CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ENGUSH COLLECTION THE GIFT OF JAMES MORGAN HART PROFESSOR OF ENGUSH Cornell University Library PE 195.P47 3 1924 027 324 023 TO MY PARENTS. G. Otto's Hof-Buchdruekerei in Darmstadt. Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027324023 CONTENTS, Page. INTRODUCTION . i The Periphrases in Modern English 1. In Anglo-Saxon: Resum6 of the Views of Previous Investigators 1. Biblio- graphy 6. I. STATISTICS OP THE PERIPHRASES IN ANGLO-SAXON 11 1. In the Glosses 11. Vocabularies 11. Lindisfarne and Rushvrorth Glosses 11. Benet 15. Vespasian Psalter and Hymns 15. 2. In the Translations 17. Bade 17. Boethius 25. Gregory 26. Orosius 29. Psalms 34. Benedict 35. Aelfrie's Heptateuch 36. Aelfric's Col- loquium 37. Aelfric's Interrogationes Sigewulfi 37. The Gospels 38. 3. In the Original Works 40. Chronicles 40. Laws 41. Blickling Homilies 41. Aelfric's Homilies 43. Aelfric's Lives of Saints 46. Aelfric's De Vetera et Novo Testamento 47. Aelfric's Bede's De Tem- poribus 48. Basil's Haxameron 48. Wulfstan's Homilies 48. Salomon and Saturnus 49. Poems 49. Tables 51. II. USES OF THE PERIPHRASES IN ANGLO-SAXON . . 54 (1) In the Glosses 54. (2) Translations 58. {3J Original "Works 67. in. THE PERIPHRASTIC TENSES IN OTHER LANGUAGES 75 IV. RESULTS 81 INTRODUCTION. The periphrasis formed by means of the verb be and the present participle, has in Modern English a well recognized meaning. Maetzner i (1.51) says: "Modern English in this periphrasis makes chiefly prominent the meaning of continuance, or the being engaged in an activity at the time, and determinations of time often serve to support this meaning". Koch (§ 88) in treating the present participle dwells on the duration expressed by this tense : "Es ist Pradicat und wird in den adjectivischen Formen auf das Subject durch das Verb, subst. be- zogen .... Das N. E. verwendet es , um die Dauer der Zeitformen gegeniiber hervorzuhebeu : He lives = he is living." The uses of the periphrasis in Anglo-Saxon have received but hasty treatment at the hands of scholars, though its frequent occurrence in the earliest period of our language caused it to be noticed as early as the time of Hickes. In the "In- stitutiones Grammaticae" published at Oxford in 1689, he said (p. 53): "Ab hoc etiam Participio [Praesentis] et verbo Sub- stantive JEom, formatur tempora verborum praesertim verborum niotus: ut, he wses fyligende, secutiis est. peos ' The works are cited by authors. For list see Bibliography, pp. 6 ff. Pe86el8. 1 — 2 — sweostei' pa hit dagian ongan wses utgongende of hire cleofan, haec .soror , incipiente crepusculo, egressa est de cubiculo siio. > J)8es ealles nowiht him sylfuin wses geheal- dende, nihil horum omnium sibi reservavit. cwadp he pat his sawul mid mycele beorhtnysse waere utgongende of lichoman, dixit, quod anima ejits cum magno splendore esset egressura de corpore." In the "Thesaurus", published in 1705, he repeated the foregoing with these additional remarks (p. 45) ; "Saepissime occurrit periphrasticum hoc praeteritum in versione Boethiana : ut, 3a p mod pa pillic wses cwepende .... Maxime autem omnium Cimbricum hoc praeteritum affectat ille Pseudo-Nicodemus, in evangelio suo fictitio, quod publici juris fecit, pro suo in Saxonicas literas amore, Edw. Thwaites." E. Lye, in his "Grammatica Anglo-Saxonica" prefixed to the "Etymologicum Anglicanum" (1753) of Junius, and Owen Manning, who completed Lye's "Dictionarium Saxonico et Gothico-Latinum" (1772), notice the construction briefly. It will suffice, here, to quote Manning's words. la the last named work (I. Gram. Cap. VII) he says: "Ab hoc etiam [participle praesentis], ope auxiliaris Been, formatur interdum praesens, nee non praeteritum Indicativi, ut, Ic eom lufiende. Ego sum amans , i. e. Amo. Bu sprsecende eart. Tu loquens es, i. e. Loqueris. Ic wses ongitende. Eram intelligens , i. e. Intellexi. Pe wses fyligende. Erat sequens, i. e. Sequutus est. We ut- ofgangende wseron. Nos egredientes eramus, i. e. Egre- diebamur vel egressi sumus." Manning evidently regards the periphrasis as convertable with the simple tense. Bosworth published, in 1823, "The Elements of Anglo- Saxon Grammar". In this work (p. 139) he observes: "The imperfect partiable in Anglo-Saxon is formed by substituting ande, eende, ende, inde, onde, undo, and ynde for the infinitive termination, and represent an action as going on, but not ended: as, He waes haelende telce adle, He was healing evecy disease. Matt. IV. 23." March is equally unreserved in pronouncing in favor of the progressive force of the periphrasis in Anglo-Saxon. He says (§411): "In relation of time action is expressed by A. -Sax. verbs as in its own nature, indefinite, continued, or completed^ The forms for continued action are thus given: "Present continued: ic eom nimende. Future continued: ic beo nimende. Past continued: ic wses nimende." Moreover, he gives (§413, 1) as an example of the present progressive: "peos eorSe is berende," and (§414, 1) as an example of the imperfect (preterit) progressive: "swa ic ser secgende wees". Mr. Sweet, reviewing Prof. March's work in the Academy (II. 27), says: It is doubtful whether ic eom nimende ought to be compared with the English I ain taking. It seems to be merely an occasional and unmeaning extension of the simple ic nime. Compare the following passage from Thorpe's edition of Elfric's Homilies (I. 505): 'pa sona on anginne paes gefohtes wses se munt Garganus bifigende mid ormaetre cwacunge', and the translation 'wses imme- diately trembling'. Here the idea of continuity is entirely shut out by the word sona. Elfric the grammarian did not attach any very definite sense to these periphrases with habhan and tvesan, else he would hardly have trans- lated amatus sum by the clumsy ic wees fulfremedlice yelufod. It seems therefore probable that the delicate tense distinctions of the modern English verb have arisen by differentiation from these originally unmeaning and convertable periphrases." ' ' The evidence of Aelfric'e Grammar can not be regarded as conclusive on this point. Aelfric's aim was to give the Anglo-Saxon pupil as perfect a conception of the force of the various Latin tenses as words could convey, and for tliia purpose he renders amatus sum 1* __ 4 — In the Grammatical Indroduction to his Anglo-Saxon Reader (p. XCIV) , Mr. Sweet says: "The periphrases with the present participle have no distinctive meaning". M^etzner (II. 52) observes: "The Anglo-Saxon, in the translation of the Bible, has often chosen this periphrasis correponding to allied Greek turns : Johannes vas on vestene fuUigende and bodigende deed bote fulviht. Marc. 1. 4 {sysvEvo . . . ^anvi^ujv . . . xiiQiiaaav). He vas bodigende . . . and deofol- seocnessa iit-adrifende (1. 39). {rjv xi^pvaawv . . . y.alra 6ai/.i6via sK^iiXliDv) etc., where the English translation has the simple perfect. The endeavor also often appears to give to the action the stamp of a certain perpetuity: Hi ealle pa on pone cyning vceron feohtende o3 pat py hine ofslsegene hafdon (Sax. Chr. 755) .... Frequently, however, no such motive is to be discovered." Koch does not try to formulate any statement of the use of the periphrasis in Anglo-Saxon, but Miiller (p. 242) remarks its varied use: "Das Activ wird im Ags. nicht selten umschrieben durch die Verbindung von vesan mit dem Part. Pras. zur Bezeichnung der Dauer der Thatigkeit (he . . . mid him sprecende vas. Bed. IV. 24). Oefters wird indessen die Umschreibung auch gebraucht, ohne dass der Begriff einer Dauer hervortritt." by the "clumsy" ic wees fulfremedlice gelufod , a collocation perhaps unmatched in his other writings. Similarly in modern grammars we find awkward and unidiomatio expressions used to convey to the student the exact force of Latin, as, e. g., in Madvig's Latin Grammar § 141, ^dicturus sum. : I am he that will say.'' In the Grammar, Aelfric writes "amabo, ic lufige gyt to daeg oclile to merjen" 131, 5, but in the Homilies he expresses the future by means of beon and the present participle: as, "Pa synfuUan beoS on hellewite a (Jrowigende I, 294, 6. "Pa man- fuUan beod sefre cwylmigende on helle susle", II, 608. 11. In the Grammar, the. only form he renders by the periphrasis is tlie similar Latin periphrasis : as, "menducans est, he is etende ; legens est , he is rsedende", etc. — 5 — Further on Cp. 249) he adds: "Es ist schon friiher auseinandergestellt , dass das Part. Pras. mit vesan zur Umschreibung des Aktivs ge- braucht wird, um eine Thatigkeit als dauernd darzustellen". Flamme (§ 81), speaking of the periphrasis in the Blick- ling Homilies, remarks : "Hier ist zu erwahnen die ausserordentlich haufige Umschreibung ' des Aktivs durch das Participium des Praesens mit einer Form von beon, wesan wodurch das Eintreten in die Handlung, das Verharren in derselben^ besonders auch die Gleichzeitigkeit betont wird. Die so umschriebenen Transitiva fiihren ihr Object bei sich." Einenkel (p. 273) also attributes to the Anglo-Saxon tense its modern meaning : "Das Part. Praes. als Pradicat in Verbindung mit dem Verbum Substantivum ist ein haufiger Gebrauch sowohl im A. S. als im Afranz. und dient dazu, der in demselben ausgedruckten Handlung die Bedeutung einer fortgesetzten Thatigkeit, eines dauernden Zustandes zu verleihen". Schrader (§ 105. 2) denies the Anglo-Saxon periphrasis in Aelfric any of the force it has in Modern English. He says : "Das part. pras. wird haufig mit heon, wesan, weorSan zu der bekannten Umschreibung verwendet, die aber durchaus noch nichts von der besonderen Bedeutung haben, die sie ne. erlangten". To decide between these conflicting views the whole body of Anglo-Saxon literature should be studied. In the present investigation, the endeavor has been made to record every occurrence of the predicative participle found in the works examined. While some few have doubless escaped record, they would scarcely be sufficient to vitiate the results reached. A list of the works read and consulted follows. See, however, below p. tl. BIBLIOGRAPHY. The following texts have been read: a) Anglo Saxon: Aelfr. Col.i = 'Colloquium Aelfrici' in Wright- Wiilker's 'A. S. and 0. E. Vocabularies'. Aelfr. de Temp. ^ 'Aelfric's Bearbeitung von Beda's De Temporibus', in "Wright's 'Popular Treatises on Science'. London, 1841, pp. 1—19. Aelfr. de v. et n. Test. = Grein, 'Aelfrik de vetere et novo Testamento, Peutateuch, Josua, Buch der Richter u. Hiob'. Cassel 1872. Aelfr. Hept. = ib. Aelfr. Horn. == Thorpe, 'The H omilies of the A . S. Church.' 2 vols., London, 1844, 1846. Aelfr. L. S. = Skeat, 'Aelfric's Lives of Saints'. Lon- don 1881. Aelfr. Sig. = MacLean, 'Aelfric's A. S. Version of Alcuini Interrogationes Sigewulfi", etc. Anglia Bd. 6, 425 — 73; 7, 1—59. Basil = Norman, 'The A. S. Version of the Hexameron of St. Basil's Admonitio ad filium spiritualem'. 2 ed. Lon- don, 1849. Bede = Miller, 'The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People'. Pt. I. Lon- don, 1890. ' The works are usually cited according to the abbreviations used by Callaway (The Absolute Participle in Anglo-Saxon). — 7 — Benedict = A. Schroer, "Die ags. Prosabearbeitungen der Benedictinerregel'. Kassel, 1885. Benet = H. Logeman, 'The Rule of St. Benet, Latin and A. S. Interlinear Version'. London 1888. Bl. Horn. = Morris, 'The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Centnry'. London, 1880. Boeth = Fox, 'King Alfred's A. 8. Version of Boethius de Consolatione Philosophiae'. London, 1864. Chron. = Earle and Plummer, 'Two of the Saxon Chro- nicles Parallel'. Oxford, 1892. Gosp. = Skeat, 'The Gospels in A. S. and Northumbrian Version Synoptically arranged'. Cambridge, 1871—1887. Greg. = Sweet, 'King Aelfred's W. S. Versian of Gre- gory's Pastoral Care'. London, 1871. Laws = Schmid, 'Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen' 2. um- gearbeitete Aufl., Leipzig, 1858. Oros. = Sweet, 'King Alfred's Orosius'. Pt. 1 : 0. E. Text and Lat. Original. London, 1883. Poems = Grein-Wiilker, 'Bibliothek der ags. Poesie'. 2 vols. Kassel, 1881-1888. Leipzig, 1894. Israel Gollancz, 'Cynewulf's Crist'. London, 1892. Psalms = Thorpe, 'Libri Psalmorum Versio antiqua Latina cum Paraphrasi Anglo-Saxonica'. Oxonii. 1835. Salm. and Sat. = Kembles 'The Dialogue of Salomon and Saturnus'. London, 1848. Vocabularies = See 'Aelfr. Col'. Vesp. =, 'Vespasian Psalter and Hymns', in Sweet's 'The Oldest English Texts'. London, 1885 Wulfst. = Napier, "Wulfstan: Sammlung der ihm zu- geschriebenen Homilien'. Berlin, 1883. b) Latin. Bede = Giles, 'Venerabilis Bedae Opera quae supersunt Omnia'. Vols. II and III. Londini, 1843. Benedict ^= Migne, 'Regula St. Benedicti'. Paris, 1866 (in Patrol. Vol 66). Bible = Sabatier, 'Bibliorura Sacrorum Latinae Ver- siones Antiquae, sen, Vetus Italica, . . . quae cum Vulgata Latina et cum Textu Graeco comparantur'. Paris, 1751. Wordsworth and White, 'Novum Testamentum Domini Nostri Christi Latinae'. Oxonii. 1889. Boeth. = Peiper, 'Boetii Philosophiae Consolationis Libri Quinque'. Leipzig, 1871. Gregory = Bramley, 'S. Gregory on the Pastoral Charge: The Benedictine Text, with an Englist Translation' Ox- ford, 1874. The following authorities have been consulted in pre- paring this dissertation: Alexander, W. J.: Participial Periphrasis in Attic Prose. Am. J. Phil. IV. 291 f. Bernhardt, Ernst: Die Gotische Bibel des Vulfila. Halle, 1884. Bosworth, J., The Elements of Anglo-Saxon Grammar. London 1823. Bouterwek, K. W. : Die Vier Evangelien in Alt-Nord- humbrischer Sprache. Giitersloh, 1857. Bright, James W. : An Anglo-Saxon Reader. New- York, 1891. Conradi, Bruno: Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulfs Gedicht 'Juliana'. Halle, 1886. Diez. Friederich : Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen. 5. Aufl. Bonn, 1882. Douse, T. Le M. : An Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas. London, 1886. Draeger, A. : Historische Syntax der lateinischen Sprache- 2. Aufl. Leipzig, 1878. Einenkel, E. : Streifziige durch die Mittelengl. Syntax. Miinster, 1887. Erdmann, 0. : Grundziige der deutschen Syntax. I. Abt. Stuttgart, 1886. Flamme, J. : Syntax der Blickling Homilies. Bonn, 1 885. Gering, H. : Ueber den syntakt. Gebr. der Participia im Gotischen. Zsch. f. d. Phil. v. 423 f. Gesenius : Hebrew Grammar. Boston. Green, S. G. : Handbook to the Grammar of the Greek Testament. London. Grimm, J.: Deutsche Grammatik. Gottingen, 1837. — 9 — Hartel, W. : Lucifer von Cagliari u. sein Latin. Wolff- lins Archiv. III. 1 f. Hertel, B.: Der syntakt. Gebr. dea Verbums in dem angelsachs. Gedichte 'Crist'. Leipzig-Reudnitz, 1891. Hickes: Institutiones Grammaticae. Oxoniae, 1689. Thesaurus Grammatico-Criticus. Oxoniae, 1705. Kaulen Fr. : Handbuch zur Vulgata. Mainz, 1870. Kempf, E. : Darstrellang der Syntax in der sog. csed- mon'schen Exodus. Halle, 1888. Koch, C. F. : Die Satzlehre der engl. Sprache. 2. Aufl., Cassel, 1878. Hist. Gram, der engl. Sprache 2. Aufl., Cassel, 1882. Kohler, K. : Der syntakt. Gebrauch des Inf. u. Particips im 'Beowulf. Miinster, 1886. Kiihner, R. : Ausfiihrliche Gram, der griech. Sprache. 2. Aufl. Hannover, 1869, 1870. List, W. : Syntakt. Studien iiber Yoiture. Franz. Stud. I, 10 f. Lye , E. : 'Grammatica Anglo-Saxonica', in Junius's 'Etymologicum Anglicanum'. Londini, 1753. Maetzner: An English Grammar. .3 vols. London, 1874- Manning, Owen: 'Grammatica', in Lye's ''Dictionarium Saxonica et Gothico-Latinum'. Londini, 1772. March, F. A. : A Comparative Grammar of the A. S. Language. New-York, 1870. Milroy, W. M : The Participle in the Vulgate New Testament. Baltimore, 1892. Mueller, Th. : Angelsachsische Grammatik. Gottingen 1888. Noder, E. : Tempus u. Modus im Beowulf. Anglia X. 542 f. Paul, H.: Mittelhochd. Grammatik. 3. Aufl. Halle, 1889. Planer, J. : Ueber den syntakt. Gebr. des Verbums in dem angelsachs. Gedicht vom Phoenix. Leipzig. Schmidt, A. : Untersuchungen fiber K. Aelfreds Beda- ubersetzung. Berlin, 1889 Schrader B. : Studien zur Aelfred, Syntax. J"ena, 1887. Schurmann. J. : Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulf s Elene. Paderborn, 1884. — 10 - Seyfarth, H. : Der syntakt. Gebr. des Verbums in dem Csedmon beigelegten angelsachs. Gedicht von der Genesis. Leipzig, 1891. Sweet, H. : An Anglo-Saxon Reader. Oxford, 1881. Vernalakens, Th. : Deutsche Syntax. I. Th., Wien, 1861. Whitney, W. D. : Sanskrit Grammer. Leipzig, 1878. Winer, G. B. : Grammar of New Testament Greek. Edinburgh, 1878. Zupitza, J. : Aelfrics Grammatik u. Glossar. Berlin, 1880. I. STATISTICS OF THE PRESENT AND PAST PERIPHRASTIC TENSES IN ANGLO-SAXON. I. IN THE GLOSSES. VOCABULARIES (13). The periphrastic tense renders a Latin a) pres. indie, dep. (4) : sint behat[ende], pollicentur 87. 22, seSende and cweSende 340. 17, gemunende 382. 22; b) imp. indie, dep. (1): wseran sacende, emulabantur 398. 85; c) imp. suhj.(\): da he ODgitende wses, animaduerteret 342. 19; d) inip.subf. dep. (1): wses brucende, potiretur 465. 36; e) imp. subj. pass. (1): waran beotende, intentarentur 426. 12; f) perf. dep. (1): acen- nende wses, enixa est 392. 15; g') pres. part. (1): wses forbu- gende, cedens 382. 23; h) fut. part. (1): we sind anspecende, dicturi 391. 9; i) adj. (2): berende bifl, effeta 394. 26, 474. 11. LINDISFARNE AND RUSHWORTH GLOSSES (317). The periphrastic tense renders a Latin aj pres. subj. dep. (1): sprecende wses, loquar J. 16. 25; b) imp. indie. (28): wses sittende, sedebat Mt. 13. 1, nsebband Mt. 13. 5, 5, gon- gende Mt. 14. 29, ciegendo Mt. 20, 31, clioppende Mt. 21. 9. brucende Mk. 1. 6, licgende Mk. 2. 4, cymende Mk. 2. 13, — 12 — linigiendo Mk. 2. 15, wyrcende Mk. 3. 8, clioppende Mk. 3. 11, ferende Mk. 4. 37, geongende Mk. 5. 42, gongende Mk. 10. 32, biddende Mk. 14. 35, sittende Mk. 14. 54, gefrtegnende Mk. 14. 61, biddende L. 2. 38, geongende L. 5. 15, hliongende L. 7. 49, sittende J. 4. 6, geongende J. 5. 9, clioppende J. 7.28, stondende J. 18. 16, 18, cliopendei cuoeflendo J. 19. 6; c) imp. indie, dep. (13): sprecende wses, loquebatur Mt. 13. 34, fyl- gende Mt. 26. 58, foerende Mk. 1. 5, sprecende Mk. 2. 2, fyl- gendo Mk. 2. 15, sprecende Mk. 4. 34, biddende Mk. 5. 10, sprecende Mk. 7. 35, 8.32, 14. 31, L. 1. 64, 2. 38, fylgende J. 18. 15; d) imj}. indie, pass. (1): wees ferende, efferebatur L. 7. 12; e) imp. subj. (1): wses feerende, transiret Mt. 20. 30; f ) impj. subj. dep. (5) : biddende weron, deprecarentur Prol. to Mt. 9. 6, fore-ondetende L. 2. 3, spellende L. 24. 15, spre- cende J. 10. 6, gefroefrende J. 11. 19; g) perf. indie. (1): se |)e sellende wses, qui traditit Mt. 26. 25; h) perf. indie, dep. (117): hoehtende sint, persecuti sunt Mt. 5. 12, fylgende Mt. 8. 1, wundriende Mt. 8. 10, fylgende Mt. 9. 9, sprecende Mt. 9. 33, 13. 3, 33, 34, gehatend Mt. 14. 7, fylgende Mt. 14. 13, milsande Mt. 14. 14, sprecend Mt. 14. 27, milsande Mt. 18. 33, fylgende Mt. 19. 2, 28, gedoemendo Mt. 20. 10, fylgende Mt. 20. 34, fserende Mt. 21. 33, wundrigendo Mt. 22. 22, sprecend Mt. 23. 1, gefoerende Mt. 25. 15, wyrcende Mt. 25. 16, gestrionende Mt, 25. 16, ofergestrionend Mt. 25. 20, gestrionende Mt. 25. 22, wyrcende Mt. 26. 10, cyssende Mt. 26. 49, drowende Mt. 27. 19, untuende Mt. 27. 52, fylgende Mt. 27. 55, stelende Mt. 28. 13, spreccend Mt. 28. 18, fyl- gende Mk. 1. 20, wundrande Mk. 1. 27, fylgend Mk. 1. 36, faerende Mk. 2. 13, fylgende Mk. 2. 14, 3. 7, upp-iornende Mk. 4. 5, 6, stiornend Mk. 4. 39, fserende Mk. 5. 13, mil- sande Mk. 5. 19, 6. 34, sprecende Mk. 6. 50, faerende Mk. 6. 54, stiorende Mk. 8. 30, stiorende I forbeodende Mk. 8. 33, milsande Mk. 9. 22, gestiorende Mk. 9. 25, clioppende I friende Mk. 9. 36, fisrende Mk. 10. 17, 12. 1, 13. 1, wyr- cende Mk. 14. 6, gefeando Mk. 14. 11, cyssende Mk. 14.44, 45, fylgende Mk. 14. 54, sprecende Mk. 16. 19, Introd. to L, xciii, cunnendo L. 1. 1, sprecende L. 1. 70, awoende L. 2. 39, sprecende L. 2. 50, fserende L. 4. 1, 14, 42, fylgende - 13 — L. 5. 28, awoende L. 8. 55, fylgende L. 9. 11, eft-cerrende L. 10, 17, sprecende L. 11. 14, 12. 4, Srowende L. 13. 2, sprecende L. 14. 22, faei-ende L. 15. 13, cyssende 15. 20, eft- fserende L. 17. 15, fylgendo L. 18. 28, sprecende L. 22. 4, gefeando L. 22. 5, flafando L. 22. 5, fylgende L. 22, 39, sprecende L. 23. 20, fylgende L. 23. 49, sprecende L. 24. 6, 25, eft-fserende L. 24. 33, sprecende L. 24. 44, eft-faerende L. 24. 52, ondetend J. 1. 20, 20, fylgendo J. 1. 37, sprecende J. 6. 63, 7. 36, 8. 12, 20, 40, 9. 29, fuilgendo J. 11. 31, tseherende J. 11. 35, sprecende J. 12. 29, 36, 41, 48, 49, 15. 3, oehtende J. 15. 20, sprecende J, 17. 1, faerende J. 18. 1, sprecende J. 18. 20, 20, 21, ymbuoende J. 20. 14; i) perf. indie, pass. (5) : sawende waes, seminatus est Mt. 13. 19, 20, 22, 23, unrotsande Mt. 14. 9; j) plup. indie. (2): wses saldend, dederat Mk. 14. 44, cuoeSend Mt. 14. 72; k) plup. indie, pass. (1): hlosnende wses, suspensus erat L. 19. 48; 1) plup. indie. dep. (2): fylgendo uoeron, secuti fuerant J. 1. 40, Introd. to J. Ill; m) idup. suhj. dep. (2): fserende woere, egressus esset L. 8. 27, sprecend J. 15. 22; n) fut. (1): gie bidon stondende, stabitis Mk. 11. 25; o) fut. pass. (1): ondfoende bid, adsu- metur Mt. 24. 40; p) fut. perf. dep. (6): eower hehtende beopan, persecuti vos fuerint Mt. 5. 11, sprecende Mt. 12. 36, gestrionend t boetend Mt. 18, 15, cyssende Mt. 26. 48, onde- tende L. 12. 8; q) fut. perf. pass. (2): bid ondspyrnende, fuerit scandalizatus Mt. 11.6, ondspyrendo Mt. 26. 33 ; r) plup. sub). (4): were wungiende, mansissent Mt. 11. 23, stigende Mt. 14. 32, fserende Mt. 14. 34, 35; s) periphrastie pres. indie. (18): to cymende, venturus est Mt. 3. 11, |)rowende Mt. 7. 12, to cymende 11. 3, 16. 27, 17. 11, drincende Mt. 20. 22, tocy- mende Mt. 21. 9, geherende Mt. 24. 6, tocymende Mt. 24. 44, sellende Mt. 26. 21, tocymende L. 7. 19, 20, 21. 36, J. 1. 15, 27, 6. 14, fserende J. 7. 25, laerende J. 7. 35. t) periphrastie pres. sub). (5): tocymmende sie, venturus sit Mt. 24. 42, sprecendo Introd. to L. li, drouendo Introd. to L. lxv, Introd. to J. xxxvm, forhycgende J. 5. 45; u) periphrastie imp. (5): |) stydd dsem wses he tocymende, locum quo erat ipse uen- turus L. 10. 1, fserende L. 19. 4, sellende J. 6. 71. suoeltende J. 11. 51, sellende J. 12. 4; v) periphrastic imp. subj. (6): — 14 — weron onfengendo esaent accepturi Mt. 20. 10, tocymende Mt. 24. 43, doend L. 22. 23, tocyinmende J. (5. 15, sellende J. 6. 64, sueltende J. 12. 33; w) pres. part. (12): cliopende I ceigende sie, vox clamantis sit Prol. to Mt. v, gefrasende weroD, interrogantes Prol. to Mt. Lxxii, stigende Mt. 13. 2, geondsuarende Mt. 27. 25, febrende Mk. 1. 30, herende ilk. 3. 8, fserende Mk. 5. 13, smeande I dencende Introd. to L. l, bidend L. 2. 25, slaegendo L. 23. 48 ; x) pres. part., ahl. abs. (5): fordor he wses spreceade, athuc et) loquente Mt. 17. 5. sitteude Mt. 24. 3, spreccende Mt. 26. 47, iltgeongende Mt. 26. 71, spreccende J. 8. 30; y) pres. part. -\- imperative of esse (1): wses I beo du gemod t pencende, esto consentiens adversario tuo Mt. 5. 25; z) pres. part. + pres. indie, of esse (1): ne forSon biSon iuh sprecceado ah gaas halig, non enim estis uos loquentes sed spiritus sanctus Mk. 13. 11; aa) pres. part. -\- pres. suhj. of esse (1): sie sido iuero fore- gegyrdedo > deeccillae bernendo, sint lumbi uestri prsecincti et lucernae ardentes; bb) pres. part. + imp. indie, of esse (42): wses pa unfeor suner swina from heom monegra etende, erat autem non longe ab illis grex porcorum multorum pascens Mt. 8. 30, licende Mt. 9. 86, etende Mt. 24. 38, drincende Mt. 24. 38, hemende Mt. 24. 38, sellende 24. 38, haldende Mt. 27. 54, Iserende Mk. 1. 22, bodende Mk. 1. 39, sittende Mk. 2. 6, Sencende i smeagende Mk. 2. 6, fsestendo Mk. 2. 18, slepende Mk. 4, 88, cliopende Mk. 5. 5, fselletande I Sserscende Mk. 5. 5, foedende Mk. 5. 11, licende Mk. 5. 40, sprecende Mk. 9. 4, sleppende Mk. 14. 40, Iserend Mk. 14. 49, biddende L. 1. 10, becnende L. 1. 22, waeccende L. 2. 8, haldendo L. 2. 8, wundrando L. 2. 33, bodande L. 4. 44, sittendo L. 5. 17, hlingende L. 5. 29, Serh-wseccende L. 6. 12, fserende L. 9. 53, worpende L. 11. 14, Iserend L. 13. 10, 19. 47, 21. 39, willnande L. 28. 8, lofando L. 24. 53, geblodsando L. 24. 53, doende Introd. to J. x,, fulguande J. 1. 28, fulwuande J. 8. 23; cc) pres. part. + imp. subj. of esse (3): niiSdy ana woere gebiddenda, cum solus esset orans Lu. 9. 18, gebiddende L. 11. 1, gelefendo J. 6. 64; dd) pres. part. + fut. of esse (6): Sa steorras heofnes biSon of-feallende, stellae caeli erunt deci- dentes Mk. 13. 25, spreccend Introd. to L. lvi, suigende L. — 15 — 1. 20, niomende 5. 10, hfebbende L. 19. 17, sittende L. 22. 69; ee) perf. part. (6): milsande wses, miseratus Mt. 20.34, forfl- ongeonde Mt. 26. 39, milsande Mk. 18. 27, frfegnend Introd. to L. Lxviii, fserende L. 22. 39, eft-fserends L. 24. 9; ff) fut. part. (5): weroQ drowende, passuri Mk. Cap. Lect. xxTii, fylgendo Introd. to L. lx, geSrowende Introd. to L. Lxxiiir, fylgende Pref. to L. xxxvii, feerende L. 14. 31, gg) infin. (1) naillefl ge Sonne sie gemende in merne, nolite ergo esse sollicti in crastinumMt. 6.34; hh) gerund {X): halig hundum>bergum ne is sellennde, sanctum canibus porcisque non dandum Prol. Matt. XXII. ii) noun (1) gif ne were (les yfel wyrcende, si non esset malefactor J. 18. 30; jj) adj. (5): gif uutedlice ego 3iu t yfelwyrcende se t biS, si autem oculus tuus nequam fuerit, Mt. 6. 23, forletendae Mt. 11. 24, yfelwyrcende Mt. 13. 38, wexende Mk. 4. 17, unberend L. 1. 7. BENET (9). The periphrastic tense renders a Latin a) p)res. suhj. dep. (1): pset we beon dselnimende, per patientiam participemur 6. 13; b) pres. indie, periphrastic pass. (2): pincg sind to smeagenda, 1 qua requirenda sunt, 26. 11, forsceawiende 84. 6; c) pres. subj. periphrastic pass. (1): sin . . to carapiende, sunt militanda 5. 14; d) pres. part. --\- pres. indie, of esse (2): peetis mynsterlic campiende, hoc est monasteriale militans 9. 15, msengcende 14. 14, e) pres. part. (3): swa hwa swa he bid (fuerit) sittende gangonde oflde standande ahyldum, vel ubique sedens, ambulans vel stans inclinato 36. 2. VESPASIAN PSALTER AND HYMNS (95). The periphrastic tense renders a Latin a.) imp. indie, dep. (2): facen alne deg werun smegende, doles tota die medi- tabantur 37. 13, spreocende 40. 7; b) perf. indie, pass. (2): all snyttru heora forswelgende wes, omnis sapientia eorum ' Logeman § S9 says that the final a is owing to the lemma requirenda. — 16 — degluttita est 106. 27, 140. 6; c) perf. indie, dep. (75): Sa idlan spreocende is aura gehwelc, vana locutus est unus- quisque 11. 3, 3, 16. 10, ligende 17. 46, spreocende 21. 8, frofrende 22. 4, ingongende 25. 1,11, legende 26, 12, geSseh- tende 30. 14, smegende 35. 5, spreocende 37. 13, 17, 38. 5, 39. 6, 40. 7, wircende 43. 2, wundriende 47, 6, spreocende 49. 1, 57. 4, mildsende 59. 3, spreocende 59. 8, 61. 12, smegende 63. 7, spreocende 65. 14, wircende 67. 29, oehtende 68. 27, trymmende 70. 21, spreocende 72. 8, 8, wergende 73. 3, wircende 73. 12, smegende 76. 7, 13, spreocende 77. 19, elniende77.58, ahiaende.79.14, legeude80, 16, clyppende 84.11, froefrende 85. 17, spreocende 88, 20, gefultemiende 88, 44, smegende 89. 9, wircende 91. 8, mildsiende 102. 13, spreo- cende 104. 42, dernlicgende 105. 39, onsumiende 105. 40, waldende 105. 41, onscuniende 106. 18, blissende 106. 30, spreocende 107. 8, 108. 3, oehtende 108. 17, spreocende 115. 1, wreocende 117. 10, 11, resende 118 39, froefrende 118. 50, 52, biddende 118. 58, ymbclippende 118. 61, oehtende 118,86, scmegende 118. 129, oehtende 118. 161, onscuniende 118. 163, biddende 141. 2, ohtende 142. 3, smegende 142. 5, spreocende 143. 8, 11, frofrende V. H'. 2. 2. wreocende V. H. 7. 36, spreocende V. H. 9. 3, 10. 10; d) plup. suhj. dep. (I): fla miclan spreocende were, magna locutus fuisset; e) fut. dep. (2) : ah > mid tungan min biS smegende rehtwisnisse dine alne deg lof din, sed et lingua mea meditabitur justitiam tuam tota die laudem tuam 34. 28, 70. 24; f) fut. perf. dep. (4): gif min ne biod waldende Sonne unwemme ic biom, si mei non fuerint dominati tunc inmaculatus ero 18. 14, elnende 36. 1, 7, onscuniende 70. 24; g) pres. part. + esse (7): flu sodlice dryhten ondfenge min card . . . uphebbeude heafud min, tu autem Domine susceptor mens es . . . exaltens caput meum 3. 4, ongeotende 13. 2, soecende 13. 2, ongeotende 52. 3, soecende 52. 3, sargiende 68. 30, stondende 121. 2; h) pres. part. (2): fordon micel du eard > donde wundur, quoniam magnus es tu et faciens mirabilia 85. 10, wreocende 98. 8. ' Vespasian Hymn. — 17 — ir. IN THE TRA.NSLATION. BEDE (299) A. The Periphrastic Present (14). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier (5). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (4). It renders a, Latin pres. indie. (4) : se nu gyt lifigende is 4. 12, qui nunc usque superest 26. 5, lifiende 216. 23 (334.23).! 448.10 (* 234.333,2 sprecendc 348. 4 (* 118. 1). 2. Expresses the Future (I). It renders a Latin periphrastic pres. indie. (1): be deere we nu sindon sprecende 172. 25, de qua sumus dicturi 288. 16. II. Without a temporal modifier (9). 1. Expresses the progressive Present (3). It renders a Latin pres. part. (3): Dees we seondon ar- fseslice fylgende > rihtwuldriende 310. 30, hos itaque sequentes nos pie atque orthodoxe * 76. 19, Isedende 88. 19 (134. 21). 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (5). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1) : swylce hit is eac berende on wecga orum aser > isernes 26. 14, quae etiam venis metallorum . . . gignit 30. 20 ; b) pres. part. (3) : se wer sepe mid his wif hip slfepende 80. 22 vir . . . dormiens 126. 9, ongeotende 84. 28 (130. 24), winnende 88. 11 (134. 15): c) adj. (1) swylce eac fieos eorfe is berende missenlicra fugela > ssewihta 26, 5, sed et avium ferax terra marique generis diversi 30. 1. 3. Expresses the Future (1). It renders a Latin fid. part. (1): he nu hwonne on Sam ilcan bip on wuldre arisende 94. 11, resurrecturus in gloria 166. 33. ' The figures in parenthesis refer to the corresponding Latin text. ^ The asterisk (*) here denotes the third volume of Gile's ed. of Bede. — 18 — B. The Periphrastic Past (257). Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Pro- gressive Past (31). It renders a Latin a) imp. indie, dep. (1) : under him diaconSegnunge micelre tide brucende wees 272. 18, diaco- natus officio sub eo non pauco tempore fungebatur * 26. 2; b) imp sub), dep. (1): brucende 316. IG (* 82. 35); c) perf. dep. (1) : seo magj) Sreo gearfulle in gedwolan wses lifigende 142. 14; exinde tribus annis provincia in errore versata est 238. 25; d) perf. sub). (2): |)8et heofon leoht ealle niht waes ofer gestondonde > scinende 14. 21. ut super reliquias ejus lux caelestis tota nocte steterit 298. 2; e) pres. part. (16) : symle mid hio mode waes flegende 116. 31, ad coelestia regna semper . . . pervolans 196. 18, wunigende 150. 26 (258. 18), restende 272. 1 (* 24. 20). awuniende 300. 1 (* 56. 25), drohtieade 364. 15 (* 134. 33) , licgende 378. 21 (* 152. 3), weaxende 382. 5 (* 154. 12), gongende, hleapende, herigende 390. 10 (* 164. 22), peogende 408. 25 (* 188. 3), weaxende 428. 20 (* 206. 15), inngongende 434. 13 * 210. 30), reccende, styrende 458. 10 (* 244. 9) wuni- ende 478. 19 (* 294. 5); f) pres. part , abl. abs. (3): Da he pa gena wses . . . wunieude 246. 4, quo . . . demorante 386. 4, weaxende 246. 32 (386. 36), wuniende 458. 7 * 244. 6) ; g) perf. part. (6) : he langne tide ealle heora msegpe mid gewede waes geond farende 148. 21, multo tem- pore totas eorum provincias debacchando pervagatus 256. 11, wunigende 168. 29 (284. 13), 286. 31 (* 42. 32), 452. 26, (* 240. 4), |)eowiende 454. 20 (* 240. 33), wuniende 454. 30 (* 242. 5), h) adj. (1): waes Justus se biscop fla gen lifigende 116. 26, Justus autem adhuc superstes 196. 9. II. Without a temporal modifier (226). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (70). It renders a Latiu a) imp. indie. (2) : s,wa he dselneo- mende waes 112. 15, cui ille participabat 190. 31, eardigende 434. 9 (* 210. 25), b) imp. dep. (10): pset wif fle waes Srowiende blodes flownysse 78. 11, quae fluxum patiebatur sanguinis 122. 12, sprecende, seofiende 190. 19 (306. 26) - 19 - wyrcende 264. 15 (* 16. 33), sceawiende 288. 15 (* 44. 15), bihealdende 290. 15, (* 46. 11), tospreceude 290. 18 (* 46. 14), upeornende 300. 1 (* 56. 25), spreccende 344. 1 (* 114. 1), brucende 378. 18 (* 152. 1); c) imp. siibj. (2): wees ic in 3a serestan tid minre geogudhadnisse in his geferscipe drohtigende 398. 26, nam cum primaevo ado- lescentiae inea tempore in clero illius degerem * 174. lo, gongende 434. 22 (* 212 1); d) imp. subj. dep. (9): mid J)y 880 foresprecene cwen wses wunigende on dam ylcan mynstre 184. 8, cum praefata regina in eodem monasterio moraretur 300. 10, wunigende 190. 1 (306. 9), brucende 230. 2 (348.11), wuniende 262. 28 (* 16. 12), bihealdende 288. 14 (* 44. 11), sprecende, glowiende 346. 33 (* 116. 31), sprecende 402. 14 (* 176. 29), fordgongende 426. 13 (* 204. 10); e) perf. subj. (3): heora sefterfyligendas weeron deofolgylde folgiende 12. 4, ut . . . successores eorum idolo- latriam resuscitarint 186. 20, bodigende 12. 21 (240. 15), laedende 16. 16 (380. 12); f) perf. indie, dep. (2): he federa weg wses fyligende 152. 3, patrum viam secutus est 258. 26, brucende 240. 17 (358. 28); g) perf. subj. dep. (1): wses on- hyrigende 10. 11, sit imitatus 104. 2; h) imp. subj. periphrastic (1) da hi weeron to heora swasendum gongende 196. 16, cum forte ingressuri essent ad prandium 312. 32; i) pres. part. (34): se wses da repan ehteres fleonde 34. 15, clericum quendam persecutores fugientem . . recepit 46. 3, byrnende 38 14 (48.31), begytende 94. 28 (168. 10), gefultumiende 98. 11 (170.25), deowiende 172 11 (286. 33), fareude 188. 31 (306. 7), gefyllende 226. 21 (344. 28), fleonde 236. 18 (354. 29), fyl- gende 246. 8 (386. 7), tbrhergende, forneomende 282. 26 (* 38. 14), gesittende 296. 7 (* 52. 19), beornende 300.2 (* 56. 26), |)eowiende 302. 21 (* 60. 15), wascende 302. 27 (* 60. 23), smeagende 310. 24 (* 76. 13), hweorfende 316. 1 (* 82. 9), restende 340. 4 (* 108. 16), sittende 362. 19 (* 134. 6), gangende 362. 20 (* 134. 7), arisende 378. 22 (* 152. 4), ferende 398. 29 (* 174. 17), hreow- sende 400. 27'(* 176. 12), gehihtende 404. 23 (* 180. 13), gefultumiende 414. 9 (* 192. 15), astigende, fallende, ge- witende 426. 15, 16 (* 2U4. 12, 13), uppawallende 426. 26 2* - 20 — (* 204. 22), blawende 428. 10 (* 206. 7), efstende 428. 20 (* 206. 16), forSgangende 430. 15 (* 208. 6), hweor- fende 462. 1 (* 248. 20), donde 480. 29 (* 312. 9); j) pres. part., all. ahs. (1): wseron peer monige bysceopas sittende 460. 27, considentibus episcopis pluribus * 246. 19; k) perf. part. (5): he wees se engel manig ding sprecende to him 216. 10. plura locufus 334. 13, utgongende 288. 10 (* 44. 7), ferende 300. 26 (* 58. 19;, utgongende 362, 18 (* 134. 6), drohtigende 398. 16 (* 174. 5). 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (142). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie, dep. (1): se de bine gehatende wses mid us eoc wunian 316, 28, qui se nobiscum . . . manere pollicetur * 84. 12; b) imp. indie. (1): da de lifi- gende -wgerGn 50. 5, hi qui supererant 70. 1 ; c) imp. dep. (7): dser de Drihten wses ... to manum sprecende 84. 7, ubi Dominus . . . hominibus loquebatur 130. 2, frignende 114. 18 (194. 1), 134. 8 (230. 1), biddende 242. 27 (382. 17), cys- sende 376. 17 (* 150. 3), biddende 380. 9 (* 152. 21), spreecende 440. 17 (* 216. 32); d) imp. siibj. (1): da he wseccende waes 156. 31, cum evigilaret 266. 25, e) itnp. stihj. dep. (3) : sepe das ding to him sprecende wees 130. 23, qui haec sibi loqueretur 226. 27, sprecende 266. 18 (* 18. 55), 424. 16 (* 202. 19); f) perf. indie. (2): he ne w^s ondre- dende da beotunge dses ealdormanes 36. 10, nequaquam minas principis metuit 46. 30, lifigende 464. 11 (* 250. 24). g) perf. sub). (2):' deet Laurentius . . . Scottas wses manigende 10. 32 Ut L . . . Scotas monuerit 182. 12, hffibbende 12. 17. (228. 25); h) ^;e;"/. indie, dep. (25): hrape da gefremednesse dsere arfestan bene wses fylgende 32. 8, mox effectum piae postulationis consecutus est 40. 28, drowiende 34. 8 (44. 26), yrnende 38. 32 (50. 21), drowigende 40. 21 (52. 8), 40. 30 lb2. 16), fyligende 48. 14 (66. 27), sefterfyligende 50. 9 (70. 4 1, hweorfende 54. 7 (74. 22), forsprecende 84. 28 (130. 25), ofergeotende 114. 2 (194. 5), biddende 154. 2 (262. 30;, dencende 194. 15 (310. 29), demende 194. 15 (310. 29), fylgende 286. 9 (* 42. 4), ondettende 292. 26 (* 48. 33), hweorfende 292. 32 (* 50. 6), gongende 342. 25 (* 112. 28), cideude 366. 4 (* 136. 31), hweorfende 390. 21 (* 164. 33), — 21 — utgongende 392. 26 (* 168. 4), 394. 8 (* 168. 13), on- geotende 398, 22 (* 174. 11), ferende 406. 13 (* 182.34), prowiende 416. 29 (* 194. 28), wundrigende 432. 29 (* 210. 4), onscuniende 432. 29 (* 210. 14), ondettende 460. 16 (* 246. 9); i) perf. suhj. dep. (5): Be Diocletianus rice > fiset he Cristene men wses ehtende 6. 16, de imperio D., et ut Christianos persecutus sit 42. 26, fyligende 8. 7 (68. 3), hweorfende 8. 26 (86. 5), trymmende 12. 15 (208. 15), dro- ■wiende 216. 16 (334. 18); j) perf. indie, pass. (3): Se webs cumende ungewendre tide on herfeste 44. 28, legio ... in insulam advecta et congressa est cum hostibus 60. 28, lust- fulliende 86. 30 (132. 31), gefeonde 474. 22 (* 288. 30); k) plup. indie. (1) his gefera wses fultumiende pses godcundan wordes 250. 23, qui cooperator verbi exstiterat 396. 1 ; 1) plup. indie, dep. (1) dset we ser ut of gongende wseron 386. 1, si forte Tel ipsam de qua egressi eramus * 160. 7; m) pres. part. (60) : Bryttas to Rome fram Ettio dam Cyninge wteron him fultumes biddende 8. 3, Britones . . . auxilium flagitantes non impetraverint 66. 3, cumende 10. 5 (100. 1), 12. 29 (254. 17), forlsetende 40. 1 (50. 27), deoddende 50. 1 (68. 27), secende 52. 20 (72. 32), biddende 54. 11 (74. 25), rimende 58. 26 (102. 8), singende 58. 26 (102. 8), wundriende 60.31 (104. 14), biddende 64. 4 (106. 18), cumende 78. 12 (122. 13), arecende 80. 11 (124. 29), ssecgende 80. 17 (124. 29), spre- cende 94. 22 (168. 8), secende 112. 2 (190. 18), oferhleafende 116. 31 (196.17), ingangende 132. 19 (228. 10), onb£ernende 146. 10 (244. 8), neomende 178. 6 (292. 25), ondrtedende 214. 4 (332. 5), bindende 234. 29 (354. 3), forhergiende, forneomende 240. 24 (380. 19), preagende 240 25 (380. 18), donde 250. 22 (394. 33), forlEetende 272. 20 (* 26. 6), on- tynende 284, 20 (* 40. 8), geendiende 286. 5 (* 40. 32), forebeornende 294. 7 (* 50. 16), gehealdende 294. 22 (* 52. 2), gehatende 328. 19 (* 98. 5), getrymende 348. 11 (* 118. 9), forlsetende 348. 21 (* 118.' 19), sprecende 354. 5 (* 124. 9), befastende 358. 23 (* 128. 31), laedende 370. 4 C* 142. 8), togangende 372. 20 (* 146. 6), lit- gongende 372. 23 (* 146, 7), gesettende 378, 3 (* 150. 8), streccende 380. 8 (* 152. 19), secgende 380. 18 (* 152. 29), - 22 — eefengefeonde 390. 13 (* 164. 15), ingongende 392. 30 (* 168. 8), acegende 398. 23 (* 174. 12), bewergende 398. 28 (* 174. 16), astigende 404. 10 (* 178. 21), sec- gende 418. 10 (* 196. 5), cegende 422. 10 (* 200. 6), cerrende 430.25 (* 208. 16), eldende 430.33 (* 208.22), gongende 436. 3 (* 212. 15), amende 440. 11 (* 216. 25), endiende 450. 8 (* 236. 23), cumende 458. 5 (* 244. 5), ontirabrende 458. 20 (* 244. 19), gesecende 460. 11 (* 246. 3), ariaende 462. 10 (* 248. 29), gefultumiende 468. 29 (* 258. 4), upgangende 476. 10 (* 290. 25); n) pres. part. abl. abs. (2) : wses he se cyning swiSe gefeonde in pses biscopes cyme 302. 8 , imo multum gaudente rege * 60, 3, blinnende 386. 13 (* 160. 18); o) perf. part. (18) Sa wses gangende sum Sara bropra in to him 186. 24 ingressum ad eum quidam de fratribus 302. 21, forctgongende 42. 4 (52. 24), eldende 192. 11 (308. 18), cypende 228. 20 (346. 29), ge- treomende 236. 4 (354. 13), onhyrgende 246. 4 (386. 4), |)urhf8erende 250. 24 (396. 3), utgongende 284. 10 (* 38. 26), hweorfende 330. 8 (* 98. 27), inhyrgende 332. 17 (* 102. 7), gongende 352. 16 (* 122. 27), biddende 874. 2 C* 146. 19), gongende 382. 21 (* 154. 29), blissiende 390. 18 (* 164. 32), onhyrgende 396. 10 (* 170. 24), fylgende 414. 15 (* 192. 20), sittende 460. 13 (* 246. 6), ingongende 438. 5 (* 214. 20); Tp) fui. part. (2): he da wses smeagende mid done apostolicon Papan Bonefactio 108. 8, cum apostolico Papa B. tractaturus 184. 34, gebiddende 386. 10 (* 160. 17); q) in/in. (3): he wses brucende engillicre ge- syhpe 210. 14, angelice meruit visione perfrui 328. 11, gon- gende 372. 32 (* 146. 15), sprecende 462. 19 (* 250. 2); r) supine (1): se wees middangeard forhycgende 412. 17, ipse contemtu mundi * 190.28; s) paraphrase (^A) : sona ic wses wyrpende 394. 3, statim melius habere incipio * 168. 14, pehtende 416. 17 (* 194. 16), sprecende 416. 17 (* 194. 16), wundrigende 432. 29 (* 210. 14). 3. Expresses the Pluperfect (5): It renders a Latin a) perf. indie, dep. (4) : be Sam we foresprecende waeron 6. 61, de quibus praefati sumus 108. 14, foresprecende 202, 25 (320. 6), sprecende 276. 28 (* 30. 26), — 23 — foresprecende 324. 11 (* 90. 19); b) pres. part. (1): for- Isetende 262. 32 (* 16. 16). 4. Expresses the Passive (1). It renders a Latin pres. part. (1) : neh ceastra gehwylce > land wses forhergiende ^ 52. 29, proximas quasque civitates agrosque depopulans 74, 4. 5. Expresses the Future Preterite^ (8), It renders a Latin a) periphrastic imp. indie. (1) : on sefenne psere neahte pe he of worulde gongende wses 346. 29, nocte qua de seculo erat exiturus No. 116. 26; b) periphrastic imp. subj. (4) : flis syndon dan fyr da de middangeard weeron forbaernende > forneomende 212. 25, audivi hos esse ignes, qui mundum succendentes essent consumturi 330. 26, gelsedende, onfonde 284. 22 (* 40. 10); c) fut. part. (3): he wtes. ende- byrdlice settende be muneca life 108. 11, de vitae monachorum et quiete ordinaturus 186, 2, farende 458. 15 (* 244. 15), recende 458. 16 (* 244. 16). C. The Present Subjunctive (4). 1. Expresses the Indefinite Present (1). It renders a Latin infin (1): ponne hie syn begongende weoroldlicne comphad 480. 11, satagunt .... monasterialibus ascribere votis, quam bellicis exercere studiis * 294. 32. 2. Expresses the Future (3): It renders a Latin a) periphrastic pres. subj. (2) : o33e hwilcne ende syndrigo ping haebbende seondon 476. 30, quemve habitura sint finem singula * 292. 14, haebbende 480. 12 (* 294. 34); b) pres. part. (1): dy Ises we aenige tide ussum licumlicum unalefednessum sion piowiende 356. 12, ne forte DOS tempore aliquo carnis illecebris servientes * 126. 17. ' MS. B. reads forheregeode. ^ "If we regard an occurrence as impending in the past instead of in the present we have the future preterite tense (I should see, he would see)". Henry Sweet, A New English Grammar, I. § 278. — 24 D. The Past Subjunctive (24). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (10). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1): cwseS, |)8et he Sa gena lifgende weere 378. 12, qui nunc usque superest * 150. 30; b) imp. indie, pass. (1) awritan is, paet hi waeron todselende heora weoruld god. 66. 2 , dividebatur singulis prout cuique opus erat 108. 15; c) imp. suhj. (1): saede eac J> se ylca brothur ffa gyt on Sam mynstre lifigiende wsere 188. 1,. loquebatur, superesset in eodem monasterio jam juvenis ille 304. 9; d) imp. suhj. dep. (1): pa frugon heo . . . mid hwone heo sprecende ware 290. 27, interrogata, cum quo loqueretur * 46. 23; e) per/, indie, pass (1) sec sona wsere to Son swide . . . hefigende fget se earm wees . . . gecerred 392. 4; gravatum est * 166. 16; f) pres. part. (8): swa swa heo biddende wsere his ondsware 290. 17, quasi responsum ejus . . . expectans * 46. 14, licgende 392. 7 (* 166. 18), bensiende 402. 10 (* 176. 25); g) pres. part., ahl. ahs. (1) seo sona wsere to don swide weaxende, etc. 392. 4, quo mox increscente * 166. 16; h) infin. (1) ma he wunode pset he for Jam ecan rice symble won > God biddende' wser, 188. 6 pro seterno regno semper laborare ac deprecari solebat 304. 15. 2. Expresses the Future Preterite (9). It renders a Latin a) imp. suhj. dep. (2) : fiset Sees wsestmas eard waere uppeornende 366. 30, ut illius frugis ibi potius seges oriretur * 138. 25, sprecende 416. 18 (* 194. 17); b) periphrastie imp. suhj. (5) : pset hi Sonne waeron durh heora handa deapes wrEec drowiende 102. 25, per horum manus ultionem essent mortis passuri 176. 26, ferende 286. 25 (* 42. 22), sweltende 288. 20 (* 44. 17), litgongende 296. 11 (* 52. 23), cummonde 368. 20 (* 140. 18); c) fut. perf. dep. (1): donne wif cennede wsere 76. 5, cum vero enixa fuerit mulier 120. 7; d) pres. part. (1): pa ongan . . . him ondrsedan, ponne he to deaSe cumende wsere 294. 26, timere coepit homo . . . ne ad martem veniens * 52. 7. So Smith; Miller reads hletsode. — 25 — 3. Expresses the Historical Perfect (5). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1) : se pe lifigende wsere flses hades htefde mihte 146. 21 is, qui superest, censors ejusdem gradus habeat 246. 45; b) pres. part. (3): secgafl men pset he eac were mid gehate bine, seolfne bindende 306. 23, vote se obligans * 70. 26, widwinnende 368. 16 (* 140. 14), arisende 470. 6 (* 284. 9; c) infin. (1): efnblissende 62. 18 (104. 30) 1. BOETHIUS (20). A. The Periphrastic Present (14). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Present (6). It renders a Latin a) pi-es. indie. (1): Seah bip simle corn fisere sopfaestnesse seed on pare sawle wunigende 156. 3, haeret profecto semen introrsum 81. 11; b) pres. subj. (1): eala pset nan wuht nis fseste stondondes weorces a wuniende on worulde 26. 22, constat . . . ut constet genitum nihil 31 ; 18; c) pres. part. (2): donne miht Su ongitan pset pa godan biop simle weallende 172. 23, semper quidem potentes bonos esse 89. 25, waldende 178. 5 (92. 40). No Latin correspon- dence (2) ; gifende 258. 5, lociende 258. 8. II. Without a temporal modifier (8). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (4). It renders a Latin pres. indie. (1) : ic eom ealne pone heofon ymbhweorfende 20. 35, rotam uolubile orbe versarous 27. 28. Paraphrase (2): libbende 68. 13, farende 152. 4; no Latin correspondence (1) : smugende 80. 27. 2. Expresses the Future (1). It renders a hat'm fut. perf. (1): ac ponne heo hwam from hweorfende beod 18. 16, cum discesserit 25. 39. ' In the following examples the participle haa lost its verbal force, and has become an adjective: gymende > smeagende 25 (23. 12), freomigende 14. 20 (2ii6. 1), -weestmberende 98. 12 (170. 24), weallende 154. 22 (264. 3), scinende 210. 4 (328. 1), halwende 214. 23 (332. 24), sorgende 282. 29 (* 38. 16j, weallende 370. 1 (* 142. 4), beofiende 424. 1 (* 202. 2), lioiende 436. 25 (* 214. 12). — 26 — 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (3). It renders a Latin perf. fart. (1): pa . . . bio|) uton ymbstandende mid miclon gewerscipe hiora pegna 186. 4, saeptos tristibus armis 95. 3; no Latin correspondence (2): an dara gecynda is |i8et heo bip wilnigende 132. 4, irsiende 132. 4. B. Tlie Periphrastic Past Indicative (5). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (4). It renders a Latin perf. indie. (2) : Sa pset Mod pa pillic sar cwepende waes > pis leop singende wees 8. 23, haec ubi continnato dolore delatraui 18. 1 ; paraphrase (2): libbende 58. 17, vyariende 76. 7. 2. Expresses the Historical Past (1). It renders a Latin pres. indie. (1): be pam wees geo singende sum sceop 106. 32 unde . . . tragicus exclamat 62. 2. C. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive (1). Expresses the Progressive Past (1). It renders a Latin noun (1) : gif pu nu waere wegferende 46. 25, si vitae huius callem uacuus uiator intrasses 39. 97 ^. GREGORY (30). A. The Periphrastic Present (13). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier (2). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (1). It renders a Latin pres. indie pass. (1): se symble bifl cnyssende fleet scip 58. 5, in qua semper cogitationum pro- cellis navis cordis quatitur 34. 14. 2. Expresses tlie Future (1). It renders a Latin fut. indie. (1): se pe ryhtwis bid, he biS a sellende 336. 5, qui Justus est, tribuet 260. 15. * In the following examples the participle has no verbal force : |)urhwuniende 30. 10, hreosende 34. 22, fleonde 144. 36, wealdend 176. 17, sorgiende (text reads forgiende) 196. 7, untyriende 252. 20. — 27 — II. Without a temporal modifier (11). 1. Expresses the Indefinite Present (7). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1): ac his mod bid swide ydegende 168. 11. cor defluit 124. 11; b) pres. siihj. dep. (1): hu aeghwelc syn bid seetigende dses deondon monnes 160. 24. nam cum unum quodque peccatum quomodo profi- cientibus insidietur 118. 9; c) pres. part. (3): he bid swide hrsede ymbe hiene sprecende 92. 3, de se protinus loquentes facit 62. 16, gnorniende 224. 10 (170. 8), ydgiende 409. 35 (330. 16); d) gerund (2); swa hwa Sonne swse da wrohte bid sawende 358, 25 quisquis seminando jurgia 278. 26, Iserende 170. 13 (126. 9). 2. Expresses the Future (4). It renders a Latin a) -pres. iridic. (1): Sonne betweox oSrum msegenum bid deonde 86. 25, cumque inter virtutes ceteras . . . proficit 58. 23; b) pres. indie, periphrastic (3): se pe demende is cwicum and deadum 96. 13, qui judicaturus est vivos et mortuos 66. 17. gevyitende 441. 20 (368. 16), Surhwuniende 441. 21 (368. 18). B. The Periphrastic Past (7). 1. Expresses the Progresive Past (2). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1): On dses sacerdos hraegle veseron bellan hangiende 92. 15, vestimentis itaque illius tintinnabula inhserent 62. 29; b) pres. part. (1): Fordsem de he wees eall biernende 309. 10 totus ardens 238. 7. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (5). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie, pass. (1) To swelcum monnum Salomon wses sprecende 286. 11, quibus sub audi- toris . . . apud S. dicitur 216. 24; b) pres. indie, dep. (2): naeron ge no min gemunende 150. 21, mei non es recordata 110. 4, ferende 46. 4 (24. 14): c) pres. part. (1): Locu nu, hu Dryten wses sprecende of hefonum 443. 26, ecce de coelo Dominus loquens 372. 1. Paraphrase (1) biddende 256. 16 (194. 18). — 28 — C. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive (7). 1. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses a Progressive Present (2). It renders a Latin perf. indie, dep. (2): butan mon simle swincende and wyrcende sie god weorc oS ende 445. 15, operatum est 372. 25. II. Without a temporal modifier (5). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (1). It renders a Latin pres. part. (1): gehine lufige swelce he wunigende sie 395. 31, in cassum cor quasi manentea figitis 314. 5. 2. Expresses the Imperative (4). It renders a Latin a) pres. part. (2) hie sie . . . rsedende and vi'itnigende 1 24. 4 consulens et sseviens 86. 25 ; b) gerund (1): he ne sie gidsiende odera monna ajhta 60. 13, quid ad aliena cupienda non ducitur 36. 10; c) Noun (1): ac sie se lareow . . . efneSrowiende on hiera geswincum 96. 22, sit rector singulis compassione proximus 66. 25. D. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive (2). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (1). It renders a Latin pres. part. (1): se waere feohtende wid dsem v?illan his modes, 423. 18 video aliam legem . . . repugnantem legi mentis meae 846. 13. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (1). It renders a Latin perf. indie, dep. (1) : hit is awritan dset Dina wsere ut gongende 415. 14 Egressa est Dina 336. 12. E. The Copula weorctan and the Present Parti- ciple (1). The Periphrastic Present expresses the Future (1). It renders a Latin adj. (1): dinra synna ne weorde ic gemunende 413. 23, peccatorum tuorum menior non ero 334. 4. 1 ' In the following examples the participles are predicative a I ad- jectives: deonde 58. 12 (34. 20), scinende 66. 25 (42. 19), rempende - 29 - OROSIUS (235). A. The Periphrastic Present (13). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Present (4). It renders a Latin pres. ind. (1) : pe giet ricsiende sindon 58. 30, quod usque ad nunc manet 59. 23. No Latin corre- spondence (3): se ilce pe giet sittende is > wendende 64. 2, ricsiende 62. 30. II. Without a temporal modifier (9). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (1). It renders a Latin pres. indie. (1): hiere onweald is . . hreosende 76. 2, moles contremiscunt 75. 28. 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (8). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (3): seo is irnende of norSdsele 8. 15, sub plaga septentrionis Tanaim fluvium fundunt 9. 11, flowende 12. 35 (13. 18), irnende 74. 18 (76.2); b) pres part. (1): seo . . is irnende purh middewearde Baby- lonia burg 74. 3, medium B. interfluentem 75. 2; c) inp'n. (1): he is east irnende from eastdsele 12. 26, orientem versus pro- labi 13. 22. No Latin correspondence (3): irnende 14. 32, biddende 48. 23, giddiende 94. 29. B. The Periphrastic Past (211). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (81). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1): God sippan long- sumlice wrecende wses 58. 17 mundus arguitur 59. 11; b) pres. indie, pass. (1): he waas vi dagas on pa burg feohtende 212.3, sex continuis diebus pugnatur 213. 7; c) imp indie. (1): he wses sinpyrstende monnes blodes 130. 31 , semper sitiebat 148. 12 (108. 3), wandigende 148. 14 (108. 4), welwillende 234. 17 (178. 8), gewitende 298. 8 (226. 7), 298. !0 (226. 8J, denrfende 326. 8, 9 (252. 14), fleonde 332. 14 (258. 1), aurhwuniende 393. 33 (312. 6), fleonde 427. 22 (352. 8), libbinde 429. 24 (354. 13); b) noun: leogende 150. 21 (110. 3). — 30 - cruorem 131. 26; d) imp. indie, pass. (2): |)e ser waeron lxx wintra wi3 Romani winnende 100. 29, qui per septuaginta annos conficiebantur 10. 128, dreogende 140. 27 (141. 29J; e) imp. suhj. (2) : he w£bs pset folc ponan ut sleande > hie- nende 168. 29 prosterneret 169. 21; f) perf. indie. (11): he wses heriende > feohtende fiftig wintra 28. 28, quinquaginta annis bellis egit 29. 38, dreogende 30. 16. (31. 10), winnende 40. 82 (41. 16J, 42. 31 (43 25), wendende 48. 10 (49. 3), winnende 56. 10 (57. 7), dreogende 68. 31 (69. 10), sefter- fylgende 74. 3 (75. 22), pyrstende 76. 34 (77. 18), winnende 218. 30 (219. 28); g) perf. indie, pass. (1): hie dreogende wseron xiii winter 202. 31. quod gestum est annis septemdecim 203. 16; h) perf. indie, dep. (2): peer wseron fiftene gear paet lond herigende > westende 44. 19 ubi per xt annos sine pace immorati 45. 15; i) plup. indie. (1): Reedgota dseghwam- lice waes blotende diofolgildum mid monslihtum 296. 13, qui omnem Romani generis sanguinem diis suis propinare devoverat 297. 9; j) phip. subj. (1): mid psem pe he sprecende wses to his geferum 84. 33, cum . . . dixisset 85. 24; k) pres. part. (9): hio flyrstende wses on symbelmannes blodes 30. 27 san- guinem sitiens 31. 18, bruoende 32. 7 (33. 8), winnende 56. 15 (57. 11), sittende 56. 26 (57. 20), hergende 94 1 (95. 1), 94. 2 (95. 1), bsernende 94. 2 (95. l), winnende 114. 15 (115. 15), biernende 262. 2 (261. 28); 1) pres. part., abl. ahs. (1) : on |)8ere tide wseron Dioclitie iiicyningas on winnende 278. 24 Carausio rebellante 279. 19; m) per/, part., abl. abs: (3) : Perseus wses ealne pone gear Romane swiSe swencende 208. 13, profligate multis proelis exercitu Romano 209. 12, winnende, sleande 46. 5 (45. 26); n) perf . part. (1): on dsere hwile pe he pser winnende wses 130. 9 ilium bello intentum 181. 11; o) fut. perf. periphrastic (1): on psere hwile. . . Amicor . . . wses fserende 170. 13, transfugi turns fuerit 171. 9; p) infin. (1): pe pset ilce wseron dreogende cc wintra 214. 4, cum per annos ducentos hostem nee repellere proterat 215. 11; q) substantive (14): Uesoges . . . wses winnende of sufidsele Asiam, oS 44, 4, miscere bello studens 45. 4, sittende, feoh- tende 50. 13 (51.3), winnende 66. 24 (67. 4), drincende 76. 18 (77. 9), feohtende 80. 25 (81. 14), winnende 112. 24 (113. 14), - 31 - hiende 120. 11 (121. 8), bsernende, sleando 120. 12 (121. 8), fffirende, winnende 130.20 (131. 18), dreogende 134. 7 (135. 5), sittende 186. 4 (187. 1). No Latin correspondence (28): yr- nende 19, 33, piniende 36. 31, winnende 44. 27, wraciende 50. 21, |)rowiende 54. 26, dreogende 58. 4, winnende 66. 21, wuuiende 72. 1, farende 76. 28, winnende 88. 22, dreogende 90.18, 3efterfylgende92,14, weaxende 104.18, cydende 104. 19, donde 108.29, winnende, feohtende 114.6, hergiende 114.30, winnende 116, 2, hergende 118. 19, sierwende 118. 19, dreo- gende 182. 4, sleaude 200. 20, wuniende 220. 2, dreogende 224. 28, pafiende 230. 17, sefterfylgende 236. 29, dreogende 238. 3. II. Without a temporal modifier (130). Expresses the Progresive Past (25). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1): se cyning . . . mid oferheortnesse him wses waniende 166. 10, accussat et deflet 167. 10; b) pres- suhj. (1): sedSan daer waes standende^ waeter ofer pam lande 32. 11, nunc mare superfusum tegat 33. 15; c) per/, indie. (2); wses byrnende fyr up of psere eorpan 160. 24, extorruit 161. 15, biernende 234. 8 (235. 8); d) perf. indie, pass. (1) ac Romane . . . Gode powiende wseron 64. 11, aequitas in rege servata est G5. 6; e) iJres. part. (1): he pider mid firde feerende wses 174. 2, iter cum exercitu faciens 175. 4; f) in/in. (2): an gylden bring . . . wses fram psem heofone bradiende niper op pa eordan > wses eft farende wid paes heofones 234. 10, globum coloris aurei coelo ad terram devolvi, rursus in sublimi ferri 235. 6; g) substantive (2): seo eorpe wses cwaciende > berstende 88. 11, in Italia terrae motus fuerunt 89. 9. No Latin corre- spondence (15): pe Babylonie mid monigfealdum unryhtum . . . libbende wseran 64. 8 , iernende 66. 1 , feallende , biddende 66. 2, brociende 70. 11, wuniende 76. 21, pencende 76, 24, winnende 100. 1, 160. 6, sefterfylgende 168. 32, farende 226. 6, weaxende 232. 26, micliende 252. 12, pencende 292. 24. This may also he construed as an appositive participle. - 32 - 2) Expresses the Historical Perfect (105). It renders a Latin a)pres. indie. (5): he wses feohtende wiS SciSdie 30. 12, oppugnat 31. 3, sefterfolgiende 44. 16 (45. 12), ierniende 54. 2 (53. 22), sprecende, geomriende 80. 34 (81. 18); b) i^res. indie, pass. (2): he him unwinnende was 30. 5, dum vincitur 31. 3, winnende 148. 35(149. 19); c) imp. suhj. (2) : dser micelne hunger poliende wseron 66. 1 8. fames domi timerentur 67. 3, forhiende 200. 29 (201. 15); d) perf. indie. (15): his cniht lustinus wseran Sus singende 32. 29, qui inter caetera sic ait 33. 28, feohtende 30. 19 (31. 12), eefterfylgende 38. 22 (39. 12), farende 44. 6 (45. 5), donde 50. 3 (49. 17), winnende 56. 8 (57. 4), farende 74. 6 (75. 3), teonde 88. 20 (89. 16), donde 148. 2 (149. 2), 188. 18 (189. 14), biddende 202. 10 (203. 2), irnende 222. 6 (223. 2), farende 236. 9 (237. 5), 236. 20 (237. 20), msenende 242. 19 (243. 7); e) perf. indie, pass. (1): ac pa monigfaeldan iermpo pa werigan burg' swipe brociehde waeron 70. 11, cessatum tamen a mortibus non est 71. 9; f) plup. suhj. (3): manigfeald geiigre fremmende wses 30. 29, concubitu ob- lectasset 31. 18, flponde 76. 15 (77. 7), ehtende 134. 14 (135. 9); g) pres. part. (8) : pa wEeron swid:e hreolice berstende 38. 8. vesices effervescentes 39. 4, utsionde 38. 8 (39. 4), sceorfende 38, 12 (39. 7), biddende 82. 2 (83. 10), Iserende 82. 29 (83. 16), cirrende 116. 34 (119. 2), "brffidende 166. 19 (167. 9), farende 284. 31 (285. 30); h) perf. part. (3): him Romane paet swide ondreadende wseron 70. 1, quo metu consternati Romani dictatorem creant 71. 1, cirrende 236. 14 (237. 10), farende 246. 7 (247. 5); i) perf. part., ahl. abs. (1): ponon wses fserende on Mlirice 124. 8, translate abhinc bello 125. 4, j.) in/in. (4): hie selfe fleonde waeron 82. 26, aperte fugere persuasit 83. 13, fleonde 128. 7 (129.4), bradiende 234. 10 (234. 5), farende 234. 11 (235. 5): k) ge- rund (2): pset folc waeron hergende on Romane 100, 31, bel- lando et caedendo pervenerant 101. 28, feohtende 172. 22 (173. 18); 1) substantive (9): se scop wses secgende 34. 16, sacerdotum . . malitia confutanda est 35, 11, gongende 38. 33 (39. 23), ondrffidende 98. 16 (99. 19), 124. 35 (125. 24), sleande 158. 26 (159. 24), girmende 166. 25 (167. 18), hergende 168. 34 - 33 — (169. 24), bsernende 168. 34 (169. 24), donde 230. 18 (231. 7). No Latin correspondence (50): Hu Sicilia lebde waeron him betweonura winnende 2. 25, giernende 3. 82, spreccende 6. 7, wilniende 30. 21, donde 40. 26, 42. 7, dreogende 50, 18, sefter- fylgende 50. 23, dreogende 50. 24, forsacende 54. 9, cwiel- meiide 54. 18, donde 54. 22, stellende 64. 24, wenende 76. 15, farende 76. 20, sefterfylgende 76. 29, wilniende 82. 7, feoli- tende 82. 12, ondrsedende 84. 9, biddende 84. 14, farende 84. 17, winnende 86. 29, wergende 88. 27, winnende 90. 8, 90. 10, hergende, sleande 92. 15, winnende 104. 15, 112. 21, |)rowiende 112. 29, wid winnende 114. 4, hienende 130. 30, feohtende 132. 24, begongende 156. 1, leerende 162. 27, her- gende 172. 34, onwinnende 184. 3, wenende 188. 11, fserende 188. 12, |»encende 188. 13, asfterfylgende 190. 24, sleande 190. 4, biddende 196.12, wilniende 202. 10, oppyncende 232.21, biddende 232. 24, farende 246. 8, donde 260. 29, onwinnende 274. 27, wilniende 290. 7. C. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive (3). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (1). It has no Latin correspondence (1): swelce heo selfe sprecende sie to eallum moncynne 74. 25. 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (2). It renders a Latin a) pres. part. (1): paer neh sie eft flowende up of |)8em sande 12. 23, profluens 13. 16; b) infin. (1): fol rade pses sie east irnende on pat sond 12. 22, con- tineo arenis mergi 13. 20. D. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive (7). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (2). It renders a Latin a) pres. indie. (1) : swelce heo fleonde wsere 76.28, aimulat diffidentiam 77. 13; b) infin. (1): swelce eal se hefon birnende wsere 86. 23, ut coelum ardere visum sit 87. 10. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (5). It renders a Latin plup. subj. (1) : witan pset he . . wid Alexander fremmende wsere 168. 17, quasi urbem regi vendi- Pessels. 3 , - 34 — tasset 169. 12. No Latin correspondence (4): pel pe hwa wsere . . . yfel donde 56. 1 , gepafiende 88. 21 , wilniende 194. 22, wenende 194, 22. E. The Copula weordan and the Present Participle. Expresses the Progressive Past (1). It has no Latin correspondence (1): on psera fleame weord an Ueriatuses pegn psem oprum to longe ajfterfylgende 216. 21.1 PSALMS (15). A. The Periphrastic Present (7). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Present (1). It renders a Latin fut. dep. (1) : ymb his ee he byfl smegende dajges and nihtes 1.2, in lege ejus meditabitur die et nocte. II. Without a temporal modifier (6). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (3). It paraphrases the Latin (8): beoS ure gear-dagas gnorn-scendende 89. 10, eardiende 135. 27, lifigende 136. 7. 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (3). It renders a Latin a) per/, indie dep. (1): unriht he byd smeagende on his cliofon 35. 3, iniquitatem meditatus est in cubili suo; b) perf. pass. (1): forspyrcende synd mine mearhcofan 101. 3, ossa mea . . . confrixa sunt; c) paraphrase (1): fordon weSearfende pearle syndon 78. 8. B. The Periphrastic Past (7). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (2). It renders a Latin a) perf. indie. (1): wees ic slsepende, sare gedrefed 56, 4, dormivi conturbatus; b) perf. indie, dep. ' The participle is an predicative adjeotiye in the following example: wsestmberende 32. 12 (33. 16). — 35 - (1): ic . . . earn biddende bealde Drihten 141. 1, ad Deum deprecatus sum. 2. Expresses the Historical Past (5). It renders a Latin a) perf. indie, dep. (2): hy waeron wundriende 47. 5, adniirati sunt, sprecende 49. 1 ; b) perf. indie, pass. (1): hy . . . wseron styriende 47. 5, commoti sunt; c) fut. pass. (1) : on eallum finum weorcum ic wees smea- gende 76. 10, exercebor: No Latin correspondence (1): he wses cleopiende to Drihtne 27 rubric. C. The Periphrastic Imperative (1). It renders a Latin fut. pass. (1): Drihten, for pinum naman beo pu forgifende nimne synna 24. 9, propitiaberis peccato meo. BENEDICT (9). A. The Periphrastic Present Indicative expresses the Progressive Present (1). It paraphrases the Latin (1): gif he . . . bifl ... on modignesse wuniende mid upahefednesse 52. 9 in superbiam elatus 27. B. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive (8). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Imperative (1). It renders a Latin pres. suhj. (1) : he symble pencende sy on godre drohtunge 115. 23, oogitet 872 D. II. Without a temporal modifier (7). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (4). It renders a Latin a) pres. part. + esse (4): hwseper heora anig . . . sy God secende 25. 15, si est requirens Deum 372 B, sittende, standende, gangende 31. 7 (374 C). 2. Expresses the Imperative (3). It renders a Latin a) pres. part. (2) : ac be fremedum dome and hsese donde sy 20. 12 sed ambulantes alieno judicio 3* — 36 — et imperio 350 B, wuniende 49. 17 (507 D), b) infin. (1): ne sy nan lofgeon ne wilnigende 18. 18, non Telle dici sanctum antequam 297 A.' AELFRIC'S HEPTATEUCH (19). A. The Periphrastic Present (5). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (3). It renders a Latin a") fut. perf. (1): nu wat heo paet heo ys eacniende G. 16. 5 quod conceperit; b) hifin. (1): hire innoS ys weaxende G. 38. 24 videtur uterus illius in- tumescere; c) fres. part. (1) : cumerde ic eom to eow E. 3. 16, visitans visitavi vos. 2. Expresses the Future (2). It renders a Latin pres. indie. (2) : |)e feohtende beoS wid eow Josh. 10. 25, adversum quos dimicatis, worigende N. 14. 33. B. The Periphrastic Past (13). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (4). It renders a Latin a) perf. indie. (3): Lange he wees feohtende on fyrlenum burgam Josh. 11. 18, multo tempore pugnavit, wuniende Jud. 3. 30, 8. 28. Paraphrase wuniende G. 16. 1. II. Without a temporal modifier (9). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (7). It renders a Latin a) perf. indie. (1): hig weeron |)a eacnigende G. 19. 36, conceperunt; b) pres. part. (3): Israela folc weox, swilce hig of eorSan spryttende wseron E. 1. 7. quasi germinantes multiplicata sunt, ondrsedende and forbu- gende Job. 1. 1; c) infin. (1): efne wees J)a growende Aarones gird Ts. 17. 8 invenit germinasse virgam Aaron. Paraphrase (2): eardigende Jud. 13. 2, Josh. 9. 1. 2. Expresses the Historical Past (2). The participle has an adjectival force in cariende 46. 11 (484 D). — 37 — It renders a Latin a) imp. stibj. (1): sele burhwara wsea bugende to him butan Eueum Josh. 11. 19, noa fuit civitas quae se traderet filiis Israel praeter Hervseum ; b) perf. indie, dep. (1): Drihten wses pa sprecende to Moise D. 32. 48 Locu- tusque est do minus. C. The Copula weorctan and the Present Participle (1). The Periphrastic Present expresses the Future (1). It peraphrases the Latin: ic worSe sySdan georwiende G. 42. 38, deducetis cauos meos cum dolore ad inferos. ^ AELFRIC'S COLLOQUIUM (1). The Periphrastic Present expresses the Pro- gressive Present (1). It renders a Latin pres. part. + pres. indie, of esse (1) : fordam cild ic eom under gyrda drohtniende 1 02. 9, quia puer sum sub uirga degens. AELFRIC'S INTERROGATIONES SIGWULFI (6). A. The Periphrastic Present (4). Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Pro- gressive Present (4). It renders a Latin adj. (2) : gif heo turniende is hume- tane feald heo 12. 109, si volubile est, cur non cadat? 13. 8, turniende 13. 108 (13. 7). No Latin correspondence (2): wunigende 54. 513, 56. 534. B. The Periphrastic Past (2). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresess the Progressive Past (1). No Latin correspondence (1): se wees sefre wunigende ser anginne mid him on his bosrae 54. 516. ' In the following examples the participle is a predicative adj.: untymende a. 11. 30, 16. 2, 25, 21, 30. 1, Jud. 13. 2. — 38 — II. Without am temporal modifier expresses the Pro- gressive Past (1). It renders a Latin pres. part. (1) : pa |)a pset flod wani- gende wses 36. 840, reversee sunt aquee de terrse, euntes et recedentes 37. 8.' THE GOSPELS (53). A. The Periphrastic Present (12). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (4). It renders a Latin a) pres. part. -\- the pres. indie, of e.sse (1): Nis nan ping of pam men on hine gangende Mk. 7. 15, nihil est extra hominem introiens in eum; b) pres. part. (3) : sume synt her standende Mt. 16. 28, sunt quidam de hie stantibus, L. 9. 27, wuniende Mk. 9. 1. 2. Expresses the Future (6). It renders a Latin a) pres. part, -f- the fut. of esse (5) : heofones steorran beo5 feallande Mk. 13. 25, stellae caeli erunt decidentes, suwiende L. 1. 20. gefonde L. 5. 10, hseb- bende L. 19. 17. sittende L. 22. 69; h) pres. part. (1): twa beoS set cwyrne grindende Mt. 24. 41 duae molentes in mola. 3. Expresses the Indefinite Present (2). It renders a Latin a) pres. part -\- the pres. indie, of esse (1): ne synd ge na sprecende ac se halga gast Mk. 13. 11 non enim estis vos loquentes; b) pres. part. (1) ne nis yfel treow godne weestm donde L. 7. 43 neque arbor mala, faciens fructum bonum. B. The Periphrastic Past (88). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (2). It renders a Latin pres. part. + the imp. indie, of esse (2): hig vyeeron symle on pam temple gop hergende > hyne eac bletsigende L. 24. 53, erat semper in templo, laudantes et benedicentes Deum. e 46. 441 is a predicative adjective. — 39 — II. Without a temporal modifier (36). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (85). It renders a Latin a) pres. part. + the imp. indie, of esse (28): Sser waes soSlice unfeorrann swyna heord ma ma- negra manna Iseswiende Mt. 8. 80, erat autem non longe ab illis grex porcorum multorum pascens, licgende Mt. 9. 36, etende, drincynde, wifigende, syllende Mt. 24. 88, Iserende Mk. 1. 22, bodigende, adrif'ende Mk. 1. 39. sittende, J)encende Mk. 2. 6. fastende Mk. 2. 18, slapende Mk. 4. 38, hyrmende ceorfende Mk. 5. 5, l^sgende Mk. 5. 11, Iserende Mk. 14 49, gebidende L. 1. 10, bicniende L. 1. 22, waciende L. 2, 8 wundriende L. 2. 33, bodigende L. 4. 44, sittende L. 5. 17, waciende L. 6. 22, ut-adrifende L. 11. 14, Iserende L. 13. 10 19. 47, 21. 87; b) ^Jres. part. -{- the imp. suhj. of esse (2) se haelend wses ana hine gebiddende L. 9. 18 cum solus esset orans, L. 11. 1, c) pres. part. + the perf. indie, of esse {2) lohannes waes on westene fulligende > bodiende Mk. 1. 4 fuit Johannes in deserto baptizans et praedicans. d) pres part. (8): he waes bodiende . . . and haelende Mt. 4. 23 praedicans et sanans, geanbidiende L. 2. 25. 2. Expresses the Future Preterite (1). It renders a Latin periphrastic imp. indie. (1); he to gefylleade waes on hiersulem L. 9. 81 completurus erat in J. C. The Periphrastic Present S u bjective (1). Expresses the Imperative (1). It renders a Latin pres. part. -\- the pres. suhj. of esse (1): Sin eower leohtfatu byrnende L. 12. 35, sint . . . lucernae ardentes in manibus vestris. D. The Imperative (2). It renders a Latin a) pres. part + the imper. of esse (1): beo 3u oubugende J)inum wiperwinnan hrape Mt. 5. 25 esto protinus consentiens aduersario tuo; b) infin. (1): ne beo ge na hogiende ymb pa morgenlican neode Mt. 6. 34, nolite ergo esse solliciti in crastinum. i Unbereude L. 1. 7 is a predicative adjective. 40 III. IN THE ORiaiNAL WORKS. CHRONICLES (26). A. The Periphrastic Past (22). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progresive Past (8): hie ealle on pone cyning wseron feoh- tende o|) peet hie hine ofslsegene hsefdon 755 A^ (48. 4, 9, 26), wunniende 855 A, onfeohtende 871 A (70. 28), healdende 918 C, feohtende 1066 C (198. 24), tyrwigende 1100 E. (235. 23). II. "Without a temporal modifier (14). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (8): py geare Healf- dene Norpan hymbra lond ge dselde > ergende (hergende E) waeron > hiera tilgende 876. A, sittende 1052 D (175. 15), 1085 E (215. 33, 216. 24), bringende 1086 E (218. 27), smeagende 1090 E, dreogende 1104 E. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (6) : Her cuom micel sciphere on West Walas . . > wiS Ecgbryht West Saxon cyning winnende waeron 885 A, winnende 867 A, 878 A, feohtende 994 E, wircende 994 E, feohtende 1001 E. B. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive (1). Expresses the Progressive Present (1); beo an scip floti- gende sv?a neh pan lande swa hit nyxt maege 1031 A. C. The Periphrastic Past Subjective (2) I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (1): setywde seo heofon swilce heo for neah ealle pa niht byrnende wsere 1098 E. II. Without a temporal modifier expresses the Progres- sive Past (1): swilce se beam ongean weardes wi5 pes steorran ward fyrcliende weere 1106 E. ' For convenience I have used A instead of the Anglo-Saxon A employed by Plummer to designate the Parker Ms. — 41 — D. The Copula weordan and the Present Participle expresses the Progressive Present (1): |)a wurde he efre wuniende mid God Aelmihti on heuenrice 675 E (36. 33). LAWS (9). A. The Periphrastic Present expresses the Pro- gressive Present (1) : pser he is sittende on feower healfe his App. XII. B. The Periphrastic Past expresses the Historical Perfect (5): Ic Ine . . vraes smeagende he paere hselo urra sav?la Ine Pref., Edmund I Pref., Edgar Supp. Laws. Pref., sprecende Aelfric Introduction pp. 58. 64. C. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive expresses the Progressive Present (2) : pset pu sie py leng bibbende on eordan Aelfr, Introd. 4, fastende App. 26. 4. D. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive expresses the Historical Past (1) : pset te naenig ealdormanna . . . waere awendende paes ure domas Ine Pref. BLICKLING HOMILIES (135). A. The Periphrastic Present (22). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progresive Present (3) : mycel leohtfset . . . bid a dages and nihtes byrnende 127. 31, faerende 19. 20, wesende 19. 26. II. Without a temporal modifier (19). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (4): hael us on eorpan we pe synt on lichomum lifgende 81. 22, blowende 115. 14, rixiende 157. 4, sittende 71. 5. 2. Expresses the Future (10): pys morgenlican daege ic beo gangende of minum lichoman 139. 19, 141. 84, 143. 2, 147. 23, 29, forgifende 19. 30, geherende 63. 26, milt- siende 19. 30, standende 101. 29, efen prowiende 19. 30. — 42 — 3. Expresses the Indefinite Present (5): da folc peer cumende beoS 209. 18, donde 51. 14, fylgende 23. 11, 243. 33, sittende 23. 8. B. The Periphrastic Past (111). 1. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (6) : he waes simle hine to Drihtne gebid- dende mid myclurn wope 229. 18, donde 223. 30, dwelgende 201. 20, spreccende 223. 30, 231. 32, weeccende 137. 20. II. Not accompanied by a temporal modifier (105). Expresses the Progressive Past (22) : pa wees he ealre feegernesse full and he waes blowende on him sylfum on swype manigfealdre wynsumnesse 115. 7, cwepende 151. 10, farende 249. 2, fylgende 155. 26, gongende 141. 23, gripende 211. 1, hleonigende 145. 26, hlifigende 143. 5, hweorfende 67. 10, geseonde 209. 30, singende 147. 3, 149. 23, 151. 9. 231. 9, sittende 67. 36, 155. 27, 28, slsepende 235. 19, ston- dende 11. 22. wunigende 75. 5, 133. 15, 165. 18. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (83): aefter pyssum wordum gefylde, pa wses Maria arisende 145. 23, blissigende 139. 8, 157. 6, cegende 139. 16, cleopigende 139. 16, cwepende 57. 1, 137. 22, 139. 8, 12, 14, 17, 141, 6, 17, 35, 143. 16, 26, 36, 145. 7, 15, 17, 20, 147. 6, 9, 18, 33, 149. 21, 151. 14, 21, 153. 6, 8, 24, 31, 36, 155. 21, 157. 6, 11, 18, 27, 159. 15, 22, 26, 231. l,cyssende 157. 27, 237. 24,gefeonde 139. 8, 249 16, fylgende 15. 27, 229. 20, 249. 7, gangende 145. 25, 151. 17, 157. 26, ingongende 143. 14, 147. 1, 4, 241. 19, utgangende 145. 23, 149. 22, hweorfende 139. 3, 199. 6, 207. 30, 249. 12, Isei-ende 141. 24, meolcgende 93. 32, secgende 161. 19, geseonde 151. 8, sprecende 5. 2, 39. 24, 55. 2, 61. 28, 153. 33, 159. 25, 235. 27, 32, drowiende 237. 10, wepende 141. 35, 151. 20, 249. 7, wundrigende 153. 7, wyrcende 69. 16, 75. 32, wynsumiende 137. 31, 143. 25. C. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive expresses the Indefinite Present (1): hie syn ofergytende pisse saewe ege 235. 1. — 43 — D. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive ex- presses the Progresive Past (1): he ateowde us swa he slsepende waere to costianne 235. 4. i AELPRIC'S HOMILIES (155) A. The Periphrastic Present (56). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier (17). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (12): da wyrta beoS nu to-daeg blowende on wynsumnysse II 464. 13, forhtigende I 408 .30, growende II 406. 20, scinende II 46. 21, wanigende 11 214. 33, weallande II 46. 22, weaxande I 154. 27, II 214. 32, 323. 23, wunigende I 282. 14, 324. 19, II 606. 16. 2. Expresses the Future (5): forSan de pa manfullan beod sefre cwylmigende on helle susle II 608. 11, drowi- gende I 294. 6, wunigende I 160. 17, 276. 17, 606. 2. II. Not accompanied by a temporal modifier (39). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (18): se is bid- dende minre miltsunge mid eornestum mode I 386. 19 (Acts 9. 11), byrnende I 320. 34, 344. 7, 9, godigende I 124. 33. growende I 304. 26, scinende I 118. 6, onsigende II 146. 16, stigende II 76. 18. wanigende I 154. 28, 356. 24, II 76. 21, weaxende I 356. 26, wunigende I 236. 34, 322. 17, 408. 13, 540, 1, wyrcende II 530. 19. 2. Expresses the Future (6) : fordon Se we beoS hfeb- hende dses de we eer hopedon I 250. 33, scinende II 322. 11 (Is. 1. 18), sittende I 542. 20, II 248. 19, deonde II 74. 13, weornigende I 168. 33. 3. Expresses the Indefinite Present (15) : seraphim sind da gastas gecigede, de beod ' on Drihtnes lufe byrnende I 348. 26, 540. 13, ofgangende I 280. 14, healdende II 236. ' In the following examples the participle is a predicative a) adj. : unberende 93. 30, balwende 115. 8, 209. 10, miltsigende 45. 1, 87. 35, 89. 24, 249. 6, scyndende 115. 19, 195. 25, sopsecgende 187. 29, gewitende 65.15; b) substantive: deelniraende 191.25, forlsrende 141. 2, 149. 13,16. — 44 — 18, sittende II 318. 3, forS stseppende I 280. 14, oferstigende I 262. 11, J»eonde II 76. 19, 864. 3, 390. 24, wunigende I 288. 35, II 44. 18, 206. 26, 236 18, wyreende II 816. 19. B. Periphrastic Past (84). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier express Progres- sive Past (18): wseron togaedre bodigende binnan Ssere byrig seofon monSas pam folce lifes weig I 374. 29, blawende II 350. 9, Iserende I 406. 27, tsecende I 442. 29, deonde II 384. 2, wunigende I 146. 26, 32, 150, 15, 200. 30, 206. 34, 214. 27, 276. 15, 296. 20, 504. 13, II 4. 23.. 42. 8, 64. 13, 198. 12. II. Not accompanied by a temporal modifier (66). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (43): he dyde |)8et hi wseron . . . bodigende ymbe Godes rice I 320. 21, 372. 5, forbugende II 446. 11, byrnende I 320. 20, II 312. 17, ondraedende II 446. 11 (Job 1. 1), II 446. 30 (Job 1. 8), drohtnigende I 320. 13, 402. 21, 416. 4, 436. 22, 546. 3, II 174. 5, fleonde I 372. 17, growende II 144. 11, scinende II 186. 35, sittende I 572. 12., sprecende I 66. 15, 318. 25, 520. 4, sprengende I 466. 26, steppende II 508. 18, Seonde I 614. 17,, II 120. 11, 154. 10, 166. 27, waciende I 30. 15 (Luke 2. 8), wanigende I 356. 85, weallende II 350. 7, wunigende I 20. 6, 106. 9, 136. 3, 148. 3, 150. 8, 222. 17, 282. 27, 23, 308. 20, 314. 4, 404. 30, II 22. 19, 44. 18, 333. 29, 886. 6. 2. Expresses the Future Preterite (I): he . . . bodode pset him wses Godes grama onsigende, gif hi to Gode bugan noldon I 246. 17. 3. Expresses the Historical Perfect (22): he wses da biddende his Drihten mid pisum wordum I 382. 21, 426. 1, bifigende I 504. 28, bodigende I 370. 25, clypigende I 422. 18, cwedende 358. 25, derigende I 414. 16, drohtnigende II 188. 13, hliddende I 376. 5, scinnende I 62. 30, 540. 27, 544. 32, II 186. 12, 334. 10, sprecende I 608. 4, strynende — 45 — I, 308. 22, 26, styrigende 1 372. 12, 376. 5, twynigende I 302. 1, deonde I 308. 19, fordyrnende I 562. 15. C. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive (5). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Present (1) : peah fle he ungefullod gyt farende sy II 500. 35. II. Not accompanied by a temporal modifier (4). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (1) : Criste ge- Safenad pset he weaxe , and me pset ic wanigende beo I 356. 27. 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (3) : gif heo hwset digles on hyre hsebbende sy I, 388. 30, wunigende I 302. 20, II 438. 28. D. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive (5). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (4): gif his hreofla godigende wsere I 124. 27, slspende II 152. 33, wunigende II 252. 33. wyrsigende I 124. 26. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect. (1): peah de he mid eallum maegne wiflerigende wsere II 122. 23. E. The Imperative (4). Beo heo eac onbyrd and byrnende on Godes lufe swa swa fyr II 46. 5, boon ' eower leohtfatu byrnende II 564. 25, blowende I 64. 15, wunigende II 252. 21. I. The Copula we or dan and the Present Participle (1). The Periphrastic Past expresses the Historical Perfect (1) : cwedende I 520. 4.^ ' Beon is, of course, an infinitive, but is here included on account of its finite use. ' In the following examples the participle is a predicative a) adj.: eacnigende I 42. 2, halvrende I 122. 10, II 260. 20, behreowsigende — 46 — AELFRIC'S LIVES OF SAINTS (83) A. The Periphrastic Present (13). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Present (5): symble he bid gyfende 1. 46, lifigende 23. 726, smeagende 23. 452, wunigende 16. 1, 218. II. Not accompanied by a temporal modifier. 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (5): ic me gebidde to Sam Gode, |)e biS eardigende on beofonum 5. 417, gyr- mende 21. 297, wuniende 1. 19, 177, 13. 196. 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (3) : sume syndan creopende on eorSan mid eallum lichoman 1. 52, tellende 23 B. 229, tiligende 23 B. 245. B. The Periphrastic Past (62). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (12): op peet preo and fiftigde gear he wses pser on pam regole drohtnigende 23 B. 47, 803, onsittende 23.494, sittende 23, 803, smeagende 31. 28, wexende 23. 621. winnende 23 B. 564, 578, 25. 730, wraxligende 23 B. 578, wunigende 20. 126, 21. 270. II. Not accompanied by a temporal modifier (50). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (30): seo wurSfull byrgen pses de him eallum puhte call bifigende wses 21. 125, 23 B. 232, 461, bleetsigende 23 B. 640, creopende 10. 86, ehtende 23 B. 188, fserende 18. 421, 25. 563, wid-feohtende 25. 425, feohtende 25. 491, 563, fleonde 23 B. 188, gangende 10. 86, behealdende 23 B. 178, herigende 23 B 42, Iserende 29. 210, licgende 26. 214, sawende 23 B. 143, sprecende 23. 584, tosprsecende 23. 718, for-pyldiende 30. 446, vrinnende 30. 445, \?unigende 3, 566, 6. 131, 13. 148, 202, 16. 162, 21. 447, 25. 277, wyrcende 23 B. 143. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (20): pses pe he biddende was 3. 15, 23 B. 670, brucende 23 B. 35, eft-cyr- I 342. 13, unsprecende I 142. 26, welyllende II 418. 26; b) substantive : wegferende I 254. 28. - 47 - rende 23 B. 641, dselende 30. 9, fsegnigende 23. 824, farende 23. 702, hsebbende 28 B. 32, 142, healdende 23 B. 110, rixiende 18. 387, smeagende 23.222, sprecende 23. 210, 389, 23 B, 51, standende 23 B. 417, geniht-sumigende 23 B. 395, wundrigende 23. 775, wyrcende 12. 178, 245. C. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive expresses the Indefinite Present (2): eala hwsefler heo hider cumende seo 23 B. 667, wyrcende 23 B. 78. D; The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive (5). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (2): ac wsere pset getel wunigende sefre ne Ises ne ma on paem munuc-life 7. 268, 1. 7. II. Without a temporal modifier (3). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (2) : |)a cunnodan leecas hwi he licgende wsere 7. 67, libbende 23 B. 91. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (1) : raphahel se heah-engel ware to tobie sprecende 23 B. 7. E. The Copula we or dan and the Present Participle (1). The Periphrastic Past expresses the Historical Perfect (1): Zosimus pa sofilice weard micelan gefean cyrrende 23 B. 725.1 AELFRIC'S DE VETERE ET NOVO TESTAMENTO (2). The Periphrastic Past expresses the Pro- gressive Past (2): J)e mid pam heelende waes his agen leor- ningcniht on pisum life farende 12. 29, wuniende 4. 34. ^ ' In the following examples the participle is u. predicative ad- jective: halwende 16. 294, styrigende 1. 131, wel-wyUende 3. 417. ' Scinende 2. 33 is a predicative adjective. - 48 — AELPRIC'S BEDE'S DE TEMPORIBUS (8). The Periphrastic Present. I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Present (4) : dset semtige faec bufon |)8ere lyfte is sefre scinende of Saem heofonlicum tunglura 6. 5, weaxende, waniende 5. 25, yrnende 2. 24. II. Without a temporal modifier expresses the Pro- gressive Present (4) : ac on middan urum wintra beod hyra feldas mid weortum blowende 10. 2, waniende 4. 3, weallande 12. 25, weaxende 4. 3. BASIL'S HBXAMERON (2). A. The Periphrastic Present expresses the In- definite Present (1): God geworhte . . . eall wyrmcynn da de creopende beod 14. 31. B. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive ex- presses the Progressive Past (1): se lifigende God sefre wsere wunigende serdam de he worhte gesceafta 4. 7. BASIL'S ADMONITIO. No example. WULFSTAN'S HOMILIES (38). A. The Periphrastic Present (11). 1. Expresses the Future (10): ge heofonwered ge eord- wered ge hellwered . . . bid bifjende 26. 1, 203. 6, byrnende 25. 16, 203. 2, cwacjende 26. 1, 203. 6, ehtende 199. 21, sweltende 210. 19, 218. 11, Isedende 254. 2. 2. Expresses the Indefinite Present (1): he . . . byd peah smeagende oftor ymbe swicdora, ponne ymbe wisdom 52. 31. B. The Periphrastic Past (17). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (5): pe wses a nymende earmra manna sehta on unriht 140. 23, sprecende 222. 34, 235. 17, 27, 237. 4. — 49 - II. Not accompanied by a temporal modifier (12). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (4): he wses biddende his lifes 237. 8, 259. 10, cwelende 213. 8, eardjende 106. 3. 2. Expresses the Historical Perfect (7): ser webs eall weoruld sprecende on an gereord 211. 19, 218. 2, 219. 31, 235. 6, wyrcende 235. 13, wylnigende 11. 7, 278. 12. C. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive (4). I. Accompanied by a temporal modifier expresses the Progressive Past (1): heo wsere herigende sefre on hire life ure drihten 237. 14. II. Without a temporal modifier (3). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (1): ssede . . pset heo wsere mildheortnesse fyligende 237. 12. 2. Expresses the Historical Past (2) : se de wsere git- sjende oflra manna pinga 72. 3, scaSjende 72. 12. D. The Copula we or dan and the Present Participle (1). The Periphrastic Present expresses the Indefinite Present (1): ne senig man ne gewunje, pset he mid yfelum wordum to wyrjende weorSe 70. 18.' SALOMAN AND SATURNUS (1). The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive expresses the Historical Perfect (1): saga me, hvrelc man terest vsrsere vcifl hund sprecende 34. ^ THE POEMS (19). A. The Periphrastic Present (3). 1. Expresses the Progressive Present (2): swa J)in rice restende bid anwloh for eorlum op pset J)u eft cymst Dan.^ 584 (manet. Dan. 4. 23), ac him bid reordiende Sat. 626. ' In the the following examples the participle is a predicative a) adj.: mildsjende 229. 13, 26, scinende 8. 2; substantive: hyrwende, leande, lufjende 82. 1, tiligeude 72. 12. 2 Berende 35 is a predicative adjective. ^ The poems are cited according to the abbreviations used by flrein. Pessels. 4 — 50 — 2. Expresses the Future (1): pa fle firnedon, beod beo- figende, Sat. 621. B. The Periphastic Past (12). 1. Expresses the Progressive Past (11): swa se halga wer herigende wses metodes miltse, Az. 49, Dan. 334, bea- tende An. 1543, weallende An. 1709, ehtende B. 159, sec- gende B. 3029, gefeonde El. 173, 989, bidende El. 484, drusende,! El. 1258, flonde Gen. 2084. 2. Expresses the Historical Past (1) : swa ic him sylfum ser secgende wses, An. 949. 0. The Periphrastic Past Subjunctive (3). 1 . Expresses the Progressive Past (2) : pset Jiu sunu wsere efen-eardigende mid pinne engan frean Cri. 236, sincende Gen. 1437. 2. Expresses the Historical Past (1): gif ponne Presna hwylc . . paes morSor-hetes myndgiend wsere B. 1106. D. The Imperative (1). Hal wes pu . . . beo pu growende on godes faepme Charms I. 68.2 ' According to Schiirniann (p- 319). I should prefer to regard the participle as attributive in this passage. * In the following examples the participle is a predicative adjec- tive; halwend Dom. 84, unlifgende B. 467, efen-wesende Cri. 349, lif- gende Dan. 764, pyrsthycgende Gn. Ex. II 50, taelende Fa. 90. - 51 - I. Table giving the Total Number of Periphrases in the Trans- lations with the Latin Forms they Render. -a a CQ tn IS O CQ o .2 'qq g o CO s o '■3 a 05 K o O Cm 'S < P' xn O 03 I Pres. Indie. . . Pres. Indie. Pass. Pres. Indie. Dep. Pres. Subj. . . . Pres. Subj. Dep. Imp. Indie. . . ■ . Imp. Indie. Pass. Imp. Indie. Dep. Imp. Subj. . . . Imp. Subj. Dep. . Perf. Indie. Perf. Indie. Pass. Perf. Indie. Dep. Perf. Subj. . . . Perf. Subj. Dep. . Plup. Indie. . . Plup. Indie. Dep. Plup. Subj. . . . Future .... Future Pass. . . Future Dep. . . Future Perf. . . Future Perf. Dep. Pres. Indie. Periphr Pres. Subj. Periphr. Imp. Indie. Periphr. Imp. Subj. Periphr. Fut. Perf. Periphr. Pres. Part. . . . ce 7 1 3 1 18 4 16 2 4 32 7 6 1 1 1 1 2 1 10 125 7 29 1 6 6 1 2 4 3 1 2 1 2 1 1 4 5 4 2 1 1 3 1 3 9 "3 1 1 1 13 3 1 1 2 4 28 3 2 1 5 1 20 1 4 4 9 2 26 105 1 1 2 3 2 1 4 1 1 2 4 1 1 2 1 4 1 1 4 2 4 1 1 2 3 1 8 43 1 29 5 2 3 1 4 3 19 9 16 37 9 41 7 6 2 1 5 1 2 1 2 1 4 2 2 10 1 171 Prea. Part. + esse . Pres. Part. abl. abs. Perf. Part Perf. Part. abl. abs. Fut. Part Infinitive . . . Supine . . . Gerund . . . Adjective .... Substantive . . . Paraphrase .... No Latin Corresponder 48 8 34 5 6 19 1 5 5 28 18 114 Tota 1 299 20 30 235 15 9 19 1 6 53 687 4* - 52 - II. Table giving the Various Significations of the Periphrasis in the Translations. ^• p. o ^ in g a, X _o ' K O 'S m ende Aelfr. Sig. 54. 513. Many of the verbs like lifigende, eardiende, wunigende, ricsiende, loeal- dende, etc. are from their nature continuous. 2 examples are influenced by the Latin periphrasis of the present participle and esse: Aelfr. Col. 102. 9, Mk. 7. 25. The Indefinite or Aoristic Present is found 28 times. It renders the present 6, the perfect 2, the present participle 8 , an adjective 1 , a perfect participle 1 , the present parti- ciple + esse 1, and the gerund 2 times. In 1 example it paraphrases the Latin and in 5 there are no Latin corres- pondences. Exs. : swylce hit is berende on wecga orum, aser > isernes, leades > seolfes, Bede 26. 14; an dara gecynda is paet heo bip wilnigende oper p heo bip irsiende Boet. 132. 4. Seo ... is irnende purh middewearde Babylonia burg, Oros. 74. 8. The 18 examples expressing the Future have usually a future participle in the original , and 5 occurrences in the Gospels are due to the present participle and the future of esse in the Vulgate. Exs. : se pe deraende is cwicum > dead- urn. Greg. 96. 13, qui judicaturus est vivos et mortuos IJ6. 19. Likewise 441. 20. be paare we nu sindon sprecende Bede 172. 25, de qua sumus dicturi, 288. 16. pu byst on- weald baebbende ofer tyn ceastra L. 19. 17. eris potestatem habens super decem civitates. The Periphrastic Past Indicative occurs 541 times. It is quite evenly divided between the progressive and historical tenses, as there are 266 examples of the first and 260 of the second. It expresses the pluperfect 5 times, the future preterite 9 times, and the passive once. The Progressive Past is accompanied in 119 examples by various adverbial modifiers denoting continuance. The most numerous class of adverbial modifiers is the accusative of extent in time, which is found 53 times: 16 times in Bede, — 60 — 35 times in Orosius, and twice in the Heptatenoh. These 53 examples of the progressive force of the tense are among the clearest we have. Exs. : seo meegp 3reo gear fuUe in gedwolan wses lifigende, Bede 142. 14. he da se arwyrfla Godes deow monig gear in Msegilros Ssem mynstre drohtniende ■wses, Bede 864. 15. hi da X gearpa burg sittende wseron > feohtende, Oros. 50. 13, hie Scipia wees ealle pa niht sleande . . . oj) dseg Oros. 200. 20. Two examples of the adverbial genitive are found in Bede: he wees mycelre tide on Hybernia Scotta ealonde wunigende 168. 29. So: 272. 18. Temporal adverbial phrases accompany the periphrasis 12 times in Orosius. These time-phrases are on symble, on pcere htvile, on pone tide, mid pampe, on deem dagum, etc. Exs. : on psere ilcan tide weeron . . . wifman winnende in Asiam 170. 13; mid peem pe he sprecende wees to his geferum, 84. -33, hio dyrstende wees on syrabel mannes blodes, 30. 27. Temporal adverbs strengthen the pro- gressive force of the tense in 30 examples, distributed as follows: Bede 13, Orosius 12, Heptateuch 2, Interrogationes Sigewultl 1, Gospels 2. Of most frequent occurrence is symble; others are dmghwamlice, a, gelomlice, gena, longsumltce un- ablmnendlice, longe, oftrcedlice, etc. Exs.: seo rihtgelyfde laar wses deeghwamlice weaxende, Bede 246. 32; mid pa he pa gena wees begeondan see wuniende Bede 458. 7; segper ge pe men ge da nytenu unaablinnendlice piniende weeron, Oros. 36. 31, pa weeron simbel binnan Romebyrig wuniende, Oros. 72. 1, hi weeron symbol on ptem temple god hergende > hyae eac bletsigende L. 24. 53. There are 20 examples of the periphrastic^ past accompanied by the conjunctive adverb op. Matzner (II. 32) says of this form: "The endeavor also often appears to give to the action a certain perpetuity: Ht ealle pa pone cyning weeron feohtende od peet hy hine ofslagene hafdon (Sax. Chr. 755)". Here the adverb by setting a limit to the duration of the action seems to emphasize its conti- nuance up to that limit. The action is represented (1) as advancing to a definite end; as, Perseus ... on da deode winnende wees op hi him gehyrsume weeron, Oros. 40. 32; or (2) the action is continuous for a time until another event brings it to a close; as, he on anre stowe . . . wees wuniende - 61 - q|) he his lif forlet, Oros. 220. 2. In both cases the duration of tlie action is dwelt upon. Exs. : (1), him Ciras wajs ffifter- fylgende op he hiene gefeng > slog Oros. 74. 33. Hi . . . on Sset folc winnende wseron > {)a wepnedmen sleande op hie Sees londes hsefdon micel on hiora anwalde Oros. 46. 5; (2) wa3s pset folc ponan ut sleande > hienende op pset Hanra . . . hiene set pam fastene gesohte mit xxm. Oros. 168. 29. One example of the periphrasis with an accusative of extent in space occurs in the account of Wulfstan's voyage: Wulfstan ssede pset he gefore of Haedum, peet he wsere on Truso on syfan dagum > nihtum, paet paet scip wa3s ealne weg yrnende under segle, Oros. 19. 34. Here the idea of duration is derived from the length of the voyage, and enforced, perhaps, by the temporal phrase proceeding, on nyfan dagum > nihtum. In one rare example a temporal prefix is attached to the verb: he wses sinpystende monnes blodes, Oros. 130. 34. There are 147 examples of the progressive past not accompanied by temporal modifiers, and they render various Latin constructions. The present participle is so rendered 48 times, 34 of which occur in Bede. The periphrasis in these examples are often found in temporal clauses, and are due to the expansion of an apposative participle or participial phrase into a clause. Exs. : pa he arisende waes Bede 378. 22, resurgens autem sensit. mid py he pa wses eft hweorfende to Breotone, Bede 462. 1, qui cum Britaniam remeans. gelomp sume dsege Sa we ferende wffiron mid hiene, Bede 398. 29. contigit die quadam nos iter agentes cum illo. Many of these clauses would be rendered in modern English by the apposa- tive participle, and it is curious that the Anglo-Saxon trans- lator, who in very many instances is all too servile an imi- tator of the Latin, should depart from his original when so much would have been gained by adhering to it. The periphrasis formed by the Latin present participle and the copula, has, in the Gospels, influenced the construction 43 times. In 30 examples the participle is found with the imperfect indicative. Exs. : swa hi waeron on psem dagum ser pam flode, etende, and drincende, and wifigende, and gyfta sellende, ofl pone dseg pe Noe on pa earce code Mt. 24. 38, — 62 — sicut erant in diebiis ante diluviuin, comedentes ct bibentes, nubentes et nuptum tradentes, usque ad euni diem quo entravit in arcam noe. pser weeron sume of flsem bocerum sittende > on heora heortum pencende Mk. 2. 6, erant autem illic quidam de Scribis sedentes et cogitantes in cordibus suis. He wses on scipe ofer bolster slapende Mk. 4. 38 erat . dormiens. he wses dseghwamlice on pam temple Iserende L. 19. 47 erat docens quotidie in templo. In many instances our only guide is the context, as the Anglo-Saxon often gives a very free paraphrase of the Latin, or, as is especially true of the Orosius, additions are made for which we seek vainly in the sources. But some verbs are from their nature continuous, as, e. g. wunian, eardian, lifigean, and those expressing growth and decrescence like weaxan, toanian, growan. Bxs. : weeron peer monige byscope sittende mid Johannes pone apestolican papan, Bede 460. 27. wses sum munuc > msessepreost in nehnesse his cetan eardigende Bede 434. 9, him pa sippan se freondscipe wses betweonum weaxende Oros. 232. 27. sippon wses farende pser Sees cyninge modor mid psem twsem dselum pses folces wuniende wses. Oros. 76. 21. an man wses eardigende on Israhela peode Manne gehaten ludges 13. 2. Similarly in Num. 17. 8, Josh. 9. 1. A state of mind may in some in- stances be described by the progressive form. Exs. : Dameris mid micelre gnornunge ymb pses cyninges siege hiere suna pencende wses, hu heo hit gewrecan mehte, Oros. 76. 24. Theodosius wses pencende hu he Gratianus his hlaford gewrecan mehte, Oros. 292. 23. The periphrastic past is an historical tense almost as often as a progressive tense, and its restriction to the latter use must be sought for in a subsequent period of the language. Which use is original and which developed can not be determined with certainty. The treatment of the Latin im- perfect in the Lindisfarne gloss seems to favor the view that the progressive force was original, and that the employment of the periphrasis in historical tenses developed through the effort of translators to render the Latin depo- - 63 — nent verbs and periphrastic tenses. Certainly tiiere can be no question but that these latter forms have greatly in- fluenced the extension of the use of the periphrasis in Anglo-Saxon, and they have, probably, weakened its primary significance. In Bede 32 examples are traced to these forms. Schmidt (p. 55) says: "Eincn weiteren Beweis, wie eng sich Kiinig Aelfred an die Wortformen der Vorlage hielt, liefort die Art und Weise, wie er lateinische Deponentia iibersetzt. Dass die- selben activische Bedeutung hatten, sah er wohl; aber die passivische Form veranlasste ihn doch, wenigstens aussei-lich dadurch eine Aenlichkeit mit dem Lateinischen zu erreichen, dass er deponentiale Bildungen durch Zusammensetzungen von Participien Praes. mit been ersetzte, ahnlich wie ja Ver- bindungen der Participia Prseter. mit beon zur Vertretung des Passivums dienten." Exs.: he wses ilsBm broSrum cidende> 3us cwsed. Bede 366. 4, protestatus est fratribus, dicens. hrape 3a gefremed- nesse flsere arfestan bene wses fylgende, Bede 32, 8, et mox effectum piae postulationis consecutus est. da sefter Son de se here wees ham hweorfende Bede 54. 7, at ubi hostibus exercitus . . domum reversus est. God waes biddende, Bede 154. 21, Dominum deprecatus est. sylce eac on fla tid . . . wses drowiende Sci. Albanus Bede 34. 8, si quidem in ea passus est sanctus Albanus. Weran prowiende pa forsprecenan Cristes peowas . . . J>y fiftan dage Nonarum Octobrium, Bede 416. 29, passi sunt autem praefati sacerdotus. Schmidt (p. 55) says further: "Im Orosius ist die Zahl solcher Bildungen wie feohtende wdbron = pugnabant eine ungemein grosse, und man konnte es daher auch im Beda fiir eine rein zufallige Erscheinung halten, dass gerade Deponentia oft durch derartige Wendungen iibersetzt sind, zumal da eine konsequente Durchfiihrung nicht zu bemerken ist, allein es^ist hier deutlich zu verfolgen, dass iu den meisten Fallen, in denen ein Part. Praes. mit dem Verbum substantivum verbunden ist, im lateinischen Original ein Deponens vorliegt". - 64 — While this statement is essentially correct, exception must be taken to tlie observation that this method of trans- lating the other tenses of deponent verbs is a purely acci- dental phenomenon. It is due, rather, to direct analogy of the perfect deponent under which influence the periphrasis is, by a natural extension, employed to render the other tenses of deponent verbs. In the translations, the periphrastic tense is traced to a present participle in the original 171 times, to a perfect participle 34 times, and to the future participle 6 times. The perfect indicative chiefly with verbs of motion, influences the con- struction 37 times. The frequent employment of the peri- phrasis with these verbs has already been noticed by Hickes. Very many examples, especially in Orosius, show no Latin influence whatever. Many verbs in these examples describe military operations; as, cefterfyligian, mnnan, hergian, feohtan, bwrnan, slean. A striking illustration of the desire to render the Latin present participle by the periphrasis is furnished by a passage in the Heptateuch where, under the influence of the present participle, tense sequence is completely violated : Cumende ic eom to eow and ic geseah ealle pa ping pe eow gelumpon on Egiptalande, Ex. 3. 16, visitans visitg^i^ vos et vidi omnia quae acciderunt vobis in Agypto. The Vulgate here uses the participle adverbially according to the Hebrew idiom ^ in which the infinitive absolute is so used to give an inten- sive force to the verb. (Cf. Gensenius's Hebrew Grammar § 131. 3a). The Periphrastic Past has the force of the perfect 5 times in Bede. The verb sprcecan is used 4 times in this way: bi dam we foresprecende weeron 66. 1 de quibus prse- fati sumus. So: 202. 25, 276. 28, 324. 11; a.nd forlcetan once: 262. 32. The periphrasis has in one passage the force of the passive, but this should probably be regarded as a scribal error since the other MS. uses the past participle : neh ceastre - 65 - gehwylce > land wses forhergiende (MS. B. reads forheregeode wceron), Bede 52. 29 proximas quasque civitates agrosque depopulans 74. 4. The periphrasis expresses the future preterite 9 times of which 8 examples occur in Bede. In each case the Latin lias a future participle. Exs.: fla bsed he his |)egn on sefenne Jisere neahte pe he of worulde gougende wses Bede 346. 29, nocte qua do seculo erat exiturus. J>8ette ]>eet seolfe leoht J»a sawle para Cristes peowa wses gelsedende > onfonde Bede 284. 22, quae animas famularum Cristi esset ductura vel sus- ceptura in coelio. So: 108. 11, 458. 15, 16. One example is curious on account of the sequence of tense: Sis syndon flan fyr fla 3e middangeard wseron forbsernende >forneoniende Bede 212. 25. If we read aron for wceron it would have the force of tlie simple future. The periphrastic present subjunctive expresses the present progressive 9 times, the present Indefinite 3 times, the im- perative 9 times, and the future 3 times. Examples of the progressive present : hio wind wifl fla god fle mon ser gedon hseffl, buton mon simle swincende & wyrcende sie god weorc ofl ende Greg. 445. 15. heo waere to bisene asteald eallum middangearde > eac swelce heo self sprecende sie to eallum nioncynne Oros. 74. 25. swa swa hwser he sy sittende, standende ofl J)e gangende onhuigenuni hsefde his gesyhfle aduna on eorflan besette, Benedict 31. 7. In three examples the periphrasis has the force of the simple (indefinite) tense: sume men secgan pset [Nilus] . . . ponne folrofle pees sie east irnende on past sond > ponne besinc eft on peet sand, > peer neh sie eft flowende up of paem sande, Oros. 12. 20—28. So also Bede 480. 11. The imperative force is shown in the following examples: ac sie se lareow eallum monnum se nihsta & eallum monnum efnflrowiende on hiera geswincum Greg. 96. 22 ; so: 60. 13. 124. 4, 5. he symle pencende sy and hine swylcne on godre drohtunge hine gegearwige, Benedict 115. 23; so: 18. 18, 20. 12, 49. 17. Examples of the future: seo wise hwelcne ende hsebbende sie, sio sefterre eldo gesifl > sceawafl, Bede 480. 12, quae res quem sit habitura finem; so: 476. 30. pffit we men monede fly Iffis we senige tide ussum licumlicum Paasels. 5 - 66 - unalefednessum sion peowiende Bede 356. 12. In the last example futurity is weak and follows from the idea of pos- sibility. The periphrastic past subjunctive is found 13 times as a progressive tense, 11 times as a historical tense, and 9 times as a future tense. The progressive tense is accom- panied 3 times by temporal adverbs : genu, gyt, symhle. Exs. : ssede eac se ylca bropur da gyt on Sam mynstre lifigiende wffire. Bede 188. 1; so also: 378. 12, 188. 6. It expresses the progress of a disease : seo sona wsere to flon swide weaxende > hefigende pset se earm wses . . . gecerred, Bede 392. 4; recurrent action: awritan is |)8et hi wseron todselende heora v/eoruld god, Bede 66. 2. Other examples are Bede 66, 2, Boot. 46. 25. It expresses the future preterite 9 times. The Latin periphrastic subjunctive has influenced the tense 5 times. Exs. : cwseS he J)8ette sawl butan sengum sare . . . wses utgangende of lichoman, Bede 269. 11, dixit quod anima ejus et sine dolore . . . esset egressura de corpore * 52. 23; so: 102. 25, 286. 25, 288. 20, 368. 20. In the other examples the future is derived from the idea of possibility expressed by the verb. The historical perfect occurs 5 times in Bede, 3 examples being due to present participles in the Latin; as, is paet seed |)8et he . . wasre arisende of his settle of middan his ealdormannum > his witum, Bede 470. 61, ut exsurgens de medio optimatum suorum concessu genua flecteret * 284. 9; so: 306. 23, 368. 16. The present indicative is once rendered: he gessette past se pe lifigende wsere dees hades haefde raihte, Bede 146. 21, is, qui superest, censors ejusdem gradus habeat 246. 35. In Gregory the single example is due to a Latin perfect deponent: hit is awritan Sset Dina wses utgongende sceawian dses londes wif, 415. 14. egressa est Dina 336. 12. In Orosius there are 5 occurrences. In 4, the Latin is loosely paraphrased: Hannibal . . ssede, (leh de he wilniende wsere > wenende Romana anwealdes, pset hit God ne gepafode 194. 22; so: 56. 1, 88. 21. Once the pluperfect subjunctive is rendered: pa tugon hie hiene psere burge witan pa3t he heora swicdomes wid Alexander frem- meude waire, > bine for pEcre tihtlan ofslagon 168. 17, hunc — 67 - mortuo Alexandre Carthaginem reversum , quasi urbem regi venditasset, necaverunt, 169. 11. The present participle is found with the imperative of been 3 times, once in the Psalms and twice in the Gospels. Exs. : ne beo ge na hogiende ymb J)a morgenlican neode, Mk. 6. 24. beo du onbugende pinum wiperwinnan hrape Mt. 5. 25. Drihten, for J>inum namon, beo pu forgifende minne synna Ps. 24. 9. The copula weorctan is used in the periphrasis but 3 times. It expresses the future twice: (tinra synna ne weorde ic gemunende, ac gemun du hiora, Greg. 413. 23; so also: Gen. 42. 38. It expresses the progressive past once; on psem fleame weord an Ueriatuses pegn psem oprum to lange sefterfylgende, op mon his hors under him ofsceat, Ores. 116. 20. The periphrastic tenses occur 454 times in the more independent prose, and 19 times in the poems. These oc- currences are thus distributed: present indicative 117, past indicative 317, present subjunctive 11, past subjunctive 28, imperative 5. The employment of the periphrases in progres- sive and historical tenses in these works shows only a slight variation from their uses in the translations, but there is, on the whole, a small relative increase of the progressive force. In the present indicative the periphrasis is employed 59 times as a progressive tense and 26 times as an indefinite tense, while in the translations the ratio is 40 to 28. In the past indicative, the increase of progressive use is less marked. The ratio of this to the historical is 169 to 147, and in the translations 266 to 260 , an increased use of 3 per cent. This percentage of increase would be somewhat augmented if we excluded the thirteenth of the Blickling Homilies (As- sumptio S. Mariae Viiginis) which, in some eleven pages, contains more examples of the periphrases than all the rest of the homilies in this collection together. In this homily the periphrasis rarely shows the progressive force. In the present subjunctive tense the progressive force shows some decrease, but the total number of examples is very few. In the past subjunctive, there is a slight increase of the progressive use. In the Chronicles and in all the works'of Aelfric the progressive use largely preponderates over the historical use of the periphrasis, in Wulfstan the two uses are very nearly balanced, vrhile in the Laws and the Blick- ling Homilies the historical use of the periphrasis is largely in excess of the progressive. The periphrastic present indicative represents the pro- gressive present 59 times, the indefinite present 26, the future 32, and the imperative once. The progressive present is accompanied 24 times by temporal modifiers denoting conti- nuance. These are a (3), cefre (9) symhle (3), hwiltidum (2), nu . (2), nugyt (1), nu todmg (1), healfuinino]ide{l), dceghwamlice (2). Exs. : pa wisnode he on Cristes haligra heortum and is nu on urum heortum blowende BI. Hom. 115. 14; Aelmihtigan Godes Sunu is eefre of deem Feeder acenned and sefre mid him wunigende Aelfr. Hom. II 606. 16; dseghwamlice flees mona byfl weaxende oflfle waniende feower pricam |)urh psere sunna loman, Aelfr. de Temp. 5. 25; rihtwisra siflfaest is swilce scinende leoht, and weaxende symble ofl soflre fulfremendnysse, Aelfr. Hom. II 322. 23. Once the copula weorSan is found : pa wrurfle he sefre wuniende mid God Aelraihti on heuenrice, Chron. 675 (p. 36). In 25 examples •^ no temporal modifier is present. The periphrasis is formed with verbs of rest; as, wunian eardigan, sittan, libhan, and verbs denoting physical change; as, growan, weaxan wanigen, I which are by nature progressive: with verbs of motion; as, feohtan, herigan, icitman, faran, gangan, fylgian, and verbs I of saying and thinking; as bodigan, cwepan, sprecan, which, (^ according to the context, may be progressive or indefinite. Exs.: pus feor sceal beon pses cinges grifl fram his burhgeate, peer he is sittende. Laws, App. XII, ubi residens erit; pu oferswipdest deap, and pu eart rixiende on pinum wuldre, Bl. Hom. 157. 4; hi sind byrnende na on fyres wisan, ac mid micelre lufe pees Wealdenden Cyninges, Aelfr. Hom. I. 344. 9, syflflan hi growende beofl, he geswycfl paere wsete- runge, Aelfr. Hom. I 304. 26; witodlice seo flwyre sawul is on sibbe wunigende on hire deege, Aelfr. Horn. I 408. 13. — 69 — The indefinite present occurs 27 times with various verbs. Exs : gif ge me gehyrnd and ge me beod fylgende, ne an loc of eowrum heafde forwyrft, Bl. Horn. 243. 33; ealle ure eorpan wsestmas beop gebetsode gif we beoj) riht donde, Bl. Hom 51. 14; ae (te is . . . ealle gesceafta heal- dende butan gescwinc Aelfr. Hom. IF. 236. 18; ge beod mine frynd, gif ge wyrcende beod dincg de ic bebeode Aelfr. Hom. 11 316. 19. The Future is expressed 32 times by the periphrastic present, and in 5 examples is accompanied by the adverbs cefre and d. Exs.: da synfullan beod on hellewite a dro- wigende, Aelfr. Hom. I 294. 6; J)a manfullan beod sefre ewylmigende on helle susle, Aelfr. Hom. Ill 608. 11; J)ys morgelican dsege ic beo gangende of minum lichoma, Bl. Hom. 139. 19; Forpon on domes dseg beop from Gode pysne cwide geherende, Bl. Hom. 63. 26; ealle middaneard bid ponne on dseg byrnende, Wulfst. 25. 16; pa de firnedon, beod beofigende, Sat. 621. As heo7i is used indiscriminately for the present and future, it is not allways possible to determine which tense it is intended to express. The periphrastic past indicative expresses the progres- sive 169 times, the historical 146 times and the future preterite once. The progressive past is accompanied 48 times by various adverbial modifiers denoting duration. These are: (1) The oblique cases of substantives: the genitive and instrumental once each, the dative 3 times, the accusative 9 times Exs.: heo waes wseccende dseges and nihtes and hie gebiddende sefter Drihtnes upstige Bl. Hom. 137. 20; wses eallum pam fyrste wunigende binnan pam Godes temple, Aelfr. Hom. 1 146. 26; se Hselend wses wunigende binnan daem temple of disum dsege od nu on dunres dseg. Aelfr. Hom I 214. 27; py ilcan geare ferde to Rome mid micelre weorpnesse > pter wses xii menap wuniende Chron. 855 ; wseron togsedere bodigende binnan dsere byrig seofon mondas pam folce lifes weig, Aelfr. Hom. I 374. 29; dy eahtopan geare pses de heo Myrcna anweald mid riht hlaford dome healdende wses Chron. 918 C. (2) Adverbial phrases (3): hi . . . swide heardlice lange on dseg feohtende wteron, — 70 — Chron. 1066. seo WEes . . on odre sidan . . . blawende butan fortetnysse, Aelfr. Horn. II 350. 9. So: Chron. 871 A. (3) Temporal adverbs: sefre (14), pa gyt (6), a (3), dseg- hwamlice (3), lange (3), simle (1). Exs. : hine 3a acende mid sodre mennisenysse, se de eefre wses wunigende on god- cundnysse mid his Feeder, Aelfr. Horn. I 200. 30; pe wses a nymende earma manna sehta on unriht Wulfst. 140. 23; he waes simle hine to Drihtne gebiddende mid myclum wope Bl. Horn. 229. 18. (4) The Chronicle has 3 examples where the periphrasis is accompanied by the conjunctive ad- verb op: hie J)a ymb pa gatu feohtende wseron oppset hie paer inne fulgon, 755. The two other examples are also found in the entry for this year. In 121 examples the periphrasis has no temporal modifiers. About 50 distinct verbs are found, some of which, are by their nature conti- nuous denoting natural changes or a state of rest; as, blowan growaii, loeaxan, wanian, licgean, sittan, slcepatt, drohtnigan, wunigan. Verbs of motion and verbs of saying and thinking also occur in the progressive tenses. Exs.: he wses blowende on him sylfum on swype manigfealdre wynsumnesse Bl. Hom. 115. 7; lohannes sodlice waes wanigende on his hhsan Aelfr. Hom. I 356. 35. da Willelm Englalondes cyng pe pa wses sittende on Normandige . . . pis ge axode he ferde into Englalande, Chron. 1085; pa wses pser an mseden licgende on paralisyn lange gebrocod, Aelfr. L. 8. 26. 214; ac hwset msende paet syxtig wera strongera pe pser stondende wseron ymbe pa reste Bl. Hom. 11. 22. on Decius dsege . . . wses se halga biscop Sextus on Romana byrig drohtnigende, Aelfr. Hom. I 416. 4. Eala reowlic > wependlic tid wses pses geares pe swa manig un gelimp wses ford bringende Chron. 1086 (p. 218); se cyng wses smeagende hu he mihte wrecon his broder Rodbeard swidost swencean, Chron. 1090; pa ascan leoht ofer hieora heaford, mid pi se halga Andreas panon wses farende, Bl. Hom. 249. 2. hie wseron eft ham hweorfende, ponne eodan hie him togeanes Bl. Hom. 67. 10; Isaias se witega wses awseg fserende, Aelfr. L. S. 18. 421; he to psere byrig com pser se bisceop on wses Iserende Aelfr. L. S. 29. 20 ; an sepele Isece wses wunigende on psere byrig — 71 — Aelfr. L. S. 3. 566. man ferede anre wuduwan suna He daer Petrus bodigende wa3s Aelfr. Horn. 1 372. 5; se wer wffis ondrsedende God and forbugende, yfel Aelfr. Horn. II 446. 11 erat vir ille sirapleji et rectus, ac timens Deum et recedens a malo, Job 1. 1; cla wseron hyrdes on |)£em earde waciende ofer heora eowede, Aelfr. Horn. 30. 15 (Luke 2. 8); an Jtara awrat Mattheus , pe mid pam hselende wajs his agen leorning cniht on pisum life fserende, Aelfr. de v. et n. Test. 12. 29 swa se halga wer herigende wses raetodes miltse, Az. 49, rodera wealdend preo niht siflflan in byrgenne bidende wajs, El. 484. The periphrasis expresses the historical perfect 146 times. 83 examples are found in the Blickling Homilies of which 60 occur in the thirteenth homily (Assumptio S. Mariae Virginis). This homily is remarkable for the extraordinary frequency with which this periphrasis is employed. In some 11 pages it occurs SO times while all the other homilies in the collection taken together show only 75 examples. Flamme must have had this homily in mind when he referred (§ 811 to "die ausserdentlich haufige Umschreibung des Aktivs durch das Participium Praesens mit einer Form von heon, wesmi' in the Blickling Homilies. The other homilies, as we have seen, do not exhibit an unusual number, but the thirteenth shows probably a larger proportionate use of the periphrasis than any other piece of Anglo-Saxon prose. Hickes remarked the frequent use of the periphrasis in the Pseudo-Gospel of Nicodemus (see p. 2) but an extract from this work, "The Harrowing of Hell", published in Prof. Bright's Anglo-Saxon Reader, pp. 129—141, though nearly of the same length as the homily, contains but 41 examples. In the Chronicles the historical perfect is expressed 6 times. The verbs are feolitan (2) winnan (3) ivyrcan (1). Exs. : her com se here to Exan muclan > up eodan to dere byrig > pser fsestlice feohtende waeron, Chron. 1001 ; hie late on geare to pam gecirdon pset hie wip |)one here winnende wserun Chron. 867. The Laws contain 5 examples: smeagan (3) sprecan (2). Ic Ine wses smeagende be psere hislo urra sawla, Ine, Preface ; J)is sindon |)a domas pe se Aelmihtiga God self spsecende wses to Moyse, Aelfred, Intro. 49. The - 72 - Blickling Homilies in 83 examples eontain but 22 verbs but some of them recur a number of times: cwepan 35, gongan (including in- and ut-gongan) 9, hweorfan 4, spre- can 8, fylgean, tvepan, wyrcean- each 3 times. Exs.: pa com se eadiga Johannes and wses ingongende of fisere halgan Marian huse Bl. Horn. 143. 14; se eadiga Andreas pe wses eft hwyrfende on Marmodonia ceastre Bl. Horn. 249. 12; forgif me Drihten, |)set ic to cte sprecende wses swa to men Bl. Hom. 235. 32; Iset pis pus wesan, god weorc heo wses wyrcende in me Bl. Hom. 69. 16; halette on hie mycelre stefne , and wees cwepende Bl. Hom. 143. 16; pa ahof Petrus his stefne and wses cwepende Bl. Hom. 145. 17. Aelfric's Homilies contain 23 examples, chiefly with verbs of saying: hiddan, bodian, clypian, cweSan, sprecan. Exs. : se eadiga martyr da wajs biddende his Drihten , Aelfr. Hom. I 426. 1 ; wses Petrus bodigende geleafan dsem leod- scipum, Aelfr. Hom. I 370. 25 ; se Wealdend Hselend pus be him cweSende wajs, Aelfr. Hom I 858. 25; ure Drihten wses sprsecende pisum wordum to his leorning-cnihtum, Aelfr. Hom. I 608. 4; uses ic Se derigende on senigum Singum, Aelfr. Hom. 1 414. 16. Aelfric's Lives of Saints contains 21 examples with various verbs. Exs. : he wses eft-cyrrende purh pone ylcan sidfsest pes westene pe he ser pyder becom, Aelfr. L. 8. 23 B. 641; monega cynegas wseron myslice ge- worhte sefter pysum rixiende in israhela rice, Aelfr. L. S. 18. 189. pa pa hi pset gewrit rseddon, hi ealle wundrigende wseron, Aelfr. L. S. 23. 775; Zosimus pa sodlice wearfl micelan gefean cyrrende, Aelfr. L. 8. 23 B. 725. Wulfstan's Homilies contain but 8 examples: sprecan occurs 4 times, wyrcean once, wylnian 3 times. Exs. : ser wses ealweoruld sprecende on an gehriode, Wulfst. 219. 31; pa wses he wilnigende to gode sylfum geornlice and manigfealdlice , Wulfst. 278. 12. The poetry furnishes a single example : swa ic him sylfum ser secgende wses. An. 949 In Aelfric's HomiHes the periphrasis expresses the future preterite once: he ferde and bodode pset him wses Godes gramma onsigende, gif hi to Gode bugan noldon I 246. 17. The Periphrastic Present Subjunctive occurs 11 times. - 73 - Id 5 examples it expresses the progressive present and is twice accompanied by temporal modifiers. Exs. : Martinus me bewaefde efne mid Syssere wsede, peah fle he ungefullod gyt, farende sy, Aelfr. Horn. II 500. 35; J)£et I)u sie py leng libbende on eordan, Laws, Aelfr. Introd. 4; Oiiste gedafenad paet he weaxe, and me pait ic wanigende beo, Aelfr. Hom. I. 356. 17. In 6 examples it expresses the indefinite present. Exs.: spree to pinum discipulum . . . peet sy geblissod lieora heorte and hie syn ofergeotende Jjisse ssewe ege, 131. Hom. 235. 1 ; eala hwseSer heo hider cumende seo, and me ne gyme, Aelfr. L. S. 23 B. 78. The Periphrastic Past Subjunktive is progressive in 16 examples, of which 5 are accompanied by the temporal adverbs cefre and gyt, and one is accompanied by the accusative of extent in time. Exs. : Toforan see Michaeles msessan setywde seo heofon swilc heo for noah ealle pa niht byrnende wajre, Chron. 1098. ac wsere pset getel wunigende sefre ne Ises ne ma on pam munuc-life, Aelfr. L. S. 6. 268; se lifigende God sefre waere wunigende ar Saem de he worhte gesceafta Basil 4. 7. So: Aelfr. L. S. 1. 7; Wulfst. 137. 14. Ba fandode fordweard scipes hwseder sincende sseflod pa gyt were under wolcum Gen. 1437. There are 10 examples without temporal modifiers. Exs.: sumno sefen wajs gesawen swilce se beam ongeanweardes wid pes steoran ward fyrcliende waere, Chron. 1106. he atewde us swa he slsepende wsere to costianne, Bl. Hom. 235. 4. So: Aelfr. Hom. II 152. 33. he demde pajt he sceolde been ascyred from manna neawiste gif his hreofia wyrsigende waere odSe betwux mannum wunian gif his hreofla godigende waere Aelfr. Hom. 124. 27. paet pu sunu waere efen-eardigende mid pinne engan frean Cri. 236. The periphrastic past subjunctive expresses the historical perfect 7 times. Exs.: paet te naenig ealdormanna . . . waere awendende pas ure domas, Ine Pref.; peah de he mid eallum maegne widerigende waere, Aelfr. Hom. II 122. 23. The Periphrastic Imperative occurs 5 times. Exs. : beoS blowende and welige hwilwendlice paet ge ecelice waedlion, Aelfr. Hom. I 64. 15; boon eower lendena ymb- gyrde, and eower leohtfatu byrnende, Aelfr. Horn. II 564, — 74 — 25; hal wes pu . . . beo {m growende on godes fsejjme, Charms I 68.' With respect to the origin of the periphrasis, the evi- dence of the statistics is not conclusive. If the periphrasis is not native, the freedom and frequency of its use shows that it was early naturalized and thoroughly. The influence of Latin appears chiefly in extending its use, as it is frequently employed to render the different periphrastic tenses of Latin, and those tenses of deponent verbs to which the periphrasis bears some resemblance in form, but it is by no means re- stricted to these tenses. It is, moreover, found freely used in those portions of the literature that are least under Latin influence, and with a better regard for its progressive force. The fact that the periphrasis is used with great laxity, does not indicate any uncertainty as to its force, nor does it indi- cate that it is a foreign idiom. The language was slowly developing literary forrfi, and precedents had not yet fixed a limit to the uses of the periphrasis. ' The present participle occurs predioatively with a purely ad- jectival function a number of times both in the translations and in the more original works, and expresses a state or quality. The occurrences are cited in notes at the end of the statistics of the separate works. A few participial nouns are also cited in these notes. III. THE PERIPHRASTIC TENSES IN OTHER LANGUAGES. The periphrasis which we have been considering is not a special characteristic of any language or group of languages, but is found in all periods of the Indo-European speech, as well as in the Semitic tongues. In Hebrew and Syriac it is used regularly to express the imperfect (cf. Gesenius's Hebrew Grammar § 134. 2 c) and the influence of Hebrew has pro- bably extended its use in later Greek. In Sanskrit "com- binations of participles with auxiliary verbs of condition or motion, forming phrases which have an office analogous to that of verb-tenses, are not unknown in any period of the language" (Whitney § 1074). In classical Greek, the construction is found (according to Kiihner II § 353) chiefly in poetry, though the prose writers, especially Herodotus, also employ it. It is frequent in Attic prose when an action is represented as continuing. Alexander finds that the participles which lend themselves easiest to this periphrasis, are such as have become adjecti- vized, while few are found which retain completely their participial force. In these latter cases "the combination was felt to do some violence to the language, and becomes more harsh as the meaning of the participle lends itself less easily to being conceived as a quality" (Alexander, Am. J. Ph. IV. 304). — 76 — According to Winer (p. 437 f.) the conditons are much the same in New Testament Greek: "The present participle is frequently found (in 'the historical style) in combinations with the verb hvcu, especially with ^v or r,aav, though also with the future. Sometimes this combination appears to be a simple substitute for the corresponding person of the finite verb. . . More frequently, however, it is used to express that which is lasting (rather a state than an action) — a meaning which can also be expressed though less distinctly in relation to what is past, by the form of the imperfect tense : Mk. xv. 43 i]V TT()ogdf)(n fisf oc ri^v fiaoiXtiav vov Qsnv (L. XXIII. 5), A. VIII. 8, etc. . . . This use of the partic. is by no means foreign to Greek writers. . . In late writers an(i in the LXX this con- struction is much more common though in the case of the LXX it was seldom suggested by the Hebrew. In Aramaic however, as is well known, the use of the partic. and verb substantive as a periphrasis for the finite verb had become established, and thus, in Palestinian writers, there may have existed a national preference for this mode of expression." Green (p. 328) is more direct and speaks emphatically for the progressive force in the LXX. He says: "A compound (or resolved) Imperfect (impf. of stfxi and pres. part, of verb) throws emphasis on the continuity of the action". In classical Latin, Draeger (Syntax der Lateinischen Sprache I 293 f.) finds the periphrasis rarely employed except by Plautus and Terence who use it often. He cites the fol- lowing exs.: Cic. de or. 3. 12 ser cedens est. Bell. Hisp. 29 currens erat. Ovid her. 18. 55 nox erat incipiens. Sen. ep. 85. 16 si beata vita nullius est indigens. Drseger continues: "Es scheint hierin zwar ein Graecismus vorzuliegen, indess mag es eher eine allgemeine Spracherscheinung soin, auch im Altdeutschen vorkommend, wie Nibelung. 17 mit klage ir hel- fende vil manec frowe was, 9 daz wil ich immer mere mit triwen dienende sin." In late Latin, however, the periphrasis is found often enough, especially in the Vulgate. "Die Vul- gata bildet in' den aus dem Griechischen iibersetzten Biichern gleich dem Bnglischen, mit dem Part. Praes. and dem Verbum subst. eine periphrastische Conjugation zur Umschreibung des - 77 - Verbums finitum, z. B. Eccli. 51. 9 Et vita mea appropinquans erat in inferno. 10 Respiciens eram ad adiutorium horniniim. Mark 1. 4 fuit Johannes In deserto baptizans." Of. also Milroy p. 18 f. Hartel (Wolfflin's Archiv. iii. 1 f.) has examnied the Latin of Lucifer of Cagliari and finds in no other text such frequent employment of the periphrasis. He says that there is no active form of the indicative or conjunctive which is not rendered by the present participle and the corresponding form of sum (p. 36). With respect to the value of the peri- phrasis in Lucifer, he says (p. 39): Diese Vorliebe fiir Zu- sammensetzungen aber wiirde man schlecht verstehen, wenn man sic auf eine Verfeinerung des Ausdruckea zurucl