 
 No ecclesiastical order made more and better use 
 of that privilege than that of St. Ignatius. They 
 found in these so-called missions the best means 
 of taxing the people in favour of their political and 
 financial purposes. Already, in 1818, this Jesuitical 
 mission-farce had taken a wide field in Prance, and 
 it might not unreasonably be nicknamed a parody of 
 the Revolution. It was a parody, in which the Je- 
 suit cowl had replaced the red cap, in which dema- 
 gogues had ascended the pulpit instead of the tri- 
 bune, in which fanaticism played the part of en- 
 thusiasm, while ambition and covetousness of monk- 
 ish faction were endeavouring to agitate the masses 
 against the existing order of things. The par- 
 ticular object these missionary preachers had in 
 view, was not to lead back the people to the old 
 dogmas of the Catholic church, nor to lower the 
 lay- clergy in public opinion, but solely and ex- 
 clusively to keep up the agitation against the na- 
 tional charter, and deprecate the principles of 
 
160 PRAYER-BOOK OF THE MISSIONARIES. 
 
 modern times and their representatives. Even in 
 the printed forms of prayer which they distributed 
 during their stay in the large towns, to the church 
 frequenters, the following passage occurs : " May God 
 have pity with the French people, and give them 
 back that liberty which they have thrown away to 
 follow a deceptive phantom of imaginary freedom, or 
 rather a licentious course of frivolity." What that 
 lost liberty consisted in, is explained by the sequel 
 of the prayer, which said : " May Heaven pardon 
 the French their crimes and wickedness which are 
 committed throughout the unhappy country. They 
 rob the churches, cloisters, and religious institutions 
 of their ornaments and wealth ; they have killed 
 and dispersed the male and female servants of the 
 church, the shepherds whom the Holy Ghost has given 
 to the sheep, and they have replaced them by un- 
 worthy mercenaries, ambitious hypocrites, and rapa- 
 cious wolves. They indulge, in short, in all sorts of 
 wrongs towards the most trustworthy of all shepherds, 
 the monastic orders." Lafayette, Benjamin Con- 
 stant, Foy, Manuel, and the other leaders of the 
 liberal party, were stigmatised by these missionary 
 preachers as arch-scoundrels and outcasts, of whom 
 
PARTIALITY FOR TRADE AND TRAFFIC. 161 
 
 nothing less was to be expected than to see them 
 shortly decree a Bartholomew night for all the 
 priests in France. 
 
 It is well known that the Jesuits were at all times 
 given to mercantile speculations, and that by their 
 smuggling goods to and from Spanish America, and 
 their fraudulent bankruptcies in France and the 
 "West Indies, they had greatly contributed to raise the 
 popular storm against themselves towards the middle 
 of the last century, which finished by the suppression 
 of the order in 1773. Even in that respect the 
 modern Loyolites have followed the footsteps of their 
 predecessors. In the same way as they were known 
 at Vienna to speculate largely in the stocks and other 
 money transactions, in like manner were they sus- 
 pected in France, during the Restoration, of dealing 
 largely in wines. Another branch of commerce 
 which they carried on, too openly to be doubted, was 
 the retail trade of the missionaries in the joys and 
 sufferings of the future world, as also in the hopes 
 and sorrows of the present. Mission and traffic 
 went hand in hand. Shops, stalls, and confessionals 
 had been established in and at the churches. A rich 
 supply of hymn books, missionary tracts, pamphlets, 
 
162 TRAFFIC OF THE MISSIONARIES. 
 
 rosaries, crucifixes, medals, Agnus Dei, hearts, rings, 
 skulls, scapularies, images, &e., with which they 
 were provided, were recommended, offered, and sold, 
 at reasonable prices, to high and low, in towns and 
 villages, at stalls erected at the entrances of the 
 churches, in a spirit worthy of the hest auctioneers in 
 the English metropolis. Though the worthy disciples 
 of Ignatius are usually more fond of dealing with 
 young than old women, in the agency traffic, however, 
 the elderly daughters of Eve were preferred to the 
 younger, probably because of tbeir garrulous dispo- 
 sition and love of bargaining. " Holla ! holla ! 
 neighbour/' cried one of these female agents to 
 another who had her arms so full of tracts and cru- 
 cifixes that one of them fell to the ground, " Holla ! 
 don't drag your ' bon Dieu ' in the mud ! " 
 
 This retail traffic was carried on by the missionary 
 paters with all the candour and ease that belong to 
 the calling, and with all the chink and jingle apper- 
 taining to the trade. The most experienced and 
 ablest town traveller could not better gloss up his 
 samples, and better recommend them against all 
 competition, than these missionary travellers. In a 
 regular catalogue and price current, printed and dis- 
 
CONTENTS OP THEIR. HYMNS. 163 
 
 tributed at Bayonne in 1819, of missionary books 
 sold at the stalls in the entrances of the cathedral 
 and St. Andrew's church, it is said: "At these 
 stalls are found many other curious and edifying 
 works, which promise to give the utmost satisfaction 
 to all devout souls. Good Christians of both sexes 
 cannot do better than to employ their money and 
 deposit it here, money being the source of all crimes. 
 Anxious souls had therefore better get rid of the 
 base metal. Important Notice — Rosaries of glass 
 pearls which are sold in other places, though they 
 may also be sacred, do not enjoy the indulgencies 
 which his holiness the pope has granted to those on 
 these stalls." We ought also to mention, that 
 the catechisms and other tracts offered for sale 
 contained the most bitter attacks upon the prin- 
 ciples of the Grallican church, and the greatest mis- 
 representations of the constitution and the laws of 
 France. Neither were their hymns and other sacred 
 songs, which had been adapted to the profane melo- 
 dies from the times of the Revolution, free of these 
 abuses, while they contained besides, some very 
 obscene and revolting expressions. 
 
 Upon the people, and especially the female sex of 
 
164 WOMEN, HOME, AND CHILDREN. 
 
 the lower classes, these Jesuit missionaries exercised 
 the most pernicious and poisoning influence. Do- 
 mestic happiness was usually the first that disap- 
 peared under the influence of their pestilential breath. 
 Hardly had the day dawned in a place after the ar- 
 rival of the missionaries, than a large number of 
 women of all classes left their houses to be present at 
 the missionary sermons and exercises, which usually 
 commenced as early as five o'clock in the morning, 
 in one of the churches, where, as in theatres when a 
 new play is announced, the crowd assembled a few 
 hours before the time appointed, in order to secure 
 good places. The care of the household and of the 
 children was left to the men, while the women nearly 
 spent the whole day at church, in all sorts of alter- 
 nate religious processions and devotions. But few of 
 these devout creatures took the trouble of casting a 
 look at their own doors for a few moments, and if 
 they did so, it was merely to satisfy the cravings of 
 the stomach. This neglect of home duties was the 
 more felt in southern France, the head quarters of 
 the missions, where most of the minor trades are 
 carried on out of doors, and the household manage- 
 ment is exclusively left to the care of the women. At 
 
SUFFERINGS OF THE POOR CHILDREN. 165 
 
 Marseilles (1820) a woman locked in her two chil- 
 dren, two and five years old, to go to the missionary 
 meeting. The youngest fell into the fender, and be- 
 came a prey to the flames, while the mother was 
 perhaps at that moment confessing to the Jesuit 
 missionary of having committed a deadly sin by eat- 
 ing an egg on a fast day. Frequently poor chil- 
 dren were seen wandering about in the streets, cold 
 and hungry, sobbing for their mothers. " Where is 
 your mother, child?" "In the mission; in the 
 mission," was the crying reply ! 
 
 A carpenter in Normandy had succeeded, after 
 many years toil and economy, to amass a small capi- 
 tal of a few hundred francs, when a section of the 
 mission arrived at the place. The wife of the good 
 man, frightened by a sermon in which one of the 
 paters had sketched the torments of hell in the 
 blackest colours, hastened to the preacher to ask 
 him absolution of her sins. The latter declared that 
 her case was so bad that he could not do it under 
 six hundred francs. The frightened woman, to save 
 her soul from eternal perdition, did not hesitate for a 
 moment to obtain salvation by the hard savings of 
 her husband. She purloined the sum, and handed 
 
166 TRUE SAD FACTS. 
 
 it to the priest. The carpenter having a few days 
 afterwards need of a little sum, hastened to the 
 drawer where it was kept, hut found it gone. The 
 changed conduct of his wife and some other circum- 
 stances awakened his suspicion as to the real thief, 
 and after some conversation with his wife, she ac- 
 knowledged the truth. The exasperated carpenter, 
 without saying anything more to his helpmate, at 
 once repaired to the dwelling of the absolution 
 vender armed with two pistols. Wishing to speak 
 to him in private, he was shown into a back room, 
 where the carpenter, pistol in hand, demanded hack 
 his six hundred francs, which were instantly returned 
 to him by the alarmed monk. The daughter of a 
 linendraper at Marseilles, a young girl of twenty- 
 three, had returned one day from the missionary 
 confessor in a very melancholy mood. The danger 
 of eternal damnation, with which she had been 
 threatened by the confessor, had made a deep impres- 
 sion on her mind. The father, alarmed at the state of 
 his child, requested her to cease visiting the missionary. 
 " You are Satan," replied she, " away, begone ! " 
 Not long after, she was sent to a madhouse, where 
 she put an end to her existence by throwing her- 
 
THE STAGE AGAINST THE MISSIONARIES. 167 
 
 self out of a window on the third story.* These 
 few traits will suffice to illustrate the fatal conse- 
 quences of the influence which the Jesuit mis- 
 sionaries exercised upon the female sex in parti- 
 cular. As nothing was done by Government to check 
 the mischief done under the cloak of religion, 
 the people frequently did so of their own accord. 
 The stage, which is used in France, ever since the 
 days of Moliere, as the medium to combat the tricks, 
 abuses, and intrigues of priestcraft, was, at the time 
 we are speaking of, also made the arena against 
 the missionaries. Almost in every place where a 
 theatre existed, the people demanded the represen- 
 tation of " Tartuffe •" but as the local authorities 
 sometimes interfered with the general request, open 
 riots were often the result. Moreover, the very ap- 
 pearance of these missionaries in a place, not un- 
 frequently led to disturbances, when they were 
 obliged to perform their religious exercises under the 
 protection of the police. Having arrived for the 
 
 * Zschokke, " Ucherlieferuagen zur Gesehichte unserer 
 Zeit," pp.25 — 48; Montglave and Chalas, "Histoire des 
 Conspirations des Jesuites, &c," p. 413; Roche-Arnaud, 
 " Memoires," p. 86. 
 
168 RIOTS AT BEEST. 
 
 first time (October, 1819) at Brest, the mission- 
 aries were saluted with the cry, "Death to the 
 Jesuits ! " &c. They only escaped forcible expul- 
 sion by voluntary retirement. Even in the suburbs 
 of Paris, where the paters first dared to mate their 
 appearance (1820), before they presented themselves 
 (a year afterwards) within the walls of the French 
 metropolis, it was found necessary to protect them 
 from public insult and assault, on the scenes of 
 their activity, by large bodies of police, gendarmes, 
 dragoons, and even artillery. Their pious exercises 
 in the cathedral at Rouen, in March, 1826, were 
 regularly interrupted by crowds of people rushing 
 in with the cry, " Death to the Jesuits ! Death to 
 the missionaries ! " and it was necessary to clear 
 the church every time by the military, while the wo- 
 men, who persevered in repairing to the church, were 
 hissed and hooted and even drawn back by main 
 force by groups of the assembled mob. The same 
 happened with the missionaries themselves. No 
 sooner was the crowd dispersed by the military at 
 one point than it rallied at another, and, despite the 
 persuasive harangues of the authorities to disperse, 
 the disturbances lasted for several days, until they 
 
ASSOCIATION SYSTEM. 169 
 
 assumed such a serious character, that it was found 
 necessary to despatch an additional detachment of 
 soldiers to the place, to clear the streets and restore 
 order. 
 
 These missionary doings, however pernicious in 
 themselves, were far from being the greatest evils 
 brought upon France by the Jesuits, nor did they 
 even form one of the powerful vehicles of Jesuitical 
 operations. It was the congregation by which the 
 Jesuits became a real plague to the land, and at the 
 same: time objects of popular hatred and persecution. 
 We look upon the congregation, that remarkable sys- 
 tem of association in its most flourishing and exten- 
 sive development, in which the Jesuits have always 
 been great masters — ay, much greater even than 
 in their system of education — as the true organ, 
 the grand secret of the immense influence which 
 they have for centuries exercised upon European 
 society. By means of that peculiar system, the 
 order of Loyola joined to the standing army of its 
 spiritual or real members, who were bound to live 
 according to the rules of their order, also an army 
 of secular volunteers, Jesuits in short coats or skirts 
 (a robe courte), who were not in the least disturbed 
 
 i 
 
170 ENLISTING LAYMEN. 
 
 in their ordinary calling and trade, and of whom 
 nothing was required hut that they should wear 
 certain sacred appendages as a sign of recognition, 
 say daily a short prayer, now and then participate 
 in the more heavy exercises of the church, and en- 
 gage themselves by a simple vow for a certain time, 
 (in Prance, for instance, for the term of five years,) 
 to render all possible services to the order and obey 
 its instructions. In return, they were promised a 
 ready promotion of their worldly views and interests, 
 and absolution and indulgence of all sins and 
 transgressions. Neither were these promises empty 
 words incapable of realisation. The mighty and 
 widely ramified order of St. Ignatius was powerful 
 enough to procure by its interest far greater advan- 
 tages to individuals, than could any other corpora- 
 tion, fraternity, or even secular power. Hence the 
 great facility with which they acted upon all classes 
 of society, by holding out the seductive prospects of 
 ambition or pecuniary gain, according to the views 
 and the position of the individuals whom they wished 
 to enlist in their service. In recent times, in par- 
 ticular, the success of the order rested chiefly on the 
 co-operation with its standing army (the real ton- 
 
THE CONGREGATION FOUNDED IN 1801. 171 
 
 sured members) of the innumerable bosts of volun- 
 teers, the Jesuits in short coats, who had been en- 
 listed from all classes of the population. This was 
 not only the case in France alone, but also in all 
 countries where the disciples of Ignatius have been 
 permitted to settle and acquire power and wealth. 
 We shall dwell at some length upon this peculiar 
 branch of Jesuitical operation, because, having ob- 
 tained in France its utmost development, it affords 
 the best historical clue for sketching its character- 
 istic outlines. 
 
 Already, under the consulate, the work of associa- 
 tion had, after a long interruption, been resumed by 
 the Jesuits. One of the " fathers of faith," Pater 
 Bourdier-Delpuits (of Auvergne), had in 1801 
 founded in Paris the " congregation of the holy Vir- 
 gin," under which name a similar fraternity had 
 been established in Prance by the Jesuits in 1563, 
 under the sanction of the then Archbishop of Paris, 
 Cardinal de Belloy. The congregation founded at 
 the beginning of the present century counted mem- 
 bers indiscriminately from all classes of society, and 
 chiefly served as a sort of receptacle of all elements 
 of discontent. It consisted of all persons who 
 
 i2 
 
172 VICISSITUDES OP THE CONGREGATION. 
 
 were displeased, with the prevailing systems in "re- 
 ligion " or politics. Notwithstanding that Napoleon 
 had decreed in 1804 the abolition of all ecclesiastical 
 orders, the " congregation of the holy Yigin " had 
 remained intact under the protection of the empress- 
 mother and Cardinal Fesch. Even after the peremp- 
 tory suppression of the Jesuit order by the emperor 
 in 1810, the existence and the operations of the 
 " congregation " were but for a short time inter- 
 rupted. The Abbe Philibert, afterwards Bishop of 
 Grenoble, soon re-united the dispersed members, and 
 the "congregation" fostered a secret existence under 
 the guidance of the Abbe Legris-Duval until after 
 the fall of the empire in 1814. 
 
 With the restoration of the Bourbons the activity 
 of the " congregation " became much more extended. 
 The distinguished favour shown to the society by 
 the brother of Louis XVIII., Count Artois, and 
 his bigoted daughter-in-law, the duchess of Angou- 
 leme, even in the first week after their return to 
 Paris, soon stamped the " congregation " as a union 
 of the highest distinction in the fashionable world. 
 But the zeal which the union displayed in opposing 
 the national Charter and constitutional monarchy, 
 
DIVISION OF THE UNION. 173 
 
 soon constituted it the central point of all ultra- 
 royal and ultra-montane agitations. Again, the very 
 comprehensive plan which the congregation had in 
 view — the reconstruction of the sovereign and absolute 
 power of the church — required a previous re-organisa- 
 tion of its own society on a much broader basis. It 
 was, indeed, to this latter work that the Loyolites ap- 
 plied all their energies. The one large " congrega- 
 tion/' which had been composed indiscriminately of 
 all classes of society, was divided by Pater Eonsm, 
 their superior, into several sections for the different 
 classes of the population respectively. The presi- 
 dency of the first section, which contained for its 
 members princes, dukes, counts, marquises, cardinals, 
 deputies, and prefects, was allotted to Pater Ronsin ; 
 that of the higher and middle classes to Pater Varin ; 
 that of the mechanics and military to Pater Roger, 
 while other Jesuits presided over the congregation of 
 the masses or the lowest classes, such as servants, 
 children, and even thieves and other criminals, for 
 whom the sly fathers had formed a congregation even 
 in the prison cells. All these congregations had been 
 christened by several names in connection with the 
 Catholic church. There were congregations for the 
 
174 NAMES AND BUSINESS. 
 
 ■" diffusion of belief," and for the " defence of the 
 Catholic religion," congregations of the " sacred 
 mysteries," of the " holy sacrament," of the " sacred 
 heart of Jesus," of that of the Virgin, of the " sacred 
 rosary," the " holy sepulchre," of the " Saint Louis of 
 Gonzaga," of " Saint Joseph" and many others of a 
 similar character. They were divided in tens and 
 hundreds, and possessed leaders or superiors of both 
 sexes, women being also members of the congrega- 
 tion. These leaders collected the weekly or monthly 
 subscriptions (labourers and servants paid one sou 
 weekly), which they handed over to the Jesuits, their 
 chiefs. In addition to these subscriptions, the 
 members on entering the congregation were obliged 
 to engage themselves by a solemn oath to " promote 
 the great cause of God and the holy Virgin by all 
 possible means in their power." "When we consider 
 that the first division ultimately numbered above a 
 thousand members of the highest aristocratic 
 families, of whom the greater part were either 
 fanatics or blockheads, or probably both together, 
 and that many of them had allotted the greatest part 
 of their annual income, amounting to from sixty 
 thousand to one hundred thousand francs, to the 
 
THE CONGREGATION AND GOVERNMENT. 175 
 
 service of the society, it will easily be conceived what 
 vast sums of money the Jesuits must have had at 
 their command in the metropolis, as also in the large 
 and middle towns of Prance. We are assured by a 
 very credible author (Roche- Arnaud) that in the first 
 years of the reign of Charles X. upwards of six 
 millions of individuals had belonged to the congre- 
 gation, who, as a matter of course, stood at the 
 entire disposal of the order. 
 
 It was natural that the "congregation," with 
 such means in hand, should ultimately exercise 
 influence also on the government of the country. 
 Indeed, it formed the soul of that privy council of 
 Louis XVIII., which possessed already, in 1820, 
 power enough to carry through the House or 
 Chambre, the famous or infamous three laws against 
 the press, individual liberty, and reform of the elec- 
 tive system. The new order of things to which 
 these laws had paved the way, received its best sup- 
 port in the succeeding year (15th December, 1821) 
 by the nomination of a ministry whose members 
 belonged to the "congregation," and who were 
 consequently Jesuits in the proper sense of the term. 
 Villele, Minister of Finance, and Corbiere, Minis- 
 
176 INFLUENCE OP THE CONGREGATION. 
 
 ter of the Interior, were known to be amongst the 
 most zealous and truest members of the " congre- 
 gation/' while the Duke of Montmorency, Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs, was even one of the chiefs of the 
 society. As members of the congregation, they were 
 in duty bound to fill all the subordinate places of 
 the administration with the creatures of the society, 
 or rather with Jesuits. And so they did ; M. Renne- 
 ville, who had shortly before left the Jesuit school 
 at St. Acheul, became Chief of the Cabinet-bureau ; 
 Franchet, a congregationist, became Director of the 
 Police of the kingdom; and another, a certain De- 
 lavau, Prefect of the Police at Paris. The prefec- 
 tures and subprefectures, the posts in the states' 
 council and embassies, and, as a matter of course, the 
 episcopal chairs, were generally given to persons 
 recommended by the " congregation." The ante- 
 chambers of the Jesuit presidents, Eonsin and Jen- 
 nesseaux (the latter being Attorney- General of the 
 Province of France), were usually filled with courtiers 
 and supplicants for places, while the ministerial 
 offices swarmed with clerks taken from the con- 
 gregation. 
 
 Great was, moreover, the supervision and vigilance 
 
OFFICES FOR SERVANTS. 177 
 
 of the congregation over private and family life, by 
 
 other and different means. By the vast number of 
 
 offices established by it for the placing of clerks, 
 
 valets, tutors, nurses, chamber-maids, grooms, cooks, 
 
 &c, and at the head of which generally stood some 
 
 ladies of high rank, the congregation had the best 
 
 means of making sure of the services of the needy 
 
 classes. The families, moreover, who applied to such 
 
 offices for servants, &c, became thereby known to 
 
 the society as belonging to their friends, to whom 
 
 application might be made in necessary cases. But 
 
 the principal object gained by these offices was the 
 
 confession and confidential information given by the 
 
 individuals who had obtained places, reports by which 
 
 the members were enabled to become familiar with 
 
 all the secrets of family life, with all its wants and 
 
 foibles, with all its wishes and defects. Neither was 
 
 the establishment of a " marriage-office" neglected by 
 
 the society. Those who devoted themselves to its 
 
 services were sure to make rich marriages, as the 
 
 confession registers of the society always contained 
 
 full accounts of the desires and wants, strong and 
 
 weak sides, of all persons wishing to enter the bonds 
 
 of matrimony. 
 
 i3 
 
178 THE MAJORITY OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 A nation, however, like the French, so full of life, 
 spirit, and sound sense, was upon the whole not 
 so easily to be deceived as the congregationists 
 imagined it to be. Though the number of those 
 who fell into their snares was very considerable, the 
 majority of the nation was not caught by their baits 
 and intrigues ; the majority, on the contrary, looked 
 with increased indignation at the workings of the 
 Jesuits, which had been directed against the spirit of 
 the age and the character of the present generation, 
 more especially since the accession of the bigoted 
 Charles X. In the last months of the reign of 
 Louis XVIII., a motion had passed the Chambre des 
 Deputes for the restoration of ecclesiastical corpora- 
 tions (i. e., the Jesuit order). It is true that the 
 motion was modified in the Chambre des Pairs, where 
 it was limited to convents alone ; no doubt, however, 
 remained on the public mind, that under the new 
 coming king the motion would be renewed and car- 
 ried to its full extent. Nor was it less known that 
 Charles X. had at last ascended the throne with the 
 firm resolution of erasing from the Charter the pro- 
 vision of religious freedom and toleration a resolu- 
 tion to which he had long before his accession been 
 
THE NEWSPAPERS. 179 
 
 prompted by his Jesuit confessor, Janson, and the 
 leaders of the " congregation." The majority of the 
 people were consequently only waiting for an oppor- 
 tunity to vent their feelings of hatred against the 
 order and the " congregation," while the pious fathers 
 were so blinded by success, that they themselves 
 furnished the people with that very opportunity. 
 Of all the Journals, the " Constitutionnel " and the 
 " Courrier Francais " had particularly nettled the 
 Jesuit party by their strong and indefatigable leaders 
 against the toleration of the order in open violation 
 of the laws of the land. The Jesuit party, confi- 
 dent of power and influence, had no hesitation in 
 bringing an action against the two papers. They 
 were accused (December, 1825) of spreading the 
 wildest religious anarchy, of attempts at subverting 
 the throne and existing order, and of contempt of the 
 church and her servants. The complainants there- 
 fore requested that the court might decree the sus- 
 pension of the two journals. The court, however, dis- 
 missed the complaint after an able defence by Dupin 
 and Merilhou. The motives expressed by the court 
 for dismissing the complaint, furnished the oppo- 
 nents of the Jesuits with far more ready weapons for 
 
180 SENTENCE OF THE COURT. 
 
 future attacks, than did the judgment itself. The 
 sentence was founded, the court argued, on the 
 grounds, that the articles complained of contained in 
 substance only attacks against the re-establishment 
 of ecclesiastical corporations, which are by law prohi- 
 bited, as also against the ultra-montane doctrines 
 which had for some time been publicly preached and 
 taught by a portion of the French clergy, and which 
 were certainly calculated to put in jeopardy the 
 religious and civil liberty of the country. Paris was 
 filled with joy at the announcement of the sentence, 
 or rather at the protest of the judges against the 
 illegal partiality of government towards the 
 Jesuits. Baron Seguier, the president of the 
 Court of Appeal, became the most popular per- 
 sonage in the metropolis, where a peculiar spirit of 
 activity now began to manifest and develope itself 
 against Jesuitism. The scandalous chronicles of the 
 machinations of the Loyolites, and the notorious 
 "Monita Secreta" were re-published in various forms. 
 The disputes between Jesuitism and Jansenism were 
 re-opened in print, while a new and cheap edition of 
 Moliere's "Tartuffe" was issued from the press, and, 
 being sold at five sous the copy, more than 25,000 
 
montlosier's pamphlet. 181 
 
 were disposed of within a few days. Nor was the 
 periodical press behind in its strictures on and 
 attacks of the Jesuitical order and its members. Of 
 all the literary publications on the subject, none was 
 more deeply felt by the Jesuits, or has inflicted 
 on them greater injury, than the celebrated pamph- 
 let of Count Montlosier,* known as a staunch 
 royalist and zealous advocate of the aristocracy. 
 Having entered the lists against the Jesuits and the 
 congregation in 1825, in the periodical "Dra- 
 peau blanc," he published at Paris, in March 1826, 
 the above pamphlet, in which he showed by indis- 
 putable facts, and in a clear and elegant style, the 
 great dangers that threatened the throne, altar, and 
 fatherland, by the toleration of the order. The effect 
 of that brochure, which, by the by, reached the eighth 
 (large) edition before the close of 1826, was still 
 more enhanced by the author having incurred thereby 
 the disgrace of government, who dismissed him from 
 his post in the ministry of foreign affairs, a cir- 
 cumstance that stamped him in the eyes of the people 
 as a martyr for a popular cause. The next effect of 
 
 * " Memoire a consulter but tin Syst&me religieux et poli- 
 tique, tendantarenverser la Religion, les Soci^te", et le Tr6ne.'' 
 
182 A STIB IN THE UPPER HOUSE. 
 
 that pamphlet was, that eighty of the most eminent 
 lawyers in Paris gave it as their impartial opinion, 
 and declared openly, that all -unions and congre- 
 gations which are not authorized by law, are punish- 
 able by law ; that the re-introduction of the Jesuit 
 order in France, which had been abolished by the 
 statutes of the empire, is unconstitutional ; and 
 that government ought therefore to be compelled 
 to dissolve all these interdicted unions, corpora- 
 tions, societies, and orders. Montlosier thereupon 
 formally moved in the Court of Appeal for the 
 issue of such a decree, but as the Court declared its 
 incompetency to act in an affair which strictly be- 
 longed to the Executive power or the supreme po- 
 lice, Montlosier addressed a petition to the Chambre 
 des Pairs, which appointed a committee of inquiry 
 on the subject. The report of the committee (Jan. 
 1827) (composed by Count Pbrtelais the younger), 
 showed the necessity of putting a stop to the illegal 
 existence of the Loyolites in France, and of refer- 
 ring the petition to the President of the Cabinet, 
 with the request to remove the grievances com- 
 plained of therein. Notwithstanding the opposition 
 of M. Frayssinous, Minister of Public Instruction, 
 
DEFENCE FOB. THE JESUITS. 183 
 
 and the Bishop of Hermopolis, as also of many other 
 friends of the order, the report was consented to 
 (19th Jan.) by 113 against 75 votes, chiefly owing to 
 the increasing displeasure and jealousy with which the 
 peers regarded the great attachment of the court to 
 the Jesuits and the congregation. 
 
 In the introductory part of the speech of Frays- 
 sinous in the Chambre des Pairs, in defence of the 
 pious fathers, he alluded to the fact, that for the last 
 two years the whole country was echoing the name 
 of the Jesuits ; that it would be much easier to find 
 people who are indifferent to religion and politics, 
 than to the society of Jesus. He spoke the truth, 
 though in a different sense. The Jesuit affairs had 
 indeed become so much the question of the day, that 
 every other question assumed a subordinate character 
 at the side of it ; that the most decided antagonists in 
 politics shook hands and forgot for awhile their party 
 spirit, in order to devise the best means of combating 
 the most dangerous enemy of civil and religious liberty, 
 the order of the Jesuits. Nay, the very admission 
 made by the Minister of Public Instruction, that the 
 order did actually exist in Prance, and the extravagant 
 praises which he lavished in the course of his speech 
 
184 THE MAKTieNAC MINISTRY. 
 
 upon its members, plainly showed that the court 
 was then more than ever busy with the re-establish- 
 ment of the order in due and legal form, and that 
 such would of a certainty ere long happen if the 
 country did not protest against it in the most deci- 
 sive manner. Later revelations have satisfactorily 
 proved that the suspicion was well founded. Instead 
 of taking into serious consideration the decision of 
 the upper House, government defied public opinion 
 to such a degree as to cause Charles X. to undergo 
 the most humiliating treatment at a review of the 
 Parisian national guard which he held (29th April, 
 1827), when he was incessantly greeted by the latter 
 and the assembled crowd with the cry, " Down with 
 the ministers ! Down with the Jesuits ! " 
 
 Viscount Martignac, successor of Villele (1828), 
 justified the expectations of the nation, that he would 
 adopt measures against the machinations of the 
 Jesuits. He named Count Portalis (the reporter of 
 the above petition in the upper house) Minister of 
 Justice, and M. Vatimesnil (a decided enemy of the 
 Jesuits) Minister of Public Instruction, while he 
 removed from all the higher places of the adminis- 
 tration, and more especially from the police, all the 
 
MARTIGNAc's MEASURES. 185 
 
 functionaries who were known to be friends of the 
 Jesuits and the congregation. Having completed his 
 preliminary arrangements, Martignac issued (16th 
 June, 1828) those famous decrees by which the eight 
 Jesuit colleges at Aix, Billom, Bordeaux, D61e, 
 Forcalquier, Montmorillon, St. Acheul, and St. Anne 
 d'Auray, which had existed under the feigned name 
 " small seminaries/' were to be suppressed, or rather 
 transferred to the control and supervision of the uni- 
 versity, by the 1st of October of that year. He 
 further decreed, that no president or teacher should 
 be appointed in these seminaries without a previous 
 written assurance on their part, that they do not 
 belong to any of the religious societies prohibited by 
 law. Also the number of the real " small seminaries " 
 and their pupils was greatly diminished, and a better 
 discipbne and more adequate principles introduced in 
 the establishments. It had cost Martignac immense 
 trouble to induce the bigoted monarch to assent to 
 these measures as a voluntary but indispensable con- 
 cession to public opinion in Prance. Charles X. is 
 said to have gnawed to pieces the pen with which 
 he signed the concessions, and to have declared 
 loudly, that these signatures had caused him the 
 
186 THE ANSKY PKELATES. 
 
 bitterest agonies and regrets — that they had brought 
 him in direct contradiction with his own conscience 
 and his truest servants. The immense joy through- 
 out the country at the publication of those measures 
 were only equalled, if not even surpassed by the 
 rage of the Jesuits, the congregationists, and the 
 whole episcopate. The latter, headed by the Car- 
 dinal-Bishop of Toulouse, the Duke of Clermont- 
 Tonnere, raised a vehement opposition to those 
 decrees, which the duke denounced as a flagrant 
 encroachment on his rights, as a triumph of the 
 revolution, and as the work of Satan. Who knows 
 to what extremes this "Fronde of the vestry," as 
 the papers called them, had not proceeded in the 
 excess of passion, if Rome, more wise, cautious, and 
 sharp-sighted than the blinded prelates, had not 
 interfered in the matter at the request of Martignac ? 
 The declaration of Pope Leo XII., that " he saw in 
 those decrees no violation of the episcopal rights, and 
 that he did not therefore think himself justified in 
 forcing upon Prance, ecclesiastical societies which had 
 been expelled by the laws of the land/' had the 
 desired eflbct of silencing the bishops, and partially 
 removing the Loyolites from the country. The latter, 
 
PLAN TO REMOVE MAKTIGNAC. 187 
 
 not willing to hand over the control of their eight 
 colleges with more than 3000 pupils to the university, 
 preferred closing them altogether, and removed with 
 a considerable number of their late pupils to the 
 neighbouring Switzerland, and across the Pyrenees. 
 
 The joy of the French was however somewhat di- 
 minished by the news, that the compliance with the 
 abolition decree had only been limited to one portion 
 of the Jesuit establishments. Those which were not 
 expressly named in the ordinances continued to 
 exist under the secret protection of the bishops, 
 Martignac having, to spare the feelings of the mo- 
 narch and his court, thought proper not to enforce 
 the strict compliance with the decrees in that 
 respect. What chiefly alarmed the patriots of France 
 was, the knowledge that the influence of the Loyol- 
 ites and the congregation had remained unabated 
 upon the king and his court, and that they (the 
 Loyolites) were working with visible success to bring 
 about the fall of the Martignac ministry. To fa- 
 cilitate their endeavours with the monarch, the Je- 
 suits worked upon his sympathy, and suggested to 
 him the expediency of replacing Martignac by prince 
 Polignac, the supposed illegitimate son of Charles X. 
 
188 THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 
 
 The latter readily approved of the suggestion, and 
 in August, 1829, Polignac was called to the head 
 of the Administration. This event, as may be sup- 
 posed, was hailed by the Jesuits and the congrega- 
 tionists as a great victory of principle, the Polig- 
 nac ministry being the most priest-ridden and 
 aristocratic cabinet that existed in France ever 
 since the restoration of the Bourbons. Hardly had 
 the news reached the Loyolites abroad, than they 
 made preparations to return to France and retake 
 possession of their forsaken establishments. Large 
 numbers of them arrived at the French frontier from 
 Italy, in anticipation of the speedy abolition of the 
 decree of June, 1828, in which anticipation they were 
 justified by the nomination of the Jesuit pupil Guer- 
 non de Ranville, nicknamed the " Messiah of the 
 Congregation," as Minister of Public Instruction 
 (Nov. 1829). 
 
 Who knows to what extent the mischief might 
 not have been carried, if the revolution of 1830 
 had not put a speedy end to the whole fabric of 
 iniquity. It has been proved beyond doubt, that 
 the elder Bourbons owed their fall chiefly to their 
 devotion to the Jesuit party and their pernicious 
 
LOUIS PHILIPPE. 189 
 
 counsels. Charles X. and his son, the weak-minded 
 Duke of Angouleme, were nearly brought by the 
 Jesuit Janson, the royal confessor, and the two 
 other heads of the clerical party (the papal nuncio, 
 Lambruschini and Cardinal Latil), to a state of 
 jwasi-insanity, in which they thought themselves 
 bound in the name of religion, and for the salva- 
 tion of their own souls, to sign, in violation of the 
 constitutional charter, those July ordinances which 
 cost them the throne and dynasty.* 
 
 The storm of the July revolution had scared away 
 the sons of St. Ignatius from the French soil, while 
 some of their establishments, and especially at St. 
 Acheul and Montrouge, were even plundered and 
 demolished by the exasperated masses. At the de- 
 molition of the latter institution, a printed register 
 was found, which showed that the order counted at 
 the beginning of 1830, in France, 149 priests, 163 
 school-divines, and 124 coadjutors, making a total of 
 436 members. An ordinance of Louis Philippe 
 annulled (1831) the decree of 1816 for the admission 
 of missions in France, which were henceforth pro- 
 
 * "Causes secretes de la reformation d'Etat en. France, 
 1830." 
 
190 THE JESUITS AGAIN. 
 
 hibited. In November, 1831, the new Minister of 
 Public Instruction issued a circular to the trustees of 
 all the higher schools in the realm, in which the 
 bishops and archbishops were earnestly enjoined to 
 comply strictly with the decree of 1828 respecting 
 the " small seminaries," and more especially with the 
 provision requiring a written declaration by all 
 teachers, that they do not belong to any prohibited 
 religious society. 
 
 We see that Louis Philippe was at first firmly 
 resolved to guard Prance against the Jesuit pest, 
 though it is also well known, on the other hand, that 
 the pious fathers had left the country for only a short 
 time. No sooner, indeed, was the first alarm over, 
 than they began to steal in gradually and cautiously. 
 A few of them who had been recognised (Pater 
 Druilhet at Bordeaux in 1832, and Pater Besnoin 
 at Tours) had been put in prison, but as there was 
 no particular charge laid against them, they were 
 discharged, with the advice to depart immediately 
 from Prance. Druilhet repaired (May, 1833) in com- 
 pany of his colleague, Deplace, to Prague, to under- 
 take, at the earnest request of Charles X., the 
 education of his grandson, the Duke de Bordeaux. 
 
INDULGENCE TOWARDS THE JESUITS. 191 
 
 The dethroned king was, however, by the representa- 
 tions of his friends, dissuaded from the step, lest it 
 might prejudice the prince in the eyes of the French, 
 should it become known that he had been educated 
 by Jesuits. The two fathers were accordingly dis- 
 missed in November, 1833. 
 
 What encouraged the Loyolites to return, though 
 clandestinely, so shortly after the revolution, was the 
 certainty that they possessed in the Queen Maria 
 Amelia a staunch patron and friend ; nor is it impro- 
 bable that it was owing to the interference of that 
 bigoted princess, that Government took no notice of 
 their presence in Prance, a fact that must have been 
 known to the Government, as is evident from the 
 conversation of Thiers with the provincial pater 
 Renault (1833) concerning the above-mentioned cir- 
 cumstance of the intended education of the Duke de 
 Bordeaux. The ordinances of 1828 were soon, under 
 such circumstances, rendered nugatory (despite their 
 renewal in 1831), in open violation of the decree, when 
 many bishops did not scruple to employ stealthily 
 Jesuit teachers in their seminaries. There can be no 
 doubt, however, that the indulgence shown by govern- 
 ment towards the Jesuits was in part also owing to 
 
192 IGNORANCE OF THE SPIRIT OF JESUITISM. 
 
 the desire of Louis Philippe to reconcile the episcopate 
 with the July revolution, while the paters themselves 
 facilitated that indulgence hy having acted upon the 
 advice of Pater Eoothaau in Rome, who told them 
 not to live under one roof as an incorporated body, 
 but to reside dispersed as simple assistant priests in 
 the various dioceses, and to avoid generally all 
 appearances of show and ostentation, by which the 
 suspicions of the people might again be roused to 
 their destruction. In this manner their reappearance, 
 when it was at last discovered, gave so little alarm to 
 the public, that it was not even found necessary to 
 insert in the parliamentary enactment (1837) about 
 national instruction, a clause against the re-engage- 
 ment of Jesuit teachers in the national schools. The 
 Reporter of that enactment, St. Marc Girardin, 
 expressed himself on the subject, amidst loud cheer- 
 ing of all parties, as follows : — " What ! Are we now 
 to fear the Jesuits? How, with our institutions, 
 with this tribune, with our two chambers ! How, 
 with the philosophical arsenal of our libraries, are 
 you afraid of the Jesuits? No, let us not lower 
 ourselves so deep in the eyes of Europe ! " &c. It 
 was owing to this fatal ignorance of the spirit of 
 
CONCESSIONS TO THE CLERGY. 193 
 
 Jesuitism, which is proof against philosophical 
 arsenals and parliamentary tribunes, that, ten years 
 after the July revolution, there were in France 
 more Jesuits than before 1830, an official return 
 having shown that on the 1st of January, 1841, the 
 jjumber of the Jesuits in the two provinces, Prance 
 and Lyons alone, was 581. 
 
 Already, before 1837, the Loyolites had ventured 
 to emerge gradually from the obscurity in which they 
 had sought refuge in the first few years after the 
 revolution. They were not a little encouraged to 
 that step by the great concessions made by Louis 
 Philippe in all matters connected with the church and 
 religion, in order to reconcile the French clergy to 
 his own dynasty. These concessions, however, not 
 only tended to increase the arrogance of the higher 
 clergy, but proved also of great advantage to their 
 protegees, the disciples of St. Ignatius, who best 
 know how to profit by the foibles of those in power. 
 In 1838 the Bishop of Clarmont had refused christian 
 burial to the afore-mentioned Count Montlosier, be- 
 cause he had not consented to recall the irreligious 
 sentiments expressed in his writings, and more 
 especially in his " Memoire a Consulted." Not- 
 
 K 
 
194 XAVEB, DE B.AVIGNAN. 
 
 withstanding public indignation, and the eloquent 
 speech of Victor Cousin in the House of Peers, in 
 which he dwelt on the scandalous conduct of the 
 bishop and the necessity of Government interfering in 
 the matter, the only notice the latter took of the 
 affair was simply to signify its disapproval of the 
 conduct of the bishop. In the same year (1838) the 
 Jesuits even ventured to re-open their missions at 
 Rheims. As the authorities seemed disinclined to 
 enforce the law, serious disturbances took place 
 (December, 1838), when the parsonage and the St. 
 Jacques church were demolished by the mob, while 
 the missionaries escaped with their lives from the 
 popular fury, with great difficulty. 
 
 Some time afterwards, the Jesuits made preparations 
 for organizing themselves under their real name in 
 the French metropolis. They began by presenting 
 themselves in their most captivating and dazzling 
 capacities. Before any symptom was perceivable of 
 their existence and operations, a preacher of their 
 order, Xaver of Ravignan (previously a proxy of the 
 Attorney- General at Paris, and afterwards a member 
 of the order), filled the capital and the whole of 
 France with admiration of bis brilliant and edifying 
 
POPULARITY OP A JESUIT. 195 
 
 extempore sermons. True and dazzling talent is sure 
 to win the French public, and inspire it, if not with 
 conviction, at least with a respect bordering on enthu- 
 siasm. Thus, even after it had become known that 
 Ravignan was a Jesuit, the public admiration and 
 attendance by no means diminished ; the little 
 defect was overlooked on account of his preponder- 
 ating talents, and, as it was thought, convincing in- 
 spiration. At first, his sly brethren did not acknow- 
 ledge him as one of the fraternity; but after his 
 having secured a triumphant position in society, they 
 had no hesitation in announcing his creed and order. 
 People certainly regretted that such a man should 
 ever he a member of such a disreputable society ; but 
 it was considered in him a foible rather than a crime, 
 a misfortune to be pitied rather than punished : there 
 were in short all sorts of charitable excuses made in 
 his favour, and his popularity did not in the least 
 suffer by the discovery. A Jesuit had thus managed 
 to become an object of fashion ! What immense gain 
 for the order ! To become a man of fashion in the 
 fashionable metropolis of the fashionable world, was 
 indeed something worth striving after. It was now 
 possible for the members to settle gradually in France 
 
 e. 2 
 
196 DEATH 0E THE DUKE OF ORLEANS. 
 
 under the shadow of his popularity; it was indeed 
 now the people who had granted absolution to the 
 Jesuits ! 
 
 About that time Louis Philippe had lost his first- 
 born son, the Duke of Orleans (13th July, 1842), by 
 a fall from his carriage. The affliction of the mother 
 was deep and lasting, and the Jesuits were not slow 
 in profiting by the mishap. Even the marriage of 
 the duke (1837) with a protestant princess had pre- 
 viously given offence to the clergy of the orthodox 
 church, while confessors and other monks had tried 
 to inspire the bigoted queen with religious scruples 
 about that union. ' After the death of the prince, it 
 was not very difficult to persuade the afflicted mother 
 that his death was a retribution from Heaven for 
 the sin committed by the wicked marriage, that the 
 queen was herself guilty before the Lord for having 
 given her consent to the union, and that the de- 
 ceased would be condemned to hard sufferings in 
 purgatory, if he was not ransomed by his surviving 
 relations by extraordinary works of piety and re- 
 pentance, and among others the conversion of the 
 unhappy young widow, as also the re-establishment 
 of the order of Jesus within her dominions— a thing 
 
lotjis Philippe's motives. 197 
 
 so much desired by the holy father and all truly 
 pious Catholics, &c. These exhortations fell upon a 
 very susceptible soil, a bigoted and afflicted heart. 
 It is true, that in all matters of public affairs the 
 queen's influence upon Louis Philippe was not 
 only insignificant but even more than counter- 
 balanced by that of his philosophical sister, Madame 
 Adelaide. Yet was the king — though he made no 
 secret of his sentiments, that he believed more in 
 Voltaire than in all the popes and bishops taken 
 together — from political motives inclined to grant the 
 wishes of his spouse. There could be no doubt that 
 his dynasty had lost, in the very popular crown- 
 prince, one of its strongest pillars, and that a regency 
 with the unpopular Duke of Nemours at its head, 
 would be only resting upon a very weak foundation. 
 Louis Philippe therefore looked about iu all directions 
 to secure any support likely to prove beneficial to his 
 house, no matter from what quarter it came. He 
 thought, that the support from the clergy afforded 
 him the most solid security for his dynasty, unde- 
 niable symptoms of piety and religion having mani- 
 fested themselves more than ever among the French 
 people at large. He was therefore resolved to enlist 
 
198 SCHOOLS AND THE UNIVERSITY. 
 
 the church in his favour, and use her, in the spirit of 
 many potentates of our day, as a mere machine and 
 organ for his government. But he was also aware, 
 on the other hand, that he could only by means of 
 considerable concessions bribe the clergy in favour of 
 his dynasty, and he therefore began the work of con- 
 ciliation by the greatest favour he could bestow on 
 them — the re-introduction of the order into his do- 
 minions. We thus see, that the death of the Duke 
 of Orleans was an eventful occurrence even for the 
 church. With the acuteness and sure instinct so pecu- 
 liar to the Catholic clergy, and the Loyolites in par- 
 ticular, they were not slow in perceiving the brilliant 
 prospects that had been opened to them by the tra- 
 gical end of the prince. The bishops accordingly re- 
 newed in the same year the great struggle about the 
 re-admission of the Jesuits into France, which they 
 disguised in the cry for liberty of education and the 
 right of parents to choose for themselves teachers for 
 their children. In France, public or national in- 
 struction had stood, since 1808, under the exclusive 
 control and guidance of the university, an imperial 
 decree of the 17th March of that year having passed 
 that no schools of any description should be established 
 
LIBERTY IN EDUCATION. 199 
 
 or opened in the empire without the permission of the 
 university of France ; and further, that no one should 
 profess to teach in such schools without being a 
 member and graduate of the university. Only the 
 great theological and episcopal seminaries formed an 
 exception ; they had been pronounced exempt from 
 the above restrictions. In the national Charter or 
 Constitution of 1830, these restrictions had been 
 removed by the Legislature in its over-zeal to apply 
 freedom and liberty to all branches of social life. 
 The sad effects which liberty in education has 
 wrought in Belgium, soon convinced the French 
 government of the blunder they had committed in 
 allowing that pernicious latitude also in France ; and 
 the consequence was, that it was deemed prudent 
 not to bring the law concerning uncontrolled educa- 
 tion into practical force, but to let it remain a dead 
 letter, a mere theory in the statutes of the land, to 
 be acted upon at some future period when called for 
 by circumstances. The Loyolites, however, had for 
 a long series of years endeavoured to convince or 
 persuade the higher clergy, that the university, and 
 the organization of public instruction emanating from 
 it, were monstrous evils, that the sole aim and object 
 
200 THE CHURCH AND THE UNIVERSITY. 
 
 of that institution was the annihilation of the Ca- 
 tholic religion, the destruction of the church, and 
 the abolition of priesthood. The bishops, in conse- 
 quence, under a show of right, only claimed the exe- 
 cution of the law in favour of unrestricted education, 
 by which they morally meant, the permission to be 
 granted to the Loyolites to act as teachers, and as 
 a matter of course to establish their own schools 
 and colleges for the education of the French youth. 
 Nor were the bishops less prompted to the step by 
 their personal dislike to the university and its pre- 
 rogatives, which they thought savoured too much 
 of revolutionary innovations, and were incompati- 
 ble with the spirit of the restored aristocracy to 
 which they themselves belonged. It was, however, 
 only in 1842 that they took courage to bring 
 forward their complaint in proper form. They de- 
 manded, in plain terms, unrestricted liberty in edu- 
 cation, to allow every religious order, every clerical 
 fraternity, and in general every individual who felt 
 a desire and calling for the profession, to establish 
 schools of their own for the instruction of youth. 
 With this claim, a war of life andi death was declared 
 against the university. 
 
" LE M0N0P0LE UNIVEKSITAIRE." 201 
 
 We have seen, in the first pages of the present 
 history, that, a century previously, Berzozowski the 
 Jesuit- General had found it perfectly right and rea- 
 sonable, that in Catholic Russia everything that 
 touched upon public instruction should be left to the 
 control and supervision of the state ; that also in 
 Sardinia the same arrangements had prevailed as in 
 France, the universities of Turin and Genoa having 
 had, in the name of the state, the control over all 
 the minor educational establishments in the country. 
 But as the university of France did not think proper 
 to bow under the yoke of the Loyolites, after the 
 manner of the universities in Sardinia, it was decried 
 as an institution working the ruin of religion and 
 morality, and as an establishment full of wickedness 
 and iniquity. 
 
 It need hardly be mentioned, that the disciples of 
 St. Ignatius formed the avant-guard in the furious 
 combat which was now raging between the univer- 
 sity and the French episcopate. The Loyolites used 
 here their most dexterous weapons — scandal, ca- 
 lumny, slander, and perversion of truth — with a 
 specimen of which we will treat the reader. The 
 Jesuit, Desgarets, canon at Lyons, published in May, 
 
 k3 
 
202 PAMPHLETS AGAINST THE UNIVERSITY. 
 
 1843, a book under the title, " Le Monopole Uni- 
 versitaire," in which he pointed to the immediate 
 and palpable effects of the university education ; they 
 were, he said, suicide, parricide, homicide, infanticide, 
 duel, violation, burglary, seduction, incest, adultery 
 and the most refined debauchery, theft, plunder, 
 prodigality, unjust claims, perjury and calumny, 
 transgression of all laws, communism both as re- 
 gards property and women, insurrection, tyranny, 
 revolution, and murder. Still more passionate and 
 absurd, if possible, were the expressions of Theodor 
 Cambalot (an apostolic missionary) in his " Memoire 
 adresse aux eveques de France at aux peres de 
 famille." Secular instruction is, with him, an en- 
 croachment on the rights of the church, an insult 
 to God, and a wrong to society. He thinks, that the 
 clergy alone are able to educate and rear the man 
 and the Christian, the citizen and the Catholic ; but 
 as the work of education is too extensive and la- 
 borious for the lay clergy, assistance ought to be 
 had from the religious bodies, such as Jesuits, Re- 
 demptorists, Dominicans, Franciscans, &c, which 
 orders ought on that account to be restored in 
 France. This pamphlet of Cambalot contains, 
 
APOLOSY FOR THE JESUITS. 203 
 
 besides, gross insults upon the university and the 
 government ; it summoned, moreover, the episcopate, 
 to excommunicate that and all similar secular esta- 
 blishments, and even to refuse to their pupils the 
 communion and the sacrament. Government having 
 pronounced the pamphlet a libel, its circulation 
 was prohibited and the author legally prosecuted 
 (January, 1844). He was found guilty, and con- 
 demned to fourteen days' imprisonment and four 
 thousand francs fine. The Bishops of Valence and 
 Chalois, however, were not intimidated by that 
 sentence. They showered praises and laudations on 
 the condemned in all papers and periodicals at their 
 command ; they extolled his merits in the cause of 
 the Catholic Church, and took, upon the whole, a 
 very lively part in the violent contest. 
 
 Among the extravagant tirades of a Desgarets, 
 Cambalot, and others of the clique, who, instead of 
 profiting, rather damaged their cause by indulging in 
 perverted facts and in low personalities, a pamphlet 
 published at the beginning of 1844, by the afore- 
 mentioned Pater Ravignan, produced great sensation 
 in the metropolis, and wrought, at least for a time, 
 an advantageous influence upon the public mind in 
 
204 NUMBER OP JESUITS IN FRANCE. 
 
 behalf of the Jesuits. It bore the title, " De Texist- 
 ence et de Finstitut des Jesuites," and contained an 
 apology for the Jesuits. Never had the cause of the 
 Loyolites been conducted with such adroitness, in 
 such overpowering language, with such dazzling so- 
 phistry, with such seductive dignity, and with such 
 an appearance of deep earnest conviction, as were 
 displayed in this pamphlet with its simple title. But 
 the greatest practical significance was given to 
 Ravignan's open manifest — in which he demanded, 
 amongt other things, a revision of the statutes, 
 and of the moral and material rehabilation of the 
 order — by his own confession that he was himself a 
 Jesuit, and that there were 206 Jesuit priests living 
 in France. The number of the Jesuits here stated is 
 both correct and incorrect. In speaking of the 
 number existing in France, Ravignan meant the 
 province France; but with a mental reservation 
 natural to the order, he led the public to believe 
 that it was the whole of Prance, the kingdom of 
 France, that numbered only 206 members of the 
 order ; but in point of fact, their number in the whole 
 monarchy was at that time 825. Another equivoca- 
 tion lies in the term Jesuit-priests, there being a 
 
GOVERNMENT FAVOURS THE ORDER. 205 
 
 number of the members who lived dispersed in the 
 country without being priests in the strict meaning 
 of the word. 
 
 At all events, the published avowal made by Ra- 
 vignan that there were above 200 Jesuits living upon 
 the French soil, was a bold and clear manifestation 
 of the contempt in which he held the laws of the 
 land, which ordered the banishment of the Jesuits. 
 It is also a proof, that the Jesuits must then have felt 
 so entirely safe and secure, so entirely confident of 
 the favour of the authorities, as to dare to admit their 
 existence in France, instead of endeavouring to with- 
 draw that fact from public notice, as they did pre- 
 vious to that time. Neither did the authorities take 
 any notice of that confession, and the partiality of 
 government for the order was still more evident from 
 the dismissal of Michelet and Quinet, the two 
 greatest champions of the university. The Jesuits 
 now delayed no longer to make the best use of the 
 but ill-disguised favour of government. They founded 
 a considerable number of noviciates and other estab- 
 lishments, though they thought it prudent to proceed 
 with great caution and circumspection. Ever since 
 the commencement of the dispute between the epis- 
 
206 AFFILIATED SOCIETIES. 
 
 copate and the university, and more especially after 
 the brilliant success with which the above professors 
 (Michelet and Quinet) had taken up the gauntlet for 
 the university, the attention of the liberal press had 
 particularly been turned to the pious fathers, the 
 Loyolites. The Jesuit question became the question 
 of the day, and was incessantly treated, in various 
 forms, in an infinite number of works, pamphlets, 
 periodicals, and journals. The Jesuits perceiving 
 their steps watched with Argus eyes, thought it pro- 
 per not to be too rash in their movements ; and so 
 effectually did they indeed conceal their proceedings, 
 that neither the number of their institutions, nor the 
 full extent of their operations, were exactly known to 
 the public and the authorities. The public at large 
 only knew of their establishments at Paris, Lyons, 
 and a few other places, and but few suspected that 
 the paters possessed a considerable number (twenty- 
 five) noviciates also in Elsass, Picardy, and some pro- 
 vinces in the interior of France. As Monrouge and 
 St. Acheul during the restoration, so did, in the latter 
 times of Louis Philippe, their establishment in the 
 Post-street at Paris, form the focus of their operations. 
 The order also now possessed a great number of 
 
SURREPTITIOUS LEGACIES. 207 
 
 affiliated societies, which under various names of 
 " brothers so and so/' and " sisters so and so," were 
 actively employed for the order. Their income from 
 alms, legacies and donations, was more than sufficient 
 to keep up all these establishments in Prance, even 
 in superfluous elegance. The " sisters of mercy," and 
 of the " holy heart of Jesus," were particularly useful 
 to the Jesuits in their task of collecting alms from 
 the pious population; but legacies which they obtained 
 surreptitiously — an art in which the Jesuits always 
 excelled * — proved an inexhaustible source of income 
 to the order also in Prance. Indeed, there is hardly 
 a country in Europe where private legitimate interests 
 are more injured by that branch of Jesuit activity 
 than in Prance, and no wonder that Eugene Sue's 
 " Wandering Jew" has produced such an astonishing 
 effect upon Prench society. The outlines in that 
 admirable novel of the surreptitious way in which 
 the Jesuits obtain large legacies, are upon the whole 
 quite correct, though the details may be a little 
 
 * The words in our Litany, "Deliver us from sudden 
 death," may perhaps have been introduced by the crafty 
 monks, in order not to be deprived of the opportunity of per- 
 suading the dying from remembering the church in their will. 
 
208 INSTITUTION FOE SERVANT G-IBXS. 
 
 overdrawn by fictitious tints. As the existence of 
 the Jesuits in France was in fact illegal, the fathers 
 used the precaution to draw up the legacies and 
 donations in favour of some private individuals con- 
 nected with the order, who in their turn made them 
 over to their own friends before delivering them up 
 to the order, so that the latter received these gifts as 
 it were from third and fourth hands, to avoid all 
 suspicion and legal objections. 
 
 But it was not by these means alone, that the 
 French Loyolites endeavoured to satisfy their crav- 
 ing for gold. We may safely say, that at no time 
 and in no country has the order manifested more 
 avarice and greediness for money and property than 
 in recent times in France, where even the high 
 state functionaries during the reign of Louis Philippe 
 were not free from the infection. The pious fathers 
 speculated largely in goods manufactured by the 
 inmates of the religious and charitable institutions 
 which they had established in vast numbers under 
 various names in different parts of the country. 
 With the assistance and under the control of the 
 " sisters of the holy heart of Jesus/' of the " good 
 Shepherd," and other similar societies closely con- 
 
JESUIT MANUFACTORIES. 209 
 
 nected with the order, the Loyolites had managed to 
 create, among others, also congregations after the 
 model of convents, for girls of all classes of society, 
 as also to establish charitable institutions or homes 
 for female servants out of employment. This latter 
 institution was nothing more nor less than a crafty 
 way of taxing the hard labour of the poor under 
 that specious title. All the girls who entered that 
 charitable establishment were obliged to work in 
 all sorts of manufactures from morning to night, 
 in return for the scanty food they received there. 
 The pater-manufacturers were thus enabled to bring 
 to market their own goods at a much cheaper 
 price than could the lay manufacturers, who had to 
 pay regular wages to their labourers, while the mer- 
 chant, who served as the commission agent for these 
 convent manufactures, (which, by-the-by, were ex- 
 empt from duties of any sort,) became the most dan- 
 gerous competitor in the market. The consequence 
 was, a number of failures and bankruptcies, the re- 
 sult of those religious and philanthropic competitions. 
 At Lyons, St. Etienne, and other manufacturing 
 places, the wages of the factory girls had, in conse- 
 quence of competition, been so reduced that they 
 
210 INCAUTIOUS CONDUCT OP THE JESUITS. 
 
 were obliged to foster existence in another less vir- 
 tuous way. 
 
 This bloodsucking avarice of the Jesuits, this 
 encroachment upon the economy of society, in addi- 
 tion to the share they took in the disputes between 
 the episcopate and the university, and the unge- 
 nerous weapons they made use of in that bitter 
 contest — all this, and a great many more grievances, 
 had greatly exasperated the people, and brought down 
 upon their head the severest philippics from the press, 
 which did its best to fan the public wrath against 
 those outlawed intruders. The sly fathers must have 
 been quite blind to the dangers that threatened them 
 at that period, or they would certainly not have 
 engaged in the notorious law suit (1845) against one 
 of their cashiers, a certain Affnaer. By this law suit, 
 the fact of the existence and organisation of the order 
 in France became legally established, while the public 
 was treated with an insight into the mercantile 
 affairs of the Jesuits. It was no longer possible for 
 government passively to ignore the existence of the 
 members in France; nor were the friends of the 
 fathers less incautious, in their adopting measures by 
 which they forced upon the Legislature the duty of 
 
THE BISHOPS DEFY GOVERNMENT. 21] 
 
 ordering proper inquiry to be made into the subject. 
 At a meeting held at Marseilles by the zealous 
 friends of the Jesuits, it had been resolved to petition 
 the Upper House to prohibit the popular lectures of 
 the professors, Michelet and Quinet. In the sharp 
 discussion to which the petition gave rise in the 
 House, Cousin, in attacking most bitterly the order 
 of St. Ignatius, also pointed to the illegal indulgence 
 shown by government to the members. Thiers and 
 Dupin having given a true and energetic exposition 
 of the law against the Loyolites, the Chambre des 
 Deputes voted almost unanimously on the following 
 day (3rd May, 1845), that a requisition should be 
 made to government or the executive power to put in 
 immediate force the law existing against the tolera- 
 tion of the Jesuits in France. Even at this last and 
 hopeless stage, the bishops did not relent in their 
 exertions in behalf of their protegees and friends. 
 Several of them addressed the Minister of Public 
 Instruction soon after the decision of the House, in 
 terms of scorn and defiance: they were resolved, 
 they said, to harbour the Jesuits in their own 
 palaces, should they be driven out of their houses 
 and establishments; and they dared the police to 
 
212 COUNT KOSSl's MISSION. 
 
 show themselves within the walls of their sacred 
 abodes. In an epistle addressed direct to the king, 
 Prilly, Bishop of Chalons, declared in his own name, 
 and the names of many of his colleagues, that " the 
 cause of the Jesuits is clearly the cause of the whole 
 church, and consequently also theirs ; we know very 
 well, he said, that every word that is spoken against 
 the order, is a war-cry against ourselves." 
 
 Despite all these protestations and countermove- 
 ments, government had no alternative hut to comply 
 with the requisition of the Legislature. But as a 
 direct and strict execution of the law would have 
 militated against the conduct of the court, and the 
 equivocal line of policy hitherto pursued by Louis 
 Philippe himself, it was thought advisable to com- 
 promise the matter by persuading the Jesuits to 
 withdraw voluntarily from Prance. Por this purpose, 
 Count Rossi, Preneh ambassador at Rome, received 
 instructions to demand from the pope an order for 
 the voluntary withdrawal of the Jesuits from France. 
 It was well known that neither Pater Roothaan, the 
 Jesuit general, nor the congregation of cardinals, to 
 whom Gregory XVI. had left the arrangement of the 
 affair, were at all inclined to listen to the representa- 
 
A FEW OF THE JESUITS LEAVE. 213 
 
 tions of the count. Twelve days afterwards, however 
 (5th July, 1845), the " Messager," (a ministerial 
 evening paper in Paris,) announced that the Jesuit 
 question had been satisfactorily settled at Kome. 
 This sudden readiness of the pope and the cardinals to 
 come to an amicable arrangement, was only owing to 
 the circumstance, that the French minister having 
 failed in his original demand, thought proper to bring 
 it afterwards under such a modified form, that 
 neither the pope nor Eoothaan could see any objection 
 to it, since it secured to the Jesuits a far better posi- 
 tion in France than before. It had been agreed, that 
 Pater Eoothaan should seemingly recall his subor- 
 dinates from France, while the French Government 
 promised in return, to close temporarily only the 
 chief establishment of the Jesuits in the Post-street 
 at Paris, and a few others at Lyons, Avignon, and St. 
 Acheul, which were too well known to the public to 
 be tolerated, but to leave undisturbed the other less 
 notorious establishments, or at least to proceed against 
 them very leniently. This was the result of Count 
 Rossi's negotiations, which had been designated by 
 the ministerial press as a signal success and diplo- 
 matic victory. Pater Eoothaan could indeed have no 
 
214 FALL OF THE BOUKBONS. 
 
 hesitation to accept the concession, it being evident 
 that the order lost nothing by this momentary and 
 partial resignation, which, as it was voluntarily ten- 
 dered, without any previous legal and formal decree 
 for expulsion or banishment, could only facilitate the 
 return and reappearance of the members after a while, 
 without drawing public attention to the fact. The 
 French people soon perceived the imposition practised 
 on them. Only a small portion of the pious fathers 
 left the country; the greatest part remained and 
 carried on their intrigues as before, though, perhaps, 
 with a little more circumspection. The diplomatic 
 deceit, as soon as it became known, only tended to 
 increase the popular hatred against the Jesuits, as 
 also the discontent of the country with the exist- 
 ing government. But when Louis Philippe at last 
 thought proper to advocate the cause of the order also 
 in foreign countries, and to play the part of a cham- 
 pion for the Jesuits in the civil war which had broken 
 out in Switzerland at their instigation, pubhc opinion 
 in France had become so incensed at his conduct, 
 that the loss of his throne and dynasty (in February, 
 1848) was no doubt greatly accelerated by that cir- 
 cumstance. The elder Bourbons lost their crown 
 
SWITZERLAND. 215 
 
 because they took advice and counsel of the Jesuits, 
 while Louis Philippe hastened his own ruin because 
 he wanted to make an ambitious and sensitive 
 nation the train-bearers of Jesuitism. 
 
 Much occupied with more momentous considera- 
 tions, called forth by the war with Russia, the atten- 
 tion of the nation is for the present withdrawn from 
 the Jesuits and their doings, probably to be resumed 
 after the restoration of peace, when the religious 
 principles of the present emperor will assume a more 
 definite character, and decide the fate of the order in 
 a more positive manner. 
 
 THE JESUITS IN SWITZERLAND. 
 
 We may safely assert, that no country in Europe 
 has in recent times experienced the pernicious effects 
 of Jesuitism in a higher degree than did the Helvetic 
 Confederation. Already, at the beginning of the 
 present century, the Jesuits had made the attempt 
 to re-establish themselves in Switzerland under the 
 name of Ligorians, and, strange to say, they suc- 
 ceeded in the attempt first and foremost in that part 
 
216 SETTLEMENT AT GHAtTBUNDTEN. 
 
 of the confederation, at Graubiindten, where in past 
 times the works of the Loyolites were engraven in 
 sanguinary characters, in traits of blood throughout 
 the territory. The government of that youngest can- 
 ton, where Protestants formed the majority of the 
 population, had granted in 1804 to several of the 
 Ligorians the permission to settle. In a short time 
 they contrived, by means of pompous service, general 
 confession, mild indulgences, and easy absolutions, to 
 acquire the confidence of the Catholic population to 
 the injury of the lay priests in the canton. The Pro- 
 testant majority of the Grand Council, had then re- 
 solved upon the banishment of the paters, but the 
 measure was opposed by the less numerous Catholics, 
 under the plea that it was calculated to impose re- 
 strictions upon their religion, and even upon the edu- 
 cation of their children, there being rather a scanty 
 supply of proper teachers in the canton. Political 
 circumstances, however, compelled the minority to 
 yield, and the Ligorians had accordingly been ordered 
 to quit the territory. 
 
 In 1810, however, the Jesuits, della Torre, Godinot, 
 Drach, Rudolph, and Staudinger, had succeeded in 
 settling under the name of "fathers of faith," at 
 
THE CANTON SOLOTHtTRN. 217 
 
 Valais, which canton had at that period belonged 
 (as the department Simplon) to the French territory ; 
 it seems, however, that their residence there was un- 
 known to the local authorities, since the latter re- 
 quested Pope Pius VII., after the repristination of 
 the order in 1814, to send them some from Rome, 
 when Pius replied, that there were already several 
 in the canton, under the name "fathers of faith." 
 On receiving this intelligence, preparations were 
 speedily made to restore to them their old colleges 
 at Sittin and Brig. Not long after, they had already 
 under their control all the schools of the canton, 
 though these schools stood nominally under the su- 
 perintendence of the state. The same success at- 
 tended also their attempts in the canton Solothurn, 
 soon after the restoration of their order in 1814. 
 Already, in 1804, a great friend of the Jesuits, the 
 abbe Rohrbach, Canon of Strasburg, had endeavoured 
 to effect the admission of the Jesuits in that canton, 
 by offering in return to its government, whose ex- 
 chequer was then in a very low state, a present of 
 50,000 francs. The government was foolish enough 
 to agree to the bargain ; but as the " fathers of faith" 
 had about that time incurred the displeasure of Na- 
 
 L 
 
218 REFUSAL TO ADMIT THE JESUITS. 
 
 poleon, fear of offending that great "mediator" pre- 
 vented the execution of the agreement. After the fall 
 of the emperor, the papal nuncio demanded (1815) the 
 fulfilment of the contract of 1804; and though the 
 government of Solothurn seemed inclined to comply 
 with the demand, the liberal party, supported by the 
 professors of the Lyceum University, and even by a 
 portion of the lay-clergy, offered such strenuous 
 opposition to the demand, that the Grand Council not 
 only declined (15th June, 1816) the re-admission of 
 the Jesuits, but even enacted that the question should 
 never be mooted again in the canton. A few com- 
 munities, however, were afterwards allowed to receive 
 Jesuit missionaries amongst them. This apparent 
 defeat was, however, more than counterbalanced by 
 the triumph of the Loyolites in the canton Friburg, 
 in the little territory which has always been the 
 darkest corner of the confederation, and the main 
 citadel of the Jesuits. As late as the end of the last 
 century, the ignorance of the people there was so 
 great, that reading and writing were considered high 
 accomplishments ; and if any one in the rural dis- 
 tricts was found reading, he was saluted with " Praised 
 be the Lord Jesus, you are in your devotion," it being 
 
ABODE AT FRIBURG. 219 
 
 supposed by the common people that there existed 
 no other books but the religions tracts distributed 
 amongst them by the clergy. In 1803 the Grand 
 Council had appointed a Board or committee of edu- 
 cation, consisting of eight secular and eight ecclesias- 
 tical members. The committee, however, never met, 
 the measure having been obstinately opposed by 
 the capuchin bishop Guisolan. Despite this state 
 of affairs, a circumstance so favourable for their 
 operations, the Jesuits, owing to the dislike of Napo- 
 leon, were unable to get a footing there, until the end 
 of his career, and even then only under the less 
 odious name Ligorians. Their whole conduct at 
 that period is too characteristic of their principles to 
 be omitted in our narrative. In June, 1811, Joseph 
 Basserat, who styled himself Bector of the " congre- 
 gation of the most holy Bedeemer," petitioned the 
 lesser Council of Friburg to allow him and seven or 
 eight of his colleagues to stay for a few months upon 
 Catholic ground, previous to his transplanting his 
 congregation to the Crimea. The request was 
 granted, and permission given them to remain 
 until the 1st October; after the lapse of that 
 time the permission was prolonged at the earnest 
 
 l2 
 
220 BASSEEAT AND HIS COLLEAGUES. 
 
 solicitation of Bishop Guisolan until the 1st May 
 following. No sooner was the permission prolonged, 
 than Basserat and his colleagues removed from the 
 country seat of a friend of theirs at Balterswyl to a 
 house in the capital of the canton, where they settled 
 in good earnest, and secretly received even novices. 
 As usual, they managed to acquire friends and 
 patrons among the inhahitants. Confident of their 
 protection, Basserat addressed (29th April, ] 812) a 
 request to the government to allow him to continue 
 his abode and settlement at Friburg, but not a word 
 did he mention about the departure for the Crimea. 
 The lesser Council granted the request, under the 
 express condition that Basserat should also obtain the 
 consent from the French ambassador in Switzerland, 
 otherwise he and his companions were to leave the 
 canton without any further delay. Basserat, though 
 he was unable to obtain the consent of the French 
 minister, still lingered with his colleagues at Friburg, 
 under the protection of the bishop and other friends 
 and patrons. The bishop even carried his contempt 
 of the local authorities so far, as even to install 
 Basserat and a few others of the Ligorians in clerical 
 benefices. 
 
PATEK GIRARd's SYSTEM. 221 
 
 However objectionable the means were, by which 
 the Friburg aristocracy had usurped the administra- 
 tive power of the canton after the fall of Napoleon, 
 they had nevertheless the merit of having, in the 
 first years of their power, done more for national edu- 
 cation than any of the previous governments of the 
 canton. Under the conduct and care of a proper 
 Board appointed for the purpose, Pater Girard, the 
 celebrated Swiss preacher, author, and professor, was 
 enabled to elevate national education in his little 
 fatherland to an uncommon degree of eminence. 
 Girard' s method in teaching, which was admired by 
 the celebrated Bell, and soon advantageously known 
 abroad, was not only founded upon the system of 
 mutual instruction, but also calculated to improve 
 the mind and heart of the pupil in a moral and 
 religious point of view. The visible advantages he 
 had gained by the immense progress of his pupils, 
 and which, if allowed to continue, would in a short 
 time have wrought a perfect revolution in the life of 
 the people, and destroyed to the very root supersti- 
 tion, vice, and ignorance, had excited the fears of the 
 great host of spiritual blockheads in the canton, 
 while the clergy in their jealousy even alarmed the 
 
222 THE LIGORIANS IN FRIBTJRG. 
 
 ambitious aristocracy with, the prognostication, that 
 the irreligious tolerance of Pater Girard's enlight- 
 ened principles, were more calculated to put a speedy- 
 termination to their power than all the plots and in- 
 trigues of the political agitators taken together. The 
 consequence was, that the greater portion of the 
 aristocracy made an alliance with the clergy, which 
 terminated in the destruction of Girard's grand 
 fabric of education, and the surrender of its manage- 
 ment into hands who had at heart the political inte- 
 rests of the aristocracy, rather than the improvement 
 of the young generation. 
 
 But to whom could the task be better confided 
 than to the Jesuits ? for no one understood better 
 than they did, the art of stultifying the people, and 
 keeping them in gross ignorance ; it was they indeed 
 who, in conjunction with the aristocracy, had for the 
 space of two hundred years kept the people of Friburg 
 in utter darkness and brutal ignorance. The aris- 
 tocracy therefore resolved to re-establish formally 
 the order in the canton. Aware, however, that the 
 liberal portion of the aristocracy would be opposed 
 to the measure, recourse was had to the same de- 
 ception, to the same trick, which was practised 
 
ADDRESS TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 223 
 
 at Vienna two years afterwards. The Jesuits were 
 in the first instance introduced in Friburg under 
 the name Ligorians. As the old Carthusian clois- 
 ter at Valsainte had remained unoccupied ever since 
 the departure of the monks in 1811, the grand- 
 bailiff at Greyers took the opportunity of asking 
 Government to transfer the empty building to the 
 Ligorians, for the purpose of establishing there a 
 school or college. Despite the opposition of the liberal 
 party, the Grand Council consented (16th Jan. 1818) 
 to the proposal, by a majority of 61 against 45 votes. 
 The grant was, however, given under certain restric- 
 tions, the most important of which was, that the 
 number of the pater- Ligorians in the whole canton 
 should not exceed eleven, and that of their servants 
 five. But, as the leaders of the party well knew that 
 the great light kindled by Girard could not be so easily 
 extinguished by the small number of the mischievous 
 fathers, it was further resolved to address the Ge- 
 neral Assembly of the Council, which was to meet 
 on the 15th September, 1818, and request its con- 
 sent to permit the re-establishment of the order 
 in the canton under its real name, and the re-intro- 
 duction of its members in unlimited numbers. The 
 
224 WARNING OF THE VORORT OF BERNE. 
 
 papal nuncio and the friends of the Jesuits employed 
 in the interval all the means in their power to 
 win the people for the cause. In a largely circu- 
 lated pamphlet, the party asserted in unequivocal 
 terms, that every true Catholic ought to love the 
 order of Jesus, and do all he can to promote the 
 admission and settlement of the members ; that the 
 college at Friburg having been morally poisoned 
 by modern philosophy, it ought to be left to the 
 pious fathers to cleanse it of the poison, and con- 
 duct it in future on a better plan for the sal- 
 vation of the young generation. But the most 
 ready means employed of promoting the object in 
 view, was the usual specific of the Jesuits, slander 
 and calumny. Meritorious and respectable men, 
 who had voted in the previous sessions against 
 the admission of the Jesuits, were now branded 
 as enemies of religion, scheming the overthrow of 
 the old belief. In the morning of the 15th Sep- 
 tember, a day which has since become so famous 
 in the modern history of Switzerland, a letter 
 was received from the Vorort, or Government of 
 Berne, in which the following prophetic expressions 
 occur: — "The impending decision about the Jesuit 
 
DISCUSSION IN THE ASSEMBLY. 225 
 
 order will prove of the highest importance, not 
 only for the canton Friburg, but probably also for 
 the whole confederation. It may lead to incalculable 
 consequences. We therefore entreat you, dear allies 
 and fellow-confederates, to weigh well whether the 
 welfare of the present and future generations, whe- 
 ther the true religion and moral requirements of our 
 Swiss people, whether the continuance of a happy 
 and political existence of our fatherland, the promo- 
 tion of union among the various cantons, whether 
 all this is compatible with the admission of the Je- 
 suits, with the influence which the order, as the sole 
 aim of its parsevering and long efforts, may again 
 acquire amongst you ; and whether, on the contrary, 
 instead of advancing the higher interests of the state 
 and the inhabitants, such a decision may not lead to 
 dangers for both, which prudence and duty command 
 us to anticipate by strong resistance. The expe- 
 rience of several nations and several centuries justi- 
 fies these apprehensions." .... 
 
 Not less eloquent remonstrances, were made also 
 by the liberal members of the Grand Council against 
 the introduction of the Jesuits. Alexander Stutz 
 and Landerset, in particular, sketched in glowing 
 
 l3 
 
226 JESUIT CATECHISM. 
 
 colours the dangers that would result from intrust- 
 ing the order with the most sacred treasure of the 
 nation — the education of the youth — and with it 
 also the whole future of national life ; they dwelt 
 with indignation on the probability of handing over 
 the education of their children to members who, 
 without genuine knowledge, without efficient educa- 
 tion, without a fatherland of their own, and full of 
 hatred against true liberty and enlightenment, are 
 only endeavouring to suppress human intellect and 
 promote ignorance and superstition in the public 
 mind, who, meddling with everything, only wish to 
 play the masters over families and even governments. 
 
 They quoted in proof, the following passages from 
 a catechism which had been composed by a Jesuit 
 father, named Sconvdle, and which, having been 
 highly recommended by Bishop Laurent, the papal 
 nuncio in Luxemburg, is now used for the youth 
 under his episcopal care. 
 
 " Q. Of what use is the sign of the holy cross? 
 
 " A. To destroy all sorts of sorcery, and to drive 
 away the devil, ghosts, and all temptations. 
 
 " Q. In what place will each one arise in the re- 
 surrection ? 
 
JESUIT CATECHISM. 227 
 
 "A. Each one will rise in that place where the 
 largest portion of his body remains; 
 
 " Q. In what form will each rise again ? 
 
 " A. Of a middling stature, with well-proportioned 
 limbs, and each according to the sex previously 
 
 " Q. In what age shall we rise from the dead ? 
 
 " A. In the age of Christ, as if we all were thirty- 
 three years old. 
 
 " Q. Shall the world be inhabited again? 
 
 " A. Some think, unbaptized children will inhabit 
 it, but none else, not even the beasts. 
 
 " Q. Is it allowable to take one's wages, or any- 
 thing else due to us, in a secret, clandestine manner? 
 
 "A. He who will act safely in this, must ask his 
 priest. 
 
 " Q. Must stolen goods be restored and the injury 
 made good ? 
 
 " A. Yes, to those to whom it belongs, if possible. 
 
 " Q. If the owner is unknown, what is to be 
 done? 
 
 " A. It must be given to God as the master of all, 
 in the way of masses, alms, &c, for the benefit of the 
 owner. 
 
228 JESUIT CATECHISM. 
 
 " Q. Are there any more church laws? 
 
 " A. Oh, yes, there are others. 
 
 " Q. What are they? 
 
 "A. It is commanded, for instance, to pay tithes. 
 
 " Q. Of what should tithes be paid ? 
 
 "A. According to right, of everything, but the 
 custom of the place must decide. 
 
 " Q. Is it a sin not to pay tithes ? 
 
 " A. Yes, it is a great sin. 
 
 " Q. How does the church punish the nonpayment 
 of tithes ? 
 
 " A. She commands that such as do not pay shall 
 be excommunicated, and not restored until they have 
 repaid all. 
 
 " Q. What if they were wicked priests who should 
 get the tithes ? 
 
 " A. Honour is still due to them, for they remain 
 vicars of God ? 
 
 " Q. Where is hell? 
 
 "A. Hell is in the middle of the earth. 
 
 " Q. Is hell very large ? 
 
 "A. Not very, for the damned lay packed in 
 it one upon another, like the bricks in a brick 
 oven." 
 
JESUIT CATECHISM, 229 
 
 Such are the instructions which a Jesuit bishop of 
 . the nineteenth century thinks suitable for improving 
 the heart and mind of Eoman Catholic youth. 
 
 As a specimen of Jesuit devotional exercises for 
 those of riper years, a few extracts were also read from 
 a work published in 1764 by Father Pembie, entitled 
 "Pietas quotidiana erga. S. D. Matrem Mariam," 
 (or daily devotions to the Holy Mother Mary), and 
 in which the following modes of propitiating her are 
 recommended : — 
 
 " First. — Undertake a mental pilgrimage, and visit, 
 in spirit, all the miracle working images of Mary 
 throughout the world. 
 
 "Second. — Repeat the 'Magnificat' six times in 
 honour of the six persons who were present with 
 St. Elizabeth at the time of the visitation of our 
 Lady. 
 
 "Third. — Repeat nine psalms in honour of the 
 nine months during which Christ abode in the Vir- 
 gin's womb. 
 
 " Fourth. — Repeat every hour of the day, ' Holy 
 Mary make me meek and chaste ! ' 
 
 "Fifth. — Worship during the night towards a 
 church dedicated to the Virgin. 
 
230 JESUIT CATECHISM. 
 
 " Sixth. Offer to her the first cherries which come 
 to table. 
 
 " Seventh. — Scourge thyself, box thine ears, and 
 pray the Virgin to present these blows as sacrifices 
 before God. 
 
 "Eighth. — Engrave the name 'Mary' on thy 
 bosom with a knife, or corrode it into the flesh. 
 
 " Ninth. — Kiss the name ' Mary/ as often as you 
 see it. 
 
 "Tenth. — Send pious thoughts to the greater 
 Mary in Rome. 
 
 " Eleventh. — Make verses, or repeat them in her 
 honour, as, for example, that devout hymn addressed 
 to her hair-comb (there are five verses, but the last 
 will suffice) which has been translated as follow : — 
 
 In all dangers give us to thy care, 
 Shield us from them with thy precious hair. 
 Safely by thy curling locks us guide, 
 To the city where all joys abide. 
 
 " Twelfth. — Tell the Virgin you would be willing 
 to give up your place in heaven to her if she had not 
 one already. 
 
 " Thirteenth.— Implore Mary to get you an au- 
 dience by her Son. 
 
DECISION IN FAVOUR OF THE ORDER. 231 
 
 " Fourteenth. — Eepeat ' Mary, hail ! ' twelve times 
 a day, in honour of the twelve stars that encircle her 
 head." .... 
 
 It was, however, all to no purpose. The majority 
 of the Grand Council resolved (19th September), by 
 69 against 48 votes, to surrender the educational 
 establishments in the canton, together with a fund 
 of 1,000,000 francs, to the order of Jesus. The 
 Loyolites were not slow in taking possession of the 
 national college and Lyceum at Friburg. It is true, 
 that, in the enactment, their number was limited to 
 only thirty members ; they, however, soon managed 
 to exceed the prescribed limits, having cunningly 
 contrived to place at the head of the central police 
 an ultra-patrician, who was wholly devoted to their 
 cause. Since then, their establishment at Friburg 
 resembled a bee-hive. The exact number of the 
 paters in the canton remained a secret to the unin- 
 itiated, though it was well known that in 1825 the 
 number amounted to no less than eighty. 
 
 Several years, however, elapsed before the Loyolites 
 ventured to attack openly Pater Girard and his system 
 of education, so much was he, and so little were they 
 respected by the public at large. Bishop Jenny, pre- 
 
232 GIRAKD AND HIS OPPONENTS. 
 
 viously a panegyrist of Girard, and since a blind 
 instrument of the Jesuits, had made, in 1821, a pre- 
 mature attack on Girard, when he completely failed 
 in the attempt. The fathers were therefore now most 
 sedulously employed in circulating slanderous reports 
 against Girard, branding him in the eyes of the 
 masses as a heretic, atheist, a Lutheran (Luther him- 
 self having belonged to the Franciscan order), a 
 second Voltaire, &c, &c. On the 25th February, 
 1823, Bishop Jenny petitioned the States Council 
 to abolish the method of instruction introduced by 
 Girard. The pupils, he stated, were spending too 
 much time in worldly knowledge, such as grammar, 
 natural history, &c. ; and the system being moreover 
 adapted for the youths of all religious sects indis- 
 criminately, the Catholic religion is thereby neg- 
 lected, and the authority of the clergy considerably 
 weakened. The citizens of Friburg, on the other 
 hand, memorialised the government, saying, amongst 
 other things, that the day when Father Girard's 
 schools were to be closed would prove a day of 
 general mourning. Of the eleven Catholic chief 
 bailiffs in the canton, nine reported to the Board 
 of Education, that all the charges brought against 
 
TBIUMPH OF THE JESUIT PARTY. 233 
 
 Girard were without any foundation, in fact, and 
 that, on the contrary, the prosperity and industry of 
 the little canton were chiefly the work of the very 
 school system so much defamed by his enemies. The 
 noble Franciscan himself (Girard) showed most con- 
 vincingly, in a memorial addressed by him to the 
 Municipal Council, that religion formed the central 
 point of his method, while the Education Board 
 almost unanimously rejected the petition of the 
 bishop. It was, however, of no avail. The compact 
 Jesuit party, which formed the majority in the 
 Grand Council, resolved (4th June, 1823), that, as 
 it is the duty of every good Catholic to follow 
 blindly the will of his bishop, the request of the 
 latter ought to be complied with also in the present 
 instance. Thus, under cover of religion, the fate 
 of a work was sealed, which might, at no distant 
 time, have formed the chief corner stone of lasting 
 welfare to the small canton. Pater Girard there- 
 upon returned to Luzern, his native place, where, 
 after the lapse of twenty-five years (1847), he 
 heard with joy, that his mortal enemies had been 
 banished from Friburg and the whole of Switzer- 
 land; and the good news was soon followed by his 
 
234 GRAND BUILDING. 
 
 formal recall to the former place of his intellectual 
 activity. 
 
 It was, however, only after the departure of 
 Gixard, that the Loyolites were enabled to develope 
 their education schemes to the fullest extent. They 
 had now under their control, not only the higher 
 departments, but also the education of the lower 
 classes. They became, moreover, the guides and 
 counsellors of the government itself, whose principal 
 concern, it seems, was, how to degrade the little 
 canton as a stronghold of the Jesuits in the very 
 heart of Europe. The next thing the patricians 
 of Friburg did for their dearly beloved Jesuits, 
 was the establishment of a boarding-school on a 
 grand scale. The building exceeds in magnificence 
 any of the kind in Europe. It was erected in 1825, 
 simultaneously with the Jesuit college, and was 
 provided with splendid lecture-rooms, museums, 
 riding-school, gymnastic and tiltyard, and play- 
 grounds. The large outlay required for the build- 
 ing (the ground alone cost above 45,000 francs), 
 was procured partly by shares, and partly by 
 voluntary contributions at home and abroad. A 
 splendid wing was added to the building as an eccle- 
 
MORE MONEY VOTED. 235 
 
 siastical seminary, which cost 160,000 francs. When 
 this building was still in progress of erection, the 
 Jesuits obtained (1826) the ready permission from 
 government to found another settlement, a noviciate, 
 at Staefis. No one knows where the money has 
 been procured for the purpose. In addition, the 
 fathers also discovered, that their lecture-rooms at 
 Friburg were too small for the audiences. It is 
 true, that there was close by, the academy, a stately 
 building, which had formerly also been occupied 
 by Jesuits, and might now have been used as a 
 lecture-hall. But the humble disciples of St. Igna- 
 tius wanted a far handsomer, an ostentatious and 
 imposing lyceum in their neighbourhood, and the 
 wish was readily granted, the Grand Council having 
 voted 130,000 francs for the new building in the 
 same year (12th December, 1826). In vain did the 
 minority protest against the squandering of the 
 public money for the members of the order. In 
 vain was it shown, that the money had better been 
 applied to the erection of an orphan asylum and 
 hospitals, or the improvement of public roads, 
 prisons, &c. — institutions which the canton was so 
 deficient in, and which had far better and more solid 
 
236 DECLINE OT THE CANTON. 
 
 claims on the public exchequer than those of the 
 Jesuits; it was of no avail. The Jesuits ruled 
 the will minds, and hearts of the majority of the 
 council, who carried every wish of theirs into prompt 
 execution. 
 
 The immediate results of Jesuit dominion were 
 nowhere more conspicuous than in the canton of Fri- 
 burg. No sooner had the Loyolites settled there, 
 than gross superstition, absurd ceremonial worship, 
 ignorance, contempt of the laws of the land, unsafety 
 of person and property, and moral depravity began to 
 prevail to an unparalleled extent. Agriculture and 
 husbandry were neglected, partly from idleness, and 
 partly by the numerous holy days, which were m6st 
 strictly kept ; and the consequence was, the complete 
 impoverishment of many communities. Even the 
 affluence of the capital of the canton was daily on 
 the decrease, though one would suppose, that the vast 
 Doarding-school, which became soon filled with pupils 
 from all parts of Catholic Europe, ought to have in- 
 creased the trade and occupation of the inhabitants. 
 The moral depravity, however, which prevailed in the 
 establishment, by far outweighed the material gain 
 derived from the pupils, which, by the bye, was not 
 
THE JULT REVOLUTION. 237 
 
 so considerable as might be believed. The pupils 
 were not allowed to live in private lodgings, and were 
 moreover compelled to buy the necessary articles, 
 such as sugar, coffee, clothing, hats, shoes, &c, either 
 from the paters themselves, or from their wholesale 
 agents in town. 
 
 When the French Revolution of 1830 found an 
 echo also in Switzerland, the Jesuits had so firmly 
 established themselves in that canton, that the storm 
 passed harmlessly by them. The rule of the patri- 
 cians was destroyed, but that of the Jesuits remained 
 in all its old glory, because it was founded on the 
 ignorance and moral neglect of the masses, who were 
 now in possession of the sovereign power. The new 
 members of the government of Friburg were, like 
 their predecessors, obedient servants of the pious 
 fathers. They showed it already in the first years of 
 their power, by the introduction of the female Jesuits, 
 whose presence the canton had hitherto been spared. 
 Without the knowledge or consent of the Grand 
 Council, the lesser Council granted (1831) the esta- 
 blishment of a convent for the " sisters of the sacred 
 heart of Jesus " in the immediate vicinity of the 
 Jesuit noviciate at Staefis, under the feigned name of 
 
238 KELIGIOUS HATRED. 
 
 an "Establishment for Young Ladies." No one 
 dared to oppose it. 
 
 The July Revolution could indeed but slightly affect 
 the Jesuits in Switzerland, where they had taken so 
 deep root. Since the Restoration of 1815, they had 
 been in the closest and most intimate intercourse with 
 the papal Board of nuncios, whose approval they 
 possessed in all their movements in the Helvetic 
 Confederation, tending to reduce the country to its 
 former allegiance to the pope, and to annihilate those 
 rights which the state had reserved for itself in 
 church matters. Experience had, moreover, taught 
 the pious fathers that the most efficacious means of 
 bringing government and people under the yoke of 
 church absolutism, consisted in the conjuring up the 
 dark ghost of religious hatred. As soon as govern- 
 ments or the people are affected by the fanatical whim 
 to hate and persecute all those who differ from them 
 in religious belief, their own rights and independence 
 soon and easily become a prey to the sly priests, who 
 have fevered their brain to that paroxysm. Eor that 
 reason, Loyola's disciples have always found it expe- 
 dient to keep up the flame of religious hatred, not 
 only because they felt themselves inspired with that 
 
PERSECUTION AND INTOLERANCE. 239 
 
 same hostile sentiment against the Protestants, but 
 chiefly because the people and their rulers, by losing 
 sight of all worldly claims and rights, in their hot 
 pursuit of eternal merits and rewards, afford them 
 (the Jesuits) the safest opportunity of carrying into 
 effect their own arrogant aspirations. 
 
 In Switzerland, as in all other countries, during the 
 absence of the Jesuits, all confessional enmities had 
 been extinguished, and peace and harmony restored in 
 all parts of the confederation. No sooner, however, 
 had the pious fathers trodden again the Swiss soil, 
 than they rekindled the fire of religious intolerance, 
 in order to excite and confuse the minds and hearts 
 of the Catholic inhabitants, and render them blind 
 instruments for the realisation of their own ambitious 
 views. Already in the first year (1818) of their 
 arrival in Switzerland, they renewed the celebration 
 of the anniversary of the victory gained by the 
 Catholics over the Protestants in the battle at Ville- 
 mer (1656), which festival had been abolished ever 
 since 1798. They employed iu addition, the press 
 and their missionaries, to rouse throughout Catholic 
 Switzerland the evil spirit of discord and schism. 
 Innumerable copies of so-called religious tracts were 
 
240 JESUIT ATTEMPTS 
 
 distributed among all classes of society, calculated to 
 instil into the mind of the readers gross superstition, 
 bigotry, and intolerance. In 1822, the notorious 
 Jesuit Van Wyenbergh bad founded a separate order 
 called the Catholic, for tbe purpose of assisting tbe 
 Jesuits in tbe work of destruction. By sucb de- 
 moniac manoeuvres, all tbe civil right enjoyed by the 
 Protestants in tbe Catholic cantons were denounced 
 as being so many premiums upon heresy. Even the 
 permission accorded by the government of Luzern, in 
 1827, to tbe Protestant inhabitants, of building a 
 church of their own, was considered by tbe Catholics 
 in the whole confederation as a step towards encou- 
 raging infidelity. Indeed, every measure adopted by 
 government to introduce reform and improvement in 
 the internal affairs of the country, and more especially 
 in education and public instruction, was represented 
 to the Catholic inhabitants as an attempt to overthrow 
 the creed of their fathers, and substitute for it the 
 doctrines of Zwingli. 
 
 It was to be foreseen that, should the liberal 
 governments of the cantons, which had been remo- 
 delled by the revision of the constitution in 1829 and 
 1830, succeed in their efforts to introduce reforms in 
 
THE LIBERAL AND CONSERVATIVE CANTONS. 241 
 
 the administration and institutions of their respective 
 cantons, there would be an end to Jesuitism, and all 
 church abuses and intrigues in Switzerland. At that 
 period, the Confederate Governments were indeed 
 seriously thinking of introducing into Switzerland the 
 process of European civilisation, to which that union 
 had been a stranger for nearly a whole century; and the 
 surest way of attaining that desirable end, was justly 
 thought to be found in a thorough reform of the 
 public schools and colleges. This plan had filled the 
 Jesuits with such horror, that they put in motion all 
 the organs they could muster to annihilate the liberal 
 governments, or to check at least their progressive 
 movements. They found very willing and ready allies 
 in the old conservative cantons, as also in the fallen 
 aristocracy of the new ones. At the head of 
 liberalism, stood the governments of Luzern and 
 Solothurn (two purely Catholic cantons), of St. Gaul, 
 with its preponderating protestant population, and of 
 Aargau, with a mixed population of nearly an equal 
 number of Catholics and Protestants. They became, 
 in consequence, the theatres of the Jesuitical and 
 ultra-montane intrigues. The opponents began with 
 denouncing from the pulpits, and in the confessionals, 
 
 M 
 
242 THE JESUITS FAIL IN THEIR ATTEMPTS. 
 
 some particular members of those governments as 
 infidels and atheists, and with inciting the people 
 against the proposed improvements in schools, as 
 tending to expose and endanger the Catholic re- 
 ligion. In Solothurn, a petition to the Grand 
 Council was set on foot, and brought into circula- 
 tion for signatures, praying for the retention not 
 only of the existing professors at the Lyceum and the 
 university, (who were all filled with the spirit of 
 Jesuitism,) but also of the existing old plan and 
 method of education. Finding but little encourage- 
 ment in the process of lawful agitation, the Jesuits 
 had recourse to more hazardous means, to intimidate 
 government by religious outbreaks. Their manoeuvres, 
 however, proved this time unsuccessful; in 1832, the 
 reforms and improvements proposed to be introduced 
 into the schools were brought into force without 
 much difficulty. Similar and even worse attempts at 
 disturbances were made by the Jesuits and their 
 friends also in the other new cantons, which equally 
 failed. At Luzem, a " Catholic Union " was esta- 
 blished in 1831, which soon spread all over Switzer- 
 land. The main object of the union, was to sow the 
 dragon-seed of religious hatred, and to rear and 
 
THE COOTEEENCE AT BADEN. 243 
 
 nourish in the minds of the people the fear and alarm 
 of religious danger. The union was also occupied 
 with another task, with the suppression of all liberal 
 books and journals on the one hand, and with the 
 diffusion of cheap and even gratuitous writings, com- 
 posed in the spirit of ultramontane and Jesuitical 
 principles on the other, as also with influencing the 
 votes of the citizens at the coming elections. The 
 statutes of the union imposed in unequivocal terms 
 the duty upon the members, to give their votes at 
 the election of the Grand Council only to such can- 
 didates who were to be pointed out to them by the 
 Jesuits, Capuchins, or other Catholic priests. Its 
 operations were greatly facilitated by the consider- 
 able funds at its command, which had been collected 
 by contributions from high and low. 
 
 The Loyolites and their adherents were still more 
 stimulated to active schemes in Switzerland, by the 
 famous Baden conference. In that conference, 
 Luzern, Bern, Aargau, Thurgau, St. Gaul, Basle, 
 and Zurich, had agreed to preserve their rights in all 
 church and episcopate matters against the encroach- 
 ing pretensions of the pope. Though these resolu- 
 tions did not materially differ from the ecclesiastical 
 
 m 2 
 
244 THE PAPAL CIRCULAR. 
 
 regulations existing in most of the other Catholic 
 countries, Pope Gregory XVI. condemned them in a 
 circular (17th May, 1833) addressed to the clergy of 
 the Helvetic Confederation, as "false, impertinent, and 
 erroneous, as tending to lessen the rights of the holy 
 chair, to overthrow the church and her divine regu- 
 lations, and subjugate it to the rule of the secular 
 power, which is derived from erroneous doctrines, 
 is aiming at heresies, and is schismatical." The 
 whole ultramontane host of believers in Switzer- 
 land were set in motion, to give emphatic effect 
 to the judgment and opinion of the holy father. 
 We need hardly mention, that no one was more busy 
 in. raising among the Catholics the general cry of 
 " religious danger " than our pious fathers ; they 
 partly succeeded in intimidating the majority of the 
 liberal governments, who were particularly afraid 
 lest the great powers, and more especially France, 
 should interfere in behalf of Rome. This timid 
 anxiety may well be excused, when we consider that 
 the papal nunciature, in conjunction with the Jesuits 
 and their abettors, had it then in contemplation 
 to stir up a religious civil war in Switzerland, in op- 
 position to the Baden conference. It was the Swiss 
 
THE NUNCIO QUITS LUZERN. 245 
 
 " Church Gazette," (published by the ultramontane 
 party at Luzern,) which first reminded the public, 
 in October, 1835, of the so-called " golden treaty," 
 concluded between Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, 
 Luzern, Solothurn and Friburg, in 1586, for the main- 
 tenance of the Catholic church in Switzerland. The 
 praises which were lavished in that gazette upon the 
 memory of those men who had taken the most active 
 part in kindling the wild fire of religious war in 
 those early times, and the republication of the con- 
 troversial pamphlets which had been distributed 
 among the masses in those bygone periods, amply 
 betrayed the object the party had in view, and what 
 they were aiming at. These inimical demonstrations 
 were accompanied by the departure of the nuncio 
 Angelio and the whole of his chancellery from Luzern 
 (November, 1835), a step that is usually considered 
 by the laws of nations as a declaration of war. He 
 quitted his post, by the direction of his master, with- 
 out even taking leave of the local authorities, and 
 removed to Schwyz, where the Jesuits and the aris- 
 tocracy had already made very powerful progress. 
 
 The Loyolites had in the previous centuries made 
 several but ineffectual attempts to get a firm footing 
 
246 THE SCHWYZ PEOPLE. 
 
 in Schwyz, the largest of the original cantons. The 
 last attempt of the kind had been in 1758, when the 
 governor Augustin Reding, one of the most wealthy 
 and notable personages of the canton, had offered 
 80,000 florins, his own mansion, and several acres of 
 land, for the erection of a Jesuit college in Schwyz. 
 He promised, moreover, one florin, as a bribe, to 
 every individual who would vote for the admission 
 of the Jesuits, to which gratuity the high bailiff, 
 Ulrich, had added another of ten shillings per head. 
 Notwithstanding all these extraordinary efforts and 
 foul means, the National Assembly (at that time the 
 supreme power in the state) rejected the offer of 
 Reding, and even enacted a law, interdicting by 
 hard penalties any attempt to introduce the Jesuit 
 question in the canton. The people of Schwyz were 
 at that time of opinion, that " it might be far better 
 and more pleasing to God, if the rich Mr. Reding 
 would build a poor union and repair the parish 
 church. The poor natives would certainly feel more 
 grateful to him than do the gentlemen Jesuits." 
 But the views of the Schwyz people in the nine- 
 teenth century were quite different on that point. 
 The alliance which was concluded here between the 
 
. LIBERAL CONTRIBUTIONS. 247 
 
 aristocracy and the hierarchy, for the reclamation 
 of their prerogatives, had so increased the power 
 and influence of the clergy, that not a vestige was 
 left of the once anti-jesuitical and independent feel- 
 ing of the people. This was particularly seen after 
 the papal nuncio had fixed his ahode amongst them. 
 Quite overpowered by the mighty honour of the 
 presence of the nuncio, the Schwyz National As- 
 sembly resolved (May, 1836) to comply with the 
 wish of the latter, and establish a Jesuit college 
 in the capital of the canton. A committee was 
 formed of ecclesiastical and secular members, to 
 procure the necessary funds for the purpose. An 
 appeal made (June) to the pious public of the 
 various cantons and foreign states was quickly 
 responded to in the most liberal manner. Within 
 a very short time, the requisite sum of 150,000 
 francs had flowed in from Iriburg, Luzern, Aargau, 
 and St. Gaul, as also from Rome, Prance, and 
 Sardinia. The Schwyz government, not to be 
 behind in the liberal race, presented the Loyolites 
 with the Gymnasium of Schwyz, together with its 
 endowment funds, and to which it subsequently 
 added also a contribution of 8000 francs. The 
 
248 BUILDINGS FOR THE JESUITS. 
 
 pious fathers were thus enabled to open the esta- 
 blishment on the 1st November, 1836, under the pre- 
 sidency of Pater John Battist Drach. The then pro- 
 fessors of the Gymnasium, consisting of lay clergy, 
 were obliged to resign without receiving the least 
 indemnification. Encouraged by the facility with 
 which the 150,000 francs had been procured, as also 
 by the increasing number of the new students, 
 (amounting in 1837 to 229,) another sum of 100,000 
 francs was voted by the same committee in May, 
 1839, for the purpose of establishing a Jesuit board- 
 ing-school after the model of that at Friburg. Also 
 that amount was soon got together by a sort of joints 
 stock scrips. Not satisfied with emptying their 
 pockets in behalf of the disciples of St. Ignatius, the 
 Schwyz even put their shoulders to the wheel, and 
 literally assisted with their own hands to build the 
 new boarding-school and Jesuit church. The inha- 
 bitants of the village of Schwyz, and other small 
 places, rivalled in enthusiasm, or rather fanaticism, 
 to collect and carry to the proper spots on every 
 Sunday and other holy days, the vast quantities of 
 bricks and stones requisite for the buildings. Even 
 the women, girls, and children helped in the task of 
 
JESUITS AND DEMOCRATS. 249 
 
 dragging large blocks of granite for the erection of a 
 Jesuit stronghold in the canton. 
 
 Sehwyz thus became the real hearth of the Je- 
 suitical and ultra-montane intrigues, the effects of 
 which were soon felt by the liberal governments of 
 the neighbouring cantons, and more especially at 
 Luzem, Aargau, and Solothurn. But what par- 
 ticularly promoted the further triumphs of the 
 Loyolites was their relation to the ultra- democratic 
 party, as also the revolution of September, 1839, in 
 the canton Zurich, the work of the same Machia- 
 vellian party. The Jesuits and their adherents had 
 long since felt, that the alliance which they had con-, 
 eluded after the disturbances of 1830, with the fallen 
 aristocracy of the new Catholic cantons, did not 
 answer their anticipations. They therefore resolved 
 to steer on the opposite tack, and rather ally them- 
 selves with the sovereign people, whom they had 
 already tied to the leading strings of fanaticism and 
 religious hatred. These expedients were, strange as 
 it may appear, by no means new to the Loyolites. 
 They had in earlier times seized the banner of the 
 " sovereignty of the people " to serve their own pur- 
 poses and enslave the very sovereign multitude to 
 
 m 3 
 
250 ALLIANCE. 
 
 whom they were swearing allegiance. The Jesuits 
 know very well, that a super- orthodox and fanatical 
 democracy may as mindly be led by confessors and 
 monkish intrigues, as are petty princes and a poor 
 aristocracy, and they have not neglected to act upon 
 that presumption in all countries where the people 
 either were already, or strove to come into possession 
 of the sovereign power of the state. By a most 
 remarkable coincidence, the Jesuits were met in 
 Switzerland by the same manoeuvre on the part of 
 the Protestants, after a reaction had taken place in 
 their favour. In some of the Protestant cantons the 
 reduced aristocracy had also (1830) fallen upon the 
 expedient of allying itself with the reactionary clergy, 
 to expel the odious liberalism from state, church, and 
 school. Having failed in this scheme, the aristocracy 
 had likewise recourse to the alliance of the multi- 
 tude. Neither was the Jesuit and ultra-montane 
 party slow in recognising good and serviceable allies 
 in the bigoted Protestants, with whom they now 
 made common cause to annihilate the liberal govern- 
 ments by means of the anarchical power of the 
 masses. The scheming portion of the clergy, both 
 Catholic and Protestant, were always in the fore- 
 
DR. STRAUSS. 251 
 
 ground of the agitating stage; they represented in 
 their sermons, journals, and pamphlets, the liberal 
 governments and institutions as irreligious, immoral, 
 and unchristian, while the reformed and improved 
 schools were denounced by them as " nurseries of 
 impiety and infidelity." The aristocracy was, on the 
 other hand, extolled as the "elect friends of the 
 Saviour," who generously endeavoured to save for 
 the people their most sacred treasure, their religion. 
 To lend to these machinations the appearance of 
 national liberty, a great deal was said of the justice 
 of introducing an uncontrolled municipal administra- 
 tion, as the primary requisite of national liberty, of 
 re-establishing corporations and chartered companies, 
 of expelling foreigners from native interests, and all 
 such sorts of egotistical prejudices so palatable to the 
 unthinking multitude. 
 
 The effects of that line of policy, adopted in com- 
 mon by the Catholic and Protestant clergy, soon 
 manifested themselves in the ignominious revolution 
 at Zurich in 1839. The liberal government of Zurich 
 had, in January of that year, appointed as Professor 
 of Church History and Dogmatics, Dr. Strauss, of 
 Thiibingen, a decided opponent of orthodox reli- 
 
252 THE ZUHICH KEV0LUTI0N. 
 
 gion, and well known in Europe by Ms work, " The 
 Life of Jesus." The appointment was made in op- 
 position to the theological faculty, and was no doubt 
 a too hasty and hazardous step on the part of govern- 
 ment; it gave edge and point to the accusations 
 of the church party, who now had the best oppor- 
 tunity of apparently substantiating their grievances 
 in the eyes of the public. Measures were taken to 
 excite the fanaticism of the country people; and 
 though government, aware of the error committed, 
 had already withdrawn the appointment, 15,000 pea- 
 sants entered Zurich on the 6th of September, 1839, 
 where, having expelled the liberal authorities, they 
 delivered the reins of government into the hands of 
 the aristocracy. The triumph with which the Loyol- 
 ites and their adherents saluted the victory of reac- 
 tion at Zurich, the warm thanks and congratulations 
 sent from Rome to the home of Zwingli on the happy 
 result of the eventful attempt, plainly showed the 
 internal machinery of the whole movement against 
 liberalism, and the intriguing assistance given by the 
 Jesuits and ultramontane votaries in that insurrec- 
 tion. The Bishop of Friburg, who was entirely 
 ruled by the Jesuits, even issued a circular letter to 
 
THE LIBERAL GOVERNMENTS UPSET. 253 
 
 the Swiss Protestants, in which, after referring to 
 the "marvellous events" in the canton Zurich, he 
 called upon them to return into the hosom of the 
 only-saving church. The effects of the Zurich re- 
 volution on the cause of liberty and education in 
 Switzerland, and particularly in the Catholic can- 
 tons, were incalculably great. The Jesuits and the 
 Catholic clergy began to agitate the people every- 
 where for their own cause. Under their protection, 
 and with their help, the liberal authorities in the 
 various new cantons, and more especially at the 
 elections of the grand councils, lost their posts, and 
 were replaced by individuals from the very dregs of 
 society, who were blindly guided and led by the. sly 
 agitators. The constitutions or laws were soon re- 
 vised and barbarised in the theocratico-ochlocratic 
 or aristocratic spirit. Under the adopted system of 
 religious intolerance, every free direction in religion 
 became extinct, and the whole power of reaction was 
 directed against education, and more particularly 
 against the new national schools, as the nursery of 
 civilisation, while the least opposition to these nefa- 
 rious achievements was met by a direct appeal to 
 the frenzy and physical force of the masses. 
 
254 LEIT EBERSOL. 
 
 The canton Luzern was the first to feel most 
 bitterly the victory and the ascendancy of the Je- 
 suits, the zeal of the liberal governments for educa- 
 tion and national instruction having long since yielded 
 to the fear of the ultramontane party. Already, 
 in November, 1839, a certain Leu Ebersol, leader of 
 that party in the Grand Council of Luzern, had made 
 a motion to transfer the college of that place, accord- 
 ing to the custom of their forefathers, to the society 
 of Jesus. The Grand Council, it is true, took no 
 notice of the motion, but the Loyolites and their 
 friends managed in 1841 to have a new Council 
 elected, the members of which, being adherents of 
 Leu Ebersol and the Jesuits, soon wrought a radical 
 revision in the constitution and statutes of the can- 
 ton. This remarkable peasant of Luzern, this Leu 
 Ebersol and his compeer, Kost, a subsequent member 
 of the government, being the most influential per- 
 sonages in the state, were the visible and nominal 
 movers of the insurrection, though, in point of fact, 
 only the blind instruments of the Jesuits and other 
 intolerant priests. As in all the other cantons, so 
 also in Luzern, "Strauss and the Straussites" be- 
 came a formidable weapon in the hands of the 
 
AARGAU CLOISTEKS ABOLISHED. 255 
 
 papists against the liberals, and more especially after 
 Hiirliman had asserted (December, 1840), in the 
 Grand Council of Zurich, that the " radicals had pur- 
 ported, by the appointment of Strauss, the overthrow 
 of the Catholic church in Switzerland ; " a calumny 
 which none of the present Protestant members 
 seemed disposed to contradict. The ultramontane 
 party would, however, not so easily have succeeded in 
 upsetting the liberal government of Luzern, had they 
 not been assisted by the treachery of some members 
 of the government itself, and more especially by its 
 recorder, Siegwart Miiller, who systematically mis- 
 led the liberals to false steps, and involved them in 
 numerous difficulties, by recommending to them ultra- 
 radical measures of extreme absurdity. These va- 
 rious intrigues in Luzern were still more facilitated 
 by the abolition of the cloisters (1841) in Aargau, 
 where the ultramontane party, in conjunction with 
 the Jesuits, had likewise incited the people against 
 government, in order to bring about a separation 
 between the Catholic and Protestant districts of the 
 canton. A liberal revision of the constitution 
 having been executed, the Catholic party ventured 
 upon an open insurrection (10th January), which was, 
 
256 NEW CONSTITUTION AT LUZERN. 
 
 however, soon quelled. As it was known that the 
 inmates of the Aargau cloisters had been instru- 
 mental to the disturbances, the government de- 
 creed, a few days afterwards, the abolition of the 
 cloisters. The step, though excusable, was never- 
 theless impolitic ; it was easily to be foreseen, that 
 great advantage would be taken of it by the oppo- 
 nents, at the ensuing revision of the constitution of 
 Luzern. 
 
 The priests, in league with the old aristocracy, 
 succeeded also in Luzern, in persuading the simple- 
 minded people that their religion was in danger, 
 and in enraging them against the liberal government 
 and the better educated classes. Under such rela- 
 tions, a new constitution appeared in May, 1841, in 
 Luzern, which might justly be termed a theocratico- 
 ochlocratic one. This constitution not only sacri- 
 ficed to the clergy all the rights which the govern- 
 ment had previously possessed in church matters, but 
 actually delivered the whole power of the state into 
 the hands of the clergy. The new elected Council 
 even submitted the constitution to the inspection and 
 approval of the pope (25th August, 1841), an act 
 unparalleled in the history of the Confederation. 
 
THE JESUIT QUESTION IN LUZEEN. 257 
 
 The political and civil rights of the canton were 
 henceforth to be conceded to the Roman Catholics 
 alone, while all the offices of the administration, high 
 and low, were exclusively filled with the obedient 
 servants of Jesuitism and ultramontaneism. Luzern 
 now possessed statesmen who could hardly read and 
 write. The new Luzern constitution contained, 
 amongst others, the democratic provision that the 
 people should have the right to give their veto against 
 the introduction of new societies. Though it would 
 thus seem that the ruling party had given up the 
 notion of inviting the Jesuits to the canton, it was, 
 however, quite different in point of fact; nay, the 
 very clause only showed, how sure the party was of 
 being able to obtain anything the Catholic clergy 
 might wish for, despite the power reposed in the 
 people. Before even the close of the same year (9th 
 Dec. 1841), Leu Ebersol, and eight other members of 
 the Grand Council, moved for the recall of the Loy- 
 olites to Luzern, where they were to be intrusted 
 with the educational establishments in the canton. 
 The Jesuit question thus became the main political 
 theme of the Luzern legislature, while in a few years 
 afterwards, it occupied the legislatures of the whole 
 
258 REPORTS CONCERNING THE JESUITS. 
 
 of the Helvetic Confederation. It is, however, re- 
 markable, and speaks volumes against the order, 
 that the government of Luzern, despite its timid 
 character and most servile submission to Borne, 
 had pronounced itself unanimously and most posi- 
 tively against the admission of the Jesuits, in its 
 message (Sept. 1842) to the Grand Council. More 
 divided in opinion were the members of the Board 
 of Education. The result of the motion in the 
 Grand Council was, that the latter instructed the 
 government to collect information and report on 
 the life, conduct, and character of the Jesuits, as 
 also on the conditions under which the latter would 
 be inclined to undertake the conduct of the higher 
 schools. The friends of the party in government 
 managed to decide the Board to confine the in- 
 formation to be collected only to official notices, to 
 such only as had been given by the secular and spi- 
 ritual authorities, who were known to be the warmest 
 friends of the order. Applications were thus made 
 on the subject to the governments of Schwyz and 
 Friburg, to Metternich, and to some Helvetic and 
 Austrian bishops, who, it was to be foreseen, would 
 speak favourably of the order. And such was really 
 
"SONDERBUND." 259 
 
 the case. The recall of the Jesuits to Luzern was, 
 however, more the effect of their own exertions than 
 of the favourable reports of their friends. To heat 
 their foes entirely from the field, the pious fathers 
 visited every place in the canton as missionaries, 
 kindling in the minds of the populace overpowering 
 fanaticism for the order, which made them regard the 
 settlement of the fathers as the most sacred concern of 
 every good Catholic. About two thirds of the Luzern 
 clergy — whose previous love of the Jesuits had 
 greatly cooled down by the events in Sardinia and 
 Belgium, as also by the excessive imperiousness shown 
 by the Loyolites at that period in some parts of 
 Switzerland — had drawn up a petition to the Grand 
 Council, praying to rescind the resolution for the 
 recall of the Loyolites ; but Esterman, bishop of the 
 diocese Basle, and a great patron of the order, for- 
 bade the clergy under him to join in the request, 
 and the petition was thus never given in. 
 
 Before, however, the Jesuit question was quite 
 terminated in Luzern, events took place in Switzer- 
 land which ought to have impressed the minds of all 
 impartial men with the immense danger to which 
 the confederation was exposing itself by the admission 
 
260 UPPER AND LOWER VALATS. 
 
 of the Jesuits. By the machinations of the latter, a 
 separate and special treaty (Sonderbund) was con- 
 cluded between the three original cantons, Friburg, 
 Zug, and Luzern, which virtually dissolved the gene- 
 ral union-treaty of the confederation. This separate 
 treaty was not unlike the notorious " golden alli- 
 ance," which had been concluded some 250 years 
 previously. To strengthen that union by the acces- 
 sion of the Catholic cantons, Tessin and Valais, the 
 partisans laboured with untiring zeal to upset the 
 liberal governments there. The conspiracy in 
 Tessin was soon discovered and frustrated, while 
 in Valais it succeeded to a frightful extent. This 
 canton, as we have mentioned above, was the first to 
 re-introduce the Loyolites into their old domiciles, 
 where they had remained for twenty-five years (from 
 1814 to 1839), the real guides and counsellors of 
 the old aristocracy. But notwithstanding their en- 
 deavours to stifle in its birth every rising sentiment 
 of freedom, ay, all intellectual impulses in this seques- 
 tered land — which is so separated on all sides from 
 the rest of the civilised world by high rocks and 
 lofty mountains — the Jesuits were unable to prevent 
 at least some glimmering light of the new spirit of 
 
THE CLERGY AND THE GOVEKNMENT. 261 
 
 the age penetrating even into this dark spot of 
 ignorance and bigotry. Lower Valais, inhabited by 
 intelligent and lively people, succeeded in bringing 
 about (1839) , with the assistance of its capital, Sit-. 
 ten, a revision of the constitution ; while the arch- 
 bigoted and conservative Upper Valaisians showed 
 resistance, but were obliged, after their defeat near 
 Sitten (April, 1840), to submit to the rule of liberal 
 statesmen who had now come to the head of the 
 administration. The chief attention of the new 
 government was now directed towards the emancipa- 
 tion of the canton from the dominion of priesthood, 
 and more especially of the Jesuits, as also towards 
 sharing in the general interests of the confederation, 
 No sooner, however, had government put hand to 
 the new work of curtailing the extravagant privileges 
 and immunities of the clergy,* and of introducing 
 improvements in the national schools, than the 
 
 * The priests possessed a privileged jurisdiction, not only 
 in civil, but also in criminal affairs. " There is no instance 
 on record of a punishment inflicted upon a priest. Eraud, 
 highway robbery, and infanticide were perpetrated by priests ; 
 and the bishop, after having arrested such criminals, allowed 
 them to escape from prison." — Snell, "Manual of the Swiss 
 States Eight," II., 846. 
 
262 ANNIHILATION OF THE LIBBKAL PAKTY. 
 
 clergy, headed by the order of St. Ignatius, entered 
 openly the lists against government. Already, to- 
 wards the end of 1842, the Administration was de- 
 cried from all pulpits as uncatholic and irreligious ; 
 while its decrees concerning school improvements and 
 distribution of military taxes, by which the exemp- 
 tion of the clergy from the burden was greatly re- 
 stricted, were denounced as so many open attacks 
 upon religion itself. The Jesuits travelled, moreover, 
 through the whole country as missionaries, making 
 the people swear that they would rise en masse at 
 the very first summons of the clergy. In the interval 
 between the election of the Grand Council (1843), 
 the priests and Jesuits neglected no opportunity of 
 obtaining the majority in their own sense and spirit. 
 Spreading suspicious rumours against the character 
 of the truly independent electors who would not bend 
 their knees to them, circulating slanderous imputa- 
 tions against the liberals, who, they said, were bent 
 upon abolishing the Catholic religion, in order to 
 force upon the people the odious Protestant creed, 
 open bribery, and even assassination, were the weapons 
 by which they tried and obtained the victory. Thence- 
 forth, the majority of the Grand Council was com- 
 
CRUELTIES TOWARDS THE LIBERALS. 263 
 
 posed of men entirely devoted to the interests of the 
 black-coats. 
 
 But the complete annihilation of the liberal party- 
 fell to the task of the aristocracy of Valais, aided 
 by the clergy. In August, 1843, a coup de main 
 had been attempted, but failed. To secure success, 
 the separate and special Catholic alliance (Sonder- 
 bund) mentioned above, was called into action. 
 In Luzern, an organised attack upon the liberals 
 completely succeeded (May, 1844). The liberals 
 were totally beaten in the battle near Trient, and 
 few escaped the sword but by flying into the can- 
 ton of Vaud. As usual, the victory of the Jesuits 
 and their party — the expenses of which had been 
 defrayed by the missionary society at Lyons — was 
 taken advantage of with Jesuitical cruelty. The 
 capital, Sitten, was for a long time kept in a state 
 of siege, the whole liberal party disarmed, and the 
 constitutional liberty of speech and the press, as also 
 the association right, were suppressed. A special 
 commission was in addition appointed to judge the 
 " rebels," before whom, after having been dismissed 
 their posts, nearly all the liberal members of the 
 Grand Council were arraigned as private individuals 
 
264 NUMEROUS MEETINGS. 
 
 implicated in conspiracy and high, treason. The 
 liberal communities were fined with heavy war 
 taxes, while all sorts of violence and cruelties were 
 practised upon the unoffending members of all 
 classes. By the new constitution framed for the 
 canton (Sept. 1844), under the auspices of the 
 Bishop of Sitten and the Jesuits, the power of the 
 priesthood was more than ever consolidated, and 
 theocratical intolerance carried so far, as even to 
 interdict divine service at home to tbe few remaining 
 Protestants in the canton. Bishop de Preux, pupil 
 of the German college at Rome, and Dean de Bivaz, 
 said in the Grand Council : " The maxim of recipro- 
 cal tolerance militates against the fundamental laws of 
 the Catholic church, which cannot exercise tolerance 
 towards the Protestants, she being the only true one ; 
 but the Protestant church, as she is not the only true 
 one, cannot refuse tolerance to the former." 
 
 Immensely great was the excitement throughout 
 Switzerland, caused by the above events in Valais, 
 which was forced to accede to the special alliance 
 (Sonderbund). It became evident that a religious 
 and civil war must sooner or later break out in the 
 confederation, if the society of Jesus, the chief 
 
MOTION REJECTED. 265 
 
 instigators of agitation and insurrection, were not 
 speedily removed from the country. In numerous 
 meetings, societies, general assemblies, and in many 
 addresses to the Grand Councils of the various 
 cantons, it was resolved, argued, and prayed for the 
 banishment of the order. The Catholic director of 
 the Aargau seminary, Keller, was the first who had 
 the courage to bring the matter under discussion in 
 the Grand Council of Aargau. His proposition (29th 
 May, 1844) to move in the forthcoming general Diet 
 for the expulsion of the Jesuits, was carried by a 
 majority of 123 against 42 votes. The motion was, 
 however, negatived (19th August, 1844) in the 
 general Diet, Basle alone having shown insight and 
 patriotism in the affair, by seconding the Aargau 
 motion. How many sad experiences would not 
 Switzerland have been spared, if her rulers had 
 then comprehended the spirit of the age, and pos- 
 sessed sufficient courage to eradicate in proper time 
 the growing cancer in Swiss life. In the midst of the 
 alarm and consternation produced in the minds of 
 the majority of the Swiss population by the miscar- 
 riage of that motion, Luzern, as if in derision of 
 these feelings, resolved to allow the Jesuits to settle 
 
266 THE JESUITS AND THE EDUCATION BOARD. 
 
 in due form in the canton. Even the lesser council 
 or government of Luzern, which, as late as the close 
 of 1843, had opposed the recall of the Jesuits, as 
 incompatible with the constitution of the canton, and 
 more particularly as regarded the claim of the pro- 
 vincial of the order, Pater Rothenfiue, to render the 
 order entirely independent of the power of the state 
 — even the government, we say, was not ashamed ten 
 months afterwards (September, 1844) to conclude a 
 special treaty with the same provincial, to the effect 
 that the theological seminary, college, and other 
 branch institutions were to be transferred to the 
 disciples of St. Ignatius. By another clause in the 
 same treaty, every " father" was to receive from the 
 public treasury an annual allowance of 750 francs, 
 besides lodgings and other domestic comforts. As 
 the Grand Council had, lowever, refused to acknow- 
 ledge their independence of the state, Pater Rothen- 
 flue was obliged to yield that point, and vow to 
 submit to the control of the Board of Education — a 
 promise which subsequently proved to be ineffectual. 
 A clause which had been smuggled into the treaty, 
 allowing the Jestiits to live and act according to the 
 rules of their order, indisputably annulled the former 
 
GENERAL INDIGNATION. 267 
 
 provision. Blind and implicit obedience to the 
 mandates of their superior, being the fundamental 
 rule of the order, the members were not, of course, 
 bound to comply with the instructions of the Board, 
 whenever they clashed with the sovereign commands 
 of their general. There was, however, another tri- 
 bunal still left to effect the banishment of the order — 
 the tribunal of the people — whose veto was to operate 
 as a law, according to the provision in the consti- 
 tution. That no means, fair and foul, moral and 
 physical, were neglected by the Jesuits and their 
 party to dispose the people in their favour, or to 
 invalidate the votes of the liberals, we need not 
 mention. The fatal termination of the liberal cause 
 by the battle at Trient, however, so intimidated the 
 majority of the poor electors, that they dared not 
 register their votes against the Jesuits, without the 
 risk of being treated as "rebels," or at least as friends 
 of the " liberal traitors." 
 
 Had the rulers now acted in a generous manner, 
 they might have morally strengthened their cause, and 
 introduced their beloved Jesuits into the canton with- 
 out further difficulty or complaint. But, inspired by 
 the " pious fathers" with the dark spirit of ven- 
 
 n 2 
 
268 SECOND 1)EJEA.T OP THE LIBERALS. 
 
 geance, the Grand Council abused their victory in 
 a most barbarous manner, by being bent upon 
 destroying, root and trunk, all the anti-jesnitical 
 elements in the canton. The reign of terror which 
 now prevailed in the canton forced several thousand 
 individuals to emigrate to other parts of the con- 
 federation. The sympathy with which they met 
 wherever they arrived, and the still greater com- 
 passion evinced for their ill-treated or imprisoned 
 brethren at home, soon assumed the character of 
 extreme indignation against the deplorable cowardice 
 manifested by the General Diet, which had been 
 convoked by the new Vorort Zurich (24th Feb. 1845). 
 The Diet had declined to interfere in matters con- 
 nected with the reign of terror at Luzern, and re- 
 fused even to protest against the introduction of the 
 Jesuits into that canton, though it was well known, 
 that all the mischief done in the canton was solely 
 the work of the Jesuits, who were now threatening 
 the whole confederation with civil war and even dis- 
 solution. The result of the weakness shown by the 
 Diet, was a second expedition of the liberals (1st 
 April, 1845) against the Luzern reign of terror, 
 which proved not more successful than the previous. 
 
REACTION AGAINST THE ORDER. 269 
 
 The cruelties again committed on the vanquished, 
 beggar all description, and only show the deep feel- 
 ing of hostility to which these "simple children of 
 the mountains" have become wedded by the instiga- 
 tion of the Jesuits and priesthood, who alone were 
 the authors of those horrible misdeeds, by having 
 represented the liberals as atheists and Jacobines, 
 who had come to rob them of their greatest treasure, 
 the religion of their fathers. Exactly five months 
 after this second victory (1st November, 1845) the 
 Jesuits were solemnly installed in the capital of 
 the canton. In the address delivered on that oc- 
 casion by the director of Luzern, Siegwart-Muller, 
 it was said, amongst other things, that " no power, 
 in whatever guise, by whatever cunning, fraud, or 
 even the sword, will ever be able to destroy the 
 order. It is built upon God and his Church ; it 
 stands under the protection of the state and under 
 the patronage of a sovereign people, while it bears 
 within itself the most potent guarantees for lasting 
 existence." .... 
 
 These boastful prophecies were, however, destined 
 not to be fulfilled. The very triumph of the Jesuits 
 .and their party in Luzern, laid the foundation for 
 
270 THE DIET IRUESOLVED. 
 
 events which not only caused the fall of the order 
 and the whole ultramontane party in Switzerland, 
 but even changed the whole aspect and character of 
 the Swiss confederation. While, on the one hand, 
 the Sonderbund, under the guidance of the Loyolites, 
 was arming itself for further extension of its rights, 
 threatening civil war and a total separation from the 
 confederation, the eyes of even the zealous Catholics 
 were, on the other hand, opened to the mischievous 
 workings of the order, and public opinion in the 
 majority of the cantons pronounced itself most de- 
 cidedly on the subject. It had become too evident 
 to be doubted, that the Jesuits, those foreign in- 
 truders, intended not only to form the cantons go- 
 verned by them, into a separate independent union, 
 but also to conquer and subjugate afterwards, through 
 these cantons, the whole confederation collectively. 
 In April, 1846, the Diet met and discussed about 
 the banishment of the Jesuits and the suppression 
 of the Sonderbund, but could not come to a final re- 
 solution. The efforts of the middle classes were now 
 directed in nearly all the cantons to the chief point — 
 to bring to the helm of the state, men of decided 
 liberal principles and opinions. At Zurich, Berne, and 
 
DECISION AND KESISTANCE. 271 
 
 Basle, the object in view was effected in a quiet and 
 constitutional way, while in Geneva it only succeeded 
 by means of a sanguinary revolution. In conse- 
 quence of these changes, the Diet passed (July, 1847) 
 the resolution, that the Sonderbund was an illegal 
 union, and must therefore be dissolved. On the 
 other hand, the seven Sonderbund cantons — Luzern, 
 Friburg, Schwyz, Uri, Unterwalden, Zug, and Valais, 
 declared that they were resolved to oppose that 
 decision by all the might in their power. As it 
 Was well known that this illegal and daring oppo- 
 sition was solely the work of the Jesuits and their 
 friends, the Diet ordered (5th Sept. 1847) the 
 total banishment of the Loyolites from the confede- 
 ration. As may be supposed, the latter were far from 
 obeying the order, and appealed to the sentiments of 
 their protecting cantons. This resistance was the 
 more unjustifiable, and even venturesome, when we 
 consider that the whole population of Switzerland 
 consists of 1,953,000 Protestants and only 980,000 
 Catholics, of which latter number only 427,000 be- 
 longed to the Sonderbund, and even one-third of this 
 small number ranked amongst the liberal party. The 
 sly fathers were probably not ignorant of the mispro- 
 
272 BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 portion of their supporters, but they set their hopes 
 on the European diplomacy, on the succour to be 
 tendered to them by the political combinations of 
 some of the European courts. It was Louis Phi- 
 lippe and Metternich in particular, who approved of 
 this Jesuitical conspiracy against the legitimate 
 power of Switzerland, in order to weaken once more 
 the political development of that confederation. 
 They not only encouraged and supported the Son- 
 derbund by words and means, but they also pre- 
 vented Pope Pius IX. from interfering in the affair, 
 while they threw, in addition, all sorts of obstacles, 
 by threats and intrigues, in the way of the exe- 
 cutive power, not to allow the decision of the Diet 
 to be carried into effect. The Diet, however, 
 remained firm and acted up to its resolution, despite 
 all those hindrances ; and public opinion in Europe 
 was not slow in applauding the measure in the face 
 of cabinets and diplomatists. All attempts at recon- 
 ciliation being exhausted, the Diet confirmed (4th 
 Nov. 1847) its previous resolutions, and ordered the 
 confederate army into the field, which soon destroyed 
 the whole fabric of the Sonderbund and the Jesuiti- 
 cal machinery. The canton Friburg was the first 
 
DISSOLUTION OF THE S0NDEKBUND. 273 
 
 to be vanquished by the confederate army, and 
 on the 19th November (1847) the provisional go- 
 vernment of that canton decreed, that all the 
 Jesuits, and their branch and kindred societies, 
 should be banished from the land, and their pro- 
 perty confiscated for the benefit of the public exche- 
 quer. Luzern, and with it the whole of the Sonder- 
 bund, having submitted, after a defeat at the battle 
 (on the 2nd November) near Gislikonbriicke, issued 
 decrees to the same effect, while in Schwyz the 
 people even indulged in excesses against the Jesuit 
 establishments as soon as they saw the sad turn 
 which affairs were taking in the other rebellious 
 cantons. As for the Loyolites, they did not wait for 
 extremes, but decamped everywhere with their port- 
 able treasures at the approach of danger, across the 
 frontier, to France, Italy, and Germany. In the 
 revised constitution of Luzern (13th Feb. 1848) it 
 was specially provided, " That the Jesuits and their 
 affiliated orders were never more to be received in 
 the canton under any form or pretence whatever." 
 
 n 3 
 
274 THE JESUITS SINCE 1848. 
 
 THE JESUITS SINCE THE REVOLUTIONS 
 OE 1848. 
 
 With their banishment from Switzerland, the punish- 
 ment of the Jesuits was far from being exhausted. 
 The civilised world in Europe was enabled by that 
 political drama in Switzerland, to apprehend the exact 
 extent of the diabolic power and the whole ma- 
 chinery of the order. Europe has learned, that the 
 pious fathers of the nineteenth century were, like 
 their predecessors in the previous centnries, the same 
 daring and sworn enemies of moral and political 
 liberty, of peace and quiet development of states and 
 nations. It wanted indeed but the least agitation, 
 the least clashing contact in society, to see the Jesuits 
 experience also in other countries the retributions 
 with which they were visited in Switzerland. The 
 glorious victory which the confederation had won, 
 not only over the Jesuits and Catholic priesthood, but 
 also over the despotic policy of Metternich and his 
 colleagues, no doubt contributed much to the almost 
 general rise in Europe in 1848 — a year in which 
 
THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. 275 
 
 also the order of St. Ignatius was fated to experience 
 the wrath and revenge of the Catholic nations on 
 the one hand, and the weakness, fall, and vicissitudes 
 of its previous patrons and supporters on the other. 
 As we have already observed, it was the Swiss events 
 in particular, which brought to maturity the out- 
 break of the February revolution in France, by which 
 the Jesuits were for a while scared away from the 
 country. The carelessness of the republican Govern- 
 ment, it is true, allowed them a few loopholes, whence 
 they could act upon the southern provinces in parti- 
 cular ; but the total change which has since taken 
 place in the dynasty of the French monarchy, has 
 also paralysed their zeal and efforts in that quarter, 
 and hardly anything important has since been heard 
 of their operations in that land of their previous 
 adventures and golden harvests. 
 
 From the rise of Italy, which immediately followed 
 the February revolution in France, resulted one of 
 the most remarkable phenomena in Catholic history, 
 the ignominious, though only temporary, destruction 
 of the order in the very heart of the Catholic world. 
 The movement against the order, whose immense in- 
 fluence during the pontificate of Gregory XVI. had 
 
276 PIUS IX. AND HIS REFORMS. 
 
 weighed so heavily upon the whole of Italy, nay, upon 
 the whole of Catholic Christendom, had virtually 
 begun with the accession of Pius IX. (16th June, 
 1846) and his reforms in the church states. Both 
 the clergy and the people hated the Jesuits, not only 
 for their lust of money and dominion, but also and 
 chiefly for their alliance and co-operation with the 
 Austrian policy; they were regarded as enemies of 
 all national, political, and even social development. 
 It became clear, that it was only the order, with its 
 affiliated societies, which had put unsurpassable 
 obstacles in the way of the new pope's reformatory 
 efforts, and rendered his measures uncertain and 
 vacillating. The personal position of Pius IX. 
 towards the powerful order was one of great diffi- 
 culty. Little as he liked them, he was compelled to 
 treat the members with delicacy and the utmost in- 
 dulgence, and even to observe a strict neutrality in 
 the affairs of Switzerland, in order to preserve his 
 own life, tiara, and power. It was only after the 
 events in Italy had begun to menace his own worldly 
 position, that Pius IX. had ventured upon the deci- 
 sive step against the Jesuit order, whose members 
 (by the by), though maltreated and banished for a 
 
OUTBREAKS AGAINST THE ORDER. 277 
 
 while even from Austria and Italy, soon found their 
 way back again, with the restoration of order and 
 the reactionary change in these countries. 
 
 The (compulsory) political conversion of king 
 Charles Albert, the revolution in Sardinia, and the 
 insurrection of Lombardy against the Austrian sove- 
 reignty, had, in the month of March 1848, freed 
 Upper Italy of the disciples of Loyola. Already, in 
 February of the same year, the popular movement in 
 Sardinia, and more especially at Turin, against the 
 Jesuits, had assumed such a threatening character, 
 that government enjoined (2nd March) the pious 
 fathers to quit their establishments with the least 
 noise possible. The same evening, sad excesses were 
 committed by the mob in the Jesuit college at Turin, 
 while a few days afterwards, the paters were forcibly 
 expelled from their settlement at Chieri, a small town 
 near Turin. Simultaneously with these occurrences, 
 public rage had also broken out at Genoa against the 
 Jesuits, who were considered by the people as the 
 enemies and traitors of the national cause, After 
 the February revolution in France, the Genoese saw 
 almost every day Jesuit refugees arrive at their 
 shores, whither also those from the Sardinian pro- 
 
278 GENOESE JESUITS. 
 
 vinees had made their way, sure of the protection of 
 the Genoese government, and a hospitable reception 
 by their colleagues there, with whom they intended 
 to form a compact resisting body against the stormy 
 times. The Genoese Jesuits had even declared to 
 government that they were willing to send to the 
 field at their own cost 700 bayonets, a declaration 
 which no doubt tended to increase still more the 
 popular indignation against them. On the evening of 
 the 1st of March, when another batch of more than 
 twenty paters were expected to arrive, the crowds 
 moved towr.rds the square of the Jesuit college, and 
 having forced the latter, and found the inmates flown, 
 they vented their feelings on the monastic ward- 
 robe, the cowls, girdles, dresses, &c, of the Jesuits, 
 which they hurled pele mile into the open road. 
 Among the documents and correspondence found in 
 the college, were also sketches of march routes, cross- 
 ways, and by-paths — sketches which highly compro- 
 mised the Jesuits, evidencing their connection with 
 the Austrian government. It was also ascertained 
 that the paters had received large sums of money from 
 men of high rank, to be employed for political pur- 
 poses, of which sums 84,000 lire had been spent by 
 
DOCUMENTS FOUND. 279 
 
 them in the last two months for secret services. 
 Since the commencement of the catastrophe, the 
 paters had, however, heen taken safely, together with 
 their treasures, by the governor of the place, to 
 a ship in the harbour, where they remained secure 
 from bodily violence. It is said, that the documents 
 and other papers found in the dwellings of the Jesuits 
 had greatly contributed to the line of policy adopted 
 by Charles Albert towards Austria, and that also Pius 
 IX. had entirely withdrawn (for awhile) his protec- 
 tion from the order, in consequence of these docu- 
 mentary revelations. On the 19th of July, 1848, the 
 Sardinian Chamber decreed the permanent expulsion 
 of the order or orders from the kingdom. The native 
 Jesuits alone were allowed to remain on a small pay, 
 if they consented to be secularised. The property of 
 the order was confiscated for the public treasury. 
 
 Also at Naples, the month of March 1848 proved 
 inauspicious to the Jesuits. In the midst of tbe 
 political agitation, the Jesuits were not forgotten, and 
 their friend, Ferdinand II., found it even necessary 
 to counsel Pater Roothaan to withdraw his subordi- 
 nates from Naples, their presence being irreconcile- 
 able with the new constitution of the country. The 
 
280 NAPLES AND SICILY. 
 
 paters, however, were slow to act upon the advice, 
 until they saw that thousands of the mob were daily 
 crowding before their dwellings, hissing, hooting and 
 whistling, as a sort of preparation for serious deeds 
 of real harm and injury ; they then thought it more 
 safe to quit the capital before it was too late. On 
 the 11th of March they repaired in thirty carriages, 
 under the protection of an armed soldiery, but also 
 under the threats of the crowds, to the harbour, 
 where they embarked, but lingered for some time 
 about the coast. 
 
 Also in revolutionised Sicily, the Jesuits were 
 looked upon as enemies of freedom and the national 
 cause, and the people therefore insisted upon their 
 removal. The paters, it is true, had declared them- 
 selves, in a proclamation to the inhabitants, as warm 
 patriots ; but no reliance was placed in their verbal 
 assurance, in the then critical position of the island. 
 On the 31st of July, the Sicilian parliament enacted 
 the banishment of the order. The foreign paters 
 were sent away, and their property sequestered, while 
 the native members were allowed to remain on a 
 small pension. 
 
 As in Upper Italy, so also at Rome, and in the 
 
THE JESUITS AT ROME. 281 
 
 whole of the papal states, the popular demonstrations 
 against the Jesuits had assumed, under the very eyes 
 of the pope, a very serious character. The people 
 insisted in unequivocal terms upon the removal of 
 these enemies of a better future. In the course 
 of the month of March, the pope had frequent inter- 
 views with Pater Roothaan, telling him that it was 
 absolutely necessary to withdraw the unpopular 
 members from the state, in order to avoid popular 
 excesses at the forthcoming promulgation of the con- 
 stitution. A few left in real earnest the Eternal City, 
 in the nights of the 10th and 11th March, while 
 others only made preparations for departure. In the 
 meanwhile, an imprudent Jesuit, having used in his 
 sermons harsh expressions against the reforms and 
 the national movement, the people, and even the pope 
 himself, became so exasperated, that a papal decree 
 appeared (29th March) ordering the banishment of 
 the order and sequestration of its property. As 
 usual, the native members were allowed to remain 
 under condition of secularisation. The college Eo- 
 manum was restored to the secular clergy, and the 
 other Jesuit establishments came into possession of 
 other hands. In the papal provinces, the Jesuits 
 
282 REACTION. 
 
 experienced the same fate as at Rome. The pope 
 had preferred banishing to abolishing the order, 
 probably to satisfy the people more speedily, since 
 the process of suppression would have required 
 lengthy investigations and formalities before it could 
 be accomplished. Later events, however, have left 
 the impression, that Pius IX. was not so inimically 
 disposed towards the order as he would have the 
 people believe, since with the restoration of tran- 
 quillity by the French troops, the Jesuits have 
 also returned to their old domiciles and establish- 
 ments, mischief and intrigues. Be this, however, as 
 it may, in a practical point of view there could have 
 been no material difference between banishment and 
 suppression of the order, since no pope is bound 
 to keep intact the resolves of his predecessors, as 
 was the case with the order in 1773 and again in 
 1814. 
 
 The Pater-General Roothaan sailed with a consi- 
 derable number of his subordinates to England, 
 where Lord Clifford and other Catholic magnates 
 are said to have put at their disposal some of their 
 castles or country seats, while a great many more 
 crossed the ocean to seek new spheres of operation 
 
DISCOVERT AT VIENNA. 283 
 
 in the western hemisphere. Also in Germany and 
 Austria the events of 1848 were severely felt by 
 the Jesuits under their various masks and names, 
 though in Catholic Austria their expulsion was only 
 partial and incomplete. In Bavaria, a Government 
 decree (February 17, 1848) abolished the so-called 
 Redemptorist mission at Altotting, but allowed a 
 small pension to those paters who were willing to em- 
 bark and continue their missionary labours in America. 
 At Vienna, after the fall of Metternich, the hated 
 Ligorians were enjoined to quit the metropolis and 
 the country generally ; being slow in departing, the 
 people stormed (6th April, 1848) their cloister, and 
 menaced even their lives. Both the male and female 
 Ligorians were thereupon packed into waggons and 
 removed from town, under the escort of the national 
 guard. An official investigation of their affairs pro- 
 cured a good insight into the relations of the pious 
 fathers. Among the documents and other papers 
 which they left behind, were found several promis- 
 sory notes, payable to the order of Archduke Maxi- 
 milian Este, and in the cellars were found large 
 stores of wine, also registered in the name of that 
 arch patron of the Jesuits. Their cashbook showed, 
 
284 BANISHMENT FKOM AUSTKIA. 
 
 that they had received monthly subscriptions from 
 pious individuals, to be distributed amongst the 
 poor, but which the paters had employed in the 
 purchase of stocks on the Exchange for their own 
 account. Minute search in the cloister also re- 
 vealed visible traces of crimes and debauchery, 
 unfit for publication. A few days afterwards (10th 
 April) the Jesuits were ordered to quit Linz, while 
 the people drove them forcibly from their settle- 
 ments in Styria and the Archduchy of Austria. To 
 prevent further disturbances, Emperor Ferdinand 
 ordered (8th May, 1848), at the proposal of the 
 Cabinet Council, the entire abolition of the Society 
 of the Jesuits or Ligorians throughout the whole 
 kingdom. Such an order was, however, more easily 
 issued than executed, as the Jesuits possessed in 
 the royal family itself, and more especially among 
 the fair sex of the high aristocracy, many old faithful 
 friends and influential patrons, who continued to pro- 
 tect them, and to be devoted to their cause heart and 
 soul. Even in Vienna itself, they were not long in 
 reintroducing themselves clandestinely, and so they 
 did at Linz, where they worked and conspired 
 against public order and tranquillity. In Galicia 
 
RETURN OF THE ORDER. 285 
 
 their expulsion was easily effected in July, 1848, but in 
 Tyrol it met with many difficulties, Government there 
 having declared their determination not to accede to 
 the imperial decree of banishment. A monster pe- 
 tition, signed by nearly the whole population, was at 
 the same time also forwarded to the head adminis- 
 tration at "Vienna, in which the withdrawal of the 
 cabinet order (8th May) was insisted upon, rather 
 than prayed for. It furnishes the historian with a 
 new proof of the dangerous influence of the Jesuits, 
 even in those countries where the people at first 
 evince great antipathy towards them. 
 
 With the political reaction, however, since 1849, 
 the Jesuits have made their reappearance in all the 
 states whence they had fled or been expelled at the 
 outbreak of the revolutions; they are now almost 
 everywhere safely re-established, and are again work- 
 ing their way, secretly and successfully, to the hearts 
 and pockets of the credulous and bigoted. 
 
 Let no nation, however great its political freedom, 
 fancy itself safe against the intrigues of these mo- 
 nastic adventurers. No democratic constitution can 
 prove a sufficient safeguard against their diabolical 
 power and machinations. They know, as their history 
 
286 RETURN OF THE ORDER. 
 
 in Belgium and other countries has proved, how to 
 turn to their own advantage every constitutional law 
 framed in the spirit of liberty and public welfare, and 
 the only bulwark against the baneful power of the 
 disciples of Loyola is to be found in those institu- 
 tions which secure to the future generations a sound 
 religious and humane education. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 PRINTED BY WILLIAM 9TEYENS, 37, BELL YARL, 
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