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(Qnrnell Mmneraitg ffitbrarg 
 
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 THE GIFT OF 
 
 ALFRED C. BARNES 
 
 1889 
 
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 THE GIFT OF 
 
 a^lfred C Barnes. 
 
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NOTES INTRODUCTORY 
 
 TO THE STUDY OF THE 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS 
 
NOTES INTRODUCTORY 
 
 TO THE STUDY OF THE 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS 
 
 A COURSE OF LECTURES 
 
 BY 
 
 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT D.D. 
 
 SOMETIME HULSEAN PROFESSOR AND LADY MARGARET'S READER 
 IN DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE 
 
 Uon&on 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited 
 
 NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 I9OI 
 
 All rights resemeii 
 
^h 
 
 Cambitlige 
 
 PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
NOTE. 
 
 THIS book contains the notes made by Dr Hort 
 for a course of Lectures which he delivered in 
 Cambridge as Hulsean Professor in the October 
 Term, 1884. They were written out almost in full, 
 and are printed substantially as they stand. It is 
 clear from the ' Preface,' which was found in the 
 same box with the Lecture Notes, that Dr Hort 
 had intended to publish them. They form a natural 
 supplement to the volume of Lectures on Judaistic 
 ChHstianity printed in 1894. 
 
 The subject was one which clearly had a strong 
 attraction for him as one of the earliest attempts to 
 grapple seriously with ' some of the most indestruct- 
 ible problems' of life and thought, from a point of 
 view substantially, however imperfectly, Christian. 
 His copies both of the ' Recognitions ' and of the 
 ' Homilies ' bear the marks of careful and repeated 
 study, the fruits of which are only indirectly repre- 
 sented in these Notes. Among other things he had 
 compiled a full ' Index Verborum ' for the ' Recog- 
 nitions,' which it has not seemed worth while to 
 
vi NOTE 
 
 print in this volume, but which will gladly be put 
 at the service of any editor of the text of the 
 Recognitions. 
 
 A Comparative Analysis of Horn. i. — iii. and 
 Rec. i. — iii., drawn up apparently to test the theory 
 of an original volume of ' Preachings of Peter,' has 
 been printed as an Appendix. 
 
 Since Dr Hort wrote^ a discovery made by Prof. 
 Armitage Robinson has seriously affected the bearing 
 of the most important item in the early evidence. The 
 effect of the discovery is decidedly to strengthen the 
 main point of Dr Hort's conclusion, viz. the late date 
 which he assigns for the origin of this literature. It 
 has, however, of course affected the validity of a 
 certain number of subsidiary deductions. I have 
 thought it best to call attention by the use of square 
 brackets to words and sentences which there is no 
 doubt that Dr Hort would himself have corrected in 
 consequence of this discovery. I am responsible for 
 the Table of Contents and the Marginal Analyses. 
 
 In the revision of proofs and the verification of 
 references I have to acknowledge the kind help of the 
 Rev. J. M. Schulhof, M.A. 
 
 J. O. F. MURRAY. 
 
 ' .See note on p. 25. 
 
 Emmanuel College. 
 October yth, 1901. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface 
 
 PAGE 
 
 xiii 
 
 The Origin and Date of the Clementine 
 Literature. 
 
 Subject of the Course 
 
 Relation to the 'Homilies' . . . , 
 Importance of the Clementine Literature 
 
 Materials for Criticism 
 
 List of portions of the literature now extant 
 Documents appended to the 'Homilies' 
 The Epitome 
 
 Editions for the use of students 
 List of writings called Clement's 
 History of printed editions 
 MSS. of the 'Homilies' . 
 MSS. of the 'Epitome' . 
 MSS. of the 'Recognitions' 
 Summary .... 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 5 
 8 
 II 
 14 
 IS 
 15 
 i6 
 
 Supplementary Materials. 
 
 (i) Titles prefixed to MSS. of the 'Homilies' . 
 (2) Titles implied in the 'Epistle of Peter to James' 
 and in the ' Adjuration ' 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 (3) Title in the 'Epistle of Clement to James' and in 
 
 the Paris MS. of the ' Homilies ' 
 
 (4) Titles of the ' Epitome ' . . . . 
 
 (5) Title in the Preface to the 'Recognitions' 
 
 (6) Title in MSS. of the 'Recognitions' 
 
 (7) Titles in Syriac MSS: .... 
 
 18 
 21 
 22 
 23 
 24 
 
 The Evidence of Ancient Writers. 
 
 The Second Century blank 
 The ' Philocalia ' explicit [but not from Origen] 
 Origen in Matthaeum .... 
 Compare 'Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum 
 
 Hippolytus silent 
 
 Eusebius on the writings of St Peter 
 
 „ on the Canon .... 
 
 „ on Clement .... 
 No independent evidence for ' Peter and Appion 
 The evidence of Epiphanius to HfpioSot 
 The 'Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum ' 
 The evidence of Jerome . 
 The evidence of Rufinus . 
 Paulinas ati Rujiiium 
 Pseudo-Athanasius 
 The Chronicon Paschale . 
 The evidence of Photius - 
 The Decretum GelaUanum 
 The list found in MSS. of Anastasius of Sinai 
 The list at the end of the Chronography of Niceph' 
 The Synopsis of ' Athanasius' . 
 Florilegia and later Chroniclers 
 
 The history of Rufinus' translation 
 
 Summary of the Patristic Evidence 
 
 The evidence of the Syriac version 
 
 24 
 24 
 28 
 30 
 31 
 32 
 32 
 33 
 35 
 35 
 43 
 49 
 53 
 55 
 56 
 
 57 
 61 
 
 65 
 67 
 68 
 
 71 
 72 
 
 75 
 
 76 
 
 78 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 Conclusions. 
 
 ' Recognitions ' and ' Homilies ' exist side by side in 
 Cent. IV. . . . . . 
 
 Both derived from a common original = nfpio8oi . 
 Relation to ' Helxai ' 
 
 Helxai in Palestine c. 250 . 
 
 Helxai in Rome c. 220 
 
 Date of Helxai c. 200 .... 
 
 Same date probable for IlcptoSoi 
 ' Recognitions ' and ' Homilies ' abridgements of IIcpioSoi 
 'Homilies' composed in the East .... 
 ' Recognitions ' probably in Rome .... 
 
 80 
 81 
 83 
 84 
 84 
 85 
 87 
 88 
 
 89 
 90 
 
 Possible antecedents of IlcpCoSai. 
 
 {Prima facie evidence in the ' Epistle of Peter to James ' for 
 a work ascribed directly to St Peter containing simply reports 
 of his preaching without reference to the family romance of 
 Clement.) 
 
 The ' Epistle of Clement to James' akin to 'Recognitions' 
 
 not 'HomiUes' 91 
 
 Not so the ' Epistle of Peter to James ' and the ' Adjura- 
 tion' 92 
 
 Outline of the ' Epistle of Peter to James ' . . . 92 
 
 Outline of the ' Adjuration ' 94 
 
 This constitutes prima/acie evidence for UfTpov Kr^piyiiara 95 
 
 Further evidence alleged from 'Recognitions' and 'Homilies.' 
 
 {a) Direct. 
 Horn. i. 2o=Rec. i. 17 inconclusive .... 96 
 
 {b) Indirect. 
 (i) Evidence for a work limited to Caesarea. 
 Bare evidence for a common original for ' Recognitions ' 
 
 and ' Homilies,' i.e. for IlcpioSot, is not in point here . 98 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The limitation of recorded discussions to Caesarea in- 
 conclusive 99 
 
 No corroboration in A post. Const, vi. 8f. . . . loo 
 Nor from the 'Table of Contents,' Rec. iii. 75, shewn by 
 
 careful comparison with contents of Rec. i — iii. . loi 
 
 to be probably due to the author of Tlfpiohm . . 108 
 
 (2) Evidence of successive recensions. 
 No clear signs of opposition to any heresies except those 
 
 of Simon and Marcion 109 
 
 Counter evidence. 
 
 Prima facie evidence for a connexion between the Editor 
 of the ' Homilies' and the Author of the 'Epistle of 
 Peter' and the 'Adjuration' . . . . iii 
 
 in spite of 
 
 (i) supposed discrepancies in attitude towards O.T. . 113 
 
 and Circumcision . . 114 
 
 (2) the use of the title o exSpos rndpanos for St Paul 
 found in Epistle of Peter 2 (not in Homihes) and 
 Rec. i. 70 — 73 114 
 
 Rec. i. 70—73 probably derived from 'The Steps of 
 
 James' by the author of ncpi'oSoi . . . .115 
 
 'The Steps of James,' as the use ol Archiepiscopus shews, 
 
 cannot be very early 116 
 
 The use of ' the enemy' in the ' Epistle of Peter' is there- 
 fore no conclusive sign of an early date . . 119 
 
 Conclusion. The 'Epistle of Peter' and the 'Adjuration' 
 probably written by the editor of the 'Homihes' 
 (no evidence for any separate Ilfrpou Kr)puyp.a.rd) . 1 19 
 
 St Paul and Simon Magus. 
 
 Signs of animosity to St Paul under the mask of Simon 
 
 Magus in the 'Homilies' 120 
 
 in the 'Recognitions' 122 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS xi 
 
 PAGE 
 
 No reason to doubt the historical character of Simon . 124 
 Lipsius (who regards the conflicts with Simon at Rome, 
 recorded in the Acts of Peter and Paul, as originally 
 part of the same legend, and assumes that Simon is 
 throughout only St Paul in disguise) forgets that the 
 normal route from Caesarea to Rome lay along the 
 
 Syrian coast 127 
 
 and ignores the difficulty of regarding the appearance 
 of Paul in the Acts of Peter and Paul as an interpo- 
 lation 130 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 The Clementine Literature probably the work of a Syrian 
 
 Helxaite c. 200 130 
 
 Doctrine of the Recognitions. 
 
 Its composite character as combining elements due to 
 the Author of the Ilcpiodoi with elements due to the 
 
 Editor of 'Recognitions' 133 
 
 The influence of the Translator 134 
 
 The starting point of the system is found in ' Human 
 responsibility ' based on ' Knowledge of the Good ' 
 
 and on 'Free Will' 134 
 
 This leads to a mercantile conception of Righteousness 135 
 
 but springs from a genuine zeal for Purity . 136 
 
 The ' Law ' defines sources of defilement ■ 1 37 
 
 Baptism taking the place of Sacrifices • . . .138 
 
 Christ the Interpreter of the Law 138 
 
 His Pre-existence 139 
 
 His Anointing as Prophet 139 
 
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 He is Judge as well as Teacher 139 
 
 No trace of 'Atonement' 139 
 
 The doctrine of Creation .... . . 140 
 
 The Creation of Man 140 
 
 Baptism and the doctrine of the Trinity . 140 
 
 The Fall of Man 141 
 
 Evil Spirits 141 
 
 Conclusion. Special interest as 'Pioneer' work . . 141 
 
 Comparative Analysis of Hom. i.— hi. and 
 Reg. I. — III., pp. 145 — 158. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 ' I "HE following Notes are a contribution towards 
 -*■ the solution of some of the questions connected 
 with the writings usually known as the Clementine 
 literature. Seventy years ago a new spirit was 
 breathed into the study of the inner life of Chris- 
 tian antiquity by Neander's historical writings. The 
 peculiar interest of the Clementine literature could 
 not escape the notice of one who followed with such 
 warm and careful sympathy even the most seemingly 
 eccentric movements of religious thought, and he 
 made it the subject of an appendix to his essay on 
 the principal " Gnostic " systems. From that time the 
 Clementine literature has received a large measure 
 of attention, and has even been taken by one great 
 school of criticism as the principal key to the true 
 history of the apostolic age. Yet the right under- 
 standing of it must in great measure depend on a 
 knowledge of its own historical position, and this 
 
xiv PREFACE 
 
 cannot be said to have been as yet securely ascer- 
 tained. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say that the two chief 
 extant Clementine writings, differing considerably in 
 some respects in doctrine, are both evidently the 
 outcome of a peculiar speculative type of Judaistic 
 Christianity, for which the most characteristic name 
 of Christ was " the true Prophet." The greater part 
 of the formal teaching of both is thrown into the 
 shape of discourses and disputations of St Peter, 
 chiefly against Simon Magus, held in various towns 
 of the Syrian sea-coast, especially Caesarea, Tripolis, 
 and Laodicea. The framework of both is a narrative 
 purporting to be written by Clement (of Rome) to 
 St James the Lord's brother, describing at the be- 
 ginning his own conversion and the circumstances of 
 his first acquaintance with St Peter, and then a long 
 succession of incidents accompanying St Peter's dis- 
 courses and disputations, leading up to a romantic 
 recognition of Clement's father, mother, and two 
 brothers, from whom he had been separated since 
 childhood. The problems discussed under this ficti- 
 tious guise are with rare exceptions fundamental 
 problems for every age ; and, whatever may be 
 thought of the positions maintained, the discussions 
 are hardly ever feeble or trivial. Regarded simply as 
 mirroring the past, few, if any, remains of Christian 
 
PREFACE XV 
 
 antiquity present us with so vivid a picture of the 
 working of men's minds under the influence of the 
 new leaven which had entered into the world. 
 
 The scope of these Notes is a limited one. They 
 deal only with the origin and history of the Clementine 
 literature, not with its contents, except as bearing on 
 its origin and history. They are mainly the result of 
 an attempt to ascertain first the relation of the extant 
 to the whole Clementine literature, so far as the 
 fragmentary notices of lost writings belonging to it 
 allow, and then the approximate date to be assigned 
 to the beginning of the literature, and the antecedents 
 out of which it may be supposed to have arisen. It 
 has been my aim to keep the examination of ancient 
 evidence as little encumbered as possible with discus- 
 sions of the views of modern critics. It is hardly 
 necessary to say that on various points my direct or 
 indirect obligations to predecessors are large ; but in 
 most cases it would be difficult or impossible to point 
 out their limits. For some of these obligations my 
 acknowledgements are due to writers whose general 
 conclusions I am least able to reconcile with the 
 evidence, such as Hilgenfeld and Lipsius. 
 
CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 ^ The subject chosen for this term's lectures is one Subject of 
 
 the Course. 
 
 of much and varied interest, having points of contact 
 with several important regions of early Christian 
 history, external and doctrinal. It cannot however 
 be called an easy subject. Much may be learned 
 even by reading the book once through, the impres- 
 sions which it leaves behind being such as no modern 
 account of it can possibly convey at second hand. 
 But the various questions which it suggests both 
 need and repay careful study. 
 
 Here, as in all cases, it is impossible for lectures 
 to take the place of personal reading and investi- 
 gation ; and lectures will really be profitable in 
 proportion as they succeed in guiding and helping 
 work at home, not in replacing it. 
 
 You are doubtless aware that the Clementine Relation to 
 ■n ... ..11.. . Ihe'Homi- 
 
 Recognitions are not the only extant representatives /,•„.' 
 
 of the peculiar literature to which they belong. We 
 
 possess likewise what are conventionally called the 
 
 H. I 
 
2 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Clementine Homilies. Each of these works, through- 
 out the greater part of its contents, supplies important 
 illustration of the other work, and the questions 
 respecting their relation to each other are closely 
 connected with all the larger questions respecting 
 each one. Here and there, as for instance at the 
 beginning, their texts are for the most part coincident, 
 so that either one must in such portions be derived 
 from the other, or both must have a common origin. 
 Widely as they differ in doctrine, both of them must 
 be the outcome of a peculiar Judaizing type of 
 Christianity, for which the most characteristic name 
 of our Lord was " the true Prophet." The substance 
 of both consists in discourses and disputations of 
 St Peter, chiefly against Simon Magus, held in various 
 towns of the Syrian sea-coast, but especially Caesarea, 
 Tripolis, and Laodicea. The framework of both is a 
 narrative written by Clement to St James the Lord's 
 Brother, describing first his own conversion and how 
 he became acquainted with St Peter, and then the 
 incidents accompanying St Peter's discourses and 
 disputations, leading up to a romantic recognition of 
 Clement's father, mother, and two brothers, from 
 whom he had been separated since childhood. While 
 therefore the Recognitions alone will be the direct 
 subject of the lectures, and an examination of their 
 contents will, I hope, occupy the latter part of the 
 course, I shall have to refer perpetually to the 
 Homilies, and should strongly advise every one to 
 
CLEMENTINE LITERATURE. 3 
 
 obtain a copy of them, and to read them carefully 
 through, if possible in Greek, but if not then in 
 English. 
 
 Much time may be spent on this literature without import- 
 being wasted. The problems discussed in it are for Clementine 
 the most part fundamental problems for every age : Literature. 
 and, whatever may be thought of the positions main- 
 tained, the discussions are rarely feeble or trivial. As 
 a piece of history, few if any works of Christian 
 antiquity present us with so vivid a picture of the 
 working of men's minds under the influence of the 
 new leaven which had come into the world. Moreover 
 the views taken of the origin and growth of this 
 literature have been closely connected with the views 
 taken of several leading books of the New Testament 
 and of the forms taken by the Christian faith in its 
 earliest days. The animosity against St Paul dis- 
 played in some parts of the Clementine writings has 
 been assumed, in conjunction with St Paul's own 
 narrative of his rebuke to St Peter at Antioch in 
 Gal. ii., to be a trustworthy and sufficient key to the 
 true history of the apostolic age and apostolic books. 
 And again, one portion of the Homilies, in which 
 St Paul is struck at through Simon Magus, has been 
 taken as significant evidence that originally the 
 Clementine Simon was nothing but St Paul under a 
 mask, and that in fact Simon Magus never existed. 
 When such startling theories as these are maintained 
 by honest and intelligent men, it is evident that the 
 
4 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 literary and historical questions suggested by the 
 Recognitions and Homilies have much more than an 
 antiquarian interest. 
 
 List of Before going further it will be well to state 
 
 extant por- . y—i 
 
 lions. exactly what portions of the apocryphal Clementme 
 literature are still extant. 
 
 They are the ' Homilies' in Greek, and the ' Recog- 
 nitions' in the Latin translation made by Rufinus pro- 
 Documents bably not long after A.D. 400. Besides the two great 
 to the primary works there are some accompaniments, small 
 in bulk but of the greatest importance for critical 
 purposes, a letter purporting to be written by St Peter 
 to St James, followed hy a. AiafiapTvpia or Adjuration 
 purporting to come from St James ; and likewise a 
 longer letter purporting to be written by Clement to 
 St James. These three documents are all extant in 
 Greek. They are prefixed to the Homilies in the 
 extant MSS. and in all the editions. The alleged 
 letter of Clement is also extant in Latin in a 
 translation made by Rufinus some time before his 
 translation of the Recognitions. 
 
 Quite subordinate in character and importance 
 are what are called the Clementine Epitomes, more 
 correctly two recensions of one Epitome. It consists 
 of three or four lines of introduction taken from the 
 alleged Epistle of Clement, followed by a carefully 
 trimmed and expurgated condensation of the Ho- 
 milies, concluding with a legendary Martyrdom of 
 
 The Epi- 
 tome. 
 
EDITIONS. 5 
 
 Clement found elsewhere, and an if possible still 
 more legendary narrative by one Ephraim respecting 
 a miracle said to have been wrought by Clement. 
 
 The literary history of the editions is too in- Editions 
 
 1 1 1 1 1 r 1 f"^ "" "f 
 
 terestmg to be passed over altogether : but, for the students. 
 sake of clearness, I will first mention the books most 
 necessary for actual use. 
 
 Of the Recognitions the most convenient edition 
 is Gersdorf's, in 264 small octavo pages, published at 
 Leipzig in 1838. It has the advantages of cheapness 
 (5/- originally : now out of print, but easily picked 
 up for this or a less sum), portability, and the best 
 text as yet procured, not at all really trustworthy, but 
 more so than any other in print. Its disadvantages 
 are that it has no notes, no indices, and only a 
 meagre preface. Also the number of the books is not 
 given for each page or pair of pages, and so reference 
 is impeded, but the numbers can be supplied in pencil. 
 Of the other available editions I will speak just now. 
 
 For the Clementine Homilies the most generally 
 useful edition is Dressel's, published at Gottingen in 
 1853, price 7/-. This was the first complete edition, 
 the last Homily and a half having been previously 
 unpublished. It has a Latin version, and a useful 
 though scanty Index of Greek words. In 1865 
 Lagarde, a more competent editor, published at 
 Leipzig another edition, price 8/-. The text is a 
 considerable improvement on Dressel's, there is a very 
 
6 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 fair Index Locorum, and the short Preface contains 
 much interesting matter of various kinds : but these 
 advantages are on the whole outweighed by the want 
 of a Latin version and of an Index Grsecitatis', as also 
 by the crowded and rather obscure printing. 
 
 The Epitome, in both forms, has been likewise 
 edited by Dressel, and is sold for a few shillings ; and 
 appended to it are some notes of Wieseler's on the 
 Homilies, chiefly but not exclusively textual. Both 
 Epitome and notes may however be well dispensed 
 with by anyone who is directly occupied with the 
 Recognitions only. 
 
 Besides these separate and convenient editions I 
 ought to mention one comprehensive edition, that in 
 Migne's Graeco-Latin series, Volumes i and 2. The 
 cost is about 30/-. The Recognitions come at the 
 end of Volume i, the Homilies and Epitome at the 
 beginning of Volume 2. With the original Greek of 
 the alleged Epistle of Clement to St Peter is printed 
 Rufinus's Latin version, perversely omitted in all 
 other recent editions. Against the large cost of this 
 edition we must set a large mass of additional matter, 
 for Migne includes everything which has been ever 
 attributed to Clement of Rome, including the Apo- 
 stolic Constitutions, and various prefaces and disserta- 
 tions by the older editors and critics. He also reprints 
 
 ' A good Index to the Homilies has since been published by the 
 Trustees of the Lightfoot Fund (Macmillan & Co. Price jj.). The 
 Preface is signed by the Initials W. C. 
 
EDITIONS. 7 
 
 Cotelier's notes, which are practically the only notes 
 we have on the Recognitions, and which are some- 
 times useful, though they pass over multitudes of 
 passages which greatly need explanation or illustra- 
 tion. Finally, he includes some other patristic 
 writings, and among them the Epistle of Barnabas 
 and the Shepherd of Hermas, this last however 
 without the continuous Greek text brought to light 
 in later years. Some therefore may perhaps prefer 
 Migne's edition in spite of its ungainly form. His 
 text of the Homilies is reprinted from Dressel, his 
 text of the Recognitions from Gersdorf. 
 
 English translations of both works are readily 
 accessible in the Ante-Nicene Christian Library due 
 to the enterprise of Messrs Clark of Edinburgh. The 
 Recognitions form part of Volume HI (which in- 
 cludes also Tatian and Theophilus), the Homilies of 
 Volume XVn, in which they are followed by the 
 Apostolic Constitutions. 
 
 Books or articles illustrative of either Recognitions 
 or Homilies will not easily be found by those who 
 cannot read German. It is only within the last half 
 century, or a little more, that this literature has been 
 studied with any real intelligence or perception of its 
 meaning, and the discussions respecting it have been 
 almost confined to Germany. The article in Smith's 
 Dictionary of Christian Biography, by Dr Salmon, of 
 Dublin, is, like all his articles, independent, accurate, 
 and solid, as far as it goes. It is confined, however. 
 
8 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 within rather narrow limits. The short but interest- 
 ing sketch of Doctrine in Neander's Church History, 
 i. 487 ff., E. Tr, takes account of the Homilies only, 
 ignoring the Recognitions. A few scattered remarks 
 in his edition of the Epistle to the Galatians and in 
 his edition of the genuine Epistle of Clement are 
 all that Dr Lightfoot has published on the subject'. 
 I will not take up time now with speaking of the 
 more important German books, most of which will 
 unavoidably have to be mentioned presently in other 
 connexions. The select list given at the end of Dr 
 Salmon's article could hardly be improved on up to 
 its own date, and not much of importance has been 
 published since. 
 
 List of An almost indispensable prelude to the literary 
 
 called history of the Clementine literature is a brief 
 
 Clements, enumeration of the various writings to which 
 
 Clement's name has been attached. First comes 
 
 the genuine Epistle to the Corinthians, most of 
 
 which is preserved in the Codex Alexandrinus in 
 
 the British Museum, the rest not having been 
 
 known till nine years ago. 
 
 With it we must associate the remarkable 
 
 Homily, certainly not Clement's but as certainly of 
 
 great antiquity, which is commonly called Clement's 
 
 Second Epistle, part of which was in like manner 
 
 unknown till nine years ago. 
 
 ' Lightfoot's Second Edition of 'S. Clement of Rome' did not 
 appear till 1890. 
 
'CLEMENTINE' WRITINGS. 9 
 
 Both these works, it must always be remem- 
 bered, were entirely unknown in modern Europe, a 
 few neglected fragments excepted, till 1633, when 
 Patrick Young published them from the Codex 
 Alexandrinus. The Clement of Rome known to the 
 sixteenth and early part of the seventeenth century 
 was wholly a fictitious Clement, or rather a con- 
 glomeration of fictitious Clements. 
 
 Next, we may mention two obscure Epistles on 
 Virginity, published in 1752, known only in Syriac, 
 and that from a single MS., but originally written in 
 Greek. They appear to belong to the third or 
 possibly the latter part of the second century. 
 
 Again, Clement's name is attached in some 
 ancient authorities to the strange composite work, 
 half didactic, half legal, which we call the Apostolic 
 Constitutions, apparently dating from the fourth cen- 
 tury though containing earlier elements. When it 
 was first published in the i6th century, it was 
 under Clement's name. The remarkable Liturgy, or 
 rather perhaps combination of Liturgies, embedded 
 in the eighth book, is for this reason still called, 
 absurdly enough, the " Clementine Liturgy," by 
 some writers on Liturgies. A totally different 
 Syriac Liturgy (Renaudot, ii. 186 ff.) is likewise 
 called after Clement of Rome. 
 
 Lastly we come to the five alleged Epistles of 
 Clement which stand first in the series of spurious 
 Epistles of early Roman Bishops, commonly called 
 
lo CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the False Decretals, forged in the ninth century, a 
 main bulwark of the papal power in the middle ages. 
 Curiously enough the first of these epistles is no 
 other than Rufinus's translation of the alleged 
 Epistle of Clement to St James ; so that the pecu- 
 liar literature to which the Recognitions belong 
 supplied the starting point for the False Decretals'. 
 These five Decretal Epistles and the Recognitions 
 themselves were in fact what for many centu- 
 ries the Western Church received as Clement's 
 writings. 
 
 To recapitulate, the spurious Clementine litera- 
 ture falls into five groups, without counting the 
 Syriac Liturgy, (i) The so-called second Greek 
 Epistle, (2) the Epistles on Virginity, (3) the 
 Judaizing literature represented by the Recognitions 
 and Homilies, (4) the Apostolic Constitutions, and 
 (5) the Decretal Epistles^ It may be worth adding 
 that the plural name " Clementines," sometimes 
 given to the Homilies alone, sometimes to the 
 Homilies and Recognitions together, is well known 
 in late ecclesiastical usage in a different sense totally 
 unconnected with the Clement of the first century : 
 it designates a collection of decretals added to the 
 Canon Law of the Latin Church by Pope Clement 
 V. early in the fourteenth century. 
 
 • See Lightfoot's Clement, 18 ff. (Vol. i. p. 102, Ed. i). 
 ' This list may now be augmented by consulting the index to 
 Hamack's Geschichte der Altchristlichen Litteratur, i. 942. 
 
PRINTED EDITIONS. n 
 
 We come now to the history of the Clementine History of 
 
 . , , , printed 
 
 writmgs as printed books. editions. 
 
 The Recognitions were first published at Paris in 
 1504 by a man whose ecclesiastical and theological 
 position is of peculiar interest, Jacques de Fevre of 
 Etaples, commonly known as Faber Stapulensis. 
 He was a kind of predecessor of Erasmus and our 
 own Colet. He eagerly embraced the new Greek 
 learning. He was a biblical scholar of considerable 
 eminence, and was no less zealous for the spread of 
 practical religion. But two of his friends suffered at 
 the stake, and he himself escaped only by royal 
 favour. The Recognitions he published with the 
 Paradisus of Heraclides, a collection of lives of 
 Egyptian hermits. The testimonies which he cites are 
 curious : " De recognitionibus vero Petri per Cle- 
 mentem gloriosum Christi martyrem non aliud 
 afferre possum judicium quam quod celebratissime 
 memorie afferre solebat Mirandula, doctrinam 
 continere apostolicam. Neque beatissimus Martyr 
 Anacletus aliud sensisse videtur, cum Clementem 
 predecessorem suum apostolicum virum et Spiritu Dei 
 plenum citat." This edition, though known in the 
 last century, has subsequentl)' been forgotten. All 
 recent critics state that the Recognitions were first 
 published in 1526, by Sichard at Basel, as Sichard 
 evidently supposed himself He used two MSS. 
 Appended were the decretal epistles. 
 
 This edition was more than once reprinted. 
 
12 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 There is a handy reproduction of it issued in 1568, 
 four years after the close of the Council of Trent, 
 in combination with the Apostolic Constitutions (in 
 Latin), and many papal epistles and other authorita- 
 tive documents, and finally a translation of the 
 Epitome. The same or nearly the same writings were 
 again published in the following year at Cologne by 
 Venrad with retouchings of some obnoxious phrases 
 in the Recognitions, and this edition became a 
 standard for a considerable time. 
 
 At length Cotelier, one of the great French 
 scholars of the seventeenth and early eighteenth 
 centuries, published in 1672 his beautiful and ad- 
 mirable collection of the Fathers, who, as he 
 supposed, "temporibus apostolicis fioruerunt," their 
 " opera edita et inedita, vera et suppositicia." For 
 the Recognitions he used six MSS., but apparently 
 contented himself with noting their chief variations : 
 his text seems to be only the text which he inherited 
 from his predecessors. His greatest service however to 
 the " opera suppositicia " of Clement was the publica- 
 tion of the Clementine Homilies, " vetustate nobile 
 Apocryphum," as he calls it, which he had the good 
 fortune to find in a Paris MS. Observing that the 
 end was evidently wanting he made many efforts, in 
 conjunction with Emeric Bigot, to hear of another 
 more complete MS. elsewhere, but in vain, and was 
 constrained to publish the work imperfect as it was. 
 In the margin he gave references to parallel passages 
 
PRINTED EDITIONS. 13 
 
 of the Recognitions. The Epitome, in the only form 
 then known, he printed afresh in Greek : it had been 
 printed once before. 
 
 This edition was twice reprinted, not too accu- 
 rately, by Le Clerc, with the addition of some notes 
 by other critics. His final edition of 1724 is a very 
 useful book, notwithstanding the misprints. All the 
 notes are brought together and placed under the text 
 instead of being reserved for the second volume. 
 The dissertations by various critics which Le Clerc 
 inserted do not concern us, as none of them refer to 
 the Recognitions or Homilies. 
 
 With the exception of a fresh reprint in Galland's 
 Bibliotheca there is nothing more to mention between 
 Cotelier and the small recent edition already men- 
 tioned, unless it be Schwegler's handy edition of the 
 Homilies, rather smaller than Dressel's, but otherwise 
 similar and for what it contains at least as good ; but 
 unfortunately lacking the last Homily and a half, 
 which had not been discovered when it was pub- 
 lished. 
 
 In 1 86 1 Lagarde published what he called the 
 Recognitions in Syriac from two' MSS. of the British 
 Museum, one of them written as early as A.D. 41 1, i.e. 
 about the time of Rufinus's death, the other some 
 four centuries later. Strictly speaking this is a 
 
 ' Scrivener Introduction^ 318 speaks of the Travancore Syriac Bible 
 in the Cambridge University Library (00. I. i) as containing the 
 Clementine Homilies. But this is a mistake. What it does contain is 
 part of the Apostolic Constitutions. 
 
14 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 combination of two works, the first alone of which is 
 found in the later MS. It consists of Recog. I. — in. 
 (with a few lines of IV. ). To this in the older MS. is 
 added a second portion made up of Horn. X. — XIV., 
 with the omission of the latter part of Horn. XII. 
 To the Syriac names and numbering we shall have to 
 return at another time. 
 
 MSS. of From the editions we naturally pass to the Greek 
 
 A«. """ and Latin MSS. At present two MSS. only are 
 known of the Homilies, and of the alleged Epistles of 
 St Peter and Clement. The Paris MS. discovered and 
 followed by Cotelier was collated afresh by Lagarde. 
 It is of the twelfth century. It breaks off in the 
 midst of a sentence at r) vXt) oTrdre in 19. 14. 1. 7. 
 The other MS., the Ottobonianus [ascribed to the 
 fourteenth century], was discovered at Rome by 
 Dressel in 1838, fifteen years before he published 
 his text. Lagarde procured a fresh collation of the 
 last two Homilies. This MS. is to all appearances 
 complete. The scribe at all events believed it to 
 be complete, adding aiirjv at the end. The two 
 MSS. contain virtually the same text, usually, 
 though not always, best preserved in O (Ottob.). 
 A third MS. must have existed in the sixteenth 
 century, and may exist still, but it has not been 
 recovered. The Spanish Jesuit Torres (Turrianus), 
 in a book which he wrote in 1573 in defence of the 
 Apostolic Canons and False Decretals, quoted in 
 
MSS. rs 
 
 Greek a few passages from what he called a different 
 edition of the Recognitions from that which was trans- 
 lated by Rufinus, but gave no description beyond 
 the words " quae ad manus meas aliquando venit " 
 (p. 656). It was apparently divided into books not 
 tallying with our twenty Homilies. Torres's MS. 
 must have contained at least the Epistle attributed to 
 St Peter, for he once has a Greek quotation from that 
 Epistle, while the Epistle itself was unknown to the 
 world at large till Cotelier published it. 
 
 The MSS. of the Epitome, of which Cotelier used ^■SS. of 
 
 the Epi- 
 
 seven, are neither important enough nor sufficiently tome. 
 explored to require notice in detail. But it is worth 
 mention that Tischendorf discovered two MSS., one 
 vaguely described as Italian, the other still more 
 vaguely as Oriental, which are virtually MSS. of the 
 Epitome, though not so called by him, but which 
 approximate more nearly than the rest to the Homi- 
 lies themselves, and are thus more useful for the 
 textual criticism of the Homilies. He has printed 
 specimens in his Anecdota Sacra et Prof., pp. TJ ff. 
 
 The MSS. of the Latin Recognitions are tolerably MSS. of 
 numerous, but have as yet been very imperfectly „itimsJ' 
 explored. Dr Lightfoot (Clem., p. 18) speaks of 
 having himself examined about thirty', and mentions 
 that the Vercelli MS., of the sixth or seventh 
 century, is the oldest known. Cotelier used six, 
 probably all included in ten which Lagarde himself 
 ' 'A large number' Vol. I. p. 416, Ed. 2. 
 
1 6 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 examined at Paris. Gersdorf in his edition made 
 use of two at Bern and two at Leipzig ; but 
 unfortunately he gives no various readings except 
 certain arbitrary omissions of the Leipzig MSS. 
 We have in England several MSS. of the Latin 
 Recognitions, one of them in Trinity Library, but 
 of late date. Rufinus's version of the alleged 
 Epistle of Clement is preserved in very numerous 
 MSS., of three different classes: (i) separately, 
 or rather in company with a comparatively ancient 
 spurious Latin letter which forms the basis of 
 the second Decretal Epistle ; (2) with the same 
 associate in many MSS. of the Recognitions, but (Dr 
 Lightfoot tells us (p. 19))' only in comparatively late 
 copies ; and (3) with the amplifications of the ninth 
 century as part of the Decretal Epistles. 
 Summary. We have now gone through the chief facts in the 
 transmission of the books now known to be extant. 
 Epistle of Peter and Adjuration of James, in Greek 
 only ; Epistle of Clement in Greek and Latin ; 
 twenty so-called Homilies, fifteen-and-a-half of them 
 in Greek only, four-and-a-half of them in Greek and 
 Syriac ; an Epitome of them, with extraneous supple- 
 ments, in Greek only ; and ten books of so-called 
 Recognitions, seven of them in Latin only, three of 
 them in Latin and Syriac. 
 
 Supple- 
 mentary _,, .... 
 Materials These actually existmg texts must supply us with 
 
 {^J:""- 'Vol. ..p. 4.6, Ed... 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS. 17 
 
 the most trustworthy materials for criticism. There 
 are, however, other materials which have to be taken 
 into account, the most important of them being the 
 explicit notices of books belonging to this literature 
 in ancient writers, and also the instances of silent 
 adoption of matter apparently derived from them. 
 Another class of evidence is made up of the titles 
 found either in the body of the existing texts or affixed 
 to them in MSS. This rather unattractive but indis- 
 pensable class of evidence had better be examined 
 first, in preparation, as it were, for the titles which 
 will meet us in ecclesiastical writers. 
 
 We begin with the titles expressed or implied in (i) Titles 
 
 prefixed to 
 
 the letters which our MSS. prefix to the Homilies. M^ Af5i'. 
 Each of these letters is introductory to books pur- Homilies. 
 porting to contain discourses or disputations of St 
 Peter, but we must be content for the present to 
 leave it an open question what these books were ; — 
 that is to say whether the Epistles were introductory 
 to the Homilies, or to the Recognitions, or one 
 Epistle to the Homilies and another to the Recogni- 
 tions, or again, one or both to one or more lost works 
 differing more or less from both the extant works. 
 
 In the Paris MS. (and perhaps also the Ottobo- 
 nian) a general description is prefixed to the Epistles 
 and Homilies as follows : "A Book (y3//3Xos) containing 
 different Homilies, written by the holy Clement from 
 the lips of the holy Peter the Apostle, and it is called 
 Y^Xi)yi,kvTia, that is, writings of Clement : and the 
 H. 2 
 
1 8 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 same book comprises three prologues, twenty Homi- 
 lies." Here we find the term 'O/itXtat, derived 
 doubtless from one of two sources, whether they be 
 or be not independent of each other ; Ep. Clem, ad 
 fac. c. 2, of Clement journeying with Peter, and iraaaiv 
 fjiov T. oiJ-iXidiv iiraKova-avTi, and the Homilies them- 
 selves, I. 20 TO? Ka6' eicaarov eviavrov 6fiiXla<! re Kal 
 irpd^eif. It is very difficult to say precisely when 
 ofiiXia acquired the definite sense ' Homily ' : that 
 sense is only possible, not necessary, in Ign. Polyc. S ; 
 Clem. Strom. 603, which are quoted for it. From 
 ' converse ' it came to be used of monologue in con- 
 versation, and so of monologue generally : see the 
 intermediate use in Just. Dial. 85, p. 312 A. 
 
 (i) Title Three times, c. i, c. 2, and c. 3, the Epistle of Peter 
 
 "ep. "pet" to James makes Peter speak of the " books {0ifi\oi) of 
 
 T/ie Adjuration once takes up the exact phrase 
 with avTov for fiov or ifiuv, c. i, and repeats it three 
 times without a pronoun (cc. 2, 3, 4), /3t/8Xio being 
 once substituted for /StySXot. Thus this pair of short 
 writings gives no title expressly ; but the form of 
 phrase habitually used seems to imply that the work 
 which they were intended to introduce was called 
 nerpoY KHprrwATA. There is no allusion to Clement in 
 either Epistle or Adjuration. 
 
 %^ae'" There is nothing to our purpose in cc. i — 18 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS. 19 
 
 of the Epistle of Clement to James. In the 19th Y&X.&X and the 
 desires Clement after his death to write a record 
 in epitome {iv eTrt.TOfA.rj avaypayjrdfievov) going back 
 to his (Clement's) thoughts from his youth up, 
 and describing how from the beginning he had 
 journeyed with Peter, listening to his preached dis- 
 courses and his acts {KT)p\r)(6evr(ov Xoycov re koI irpd^- 
 ecov) in different cities {KuTa -rroXiv) ; and then he 
 bids him at the end not shrink from indicating the 
 occasion {trpo^aaiv) of Peter's death, which he vaguely 
 implies to be destined to be a death of suffering. 
 Finally in c. 20 Clement tells James that he had 
 promised to do as Peter desired, and had not shrunk 
 from committing to paper in a summary manner {iv 
 ^i^XoK etri Ke^aXalaiv Troiijaai), as it were by way of 
 a sign, the greater part (to ttoXv) of the discourses in 
 different cities which had been already (?) announced 
 (vpoypa<f)£vTa)v) to James and sent [to him] by 
 Peter ; and from then sending the writing to James, 
 entitling it Clement's Epitome of the preachings of 
 Peter from place to place (KXr/zieiro? Ta>v Yikrpov eVt- 
 hufiimv KrjpvyfidTav iiriTOixTj). Here we have a quite 
 definite title, though a peculiar and somewhat obscure 
 one. It contains the names of both Clement and 
 Peter. It describes the work intended by it as an 
 Epitome, a term which is evidently to be explained 
 by the previous passage in which the same word 
 occurs : that is, what was now written down by 
 Clement was but an epitome of what Peter had 
 
 2 — 2 
 
20 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 preached. Whether it was further meant to be re- 
 presented as an epitome of an earlier written record 
 of Peter's preachings is difiScuIt to determine, and the 
 more because the few words which seem to speak of 
 an earlier record are themselves obscure, especially as 
 to the force of the phrase <rov ir^jo^pa^kvrav, which I 
 have with hesitation rendered "announced to thee," 
 the other possible sense being " written beforehand for 
 thee." 'E7^^SJ7M^«uI/ is doubtless, as Lagarde accents it, 
 from the adjective i7riSrifiio<!, not from the substantive 
 e-rriSrifila: but the ultimate sense is probably the 
 same. 
 
 The difficulties of the whole passage were evidently 
 felt by Rufinus ; for he has handled the grammatical 
 structure violently in order to get a definite sense, and 
 made Clement himself the writer of the previous 
 report ("quamvis tibi de his plurima jam et plenius 
 ante descripta ipso jubente transmiserim"), a state- 
 ment not contradictory of the Greek, but certainly 
 not contained in it. The chief reason, however, for 
 noticing Rufinus's version is the peculiarity of his 
 rendering of the actual title, viz. dementis Itinerarium 
 Praedicationis Petri, " Clement's Itinerary of Peter's 
 preaching." Cotelier indeed, following at least two 
 earlier editions, has a non before praedicationis : but 
 Dr Lightfoot has seen the intrusive negative in but 
 one MS., of no great importance (see Clem?, I. 415 n.), 
 and it is doubtless spurious, as indeed Cotelier himself 
 appears to assume in his note. At first sight this 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS. 21 
 
 title looks unlike the Greek, but I feel sure it is only 
 a compact paraphrase of it, Itinerarium being used as 
 a neat synonym of twv itriB'rjftioov iTrirofii] on the 
 assumption that iiriSri/jLioov is a substantive. The in- 
 fluence of this paraphrastic rendering we shall see 
 presently. 
 
 The Homilies themselves have in the Paris (and 
 ?Ott.) MS. the title KXijfievToi; tov Tlerpov eTriBrffiiuv 
 KrjpvyfiaTiov e-n-irofirj, i.e. (with the probably corrupt 
 TOV for Twv) precisely the title announced at the end 
 of the Epistle of Clement. Evidently either the two 
 writings took their present form together, or the one 
 title was borrowed from the other. It is to be 
 observed that this title includes the shorter title which 
 we found to be implied in the Epistle of Peter. 
 
 The titles of the Epitome are curiously various, (4> Titles 
 and very instructive. Two of Cotelier's MSS. have tome. 
 this, " By Clement, Bishop of Rome, to James, Bishop 
 of Jerusalem, concerning the acts and circuits (-rrpd^etov 
 KoX ireptohwv) of the holy and chief apostle Peter, 
 wherewith also his life is combined {o-vfiirepieiXriirTat)." 
 Here the first words are derived from the beginning 
 of the Epitome. Another MS., one of Dressel's, has 
 the same title as the Paris MS. gives to the Homilies. 
 In one of Cotelier's and three of Dressel's MSS. these 
 two titles are added together as one, with or without 
 a joining fiToi. Likewise four of Cotelier's MSS. have 
 " Life of the holy martyr (or sacred martyr) Clement, 
 
22 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Bishop of Rome, disciple of the holy Apostle Peter," 
 while Tischendorf's Oriental MS. further inserts "and 
 manner of living {TroXireia) and martyrdom '' after 
 " life." This form, with /3io? for its characteristic 
 word, seems to be an expansion of a second element 
 in the first-mentioned title. Taking together all the 
 existing titles found in MSS. of the Epitome, we find 
 apparently three fundamental earlier titles : 
 
 (i) As before, K\rifj,evTov rwv Vlerpov eVtS?/- 
 fiifov KrjpvyfidTKOv eTTiTOfirj. 
 
 (2) Upd^et^ Kfli TrepioSoi Tlerpov, with or with- 
 out KXrjfievTO'i prefixed ; and 
 
 (3) Bto? K\?7/iej/T09. 
 
 Before leaving the Epitome it is worth while 
 noticing that the name Epitome, though very fitly 
 applied to it by modern editors as an abbreviation 
 of our Homilies, was not so meant in ancient times. 
 It is true that the title containing the Greek word 
 eTTtTo/ir? is one of the titles of what we call the 
 Epitome : but it is incredible that this was the 
 source of the title as prefixed to the Homilies, still 
 less as forming part of the text of the Epistle to 
 James, while the converse process would be natural 
 enough. Doubtless then the original meant to be 
 represented as epitomised was not our Homilies, but 
 either the actual preachings of Peter or a former 
 written record of them. 
 
 fS) Ti//e 
 
 '"oKaig" "T^^ Preface to our Latin Recognitions is a letter 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS. 23 
 
 from Rufinus to his friend Gaudentius, probably the 
 Bishop of Brixia. About the middle of the Preface he 
 refers to the existence in Greek of two editions of 
 the same work, "^ Kvwfvwaeaiv hoc est Recognitionum." 
 Whether this is the true reading, or two letters should 
 be inserted so as to make 'Avayvwplaewv or even 
 WvayvcDpiafLcov, is of little consequence, for there is 
 some slight evidence for dvdyv(0(Ti<; as meaning 
 ■ recognition ' and for avaytvcoaKto as meaning ' recog- 
 nise.' One of these 'editions' of ' Recognitions' was 
 what Rufinus had translated. He uses no other title, 
 being twice content to use the single word* Clementem 
 where he means the book. 
 
 In MSS. of the Recognitions we find an extra- (6) Title 
 ordinary variety of titles. Coteher enumerates five, of Reeog. 
 Grabe {Spicil. 275 f ) four more, and none of the nine 
 include Recognitiones. Elsewhere however we do find 
 Recognitiones Cleinentis thus, or with an expansion, 
 and (in Le Fevre) Recognitiones Petri Apostoli. Here 
 the source is obviously Rufinus's own Preface. As 
 clearly his version of the Epistle of Clement has 
 suggested a group of titles including Itinerarium or 
 Liber Itinerarius, dementis being the name usually 
 added, but Praedicationis Petri at least once. Not to 
 mention two exceptional descriptive headings (rather 
 than titles), we have in at least one MS. Gesta 
 
 ' [Rufinus's use taken in connexion with the evidence of the Latin 
 translator of Origen in Mat., of the Opus Imperfectum, and of the Syriac 
 Version, suggests that '■Clemens^ was a regular title. See also p. 75.] 
 
24 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Clementis (which may stand for a Greek title Ilpafet? 
 
 K\»;/i6z'T09), and in at least four Historia Clementis. 
 (7) Titles Finally in the Syriac version the older MS. has 
 
 Mss""" merely the name Clemens, the younger MS. has 
 
 History of Clemens. 
 
 The evi- We have now done for the present with the titles 
 
 ancient prefixed to the MSS. of the existing writings, or 
 writers, recited or implied in the text of the writings. We 
 
 come next to the traces of the use of the Clementine 
 
 literature in ecclesiastical writers. 
 ^ndcen- We oass through the second century without 
 
 tury blank. _ , ^ ^ „ 
 
 nndmg any such trace. Notices of Simon Magus 
 occur in several writers, as we shall presently have 
 occasion to see when we are examining the story of 
 Simon Magus ; but there is no allusion to conflicts 
 with St Peter in Syria, such as fill our Homilies and 
 Recognitions. 
 Philocalia But the first piece of evidence is a striking one 
 
 explicit. . *^ 
 
 by its comparative definiteness and the variety of 
 particulars which it includes. In a fragment of the 
 Third Tome of Origen's elaborate Commentary on 
 Genesis, preserved to us in c. 23 (22 some reckonings) 
 of the Philocalia or collection of extracts chiefly from 
 his writings made by Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus 
 (see Lomm. viii. 41 ff"., or xxv. 226 ff". ; Migne ii. 
 85 [= ii. 20 Ru.]), the words of Gen. i. 14 about the 
 heavenly luminaries being for signs and for seasons 
 led him to an elaborate refutation of astrology. 
 
EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 25 
 
 Towards the end (c. 14) [he]' says, " Yea, and Clement 
 the Roman, a disciple of Peter the Apostle, after 
 using words in harmony with these [words of mine] 
 on the present problem, addressed to his father at 
 Laodicea in the Circuits (tt/oo? t6v iraTepa iv 
 AaoBiKeia elirwv iv rah llepiohoit), speaks a very 
 necessary word for the end of such discourses as these 
 concerning those things which seem to have proceeded 
 from Genesis (= astrological destiny), in the fourteenth 
 discourse {\6<ya>)." Then follows a long extract oc- 
 cupying 52 lines, answering to 2\ cc. of our Re- 
 cognitions (x. 10 fin. — 13 in.). On comparison of the 
 two texts it is evident that the variations between 
 them are probably only such as might be due to 
 Rufinus, an incorrigibly paraphrastic translator. His 
 version omits nothing of any moment, and adds 
 nothing but some petty and obvious elucidations such 
 as he might easily think necessary for intelligibility. 
 Probably therefore he had before him the same Greek 
 text which we now read in the Philocalia. There is 
 indeed nothing characteristic of the Clementine litera- 
 
 ' [These words, as Prof. Robinson has since shewn, in his edition 
 of the Philocalia [Cambridge 1893], are really the heading of a new 
 extract, appended by Basil and Gregory to the extract from Origen in 
 Gen. The evidence therefore is that of Basil and Gregory and not that 
 of Origen. Origen's knowledge of the Clementine Literature can still 
 be established on the evidence of his Com. in Matth. But it must 
 be noticed that that not only belongs to a later period in his life, but 
 is also far less definite in character. I have enclosed in square brackets 
 words and sentences, which require modification in view of this newly 
 discovered fact. ED.] 
 
26 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 ture in either the argument or the language in which 
 it is expressed. It contains not a vestige of religious 
 thought or diction, Jewish or Christian. It is such as 
 might be freely used by any believer in free will, and 
 for all we know may have been originally borrowed 
 from some heathen philosopher. But fortunately 
 [Origen] has fixed the actual context of his quotation. 
 It was part of an argument between Clement and his 
 father, held at Laodicea, and the first few lines of the 
 extract preserve phrases which mark the interlocutors, 
 just as in our Latin Recognitions kcu d iraTrip, 'Zvyyvtodt, 
 /Aot, w TSKvov — " Et pater, Ignosce, inquit, fill " ; icdyo) 
 dTreKpivdfjLTjv = " Et ego respondi." The very fact of the 
 dialogue being held with Clement's father shews that 
 [Origen] was quoting from a book written on the 
 framework of the family romance connected with 
 Clement's name, that is, noi from a book, supposing 
 such to have existed, in which the same, or at least 
 somewhat similar doctrinal teaching had not yet been 
 clothed in this particular form. The mention of 
 Laodicea, again in agreement with our Recognitions, 
 likewise indicates a work in which the disputations of 
 Peter were not confined to Caesarea but carried on 
 further up the Syrian coast. On the other hand, our 
 Homilies, which likewise extend the disputations to 
 Laodicea, have no such discourse on astrology. It 
 follows from these various data that the book used 
 by [Origen] was either the Greek original of our 
 Recognitions or an earlier book, the parent of the 
 
EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 27 
 
 original of our Recognitions, and having in common 
 with them not merely a considerable piece of text, 
 but at least a portion of their characteristic frame- 
 work, and agreeing with them against the Homilies. 
 
 So much for the coincidences. On the other 
 hand the names are different. When Rufinus speaks 
 of Recognitions, [Origen] speaks of Periodoi, Circuits 
 or Peregrinations. The interest attached to this name 
 will appear presently. Secondly, the passage which 
 our Recognitions exhibit in their tenth (and last) book 
 was found by Origen in the fourteenth discourse, or 
 book of his Periodi. 
 
 We may also probably see an indication of differ- 
 ence in the fact that five pages earlier, in Gen. iii. 10 
 \=Philoc. p. 204 Rob.], Origen refers to certain con- 
 stancies of national custom as at variance with astro- 
 logical causation. Now in the previous book of Recog- 
 nitions (ix. cc. 17 — 29) 13 chapters are taken up with 
 an elaborate refutation of the astrological doctrine by 
 appeal to the laws or customs of many nations, and 
 yet the differences are so great and the coincidences 
 so small that it is hardly credible that Origen should 
 have written as he did if he had those chapters of our 
 present Recognitions before him. As a matter of fact 
 these chapters coincide pretty closely with the Book 
 of the Laws of Countries extant in Syriac and in part 
 in Greek, written by an early Bardesanist, and com- 
 parison shews that the Recognitions borrowed from 
 the Bardesanist book, not vice versd {Dictionary/ of 
 
28 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Christian Biography, i. 258). Now Bardesan himself 
 died in 223 {ib. 251), so that on this ground Hkewise 
 it would be almost impossible that the Weplohoi used 
 by Origen should contain the chapters founded on 
 the Bardesanist work. At the same time it is likely- 
 enough that the Yieplohoi did contain some such short 
 passage as we find in Origen [who may indeed be 
 alluding to it in his retrospective words first quoted], 
 and that it was afterwards superseded by the more 
 elaborate argument from a different source. [This 
 instance is a warning against assuming the contents 
 of the Wiplohov and of the Greek original of our 
 Recognitions to have been identical, notwithstanding 
 the agreements between them which we have already 
 found.] 
 
 [This important testimony is comparatively definite 
 not only in its contents but in its date. Origen's 
 biography was better known to Eusebius than any- 
 thing else in the events preceding his own lifetime ; 
 and Eusebius (vi. 24. 2) tells us expressly that nine 
 out of the twelve books on Genesis were written at 
 Alexandria ; probably some little time before he left 
 it, for the preceding year or two must have been in 
 great part occupied by his journey to Greece through 
 Palestine. He left Alexandria about 231 or 232 ; so 
 that about a quarter of the third century must have 
 elapsed when this passage was transcribed.] 
 
 Origen in Again, Origen's writings supply a second un- 
 Mat. 
 
 questionable reference to the Clementine literature 
 
EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 29 
 
 at another period of his life. His Commentary on 
 Matthew is one of his latest works, belonging, 
 Eusebius says (vi. 36), to Philip the Arabian's reign, 
 244 — 249 [say twenty years later than the former 
 quotation]. The reference occurs in a part of this 
 Commentary which is preserved only in an ancient 
 Latin version, on xxvi. 10, epyoj' 70/3 KaXov ■^pydcraTo 
 ek ifii (iii. 894 Ru. = iv. 401 Lom). To illustrate a 
 distinction between good works done from what 
 he calls human or natural motives, and good works 
 done for God, he cites Dan. iv. 27 (Audi consilium 
 meum, rex, peccata tua eleemosynis redime) as 
 recognising a certain worth in the former, and then 
 proceeds, " Tale aliquid dicit et Petrus apud Clemen- 
 tem, quoniam opera bona, quae fiunt ab infidelibus, in 
 hoc saeculo eis prosunt, non et in illo, ad conse- 
 quendam vitam aeternam : et convenienter, quia nee 
 illi propter Deum faciunt, sed propter ipsam naturam 
 humanam. Qui autem propter Deum faciunt, id est 
 fideles, non solum in hoc saeculo proficit eis, sed 
 in illo, magis autem in illo." Now this is quite in the 
 spirit of the Clementines. Cotelier, who noticed the 
 reference, cites Rec. vii. 38 (and in his note there, 
 Hom. xiii. 21) as the original, but the differences are 
 so great that Origen cannot be quoting from either 
 place, or indeed from any place now extant. One 
 difference is specially striking : in both Recognitions 
 and Homilies the condition mentioned, which alters 
 the quality of virtuous acts, is simply baptism ; nothing 
 
30 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 else is mentioned. In the quotation from Origen 
 nothing is said of baptism, but in its place we find 
 " faith " ; not, it is true, faith in the New Testament 
 sense, but in the sense of correct belief. At the same 
 time, the kind of value here assigned to " faith " is 
 quite in the Clementine line of doctrine, e.g. Rec. x. 2. 
 On the other hand the language is certainly not 
 Origen's own, but that of some Clementine source. 
 Compare If there were any doubt on this point, it would 
 
 the Opus 
 
 Imp. in be removed by a curious coincidence, certainly not 
 "'■ accidental, with another quotation in a later writer, 
 the author of the Opus Imperfectum iti Matthaeutn, 
 now preserved only in Latin, the work of an Arian 
 of about the end of the fourth century. On Mt. x. 
 41 (Hom. 26, p. 851 of Gaume's Edition of S. 
 Chrysostom, vol. VI.), the prophet's reward, he speaks 
 of a hospitable heathen as one who "prophetae 
 quidem mercedem non habet, aliquam autem habet." 
 Then he quotes the same verse of Daniel that Origen 
 had done, and then at once adds, " Audi mysterium 
 quod Petrus apud Clementem exposuit, ' Si fidelis 
 fecerit opus bonum, et hie ei prodest, liberans eum 
 a malis, et in illo saeculo ad percipiendum regnum 
 caeleste, magis autem ibi quam hie. Si autem 
 infidelis fecerit opus bonum, hie ei prodest opus 
 ipsius, et hie ei reddit Deus bona pro opere suo : in 
 illo autem saeculo nihil ei prodest opus ipsius. Nee 
 enim coUocatur inter caeteros fideles propter opus 
 suum, et juste, quia natural! bono motus fecit bonum, 
 
EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 31 
 
 non propter Deum. Ideo in corpus suum recipit 
 mercedem operis sui, non in anima sua,'" evidently 
 the same passage as in Origen, but in a form fuller 
 and more exact, and even more distinct from the cited 
 passages of Recognitions and Homilies. The evi- 
 dence is important even if the two quotations are 
 independent, but the simultaneous citing of so little 
 obvious a passage as that of Daniel proves that the 
 writer had read Origen, as indeed he would have 
 been very unlike almost every Greek commentator 
 on the Gospels if he had failed to do. It matters 
 little whether he transferred the double reference by 
 Origen to an earlier part of the Gospel or, as is not 
 unlikely, found the double reference in both places. 
 The loss of Origen's Commentary on c. x. and Op. 
 Imp. on c. xxvi. renders verification here im- 
 possible. The important point is that Origen is 
 here again clearly seen using at Caesarea a Clementine 
 work, and that containing a passage not in either of 
 the extant works ; though of course we cannot be 
 sure that it was identical with the Ile/JtoSot [which 
 he had cited some twenty years before at Alexandria]. 
 
 One or two other quotations possibly derived 
 through Origen niay be passed over. 
 
 Origen's elder contemporary, Hippolytus, shews Hippolytus 
 no knowledge of Clementine literature, though he 
 wrote much on points likely to elicit such knowledge 
 had he possessed it. Nor are there any more traces 
 for three-quarters of a century, though it is true that 
 
32 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Rusebius 
 on St 
 Peter's 
 ■writings 
 
 on the 
 Canon, 
 
 the extreme scantiness of the remains of this period 
 forbids us to lay stress on the silence. 
 
 When we reach Eusebius we naturally expect 
 ample information. What we do find is interesting, 
 and yet a little disappointing. It is given under 
 three heads, St Peter's writings (iii. 3), the Canon of 
 Scripture (iii. 25), and Clement's writings (iii. 38 § S)- 
 On St Peter, after speaking of the one acknowledged 
 epistle, and the one epistle of doubtful authority, 
 he comes to the writings which he does not know to 
 have been ever quoted or used as Catholic Scrip- 
 ture. They are Peter's so-called Acts (Trpafet?), his 
 Gospel, his Preaching {Kijpvyfia), and his Apocalypse. 
 In the chapter on the Canon he places the Apoca- 
 lypse of Peter among the spurious books (v66a), and 
 at the end refers slightingly to books brought forward 
 by heretics under the name of apostles, but not 
 noticed by ecclesiastical writers, containing Gospels 
 as of Peter, Thomas, Matthias, and others, or Acts, as 
 of Andrew or John and the other Apostles. Setting 
 aside the so-called Gospel and Apocalypse of Peter, 
 we have the Acts of Peter in the one list but not 
 in the other, unless, as some suppose, it is identical 
 with the Acts of Paul. At all events it is not likely 
 to be any of our books. The xi^pvyfia is in the first 
 list alone. But it is morally certain that what is 
 meant is a shorter and totally different book' quoted 
 
 ' The fragments of this book have been collected by Hilgenfeld 
 (after Grabe and Credner) in bis N. T. extra Can. rec. Ed. i, iv. p. 51. 
 
EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 33 
 
 under that name by Clement of Alexandria and 
 others, and at least as early as the early part of the 
 second century. Thus in neither list is there any- 
 thing like IleptoSot of Peter. 
 
 When, however, we come to the chapter on on CU- 
 Clement (iii. 38. 5), after being told of the Epistle to 
 the Corinthians, and the so-called Second, which 
 was not used by the older writers, we read " Nay, 
 moreover, certain men have quite lately (x^e? koX 
 nrpuyqv) brought forward as written by him other 
 verbose and lengthy writings {voKvi.ir'q xal fiaxpa 
 ffvyypd/jLiJLaTa), said to contain Dialogues of Peter and 
 Appion (Herpov 8r) koX ' Pi.inri(ovo^ hia\6<yovt; irepi,- 
 e^ovTo), of which not the slightest mention is to 
 be found among the ancients, for they do not even 
 preserve in purity the stamp of the apostolic 
 orthodoxy," by which doubtless he means that their 
 doctrine alone would disprove their apostolic origin, 
 even if any respectable tradition supported them. 
 Now Appion is a personage, and to a small extent an 
 interlocutor, in the end of both our works (Rec. x. 
 52 — 64=Hom. XX. 11 — 22, i.e. 12 or 13 chapters); 
 and, moreover, occupies a much larger place, and 
 becomes a principal disputer with Peter, in the earlier 
 part of the Homilies (iv. 6 — vii. S, 3 Homilies or 71 
 chapters), with nothing answering in the Recognitions. 
 Under these circumstances it was not unnatural that 
 critics should assume Eusebius to be speaking of a 
 book bearing the title Dialogues of Peter and Appion, 
 
 H, 3 
 
34 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 a book distinct from both Recognitions and Homilies, 
 but supplying materials to one or both. But is there 
 really any solid evidence for the existence of such 
 a book? If we look carefully at Eusebius' words, we 
 see that the writings {o-vyypdfiiJbaTa) which he speaks 
 of contained (or rather, were said to contain, h-q and 
 irepiexovra) dialogues of Peter and Appion. This is 
 not natural language to use if this was the actual 
 title. Supposing that some contemporary theologians 
 disliked by Eusebius quoted on their own behalf 
 words which they said were spoken by Peter, StaXeyo- 
 fi€vo<; Trpo? rov ^ h.Tnriwva (or even eV rot? StaXoyot?, 
 TT.T.'A.), every word used by Eusebius would then be 
 natural ; but the accident of citing from those par- 
 ticular disputations would not prove that they 
 occupied the whole of the voluminous book. There 
 is then no reason why the book should not have 
 been our Homilies, or some kindred form of the 
 literature, and this supposition gets rid of the difficulty 
 that otherwise Eusebius must be thought to speak 
 only of a book unknown before or after, and himself 
 to know nothing of any Clementine literature not 
 concerned with Appion. 
 
 His language about the exclusively recent use of 
 the book shews only that either he did not identify it 
 with [Origen's] Tlepio^ot, [or had forgotten all about 
 Origen's language, as indeed his failure to name the 
 Yiepiohot as an alleged work of Clement shews him tQ 
 have done]. 
 
EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 35 
 
 In appearance indeed the supposed book is doubly No inde- 
 vouched for afterwards. Jerome in his chapter ( 1 5) on eoidmcefor 
 Clement in his De Viris Illustribiis notices "Disputatio jfJi^^" 
 Petri et Appionis longo sermone conscripta " ; but he 
 goes on "quam Eusebius in tertio historiae ecclesiae 
 volumine coarguit," shewing that, as with a large pro- 
 portion of the books enumerated in his catalogue, he 
 had no authority but Eusebius, and had been beguiled, 
 like the moderns, by the temptation of catching at a 
 title for an otherwise nameless book. That he 
 mentions no other Clementine literature, though as 
 we shall presently see he cites it eLsewhere, is a piece 
 of forgetfulness for which this strange catalogue offers 
 other parallels. Photius, as we shall see, is a much 
 more substantial witness ; but his clause about d 
 i'7riypa(j>6fievoi! iir' ovofiari avrov (Clement) Herpov 
 Koi ^Aviricovo'; iroXvtrrtxo'! Bid\oyo<; ( 1 1 2 f , p. 90, 
 b 12 f.) is no part of his account of the books seen by 
 himself, but only a supplementary note condensing 
 and paraphrasing supplementary information from 
 Eusebius. 
 
 We now pass on half a century, and come to 77« mi- 
 Epiphanius, who shares with Eusebius the honour oi ^pip^i. 
 having preserved most remains of former centuries, '^"'J^^^ 
 though often in a form which renders it difficult 
 to assign to his materials their precise value. His 
 great book on heresies abounds in valuable information 
 about Judaizing sects: but unfortunately no part of 
 
 3—2 
 
36 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 it is more full of confusion. The chapter' with which 
 we are now immediately concerned is the very long 
 chapter devoted to the Ebionites, or, as he usually 
 calls them, the Ebionaeans, chapter 30. The primary 
 basis of this part of his work is the lost Syntagma of 
 Hippolytus ; but in this particular chapter the infor- 
 mation derived from that written source is swallowed 
 up in a mass of oral information belonging to 
 Epiphanius' own time, and cannot be disentangled 
 with any certainty. What is clear is that we have 
 a mixture of particulars concerning the Ebionites 
 proper, of the simpler and older type, and the Essene 
 Ebionites, to whom Epiphanius' contemporary notices 
 must have at least chiefly related. Respecting these 
 Essene Ebionites, to whom all that we definitely 
 know of the Clementine literature exclusively belongs, 
 it is enough for the present to refer to Lightfoot's 
 pages on the subject in his dissertation on " St Paul 
 and the Three " in his edition of the Epistle to the 
 Galatians, taken in connexion with his dissertation 
 on the Essenes in his Colossians. We are at present 
 concerned only with what Epiphanius says of their 
 literature. 
 
 We may pass over an obscure and perhaps corrupt 
 statement, in § 2, p. 1 26 B, that they write their books 
 •rrpe(70vTepoi<! Kal Trap0evoi<i. A page later he speaks 
 of their exclusive use of the Gospel according to the 
 Hebrews, and this suggests to him a long digressive 
 ' Chap. XXX. pp. 126 f. 137 — 140. 
 
EVIDENCE OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 37 
 
 story. In §§ 13 and 14, pp. 137 ff., he returns to this 
 Gospel, and describes some of its peculiarities. Then 
 comes (§ 15, p. 139 b) the passage which chiefly 
 concerns us. " They use," he says, " certain other 
 books likewise ; it is said the so-called Circuits of 
 Peter (SrjOev rat? Ile/jtoSot? KoXovfiivai': Yierpov), 
 which were written by the hand of Clement (8ta 
 KXtj/ievTo?), falsifying {vo6ev<7avre<;) their contents 
 (or, by a slight transposition, "some of their 
 contents,'' ra fiev ev avTal<; for fikv ra iv avToiv), 
 though leaving a few genuine things.'' He goes on 
 to .say that they are convicted of this falsification by 
 Clement's encyclic epistles, which are read in the holy 
 Churches, his faith and doctrine having a different 
 character from the falsified words inserted by them 
 in his name in the DepioSot. The two points which 
 he mentions as characteristic of Clement, the incul- 
 cation of virginity and the praise of Elijah, David, 
 Samson, and all the prophets, shew that he had in 
 mind the two Epistles on Virginity now extant only in 
 Syriac. It is doubtless perplexing that he should call 
 them '■ encyclic epistles read in the holy Churches " : 
 but, Mr Cotterill notwithstanding {Modern Criticism 
 and Clemenfs Epistles to Virgitis, p. 17), Lightfoot's 
 suggestion is a sufficiently probable one (Clem. 16 f. 
 [Vol. I. p. 408, Ed. 2]), that Epiphanius confused 
 these two epistles which he had seen with the other 
 pair of epistles which he had read about, but which 
 there is no evidence that he had ever seen. He 
 
38 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 proceeds, " In the IleptoSot therefore (ovv) they 
 adapted the whole to their own views (jo irav 
 et9 kavrow fieri^veyKap — /leTacjiepco is used of trans- 
 lation from one language into another or from 
 philosophical diction into poetry), representing Peter 
 falsely in many ways, as that he was daily baptized 
 for the sake of purification, as these also do, and 
 they say that he likewise abstained from animal 
 food and meat, as they themselves also do, and from 
 all other food made from flesh, since both Ebion 
 himself and the Ebionites entirely abstain from these 
 things." This is all that is said about the HepioBoi ; 
 and if Epiphanius' words are carefully examined it 
 becomes clear that two examples alone are given 
 of the falsifying or adaptation of this work, viz., 
 Peter's daily baptism and his abstinence from animal 
 food. The previously mentioned rejection of virginity 
 and detestation of the prophets came in parentheti- 
 cally, and are attributed to the living Ebionites here 
 described, not to the HeploSoi used by them. The 
 following ovv, which is (as often) resumptive, marks 
 the return to the subject of the lleploSoi after the 
 digression. Now both the points here noticed as 
 characteristic of the TlepioSoi can be recognised in 
 both our Recognitions and our Homilies, though not 
 very conspicuous in either work. At the end of 
 the several days of disputation Peter's bath before 
 the solemn or eucharistic evening meal is occasion- 
 ally mentioned, especially in the Homilies (references 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 39 
 
 in Hilgenfeld, Clem. p. 152 note): and in one passage 
 common to both works (Rec. vii. 6 = Horn. xii. 6) 
 Peter calls attention to his food as consisting only 
 of bread and olives, with potherbs on rare occasions. 
 Here then there is nothing to prove that the Ylepio^ot 
 was a different work from what we hold in our hands ; 
 and if they contained what in Epiphanius' eyes were 
 more startling enormities he would hardly have been 
 content with mentioning such comparatively in- 
 offensive slanders of the apostle as the two which he 
 produces. It is also to be observed that he evidently 
 did not regard the work as spurious, but as interpo- 
 lated : this is clearly implied by oXi'^a he aXrjOiva 
 idaavTef, and doubtless he fully accepted Clement as 
 the original author. This is evidently quite a different 
 point of view from that of Eusebius. 
 
 To the HepioSoi he does not refer again : but we 
 must follow his exposition a little further. After the 
 last sentence quoted he goes on to repeat answers 
 given by living Ebionites when questioned ; next he 
 mentions their use of baptism in addition to their 
 daily washings, certain peculiarities of their Eucharist, 
 and certain varieties of Christological doctrine found 
 among them. Among other things he states that the 
 Gospel in use among them represented our Lord 
 as saying, " I came to abolish (/caraXuffat) the 
 sacrifices ; and unless ye cease from sacrificing, the 
 wrath will not cease from you " : — a representation 
 which remarkably agrees with some prominent 
 
40 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 language about the Jewish sacrifices in the first book 
 of our Recognitions (c. 37 11. 15, 17 ; c. 39 1. 4; c. 54 
 1. I ; c. 55 1. 9; c. 64 11. 2 f.), and is doctrinally in 
 harmony with various passages of the Homilies (e.g. 
 iii. 26, 45 : cf. Schliemann 222). 
 
 After this third digression Epiphanius returns to 
 the Ebionite literature. "There are other Acts," he 
 says, "which they call Acts of Apostles (Trpafeis Se 
 aXka% KoKovaiv atroaroKmv etvai), containing many 
 things full of their impiety, from which source (evdev, 
 if the reading is right, see Dindorf and Oehler) they 
 systematically {ov 7rap€pya)<;) armed themselves against 
 the truth. And they put forward {viroriOevTai) certain 
 Steps (or Ascents, ava^a6fiov<i) and Instructions 
 {{/(jiTjy'qaei';) said to be in the Steps or Ascents of James 
 {BrjOev iv Tol<; ava^aBfiol^ 'Iukco^ov), representing 
 him as expounding {i^riyovfievov^, either Scripture or 
 the Divine Will) against the Temple and the sacrifices, 
 and against the fire on the altar, and many other things 
 full of empty speech {Kevo<l>fovia<;)." It seems to me 
 morally certain that the fictitious Acts of Apostles here 
 spoken of cannot be the HepioBoi, being introduced as 
 trpa^eit; aWa?. 
 
 We must not pause now over the 'Ava^a6fioi 
 'laK(l>0ov, which have by some been identified with a 
 work supposed to be embedded in the latter chapters 
 of Rec. i., in which the steps of the Temple are 
 
 ' On i(riyovnai -ijrijs, for ^avTeit as expounders of Divine signs or 
 Divine rites, see Hemst. on Poll. 8. 124; also, e.g., Thuc. 7. 50. 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 41 
 
 spoken of. But the combination with v<f)r)yij(T€i<; 
 renders it unlikely that at least Epiphanius understood 
 by avafiaOfioi material steps : perhaps he took it to 
 mean "introductory teachings." His use of the 
 particle hrjdev suggests, however, that he had not 
 himself seen the 'Ava^adfiol laKw^ov. The last 
 words of the sentence nWa TroWd, etc., may mean 
 either other books or other contents of this one book. 
 Epiphanius goes on, hardly taking breath, " as also 
 they are not ashamed to accuse Paul here, by means 
 of (dat.) certain fictitious discourses which they have 
 made, of the deceit and error of their false apostles " 
 (the sentence cannot be made other than clumsy). 
 The accusations said to have been made against 
 St Paul are that he was a Greek, of a Greek mother 
 and father, that he spent some time at Jerusalem, and 
 there became a proselyte and was circumcised, in 
 order to be able to marry the priest's daughter, and 
 that when he failed to obtain his wish he was enraged 
 and wrote against Circumcision and the Sabbath and 
 the Law. All this matter is important as illustrative 
 of certain features of the Clementine literature, but 
 there is nothing in Epiphanius' own words to shew 
 that it came from any book belonging properly 
 to that literature. The clumsiness of his language 
 leaves it uncertain whether the accusations against 
 St Paul came from the \\va^aOfjiol 'laxm^ov or not. 
 On the whole probably they did, as evravda would 
 seem to mean either " in this book," or " at this 
 
42 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 juncture," i.e. on the occasion of James's denunciation 
 of the Temple and sacrifices. In this case the \670t 
 of the ■^evBa-TToaToXot, would mean speeches against 
 Paul embodied in the book, as by James, Peter, or 
 others of the Twelve. On the other hand this part 
 of the sentence taken by itself would rather suggest 
 that the Xoyoi were separate writings professing to 
 be Acts or Teachings of particular Apostles; and 
 might thus be identical with the Trpa^eK; mentioned 
 a little before. But the questions raised here will 
 have to be considered again in another connexion. 
 
 One other passage of Epiphanius in his account 
 of another heresy (xxvi. 16) has to be noticed. In 
 speaking quite casually of an unclean piece of Greek 
 mythology he refers to an interpretation given by 
 o 07409 K.\i]fj,T)<! KarayeXwv rfji; Ttui/ Betuv twv E\- 
 Xr/vcov ala'x^povpyia'!. He does not profess to give the 
 exact words ; but the sense stands quite clearly in 
 Hom. iv. 16, in a part of the Homilies not represented 
 in our Recognitions. It would answer to the Dialogues 
 with Appion, if such dialogues ever existed as a 
 separate work. But we have seen this was not the 
 case, and certainly Epiphanius never mentions them. 
 The only question that can reasonably arise is 
 whether Epiphanius used here a base of our Homilies, 
 or our Homilies themselves, or an expurgated re- 
 cension of them which he took to be their original 
 form. As we shall see, such an expurgated recension 
 certainly existed at a later time, and the most 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 43 
 
 probable inference from his language in the two 
 passages taken together is that it was already in his 
 hands, both this and the Ebionite form of it apparently 
 having the title Ile/aioSot ITeTpou. 
 
 Probably about a quarter of a century after The 'Opus 
 Epiphanius — the estimate of date can be only rough — fectum in 
 we come to the Opus Imperfectum mentioned before, ^^^„,„ • 
 a Greek work preserved only in Latin. It contains 
 at least five, doubtless really six, references to 
 Clementine literature. The formula of reference is 
 four times Petrus apiid Clementem, once (95 1 a AB on 
 Mt. xxiv. 24) in Historia dementis Petrus. Historia 
 might easily here be merely a descriptive designation, 
 not a title : but the occurrence of Historia dementis 
 as a title in later times renders it probable that it has 
 the same character here. We have already sufficiently 
 considered the full quotation on the good works of 
 believers and unbelievers respectively, on account of 
 its manifest connexion with a similar quotation by 
 Origen. Another less distinct but probably not 
 accidental coincidence with Origen occurs in the 
 commentary on Mt. xxiv. 1 5 (944 b. C). The writer 
 combats the interpretation of the abomination of 
 desolation as being the image of Caesar set up by 
 Pilate in the Temple, and prefers an interpretation 
 founded on the parallel Lc. xxi. 20, that the Roman 
 army is meant, and then, spiritually, the army of 
 Antichrist. In favour of the Roman army he appeals 
 
44 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 to Petrus apud Clementetn, but gives no quotation. 
 Neither, I believe, of the existing works contains a 
 passage which can have been here intended. The 
 similarity in Rec. i. 39; Horn. iii. 15, both cited by 
 Cotelier, is very faint. Another place cited by him, 
 Rec. i. " 65 " (read 64), excludes the interpretation 
 favoured in the Opus Imperfectum by containing the 
 words " abominatio desolationis statuetur in loco 
 sancto"; so that as in the former case we are driven 
 to suppose the use of a different recension, whether of 
 the Homilies or Recognitions, or a common basis of 
 both. 
 
 In commenting on the same verse Origen, as 
 represented by the Latin abridgement, does not refer 
 to Clement, but he in like manner maintains the 
 by no means obvious interpretation that the abomi- 
 nation of desolation meant the surrounding of Jeru- 
 salem by the army (p. 859 A, Ru.), but also spiritually 
 Antichrist (p. 860). Thus he differs from O. I. only 
 by saying nothing about an army of Antichrist, 
 which may well be a connecting link supplied by the 
 later writer. Setting the two commentaries together 
 we may reasonably conjecture that Origen in his full 
 Greek text supported his primary interpretation by 
 the authority of Clement : but it is impossible to 
 speak confidently. 
 
 The next two references belong to other verses of 
 the same chapter of Matthew. At 946 b, c, O. I. inter- 
 prets 'flee to the mountains," in xxiv. 16, as "flee to 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 45 
 
 the Scriptures," as the only surviving test of the truth of 
 faith, the testimony of signs being no longer available. 
 Nay, sicut Petrus apud Clementetn exponit, the power 
 of "doing full signs" is to be given to Antichrist, 
 " full " signs having been explained on a previous 
 page (829 b, c, see below) as useful or beneficent 
 signs. Now in Rec. iii. 60 it is said that the Evil One 
 (malignus) cannot do beneficent signs; but this is 
 not said of Antichrist. On the other hand Antichrist 
 is mentioned in the next chapter (cf Horn. ii. 17). 
 Possibly the writer used a recension in which the doc- 
 trine of Antichrist was more fully developed ; but com- 
 parison with another passage (95 1 a, B), to be shortly 
 noticed, suggests that he has here confused Antichrist 
 with the Evil One. On comparing the comment 
 in Op. with that of Origen we find no correspondence 
 here : Origen takes the " mountains " to be things 
 spiritual as opposed to the oldness of the letter, and 
 has just before made the '' holy place" to be Scripture. 
 In the previous context Op. Imp. refers to the 
 doctrine that true Divine signs are marked by utilitas, 
 as having been already often expounded by him. It 
 is laid down strongly and at great length in the 
 passage referred to above (829 b, C, D, on Mt. vii. 16) ; 
 and there flying through the air, making statues to 
 walk, and mingling with fire without being burned, 
 " et alia qualia Simon fecit," are given as examples of 
 the " empty " and useless class of signs. There can 
 be no reasonable doubt that the reference here is to 
 
46 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 such notices of Simon's miracles as we read in Rec. 
 iii. 59, 60 ; Horn. ii. 32 — 34: our present text of Rec. 
 (not Horn.) omits the immunity from burning in this 
 place, though it occurs in an earh'er prediction put 
 into Simon's mouth (ii. 9) and in Simon's own boast 
 (iii. 47). Moreover since the same chapters in both 
 Rec. and Hom. insist on the distinction of useful and 
 useless miracles, it can hardly be doubted that, 
 directly or indirectly. Op. Imp. derived the distinction 
 from this source, though it does not supply the 
 epithets " full " and " empty." The corresponding 
 portion of Origen's Commentary is lost : but he like- 
 wise lays much stress on the contrast of beneficent 
 and useless miracles elsewhere (c. Cels. 2. 51 ; 3. 28), 
 and may therefore have done the same here on so 
 tempting a text as " By their fruits ye shall know 
 them." 
 
 Returning to the Op. Imp. on Mt. xxiv. we find 
 the same subject resumed on v. 24 (951 a, A, b), the 
 words " dabunt signa magna " being thus explained, 
 " non inutilia neque vana quae ministri diaboli facere 
 solent, sed Magna, id est utilia et plena, quae sancti 
 facere solebant": that is, at the time here described 
 false Christs and false prophets shall have the full 
 powers hitherto possessed only by God's true servants, 
 as is expounded in what follows. But here we have 
 fresh terms, the useful signs being called " ex parte 
 dextra" and the useless signs "ex parte sinistra." 
 But at the end of time, we read, power is to be given 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 47 
 
 to the Devil, sicut in historia dementis Petrus exponit, 
 to do useful signs and " ex ea parte qua prius facere 
 consueverant sancti." This exactly corresponds to 
 the words of Rec. iii. 60, how that " in fine mundi " 
 the Devil shall be allowed to "admiscere...aliqua 
 etiam de dextris signis"; and the distinction of right 
 and left in such matters belongs to the doctrine of 
 Syzygies or Pairs laid down in both Rec. (iii. 55, 
 59 — 61), and Horn. (ii. 15 — 18, &c.). There is this 
 difference, that according to the Rec. the result of this 
 permission given to the Evil One will be that even 
 those instructed in the discerning of spirits will be 
 bewildered (perturbari) by the confusion in the indi- 
 cations given by signs, while according to the Op. 
 Imp. Christ's servants will be known not by doing 
 beneficent signs but by not doing these signs at all. 
 Here too we seem to trace a difference of text. 
 
 On this verse of Matthew Origen has no similar 
 comment. If Op. Imp. derived from him the reference 
 to the Clementines, it must have occurred in another 
 place. 
 
 The last reference in the Op. Imp. is on v. 42 of 
 the same chapter (p. 957 b, C.) where appeal is made 
 to the wisdom of Petrus apud Clementem for a simple 
 remark on the duty of unceasingly thinking and 
 speaking the things of God, and on the inability of 
 the Evil One to find entrance to a mind so employed. 
 The reference is doubtless to Rec. iii. 31 fin., though 
 nothing is there said about speaking. Neither the 
 
48 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 remark nor the reference occurs in what remains of 
 Origen's commentary on the verse. 
 
 To sum up the evidence of Op. Imp. : it contains 
 repeated references to Clementine passages, mostly 
 answering to passages of our Rec. alone, once or 
 twice to Rec. or Horn, indistinguishably, never quite 
 clearly to Hom. alone. On the other hand, in most 
 cases there is clear evidence that the book used was 
 not actually identical with the Greek original of our 
 Recognitions. Again, did it derive its Clementine 
 references from Origen or not? In other words, is 
 the book to which they refer a book current in the 
 middle of the third century or one current at the end 
 of the fourth century ? It would be a great help if this 
 question could be securely answered: but I am afraid 
 we must say Non liquet. We have found one im- 
 portant place in which Origen and Op. Imp. refer to 
 what is evidently the same passage in a text apparently 
 identical, and certainly diiifering materially from the 
 extant text, in association with the same by no means 
 obviously relevant quotation from Daniel, although 
 in comments on different parts of the Gospel, the 
 corresponding parts in each commentary being lost. 
 Since Op. Imp. certainly used Origen here, its use of 
 the Clementine work here is not likely to have 
 been independent. In another place we have found 
 a Clementine reference accompanying an interpre- 
 tation virtually identical with a very peculiar inter- 
 pretation propounded by Origen on the same verse of 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 49 
 
 Matthew. In the context of three of the remaining 
 references, though not in the references themselves, 
 we find stress laid on a peculiar doctrine of signs 
 common to Origen and to the Clementine literature. 
 This is the evidence on the one side. On the other 
 side it may be urged that twice we find the references 
 in connexion with interpretations of Matthew differing 
 from those given by Origen ; and that once Origen is 
 merely silent. The fact that Op. Imp. several times 
 borrows materials from apocryphal books would be 
 an argument for treating its use of the Clementine 
 literature as independent, were it certain, as is often 
 assumed, that its use of those other books was inde- 
 pendent too. The truth is that Origen's huge com- 
 mentary is not at all unlikely to have served as a 
 quarry from which the author borrowed much that 
 cannot now be verified as to its source. However 
 this may be, the question as to the source of the 
 Clementine references must remain an open one, 
 though I confess I cannot but suspect that they are 
 ultimately due to Origen alone. 
 
 Next to Op. Imp. we may take Jerome, a con- The mi- 
 temporary, we may safely say, of the author. Wey^^^,*. 
 need not return to his second-hand notice of the 
 supposed Dispiitatio Petri et Appionis in Vir. III. 15 
 (Clement). In the account of St Peter in the same 
 treatise he speaks of a Praedicatio of St Peter, but 
 only in the list translated with a single exception 
 
 H. 4 
 
50 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 from Eusebius's list of St Peter's genuine and 
 supposed writings. In his commentary on Gal. i. i8 
 (vii. 394 E Vail.) i.e. Deinde post annos tres veni 
 Hierosolymam videre Petrum, not, he says, to look 
 at his eyes, cheeks and face to see whether he were 
 thin or plump, with a hooked nose or a straight, and 
 whether hair clothed his brow or, ut Clemens in 
 Periodis ejus refert, he had baldness on his head, and 
 so he goes on. Here we have the IleptoSoi again and 
 the particulars taken from them. St Peter's baldness 
 is not mentioned in any of our extant literature. (Can 
 it have been at Recog. iii. 42 init. or 71?) But who 
 is the real authority for the quotations ? Jerome was 
 himself a man of wide reading, but he is also in his 
 writings, and especially his commentaries, the most 
 audacious of borrowers. We know by his own state- 
 ment in the Preface that he made large use of Origan's 
 ample commentary in this Commentary on Galatians, 
 and internal evidence in every page confirms the fact, 
 though three fragments alone remain of the elder 
 work and that only in Latin. Now there is no clear 
 sign of Origen's style in this passage, and the form 
 given to it has every appearance of being Jerome's 
 own. But, on the other hand, the remark was a very 
 unlikely one to be suggested by the simple verb 
 videre, which Jerome has in common with all other 
 Latin texts but Tertullian (who has " cognoscendi "), 
 whereas it might quite naturally have been suggested 
 by St Paul's own Greek word, laropijaai. 'la-ropito, 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 51 
 
 properly to investigate, is often used of looking closely 
 at an object either for curiosity or for study : it so 
 happens that the Homilies contain several instances 
 of this sense of scrutinising persons (i. 9 ; viii. i ; 
 viii. 24 bis ; xii. 23). We may therefore safely con- 
 clude that the remark was originally made in Greek, 
 not Latin, and therefore came from one of Jerome's 
 Greek sources; and the source probably was Origen 
 [since he quotes the Periodi in a passage undoubtedly 
 his own]. 
 
 Again Adv. Jovin. i. 26 (ii. 278 B) Jerome, in 
 endeavouring to get rid of the argument against 
 celibacy derived from married' apostles, puts forward 
 as an alternative suggestion that St Peter at the time 
 of his conversion may have had his wife's mother still 
 living but not his wife, adding " quamquam legatur in 
 ireptoSot? et uxor ejus et filia." Now Peter's wife 
 appears distinctly as a personage in Rec. vii. 25, 36 ; 
 Hom. xiii. I, 11 ; but nothing is said of a daughter; 
 and the proof of her presence in the original text 
 which Hilgenfeld" tries to extract from the difficulty 
 of making the number of 20 persons present as men- 
 tioned in Rec. v. 36 ; Hom. x. 26 is very precarious. 
 Clem. Al. {Str. 3. 52 p. 535) and Epiph. (30. 22 
 p. 147 a) speak vaguely of Peter having children. 
 There are traces of more definite legend elsewhere'. 
 
 ' On names of Peter's wife see Grabe Sp. i. 330. 
 2 Clem. R. and H. 176; N. T. c. Can. iv. 5J n. 3. Ed. 2, 1884. 
 ' Acta Ner. et Act. May 12 (Lips. Petrussage iij) also May 31. 
 VII. 413 ff. 
 
 4—2 
 
52 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Augustine speaks^ of apocryphal writings read by 
 Manicheans in which at St Peter's prayer his own 
 daughter was said to have been stricken with palsy, 
 and a gardener's daughter to have fallen dead. The 
 former incident reappears in the legend of Petronilla, 
 whose martyrdom is celebrated by Roman martyro- 
 logies'^ on May 30 or 31, and who is called a daughter 
 of St Peter, though Roman critics assume that 
 daughtership in the faith alone was meant. The 
 story is mixed up with other legendary Acts of 
 Martyrdoms which contain material likewise derived 
 from the Encratite Apocryphal literature. There is, 
 as far as I am aware, no evidence associating them with 
 the Clementine literature. But it does not follow that 
 the Petronilla of the Encratite Acts was the subject 
 of Jerome's remark, and there is no evidence that 
 these or any kindred Acts were known to him. 
 There is at all events' no sufficient reason for doubt- 
 ing that Jerome refers to the same Tlepiohoi here as in 
 the other place, that is, to the Clementine De/jioSot. 
 Whether he took the reference from Origen must 
 remain doubtful : but it is at least worth notice that 
 his argument begins with a recitation of Matt. xix. 
 27, 29, which he interprets to mean that St Peter 
 on his conversion abandoned his wife (so also Ep. 
 1 1 8, 4 f. i. 795 D, where he refers to his leaving the 
 
 ' t. Adim. 17. 5, t. 8, p. 245 B. 
 
 * Martyrol. Rom. ed. Baronio p. 241; Vet. Occ. Ecd. Mart. 
 Florentini p. 561. 
 
 ' Against Zahn Acta Jo. Ixxvii. 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 53 
 
 nets, Matt. iv. 20) ; and that this very interpretation 
 is put forward as probable (etVo?) in the extant 
 condensation of Origen's commentary' on Matt. xix. 
 27, together with a reference to the other passage 
 (Mt. iv. 20), while he throws out a conjecture (o-To^fi- 
 aaiTo S' av rt?) that he likewise abandoned children. 
 In such a context he might naturally just mention 
 the statement in the IleptoSot as of no authority, just 
 as Jerome adds, quite in Origen's usual strain, "sed 
 nunc nobis de Canone omne certamen est." 
 
 Jerome's name leads us naturally to that of his Evidence 
 friend and victim Rufinus. We have already examined 
 the titles occurring in his translation of the alleged 
 Epistle of Clement, and in his own Preface to his 
 translation of the Recognitions. That Preface how- 
 ever contains other matter which requires attention 
 now. I mentioned the bare fact of his noticing two 
 editiones of what he called Recognitions. He adds 
 that there are two volumes or collections of books 
 (corpora librorum = /3t/8\/'a)i' revxv, Phot.) in some 
 points different, but in many respects containing the 
 same record (narrationis). " Finally, the last part of 
 this work," he says, " in which the transformation of 
 Simon is treated of, is included in one collection 
 (corpore), but is entirely absent (penitus non ha- 
 betur) from the other. There are moreover in both 
 collections (corporibus) certain discussions dc ingenito 
 
 • Jn Mat. torn. xv. c. 21, iii. 371 Lorn. 
 
54 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Deo genitoqiie [i.e. iripi tov liyevi'yJTov 6eov rov re 
 yevvr]Tov], and on some other matters, which to 
 say the least have been beyond my understanding. 
 These therefore, as being above my strength, I have 
 chosen to leave for others rather than to publish 
 imperfectly (minus plena proferre). But in the other 
 parts we have taken pains, to the best of our power, 
 to depart to no great extent (ne... satis... discedere) 
 not only from the sense but even from the lan- 
 guage and diction ; and this circumstance renders the 
 wording of the record, if less ornate, yet more faithful." 
 This last statement is doubtless relatively true : that 
 is, Rufinus may be assumed to have taken fewer 
 liberties than usual. His remark on the passages 
 de ingenito Deo genitoque will come before us again 
 presently. The statement about the two works or 
 collections cannot refer to the Recognitions and 
 Homilies respectively. The transformatio Simonis 
 can hardly be anything else than the transformation 
 of Faustinianus into the likeness of Simon ; and this 
 incident is common to the Recognitions and the 
 Homilies, being found in the last few chapters of each 
 work. Apparently therefore one of the collections 
 known to Rufinus broke off the story a little earlier, 
 after the completion of the Recognition itself, i.e. prac- 
 tically at the end of Book ix. of our Recognitions : in 
 the arrangement followed in our Homilies a large pro- 
 portion of the whole (above ^) would so be omitted, as 
 the Recognition takes place at the end of Hom. xiv. 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 55 
 
 Besides this primary passage there remain two 
 which we have not yet noticed in other works of 
 Rufinus. In his Liber de Adnlteratione Librorum 
 Origenis, in support of his natural but unfounded 
 theory that Origen's writings had been falsified by 
 heretics, he appeals to other supposed instances of 
 the same kind, the first being Clement of Rome. 
 Clement, he says (vii. 620 f Migne = xxv. 386, Lom.) 
 " libros edidit qui [Graece] appellantur ^Kva'^vapiafio'; 
 id est Recogtiitio." He specifies two doctrines, and 
 refers to others, "quae ecclesiastica regula omnino re- 
 cipit," as taught in them. Again in the postscript or 
 Peroratio to his condensed and modified translation 
 of Origen's Comm. on Romans'^ (iv. 689 Ru. = iv. 
 1294 Mi. = vii, 460 Lom.) he describes himself as 
 hastening on to the fulfilment of the task urged upon 
 him by Gaudentius, the translation of Clement's 
 books De Recognitione, to which he proposes to affix 
 his own name while retaining the author's " nam 
 Rufini Clemens scribetur.'' Thus these two passages 
 confirm the title Recognitions which we found in 
 his Preface to Gaudentius, merely putting the word 
 in the singular. 
 
 In connexion with the name of Rufinus, it is worth Pauiinus 
 
 .,../-• • /— 1 ad Ru- 
 
 while to notice as an mdication of mterest m Clemen-^Kam. 
 tine literature in the West, that the correspondence of 
 Pauiinus, eventually Bishop of Nola, a friend of the 
 
 ' [Cf. Robinson's Philocalia, p. xxxix] 
 
56 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 leading Western churchmen of the day, includes a 
 letter to Rufinus {Ep. 46) which shews that Paulinus 
 had himself attempted a translation of something of 
 Clement's, which had led Rufinus to advise him to 
 pay more attention to Greek literature, evidently 
 in consequence of having made great mistakes. Pau- 
 linus writes very humbly, deferring to Rufinus' su- 
 perior knowledge. There is nothing to shew what 
 the work was. Had it been the Recognitions, as is 
 commonly assumed, Rufinus would probably have 
 made some allusion to it either in his own Preface 
 to them or in the postscript to his Origen on Romans. 
 Perhaps it was the alleged Epistle of Clement to 
 James, and Paulinus's failure may have induced Ru- 
 finus to take up the pen himself: but we do not 
 possess the Preface, with which Rufinus was tolerably 
 sure to provide his translation of the Epistle, and 
 that would be the natural place to find a reference 
 to the interest shewn by Paulinus. 
 
 Pseudo- Returning to Greek writers, we may cast a glance 
 
 nasius. at a Stray reference in a work of uncertain age and 
 authorship, the Disputation with an Avian, wrongly 
 attributed to Athanasius (c. 31, 0pp. ii. 221 e). The 
 Arian asks the Athanasian whether he had ever 
 listened to Clemens, who followed Peter the apostle, 
 demolishing such a doctrine, apparently that the 
 Godhead is of composite nature {avvridea-Oai ro 
 delov) ; on which the Athanasian, making no remark 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 57 
 
 as to the authority cited, simply repudiates the 
 doctrine ascribed to him. The allusion is too vague 
 either to be pronounced foreign to the existing works 
 or to be fixed to any single passage of them ; perhaps 
 it may belong to Hom. xi. 22, represented in Rec. 
 by vi. 7, where Rufinus's pruning knife may easily 
 have been at work. The reference merely shews that 
 the book could still be freely used in controversy. 
 
 The Paschal Chronicle, written about 630, twice Chronicon 
 refers to some Clementine report of St Peter's words 
 for matters of patriarchal history. On the Deluge 
 it says (p. 40, 1. 14 Dind.) "OOev Kai IleTpo? 6 
 mrotTToXo'i ii<f>r]yeiTai (expounds) K\r)iu,l,fp (sic) Xeycov, 
 introducing four lines full of close verbal agreements 
 with Hom. viii. 17, with some differences'- The sub- 
 
 ' The passages referred to run as follows : 
 
 "06ev Kai Hirpoi 6 diriffToXos atpriystTaf. KXtjfuCfj X^tav "'Evf Ttvi 
 SiKaiifi fiera twv i^ airrov Nwe airv tois €^ airou iv XdpvaKi dtaiT(M)j^eadat 
 irpoayyeiXa^ Odtop fts KaTVK\v(rfjLbf eTr-^yayeVy tVa irdvTujv tuv aKaddprtov 
 i\o9pev$4vTu>v 6 Khfffio^ KadaptaO^^ iv airij r^ \dpvaKi diao'u^ets eU 
 SsvTepav irepLovaiav KaBapbs aTrododTJ. "O/jlus Kctl ToiJTtav yevofjUvtav ol 
 avSpuTTOL ijp^avTo dffejSetf. Ckron, Pas. 109 B ed. Migne. 
 
 ToiJrou 5t) ^venef ivl tlvi StKaitp fierd. tQ>v i^ ai^ToO TpLutp^ tiiiv rais 
 aiiTwif yvvaL^itfj afia Toh viots, iv \dpvaKi SLaff(i]^e(rdai irpoayyelXai Hdup 
 CiS KaraKXvfffidv itrdKXvTev, iva Trdvrdjv d.va\bjd4vTtiiv 6 Kixrfioi KareKxa- 
 daptffdeU a&T(fi Tip ev \dpvaKL diaatod^vri cts Scvripav /Stow dpx^ Kadapb^ 
 airoSod^. Kai dr] olItus ey^vcro. Hom. viii. 17. 
 
 Invenit tamen et inter ipsos unum quendam cum dome sua iustum, 
 quern reservaret praecepto ei date, ut fabricaret arcam et in ea, cum 
 diluvio cuncta necarentur, ipse cum his quibus praeceptum fuerat 
 posset evadere, quo impiis inundatione aquarum peremtis purifica- 
 
58 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 stance occurs also Rec. iv. 12, but with a totally 
 dififerent phrasing. On the other hand, a line follows 
 which has no representative in Homilies, but stands 
 almost verbatim in the same place in Rec. iv. 13; and 
 that this line is really part of the quotation is proved 
 by an express reference to it a few pages further on'. 
 Here it would seem that the Paschal Chronicle has 
 approximately preserved the text of a Clementine 
 work, the basis of both Homilies and Recognitions, 
 Recognitions being apparently the innovator. 
 
 Again, at p. 50, 1. 50 ff., the Chronicle says of 
 Nimrod Xe76t Se irepl tovtov IleTpo<; 6 cnroaroXo'i 
 et9 ra K.\r)fi€VTia. . .(firial yap Tlerpoi;... and again 
 at the end tuvtu ITeTpo? -jrepl tovtov. He^e^ too, 
 both our extant works have passages in some sense 
 
 tionem mundus acciperet et is, qui ad posteritatem generis fuerat 
 reservatus, per aquani mundus effeclus mundum denuo repararet. 
 
 c. 13. Sed his omnibus geslis rursus homines ad impietatem 
 vertuntur. AVf. iv. 12, 13. 
 
 ■ [The whole passage is worth quoting in view of the discussion 
 that follows. 
 
 ^E^evpSTTji yap oOtos [Metr/iaei/i] eyivero /cafcjjs SiaKOviai aarpoKoyias 
 Kal fiayeias, &i> Koi Zupoiffrpriv oi "EXXr^net iKiXeffav, ToOtoi' jvi^aro 
 Il/rpof elirwi' on Mfxi tov KaraKXvfffiiv TdXiv ol avffpuroi iuepelv 
 )7p|ai/To. Chron. Pas. p. 49, 1. 17 ff. Dind. 124 A B Migne.] 
 
 -' The passages referred to run as follows : 
 
 Xiyet Se repl toiStou [Ne;8pil)S] Hirpot d?r6<rToXos «'s rd K\riii4vTia 
 irS)t ijpfei' e's hafiuKSiva iv KlyivTif K\i)piii6tlr iprial ykp TUrpm Ourot 
 'SePpi)S lifToiKififfai ivb AlyiTrrov eis 'Aaavplovs xai oixiiaas t/j 'Slpov 
 ir6\ii' ^v tKTitrtv ^ kaaoip, Kai Krlffa^ rijv ir6X(>' ijtls'^v Ba^vXuvos irp6s t6 
 ivofia. r^y ?r6Xeus fxaXeffc*'. \vrbv Tilvov rbv ^f^pwS ot 'AffffOpiot Trpoarj- 
 ybpemav. OSrps SiSiaxn 'Aairvplovs o-c/Scik tA rOp. 'Evdcp Kni npurgr 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 59 
 
 parallel ; but it is quite impossible that the Chronicle 
 can have used either of our present texts. In the 
 
 avrhv ^fktjiKio. fi€Ta rbv KaTaKXvfffiov iwoiTjaav oi ' A.ffffOptoL toDtq*', 6v 
 fieTuvdfjLatrav ^ivov. TaOra H^rpos irepi toOtov. 
 
 Chron. Pas. 115 A Migne. 
 
 Ex quibus (so. filiis Noe) unus Cham nomine cuidam ex filiis suis 
 qui Mesraim appellabatur, a quo Aegyptiorum et Babyloniorum et 
 Persarum ducitur genus, male compertam magicae artis tradidit disci- 
 plinam; hunc gentes quae tunc erant Zoroastrem appellaverunt, ad- 
 mirantes primum magicae artis auctorem, cuius nomine etiam libri super 
 hoc plurimi habentur. Hie ergo astris multum et frequenter inlentus, 
 et volens apud homines videri deus, vehit scintillas quasdam ex stellis 
 producere et hominibus ostentare coepit, quo rudes atque ignari in 
 stuporem miraculi traherentur, cupiensque augere de se huiusmodi 
 opinionem saepius ista moliebatur usquequo ab ipso daemone, quern 
 importunius frequentabat, igni succensus concremaretur. 
 
 i8. Sed stulti homines qui tunc erant, cum debuissent utique 
 opinionem, quam de eo conceperant abiicere, quippe quam poenali 
 morte eius viderant confutatam, in maius eum extollunt. Exstructo 
 enim sepulcro ad honorem eius, tanquam amicum dei ac fulminis ad 
 coelum vehiculo sublevatum, adorare ausi sunt et quasi vivens astrum 
 colere. Hinc enim et nomen post mortem eius Zoroaster, hoc* est 
 vivum sidus appellatum est ab his, qui post unam generationem Graecae 
 linguae loquela fuerant repleti. Hoc denique exemplo etiamnunc 
 multi eos qui fulmine obierint, sepulcris honoratos tanquam amices dei 
 colunt. Hie ergo, cum quartadecima generatione coepisset, quinta- 
 decima defunctus est, in qua turris aedificata est et linguae hominum 
 multipliciter divisae sunt. 
 
 29. Inter quos primus magica nihilominus arte quasi corusco ad 
 eum delata rex appellatur quidam Nemrod, quern et ipsum Graeci 
 Ninum vocaverunt, ex cuius nomine Ninive civitas vocabulum sumsit. 
 Sic ergo diversae et erraticae superstitiones ab arte magica initium 
 sumsere. Etenim, quoniam difficile erat humanum genus ab amore dei 
 abstrahi et ad surda atque exanima simulacra deduci, idcirco ex- 
 celsioribus usi sunt magi molitionibus, ut astrorum signis ac motibus 
 tanquam coelitus et voluntate dei delatis ad suadendos cultus erraticos 
 verterentur. Et eius, quem supra diximus (c. 27) indignatione daemonis, 
 cui nimis molestus fuerat, conflagrasse, busti cineres tanquam fulmine; 
 
6o CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Recognitions (iv. 27 f.) we have first an account of 
 Ham's son Mizraim, who is identified with Zoroaster ; 
 and then (iv. 29) of Nimrod, identified with the Ninus 
 of the Greeks. In the Horn. (ix. 3 — 5) there is a 
 confusion, not Mizraim but Nimrod being identified 
 with Zoroaster, and what is said of Zoroaster being 
 transferred to him. The extract in the Chronicle 
 answers to the second stage in the account given by 
 Recognitions, and is silent' about Zoroaster. It seems 
 to be the full exposition of what is briefly set forth 
 
 ignis reliquias colligentes hi, qui erant primitus decepti, deferunt ad 
 I'ersas, ut ab ei.s tanquam divinus e coelo lapsus ignis perpetuis 
 conservaretur excubiis atque ut coelestis deus coleretur. 
 
 Rec. iv. 27—29. 
 'SJi' els Tts o-Trh yivom Siv Xd/U, toC ttoi^o'oi'to! t'ov TAeffTpi/x (v. I. 
 ^eapatfi), e^ ovTrep to. AlyvtrTiuv Kal Ba^uXuviup Kal YLeptrwv ^TrXridvve 
 0OXa. 
 
 4. "Ek tov yivovs To&rov yiverai Ti$ Kara Stadox^v fiaytKk irapet- 
 X770(^s, dvdfiaTL Ne^/)(i5, ufftrep ylyas ivafHa Tt^ Qe(^ ^povetv i\6/xfvoi, 
 6v ot "E\\t;i'€S Zupodcrrpriv Trpoffrjydpevffav. OCtos /ifrd tov KaranXvafibv 
 ^aaiXeiai dpexOeUt kclI fiiyas uiv fiiyoi, toD vvv ^aaiXeOovros xaKuv tov 
 uipoffKoirouvTa K6(r/j.ov aarepa Trp6s t^v i!^ ainov ^atriKeias Sdaiv pLayiKtus 
 TjvdyKal^e t4xpo.ls. '0 6^, are 5?; apx^^v tUi' koX tov ^ia^ofUvov t-tjv i^ovaiav 
 ^X^^i /^f' ^pyV^ "^^ '^V^ ^actXcmy rrpoo'ix^^ tOjo, 'iva irpbi re toi' opKtfffibv 
 cvyvw/xov^aT] Kal Tbv Trptirws d.vayKdffavTa Tiuojp'rjffTjTai, 
 
 5. 'E/f TaijTTis ouv TTjs ^| oiipavov X<^M<^^ TrcffoOffijs iffTpawijs 6 fiiyoi 
 ivatptBcl! Ne|3pu5 eK toC avfi^ivTos irpdyfiaTos ZwpodtrrTis ncTuvofiiaSTi 
 5td t6 ttjv tov cLJT^pos /car' airov ^Ciffav evex&V"'^ fiuijv. Ot 5^ di'diTToi 
 Tuv t6t€ dvdpujiruVf ws 610 Tijv e/s 6iov tpiXiai/ Kfpavv(f H£TaTr€fi<pd€taay 
 TTjv ^vx^v vofdffavTiS, TOV <rwfj.aTos to \ci)j/avov KaTop6^avT€s^ t6v fiiw 
 Td(pov vaif (TlitTiaav iv II^^<rais, ivSa t\ toC irupis Ka.Ta<popa, yiyovtv, 
 ainhv Sc lis 6i6v iBpiiaKcvaav. roiirui Tif iiroSclyfiaTi Kai oi Xoiiroi 
 ^Ketae Toi/^ Kcpavvt^ ffvijffKOVTai ws BeoipiKft^ ddvTovTts vaois Ttfiiofftv, xai 
 TUV TtdvoLTtav Iblijjv ixoptpwv IffToffiv dyd\/juiTa. //(ir/t ix. 3 — 5. 
 
 ' [Yet see note i, p. 58.] 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 6i 
 
 in Recognitions, though not quite identically : but the 
 text is corrupt. Here, again, we seem to be touching 
 a common original, from which in this case the 
 Homilies has departed the more widely. 
 
 Passing over some extracts, which will be more Theevi- 
 conveniently considered together a little further on, 'photius. 
 we go on two centuries forward, to the full and im- 
 portant account written by Photius in his Bibliotheca, 
 Nos. 112, 113. This book consists of his notes on 
 the books which he read on an embassy to Assyria. 
 He usually describes the contents at greater or less 
 length, comments on the doctrine and on the purity 
 or impurity of Greek style, and adds supplement- 
 ary illustrations about the author or his works. 
 
 He begins here by saying that he read two 
 volumes of books {jiv-yjr\ ^i^imv hvo) by Clement of 
 Rome, the one ^laia-^aX twv aTroaroKoov hia KXr/fj.evTO'; 
 (which we may pass over), the other has for its 
 dedication as it were a letter addressed to James 
 Tov dSeX^oOeov, In it are contained (iv w) what are 
 called the Acts of Peter (IleTpov irpd^ei';) and the 
 disputations {hiaXe^eif) with Simon Magus, and 
 further the Recognition {dvayvwpicr/j.6<;) of Clement 
 and his father and his brothers. For which reason in 
 some of the books or copies (ev tkti rdov ^l^xLwv) the 
 title inscribed is K.\r)fievTo<; rov 'Pco/j-aiov dvayviopia-fio^. 
 
 " But in some, as we said, a letter is prefixed as 
 addressed to James, and this epistle not an identical 
 
62 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 one nor purporting to come from the same person ; 
 but in some copies (eVt fiAv tivccv fBt^Xitov) as written 
 (iTretrraXfievr]) from Peter the Apostle to James, but 
 in others as from Clement to James, two different 
 epistles (aXXt] ical aXXri), as we said before. And the 
 one signifies {BrjXol) that Peter wrote an account of 
 his own Acts (ra? olKeia<i avyypdtfraadai irpd^eiv) and 
 sent them to James, who had asked for them: while 
 the other states (SiaXafifidpei) that Clement wrote 
 them at Peter's command, and that when he had 
 migrated to the life that knows no old age Clement 
 sent them to James. 
 
 " We may therefore conjecture that there were 
 two editions made of the Acts of Peter, but in course 
 of time the one perished {Biappvel.ai}';) and that of 
 Clement prevailed. For in all the copies (/8t/3X.iots) 
 which we have seen, and they are not a few, after 
 those different epistles and titles we found without 
 variation (d-TrapaXXaKTm) the same treatise {-Trpay/ia- 
 Telav), beginning '£70; KXjJ^ij? and what follows. 
 
 " Now this treatise teems with countless absurdities 
 {drowt]fidTa>v), and is full of the Arian blasphemy 
 against the Son. But as for the Constitutions, they 
 apparently are subject to only three objections (which 
 he specifies). Nevertheless the Book of the Acts of 
 Peter in the brightness and dignity, and further the 
 purity and vigour, and the other excellences of its 
 language and its learning {iroXv/ui6eia.), is so widely 
 distinguished from the Constitutions that the books 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 63 
 
 do not admit of being compared together as regards 
 their language." 
 
 The few remaining supplementary lines merely 
 condense what Eusebius has to say about Clement 
 and his writings, though without naming the 
 authority. It is in these lines that the mention of 
 the supposed Dialogues with Appion occurs. 
 
 I have thought it best to set forth Photius's 
 report in his own words without interruptive com- 
 ment. But it is necessary to sum up as clearly as 
 possible the data which can be definitely ascertained 
 from him, positively and negatively. 
 
 Photius had seen altogether " not a few " copies of 
 the work in question. They differed in two respects, 
 which he carefully distinguishes (90 « 3i)>i" titles and 
 in prefixed epistles. 
 
 On the titles his words are a little ambiguous. 
 They would bear the sense often put upon them, that 
 the work as a whole consisted of three successive 
 parts. Acts of Peter, Disputations of Peter with 
 Simon Magus, and the Recognition of Clement the 
 Roman. But, unless the work were something quite 
 unlike anything of which we have any knowledge, no 
 division of parts could be less natural. Peter's Acts 
 do not occupy the first part more than the rest, or 
 the Disputations with Simon the middle part more 
 than the rest. The first book of the Recognition and 
 the first Homily may indeed be called an introduction 
 to the Disputations with Simon : but then, taken by 
 
64 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 themselves, as such a division would require, they 
 have less right to be called " Acts of Peter " than any 
 other part of the work. And, again, though the 
 actual Recognition does come near the end, the 
 preparation for it comes long before, and the end 
 would be unintelligible as a separate book. On the 
 other hand, Photius's words can as legitimately bear 
 what seems to be the only reasonable meaning, that 
 the three phrases represent, not three successive parts, 
 but three elements, as it were, or classes of contents, 
 approximately common to the whole work ; and that 
 these three classes of contents answer to three 
 different titles of the whole book : that is, each title 
 was, from one point of view, a true description of the 
 whole. At first sight doubt is thrown on this inter- 
 pretation by the fact that Photius distinctly speaks of 
 KXj^^ei/To? Tot/ 'Pw/iatou dvw^vwpiafjio^ as a title in 
 some copies, which might lead to the inference that 
 the same could not be said of the other titles. But 
 this exceptional notice was required because in this 
 case alone the title had just been expanded into a 
 detailed description for the sake of explaining the 
 enigmatical word " Recognition," whereas in the other 
 cases title and description were identical. Moreover, 
 the simple phrase 77 iinypaifir} would be inappropriate 
 if the intention were to contrast the title of the whole 
 with the titles of parts. We may therefore conclude 
 that Photius had seen the work sometimes called 
 Acts of Peter, sometimes Disputations with Simon 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 65 
 
 Magus, and sometimes the Recognition of Clement of 
 Rome. ' Acts of Peter ' is tlie title which Photius 
 himself gives to the whole book several times over 
 (/. 22, 27, 41). 
 
 So much for the titles. What we learn about the 
 Epistles is that some copies had no epistle prefixed, 
 others had an epistle of Peter to James, introducing 
 his own Acts ; others an Epistle of Clement to 
 James, introducing them as written by himself and 
 now sent after Peter's death by Peter's orders. 
 Nothing is said of copies containing both epistles. 
 There is no sign that the differences of title and of 
 epistle were connected together. 
 
 Lastly, as regards the work itself, Photius found 
 no difference between the copies, such e.g. as Rufinus 
 notices between the two 'editiones' used by him, or as 
 we see between our Recognitions and our Homilies. 
 And all that is said would suit equally the Recogni- 
 tions and the Homilies. He says distinctly " After the 
 Epistles and Titles Tr\v avTTJv evpofiev dirapaWaKTO)'; 
 irpay/iaTelav, dp-)(Ofiev'i]v 'E/yoj ISSKrjp.T)';" and these are 
 the first words of Recognitions and of Homilies alike. 
 
 The next class of patristic authorities which claims Deaeium 
 
 /• 1 1. r ■ Gelasia- 
 
 attention consists of the lists of rejected or apocryphal num. 
 writings. The earliest of these is the famous Decre- 
 tum Gelasianum, which occurs in various collections 
 of Canons and similar documents. It is variously 
 H. S 
 
66 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 attributed to Damasus, Pope from 366 to 384, Gelasius, 
 Pope about a century later, 492 — 496, and Hormisdas, 
 Pope a quarter of a century later still, 514 — 523. 
 After various discussions (specially by Credner zttr 
 Gesch. d. Kanons, 151 — 290), the true date and history 
 of this letter, rightly called the first Index libroriini 
 prohibitorum, have as yet not been clearly settled. 
 Hilgenfeld {Einl. in d. N.T., 1875, i3off.) still 
 defends the authorship of Damasus as regards the 
 original form of the letter. On the whole, it seems 
 safest to take Gelasius provisionally as the author: 
 the list will thus shew what books were considered 
 dangerous at Rome towards the end of the fifth 
 century. The sixth chapter begins (p. 213, Credner) 
 " Caetera quae ab haereticis sive schismaticis con- 
 scripta vel praedicata sunt, nullatenus recipit catholica 
 et apostolica Romana ecclesia, e quibus pauca quae 
 ad memoriam venerunt et a catholicis vitanda sunt 
 credimus esse subdenda." The second article in the 
 list that follows is " Itinerarium nomine Petri apostoli 
 quod appellatur Sancti dementis... libri numero (x — 
 viii — viiii) Apocryphum". Each' of the three numbers, 
 8, 9, 10, has authority among the older MSS., and 
 the true text cannot yet be determined ; but if x. 
 was the original number it is difficult to see how viii. 
 or viiii. could get in. Then follows a long series 
 of apocryphal Acts, Gospels, and Apocalypses and 
 
 ' .See the MSS. in Thiel, Eft'sl. Pont. Rom., p. 463, where the 
 Decrelum is Ep. 42. Cf. Maassen, 239 f., 283. 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 67 
 
 similar works. Whether the book itself was actually 
 known, or, like some other books condemned in the 
 list, was condemned on the authority of some previous 
 writer, cannot be determined. It is worth notice that 
 the name used is Itinerarium, i.e. the title given in 
 the Ep. Clem., not Recognitiones ; and also that in 
 the previous chapter (p. 210) "Ruffinus vir religiosus," 
 who wrote many books " nonnullas etiam scripturas 
 interpretatus est," is mentioned as to be read, but 
 with the caution that Jerome's condemnation of his 
 language on free will is ratified. 
 
 Next we may take a Greek list of canonical and List found 
 apocryphal books which goes under the name oV^,,^^/^^"-^ 
 Anastasius of Sinai, a writer of the seventh century. ■"?" "/ 
 
 Sinai. 
 
 In one or more MSS. it is appended to, or at least 
 follows, the Quaestioiies of Anastasius, but apparently 
 not in others, and there is no tangible evidence that 
 it is connected with them. Both author and age are 
 unknown : but ong of the MSS. containing it 
 {Coisl. 120) is referred by Montfaucon to the early 
 part of the tenth century (pp. 192 ff), so that it cannot 
 well be later than the ninth century, and may be 
 much earlier. It enumerates first the 60 books of the 
 Canon, then those which are " outside the 60," i.e. 
 our O.T. Apocrypha, and then koX oa-a diT6Kpv<^a, 
 beginning with 14 apocryphal writings connected with 
 O.T. names, after which come 1 5 'Iukw^ov iaropia [the 
 miscalled Protevangelium Jacobi] ; 16 TliTpov ava- 
 KaKv>^i<i ; 17 IlepioSot /cat SiSa^at rwv d.TroffTo'Kajv; 18 
 
 5—2 
 
68 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Bapvd^a i-jrtaroX'q ; 19 Ylaxikov irpa^ei'i ; 20 Ilai;- 
 \ov diroKoKvylri'i ; 21 AiSaaKoKta K\ijjj.evTOi, and 
 four more follow. Here the ireplohoi koX SiSaxal 
 Twv aTroaroXwv seem to be the Encratite Circuits ; 
 and if so, the AiSaerxaXia K\ijfievTO<! can hardly 
 be anything but either Recognitions or Homilies, 
 or a cognate work, though the title seems to be 
 unique. 
 T/u- list The next list to be mentioned is that which 
 
 at the end <- »t ■ 1 1 r /— 
 
 oftiie bears the name of Nicephorus, patriarch of Constan- 
 ip-aphy'of tinople early in the ninth century. It occurs at the end 
 ^"^' of a Compendium of Chronography formed chiefly of 
 lists of patriarchs and emperors. Some two centuries 
 ago Bishop Pearson in his Vind. Igii. (Pars I., c. 4, 
 pp. 123 — 125 Chu.) argued that the list of books was 
 no part of the genuine work of Nicephorus, appealing 
 among other things to its absence from the Oxford 
 MS. In later times it has, however, been usually 
 treated as genuine. The whol^ Chronography was 
 edited afresh by Credner in two Giessen programmes 
 of 1832 and 1838, and the list of books was specially 
 re-edited and critically e.xamined by him in one of 
 his valuable essays Ziir Gescli. d. Kanons, published 
 in 1847. But in the preface to an edition of 
 Nicephorus's historical tracts, published in the 
 Teubner series in 1880, De Boor shewed by a 
 comparison of the contents and texts of ten MSS. 
 that the Chronography is extant in both a shorter 
 and a longer form, the latter of which alone in- 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 69 
 
 eludes the list of books ; that the shorter form alone 
 can be the work of Nicephorus ; but that the longer 
 form was followed in the Latin version made by 
 Anastasius in the same century. He also points out 
 that there is fair reason for fixing on Jerusalem as the 
 place where the alterations and additions were made. 
 On the other hand Credner shewed conclusively that 
 the list of books cannot have originated in the ninth 
 century. It must have been formed in the fourth or 
 fifth century, probably in some part of Syria ; and this 
 harmonises with De Boor's independent contention 
 that it comes to light first at Jerusalem. It falls into 
 three pairs of divisions, Canonical Books of O. and 
 N.T., Antilegomena of O. and N.T., and diroKpv^a of 
 O. and N.T. In most cases the number of lines or 
 a-TLX°h according to one of the standard measures of 
 Greek scribes, is noted. 
 
 The Antilegomena of the N.T. in this list are four, 
 Apocalypse of John, Apocalypse of Peter, Epistle of 
 Barnabas, and Gospel according to Hebrews. The 
 Apocrypha of the N.T. are in the Greek numbered as 
 seven, but practically are more. The first in Greek is 
 HepLoBoi Ylerpou (not IleptoSo?, as commonly printed), 
 rendered by Anastasius Itinerariiim Petri : but he pre- 
 fixes an Itinerarmm Pauli ; then come the Ilep/oSo? of 
 John, the Ile/jioSo? of Thomas, the Gospel according 
 to Thomas, the ^iZayr) avoaroKav ; then sixth 
 KXiJ/ievTO?, and seventh Ignatius, Polycarp, the Shep- 
 herd and Hermas. After Clement's name stand the 
 
^o CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 letters AB in most MSS., and they are supported 
 by some MSS. of Anastasius which read XXXII., 
 while others apparently omit the numeral. There 
 has been much discussion as to what this numeral 
 could mean : on the supposition that some part of 
 Clementine literature was meant, it was impossible 
 to make up so large a number of parts of writings. 
 Pearson conjectured {ib., p. 1 30) that A was a corrup- 
 tion of ^, a corruption very common and easy in 
 uncial writing, so that the meaning was simply l, II, 
 i.e. the two well-known Epistles bearing Clement's 
 name. Subsequently this reading was published from 
 the Coislinian MS. (132; Montfaucon, B. CoisL, p. 
 205), and it has been adopted, certainly rightly, by 
 Credner {Zttr Gesch., i3off.) and Dr Lightfoot {Ign. I. 
 196). Accordingly we may at once dismiss the 
 article on Clement as irrelevant to our purpose. What 
 then is to be said about the Hepiohoi Jlerpov, a title 
 in tempting agreement with [Origen's] designation ? If 
 it stood alone, the identification would be reasonable : 
 but the other TiepioZoi with which it is associated lead 
 to a different conclusion, and the difference between 
 -ot and -o? is insufficient to shew a difference of 
 character and origin. The Encratite Apocryphal 
 Acts connected with the name of Leucius Charius 
 were commonly called Tlepiohoi, and among the 
 various apostles whose names they took, St Peter has 
 a place, though it occurs less frequently than that of 
 others, as St John or St Thomas. In the seventh 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 71 
 
 century John of Thessalonica' refers to these IleptoSot 
 of Peter and Paul and Andrew and John; and Photius 
 in the chapter of his Bibliotheca (114) following that 
 on the Clementines, describes al Xeyofievai rwv (Itto- 
 (TTo\<ov HepioSoc, eV at? irepieL'x^ovTo Trpd^ei^ TleTpov, 
 ^ladwov, 'AvSpea, &cofj.d, UavXov. Even, therefore, if 
 Anastasius had no authority for prefixing Itinerariiim 
 Pajili, which could not be the work of a Judaising 
 sect, and which would, as it were, shut in the Yleplohoi 
 Hirpov, it may be safely concluded that here the 
 Encratite Circuits of Peter are intendeds 
 
 Thus in both places the Jerusalem list appended 
 to Nicephorus's Clironography must be pronounced 
 silent on Clementine literature. 
 
 Not so, however, a document which Credner has The Syn- 
 proved to be founded upon it, but which is convention- "^^^Athana- 
 ally associated with a much higher antiquity, the •'""■ 
 Synopsis attributed to Athanasius, and printed for 
 form's sake with his works (ii. 202 Montf) from the 
 only known MS. In the account of the canonical 
 books the genuine and well-known Festal Epistle of 
 Athanasius has helped the writer, but here he follows 
 the Jerusalem list alone. In copying, however, he, or 
 a previous scribe, has made a curious omission by 
 
 ' Jo. Thess. Ill dorinit. Dciparir, ap. Max Bonnet in HilgenfeUl, 
 Zeitschrift filr wiss. Th., i8So, p. 239. 
 
 - Under the name of Actus Petri they occur in several Latin writers 
 from the fourth century onwards. See Zahn, Act. Joh. Ixxv, who how- 
 ever (Ixxviii ; also Gott. Gel. Anz. 18S0. 30, p. 1226, cited by Lips. i. p. 71) 
 disputes their originally Leucianic ch.'iracter. See also Lipsius passim. 
 
72 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Homceoteleuton, prefixing the heading of N.T. Anti- 
 legomena to the actual Hst of N.T. Apocrypha. In 
 this Hst the first five names stand unchanged, including 
 the Ile/JtoSot Yikrpov, but the sixth has undergone a 
 remarkable change. Instead of KXTy^evro? AB (or 
 AB) we have K\'»;/iei'Tta e^ &v fji,€Te(l>pd<T67]aav ixXe- 
 yevra to aXrjdeaTepa koI Oeowevara, and moreover 
 the seventh disappears. The author was unwilling to 
 seem to disparage Clement or Ignatius or Polycarp or 
 Hermas. But he knew of another work bearing 
 Clement's name which he thought might well be 
 disparaged : so substitutes KXtj/ievria, the Clementines, 
 i.e. our Homilies or Recognitions, probably our Homi- 
 lies, with a remark intended to save the credit of an 
 expurgated recension. It is worth notice that he 
 does not speak of this orthodox recension as the 
 Clementines prior to interpolation, but as the Cle- 
 mentines with the interpolations removed'. 
 'F/ori/f^ia' This last piece of evidence leads us to a group of 
 "chronr E'lstern testimonies which do not need minute exa- 
 cUrs. mination. They fall practically under two heads, 
 Florilegia and Histories. The former consist of 
 collections of passages from the Bible and from 
 ecclesiastical and sometimes classical writers, arranged 
 under heads by subjects. Some of them differ much 
 
 ' Credner (ZnrGesdi. 132 ff.) assumed the expurgated Apost. Const, 
 to be intended, referring to a canon of the Synod in TruUo of 692. But 
 there is, 1 beheve, no evidence that the Const. Aposi. were ever called 
 'K.X-qiUvTi.a, and at all events the description better suits Clementine 
 literature proper. 
 
PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 73 
 
 in different MSS., and by their nature they were 
 peculiarly liable to interpolation. Their literary 
 history and the true date of their component parts 
 are to a great extent still uncertain. The earliest 
 with which we are concerned are the Servtones per 
 Excerpta of Maximus Confessor, of about the middle 
 of the seventh century: then come, hardly later, the 
 Quaestiones of Anastasius Sinaita ; then the Parallela 
 Riipefucaldina attributed to John of Damascus, as yet 
 but imperfectly published. These contain passages 
 manifestly derived ultimately from our Homilies, but 
 with systematic changes which shew their immediate 
 source to have been an expurgated recension of the 
 Homilies. One of the passages excerpted in the 
 Parallela Riipefucaldina is quoted from Recog. iii. 26 
 with tolerable exactness under the reference e/c tov d 
 Xoyov Tmv YlepioSav. This gives us the name TlepioBoi, 
 with a different division from ours, but as the Syriac 
 has it, with the C^sarea portion all together. Whether, 
 however, this was the source of the other quotation 
 in Parallela Rupef. we cannot tell [Hom. xii. 25 ff., 
 &C.J. There are quotations from the Homilies, under 
 the name ra YXt)p,kvTia in a similar work attributed 
 to 1060, the Pandecta Interpretationis of Nicon 
 Monachus the younger. But neither quotation nor 
 original text is yet in print ; so that we do not 
 know whether the genuine or the expurgated Homilies 
 were used. The latter at all events was evidently in 
 the hands of the Chroniclers, John Cedrenus of the 
 
74 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 eleventh century and Michael Glycas of the thirteenth 
 century ; and further in the fourteenth century of 
 Nicephorus Callisti, the author of a really remarkable 
 Church History, based in the early part on Eusebius, 
 but curiously filled in from the legendary sources 
 which had come to be received as of equal or greater 
 authority. (For the Roman legend see ii. 27.) After 
 describing (iii. 18) Clement's life as drawn in the 
 Clementine literature, and the fables subsequently 
 appended, he notices his writings as enumerated by 
 Eusebius. When he comes to the supposed Dialogues 
 of Peter and Appion, he speculates about their identity 
 with ra vvv irap rffilv K\7)/ievria ovofui^ofieva, which 
 he calls " acceptable to the Church," rfi eKKXtja-ia xal 
 evirapaSexTa, while the writings noticed by Eusebius 
 were not of an apostolic type of doctrine. Evidently 
 he knew only the expurgated recension. Such also 
 was doubtless the case of the writer of a note 
 (? contemporaneous) in the Mazarine MS. (cen- 
 tury X.) of Eusebius 338, as cited by Valois, " What 
 hast thou to do with the dialogues of the sacred 
 Clement? how great is the profit contained in them 
 is well-known to those who have read them with 
 an orthodox and pure mind. Have done with thy 
 revilings, O thou very learned man ; for no one of 
 the Church of God will believe thee at all " ; and so 
 forth. 
 
 It would seem that the name KXTinivria belonged 
 to the expurgated recension thus chiefly current in 
 
RUFINUS' TRANSLATION. 75 
 
 later times ; but it was evidently transferred from the 
 more original recension. 
 
 It only remains to say a word about the history TAt 
 of the Recognitions as translated by Rufinus. They ^i'fiZu/ 
 are mentioned by Gennadius of Marseilles (who died """"^l^- 
 in 496, the continuator of Jerome Dc Vir. III.) in the 
 by no means complete list of translations in his chapter 
 on Rufinus. He calls them Clementis Romani Recog- 
 nitiomnn Libros. The next, the sixth century, is 
 probably the time when the earlier Latin legendary 
 histories of apostles and apostolic men were formed by 
 free translation, with enormous expurgation, from the 
 Encratite and cognate Greek literature. The Life of 
 St Peter in the histories which conventionally bear 
 the name of Abdias incorporated considerable extracts 
 from the Latin Recognitions, but without naming 
 them. In the seventh century Isidore of Seville quotes 
 ' Clemens ' two or three times from the same source, 
 but without naming' the book. Crossing the Channel 
 we find in the latter part of the same century Aldhelm, 
 the first considerable English writer, quoting the 
 opening words of the Itinerariuin Petri in praise of 
 virginity. His education came from such various 
 sources that we cannot trace the probable channel by 
 which the book reached him. In the next generation 
 it is several times quoted by Bede : the only name he 
 gives it is Historia Clementis. Returning to the 
 
 ' [See note on p. 23.] 
 
76 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 France of early Carolingian times we see it to have 
 been used by at least three notable men, Agobard of 
 Lyons, Freculf of Lisieux, and Hincmar of Rheims, 
 the last of whom alone names it as Petri Itinerariuni. 
 Agobard refers to the books of Clement as being 
 judged apocryphal : yet, he adds, " very many ' testi- 
 monia' taken from them are found used by the 
 doctors." These are the most important references. 
 They all come from Spain, France, or Britain, and 
 from a time before the true Middle Ages. At a 
 later time the Gelasian Decretal may have thrown 
 the book into obscurity, though the extant copies 
 shew that it was not without readers. 
 
 Summary If we now look back over the long line of patristic 
 Patristic testimonies several points come out clearly. The list 
 evi ence. ^^ names is a long one, but they are very scattered, 
 and it does not include the names of many of the most 
 important writers. It would seem that the Clementine 
 literature here and there came into slight and cursory 
 contact with the main stream of theological literature, 
 but hardly more. The writers \\'ho clearly shew a 
 knowledge of more works than one (excluding the 
 letters) are four : and in no case does it seem likely 
 that the Recognitions and Homilies were the two 
 works known, Rufinus knew of two editioiies, both 
 apparently (though this is not certain) called Recog- 
 nitions, but they chiefly differed by the point at which 
 they ended. Epiphanius, the author of the Ps.-Ath. 
 
SUMMARY OF PATRISTIC EVIDENCE. 77 
 
 list of books founded on the Jerusalem list, and 
 Nicephorus the historian, knew of a heretical and 
 an orthodox recension of a book apparently called 
 KXtjfievTia, which in the one form may be identified 
 with our Homilies. The Epistle of Clement was 
 known to Rufinus and Photius, the Epistle of Peter 
 to Photius alone. There was no clear appropriation 
 of individual Epistles to individual works. 
 
 Without attempting to follow out all the intricacies 
 of the titles, we may notice some important facts re- 
 specting them. Speaking generally and roughly, the 
 name of Peter prevails in the earlier times, that of 
 Clement in the later, that is, the reference of the book 
 to its professed author prevailed over its reference to 
 its professed subject. The name Herpov Kijpvyfiara, 
 very familiar in modern Clementine criticisim, is in 
 strictness confined to the Epistola Petri and Aia/iap- 
 TvpLa. The most interesting references occur for the 
 most part under the name Yiepiohoi (JlsTpov) [beginning 
 with the earliest and by far the longest quotation, 
 that from Origen on Genesis]. Then come the two 
 references in Jerome, both, as we saw, very possibly 
 derived from Origen. But we have the same name 
 quite independently in Epiphanius, and doubtless also 
 in the Parallela Riipefucaldina, and it is included in 
 the title of some MSS. of the Epitome, irpa^u<i xal 
 IlepioBoi Herpov. It is further worth nodce that the 
 formula of quotation in the other undoubted reference 
 by Origen is Pctrits apiui Cleiiietitcm, and that the 
 
78 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 same is the usual formula in the Opus Imperf., 
 where we found the same general relations to the 
 extant works. The only Greek authority for the name 
 Recognitions is Photius's third title. It is from 
 Rufinus and the readers of Rufinus's translation that 
 it has become familiar. The name Homilies is never 
 used as a title : it comes only from one or both MSS. 
 of our Homilies, where it has no more distinctive 
 meaning than ' Books.' The name KXTjfievTia is by 
 the C/ir. Pasch. applied to a work having matter 
 in common with both our books : in the Middle 
 Ages it meant one or other recension of the Homilies. 
 Clementina is, I believe, only a modern rendering of it. 
 
 Tlic Syriac Version. 
 
 A natural appendix to the patristic evidence will 
 be a short account of the structure of the Syriac 
 version, so far as the two existing MSS. shew. The 
 most interesting fact about it is the testimony which 
 it bears to the separate use of a part of our Recogni- 
 tions, viz. the first three books (with a few words of 
 iv. i), which happen also to correspond as a whole to 
 the first three of our Homilies. The subject is the 
 Disputations at Ca;sarea with the Introductory 
 portion. Thus the Disputations at Tripolis and 
 Laodicea, with the intermediate journey through 
 Syria, are wanting. In the younger MS. this is the 
 whole ; and the limitation is not accidental, for at the 
 
SYR I AC VERSION. 79 
 
 end is the colophon or epij^raph, " Here ends the 
 history of Clement the companion of Simon Peter." 
 In the elder MS., said to be the oldest of dated MSS., 
 this portion is numbered I., and divided into 303 
 short chapters, with the concise title " Clemens." 
 There is, strange to say, no Part II., Part I. being 
 immediately followed by the heading "III., against 
 the Gentiles," consisting of our Homily x., then IV. 
 (the numeral alone) equals Hom. xi. Then comes an 
 unnumbered Part headed " Of (or from) Tripolis in 
 Phoenicia," divided into six chapters. It consists of 
 Hom. xii. i — 24 and the whole of Hom. xiii., the last 
 nine chapters of Hom. xii. (25 — 33) being omitted. 
 And this omission derives considerable interest from 
 its relation to the nature of the correspondence here- 
 abouts between Homilies and Recognitions. Up to 
 just this point in Hom. xii. the Recognitions run 
 parallel with it, but here they break off suddenly, 
 having nothing answering to the rest of the Homily : 
 while they join company again at the beginning of the 
 next Homily. Thus, though the Syriac follows the 
 Homilies text, it follows the Recognitions in this large 
 omission, and Lagarde hints that the text itself 
 immediately afterwards has affinities to that of the 
 Recognitions (p. vii., note). Last comes what is called 
 Discourse Fourteenth, divided into two long chapters, 
 and consisting of Hom. xiv. And so the Syriac ends, 
 Homs. XV — XX. being altogether omitted. A stranger 
 medley of incongruous divisions can hardly be ima- 
 
8o CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 gined. There is much in it which remains hopelessly 
 obscure without further evidence : but at least one 
 coincidence is remarkable. We have already noticed 
 that while the actual Recognition takes place in the 
 work which we call the Recognitions, but one book 
 from the end, in the Homilies it takes place six 
 Homilies from the end It follows that the point 
 in the story where the Syriac ends is also the point 
 in the story where, as well as we can judge, one of the 
 two ' editiones ' known to Rufinus ended. But this 
 one point of correspondence would not justify us in 
 assuming that the ' editio ' in question contained the 
 Homilies' text rather than the Recognitions' text. 
 
 Conclusions. 
 
 Kec. and It will be Worth while now, at the end of the long 
 side by side ^'^^ rather tedious enumeration of authorities, to endea- 
 inCent.tv. your to extract from the survey what evidence we can 
 as to the origin and relationships of the various 
 members of the Clementine literature. We must 
 take our stand first at the end of the fourth century. 
 At that time, as the Latin and the Syriac versions 
 sufficiently attest, the Greek Recognitions and the 
 Greek Homilies were both in existence. Both also 
 underwent some kind of expurgation or adaptation to 
 the use of men of a different creed from their authors. 
 Whether there was a Greek expurgation of the 
 Recognitions we do not know : but a process of this 
 
CONCLUSIONS. 8 1 
 
 kind, though a mild one, was included in Rufinus's 
 translation ; and unfortunately it is only through this 
 partial disguise that we can read the Recognitions. 
 On the other hand the Homilies underwent what was 
 evidently a much more thorough expurgation in 
 Greek. The chief evidence for it comes from a much 
 later time, but, as we saw, it was virtually implied in 
 the inverse charge brought by Epiphanius against the 
 Ebionites of falsifying the pure record of Clement. In 
 this instance however it is the adapted or mutilated 
 text that has perished. 
 
 Next let us compare together the various results Botk dc- 
 which we have obtained by comparing the quotations 'a^fommon 
 or references independent of the purified Clementines <"'<S'"<''- 
 with the two existing texts. We have found com- 
 paratively little exact agreement with either extant 
 text. In most cases the text found has shewn close 
 affinities with the Recognitions but with marked differ- 
 ences, usually on the side of greater fulness or detail. 
 In other cases there has been little or no accord with 
 either work. The only writers in whom we have 
 found coincidences with the Homilies and not at the 
 same time with the Recognitions are, I think, Epipha- 
 nius and the Chronicon Paschale. In the latter case 
 there were likewise as distinct coincidences with the 
 Recognitions, the characteristic language of both being 
 combined, but other language being also present. 
 That the Chronicler himself made the combination is 
 
 H. 6 
 
82 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 incredible. The only reasonable alternatives are that 
 the book which he calls KXrjfiivTia was itself a com- 
 bination of both texts, or that it was a common source 
 of both. That both Recognitions and Homilies had 
 a common source, that is, that the several differences 
 and resemblances between them cannot be explained 
 by the supposition that either was derived from the 
 other, is the conclusion towards which criticism has 
 been tending for some time, and which has been 
 distinctly maintained by three very different critics, 
 Lipsius in various places, Dr Salmon in the Dictioimry 
 of Christian Biography, and Uhlhorn (recanting thus 
 far his theory of former days) in the new edition of 
 Herzog's Real-Encyklopddie. It is indeed difficult to 
 understand how any other was ever thought credible. 
 If then such a book existed, it would account for the 
 peculiar phenomena of the quotations by the Paschal 
 Chronicler. But it would account equally well for the 
 other earlier and more interesting quotations. It 
 would be rash to assume that all quotations differing 
 from our texts came from one and the same work in 
 one and the same state. The Syriac text is a warning 
 that the antecedents of the facts known to us may 
 have been more complicated than they appear to have 
 been. But as far as I see, there is nothing in the 
 facts which compels or even suggests the supposition 
 of substantially more than one such work, though 
 it may in course of time have undergone minor 
 modifications, other than the great transformations 
 
CONNEXION WITH HELXAI 83 
 
 into our Recognitions and Homilies. If this be so, we 
 have sufficient evidence that it was called HeploBoi 
 HeTpov, whether or not it had other names. Further, 
 it must have had substantially the same framework 
 as that which is common to the Recognitions and 
 Homilies : the family romance of Clement must have 
 formed the frame on which the didactic portions were 
 hung. If a comparison of the two works left any 
 doubt on this point, it would be removed by the par- 
 ticulars which we saw to be contained in [Origen's 
 Commentaty in Gen.\ the argument with Clement's 
 father at Laodicea. Hence thus far we may safely 
 say that the common original of both our works was 
 read [at Alexandria soon after 225]. 
 
 The question next arises, what evidence is there Relation to 
 to shew how much earlier the YiepLohoi were written ? 
 Here the first point that claims attention is the con- 
 nexion between the Clementine literature and the 
 Book of Helxai, of which we have information from 
 three distinct sources. Its characteristic doctrines 
 agree so closely with those of the Clementine literature 
 (see for a short enumeration Dr Salmon in D. C. B. 
 i- 57S ^) that the community of origin cannot be 
 doubted. Respecting the Book of Helxai itself, and 
 the class of Ebionites who used it, i.e. the Essene 
 Ebionites, there is no need to say much, as excellent 
 English accounts may be found in Dr Salmon 
 {D. C. B. ii. 95 — 98), and Dr Lightfoot's Dissertation 
 
 6—2 
 
84 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Hdxai in 
 Palestine 
 1 . 250. 
 
 /// Rome 
 I. ? 20. 
 
 on Essenes (Col.) and St Paul and the Twelve {Gal.). 
 All the quotations and other evidence are collected 
 by Hilgenfeld at the end of the Hermas Part of his 
 N. T. extra Can. Receptiim. But a word or two is 
 necessary about the historical bearings of this book. 
 
 In a fragment on Ps. Ixxxii. (Ixxxiii.), (evidently 
 vv. 2, 3), preserved by Eus. 6. 38, Origen states that 
 a certain man had quite lately come (iXijXvSe rt? 
 errl rov TrapwTo?), priding himself greatly on being 
 able to be the spokesman of a godless and most 
 impious doctrine (yvai/tT;?, from the Psalm), called 
 that of the Helkesaites, which had been lately rising 
 up against the Churches. Among the peculiarities 
 which he enumerates is this, " and they have in use 
 {<f>epova-cv), a certain book, which they say fell down 
 from heaven." All we can say about the date of the 
 Commentary on this Psalm is that it belongs to the 
 later or Palestinian time of Origen's life, probably not 
 many years before 250. His language suggests that 
 a certain aggressiveness on the part of the sect had 
 been making itself felt, but that at Caesarea, prac- 
 tically the capital of Palestine, it was represented by 
 a single missionary. 
 
 Again, Hippolytus (ix. 13), writing at Rome about 
 230 — 235, in describing the episcopate of Callistus 
 (extending two or three years on each side of 220), 
 speaks of a certain Alcibiades, an inhabitant of 
 Apamea in Syria (some 300 miles S.S.E. of Antioch), 
 as coming to Rome bringing a certain book which 
 
HELXAI. 85 
 
 he declared that a certain righteous man named 
 Elchasai had received from Sera or the Seres, in 
 Parthia, &c. &c. Thus we have evidence of the book 
 of Helxai being freshly brought by missionaries of 
 the sect to Rome and to Caesarea somewhere about 
 220. Evidently the same impulse might easily give 
 rise to the production of such a book as the parent 
 of our Homilies and Recognitions. 
 
 Was this however the time when the TlejoioSot Date oj 
 were written, or only when they were brought for- ,-. ^oo. 
 ward afresh and carried to new readers ? Here again 
 the Book of Helxai affords a parallel which must 
 not be neglected. According to Hippolytus, Alci- 
 biades had declared that glad tidings of a new re- 
 mission of sins had been proclaimed to men, evidently 
 in the Book of Helxai, eVl Tpaioij/ou /SatrtXet'a? rpiTm. 
 Epiph. 40 A says that the man called Helxai was 
 joined with the sect whom he calls Ossaeans, eV 
 ^poi/ots Tpaiavov /Sao-tXeo)?. But the source of both 
 statements seems to be preserved in a passage of 
 the Book of Helxai, quoted by Hipp. ix. 16, in which 
 men are warned against beginning a piece of work 
 on a Tuesday, eTretSr) iraXiv TrXTjpovfievtov Tpimv ir&v 
 Tpaidvov Kaicrapo<;, a^ore 'firrera^ev ex rov T^?"f" 
 (? {nrifTTpeylrev sk rfj'i) i^ovaia<; tov Tldpffov, oTe 
 eTrXripaiOr] rpla erri dyypt^eTai 6 TToXe/iO? /lera^ii 
 T&v dyyeXcov t^? dire^eCa^, &c. The precise meaning 
 of this corrupt passage is very doubtful : but it cannot 
 refer to the third year of Trajan (accidentally = 100 
 
86 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 A.D.), but either to the Parthian war which occupied 
 the last two to three years of his life, and in returning 
 from which he died in Cilicia in 117, or the third 
 year immediately following, either 117 or 120. This 
 was the time of wild excitement among the Jews 
 throughout the East, culminating at last in the insur- 
 rection of Barcochba, and they took advantage of 
 this Parthian war to perpetrate in various places 
 terrible massacres which were terribly avenged (see 
 Jost, ii. 75 f.) ; and it is likely enough that the hated 
 Christians in their midst were sufferers, and that 
 some tragic event occurred which long left memories 
 of evil omen behind it. Apparently therefore the 
 combination of the name of Trajan with the number 3 
 is not a dating of the Book of Helxai but the time 
 of a long passed event to which the Book looks back, 
 and the date of the Book must be later, probably 
 much later, than 120. 
 
 Hilgenfeld is apparently the only critic who takes 
 Traj. 3 as an authentic date for the Book {Keta. 
 Gesch. d. Kirche, 433 f ), on the strength of an im- 
 possible translation of an impossible conjecture. But 
 others' throw it back to the highest antiquity on un- 
 substantial grounds. I cannot myself see any reason 
 for placing its writing in an earlier generation than 
 that which saw it promulgated, say about the be- 
 ginning of the third century. 
 
 ^ E.g. Salmon D. C. B. 2. 97 //, 98 a. 
 
THE HEPIOAOI. 87 
 
 As regards the IlepioSot, the names of Clement's iiEpfoJoi 
 father and two brothers, Faustus, Faustinus, Faus- 
 tinianus, fix the story as not earlier in origin than the 
 second half of the second century, when these and the 
 like names were made popular by association with the 
 name of the empress Faustina. The later however we 
 place them, [so long as a little interval is left before 
 the time of the writing of Origen's Commentary on 
 Genesis\ the more nearly right we are likely to be. 
 [That Commentary was written at Alexandria, and] if 
 the HepioSoi were known at Alexandria about the 
 beginning of the third century it would be strange 
 that Clement of Alexandria should shew no ac- 
 quaintance with them, considering how much they 
 contained which would have attractions for him. The 
 first or second decade of the third century probably 
 gave birth to the UepioSoi and the Book of Helxai 
 alike. To account for what Origen and Hippolytus tell 
 us about the Book of Helxai there must have been 
 some remarkable revival among the Essene Ebionites 
 of the East, though we are quite in the dark about 
 the occasion of it. Geographically the birthplace of 
 both books was probably either Palestine east of 
 Jordan, or the region running northward thence be- 
 tween the mountains and the desert, these, especially 
 the former, being the proper home of the Ebionites 
 described by Epiphanius. 
 
88 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Horn, atul It is much more difficult to say at what time, in 
 <;W<\'- ^^^"^ countries, and by what hands the Wepiohoi were 
 ii'if converted into the Recognitions on the one hand 
 and the Homilies on the other. It is hardly possible 
 to believe that either operation was performed by 
 ordinary churchmen, and thus we lose for the most 
 part the landmarks afforded by the history of doctrine, 
 our knowledge of the history of Ebionism being 
 meagre in the extreme. Another day the question 
 of comparative doctrine must be considered by itself 
 For our present historical purposes it is enough to 
 observe that the motive for changing the form of the 
 Hepiohoi is not likely to have been a doctrinal one, 
 at all events in the case of the Homilies. When we 
 compare the extant references to the Ilepiohoi with 
 the corresponding passages in our books, and further, 
 try to imagine the kind of text which seems to be 
 implied in the various bad joinings of altered ma- 
 terials in both books (see Salmon D. C. B. i. 571 ff.), 
 and also the indications which both in some places 
 give that they substituted rapid summaries for ela- 
 borate discoursings, it seems to me morally certain that 
 the n€/>to8ot were a great deal longer and fuller than 
 either of our books. If this be the case, the mere 
 bulk might well be the chief cause of the change of 
 form, and the Homilies and Recognitions may both 
 be regarded as abridgements of the IlepioSot formed 
 on different principles. As has been often observed 
 of late, the Homilies care most for doctrine, and seem 
 
THE HOMILIES. 89 
 
 to transpose very freely for doctrinal purposes: the 
 Recognitions care most for the story and for moral 
 lessons, and have preserved the general framework 
 much more nearly than the Homilies. These dif- 
 ferences however themselves imply a difference of 
 standing-point. We must not forget the possibly, 
 not probably, accidental fact that not a single ancient 
 writer shews a knowledge of both books in any form. 
 This could hardly have been the case had they arisen 
 in the same or even in a neighbouring country and 
 under similar circumstances. Without attempting to 
 speak positively, we may, I think, account by a 
 reasonable conjecture for the peculiarities of character 
 which they severally exhibit and for the facts of their 
 reception. 
 
 The Homilies seem best to reflect the original Homilies 
 
 . , . , , , ivritten in 
 
 doctrinal character of the parent work ; they are the East. 
 full of marked peculiarities of a deeply interesting 
 kind. They may have lost this or introduced that, 
 but substantially they seem to represent the Helxaism 
 of Origen's time. Now the country where the original 
 character was most likely to be thus preserved was 
 the native country, the true home of Essenism as 
 well as Essene Ebionism. The Homilies seem to 
 have been in all probability written in eastern Pales- 
 tine or Syria with a view to maintaining or propa- 
 gating the doctrines of the sect, and that with greater 
 force because less diffuseness than the original Ile- 
 ploSoi. The Recognitions on the other hand, though 
 
go CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 they retain a certain amount of Helchasaite doctrine, 
 have more of what one may call a miscellaneous 
 Ebionite character. They seem rather to discuss 
 subjects of general interest from an Ebionite point 
 of view than to be intended to propagate Ebionism. 
 This character would naturally be found in a work 
 executed in a region at a distance from the central 
 hearth of the sect, and surrounded by the influences 
 of other creeds and other ways of life. 
 /urogiii- Unfortunately we know little of Ebionism out 
 
 Rome. of Syria. Epiphanius mentions only Cyprus and 
 Rome (xxx. i8). We have however other fourth 
 century testimony for Rome. The commentary on 
 Galatians by Victorinus the Roman rhetorician, whose 
 conversion late in life is a striking episode in Au- 
 gustine's Confessions (viii.), contains some remarkable 
 allusions to the Symmachians, as they were called 
 in the West, and to their devotion to St James. 
 They are also mentioned' in the Preface to Galatians 
 by Ambrosiaster, i.e. the Roman deacon Hilary. 
 Rome is at least not an unlikely place, and there 
 is much of a Latin spirit in the Recognitions. From 
 Rome circulation would be rapid and various. About 
 date there is little to say as regards either work. 
 Future investigation may find landmarks within the 
 period between Origen on the one side and Epi- 
 
 ' They are referred to also by Augustine and his Manichean 
 antagonist Faustus, but this probably from N. Africa, especially as 
 regards Faustus. 
 
THE nEPioAOi. 91 
 
 phanius and Jerome on the other : but for the present 
 we must put up with uncertainty. 
 
 Possible Antecedents of IleptoSot. 
 
 Turning back in the opposite direction we are 
 met with a chaos of theories about the antecedents 
 of the Ile/JtoSot. Here too, little, I fear, can be 
 known, but it is worth while to see what tangible 
 data are extant. 
 
 First we come to the two prefixed Epistles, about Ep. Clem. 
 each of which almost every imaginable theory has >y„„. 
 been maintained by someone. The case is least 
 obscure as regards the Epistle of Clement, which has 
 been on the whole best investigated by Uhlhorn, 
 though he puts the case too strongly. At first sight 
 the coincidence already noticed between the title 
 which its text contains and the title which our MSS. 
 prefix to the Homilies suggests that it is to the 
 Homilies that it properly belongs. But this evi- 
 dence really goes for little : for nothing was easier 
 than for scribes who assumed this connexion to 
 add this title before the Homilies, supposing them 
 to have had previously only the title K\r)fj,ivTia 
 which now precedes the whole collection. Epistles 
 included. The description in c. 19 of the contents 
 of the book introduced by the Epistle suits equally 
 both Homilies and Recognitions. Nor is there 
 much evidence in this case to be obtained from 
 
qz CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the comparison of mere language. But the Epistle, 
 though as long as a short Homily, shews neither 
 by single words nor by a single sentence any interest 
 in the doctrinal matters which fill the Homilies, 
 while its garrulity is quite in the vein of the 
 specially characteristic parts of the Recognitions. It 
 is chiefly concerned with Church politics, for which 
 it gives many practical directions, concluding with 
 the few lines already read about the record of St 
 Peter's preachings. It is also to be remembered 
 that the only two independent ancient authors in 
 whom we find the name Recognitions, Rufinus and 
 Photius, are also the only authors who mention 
 either Epistle, while Rufinus apparently knows this 
 Epistle alone, though it is true that we find it 
 attached to our (medieval) MSS. of the Homilies. 
 
 Ep. Pet. The other Epistle with the Adjuration is certainly 
 
 ,/'iiiie dif- in its jealous and almost fierce tone quite out of keeping 
 
 ferent. ^jj.j^ ^^ Recognitions. It is simply incredible that 
 
 their editor-author should have written it. Its main 
 
 purport, the necessity of keeping the records sent from 
 
 the eyes of all but a limited class of persons, is such 
 
 as he could not possibly have approved. The only 
 
 question that can arise is whether it belongs to the 
 
 Homilies or to an earlier work, and if so what. This 
 
 question will need careful consideration. 
 
 Contents of The Epistlc of Peter, addressed to James as " the 
 
 f^¥). Pet' 
 
 Lord and Bishop of the Holy Church," goes at once to 
 
'EPISTLE OF peter: 93 
 
 the point after expressing assurance of his zeal for the 
 common cause. " I earnestly ask and beseech thee," 
 he says, "to commit the books of my preachings which 
 I sent (send) (eTrefiyJrd <roi) thee to no one of the Gen- 
 tiles nor to one of our own race (6fio<pvX(p) without pre- 
 vious trial; but if a man have been found worthy be- 
 ing put to proof, then to commit them to him according 
 to the instruction' (aycoyrjv) according to, which Moses 
 also committed (it is not said what) to the Seventy who 
 succeeded to his chair (KudeSpav) (Mt. xxiii. 2). For 
 this cause also the fruit of security is apparent down 
 to the present time ; for the men of the same nation 
 with us (ofioedvel^) everywhere guard the same rule of 
 the monarckia and the manner of life (TroXtrfia?), it 
 having been in no respect possible for them to be 
 turned out of the way by the many senses of the 
 Scriptures (j&v et? TroWa vevovaStv ypa^&v, i.e. point- 
 ing in many different and so contradictory directions) 
 so as to be otherwise minded. For according to the 
 rule committed to them they endeavour to correct" 
 (/jLeTappvd/il^eiv) the discordances of the Scriptures." 
 After a few lines more in the same strain a fear is 
 expressed that if such a measure be not taken, " one 
 word of truth will be divided into many doctrines " ; of 
 which evil Peter already saw the beginning. " For 
 some," he says, "of the Gentiles have rejected the 
 
 ' On 07107^ see Arist. JH/iei. i. ij. 10 with Cope's note. He cites 
 Po/tt. iv. 5. 
 
 ^ Cf. Philostr. p. 7, 1. 22 Kayser. 
 
94 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 preaching by my mouth which is in accordance with 
 the law (to 8t' e'/ioi) voyLi^ov...Kr\p\r^ii,a) embracing a 
 certain lawless and frivolous teaching of the man who 
 is the enemy (jov i-)(dpov avdpcoTrov). Nay while I 
 am still alive some have presumed to transform my 
 doctrines by certain cunning interpretations into the 
 undoing of the Law, as though I myself were of this 
 mind, but did not openly proclaim it ; a thing which 
 I pray may be far from me." Then come a few more 
 similar lines, including an assertion of the perpetuity 
 of the Law. After which comes a repetition of the 
 original request about the precautions to be observed 
 in imparting the books of his preachings to others, for 
 fear they should be led astray by the conjectures in 
 the soul (t&v Kara Trjv ■yjrvxhv aro'xa.o'p-aiv) instead of 
 interpreting everything by the tradition which had 
 been received. 
 Contents In the Adjuration James reads Peter's letter to 
 
 htration. the elders, and expresses approval of its exhortation 
 that the books of his preachings should be imparted to 
 no one at haphazard but only to a good and discreet 
 man, who also chooses to teach and is a circumcised 
 believer (kyi,Tre.piTofim re ovti, truTToi) ; and that not all 
 at once, so that if he should be found ayvrnfimv (per- 
 haps foolish, but more probably dishonest) in the first, 
 he may not be entrusted with the second. Accord- 
 ingly let him be put to proof for a period of not less 
 than six years ; and then according to the dytoy^ of 
 Moses be conducted to a river or fountain, &c., &c. to 
 
THE ADJURATION. 95 
 
 make a solemn attestation of the elements, though 
 not an oath, about his care of the books (all interesting 
 but hardly relevant now). At the awful language of 
 the attestation the elders turn pale : on which James 
 repeats the warning more explicitly, "If we commit 
 the books to all at haphazard, and they be falsified 
 {vo6ev6S)<7i,v) or have their interpretation perverted by 
 certain audacious men, as you have already heard of 
 some having done, the result in future will be that 
 even those who really seek the truth, will always go 
 astray," and so on. On which the elders express 
 satisfaction and bless Him who made James their 
 Bishop. 
 
 Now as we saw at the outset, if any title of a book £>o these 
 is implied here it must be likrpov Ktjpi'ffiara. These "{^J^ ^%" 
 two words at all events express all that the Epistle and ^" '^y ^' 
 the Adjuration attribute to the books. They contain 
 preachings, but nothing is said of preachings in dif- 
 ferent places {iirihrjuia k.) or of UeploSoi or of acts or 
 doings of Peter. Nor is there the slightest allusion to 
 Clement or any other subordinate : the preachings are 
 Peter's, and Peter sends them. The suggestion was 
 therefore a very natural one that the Epistle and 
 Adjuration belong to a book antecedent to all others 
 that we have hitherto considered, which on this view 
 owe their form to the introduction of Clement and 
 his family romance into what was originally a work 
 of much simpler structure, and the simultaneous or 
 consequent introduction of Clement as the scribe of 
 
96 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Peter's preachings, as he is set forth in the Epistle of 
 Clement and in the text of both Recognitions and 
 Homilies. The theory suggested by the language of 
 the Epistle of Peter and the Adjuration is moreover 
 supposed to be supported by various other evidence. 
 This whole matter is of such importance that we 
 must give a little time to it, beginning with the most 
 prominent point, the alleged direct authorship of Peter 
 as regards certain of his written preachings. 
 Other evi- This direct authorship is said to be indirectly im- 
 
 dence in- 
 
 conclusive, plied in a passage which at all events cannot be 
 passed unnoticed, Horn. i. 20 || Rec. i. 17. The 
 passages run as follows: 
 
 IIXtJi/ ypdyfrat tov irepl ■7rpo<^Tov \6yov avrov 
 KeXev<TavTO<;, diro t^? }Laiaapeia<i t^? 1,TpdT(ovo<; 
 BiairefiipOrivai aov iiroirjae tov rofiov, irapd <rov ev- 
 TdKr]v e'xeiv elirdav, ra? KaO' eKaarov eviavTov otiiXiat 
 re KoX Trpd^eit ypd^ovTa Scaire/jLireiv aoi. 
 
 Horn. i. 20. 
 
 Unde iubente eo ea quae adloquutus est in 
 ordinem redigens librum de vero propheta conscripsi 
 eumque de Caesarea ad te ipso [sc. Jacobo] iubente 
 transmisi. Rec. i. 17. 
 
 As it stands in the Greek the grammar halts. 
 The nom. ypdylra<; might be either Clement the speaker 
 or Peter: but ai/rov can be only Peter, so that avrov 
 KeKi:vaai'To<; fixes Clement as the subject of <ypdy^a<; 
 and yet the principal verb is in the 3rd person, iiroirfae. 
 
OTHER EVIDENCE. 97 
 
 and what follows shews that this is not a misreading 
 for eifo'vr\aa. The suggestion made is that avTov 
 Ke\6viravTo<: is an interpolation, on which supposition 
 doubtless the sentence runs smoothly with Peter as 
 its subject, and Peter appears as writing his 6fii\la<; 
 Koi irpd^ei's with his own hand. But this plausible 
 solution is really an impossible one. If the sentence 
 so emended is by itself easy, it harmonises very 
 ill with the context, which before and after points 
 to Clement's being the scribe. Moreover the con- 
 demned words stand in the Recognitions, pibente eo. 
 Rufinus's conscripsi and transmisi go for little : they 
 are just such a change as he would make to render 
 the sentence easily intelligible: but it would be very 
 strange that the Recognitions and Homilies should 
 independently have just the same interpolation. The 
 true explanation is I believe supplied by c. 22 of 
 Recognitions, Haec mihi dicens, dilatio Sinionis con- 
 tulit ut per ordmem cuncta cognoscerem. The subject 
 of dicens is Peter, the subject of the principal verb is 
 dilatio Simonis. Evidently this simple sentence did 
 not seem to Rufinus to need doctoring, and so he has 
 preserved for us a nom. pendens which grammatically 
 speaking is neither harder nor easier than the nom. 
 petidens of ypdtfrai;. . .avrov KekevaavTOi;. ..iiroiqae. The 
 anacoluthon is certainly very harsh : but as it exists 
 in the one case it may well do so in the other also. 
 Moreover the addition of Trpd^eii; to 6fnXia<; renders 
 it very unlikely that Peter himself was meant to be 
 H. 7 
 
98 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the narrator. Thus vanishes what is I beheve the 
 only exphcit evidence outside the Epistle of Peter 
 and the Adjuration adduced for the direct authorship 
 of Peter. 
 
 But the same passage is very instructive in the 
 opposite direction. It makes Peter tell Clement that 
 he had a commandment from James to write and 
 send to him his oyittXta? and Trpafet? of each year: 
 so that evidently at least the author of the IleptoSoi 
 considered Peter to be not less the writer and not 
 less the sender because he employed the agency of 
 Clement in one or both capacities {ypdyjra<;, hiairefi^- 
 Orjvai (701 eiroiiqae not BieTrefiyjre). We must not then 
 be misled by the example of the Epistle of Clemetit, 
 which would have failed in its purpose if it had not 
 given prominence to Clement ; nor by the example 
 of the Homilies and Recognitions themselves, in 
 which Clement himself is the spokesman. Whether 
 his part in the writing should be mentioned or not in 
 a letter purporting to come direct from Peter would 
 naturally depend on the special purpose of the letter. 
 The absence of Clement's name becomes corroborative 
 evidence if there are other good reasons for supposing 
 the existence of pre-Clementine Ktipvyfiara : but not 
 otherwise. 
 
 TAe evi- We come next to one of the most interesting but 
 
 a"" ami ^^so most difficult parts of the whole subject, the real 
 or supposed evidence borne by the Recognitions and 
 
 Horn 
 
SHORTER EARLIER WORK. 99 
 
 Homilies to another antecedent work. It is unfor- 
 tunate that the greater part of the ample discussions 
 under this head proceeds on a wrong basis, because 
 they assume either the derivation of Recognitions 
 from Homilies or vice versa, the recent acceptance of 
 a common source for both works being found only in 
 short articles. When once the idea of pre-Clementine 
 KTipviyfiara was started, it was natural to refer to them 
 any such features in the extant work taken as the 
 elder of the two as seemed inconsistent with origin- 
 ality and so to point back to some antecedent work. 
 Most of these indications may so easily be taken as 
 due to the obvious relation of the Homilies and Re- 
 cognitions to the IlepioZoL that it would be wasting 
 time to discuss them. 
 
 There is however other supposed evidence for Was there 
 the existence of a shorter earlier work consisting of /,>,„v^^/^ 
 Krfpv^. YleT. answering only to Rec. i — iii. They are '^'^^'"'''^■ 
 supposed to have contained only the Caesarean dis- 
 courses. There is no doubt that the liepiohoi placed 
 at Csesarea all the disputes between Peter and Simon 
 himself. This is the arrangement in the Recognitions, 
 and the dispute with Simon at Laodicea in the later 
 Homilies shews by various marks that it stood 
 originally at Caesarea. But it does not follow that 
 the incidents and discourses at other places were not 
 part of the original design. The sermo quern habitiiri 
 sumus per loca singula (i. 13, fin.) is mentioned in the 
 same sentence which names Rome, supposed to be 
 
 7—2 
 
loo CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the mark of the older work. Nor is there any sign 
 of discontinuity (unless the table of contents at the 
 end of Rec. iii. be such) after Laodicea in either of our 
 works. 
 Jri'lf "^^ independent proof of the existence of a work 
 
 Const. ending with Laodicea is supposed to be contained in 
 Ap. Const, vi. 8 f. But it completely breaks down on 
 examination. First, it is entirely absent from the 
 Syriac or uninterpolated form of the Ap. Const., prob- 
 ably dating from late in the third century. There' we 
 read after much about Simon from Acts, " But when 
 we went forth among the Gentiles to preach the word 
 of life, then the devil wrought among the people, to 
 send after us false apostles to profane the word. And 
 they put forward Cleobius and joined him with Simon, 
 and then others also e/c -rSiv irepX 'Eifimva followed me 
 (Peter) to pervert the word. But having arrived in 
 Rome, he troubled the Church much "- &c. In the 
 common or interpolated Ap. Const, (prob. A.D. 360 — 
 380) this is expanded by matter from one of our works 
 or the HepioBoi. Simon meeting with me Peter irpwrov 
 iv Kaia-apela '^Tpdravo'; tried to pervert the word of 
 God in company with Zacch. &c. Kai Tpirov iir avrSyv 
 hiaX€j(j9e\'; avT<fi el<; rov irepl 7rpo<f>ijTov Xoyov xal •jrepl 
 6eov fiovap'x^i.a'; rjTrijaai; avrov Bvvdp,€i tov Kvpiov koI 
 eh d^wviav Kara^aXmv (fivydSa icaTeaT7)aa et? t^i" 
 'IraXiav. y€v6fi€vo<: Se eV 'Pw/ijj &c. The three days 
 
 ' See Lagarde's Greek version in Bunsen's Ana/. AnU-NiciBana ii. 
 325- 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. loi 
 
 suit either Recognitions or Homilies (in Horn. 2 or 3 
 faintly marked). The irpdrov ev Kaia. is doubtless 
 put in in opposition to the encounter at Rome. But 
 the sole mention of Caesarea arises from the fact that 
 there alone were Simon and Peter in disputation. 
 Peter is not recounting his own preachings, but simply 
 Simon's attempts to counterwork himself, and for this 
 purpose the doings at Tripolis and Laodicea were 
 irrelevant. 
 
 Next we may consider the remarkable table of The Table 
 contents included in their last chapter (Rec. iii. 75). %J"iii"'-^_ 
 You will remember that these three books, answering 
 broadly in their framework, though by no means in 
 the discourses and the details, to the first three 
 Homilies, contain (after the introductory history of 
 Clement) the disputations and other proceedings at 
 Caesarea. Towards the end (Rec. iii. 63, Horn. iii. 58) 
 we hear that Simon Magus has fled by night : the 
 different accounts of his destination must stand over 
 for the present. Peter ordains Zacchaeus bishop in 
 his own place and prepares to follow Simon, first 
 sending on some of his disciples. Before proceeding 
 he remained himself three months more at Caesarea, 
 according to Rec. (iii. cc. 68, 70, 72, 74) [ten days 
 according to Horn. iii. 73]. "During the three months 
 spent there for the sake of teaching," says Clement 
 (Rec. iii. 74), "whatsoever things Peter expounded 
 before the people by day, these he explained to us 
 privately more fully and perfectly by night.... At 
 
I02 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the same time, since he observed that I committed 
 to memory with special care what I heard he com- 
 manded me to gather up in writing (libris, ^i^Xioii;) 
 all particulars which seemed worthy of being re- 
 corded, and to send them to thee my lord, James, 
 as also I did in obedience to his orders." 
 
 Then follows (Rec. iii. 75) the table. " The first 
 book then of those which I first {pritis) sent to thee 
 treats of the true prophet, and on the special mode 
 of understanding the Law in accordance with the 
 teaching of the tradition of Moses." The enumera- 
 tion is carried on for ten books, which at the end he 
 speaks of as ten volumina, containing Peter's ex- 
 poundings (disserta) at Czesarea, which he wrote at 
 Peter's command and sent to James. A very slight 
 examination is enough to shew that the table of 
 contents cannot be naturally taken from the dis- 
 courses as they stand in our Recognitions, while it is 
 equally clear that there is a close connexion between 
 them. They are pretty evidently a survival from an 
 antecedent work. But to learn anything about the 
 relations of the one to the other we must compare 
 the ten heads with the discourses extant in the 
 Recognitions. 
 
 I. " On the true prophet, and on the special mode 
 of understanding the Law in accordance with the teach- 
 ing of the tradition of Moses." The True Prophet' 
 
 ' [Rec. i. 17 contains an express reference to the Book on 'the 
 True Prophet.' Cf. Horn. i. i;. 20.] 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 103 
 
 is a subject emerging everywhere : it is specially- 
 prominent i. i5ff. 25. The mode of understanding 
 the Law by the tradition is laid down in the latter 
 part of i. 21, and accordingly in i. 22 init. we read 
 that Peter expounded to Clement the details concern- 
 ing those passages {capitulis) of the Law which 
 seemed to be in dispute, from the beginning of the 
 Creation down to the time at which Clement had 
 come upon Peter at Caesarea. In the following 
 chapters there is a kind of commentary on O.T. 
 history, with some singular omissions (e.g. of the 
 Captivity and Return) : but this hardly answers the 
 description, which applies better to the remarkable 
 discussion about supposed interpolations in the O.T. 
 irr Hom. ii. 38 — 52; iii. 38 — 57 (see especially what 
 is said about Moses and the chosen Seventy in 
 ii. 38). 
 
 IL " On the first principle, whether there be one 
 first principle or many." This is one of the points 
 laid down in i. 20 as needing to be first of all decided. 
 It is discussed in a somewhat scholastic fashion in 
 iii. 2 — 6, especially 2, 3. This head or book contains 
 likewise a second point not obviously connected with 
 the first, viz. "that the Law of the Hebrews is not 
 ignorant what immensitas is." This odd-looking posi- 
 tion becomes clear when we read in ii. 49 that Simon 
 was anxious to hold forth de immensitate suinmm lucis, 
 and that he used these words, " I hold that there is 
 a certain power of unbounded and ineffable light, 
 
104 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the greatness of which is held incomprehensible, 
 which power is unknown even to the Creator of the 
 world, and to the lawgiver Moses, and to your 
 teacher Jesus.'' The same subject is pursued in the 
 following chapters to 70 inclusive: see especially 67, 
 where Peter says that he could use testimonies of the 
 Law and Nature to make Simon know that the Law 
 does in an especial manner contain " immensitatis 
 fidem.'' In iii. 14 f Simon for a moment is inclined to 
 call on Peter to redeem his promise, but breaks off 
 into another subject. 
 
 III. "Concerning God and the things which have 
 been ordained iinstitiitd) by Him." This seems to 
 answer to the rapid summary given by Clement in i. 
 24 of what he had heard from Peter. It is so to speak 
 a condensed exhibition of a theory of the Divine 
 counsels for mankind beginning at a point before the 
 world. Much of the same matter recurs in iii. 52, 
 where Peter speaks of having expounded it to Clement 
 more fully " in eo tractatu quem de prsefinitione et 
 fine disserueram." On prafinitio (probably irpoopiaiJios:) 
 see i. 23 ; 69. 
 
 IV. " That, though there are said to be many gods, 
 there is but one true God, according to the text of the 
 Scriptures." This is fully argued in Rec. ii. 37 — 46 
 (II Horn. iii. 2 — 9). 
 
 V. " That there are two heavens, of which the one 
 is this visible firmament, which will also pass away, the 
 other eternal and invisible." This topic, after being 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 105 
 
 announced in ii. 67 f., and again in iii. 14, is discussed 
 in iii. 27 — 30. 
 
 VI. A very composite head "On good and evil, 
 and that all things are subjected to good by the 
 Father; and concerning evil why and how and whence 
 it is, and that it works together with good but without 
 purposing good (sed non proposito bono) ; and what 
 are the signs of good, what of evil; and what is the 
 difference between dualitas and conjiigatio'' The 
 general question of evil is dealt with slightly in Rec. 
 iii. 15 — 18, much more elaborately in Horn. xix. 2 — 23 
 and in part in xx. If, as seems likely, the signs of 
 good and evil are the signs that we met with in the 
 Op. Imp., they are briefly set forth in Rec. iii. 59 f (and 
 the II Hom. ii. 33 f). This is closely connected in the 
 last cited passages of both works with the last item, 
 the doctrine of Syzygy, faintly sketched Rec. iii. 55 f., 
 59 — 61, much more vigorously and fully Hom. ii. 15 — 
 18 (cf ii. 33 ; iii. 16). But the distinction from dualitas 
 is not mentioned. 
 
 VII. "What discourses were delivered by the 
 twelve apostles before the people in the temple?" 
 This is of course the recital in Rec. i. 55 — 64. 
 
 VIII. " On the words of the Lord which seem to 
 be contradictory but are not, and what is their ex- 
 planation .' " This doubtless answers to Rec. ii. 26 — 35. 
 
 IX. " That the Law which was ordained by God 
 is righteous and perfect, and alone capable of pro- 
 ducing peace." Here the chief phrases correspond to 
 
io6 CLEMENTINE RECOGNIIIONS. 
 
 isolated phrases of ii. 36, " aut ignoras quia perfectio 
 legis pax est" ; and again, "'ubi Vi&ro pax est, in disputa- 
 tionibus Veritas, in operibus jiistitia invenitur.'' But 
 Peace is itself the subject of about twelve chapters 
 (ii. 20 — 31), and probably the whole subject in con- 
 nexion with the Law was treated much more fully in 
 the Ile/jtoSot. 
 
 Lastly, X. " On the carnal birth of men {nativi- 
 tate, probably '^ivk<Tea<i), and on the generation 
 (probably •^evvrjaeo)';) which comes to pass through 
 baptism ; and what is the succession of the carnal 
 seed in man, and what the nature {ratio, probably 
 \d709) of his soul, and how there is freedom of will 
 therein ; which (i.e. probably the soul), since it is not 
 unborn {ingenita, dyipvrjTo^) but made, could not be 
 incapable of being moved from good." The first part 
 of this head is, strange to say, the hardest of all to 
 identify in the Recognitions, or indeed in either book. 
 The passage which comes nearest is Hom. xi. 24 — 28, 
 and it is worth notice that the simple jivvT](Ti<; referred 
 to Baptism (as distinguished from the more frequent 
 dvayevvrioo) is represented by two phrases of xi. 27, 
 aireiiaov yevvTidrivaL Bern and t&J ef uSaro? yevvoovri ae 
 Trarpi. Remote resemblances will be found in Rec. 
 ii. 71 f., as also in the later book vi. 8 — 10, answering 
 to the passages just cited from Homilies. The second 
 part of the head, on Free Will, answers to Rec. iii. 
 22 — 26 : the phrase " immobiles a bono " occurs in 
 iii. 26. 
 
CONTENTS OF REC. I— III. 107 
 
 We have now gone rapidly through all the heads, Compari- 
 SO as to be able to torm some impression as to their contents of 
 relation to the existing books. First, these heads ^."- '"" 
 profess to be retrospective, to be the heads of Peter's 
 teaching at Caesarea ; and internal evidence is to the 
 same effect, that is, that they do not cover the ground 
 of the other books, or travel beyond what we find in 
 the Recognitions or what we should naturally suppose, 
 chiefly on independent grounds, to have been in the 
 Tleplohoi. The differences are almost wholly of order, 
 not of matter, i is on the cardinal doctrine of the 
 True Prophet (see end of Book I.), 2, 3, 4 together 
 (from somewhat scattered materials) make up the 
 Monarchia, and of doctrines proper these are the 
 two most fundamental. Passing over 5 and 6 for 
 the moment, we have in 7 the discourses of the 
 Twelve, which in the order of Recognitions follows 
 I, but might easily be displaced by the Monarchia. 
 8 and 9 take up consecutive groups of chapters in 
 Rec. ii. ; 10, so far as represented at all, a later 
 passage of Rec. ii. There remains but one great 
 and not obviously intelligible transposition, that the 
 two heads taken exclusively from Rec. iii., instead of 
 standing at the end, are shifted back to stand as 5 
 and 6 after the Monarchia. The probable reason is 
 that they contain two more nearly fundamental doc- 
 trines than the heads placed after them, viz. that of 
 the two heavens, present and future, and the doctrine 
 of evil in connexion with Syzygies, i.e. each deals 
 with one kind of dualism. 
 
io8 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Probably The question now arises, which order is the earlier 
 
 ty author o{ the two ? Does the table of heads attest the order 
 o/Uepiodm. jj^ which the materials actually stood in an earlier 
 book, or is it conversely abstracted from our Recog- 
 nitions or from a book in cognate order? If it comes 
 from an earlier book, that book can hardly have been 
 the HepioSoi, : at least, if it was, there must have been 
 in Recognitions a much greater rearrangement of 
 materials than seems at all likely : it must therefore 
 in that case come from a still earlier book, which 
 we should then be justified in calling the Krjpvy/jLara 
 HeTpov. The terms used however in the headings 
 belong to just the same mental atmosphere that we 
 breathe in our present books. They do not at all 
 suggest what the critics who imagine Kripvy/iaTa 
 llerpov suppose, a work of wholly different character, 
 from a much earlier age, written expressly to attack 
 St Paul. All such features are wanting. But indeed 
 it is very difficult to imagine the process of tearing 
 to pieces a book written on such a comparatively 
 systematic and continuous plan in order to twist the 
 shreds about with changed order among different new 
 disputations, or to understand the motive for such a 
 process. The other alternative is much more probable, 
 that the heads are nothing more than a doctrinal 
 summing up by the author of the IlepioSot, exhibiting 
 briefly in an arranged form the main points on which 
 he had been making Peter insist in these his primary 
 discourses and disputations at Caesarea. Where the 
 
TRACES OF REHANDLING. 109 
 
 whole is a fiction, there is nothing improbable in 
 supposing that the previous reports said to have been 
 sent to James were a fiction too, and that no such 
 book was ever written. Whether the author intended 
 to carry on the fiction in respect of subsequent dis- 
 courses of Peter we cannot tell. The absence of 
 allusion to similar reports for James in the later 
 books does not go for much. The author might 
 easily come to find that he had already singled out 
 all that he most cared to single out in this formal 
 manner, and not think it necessary to go on repeating 
 the fiction for mere consistency's sake when there was 
 no fresh object to be gained by it. This table of 
 heads cannot then be safely regarded as evidence for 
 the previous existence of a separate book of Csesarean 
 
 A very few words will suffice on an argument for ^n there 
 
 traces of 
 
 the existence of an earlier book which, if well founded, several re- 
 would be of extreme interest, the supposed rehandling ""' '"■^^" 
 of the materials in successive recensions so as to make 
 Simon the mouthpiece of successive heresies according 
 to the age of the particular editor. This theory in its 
 completest and most ingenious form was elaborated 
 by Hilgenfeld, who argued that Simon originally was 
 a lay-figure representing St Paul, then Basilides, then 
 Valentinus, and finally Marcion. About St Paul I 
 will speak presently. The name Basilides stands for 
 two distinct sets of doctrines, reported to us by dif- 
 ferent authorities, those of Basilides and those of a set 
 
no CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 of Basilidians who misunderstood the original teaching. 
 Which were which is still a matter of controversy, 
 though the case seems to me clear enough' : but at all 
 events, after close examination of the alleged coinci- 
 dences, I failed to find in Recognitions or Homilies 
 a single point characteristic of either " Basilidian " 
 system. As regards Valentinus and Gnosticism 
 generally, there is nothing distinctively Valentinian : 
 there is Gnostic language put into Simon's mouth, 
 but only such as belongs to the peculiar form of 
 Gnosticism, which there is independent evidence for 
 attributing probably to Simon himself, but at all events 
 to a sect of Simonians. It is almost wholly divested 
 of connexion with Simon's teaching, though (at least 
 in the second point under the second head) shewing 
 traces of having been elicited by Simon's teaching. 
 It is perhaps worth notice that the end of the sixth 
 head in Rec. iii. 75, '' qucs sit differentia dualitatis 
 et conjugatiojiis," implies some contrast between the 
 Clementine doctrine of Syzygies {conjugatid) and some 
 other doctrine of dualitas, i.e. probably 8m? ; and that 
 in Iren. p. 52 the Valentinian pairs, "AppijTO'; Siyjy, 
 Tlarrjp 'AXrjOeia, appear as hvahe'i, though the term 
 Syzygy is also applied to them. It is conceivable, 
 though not very probable, that it is the Valentinian 
 doctrine that the IlepioSot repudiated, though whether 
 in association with Simon's name or not we cannot 
 tell. But it is at least as likely that it is the pairs of 
 ' See Article Basilides in Diet. Chr. Biog. 
 
'EPISTLE OF PETER.' ill 
 
 the Simonian Gnosticism that are meant. Neither 
 Swa? nor av^vyla is strictly speaking a technical word, 
 and they might be used indifferently except by con- 
 ventional appropriation. No reference seems to be 
 intended to the dnalitas of Rec. iii. lO ; 1 1. The case 
 is different as regards Marcion. Simon is occasionally 
 made to speak language which, as far as our present 
 knowledge goes, is distinctively Marcionistic. But 
 that helps us little. No doctrine of the early (so 
 called) heresies had anything like the vitality of 
 Marcionism as regards at least its leading ideas. 
 There was no time between early in the second century 
 and the age of Rufinus when it had not living repre- 
 sentatives (see some particulars in D. C. B. iii. 819 f.). 
 Nearly half a century after Rufinus, Theodoret could 
 boast that he had converted eight villages of Mar- 
 cionites, and elsewhere mentions an apparently un- 
 successful attempt of the same kind made by a 
 predecessor of his own at Chrysostom's exhortation : 
 and this was in Syria, not far from the home of the 
 Clementines. Marcionist language might therefore 
 date from the composition of the Ile/sioSot, or from 
 the subsequent recensions, and is no evidence of a 
 work written in an earlier time. 
 
 Evidence 
 Having then found no tangible evidence for inde--'*'''^''"' 
 
 nexton of 
 
 pendent earlier 'K.Tjpv'^iiaTa in the body of our Recog- Ep- Pet. 
 nitions and Homilies, we can return to the supposed »"/* "^ 
 evidence of the Epistle of Peter. First we have X.o'^l^f^'f 
 
112 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 notice some points which at least prima facie point 
 to a connexion with the Homilies. First there are 
 some remarkable coincidences of language. (Refer- 
 ences must suffice.) 
 
 Ep. Pet. I (Moses and the 70), Horn. ii. 38 ; iii. 47. 
 
 Ep. Pet. I (inconsistency of O.T.), Hom. iii. 24. 
 
 Ep. Pet. 2, TO St' 6/1.01} KT^pvyfia, Hom. xvii. 19. 
 
 Adjur. I, Regeneration with living water in river 
 or fountain, Hom. ix. 19 ; xi. 35 (cf. vii. 8 ; xi. 27). 
 
 (Ep. Pet. I, fjiovapj^ia passim, iroXireLa, Hom. ii. 
 19 f. ; iii. 32; viii. 22; xiii. 4; xviii. 17; but these 
 less distinctive perhaps.) 
 
 Another interesting coincidence is between the 
 solitary evangelical quotation in Ep. Pet. and Adjur., 
 i.e. Mt. v. 18, in Ep. Pet. 2, with the same in Hom. iii. 
 51, where we read o oipavo's xal r/ yrj irapeXevaovrai,, 
 IwTa ev r) fiia K€pai,a ov /irj irapeKBr) airo tov vofiov, 
 where the first clause is, I feel sure, borrowed by a 
 most natural slip of memory from Mt. xxiv. 35 (the 
 two verses are independently brought together by 
 Tert. adv. Marc. iv. 33). In the Ep. Pet. this exact 
 combination is repeated verbatim, with the addition 
 TovTo Se e'ipriKev "va la irdvra yivTfrai i.e. the last 
 clause of the verse in Matthew, with cva ra substituted 
 for ea)9 av, the change being made for his special pur- 
 pose (toSto in TOVTO Be eiprjxev k.t.X. meaning the 
 preceding sentence). There is no vestige of this form 
 of text elsewhere, and it bears no trace of being 
 an independent report, or anything more than a 
 
THE 'adjuration: 113 
 
 casual fusion. The coincidence clearly implies either 
 that both passages had the same author or that the 
 one copied the other. 
 
 Again, Adjur. i lays stress on the need of com- 
 municating the books not to chosen persons only, 
 but also to them only by degrees, the first before 
 the second, it being evidently implied that the more 
 mysterious or perplexing doctrines would come 
 last. Now this would entirely hold good of the 
 Homilies, in which the very peculiar doctrine of evil 
 comes very near the end. It would apply tolerably, 
 though not well, to the first three books of the 
 IleptoSot, taking the Recognitions as our guide as to 
 their structure (but no one, I believe, thinks of them 
 as a separate book). It applies very badly to our 
 Recognitions as a whole, and no better to the Table 
 of Heads, which is assumed to give the order of the 
 contents of the assumed Krfpv'^fj.aTa. It has been 
 replied that the Adjuration thinks only of "second," 
 not " last " : but this is a mere quibble. It evidently 
 means to imply a principle to be carried on through 
 the parts of the book successively : A before B im- 
 plies Y before Z, and a fortiori A before Z. 
 
 On the other hand it is urged that the Homilies Supposed 
 and the Ep. Pet. differ in their conception of the cies." 
 O. T. prophets, the Homilies denying their Divine 
 character, and the Ep. Pet. merely representing them 
 as requiring special interpretation. But, as Uhlhorn 
 (98 f) has shewn, there is no such real difference. 
 
 H. 8 
 
114 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 Ta Ttoi/ ypa(j)wv dtrv/j^wva Treipavrai fierappvO/jLi^eiv 
 certainly implies errors to be removed, not mere in- 
 terpretation of obscurities' ; and on the other hand 
 the Homilies appear to represent the prophets as 
 speaking sometimes truth, sometimes falsehood. More- 
 over the apparently milder language of the Ep. Pet. 
 arises from its referring to the Law as well as the 
 Prophets. There is therefore no tangible difference. 
 
 A more plausible case may be made from the fact 
 that the A djuration allowed the books to be entrusted 
 only to one kp.irepiTop.t^ ovti iriarai, whereas the 
 Homilies make no allusion to circumcision. But it 
 is to be observed that this condition is put into the 
 mouth of James alone, whereas the careful conditions 
 previously laid down by Peter twice over (i, 3) say 
 nothing about circumcision ; and yet no one doubts 
 or could doubt that Ep. Pet. and the Adjuration are 
 by the same author. Moreover, the Homilies contain 
 no explicit rejection of the need of circumcision, such 
 as we find in Rec. v. 34. 
 
 The refer- One more argument remains, connected with a 
 "paul'as ^' specially interesting point — the attitude of the Clem- 
 ' The entine literature towards St Paul. The Ep. Pet. 2 
 
 Enemy in _ _ _ ^ 
 
 Ep. Pet. attributes the rejection of the legitimate preaching 
 through Peter to the acceptance of the lawless and 
 
 ' /leTappvfftit^w is used of bringing to virtue a vicious man, and 
 Philostr. (V. A. i. 13, p. 7, 22 Kayser) has even KaKctvov...fieTeppi0iuffe 
 
 TUIV CLfiapTTJfiiTUV TOWUV SvTUV. 
 
REFERENCES TO ST PAUL. 115 
 
 babbling teaching tov i'x^ffpov avOpwirov, i.e. of course 
 St Paul. 
 
 Now the same phrase occurs towards the end In Rec. or 
 of Rec. i. (70 homo quidam inimicus, ilk inimicus jieploSoi 
 komo, 7 1 inimicus ilk homo, 73 inimicus homo) '^"' "ff- 
 describing the manner in which Paul was said to from ' The 
 
 Steps of 
 
 have broken in upon the imminent conversion of the james.' 
 people by the Apostles and to have raised a tumult, 
 and finally to have gone off to Damascus with a 
 mission from Caiaphas. The part of Rec. i. in which 
 this occurs is unlike anything else in Recognitions 
 or Homilies. As I mentioned, some hold it to have 
 come from the 'Ava^adfiol 'laKto^ov described by Epi- 
 phanius, and on the whole the suggestion is a prob- 
 able one, notwithstanding the different interpretation 
 which we saw was given by Epiphanius to the word 
 dva^adfioL At all events this portion of Book I. 
 cannot have been originally written as part of the 
 book : it must have had an independent existence 
 in the first instance, and then been incorporated with 
 the Clementine work in some stage or other of that 
 work. But in what stage .■' Prima facie one would 
 be tempted to say that this section was interpolated 
 into a work already existing. But this is to all 
 appearance decisively negatived by head VII. in 
 iii. 75, quce sint quee prosecuti sunt duodecim apos- 
 toli apud populiim in templo. Had we been able to 
 refer the Table of Heads simply to the Recognitions, 
 we might have supposed that the insertion of this 
 
 8—2 
 
ii6 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 section was part of the process by which the Wepiohot, 
 were turned into the Recognitions, and the more 
 since the Homilies shew no trace of it. But since 
 the Table of Heads must go further back, i.e. to the 
 IlepioSof, the section must have stood in the Efep/oSot. 
 In all probability then the author of the UeploBoi 
 incorporated into his own work this earlier narrative 
 (be its name 'Ava^adfiol 'laKw^ov or not), or at least 
 so much of it as suited his purpose. This is a more 
 probable supposition than that his work was a mere 
 expansion of the narrative through a succession of 
 processes. 
 Thissource The result obtained thus far is that the narrative 
 
 cannot be . -^^ ..... .... , 
 
 ■very early. "1 K.ec. 1., mcludmg the tjumicus lioino, was written 
 before the IleptoSot. Whether, however, the difference 
 of date amounted to a few months or years or to four 
 or five generations, does not appear from this evi- 
 dence. There is, as far as I am aware, nothing that 
 points to a very high antiquity ; and there is at least 
 
 The Title one word which, though usually overlooked, seems to 
 
 Arch- . . , 
 
 bishop. me strongly adverse to the supposition. In a charac- 
 teristic passage of chapter 73, in one of the sentences 
 which speak of " inimicus homo" we read of " Jacobus 
 archiepiscopiis stans in summis gradibus," and pre- 
 viously in chapter 68 "Jacobum episcoporum principem 
 sacerdotum princeps (sc. Caiaphas) orabat," where 
 the Greek is not unlikely to have been the same (rov 
 apyievlaKo-nov o apyiipiv<^, and at all events the 
 sense is not distinguishable. Both the title and the 
 
REFERENCES TO ST PAUL. 117 
 
 function implied by it are startling. The title is else- 
 where unknown before the fourth century, and then it 
 occurs only in two Meletian sources' with reference to 
 local Egyptian arrangements ; after which it disappears 
 again till the Council of Ephesus. It cannot here be 
 any interpolation of Rufinus, for it cannot have been 
 in general use in his time, since otherwise it must have 
 occurred in the literature of the fourth century. The 
 title therefore must in any case be an isolated phe- 
 nomenon. As regards the function denoted by it, it is 
 difficult, as far as our present knowledge goes, to think 
 of it as suggesting itself at any earlier time than the 
 latter years of the second century, the time of the 
 great movement towards organisation and consolida- 
 tion, which was likely to react largely upon outlying 
 bodies like the Jewish Christians. Moreover, there is 
 no trace of either title or function being assigned to 
 St James in either Hegesippus or the stories about 
 St James preserved by Clement of Alexandria, sources 
 in which they were likely to have left some trace had 
 they been associated with his name in Judaso-Christian 
 tradition.s. At first sight the nature of the function 
 might be thought to suggest that Jerusalem must 
 have been still standing when the title was given ; 
 but in reality the idealised Jerusalem, as looked back 
 to from a later age, was more likely still to suggest it. 
 We hardly realise what an event the foundation of 
 Aelia must have been in Christian as well as in Jewish 
 ' Melet. Cat. ap. Ath. Afol. c. Ar. 71 and Epiph. 68. 
 
ii8 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 history. It was not for nothing that the long unbroken 
 line of bishops of the circumcision enumerated by 
 Eus. Ecd. Hist. iv. 5, was then suddenly succeeded by 
 the Gentile Marcus, the new church being composed 
 of Gentiles, u. s. iv. 6. Thenceforward for a long while 
 the site of what had been Jerusalem was avoided by 
 the Jews, partly because the Emperor forbade them to 
 come near it, partly because of their abhorrence of 
 the heathen worship set up in the holy places ; and 
 evidently the Jewish Christians could only remain 
 by abandoning their Judaism. Probably they joined 
 their brethren beyond Jordan with an embittered 
 spirit of antagonism to the Gentile Churches, while 
 yet, as the Rabbinical writings amply shew, they 
 were hated and scorned by the Jews. This isolated 
 position would naturally lead them to draw closer 
 and closer together, and in due time the centre of 
 their organisation might easily be a central bishop, 
 an dp')(ieKiaKo'iro<i, of whom the prototype would of 
 necessity be St James. The same idea is implied in 
 the title eTna-Koirmv iiria-Ko'irai given to St James in 
 the heading of the Ep. Clem., which, as we saw, 
 belongs to the Recognitions. It seems to be an 
 imitation of the episcopiis episcoporum of Rome, jeered 
 at by Tert. De ptidic. i., apparently written in an 
 early year of the third century ; and indeed it is not 
 unlikely that the pretensions put forward by Victor 
 of Rome about 190 may have had their share in 
 suggesting the idea of an archiepiscopns taking his 
 
REFERENCES TO ST PAUL. 119 
 
 name from the yet more venerable see of Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 There is then no difficulty in supposing that the • The 
 narrative in Rec. i., containing the inimicus lionto, j^p^ p^t' 
 belongs to the close of the second or opening of the "" «^«^«'« 
 third century, and if so, the similar language of the early date. 
 Ep. Pet. is no sign of primitive antiquity. You will 
 remember that tov amocrToKov reXeov adereZ is one of 
 the characteristics which Origen assigns to the Helxa- 
 istic doctrine of his own day ; and though the 
 immediate meaning is doubtless "rejects St Paul's 
 Epistles',' yet the rejection of them carried with it the 
 condemnation of himself, since there was no doubt 
 felt about the genuineness of at least the more im- 
 portant Epistles bearing his name. The origin of the 
 phrase 6 i'xdpix; dvBpwiro'; must, I think, be sought in 
 the Parable of the Sower (Mt. xiii. 25, 28), where 
 exGpo'i avOpanrot is said to have over-sowed the wheat 
 with tares, St Paul being regarded as having similarly 
 introduced strange elements into the original Gospel. 
 
 Thus the last supposed ground for connecting the Condu- 
 Ep. Pet. with the supposed very ancient Kripvyfiara """' 
 falls away. It may conceivably belong to the Ti.epio- 
 Soi ; but, so far as we can judge of the UepioSoi, 
 through the Recognitions, its spirit harmonises much 
 better with the narrower and more polemical purpose 
 with which the Homilies seem to have been edited, 
 with which, moreover, as we have seen, it has some 
 special points of contact. On the whole then, though 
 
I20 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the case is not free from doubt, it seems probable 
 that the editor of the Homilies wrote the Ep. Pet. and 
 the Adjuration. The date as before remains uncer- 
 tain. Neither the theory of James's jurisdiction nor 
 the animosity to St Paul were likely to die out soon. 
 
 St Paul and Simon Magus. 
 
 We have already been led to consider either 
 directly or indirectly most of the more important 
 problems connected with the Recognitions. But the 
 most important remains: what is the relation of the 
 Simon Magus of the Clementine literature to St 
 Paul? We have just been considering the signs of 
 animosity against St Paul shewn in the Ep. Pet. and in 
 the narrative incorporated in Recognitions, and prob- 
 ably in the HepioBoL. Nothing quite of the same kind 
 meets us in any other part of the Recognitions or in 
 the Homilies. But the same animosity shews itself 
 in a different and carefully veiled form in the Homi- 
 lies and probably in the Recognitions, and if so 
 doubtless it was to be found in the TiepCoBoi. Three 
 striking examples' are given by Lightfoot, Galatians, 
 
 ' The passages referred to run as follows : 
 
 Ei yu^c ovv Kal ffol 'ItjctoOs iifuiv Si' opifiaros d^Beis iyvuiirdii Kal 
 Cjfil\7jffev, — (is ivTiKet^4v({j dpyii^dixevos ' dib 5t' opa/xaTdtv Kal (wttvIuv ^ 
 Kal 5i' dTroKa\6\peojv i^wOev oiiawv AdXr^ffcv. e£ Tis 5^ 5i' dirTaaiav irpos 
 Si8ai7Ka\lav frotpiadijvaL SOvaTai; Kal el fj.^v ipeU' Swardv iffrtv^ 5td tL 
 oXifi iviavTif iypqyopbn vapafjiviav iiiilXriaev 6 SiSaaKaXos; irws Si aoi 
 KoX TTiaTeOaofiev ai)r6, K&v Stl u^drj ffoi ; ttus S4 ffot. Kal u<f)67f, Swore 
 
ST PAUL AND SIMON MAGUS. 121 
 
 314 ff., ed. 4, the best known being xvii. 19; xi. 35; ii. 
 17, 18. Here words spoken by St Paul to St Peter are 
 
 ai/ToO rh. evacTia t-q diSatrfraX/^ (ppoP€is\ el 5i vir' ^Keivov niSis utpas 606eis 
 Kal fxadyfTevBeU dir&a-ToKos cy^i^ou, tAs iKeivov (^wvas KiipviTae, ra iKcivov 
 ipfx'^vevej rods iKeivov diroffToXous <pL\€i, ifiol t<^ ffvyyevofiivi^ airt^ pJt\ 
 tidxov. 7rp6s ydp arepedv ir^Tpav &vto. fie, de/xiXiov iKKXrjaiaSf evaprios 
 dvdiffTTiKds fioi. el fir} dvTiKeifiivos ij^, ouk &v fie Sta^dWotv rb 5i' efioO 
 K-qpvyfia eXotSdpeis, 'iva, 6 irapa tov Kvpiov aCirbs irapij)v dKriKoaf \4ywv /it} 
 irtffTei/w/tat, 5^\ov 6'ti us ifiov KarayvtaaBivTos Kal ifiov [uis <tqv F.J.A.H.] 
 evdoKifiovvTos. ij el Kareyvutrfi^vov fie X^yets, Beov tou diroKa\6\f/avT6s 
 fJLOi rbv Xptffrbv Ka-nqyopeU, Kal rod iirl dTroxaXiJ^ei fiaKapiaavrds fie 
 Karatp^peis [KaTa<p4pet J. M. S.]. 
 
 Horn. xvii. 19. 
 
 6 dTToffTeiXas ijfidi Kijpios ij/iQv Kal Trpotp-qTris {t<f>T}yrj<TaTO ijfiiv, uis 6 
 TTOvrjpbs re<r<rapdKovTa ijfiipas dtaXexBels ai^rtp Kal fi7}bkv 5vur}6els irpbi 
 aiL/rbv eK tuv aifTov ewTjKbojv eirrjyyiWeTO irpbs dTrdr7)v dtroaT6\ous ir^fi^j/ai. 
 5t6 Trpo wdvTujv fi4fxuT}(r6e aTrbffToXov rj 5i5dffKa\ov rj •jrpQtfyqT'qv [fiy\ wpoaM- 
 Xe<TdaL\ fiT] wpdrepov avTi^dWovTa avToO t6 K'^pvyfia 'laKtJb^ip r(p XexB^vrt 
 ddeXtpip TOV Kvpiov fiov xal ireTrnTTevfiivtp iv 'lepovaaXijfi ttjj/ 'E/Spafwv 
 di^ireiv iKKXijaiaVf Kal fiera. fiapr^pwv irpoffeKtfKvdiiTa irpbs O/ias, 'iva fir} i] 
 KaKia 7} Tip KVpL(p irpotrbioKex&eiffa yfidpas TeaaapdKovTa, fnjdev SvvT}6eT<Ta, 
 ^(TTepov Cis daTpaiTT) i^ o^pavov iwl y^s iretTouaa Kad^ {ffiujv iKTrifi'ipTi 
 Ki^pvKa, ws vuv Tjfuv Tbv "Zifiuva vir4^a\e Trpo^dffet dXrjdeias iw' du&fiaTi 
 TOV Kvpiov i]fiwv K-rfpiffffovTa-, TrXavrfv re ivtrirelpovTa. ov x^P^^ diro- 
 ffTeiXas i}fids ^tptj' woWol iXeivaovTai irpbs fie iv evbOfiaat Trpo^drwi', 
 iffwdev U elai Xvkol apirayes' dirb tQv KapirOtv aijTGiv iirtyviSjaeffde 
 
 a{fToi!/s» 
 
 Horn, xi- 35. 
 
 Ta6TTj T^ Tofet aKoXovBovvTa Swarbv ^v voeTv tivos iffTi "StifKav, 6 vpb 
 ifioO els tA i6vri Trpurros iXOthv, Kal twos ujp Tvyxo^<*>j yuer' CKetvov 
 iXyfXvO^s^ KoX eireXdiiv ds aKortp ^ws, ws dyvoiq. yvQffts, (hs vbatp taffis. 
 oijTOJS 5^, u)S 6 oXtiBtjs rjfiTv Trpo(pr}T7}S eDp7}KfVj irpioTov x/zevS^s Set eXdeiv 
 evayyiXLov Oirb wXdvov Tivbs, Kal eW* ovTtas fieTo. Kadalpf<nv tov dylov 
 tSttov evayyiXtov dXijOh KpiJtpa Siairefupffijvai els ewavbpBtaaiv tGjv eao- 
 fiivwv alp4<re(t)v' Kcd fierd ravTa irpbs Tip TiXei TrdXti* vpdjTov ' Atn-lxptffTOV 
 iXdeiv Set, Kal TOTe Tbv ovtujs XpLtTTbv Tjfiibv 'iTftrouv dva^av^vaij Kal fieTd 
 TovTov alojvlov tfxirrbs dvaTeiXavTos irdvTa rd tov CKbTovs dtpavi} yiveaBai, 
 18. *E7rei ovv^ Jis ^^T/r, tov Kavbva ttjs ffv^vyias dyvoovffi Ttves, ^v6ev oi/K 
 
122 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 referred to as though spoken by Simon to St Peter ; 
 and this is the general characteristic of these passages ; 
 an application to Simon of words used by or of St 
 Paul, or of claims made by or in behalf of St Paul. 
 But there are other more or less certain examples of 
 the same kind. In the Recognitions' the most prob- 
 
 eiriffTaKTOi t(i Tvyxio^i 6 efwv irpooSeiiffos ^ifiuv. el yap eyiviiaK€TO, ovk 
 S.V ^jrtaTeiieTO " vvv Se ayvooijfj.€vos oiiK dpdojs TLarcvercu " Kal 6 ret 
 /jU(ro6vTUP TTOiGni JiydtnjTaL, Kai 6 ix&p^^ ws tjyiXos d7ro5^5eKTat, Kal 
 BavaTos wv lis (riifui' TreiriSijrai, Kol Tvp wx <j>m pevdiucTai, Kal TrXaxos 
 wv us dXfjdedwv aKoijeTai. 
 
 Horn. ii. 17, 18. 
 
 ' The passages referred to run as follows : 
 
 Verum si non invenisset Simonem malignus ministrum sibi, in- 
 venisset alium sine dubio ; necesse est enim seculo huic venire scandala, 
 vae tamen illi per quem veniunt. Et ideo magis defiendus est Simon, 
 quod vas electionis factus est maligno; quod utique non fuisset, nisi 
 potestatem in eum pro peccatis prioribus accepisset. 
 
 Rec. iii. 49. 
 
 Petrus respondit : Solent ista, O Simon, absurda adversus deum 
 meditari hi qui legem non magistris tradentibus legunt, sed semetipsos 
 doctores habent et putant se intelligere posse legem, quam sibi non 
 exposuit ille qui a magistro didicerit. 
 
 Rec. ii. 55. 
 
 Nisi enim quis illuc ascendent et ibi fuerit probatus quod sit doctor 
 idoneus et fidelis ad praedicandum Christi verbum, nisi, inquam, inde 
 detulerit testimonium, recipiendus omnino non est ; sed neque propheta 
 neque apostolus in hoc tempore speretur a vobis aliquis alius praeter 
 nos. Unus enim est verus propheta, cuius nos duodecim apostoli verba 
 praedicamus. 
 
 Rec. iv. 35. 
 
 Ad haec Aquila respondit : Quid ergo delinquunt homines, si 
 malignus transformans se in splendorem lucis maiora repromittit 
 homiliibus, quam ipse conditor Deus. Et Petrus: Puto, inquit, hoc 
 iniustius nihil esse, et quatenus iniustum sit audi. 
 
 Rec. ii. 18. 
 
ST PAUL AND SIMON MAGUS. 123 
 
 able example is vas electionis f actus est maligna in 
 iii. 49: cf. ii. 55 ; iv. 35 ; and more doubtfully ii. 18, 
 65; iii. 13, 56,65,68; iv. 34. 
 
 Et tu ergo nunc, si vere aliquid tibi videris tua cogilatione per- 
 spicere, et supra coelos intueri, non dubium quin ex his ea consideres 
 quae in terris positus vides. Aut si putas facilem menti tuae accessum 
 esse super coelos, et considerare te posse quae illic sunt, atque immensae 
 illius lucis scientiam capere, puto ei qui ilia potest comprehendere 
 facilius esse ut sensum suum qui illuc novit ascendere, in alicuius 
 nostrum qui adsistimus cor et pectus iniciat et dicat, quas in eo cogi- 
 
 tationes geral. 
 
 Rec. ii. 65. 
 
 Et tu quidem nefariis artibus agens ab exordio latere te posse 
 credidisti, sed non lates ; urgeris enim et contra spem publicaris, quia 
 non solum ignorasti veritatem, sed nee audire voluisti ab his qui earn 
 sciebant. 
 
 Rec. iii. 13. 
 
 Sicut enim tunc Moyse hortante regem ut crederet deo, obsistebant 
 magi quasi ostentatione similium signorum, et a salute incredulos 
 prohibebant, ita et nunc cum ego exierim docere omnes gentes ut 
 credant vero deo, Simon magus resistit eadem agens adversum me, 
 quae et illi tunc egerunt adversum Moysen, ut si qui sunt ex gentibus 
 qui non recto iudicio utuntur, appareant, salventur autem qui signorum 
 
 rectum discrimen habuerint. 
 
 Rec. iii. 56. 
 
 Quia ergo, ut ipsi audistis, Simon egressus est aures gentilium qui 
 ad salutem vocati sunt praevenire, necesse est et me vestigia eius insequi, 
 ut si quid forte ab illo disputatum fuerit, corrigatur a nobis. 
 
 Rec. iii. 65. 
 
 Consideremus, fratres, quod iustum est ; debemus enim auxilium 
 aliquod ferre gentibus, quae ad salutem vocatae sunt. 
 
 Rec. iii. 68. 
 
 ...festinat continue emittere in hunc mundum pseudoprophetas et 
 pseudoapostolos falsosque doctores, qui sub nomine quidem Christi 
 loquerentur, daemonis autem facerent voluntatem. 
 
 Rec. iv. 34. 
 
124 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 The his- From these more or less obvious facts has been 
 
 torical drawn the amazing inference^ that the original Simon 
 
 character ° ° 
 
 of Simon, of the earliest form of the Clementine literature was 
 nothing more than St Paul under another name, 
 and that no other Simon Magus ever existed. If 
 any one will try to consider what are the chief 
 Pauline doctrines, and especially which of them 
 would be most obnoxious to a Jewish Christian, 
 and then carry them in mind when reading either 
 Homilies or Recognitions, the more closely he studies 
 the whole structure of the discourses, the less will he 
 find them to be aimed at the Pauline doctrines. 
 Inconsistent with them they will often be, but that 
 is another matter. The writer, or rather writers, 
 regard everything from their own point of view : 
 but the primary enemy is nowhere St Paul. A 
 large part of the discourses is practically positive, 
 not negative, a setting forth of Helxaistic theory. 
 The polemical elements are directed partly against 
 real Simonianism, that being a form of doctrine close 
 at hand in Samaria, partly against various forms of 
 popular or cultivated heathenism, partly against 
 fatalism, especially of the astrological kind. On the 
 other hand the allusions to St Paul are merely 
 passing skits, lying on the mere outside of the dis- 
 courses, the writers thus indulging the temptation to 
 give sly thrusts at the hated apostle of the great 
 
 ' A short, but in most respects sufficient, refutation in Salmon's 
 Article Clementine Literature in D. C. B. I. 575 f. 
 
SIMON MAGUS. 125 
 
 dominant Church, by clothing Simon with one or 
 another association properly belonging to the apostle. 
 There is already at least one curious sign that we 
 may hope before very long to see the true state of 
 things generally recognised. After spending a great 
 part of his life in denying the existence of Simon, 
 through a long series of books and pamphlets, Hil- 
 genfeld has in this present year {Die ketz. Gesch. d. 
 Urchr. p. 164) declared himself now convinced that 
 Simon was a true historical personage, as he had given 
 signs of suspecting in 1878 and 1881, and that the 
 Acts of the Apostles told the truth after all. What 
 has chiefly convinced him is apparently the testimony 
 of Justin Martyr, himself a Samaritan, as was also 
 Simon, free as it is from any of the specially Clemen- 
 tine stories about Simon, and so manifestly not 
 derived from them. 
 
 But to my own mind the story in the Acts is 
 decisive, quite apart from any question of biblical 
 authority. That any one acquainted with Simon only 
 as a Clementine creation should have told the story in 
 Acts viii. without any further allusion to his supposed 
 future position than is contained in the words et? r^ap 
 ■)(p\r)v TTiKpia^ Kal avvBea/jLov aSiKui<; opco ae ovra is 
 simply incredible. Supposing it to be a fiction, its 
 fragmentary character becomes wholly inexplicable. 
 
 Then comes Justin's account, not really weakened 
 in authority by his very natural mistake about the 
 image of Semo Sancus ; and then come the various 
 
126 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 writers who describe Simonian doctrine. The type 
 of doctrine is a very peculiar one ; and whatever 
 doubt there may be how far Simon personally is 
 responsible for it, there can be none that it was 
 current in a sect which in the second century bore 
 his name and was supposed to have him for its 
 founder, all trace of acquaintance with the Clementine 
 story being in this case likewise absent. The chief 
 authorities for Simonianism are Irenaeus, the Syntagma 
 of Hippolytus through its three representatives, his 
 longer work Agamst Heresies, Tertullian, and Epi- 
 phanius. The quotations from the aTT6^a<Ti<i or 
 Declaration bearing Simon's name in Hippolytus 
 adv. Hcer. are especially interesting. 
 
 Besides these Christian accounts there is 2. possible 
 allusion to Simon Magus in Josephus {^Ant. xx. 7. 2), 
 who says that Felix sent to Drusilla one, Simon by 
 name, one of his own friends, a Jew, but by birth 
 a Cyprian, who pretended to be a magician (St/xwi/a' 
 ovofiari rwv eavrov <f>iXwv lovSalov KvTrpiov Be yevo<;, 
 fidyov elvai (rKfjirTOfievov), to induce Drusilla, by 
 means of promises, to forsake her husband and marry 
 /lim (Felix). It would be conceivable that Josephus, 
 hearing Simon Magus called a native of Gittha or 
 Gitta, mistook the guttural, and supposed him to 
 be called a Kithian, by which as we know from his 
 
 ' [So codd. M, W and Lat. vers. But the Ambrosian MS. A has 
 Ato/ioii (with Si/i(i»'o in marg.) : this reading is found also in the 
 'Epitome,' and is adopted by Niese.] 
 
THEORY OF LIPSIUS. 127 
 
 language elsewhere {Ant. i. 6. i ; cf. ix. 14, 2), 
 he would naturally understand either a man of 
 Cyprus (see especially Epiph. p. 150 B TravTi Be rm 
 BfiXov iaTiv OTi KtVtoi/ ^ K.VTrpicov vr/(ro<i KaXelrai. 
 KtTtot yap Kvirpioi ical 'PoStoi) or a man of Citium, 
 a town of Cyprus. But then it would be necessary 
 to assume also a second error, or at least laxity of 
 language, that of calling a Samaritan a Jew. On the 
 whole it seems most likely that Josephus' mock- 
 magician Simon is not the true Simon Magus. The 
 name Simon was extremely common in Palestine at 
 this time. 
 
 It is impossible now to discuss at any length the TAe theory 
 peculiar theory by which Lipsius (see especially his 
 Quellen d. rom. Petrussage of 1872) has attempted to 
 bolster up the theory of Simon's absolute non-exist- 
 ence : but I must just notice some of the chief data 
 on which it rests. The conflicts of Peter and Simon 
 in the Clementine literature are located entirely in 
 Palestine and Syria : but this literature' contains 
 allusions to another region, as we saw in passing a 
 little time ago. In Rec. i. 13 Peter invites Clement 
 to journey with him and listen to the word of truth 
 which he will hold "per loca singula, usquequo ad 
 ipsam nobis perveniendum sit urbem Romam": com- 
 pare Hom. i. 16 Xd7<Bi' wv Kara iroXiv Troiei<rdai, /jbeWo) 
 IxeXpi P(0fi7i<! avTrj<;. 
 
 At the end of Rec. i. 74 (not Hom.) Peter again 
 ' See p. loo. 
 
128 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 tells Clement that he will hear his disputes with 
 Simon day by day until by God's favour they, arrive 
 at the city of Rome itself, "quo iter nostrum diri- 
 gendum credimus." In iii. 63 Simon's disciple tells 
 how Simon, in suddenly departing, had asked 
 him to accompany him, saying, "se Romam petere 
 ibi enim in tantum placiturum ut deus putetur et 
 divinis publice donetur honoribus " ; and in the 
 next chapter (64) Peter tells the people that 
 Simon had left behind the disciple "ipse Romam 
 petens." In the next chapter (65) and again in 69 
 Peter announces that he proposes to follow the steps 
 of Simon and "proficisci ad gentes." In 73 a letter 
 arrives, describing how Simon was deceiving the 
 people in different towns, but especially at Tripolis. 
 In 74 Peter announces that he himself proposes to 
 winter at Tripolis. Then in iv. i comes an itinerary 
 from Caesarea to Tripolis. In Horn. iii. these allusions 
 to Rome at the end of the Caesarean time disappear. 
 In chapter 58 Simon flees o5? e'^n-i '\:vpov r^f <Poii'iKri<;, 
 in chapter 73 Peter declares his intention of going to 
 Tyre, and in iv. i he goes there. Tyre is one of the 
 places which in Rec. iv. i are passed between Caesarea 
 and Tripolis ; i.e. Rec. hurries over the inter- 
 mediate journey. Finally in both works (Rec. x. 57 || 
 Hom. XX. 22) Simon disappears for the last time, 
 fleeing from Antioch by Laodicea,"Judaeam petentem" 
 {iirl rr)v 'lovSaiav wpt/,r)crep), in consequence of supposed 
 tidings that the Emperor is pursuing and destroying 
 
THEORY OF LIP SI US. 129 
 
 all magicians at Rome and in the provinces. On the 
 strength of the differences mentioned it is argued 
 that the Recognitions represent an earlier form of the 
 story, in which the story ended at Caesarea, and 
 Simon fled thence straight to Rome, not to Syria, 
 Rome and Syria being tacitly assumed to be mutually 
 exclusive. The truth of course is that, as the first 
 notice found equally in both works shows, Rome 
 was throughout contemplated as the goal, but to 
 be reached by means of a journey through various 
 cities. There is not the slightest reason to suppose 
 that an ancient would dream of a sail direct from 
 Caesarea as the natural or usual route to Rome. As 
 a matter of course he would run up the Syrian coast, 
 just as the centurion in charge of St Paul from the 
 same Cassarea did, whether the latter part of the 
 journey were performed as far as possible by land or 
 by a succession of coasting voyages. Thus the only 
 difference between the two accounts, apart from the 
 slower or faster journey from Caesarea to Tripolis, 
 is that Homilies omits after the first time the 
 allusions to Rome as the final destination. Why 
 Simon is brought back to Judaea does not appear : 
 but this is common to both works. 
 
 The notice of Rome was not without a purpose. 
 Various writers from the second century onward 
 speak of conflicts between St Peter and Simon at 
 Rome, ending in Simon's discomfiture and death. 
 The story appears in various modifications. Some- 
 
 H. 9 
 
I30 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 times St Paul is brought on the stage as associated 
 with St Peter in the conflict. Whatever be the 
 historical value of these traditions, it is certain that 
 they were early current, and also that as far as our 
 evidence goes, they were wholly separate from the 
 Clementine literature, and contain no allusion to any 
 Palestinian or Syrian conflicts of St Peter with Simon. 
 Lipsius holds that nevertheless this complete sepa- 
 ration is accidental, and that the Syrian and Roman 
 conflicts are only parts of what was originally one 
 continuous legend. For this boldest of conjectures 
 I can see no evidence whatever. One of the most 
 interesting documents is the Acts of Peter and Paul, 
 published by Thilo and again by Tischendorf It 
 has doubtless undergone changes in the course of time, 
 like all such works : but internal evidence gives no 
 support to Lipsius' theory, that St Paul is wholly an 
 interpolation in his present shape, and that the 
 original Acts were of a dispute of St Peter against 
 St Paul under the mask of Simon. This work does 
 contain an allusion to previous Syrian conflicts, but 
 as it is confessedly in its present form not older than 
 the fifth century, if so old, the wonder would be if 
 it had remained only unaffected by the Clementine 
 story. 
 The All these impossible theories have no other real 
 
 o^^n ^ basis than the assumption that Simon is otily St Paul 
 "f^'" in disguise. The true relations of the Syrian and 
 Literature. Roman stories are much simpler, according to what 
 
PROBABLE ORIGIN. 131 
 
 seems to me the most natural interpretation. Simon 
 at Rome was familiar to the second century ; of 
 Simon in conflict with Peter in Syria, we hear 
 nothing till the third century has well begun. If 
 the imaginary primitive Krjpvy/MaTa are discarded, 
 there is no difficulty in supposing that the Eastern 
 story was an artificial reflexion of the Western, 
 fabricated not much before or after the year 200. 
 An ingenious Helxaite we may suppose, perhaps 
 stimulated by the example of the many Encratite 
 TlepLoBoL, thought that he would represent that dim 
 conflict between St Peter and the typical heretic of 
 the apostolic age, as having been preluded by much 
 better reported conflicts much nearer the home of 
 both apostle and heretic, as well as much nearer the 
 haunts of the Helxaites. This device gave him like- 
 wise the opportunity of trying to displace the most 
 undeniable of St Paul's titles to fame, his successful 
 missionary labours. By the end of the second 
 century, and indeed long before, it would have been 
 madness for any Jewish Christian to maintain that 
 the Gospel had not been intended by God to be con- 
 veyed to the Gentiles ; but it was possible to give the 
 credit to the apostle whom the West already believed 
 to have striven with Simon at Rome and to have 
 suffered martyrdom there. The tradition of Mark 
 as the interpreter of Peter at Rome, gave a hint for 
 the mechanism of the story. Peter could be provided 
 with a similar interpreter for the East in the person 
 
 9—2 
 
132 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 of that Roman Clement, who by a natural confusion 
 was assumed to have been a companion of apostles, 
 and who in lapse of time had come to be con- 
 fused with Flavius Clemens, cousin of Domitian and 
 husband of Domitilla, another cousin of Domitian, 
 being in fact in all probability as Lightfoot' has 
 suggested {Clem. 256 — 269) a member of his house- 
 hold and named after him. By a century after 
 Clement's time Emperors might well be confused 
 in Eastern Palestine, and so Tiberius takes the place 
 of Domitian or Vespasian. In some such way as 
 this it seems to me most probable that the Clemen- 
 tine literature sprang into existence. 
 
 ' [Vol. i. p. 55, ed. 1890.] 
 
DOCTRINE OF THE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 The doctrine' of the Recognitions stands on a. Its com- 
 different footing from that of an independent work, racter. 
 It is a compound of the doctrine of the IleptoSot with 
 that of the secondary editor, who can have had com- 
 paratively little sympathy with what was most charac- 
 teristic in the original teaching. In the Homilies 
 likewise there are doctrinal contradictions, but of a 
 different nature and arising from a different cause, 
 viz. from the imperfect harmonising of incongruous 
 lines of speculation probably pursued simultaneously 
 by the same mind. What the Recognitions exhibit 
 is a toning down by a successor of a wholly different 
 habit of mind, and also to all appearance the inser- 
 tion of new language. As however both the original 
 and the secondary author shared the standing point 
 of Judaistic and probably Essene Christianity, a 
 considerable common element remains, though it is 
 often difificult to decide what belongs to this common 
 element, and what is an accidental and imperfectly 
 
 ' See especially RitschI, edit, i, 196 — 215 [not repeated in edit, i], 
 and Uhlhorn, 231 — 254. Schliemann unfortunately treats the Recog- 
 nitions in this respect with comparative neglect. 
 
134 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 understood survival from the earlier and more peculiar 
 system. 
 The in- An additional cause of uncertainty is the Latin 
 
 fluence of ,. , 11-11 , t^ 
 
 the medium through which alone the Recognitions are 
 
 Mor^' accessible to us. Though internal evidence bears out 
 the assurance of Rufinus that he has in this work 
 been unusually faithful as a translator, it is hardly 
 possible to doubt that he has so far retouched the 
 phraseology as to remove or modify phrases that 
 would have been stumbling-blocks to the current 
 orthodoxy of his time. Fortunately however for us 
 his theological perceptions were not usually very keen 
 where there were no catchwords to attract his atten- 
 tion and no clear contradictions of ordinary belief 
 Starting- The Recognitions are never tired of insisting on 
 
 the system the need of ordo and consequetttia (= aKoKovQia) in the 
 setting forth of doctrine. This topic is evidently 
 connected with their habit of appealing with an 
 amusing self-complacency to the importance of a 
 philosophical training in order to be able to argue 
 successfully on theological subjects. It is therefore 
 singular that we find so little in the way of systematic 
 exposition. One point of ordo is however pretty 
 constantly put forward, and especially in one of the 
 passages which dwell most strongly on the value of 
 ordo, iii. 34 ff"., viz. what ought to be first learned by a 
 Human " man desirous of knowing the truth. " Before all 
 "iuty" things," replies Peter (c. 37), "we must enquire what it 
 is possible for an enquirer to find. The judgment of 
 
DOCTRINE OF THE RECOGNITIONS. 135 
 
 God must stand if a man having the power to Aq based on 
 
 good did it not. Therefore men must enquire 
 
 whether they have it in their power by enquiry to 
 
 find what is good, and when they have found it to do 
 
 it ; for it is for this that they have to be judged. To 
 
 know more than this is permitted to a prophet alone ; 
 
 and rightly, for what need have men to know how 
 
 the world was made ? " Briefly, all knowledge not of 
 
 practical bearing is repudiated. The fundamental 
 
 doctrine contained here is that evildoers will hereafter 
 
 be punished ; and this implies two preliminaries, first, 
 
 the law to inform us what is good, good being the 
 
 safeguard against punishment; and secondly, ireeandFra 
 
 will, to make it possible for us to do good and be 
 
 responsible for doing it. 
 
 We have the same idea in another form at the 
 
 beginning of Peter's discourse in ii. 20, " PeaCe be to 
 
 you all, who are prepared to join hands with the 
 
 truth ; for they who obey it seem to themselves to resulting 
 
 confer some favour on God, but further they them- ^"anuucm- 
 
 selves obtain from Him the gift of a very high reward "f!'"" "f 
 
 ° _ ■' ° Righteous- 
 
 by walking in the paths of His righteousness. For w" 
 which cause the first thing of all is to seek the right- 
 eousness of God and His kingdom ; righteousness, 
 that we may be taught how to act rightly; and 
 kingdom, that we may know what is the appointed 
 reward of labour and endurance ; in which (kingdom) 
 the good receive a recompense of eternal good things, 
 but they who have acted against the will of God will 
 
136 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 receive a worthy requital of punishment according to 
 each man's deeds." And again (c. 21), "If we spend 
 this brief time of life in empty and useless enquiries, 
 empty and void of good works, without doubt shall 
 we go to God, when, as I said, there will be a 
 judgment of our works. For everything has its own 
 place and time. This is the place, this the time for 
 works ; the future age for rewards (meritoruni). Lest 
 therefore we suffer hindrance by changing the order 
 of places and times, first let us enquire what is God's 
 righteousness, that, like men about to take a journey, 
 we may be laden with an abundant viaticum of good 
 ■- works, whereby we may attain unto the kingdom of 
 God as unto a mighty city." The text quoted above 
 from the Sermon on the Mount is repeatedly quoted 
 or alluded to : but God's righteousness never, I think, 
 seems to the writer to mean anything more than the 
 condition of future reward and escape from punish- 
 ment, and God's kingdom never to be more than a 
 "synonym for reward and punishment. This mercantile 
 exhibition of Christianity is not uncommon in any 
 age. It was common enough in the second century ; 
 for instance it appears in a sufficiently crude shape 
 in Justin Martyr, though practically qualified by other 
 language which only the Gospel could have produced. 
 Here the rejection of St Paul's authority is naturally 
 accompanied by complete alienation from his teaching. 
 to a true This is the dark side of the view fundamentally 
 
 "^Irit^. implied in the Recognitions. Its bright side is the 
 
DOCTRINE OF THE RECOGNITIONS. 137 
 
 real zeal for purity of life, and the determination not 
 to accept any speculative doctrine which seems to 
 make men indifferent to its necessity. 
 
 The source of the true salutary knowledge ac- Tkt Law 
 cording to the Recognitions is the Law, i.e. the ^jf ,""j. ^y 
 Mosaic Law : but what contents of the Mosaic Law defilement. 
 are intended is not easily determined. The most 
 explicit passage is in iv. 36, a peculiar and in its own 
 way explicit passage enough. It enumerates the 
 causes by which the wedding garment, explained as 
 the grace of baptism, may be defiled. " If a man 
 departs from God the Father and Creator of all 
 things, accepting another Teacher beside Christ, who 
 is the only faithful and true Prophet, and who sent us 
 twelve apostles to preach the word, and if a man 
 think otherwise than is fitting (dignum) concerning 
 the substance of the Divinity which is above all 
 things, these are the things which pollute' the garment 
 of baptism even till death. But the things which 
 pollute in act are these, murders, adulteries, hatreds, 
 covetousness, evil desire^ But the things which 
 pollute the soul and body together are these, to 
 partake of the table of demons', i.e. to taste immolata*, 
 
 ' Apparently these are meant as pollutions of the_ soul. 
 
 ^ A curious list. The last = f TriSu/iia KaKri can come only from 
 Col. iii. 5, and so probably TrKeove^la : also Ix^pai probably from Gal. 
 V. 20: the two first with 'pollute' from Mt. xv. 19. 
 
 ' =li£Tix^tv Saifiovitor rpaWfijs I Cor. *. 21, so also Rec. ii. 71, a 
 quite unique phrase. 
 
 * 'Things offered to idols', doubtless from Acts xv. 29, where 
 Gaudentius has the same, e.g. immolatis simulacrorum. 
 
138 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 or blood', or tnorticinium^, quod est suffocatutn 
 {=-jrviKTov, Acts XV. 20, 29), and everything else 
 which has been offered to demons'. Let this then be 
 to you the first grade out of three, which grade brings 
 forth out of itself thirty commandments, but (there 
 is) a second which brings forth sixty, a third which 
 brings forth one hundred, as we will explain to you 
 more fully another time (in speaking) of these 
 matters." Here the shortness of the moral code is 
 remarkable ; and not less the double importance 
 Baptism attached to the external prohibitions. The whole 
 Sncr^ces. sacrificial system, as we have seen, is rejected (at 
 least according to the latter part of Book i., esp. c. 39). 
 In its place comes baptism. Apparently it is the 
 moral elements of the Law that are really insisted 
 on, but that only in a vague and desultory way. 
 CArist the There was in fact a potent agency for adapting and 
 of the Law. reducing the Mosaic Law to later needs, that is, in 
 reality for keeping the name of it while dispensing 
 with its substance, in the doctrine of interpretation. 
 Although we miss in the Recognitions the bold 
 doctrine of Interpolations or false Pericopae which 
 plays so considerable a part in the Homilies, as it 
 
 ' Lev. xvii. 10 — 12, incl. irpixr^Xirroi ; and Acts ib. 
 
 2 =6vt\<n.)taiav. Lev. xvii. 15, incl. irpoffiJXuT-oi. 
 
 ' In other words the rpaWfijs haifuailijiv is taken to include the three 
 things prohibited (excl. of iropveia) in Acts, and other possible things : 
 probably no O.T. reference, for in Lev. xvii. 7 no Greek version has 
 Sal/loves or Saifidvia for elilim, though Jerome has damonibus: Deut. 
 xxxii. 17 not at all likely. 
 
DOCTRINE OF THE RECOGNITIONS. 139 
 
 probably did in the Period!, we find strong and 
 definite statements that the true sense of the Law can 
 only be learned from tradition — secret tradition (i. 27, 
 74 ; iii. 30 ; x. 42) ; and of this tradition Christ, as 
 the True Prophet, appears as the great and infallible 
 organ. 
 
 He is indeed called Christus aetemus (i. 43 f.) and His pre- 
 initium omnium (i. 45, } apyr\, ? aTrapxv)- He, who 
 appeared to Abraham (i. 33), who (as Peter tells, i. 52) 
 was from the beginning and always, " in each genera- 
 tion was always present, though in a hidden manner, 
 to the pious, but especially to those by whom He 
 was looked for, and to whom He frequently appeared." 
 
 Of the peculiar doctrine of the Homilies that He Prophetic 
 was identical with Adam, and indeed in a manner with """'" '"'^" 
 certain other later prophets, we have only a diluted 
 vestige in the teaching of i. 47 that Adam, being a 
 prophet, was of necessity anointed : compare iv. 9, 
 where ipse (=propheta verus) is shown by Hom. viii. 10 
 to be Adam. These chapters (especially cc. 45 — 48) 
 which expound the prophetic anointing in virtue of 
 which Jesus was called Christ are full of interest : but 
 the limitations are remarkable. We hear of \\\?, Jttdge <" 
 future coming as judge (c. 49 and other places), but Teacher. 
 otherwise He remains simply the Prophet, the Teacher. 
 
 Of anything like an atonement there is not the No trace 
 faintest trace. One passage is cited as dimly indi- ,„^i°'"' 
 eating it, but by a misunderstanding. It is said (i. 51) 
 that through Him mortalia malapurgari, but the idea 
 
I40 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 The Doc- 
 trine of 
 Creation. 
 
 The Crea- 
 tion of 
 Man. 
 
 Baptism 
 and the 
 doctrine of 
 the Trin- 
 ity. 
 
 is that of washing, and the reference is to baptism 
 (see c. 48 11. 7 — 11). The idea of water, it is to be 
 observed, retains everywhere some of the prominence 
 which it seems to have had with the Essenes ; and 
 stress is laid on frequent washings as well as on 
 baptism (cf. vi. 11). See also the cleansing of the 
 world ascribed to the Deluge in iv. 12. 
 
 Two or three scattered passages remain of con- 
 siderable doctrinal interest, but they tell us little. 
 The most important perhaps is in the interesting 
 summary of the Divine economy of history in i. 24, 
 ex prima voluntate iteruin voluntas. With this may 
 be taken vi. 7 f. (though hazier than || Horn. xi. 
 22 — 24), especially 8, 'all things are born from the 
 waters, but the water was made per Unigenitiim ex 
 initio, and the Almighty God is the Head of the 
 Only Begotten ( i Co. xi. 3), through whom ' &c. 
 
 So also of the creation of man, iv. c. 9 11. 3 f., in 
 turn illustrated by i. 45 11. 6 — 9. Compare also the 
 obscure cc. iii. 2 — 1 1, (omitted by Rufinus) on yewijTo^ 
 and a.yevv7)To<; as applied to God. 
 
 Baptism with invocation of the name triuae beati- 
 tudinis (iii. 67) or some such phrase is mentioned 
 several times, probably without interpolation, being 
 derived from Mt. xxviii. On the other hand the 
 Trinitarian language of i. 69, a suspicious chapter, 
 cannot safely be trusted as genuine; and the sen- 
 tence standing at the end of iii. i or iii. 11 is 
 manifestly due to Rufinus alone. 
 
DOCTRINE OF THE RECOGNITIONS. 141 
 Man is said, in accordance with Genesis, to have ^■*« ^<^^ 
 
 of Man. 
 
 been created in the image and lilceness of God (iv. 9), 
 and to retain still the image while he has lost the 
 likeness (v. 14 f., 23). On the other hand the story 
 of the Fall was probably one of the rejected Pericopae 
 in the Periodi : at least there is no allusion to it 
 either in the sketch of sacred history contained in 
 i. 28 ff., or in the discourse on the growth of evil among 
 mankind in iv. 9 ff. The latter passage has indeed 
 (iv. c. 1 1 11. 4) deliciarum et amaenitatis exclusi sunt 
 loco : but this comes after the description of a process 
 of gradual decline, attributed to the ingratitude of 
 men who supposed that the life of gods was born for 
 them without toil and without earning, and to conse- 
 quent disbelief in Providence and Virtue. 
 
 The doctrine of evil spirits or demons, though Evil 
 barely alluded to in Book I., is prominent in a few 
 other places (ii. 71 f.; iv. 16 f, 26, &c. ; viii. 53); but 
 there is nothing like the elaborate theory of Hom. 
 xix. XX.; and (as we saw in reference to the table of 
 contents in iii. 75, the doctrine of Syzygies is some- 
 what cut down, though still recognisable (iii. 59 — 61 ; 
 cf viii. 52 f). 
 
 I have now mentioned the chief heads of what is Conchi- 
 
 . sion. 
 
 really a very large subject. Any notice of such 
 points as these can give only an unsatisfactory 
 impression of what is to be found in the discourses 
 and discussions themselves. But to pursue it properly 
 it would be necessary to enter much more fully into 
 
142 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 the doctrine of the Homilies than our limits of time 
 would possibly allow. It is impossible not to feel 
 how much still remains to be done, after all the 
 labours of the last forty years, for the due under- 
 standing of the Clementine literature both in itself 
 and in relation to the other literature of the time, 
 Christian and heathen, not to speak of the still 
 imperfectly solved questions of criticism which have 
 engrossed perhaps too much of our time. If we had 
 the Recognitions alone, we should find ourselves in a 
 somewhat tantalising position. But the Recognitions 
 taken in conjunction with the Homilies enable us to 
 gain some understanding of the way in which some 
 of the most indestructible problems presented them- 
 selves to men in one very peculiar position, of whom 
 we have little other knowledge except at secondhand. 
 Much early Christian theology passes such questions 
 by, or deals with them only in a perfunctory and 
 manifestly inadequate way. These are not epithets 
 which could rightly be applied to the speculative 
 dreams of the Gnostics, or to the doctrinal system of 
 Irenaeus, or again to those of Clement and Origen. 
 But we are only beginning to understand the need of 
 studying all these as men who really were seekers for 
 light in dark places ; and the nameless authors of the 
 Clementine literature, with all their faults, have a 
 right to be remembered with something of the same 
 sympathy and care. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF HOM. I— III 
 AND REC. I— in. 
 
 [Peter's Discourses in each case are distinguished from the accompanying 
 narrative by being printed in Clarendon type.] 
 
 A. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 HOM. I. 
 
 I — 5. Clement's early thoughts. 
 
 6. Rumours of the Gospel of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 7 a. The preacher at Rome. 
 
 T b, &a. His words induce 
 Clement to set out for Judea: on 
 the way he is carried by adverse 
 winds to Alexandria, where he 
 consults philosophers, 
 
 ib, ()a. who direct him to 
 Barnabas, then at Alexandria. 
 
 9*— 12. He listens to B.'s 
 preaching, and pleads his cause 
 with the multitude. 
 
 13, 14. He takes B. home, and 
 promises to follow him to Judea. 
 B. departs. 
 
 15, 16. Clement sails to Cse- 
 sarea, hears of Peter there, as 
 about to argue next day with 
 Simon, seeks him, and meets 
 Barnabas, who introduces him: 
 Peter invites him to journey with 
 them from city to city to Rome. 
 H. 
 
 Rec. I. 
 
 I — 5. Clement's early thoughts. 
 6. Rumours of the Gospel of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 7 a. The preacher at Rome, 
 
 yb. his name being Barnabas. 
 
 yb — 9. He listens to B.'s 
 preaching, and pleads his cause 
 with the multitude. 
 
 10, II. He takes B. home, and 
 promises to follow him to Judea. 
 B. departs. 
 
 12, 13. Clement sails to Cas- 
 sarea, hears of Peter there, as 
 about to argue next day with 
 Simon, seeks him, and meets 
 Barnabas, who introduces him. 
 Peter invites him to journey with 
 them from city to city to Rome. 
 
146 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 HoM. I. Rec. I. 
 17 — fin. Colloquy with Peter, 14 — 19. Colloquy with Peter, 
 including (18, 19) Short Pri- including (15, 16) Short Pri- 
 vate Instruction of Peter vate Instruction of Peter 
 to Clement on the True to Clement on the True 
 Prophet, and directions about Prophet, and directions about 
 sending reports of discourses to sending reports of discourses to 
 James. Peter partakes of the James. Peter partakes of the 
 Eucharist, and the day closes. Eucharist, and the day closes. 
 
 B. DISCOURSES AT C^SAREA STRATONIS. 
 HOM. II. Rec. I. 
 
 1. Clement, while it is still Cf. ii. la. 
 night, finds Peter discoursing ntpX 
 
 dfo<refietas to his company of 16 
 {names given). 
 
 2, 3. Peter instructs Cle- 
 ment on his practice of 
 withholding discourse 
 where it vrould be inop- 
 portune. 
 
 4. On CI. desiring continuous 
 teaching on the Prophet, 
 
 5—12. Peter discourses 
 to Clement On the Pro- 
 phet; 
 
 13, 14. On Immortality 
 as required by God's Jus- 
 tice; 
 
 15— i6<z. and On the doc- 
 trine of Syzygies, 
 
 16^— 18 a. and his own 
 consequent relation to 
 Simon. 
 
 18^. On CI. asking about 
 Simon, 
 
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS. 
 
 147 
 
 HOM. II. 
 
 19 — 2t. Peter tells him of 
 Justa the Syrophoenician and her 
 buying two boys, who, brought up 
 with S., adopted his teaching till 
 converted by Zacchaeus. P. sends 
 for them. 
 
 22-26. Aquila describes Simon's 
 parentage, education, doctrine, 
 relation to J. Bapt., supplanting 
 of Dositheus, journeys with Helena 
 and fables about her, and magic 
 rites. 
 
 27 — 31. Nicetas narrates his 
 and his brother's relations to 
 Simon, their expostulations and 
 arguments with him [3 times Nic. 
 is spoken of in 3rd pers., and in 
 c. 32, 1. I Aq.'s name is substi- 
 tuted as narrator]. 
 
 32. In answer to CI., Aq. and 
 Nic. briefly describe S.'s miracles. 
 
 33, 34. Peter expounds 
 the test of true Miracles 
 to be their Beneficence. 
 
 35 a. Zacchaeus at dawn an- 
 nounces Simon's putting off the 
 Dispute, to-day being his Eleven- 
 day Sabbath. 
 
 Rec. I. 
 
 Cf. ii. 6 fin.— (J. Bapt. omitted). 
 
 Cf. ii. 13a, but by contrast. 
 
 ■20a. Zacchaeus at dawn an- 
 nounces Simon's putting off the 
 Dispute till the Eleventh of the 
 Month, 7 days hence. 
 
 ■20b. Peter suggests, as funda- 
 mental and preliminary subjects 
 of discourse for the interval, 
 What is First, what Im- 
 mediate, what Cause of 
 all (and other like points) ; 
 if any Power above or 
 below ; if aught Better or 
 
148 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS 
 
 HOM. II. 
 
 35^, 36, 37. Peter sends a mes- 
 sage of assent, and explains it as 
 due to a belief in Divine 
 Providence, through which 
 previous instruction will now be 
 possible. 
 
 38—47. Peter expounds 
 to Clement the false An- 
 thropomorphisms against 
 God in the False Pericops 
 in the text of Scripture ; 
 
 48—50. specially as to 
 His "Ignorance " ; 
 
 51 f. and the consequent 
 need of sifting the con- 
 tents of Scripture. 
 
 53. Night being come, P. pro- 
 mises further explanations at some 
 future time. 
 
 Rec. I. 
 Inferior ; if there are Mo- 
 tions; if visible things 
 have always existed and 
 ^rill always exist, &c. 
 
 21. Peter sends a message of 
 assent, and explains it as due to 
 a belief in Divine Provi- 
 dence, through which previous 
 instruction will now be possible. 
 
 22a. P. expounds to CI. 
 
 [? on 6 days] the debated 
 Heads of the Law fi-om 
 the Creation to Cl.'s ar- 
 rival, and promises a fuller ex- 
 position hereafter. He proposes 
 now [?on the 7th day] to run 
 briefly over what he had said. 
 
 22*, 23. First, on the 
 Eternal and Endless aUv, 
 as ineffable, P. praises Cl.'s 
 silence. 
 
 CI. praises P.'s orderly and 
 
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS. 149 
 
 HOM. II. Rec. I. 
 
 consecutive exposition of what 
 followed. 
 
 24. CI. repeats P.'s teach- 
 ing On the Definition of 
 Truth; viz. The Eternal 
 —the First Will— Another 
 Will-World-Time-Man- 
 kind—Election of Friends 
 and the Peaceflil King- 
 dom of God (? all this 
 being 'Creation of the 
 World'); 
 
 Next God's Decree in 
 presence of the angels, 
 His Eternal Law, estab- 
 lishing Two Kingdoms, of 
 Present and Future, and 
 the Judgment and Retri- 
 bution. 
 
 25, 26. Being praised by P. 
 for specially clear exposition, CI. 
 attributes it to his liberal educa- 
 tion. Expresses special pleasure 
 in P.'s teaching on Retribu- 
 tion, and on the True 
 Prophet, and asks now for the 
 more advanced traditions of the 
 True Prophet. (Distinction of 
 simple exposition, and of that 
 which follows different questions 
 with arguments, &c.). Peter 
 proposes to repeat briefly 
 the Sequence of things. 
 
 27, 28. Steps of the Crea- 
 tion. 
 29—38. Biblical History 
 
ISO CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 HoM. II. Rec. I. 
 
 till Christ [no allusion to 
 Captivity, or Return, or later 
 times]. 
 
 39—42. Coming and re- 
 jection of the True Pro- 
 phet (the Apostles and the 
 LXXII.). 
 
 43- Growth of the Church 
 [at Jerusalem] for a Week 
 of Years. 
 
 44 a. Accounts rendered 
 by the App. to James at 
 the Passover, and message 
 of Caiaphas. 
 
 Digression (Peter to Cle- 
 ment) on the Christ. 
 
 44 b—i,%. The Divine An- 
 ointing (Prophet, Priest, 
 King). 
 
 49—51. The Two Ad- 
 vents (Jewish error con- 
 sists in the rejection of 
 the First). 
 
 52. Presence of the Christ 
 before His First Advent. 
 
 53. Jewish restlessness 
 about the Christ. 
 
 54. The Jewish Sects 
 (Sadd., Samar., Scrib. and 
 Phar., Jo. Bapt.). 
 
 [Resumption ft-om 44 a.] 
 55—63. The several Apo- 
 stles argue before Caia- 
 
CO MP A RA TI VE ANA L YSTS. 
 
 ISI 
 
 HOM. II. 
 
 Rec. I. 
 phas against the several 
 Jewish Sects. 
 
 64, 65. Ang;er of the 
 priests allayed by Gama- 
 liel. 
 
 66—69. Next day Gama- 
 liel pleads and James ex- 
 pounds, going on for seven 
 days. 
 
 70. Imminent conversion 
 and baptism of the people 
 arrested by 'Homo Inimi- 
 cus'. 
 
 71. His mission to Da- 
 mascus, while the Christ- 
 ians retire to Jericho; 
 
 72. where tidings sent 
 by Zacchsus of Simon's 
 presence at Csesarea reach 
 James, who at once sends 
 Peter to encounter him, 
 bidding him send a report 
 every year, and especially 
 every 7th year. 
 
 73. 74. Peter's arrival at Cae- 
 
 HOM. III. 
 
 I. After two days, at dawn of 
 the third, at second cockcrow, we 
 rise for the Dispute with Simon, 
 and find Peter on his knees. 
 
 with light still burning, 
 us wakeful and begins. 
 
 He sees 
 
 Rec. II. 
 
 I. On the day for the Dispute 
 with Simon, Peter awoke us at 
 first cockcrow. 
 
 Enumeration of the 13 present 
 (no women). 
 
 The evening light still remained. 
 He sees us wakeful and begins. 
 
152 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 HOM. III. 
 
 2. P. announces that he finds 
 Simon to be proposing; to 
 teach that the Supreme 
 God is not Himself the 
 Creator but sent two 
 Gods, the Creator and the 
 Legislator ; 
 
 3—5 a. and expresses fear 
 that S.'s quotations may 
 beguile Gentile though 
 not Jewish Christians, the 
 falsities of Scripture being 
 for the trial of men ; 
 
 5 b—c). and dwells on the 
 necessity of belief in the 
 Monarchia. 
 
 10—15. Need of prophet 
 to distinguish truths fl'om 
 fklsities of Scripture. The 
 Prophet and His Inborn 
 and Eternal Spirit. 
 
 16—28. The main cause 
 of error ignorance of the 
 doctrine of Syzygy, in this 
 case the prophetic cha- 
 racter of Adam and the 
 female prophecy. 
 
 Rec II. 
 
 \b, 2. P. expounds the 
 force of habit, 
 
 3, 4. and gives reasons for 
 desiring to know beforehand a- 
 bout Simon. 
 
 5 — 15. On which Nicetas and 
 Aquila describe Simon's previous 
 life. 
 
 16—18. P. expounds to 
 
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS. 
 
 •53 
 
 HOM. III. 
 
 29. On Zacchseus announcing 
 that the people and Simon are 
 waiting, P. goes forth. 
 
 30 a. He begins with a 
 greeting of Peace, which 
 he expounds. 
 
 30^, 31. and argues a- 
 bout it from the Gospels. 
 
 32—37. He extols God for 
 Creation and Providence. 
 
 38—48. Argument be- 
 tween S. and P. on the 
 O.T. anthropomorphisms. 
 
 49—57. P. expounds how 
 Jesus taught discrimina- 
 tion of the contents of 
 Scripture. 
 
 Cf. Horn. xvi. and xviii. 
 
 Rec. II. 
 Aquila the delusions 
 caused by moral evil and 
 the beguilements of the 
 Evil One. 
 
 19 a. Nicetas briefly tells of 
 their coming from Simon to Zac- 
 chaeus. 
 
 19^. On Zacchaeus announcing 
 that the people and Simon are 
 waiting, P. goes forth. 
 
 20 a. He begins with a 
 greeting of Peace, which 
 he expounds. 
 
 20*— 22. The pursuit of 
 Righteousness the first 
 need. 
 
 23—31. S. disputes the 
 value of Peace, and P. 
 argues about it fi-om the 
 Gospels. 
 
 32—36. Argument on 
 Christ's alleged contra- 
 dictions (still on Peace). 
 
 37—46. S.'s one Unknown 
 
 I God I *"'* Many Gods 
 )( P.'s Monarchia. 
 47, 48 rz- Christ's alleged 
 
154 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 HOM. III. Rec. II. 
 
 testimony to the Unknovrn 
 God. 
 
 48*, 49 a. S. rejects Di- 
 vine Sonship. 
 
 49 i— 70 a. S.'s Power of 
 Boundless Light contd. 
 (see esp. 49, 56, 61 f., 
 66, 78) )( the Monarchia. 
 
 •job. Simon breaks off on ac- 
 count of the late hour, followed 
 by one-third (about 1000) of the 
 people. P. performs cures and 
 rests with the disciples, CI. and 
 other neophytes being apart. 
 
 71,72. Peter explains the 
 need of this separation, 
 on account of the occupa- 
 tion of those who have 
 been subject to heathen- 
 ism by daemons. He then 
 partakes of an Eucharist and re- 
 tires to rest. 
 
 Rec. III. 
 [Second Day of Dispute.] 
 
 I. Peter, rising early, explains 
 his difficulties as to addressing a 
 mixed multitude : then briefly ex- 
 pounds the doctrine of Father, 
 Son, and Holy Ghost. 
 
 2—6. P. instructs Aq. 
 and CI. on the Principle 
 and Principles, 
 
 7—1 1, and on Ingenitum 
 
 (8 b — 10 |JLOV(ryfVTJs). 
 
 12. At dawn P. goes forth to 
 
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS. 155 
 
 HOM. III. Rec. III. 
 
 S. and the multitude. S. inter- 
 prets their favour to P. as mark- 
 ing him rather as the magician ; 
 
 13. and P. replies. 
 
 14, i5(z. Subject of the 
 Immensity of the Eternal 
 Light deferred. 
 
 Cf. Horn. xix. XX. 15 *— 17- Evil and its ori- 
 
 gin. 
 
 18, 19. Wrangling, e.g. about 
 the presence of the people. 
 
 20—26. On Free Will. 
 
 27 — 29<i. S., finding P. revert- 
 ing to the fundamental question 
 of the True Prophet, requires 
 satisfaction on the Dissolu- 
 tion of the First or Visible 
 Heaven ; 
 
 29^, 30a. and then on Vision 
 of God in the Future 
 Heaven. 
 
 30 b. Post haec verba multaque 
 alia his similia Simon asks only 
 about the Immortality of 
 the Soul, but goes out, with a 
 few. The rest do reverence to P., 
 who heals the sick. The crowds 
 being gone, the familiares take 
 food (Euchar.) and go to rest. 
 
 31, 32. Next day before light 
 P. excuses their not waking (but 
 they say they were awake) from 
 want of habit. Proposes at nights 
 to repeat in due order the argu- 
 ment irregularly brought out by 
 the day's disputes. 
 
156 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 HoM. III. Rec. III. 
 
 33 — 36. At dawn P. goes out 
 to the crowds, and argues with 
 S. about necessity of Order 
 in Learning. 
 
 yja. Limitation of know- 
 ledge for ordinary men 
 (not the prophet) to prac- 
 tical and moral use. 
 
 37 b, 38. God to be knovrn 
 as Just as well as Good. 
 
 39. Immortality and Jus- 
 tice. 
 
 40—43. Immortality, de- 
 nied by S., needed for 
 Justice. 
 
 44. P. appeals in proof to the 
 'slaughtered boy' in S.'s house, 
 and causes an apparent but brief 
 repentance. But on his declaring 
 that his information was not pro- 
 phetic but from witnesses, 
 
 45 — 47. S. breaks out in anger, 
 pronouncing himself '/*«>«« Vir- 
 tus el Filius Dei stans in aeter- 
 numl 
 
 48, 49 init. till his violence and 
 blasphemy cause his expulsion. 
 
 49, 50. P. exhorts to patient 
 endurance of evil men, and prays 
 for and dismisses the multitude. 
 Food and rest. 
 
 51. P. rising at the usual hour 
 of night finds the rest awake, and 
 encourages Nicetas' desire to ask 
 a question. 
 
 52. Nicetas asking why the 
 
■COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS. 
 
 "57 
 
 HOM. III. 
 
 a. 59. 
 
 58 a. After a disputation of 
 three days at dawn of the fourth, 
 S. flies by night air eVi Tupov t. 
 
 59. P. teaches the multitude 
 how 'by the law of Syzygy' S. 
 thwarts his preaching to the Gen- 
 tiles ; 
 
 60 — 62 a. and declares that he 
 proposes to ordain Zacchaeus to 
 take his place ; 
 
 Rec III. 
 evil Simon is permitted to 
 do BO much, is told that the 
 preparation of fHends for 
 God needs Free Will, and 
 consequently leads to two 
 'ordines' of men. This ex- 
 plained before more fully to Cle- 
 ment De Praefinitione et 
 Fine.) 
 
 53< 54- Need of Self-love, 
 desiring the King^dom of 
 Heaven. 
 
 55, 56. For the trial of 
 men God has appointed 
 10 Pairs as of Moses in 
 relation to the Magicians, 
 and so Peter and Simon. 
 
 57 — 60. Nicetas taught that 
 True Signs are Benefi- 
 cent. 
 
 61. Enumeration of the 
 10 Pairs. 
 
 62. Need of assiduity in 
 learning Divine things. 
 
 63. At daybreak a disciple of 
 S. announces S.'s departure to 
 Uora as for Rome, describing how 
 he had been induced to carry his 
 'secreta' to the sea. 
 
 64. P. announces the tidings 
 to the multitudes ; 
 
 65. and declares that he pro- 
 poses to ordain Zacchseus Pastor 
 over them, stay with them three 
 
158 
 
 CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. 
 
 HOM. III. 
 
 i>ib — 65. resists Zacchasus's 
 deprecations ; 
 
 66 — 71. gives general direc- 
 tions; 
 
 72. ordains Zacchsus; 
 
 (cf. cc. 66 — 71) 
 73 rt. invites to baptism ; 
 
 73^. proposes to stay 10 days 
 and then go on to Tyre; 
 
 [58^. after not many days some 
 Tav irpooSav come and report that 
 Simon is doing mischief at Tyre.] 
 
 73^. and after three days sends 
 on Clement, Nicetas, and Aquila 
 to Bernice, Justa's daughter at 
 Tyre, and remains baptizing. 
 
 Rec. III. 
 months, and then go on to the 
 Gentiles to check Simon. 
 
 66. P. ordains Zacchaeus and 
 12 priests and four deacons, and 
 gives general directions ; 
 
 67. invites to baptism ; 
 
 68 — 70a. after discoursing on 
 baptism, sends off 12 named dis- 
 ciples (after four substitutions) to 
 follow Simon ; 
 
 70^ — 72 rt. comforts and in- 
 structs the people about his de- 
 parture ; 
 
 72^. and disputes and preaches 
 every day, till on the feast day 
 above 10,000 are baptized. 
 
 73. Receipt of a letter from 
 the brethren in advance, describ- 
 ing S.'s misdoings, he being chiefly 
 at Tripolis. 
 
 74rt. P. reads the letter and 
 bids the people farewell. 
 
 74*. During the three months 
 P. expounded privately to Cle- 
 ment, and bade him commit the 
 important matter to writing, and 
 send it to James. 
 
 7Sa. Contents of the Ten 
 Books. 
 
 75 A Departure from Caesarea 
 (Peter, Clement, and three others). 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 7 
 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 THE AKHMIM FRAGMENT OF THE APOCRYPHAL 
 GOSPEL OF ST. PETER. By H. B. Swete, D.D. 8vo. 5s. net. 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF DOCTRINE IN THE NEW TESTA- 
 MENT : The Bampton Lectures, 1864. By Thomas Dehany 
 Bernard, M.A. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 A HANDBOOK OF TEXTUAL CRITICISM OF NEW TESTA- 
 MENT. By F. G. Kenyon, Litt.D., Assistant Keeper of Manu- 
 scripts in the British Museum. 8vo. [/» the Press. 
 
 THE RISE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By David Saville 
 MuzzEY, B.D. Fcap. 8vo. 55. 
 Immanuel Kant. — " The Rise of the Bible as the people's book is the greatest 
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 THE SOTERIOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By W. 
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 THE MESSAGES OF THE BOOKS. Being Discourses and Notes 
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 MENT. With an Appendix on the last Petition of the Lord's 
 Prayer. By Bishop LiGHTFOOT. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. By Bishop 
 
 LiGHTFOOT. 8vo. 14s. 
 BIBLICAL ESSAYS. By Bishop LiGHTFOOT. 8vo. 12s. 
 THE UNITY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By F. D. Maurice. 
 
 2nd Edition. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 12s. 
 A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE CANON 
 OF THE NEW TESTAMENT DURING THE FIRST FOUR 
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 Crown 8vo. los. 6d. 
 THE STUDENT'S LIFE OF JESUS. By G. H. Gilbert, Ph.D. 
 
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 THE STUDENT'S LIFE OF PAUL. By G. H. Gilbert, Ph.D. 
 
 Crown 8vo. <,s. net. 
 THE REVELATION OF JESUS : A Study of the Primary Sources 
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 THE FIRST INTERPRETERS OF JESUS. By G. H. Gilbert, 
 
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 NEW TESTAMENT HANDBOOKS. Edited by Shailer 
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 A HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT TIMES IN PALES- 
 TINE (17s B.C.-70 A.D.). By Shailer Mathews, A.M. 
 Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 A HISTORY OF THE TEXTUAL CRITICISM OF THE 
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 Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 THE BIBLICAL THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTA- 
 MENT. By Ezra P. Gould, D.D. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 A HISTORY OF THE HIGHER CRITICISM OF THE 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT. By Prof. H. S. Nash. 3s. 6d. 
 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE NEW TESTAMENT. By 
 B. W. Bacon, D.D. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 
8 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 The New Testament — continued. 
 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ORIGINAL GREEK. The 
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 GREEK- ENGLISH LEXICON TO THE NEW TESTAMENT. 
 By W. J. HiCKiE, M.A. Pott 8vo. 3s. 
 ACADEMY. — "We can cordially recommend this as a very handy little volume 
 compiled on sound principles." 
 
 GRAMMAR OF NEW TESTAMENT GREEK. By Prof. F. 
 Blass, University of Halle. Authorised English Translation. 8vo. 
 14s. net. 
 TIMES. — "Will probably become the standard book of reference for those students 
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 THE GOSPELS- 
 PHILOLOGY OF THE GOSPELS. By Prof. F. Blass. Crown 
 8vo. 4s. 6d. net. 
 GUARDIAN. — " On the whole, Professor Blass's new book seems to us an im- 
 portant contribution to criticism. ... It will stimulate inquiry, and will open up fresh 
 lines of thought to any serious student." 
 
 THE SYRO-LATIN TEXT OF THE GOSPELS. By the Rev. 
 
 Frederic Henry Chase, D.D. 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 
 The sequel of an essay by Dr. Chase on the old Syriac element in the 
 text of Codex Bezae. 
 
 TIMES. — "An important and scholarly contribution to New Testament criticism." 
 
 THE COMMON TRADITION OF THE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS, 
 in the Text of the Revised Version. By Rev. E. A. Abbott and 
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 SYNOPTICON : An Exposition of the Common Matter of the Synop- 
 tic Gospels. By W. G. Rushbrooke. Printed in Colours. 4to. 
 35s. net. Indispensable to a Theological Student. 
 A SYNOPSIS OF THE GOSPELS IN GREEK AFTER THE 
 WESTCOTT AND HORT TEXT. By Rev. Arthur Weight, 
 M.A. Demy 4to. 6s. net. 
 " Every such effort calls attention to facts which must not be overlooked, but yet to 
 the scholar they are but as dust in the balance when weighed against such solid con- 
 tributions as Rushbrooke's Synopticon or Wright's Synopsis, which provide in-^truments 
 for investigation apart from theories." — Professor Armitage Robinson at Church Congress, 
 Bradford, 1898. 
 
 THE COMPOSITION OF THE FOUR GOSPELS. By Rev. 
 Arthur Wright. Crown 8vo. Ss. 
 CAMBRIDGE REVIEW.— "The wonderful force and freshness which we find on 
 every page of the book. There is no sign of hastiness. All seems to be the outcome of 
 years of reverent thought, now brought to light in the clearest, most telling way. . . . 
 The book will hardly go unchallenged by the different schools of thought, but all will 
 agree in gratitude at least for its vigour and reality." 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS. 
 
 By Right Rev. Bishop Westcott. 8th Ed. Cr. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 FOUR LECTURES ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE 
 
 GOSPELS. By the Rev. J. H. Wilkinson, M.A., Rector of 
 
 Stock Gaylard, Dorset. Crown 8vo. 3s. net. 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 9 
 
 The Gospels — continued. 
 
 THE LEADING IDEAS OF THE GOSPELS. By W. Alex- 
 ANDER, D.D. Oxon., LL.D. Dublin, D.C.L. Oxon., Archbishop of 
 Armagh, and Lord Primate of All Ireland. New Edition, Revised 
 and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 BRITISH JF££AXK— "Really a new book. It sets before the reader with 
 delicacy of thought and felicity of language the distinguishing characteristics of the 
 several gospels. It is delightful reading. . . . Religious literature does not often 
 furnish a book which may so confidently be recommended." 
 
 TWO LECTURES ON THE GOSPELS. By F. Crawford 
 BuRKlTT, M.A. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net. 
 Gospel of St. Matthew — 
 
 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MATTHEW. Greek Text 
 as Revised by Bishop Westcott and Dr. Hort. With Intro- 
 duction and Notes by Rev. A. Sloman, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.—" It is sound and helpful, and the brief introduc- 
 tion on Hellenistic Greek is particularly good." 
 
 Gospel of St. Mark — 
 
 THE GREEK TEXT. With Introduction, Notes, and Indices. 
 By Rev. H. B. Swete, D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity 
 in the University of Cambridge. Svo. 1 5s. 
 TIMES. — "A learned and scholarly performance, up to date with the most recent 
 advances in New Testament criticism." 
 
 THE EARLIEST GOSPEL. A Historico-Critical Commentary on 
 the Gospel according to St. Mark, with Text, Translation, and In- 
 troduction. By Allan Menzies, Professor of Divinity and Biblical 
 Criticism, St. Mary's College, St. Andrews. Svo. 8s. 6d. net. 
 
 SCHOOL READINGS IN THE GREEK TESTAMENT. 
 Being the Outlines of the Life of our Lord as given by St. Mark, with 
 additions from the Text of the other Evangelists. Edited, with Notes 
 and Vocabulary, by Rev. A. Calvert, M.A. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Gospel of St. Luke — 
 
 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. LUKE. The Greek Text 
 as Revised by Bishop Westcott and Dr. Hort. With Introduction 
 and Notes by Rev. J. Bond, M.A. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d. 
 GLASGOIV HERALD. — "The notes are short and crisp — suggestive rather than 
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 Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 TPIE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. LUKE IN GREEK, 
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 with Parallels, Illustrations, Various Readings, and Notes, by the 
 Rev. Arthur Wright, M.A. Demy 4to. 7s. 6d. net. 
 
 ST. LUKE THE PROPHET. By Edward Carus Selwyn, D.D. 
 Gospel of St. John— ['''» "'^^ ^«"- 
 
 THE CENTRAL TEACHING OF CHRIST. Being a Study and 
 Exposition of St. John, Chapters XIII. to XVII. By Rev. Canon 
 Bernard, M.A. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Oospel of St. Zohn^continueci. 
 
 EXPOSITOR Y TIMES. — " Quite recently we have had an exposition by him whom 
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 will help the preacher most." 
 
 THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. ByF.D. Maurice. Cr.Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 
 
 ADDRESSES ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. By 
 the late Archbishop Benson. With an Introduction by 
 Adeline, Duchess of Bedforij. 8vo. [/?« the Press. 
 
 THE CREDIBILITY OF THE BOOK OF THE ACTS OF 
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 By the Rev. Dr. Chase, President of Queen's College, Cambridge. 
 
 [/» Ihe Press. 
 
 THE OLD SYRIAC ELEMENT IN THE TEXT OF THE 
 
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 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES IN GREEK AND ENGLISH. 
 
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 SATURDAY REVIEW.— "\U. Rendall has given us a very useful as well as a 
 
 very scholarly book." 
 
 MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.—" Mr. Rendall is a careful scholar and a thought- 
 ful writer, and the student may leam a good deal from his commentary." 
 
 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. By F. D. Maurice. Cr. 
 
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 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. The Authorised Version, with Intro- 
 
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 BRITISH WEEKL Y.—" Mr. Page's Notes on the Greek Text of the Acts are very 
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 introduction which is brief, scholarly, and suggestive. 
 
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 THE EPISTLES of St. Paul— 
 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. The Greek Text, 
 with English Notes. By Very Rev. C. J. Vaughan. 7th Edition. 
 Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. A New Transla- 
 tion by Rev. W. G. Rutherford. 8vo. 3s. 6d. net. 
 
 PILOT. — " Small as the volume is, it has very much to say, not only to professed 
 students of the New Testament, but also to the ordinary reader of the Bible. , . . The 
 layman who buys the book will be grateful to one who helps him to realise that this per- 
 plexing Epistle ' was once a plain letter concerned with a theme which plain men might 
 understand.' " 
 
 PROLEGOMENA TO ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE 
 
 ROMANS AND THE EPHESIANS. By Rev. F. J. A. HoRT. 
 
 Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Dr. Marcus Dods in the Bookman. — "Anything from the pen of Dr. Hort is sure to 
 
 be informative and suggestive, and the present publication bears his mark. . . . There 
 
 is an air of originality about the whole discussion ; the difficulties are candidly faced, and 
 
 the explanations offered appeal to our sense of what is reasonable." 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE ii 
 
 The Epistles of St. Paul — continued. 
 
 TIMES. — " Will be welcomed by all theologians as * an invaluable contribution to the 
 study of those Epistles' as the editor of the volume justly calls it." 
 
 DAILY CHRONICLE. — "The lectures are an important contribution to the study 
 of the famous Epistles of which they treaL" 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. An Essay on its 
 
 Destination and Date. By E. H. Askwith, M.A. Crown 8vo. 
 
 3s. 6(1. net. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. A Revised 
 
 Text, with Introduction, Notes, and Dissertations. By Bishop 
 
 LiGHTFOOT. 10th Edition. 8vo. 12s. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. Greek Text, 
 
 with Introduction and Notes. By Canon J. Armitage Robinson. 
 
 8vo. [/k the Press. 
 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. A Revised 
 
 Text, with Introduction, Notes, and Dissertations. By Bishop 
 
 LiGHTFOOT. gth Edition. 8vo. 12s. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. With transla- 
 tion. Paraphrase, ai}d Notes for English Readers. By Very Rev. 
 
 C. J. Vaughan. Crown 8vo. 5s. 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE COLOSSIANS AND TO 
 
 PHILEMON. A Revised Text, with Introductions, etc By 
 
 Bishop LiGHTFOOT. gth Edition. 8vo. 12s. 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. AnalysU and Ex- 
 
 amination Notes. By Rev. G. W. Garrod. Crown 8vo. 3s. net. 
 THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. With 
 
 Analysis and Notes by the Rev. G. W. Garrod, B. A. Crown 
 
 8vo. 2s. 6d. net. 
 THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. With 
 
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 THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL TO THE EPHESIANS. THE 
 
 COLOSSIANS, AND PHILEMON. With Introductions and 
 
 Notes. By Rev. J. Ll. Davies. 2nd Edition. 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. For English Readers. Part I. con- 
 taining the First Epistle to the Thessalonians. By Very Rev. C. 
 
 J. Vaughan. 2nd Edition. 8vo. Sewed, is. 6d. 
 NOTES ON EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL FROM UNPUBLISHED 
 
 COMMENTARIES. By the late J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., 
 
 D.C.L., LL.D., Lord Bishop of Durham. 8vo. 12s. 
 THE LETTERS OF ST. PAUL TO SEVEN CHURCHES 
 
 AND THREE FRIENDS. Translated by Arthur S. Way, 
 
 M.A. Crown 8vo. Ss. net. 
 
 The Epistles of St. Peter — 
 
 THE FIRST EPISTLE OF ST. PETER, \. i to IL 17. The Greek 
 Text, with Introductory Lecture, Commentary, and additional 
 Notes. BythelateF. J. A. HoRT, D.D.,D.C.L.,LL.D. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 THE FIRST EPISTLE OF ST. PETER (Greek Text). By 
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 College, Edgbaston, Birmingham. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net. 
 
12 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 The Epistle of St. James — 
 
 TKE EPISTLE OF ST. JAMES.' The Greek Text, with Intro- 
 duction and Notes. By Rev. Joseph B. Mayor, M.A. 2nd 
 Edition. 8vo. 145. net. 
 
 EXPOSITORY TIAfES.—'*Tht most complete edition of St. James in the Knglish 
 language, and the most serviceable for the student of Greek." 
 
 BOOKMAN. — " Professor Mayor's volume in every part of it gives proof that no time 
 or labour has been grudged in mastering this mass of htcrature, and that in appraising it 
 he has exercised the sound judgment of a thoroughly trained scholar and critic. . . . 
 The notes are uniformly characterised by thorough scholarship and unfailing sense. The 
 notes resemble rather those of Lightfoot than those of ElHcott. ... It is a pleasure to 
 welcome a book which does credit to English learning, and which will take, and keep, a 
 foremost place in Biblical literature." 
 
 SCOTSMAN. — " It is a work which sums up many others, and to any one who wishes 
 to make a thorough study of the Epistle of St. James, it will prove indispensable." 
 
 EXPOSITOR (J)r. Marcus DoDs).—" Will longremainthecommentary on St. James, 
 a storehouse to which all subsequent students of the epistle must be indebted." 
 
 The Epistles of St. John — 
 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. By F. D. Maurice. Crown 
 
 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. The Greek Text, with Notes. 
 
 By Right Rev. Bishop Westcott. 3rd Edition. 8vo. 12s. 6d. 
 
 GUARDIA N. — " It contains a new or rather revised text, with careful critical remarks 
 and helps ; very copious footnotes on the text ; and after each of the chapters, 
 longer and more elaborate notes in treatment of leading or difficult questions, whether in 
 respect of reading or theology. . . . Dr. Westcott has accumulated round them so much 
 matter that, if not new, was forgotten, or generally unobserved, and has thrown so much 
 light upon their language, theology, and characteristics. . . . The notes, critical, 
 illustrative, and exegetical, which are given beneath the text, are extraordinarily full and 
 careful. . . . They exhibit the same minute analysis of every phrase and word, the same 
 scrupulous weighing of every inflection and variation that characterised Dr. Westcott's 
 commentary on the Gospel. . . . There is scarcely a syllable^ throughout the Epistles 
 which is dismissed without having undergone the most anxious interrogation." 
 
 SATURDAY REVIEW. — "The more we examine this precious volume the more 
 its exceeding richness in spiritual as well as in literary material grows upon the mind." 
 
 The Epistle to the Hebrews — 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS IN GREEK AND 
 ENGLISH. With Notes. By Rev. F. Rendall. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. English Text, with Com- 
 mentary. By the same. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d, 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. With Notes. By Very 
 Rev. C. J. Vaughan. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 TIMES. — "The name and reputation of the Dean of Llandaff are a better recom- 
 mendation than we can give of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Greek text, with notes ; 
 an edition which represents the results of more than thirty years' experience in the training 
 of students for ordination." 
 
 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. The Greek Text, with 
 Notes and Essays. By Right Rev. Bishop Westcott. 8vo. 14s. 
 GUARDIAN. — " In form this is a companion volume to that upon the Epistles of St. 
 John._ The type is excellent, the printing careful, the index thorough; and the volume 
 contains a full introduction, followed by the Greek text, with a running commentary, and 
 a^ number of additional notes on verbal and doctrinal points which needed fuller discus- 
 sion. . . . His conception of inspiration is further illustrated by the treatment of the Old 
 Testament in the Epistle^ and the additional notes that bear on this point deserve very 
 careful study. The spirit in which the student should approach the perplexing questions 
 of Old Testament criticism could not be better described than it is in the last essay." 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 13 
 
 The Book of Revelations — 
 
 THE APOCALYPSE. A Study. By the late Archbishop Ben- 
 son. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. 
 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. By Rev. Prof. W. 
 
 MiLLiGAN. Crown 8vo. 55. 
 DISCUSSIONS ON THE APOCALYPSE. By the same. Cr. Svo. 5s. 
 SCOTSMAN. — '* These discussions give an interesting and valuable account and 
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 subject." 
 
 SCOTTISH GUARDIAN.—" The great merit of the book is the patient and skilful 
 way in which it has brought the whole discussion down to the present day. . . . The 
 result is a volume which many will value highly, and which will not, we thmk, soon be 
 superseded." 
 
 LECTURES ON THE REVELATION OF ST. JOHN. By Very 
 Rev. C. J. Vaughan. 5th Edition. Crown Svo. los. 6d. 
 
 THE CHRISTIAN PROPHETS AND THE PROPHETIC 
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 THE BIBLE WORD-BOOK. By AV. Alois Wright, Litt.D., 
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 TIMES, — '* A brief but authoritative summary of early ecclesiastical history." 
 GLASGOIV HERALD, — " Particularly clear in its exposition, systematic in its dis- 
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 expected from the nature of the subject." 
 
 Gwatkin (H. M.)— SELECTIONS FROM EARLY WRITERS 
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 To this edition have been prefixed short accounts of the writers 
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 A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH DURING THE 
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 JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY. Crown Svo. 6s. 
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 C 
 
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 Kriiger (Dr. G.)— HISTORY OF EARLY CHRISTIAN 
 
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 Translated by Miss May Sinclair. With a Preface by Prof. H. 
 
 M. GwATKiN, M.A. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.—" It fully deserves the praise given to it by Pro. 
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 nected general view of the whole vast field of ecclesiastical history." 
 
 Vaughan (Very Rev. C. J., Dean of Llandaflf). — THE CHURCH 
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 Church of the Gentiles. The Church of the World. 
 Crown 8vo. 105. 6d. 
 
 ^be Cburcb of leriQlanl) 
 
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 THOSE HOLY MYSTERIES. By Rev. J. C. P. Aldous. Pott 
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 A FIRST CLASS-BOOK OF THE CATECHISM OF THE 
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 Disestablishment — 
 
 DISESTABLISHMENT AND DISENDOWMENT. What are 
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 A DEFENCE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND AGAINST 
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 Dissent in its Relation to — 
 
 DISSENT IN ITS RELATION TO THE CHURCH OF ENG- 
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 Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 15 
 
 History of — 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. Edited by 
 the Dean of Winchester. In Seven Volumes. 
 
 Vol. I. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 
 PRIOR TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. By the Rev. W. 
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 By the Rev. Canon Capes, sometime Reader of Ancient 
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 Other Volumes to follow. 
 
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 DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH CHURCH 
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 For the tienefit of the latter all the Latin pieces have been translated into English. . . . 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 17 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 19 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 21 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 23 
 
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 divines, and one of the most scholarly of modem men of letters. " 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 25 
 
 SPECTATOR. — "Dean Church's seem to us the finest sermons published since 
 Newman's, even Br. Liddon's rich and eloquent discourses not excepted,^ — and they 
 breathe more of the spirit of perfect peace than even Newman's. They cannot be called 
 High Church or Broad Church, much less Low Church sermons ; they are simply the 
 sermons of a good scholar, a great thinker, and a firm and serene Christian." 
 
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 and 5, 1899. 8vo. Sewed. 2s. 6d. net. 
 
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26 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Davies (Rev. J. Llewelyn) — continued. 
 
 GLASGOIV HERALD. — "This is a wise and suggestive book, touching upon many 
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 of ability." 
 
 MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.— "Ke says what he means, but never more than 
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 would appeal in vain. . . . The whole book is well worth study." 
 
 ABERDEEN DAILY FREE /'Jfi.S'jr.—" An able discussion of the true basis and 
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 CHRISTIAN WORLD.— "Vie hail this work as one which in an age of much 
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 Ellerton (Rev. John).— THE HOLIEST MANHOOD, AND 
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 English Theological Library. Edited by Rev. Frederic 
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 DAILY NEWS. — "A well-executed reprint. . . . Canon Overton's notes are not 
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 CAMBRIDGE REVIEW.— " k welcome reprint. ... All that it should be in 
 paper and appearance, and the reputation of the editor is a guarantee for tlie accuracy 
 and fairness of the notes. " 
 
 in. WILSON'S MAXIMS, Edited by Rev. F. Relton. 55. 6d. net. 
 
 GUARDIAN. — "Many readers will feel grateful to Mr. Relton for this edition of 
 Bishoii Wilson's ' Maxims." . . . Mr. Relton's edition will be found well worth posses- 
 sing : it is pleasant to the eye, and bears legible marks of industry and study." 
 
 EXPOSITORY TIMES. — " In an introduction of some twenty pages, he tells us 
 all we need to know of Bishop Wilson and of his maxims. Then he gives us the maxims 
 themselves in most perfect form, and schools himself to add at the bottom of the page 
 such notes as are absolutely necessary to their understanding, and nothing more." 
 
 IV. THE WORKS OF BISHOP BUTLER. Vol. I. Sermons, 
 Charges, Fragments, and Correspondence. Vol. II. The Analogy 
 of Religion, and two brief dissertations : I. Of Personal Identity. 
 IL Of the Nature of Virtue. Edited by J. H. Bernard, D.D. 
 7s. 6d. net each. 
 
 THE PILOT. — " One could hardly desire a better working edition than this which 
 Dr. Bernard has given us. . . . Sure to become the standard edition for students." 
 THE SPECTATOR.— " An excellent piece of work.'* 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 27 
 
 English Theological Library — continued. 
 
 V. THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN WILLIAM LAUD AND 
 MR. FISHER, THE JESUIT. Edited by Rev. C. H. Simp- 
 KINSON, M.A. Author of The Life of Archbishop Laud. 
 
 [Ill the Press. 
 [Olher volumes are in preparation.'\ 
 EVIL AND EVOLUTION. An attempt to turn the Light of Modern 
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 EXPOSITORY TIMES.— "Tat book is well worth the interest it is almost ceruin 
 to excite." 
 
 CHURCH TIMES. — "There can be no question about the courage or the keen 
 logic and the lucid style of this fascinating treatment of a problem which is of pathetic 
 interest to all of us. . . . It deserves to be studied by all, and no one who reads it can 
 fail to be struck by it." 
 
 FAITH AND CONDUCT : An Essay on Verifiable ReUgion. Crown 
 Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Farrar (Very Rev. F. W., Dean of Canterbury) — 
 
 THE HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION. Being the Bampton 
 Lectures, 1885. Svo. 1 6s. 
 
 Collected Edition of the Sermons, etc. Cr. 8vo. 3 s. 6d. each. 
 
 SEEKERS AFTER GOD. 
 
 ETERNAL HOPE. Sermons Preached in Westminster Abbey. 
 
 THE FALL OF MAN, and other Sermons. 
 
 THE WITNESS OF HISTORY TO CIIRI.ST. Hulsean Lectures. 
 
 THE SILENCE AND VOICES OF GOD. 
 
 IN THE DAYS OF THY YOUTH. Sermons on Practical Subjects. 
 
 SAINTLY WORKERS. Five Lenten Lectures. 
 
 EPHPHATHA : or. The Amelioration of the World. 
 
 MERCY AND JUDGMENT. A few words on Christian Eschatology. 
 
 SERMONS AND ADDRESSES delivered in America. 
 
 Fiske (John).— MAN'S DESTINY VIEWED IN THE LIGHT 
 OF HIS ORIGIN. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 Foxell (W. J.)— GOD'S GARDEN : Sunday Talks with Boys. 
 
 With an Introduction by Dean Farrar. Globe Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 SPEAKER. — "Deals with obvious problems of faith and conduct in a ."itrain of 
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 culties of boy-life. It is the kind of book which instils lessons of courage, trust, patience, 
 and forbearance ; and does so quite as much by example as by precept." 
 
 IN A PLAIN PATH. Addresses to Boys. Globe Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 SPEAKER. — " He handles with admirable vigour, and real discernment of a boy's 
 difficulties, such high themes as the use of time, noble revenge, the true gentleman, the 
 noblest victory, and progress through failure. There is nothing cl>ildish in the method of 
 treatment, and yet we feel sure that a man who spoke to a congregation of lads in this 
 fashion would not talk over the head of the youngest, and yet find his way to the hearts 
 of those who are just passing from the restraints of school to the responsibilities of life. " 
 
 Fraser (Bishop). — UNIVERSITY SERMONS. Edited by 
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28 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Furse (Archdeacon).— A NATIONAL CHURCH. 8vo. 6d. 
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 Green (S. G.)— THE CHRISTIAN CREED AND THE 
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 Hillis (N. D.) — THE INFLUENCE OF CHRIST IN 
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 Hort (F. J. A.)— THE WAY, THE TRUTH, THE LIFE. 
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 CAMBRIDGE REyiElV.—" Only to few is it given to scan the wide fields of truth 
 with clear vision of near and far alike. To what an extraordinary degree the late Dr. 
 Hort possessed this power is shown by the Hulsean Lectures just published. They carry 
 us in the most wonderful way to the very centre of the Christian system ; no aspect of 
 truth, no part of the world, seems to be left out of view ; while in every page we recog- 
 nise the gathered fruits of a rare scholarship in the service of an unwearying thought." 
 
 JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY. Crown Svo. 6s. 
 
 SCOTSMAN'. — "The great merit of Dr. Hort's lectures is that succinctly and yet 
 fully, and in a clear and interesting and suggestive manner, they give us not only his own 
 opinions, but whatever of worth has been advanced on the subject." 
 
 GLASGOIV HERALD.— '^\i\\\ receive a respectful welcome at the hands of all 
 biblical scholars. ... A model of exact and patient scholarship, controlled by robust 
 English sagacity, and it is safe to say that it will take a high place in the literature of the 
 subject." 
 
 VILLAGE SERMONS. Crown Svo. 6s. 
 
 Selected from the Sermons preached by Professor Hort to his 
 village congregation at St. Ippolyt's, and including a series of 
 Sermons dealing in a broad and suggestive way with the successive 
 books of the Bible, from Genesis to Revelations. 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 29 
 
 Hort (F. J. A.) — continued. 
 
 SERMONS ON THE BOOKS OF THE BIBLE (selected from 
 
 Village Serf/tons). Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 VILLAGE SERMONS IN OUTLINE. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Contents : I. The Prayer Book, 16 Sermons. II. Baptism, 
 
 5 Sermons. III. Mutual Subjection the Rule of Life (Eph. v. 21), 
 
 6 Sermons. IV. The Sermon on the Mount (St. Matt. v. i ; vii. 
 29), 1 1 Sermons. V. Advent, 4 Sermons. VI. The Armour of 
 the Cross. VII. The Resurrection, 7 Sermons. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE AND OTHER SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Hughes (T.)— THE MANLINESS OF CHRIST. 2nd Ed. 
 Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 GLOBE. — " Tfu Manliness o/Ckrist is a species of lay sermon such as Judge Hughes 
 is well qualified to deliver, seeing that manliness of thought and feeling has lieen the 
 prevailing characteristic of all his literary products." 
 
 BRITISH WEEKLY.—" A new edition of a strong book.- 
 
 Hutton (R. H.)— 
 
 ESSAYS ON SOME OF THE MODERN GUIDES OF ENG- 
 LISH THOUGHT IN MATTERS OF FAITH. Globe 8vo. 55. 
 
 THEOLOGICAL ESSAYS. Globe 8vo. t,s. 
 
 ASPECTS OF RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT. 
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 Hyde (V\r. De V\^.)— OUTLINES OF SOCIAL THEOLOGY. 
 Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 Dr. Hyde thus describes the object of his book : "This little book aims 
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 PRACTICAL IDEALISM. Globe 8vo. Js. net. 
 
 niingworth (Rev. J. R.)— SERMONS PREACHED IN A 
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 UNIVERSITY AND CATHEDRAL SERMONS. Crown 8vo. ss. 
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 TIMES. — " Will take high rank among the rare theological masterpieces produced by 
 that celebrated foundation." 
 
 EXPOSITOR. — " It is difficult to convey an adequate impression of the freshness 
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 reading once ; it is to be studied." 
 
 DIVINE IMMANENCE. An Essay on the Spiritual Significance 
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 CHURCH QUARTERLY REVIEW.— " K very valuable book. . . . Divine 
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 remarkable extent, profound thought and clear expression. It is -throughout written 
 in an interesting style." 
 
 GUARDIAN. — "Altogether, we_ have rarely read a book of such philosophical 
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30 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
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 WESTMINSTER SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 ALL SAINTS' DAY, and other Sermons. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 ACADEMY.— ^^\^^ can imagine nothing more appropriate than this edition for a 
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 THE DOCTRINE OF THE PROPHETS. Warburtonian Lectures 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 31 
 
 Knight (W. A.)— ASPECTS OF THEISM. 8vo. 8s. 6d. 
 
 LETTERS FROM HELL. Newly translated from the Danish. With 
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 DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. 8vo. 14s. 
 
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 TIMES. — " As representing all that is now available of the Bishop's profound learning 
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 DAILY CHRONICLE.— "Ttx poetic touch that beautifies all Dr. Macmillan's 
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 GLEANINGS IN HOLY FIELDS. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
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 CHURCH TIMES.—" There is probably no writer of the present century to whom 
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 TIMES.—" A volume of sermons for which the memory of Maurice's unique personal 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 33 
 
 MiUigan (Rev. Prof. W.)— THE RESURRECTION OF OUR 
 
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 THE ASCENSION AND HEAVENLY PRIESTHOOD OF 
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34 MACMILLAN AND CO.*S 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 3; 
 
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 The discourses included in this volume were delivered in 1893 in the 
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36 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 37 
 
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38 MACMILLAN AND CO.*S 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 39 
 
 Wilson (J. M., Archdeacon of Manchester) — continued. 
 
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