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 Essays on subjects connected with the re 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 029 248 121 
 
H Cornell University 
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 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029248121 
 
ESSAYS 
 
 ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH THE 
 
 REFORMATION IN ENGLAND 
 
ESSAYS 
 ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH 
 
 THE REFORMATION 
 
 IN ENGLAND 
 
 Sy the late SAMUEL ROFFEY MAITLAND 
 
 D.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., sometime Librarian 
 
 to Archbishop Howley and Keeper of 
 
 the Manuscripts at Lambeth 
 
 With an Introduction by 
 
 ARTHUR WOLLASTON HUTTON, M.A. 
 
 Rector of Easthope, Salop 
 
 JOHN LANE 
 
 LONDON AND NEW YORK 
 
 1899 
 
 ^ 
 
Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson <S^ Co. 
 London &• Edinburgh 
 
AUTHOE'S 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 TO THE READER 
 
 [1849] 
 
 The first nineteen of these Essays were published 
 in as many consecutive numbers of the " British 
 Magazine," beginning with that of January, 1846. 
 
 The Twentieth Essay, and some other additions, 
 making together nearly, if not quite, a third part of 
 the volume, have not been before printed. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 iNTRODtrCTION . ... ix-xix 
 
 ESSAY 
 
 I. PUKITAN VEKAOITY, No. I. 
 
 George Joye — Anthony Dalaber .... i 
 
 II. Puritan Vbeacitt, No. II. 
 
 Thomas Greene — John Careless . . .14 
 
 III. PuEiTAif Style, No. I. 
 
 John Bale, Bishop of Ossory 32 
 
 IV. Pdbitan Style, No. II. 
 
 Bishop Ponet — Bartholomew Traherou . . 54 
 
 V. PuEiTAN Politics, No. I. 
 
 John Enox — Bishop Ponet — Wyat's Rebellion . 66 
 
 VI. Puritan Politics, No. II, 
 
 The Duty of Subjects to their Rulers generally . 77 
 
 VII. Puritan Politics, No. III. 
 
 Respecting Queen Mary in particular . . . gS 
 
 VIII. Puritan Politics. No. IV. 
 
 The Spaniards . . . . . ii6 
 
 IX. Puritan Politics, No. V. 
 
 The Change of Religion . 136 
 
viii CONTENTS 
 
 ESSAY PAGE 
 
 X. The Pukitan Palinodia 
 
 The "Harborough" for faithful Subjects . IS° 
 
 XI. The EibALDS, No. I. 
 
 Thomas, Lord Cromwell . i73 
 
 XII. The Ribalds, No. II. 
 
 Act of Six Articles . . i88 
 
 XIII. The Ribalds, No. III. 
 
 Act of Six Articles . . .204 
 
 XIV. The Ribalds, No. IV. 
 
 Act of Six Articles . . 223 
 
 XV. Bishop Gaedineh and the King 238 
 
 XVI. Bishop Gaedinee and Paget . 250 
 
 XVII. Bishop Gaedinee and Bishop Bonkek, No. I. 
 
 " De vera obedientia " 266 
 
 XVIII. Bishop Gaedinee and Bishop Eonnee, No. II. 
 
 " De vera obedientia " 292 
 
 XIX. Bishop Gaedinee : His Popery . . . .308 
 
 XX. Bishop Bonnee's Cruelty 31S 
 
 § i. General Statements, and Fuller's in par- 
 ticular , . , , . ib. 
 § ii. Some Occurrences during the first year 
 
 and a half of Queen Mary's reign . 331 
 § iii. The Commission in Southwark . . 341 
 § iv. How far was Bonner concerned with the 
 
 Martyrs condemned by it ? , . 347 
 
 § V. Bonner's dealings with his own prisoners 360 
 
 § vi. His dealings with the Court . . . 380 
 
 § vii. Those with his own prisoners resumed, 
 
 with a List of all the Martyrs who 
 
 suffered in the reign of Queen Mary . 384 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 The time has not yet come, and it may yet he long in 
 coming, when a final and authoritative history of the Refor- 
 mation in England can he written. It is not from lack of 
 published or otherwise easily accessible materials that this is 
 so ; certainly not from lack of interest taken in the subject. 
 The difficulty arises rather from the fact that men with 
 different religious convictions are so keenly interested. From 
 at least three distinct points of view, the Rom,an, the Anglican, 
 and the Puritan, almost everything that occurred in this 
 cowntry dv/ring the years 1531— 1560 — which may be regarded 
 concisely as our Reformation period — has quite a different 
 look ; and while these d/ifferent aspects of the samie events are 
 insisted upon with some learning and m,uch shrewdness, com,- 
 bined with great earnestness and sincerity, the mere historian, 
 who is not interested in any special religious point of view, 
 hut is anxious only that the facts should be fully and accurately 
 stated, has little chance of a hearing. It is true that during 
 the last sixty years the one-sided and ill-informed estimate that 
 for over two centuries almost exclusively prevailed, has been 
 persistently criticised and has been largely abandoned ; but 
 Tneanwhile, as an outcome of the Oxford movement, a new hut 
 equaUy wnhistorical estimate has been gaining acceptance ; an 
 estimate that, in the interests of the " continuity " of the 
 Church of England, makes light of the great issues that were 
 really fought out and determined in the middle of the sixteenth 
 century, and promulgates a doctrine which amounts to some- 
 thing Uke this, — that the Church of England was Protestant 
 before the Reformation, and Catholic afterwards. No doubt 
 a true and vital continuity can be traced ihrmighout the 
 
2 INTRODUCTION 
 
 period ; hut to ignore the far-reaching character of the chariges 
 that were actually effected is little short of an insult to the 
 common sense of every man who knows the history of his 
 country. 
 
 The growth of this new misconception, however, need not 
 hinder a welcome being given to this reprint of a work 
 which, fifty years ago, did so much to discredit the old one. 
 So thoroughly, in fact, did Maitland do his work, that he may 
 almost he held responsible for that new view of the Beforma- 
 tion which, overstated now to the point of grotesqueness, lie 
 would certainly have shown up unsparingly liad he been 
 writing in 1899 instead of in 1849. For he was before all 
 things a bwn historical critic, indefatigable in his recourse to 
 original documents, determined to let them speak for them- 
 selves, and anxious only that the truth should prevail. Mr. 
 Frederick Stokes, in his Introduction to a new edition (1889) 
 of our author's earlier and no less valuable volume on the 
 " Bark Ages," truly says of him that " he was one of those in 
 whom the critical faculty existed in its highest perfection ; and 
 his ecclesiastical position enabled him to deal impartially with 
 both sides of his subject." A brief notice of his career may 
 enable some readers the better to appreciate his work. 
 
 The child of Nonconform,ist parents, and mainly self- 
 educated, Samuel Eoffey Maitland kept terms at St. John's 
 and at Trinity, Cambridge, but was disqualified from 
 graduating by his religious position. His University career 
 was, however, fruitful in friendships which greatly influenced 
 his career, W. H. Mill being one of those whose confidence he 
 thenceforward enjoyed through life. He was called to the Ba/r 
 at the Inner Temple ; and, though he soon abandoned the 
 attempt to win a practice, his legal studies left a mark on his 
 charcuiter, and guided and developed his instinctive love of 
 sifting truth from error. Ordained in the Church of England 
 ire 1 8 2 1 , he first interested himself in the conversion of the Jews, 
 especially on the Continent, and he travelled abroad to study 
 the difficulties of the problem. Bevoting himself at the scrnie 
 time to an examination of certain periods of Church History, 
 he published in 1832 a mmiograph on the Albigenses and 
 Waldenses, an elaborate work which secured a general recogni- 
 tion of his ability and critical insight. In 1835 he began to 
 contribute to the British Magazine, then edited by Hugh Jarnes 
 Rose, the notable series of Essays afterwards reprinted as the 
 
INTRODUCTION xi 
 
 two volumes " The Dark Ages " and " The Reformation." In 
 1838 Archbishop Howley made him Librarian at Lambeth, 
 and oonfen-ed on him the honmwry degree of D.D. ; and the 
 year following, when he succeeded Rose {Newman's friend) as 
 editor of the British Magazine, he was elected a Fellow of the 
 Royal Society : but he never received any benefice or other 
 recognition of his labours and his ability. He retired from 
 the editorship in 1849, *^ V^^""" *** which the volume now 
 reprinted was published ; and, apart from a small volume of 
 Essays which appeared in 1852, little else came from his pen. 
 He died in 1866. 
 
 In 1850 he had published "A Plea for a Ghv/rch-History 
 Society " ; and his proposals show so much business-like com- 
 mon sense, united with a keen appreciation of the need for 
 patient study of original documents, if the outcome is to have 
 serious value, that we may well regret he was never placed in 
 a position in which he could carry out his scheme. But the 
 work he had done had left him too little a persona grata with 
 the dominant parties in the Church to permit any but a very 
 powerful patron to give him a berth, such as that of a Dean, 
 in which he would have found full independence for literary 
 work. He had shattered the idols of the Evangelicals, and lie 
 was also " an object of suspicion to the Tracia/rians, whom he 
 declined to follow in their later developments." In 1841 he 
 had denounced Xeble's tract, " On the Mysticism attributed to 
 the early Fathers of the Church," with a fierceness that be- 
 trayed some lack of appreciation of th& poetic aspect of Scrip- 
 ture. Had Dr. Maitland lived fifty years longer he would 
 probably have viewed the matter differently, and would have 
 admitted that, where the literal and historical interpretation 
 {which he assumed as certain) is impossible, the allegorical 
 and poetical interpretation is not only allowable but necessary. 
 But although he was a man of ncany talents — he was brilliant 
 in conversation, a skilled musician, and a draughtsman in 
 black aivd white with so delicate a touch that his pen-and-ink 
 drawings were often mistaken for engravings — he seems to 
 have been too matter-of-fact in his literary criticism, to be able 
 to appreciate spiritual fancies that Keble could view with 
 sympathy. More to his taste was it to show up popular but 
 ill-fownded traditions, and to insist that something more 
 vertebrate than a piou,s sentiment should stand behind men's 
 conceptions of the religious changes in the sixteenth century. 
 
xii INTRODUCTION 
 
 This is the rightful temper of an historical critic , and it is 
 satisfactory to learn that his inflvsnce, both direct and in- 
 direct, on historical studies at Cambridge has been very great. 
 In the " Dicticmary of National Biography " it is well said of 
 him that, " animated by a rare desire after simple truth, 
 generously candid and free from all pretence or pedantry, he 
 wrote in a style which was peculiarly sparkling, lucid, and 
 attractive," and that "few m,en of his generation were more 
 stimulating and suggestive." 
 
 That the volum.e now offered to the public is a reprint, and 
 not a new and revised edition, is a matter that ha/rdVy requires 
 explamation. Since 1849, when the book was published, so 
 much fresh light has been thrown on the Reformation period 
 by the publication of State Papers and other historical manu- 
 scripts, and by the labours of Brewer, Dixon, Qairdmer, 
 Gasquet, Pocock, amd others, that there would literally be no 
 end to the new matter that it might seem desirable to add by 
 way of notes, not to speak of the tem,ptation an editor would 
 be under to give at length his reasons for differing from, his 
 author on points where he would almost necessarily differ. 
 The work is therefore given here precisely as Maitland 
 publishsd it, apart from the correction of a few obvious nfiis- 
 prints. But the question may then very pertinently be asked. 
 Why rep-int at all a work that is confessedly in som,e respects 
 old-fashioned and obsolete 2 The answer, I think, is that, 
 whatever faults the book may have, it was nevertheless an 
 epoch-making work, and inust always remain a book that needs 
 to be read. Possibly it may be rating it too highly to say 
 of it as absolutely as it was said of Gibbon's " Decline and 
 Fail," that you must read it to understand the period, what- 
 ever else you may read. But it is certainly a book that no 
 student of the Reformation can afford to be without. It is an 
 indispensable introduction, even though it may need correction 
 from subsequent investigations. The new light that has been 
 thrown on the period during the last fifty years has very 
 largely confirmed the view that Maitland indicated ; certainly 
 it has made it impossible for men to be content with the older 
 tradition which he discredited. 
 
 But there is another side to all this ; amd I trust I shall 
 not be accused of unduly dispa/raging Maitland's work if I 
 proceed to point out how he must also be read with caution. 
 An example or two will suffice to illustrate the criticisms that 
 
INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 / think should he made. In the Fourth Essay, mtitled 
 " Puritan Style, No. II." (pp. 54-66) he sets to work to prove, 
 by extracts from Traheron and others, that the Reformers were 
 foul-mouthed ; and so no doubt they were. It may have been 
 worthwhile to establish this fact fifty years ago, when a false 
 tradition as to the moral superiority of Protestants over 
 Catholics, at the date of the Befarmation, prevailed; but it 
 would be easy to cap every quotation given by Maitland with 
 one in equally bad taste from a contemporary Catholic writer. 
 For, indeed, the strong language, which he rightly holds up to 
 reprobation, is characteristic of the tim^, and not of any 
 particular religious party. Mr. Law has shown us how, in 
 the reign of Elizabeth, Jesuits and seculars indulged in 
 similarly odious recriminations. If therefore any one should 
 rise, from the perusal of these Essays with the impression that 
 the Reformers were in this respect a depraved body of contro- 
 rersialists, it would be an unfortunate result of that one-sided 
 exposition of the history of the period which our author fifty 
 years ago thought it necessary to present. In truth, the 
 sixteenth century was an unlovely era ; and it may be ques- 
 tioned whether any of its personages demand our unstinted 
 admiration, save the great and glorious Sir Thomas More. 
 
 Again, Maitland must not be followed slavishly in his 
 estimate of the political aspect of the Reformation. He is 
 shocked by the disloyalty of such protests as that against the 
 "monstrous regiment of women," made in the reign of Mary ; 
 and he makes rrwrry over the shifts to which the maintainers 
 of such a protest were driven when the accession of Elizabeth 
 put the novel notion of a queen-regnant in a wholly different 
 light. Sis tenth Essay, entitled " The Puritan Palinodia," 
 deals with this subject. That there was plenty of moral 
 cowardice among the advocates of reform, maybe true enough; 
 the flight of so many over the seas may be accepted as sufficient 
 proof of this. But is it fair to hold up to ridicule — and I 
 must say, though it is only a small detail, that his pedantic 
 adherence to the obsolete spelling of these quaint Protestants 
 seems designed to make their protests look the more ludicrous 
 — men who vjere fighting with their lives in their hands 
 against tremendous odds, and were fighting in great measure 
 for dimly discerned principles of political if not yet of religious 
 liberty, which have since been accepted as just and necessary 
 by nearly all the civilised nations of the world i I think that 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 Maitland, in his intelligible contempt for the. then dominant 
 unhistorieal estimate of the Reformation as a religions move- 
 ment, was someiohat blind to its significance as an era in 
 which the seeds of a most necessary political revolution tvere 
 sown. This aspect of it has in later years been admirably 
 sketched by Mr. F. Seebohm, in his " Era of the Protestant 
 Revolution," published in 1874. 
 
 Further, Dr. Maitland' s keen critical instinct sometimes led 
 him, into an excessive historical scepticism. Bishop Bormer's 
 reputation for fiendish cruelty he did indeed definitely expose 
 as a loholly unjust estimate. But when he was dealing with 
 Bonner's Preface to the second edition of Gardiner's treatise 
 " De Vera Ohedientia," he allowed his sense of the unlikeliness of 
 Bonner's having written such a Preface to get the better of his 
 recognition of the soundness of the historical evidence on which 
 the fact rests. He discusses the matter with much fulness and 
 fairness in his seventeenth and eighteenth Essays ; but I do 
 not think that the conclusion he suggests, that the Preface was 
 a forgery, has been accepted by any historian qualified to pro- 
 nounce a judgment in the case. No doubt it is difficult to 
 understand how a Catholic Bishop like Bonner, ivho had spent 
 some timj in Rome, and had had personal relations with the 
 Pope, should, v/nder pressure, of which there is nothing recorded 
 to show that it was specially severe, have backed up Gardiner's 
 repudiation of the Pope's authority over the Church in England, 
 and have a/mplified it by a good deal of coarse abuse (see pp. 
 302, 303) ; but many things in the sixteenth century are 
 difficult to understand ; while the positive evidence for this 
 having come from Bonner's pen is not seriously shaken by the 
 criticisms, painstaking amd ingenious as these are, which 
 Maitla/nd adduces. 
 
 So too as to his attacks on Foxe, the martyr ologist. On this 
 point I a/m permitted to use a communication from Mr. A .F. 
 Pollard, author of numerous articles in the " Dictionary of 
 National Biography " that are concerned with the Reformation 
 period, of which he has made a close and careful study : 
 
 " / think Maitland' s attack on the veracity of Foxe is over- 
 done. No doubt Foxe made mistakes and was unduly credu- 
 lous ; but I don't think he was any worse than Sanders, for 
 instance. In one or two cases which I have examined I^have 
 found indications in State Papers and elsewhere pointing to 
 at least a substratum of fact in Foxe's stories which Mail- 
 
INTRODUCTION xv 
 
 land denounces as ridiculous ; and Mr. Jamies Gairdner has 
 declared that ' there is no reason to doubt the essential truth ' 
 of the story of the intrigue against Catherine Parr, about 
 which Maitland is particidarly contemptuous.'^ 
 
 So much then may be said by way of criticism and caution 
 ill regard to the woi'h iiow reprinted; while its rAany and 
 great merits, as an opening-up of an ever-interesting period, 
 loill not escape the notice of any attentive reader. Maitland 
 certainly succeeds in making the Reformation live before our 
 eyes. 
 
 I shall p&rliaps be presuming on the indulgence of the readers 
 of this Introduction if I venture on any suggestions of my 
 own as to how the history of this period may most profitably 
 be studied; but it occurs to me to say that, while the tendency 
 is just now to miniinise the significance of what occurred 
 between the years 1531 and 1560, and to include the succeeding 
 himdred years as a part of the Reformation period, so that the 
 Church of England m,ay get tlie benefit of the reaction which 
 stamped a soTuewhat different cha/racter on the Prayer-booh as 
 revised in 1662, the truer method %vould be to concentrate 
 attention on the short period that elapsed between the death of 
 Senry VIII. and the death of Somerset the Protector; as being 
 that during lohich the great and decisive changes were con- 
 summated. Notice must, of course, be taken of Henry's breach 
 with Rome so as to secure his marriage with Anne Boleyn, fcyr 
 withmut this the Reformation that was accomplished would not 
 have been accomplished ; and notice must also be taken of the 
 settlement under Elizabeth, as the definite establishment of 
 England as a Protestant State. But the Catholic reaction 
 under Mary was apparently so superficial {as it ivas certainly 
 transient), that the Elizabethan settlement may fairly be 
 regarded as based on the earlier settlement in 1552, from 
 which the Marian incident did not really divide it ; aiid thus 
 the supreme importance of the period 1547-52 is indicated as 
 that in which the English Reformation was effected. A fully 
 detailed account of these Tnom^ntous years is still a desideratum,, 
 as is also a full biography of Edward Seymour, Duke of 
 Somerset, the best summary of whose career is at present to be 
 fmmd in the " Dictionary of National Biography." We very 
 TMtu/rally shrink from ascribing the religious emancipation of 
 England to either Henry, or Edward, or Elizabeth ; but there 
 need be no such feeling of sha/me in ascribing it to Som^erset, 
 
xvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 who was not only a great statesman and rule?; but also a man 
 of high moral character and of deep religious convictions. It 
 is true that he approp'iated to himself a large share of the 
 confiscated monastic property ; hut this must he interpreted in 
 accordance with the circumstances of the day, which had made 
 that confiscation necessary, and warranted the assignment of 
 a very considerable estate to the real ruler of the kingdom, 
 whose position was so nearly regal that he styled the King of 
 France his " brother." An estate that may he reckoned at 
 _5^i 00,000 a year in modern value is hardly extravagcmt for 
 a man in such a position; and Somerset is the less open to the 
 charge of avarice, since he had princely ideas as to the spending 
 of his income in grand buildings, &c. 
 
 However that m,ay be, it is certainly to him that we owe the 
 establishment of a religious Reformation in England, as we 
 also owe to hvm the special character that it tooh. Under his 
 presidency the men of the New Learning produced, first a 
 form for administering the Communion, to be used in 
 connection with the Mass; and the Proclamation prefixed 
 to this (understood to have been written by the Protector 
 himself), a document devout and judicious in its tone, 
 indicated further changes to come ; a promise fulfilled by 
 the publication the year following of the semi- Catholic 
 Prayer-Booh of 1549. For the Protestant liturgy ' of 
 1552, which, with alight modifications, has remained 
 the Prayer-booh of the Reformed Church of England ever 
 since, he was not directly responsible; and, although it 
 is quite possible that, had he remained in power, he would 
 have approved and have enforced this rapid progress in a 
 PuHtan direction, he would certainly have gone to work 
 more cautiously, and would not have identified religious 
 reforms, as Northumberland did, with that political violence 
 and tyranny which paved the way for the Marian reaction. 
 But, setting this aside as merely conjectural, it is clear thai 
 by the action of Somerset and his associates the mediceval 
 religious system was gradually and steadily laid aside, and a 
 return was made to what was thought to be a primitive if not 
 an apostolic form of worship. 
 
 But the changes that were actually made were of less 
 importance than were the principles by the acceptance of 
 which it became possible to make them. Never formally 
 stated, they amount to something like this, that venerable 
 
INTRODUCTION xvii 
 
 articles of religious faith, no less than traditional religious 
 observances and ritual, are reformahle in accordance with the 
 temper and the lea-ming of the times. This was practically 
 a repudiation of the Church's infallible magisterium ; and, 
 although we know that at a later date Elizabeth insisted on a 
 fm-mal assertion of the Church having "authority in matters 
 of faith," it has never been possible in the Church of England 
 to treat this as more than a provisional authority, in the 
 interests of order and discipline. Consistently with the prin- 
 ciples on which it was reformed in the middle of the sixteenth 
 century, our Church is still, and must always remain, a 
 learner as well as a teacher. And the Articles of Religion, 
 that in due time were fmm,ulated, showed clearly to those who 
 read them, intelligently how wide was the door that had been 
 opened; although those who opened it did not venture far them- 
 selves, but were rather for insisting on new fences to restrict 
 the libeo'ty of those whom the Reformation should have emanci- 
 pated. The Greeds were to be " received and believed," not on 
 the authority of the Church, but because they could be ^^ proved " 
 by Scripture ; and on the cogency of that proof they were to 
 depend. But Scripture itself, the sup-em^ authority, was 
 subjected to the test of scholar-ship. True, in the Sixth Article, 
 the phrases run " never any doubt in the Church " and " com- 
 monly received" ; but, when we inquire into the reason for 
 which the apocryphal boohs were relegated to an inferior posi- 
 tion, we find that it was due to literary criticism, a result of the 
 New Learning. So long as these books had been, in imscholarly 
 fashion, accepted as a pari of the Bible in the Vulgate version, 
 there was " never any doubt " as to their authenticity ; but, so 
 soon as it became a question of sources and of original docu- 
 ments, the discovery {in some cases, as we now know, 
 erroneous) that the so-called apocryphal books were written in 
 Greek and not in Hebrew was regarded as a sufficient reason 
 for deposing them from the position they had held for cen- 
 turies as of equal authority with the other books of the Old 
 Testament. It is not necessary to point out how this principle 
 of the subjection of Scripture to scholarship, established though 
 not stated at the Reformation, is applicable in our own day. 
 And a Ghwrch that was free to lea/rn in the sixteenth century 
 is also free to learn in the nineteenth or any subsequent 
 century. 
 
 With the now much-vexed question of the " continuity " of 
 
 b 
 
xviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 the Chwfch of England, Maitlcmd does not directly deal ; hut 
 the upshot of his disquisitions would rather tend towards the 
 recognition of the Anglo-Roman body as the legitimate repre- 
 sentative of the old Catholic Church of England. And this 
 would he indisputable if practical identity in doctrine and 
 discipline were the sole criterion. But there was, a/nd has 
 remained until now, a continuity, hoih spiritual and material, 
 between that ancient Church and the Anglican Church of 
 to-day, which cannot he lightly set aside. Even during the 
 reign of Elizabeth, while doctrinal differences of a fa/r-reaching 
 kind were admitted, or rather were insisted on, this continuity 
 was emphatically claimed. The claim was based then on the 
 actual possession of the dignities, buildings, and endowments 
 of the older Church, which was of course undeniable ; it is 
 based by some now on the assertion of a continuous hieratic 
 ministry ; an assertion that the Pope has recently condemned. 
 But it is safer to find spiritual continuity in the pcura/mount 
 importance of a living faith in Christ, which was and is the 
 possession of both Catholics and Protestants, however much, in 
 matters of less moment, they may have differed ; and herein 
 lies the true and vital connection between the two. 
 
 In a letter addressed to me in 1888, Mr. Gladstone, whom 
 I had ashed in what sense he understood the existence of a 
 spiritual continuity between the ancient Catholic Church and 
 the existing Church of England, replied, " In the Elizabethan 
 interval, amd before Anglicanism had a recognised eocistence as 
 a form of thought, I should look for the spiritual continuity in 
 men like Bernard Gilpin, as, before the Reformation, mainly 
 in men like Colet." Although this hardly involves " con- 
 tinuity" in the sense in which the question was asked, the 
 conjunction of these two names strikes me as pa/rticukvrly 
 happy : for, while both of them were Catholic priests by ordi- 
 nation, neither of them could be described as Roman in their 
 sympathies; indeed, it would be truer to say of both that their 
 tone of mind, as ecclesiastics and as educationists, was more 
 what would now be reckoned as Anglican. And the name of 
 Bernard Gilpin suggests the lines on which a true, popular 
 history of the Reformation might be written. Born in 1 5 1 7 
 and, dying in 1583, ordained in tJis reign of Henry VIII. 
 selected to preach before Edward 71., pi-esented to am important 
 benefice in the north of England in the reign of Ma/ry, and 
 holding it until his death, he might seem an obvious butt for 
 
INTRODUCTION xix 
 
 satire on the laxity of conscience in those who conformed 
 throughout the Reformation period. But a study of his life 
 would tell a very different tale, and show a man of deep 
 Christian convictions and unimpeachable honesty, deservedly 
 held in honour, not only by the conforming priests of whom, he 
 was one, and ivho formed of course the great majority of the 
 clergy of the Church of England during the early years of 
 Elizabeth's reign, but also by the new men, ordained under the 
 new regime. An historical romance, based on the life of Bernard 
 Gilpin, concerning whom, a good deal is known, and illustrated, 
 by a competent historical scholar, with accurately stated 
 incidents, in which the religious life of the Reformation period 
 should be depicted, as graphically as Newman in " Gallista," or 
 Pater in " Marius the Epicurean," depicted the growth of 
 Christian ideas in the early centuries of our era — such a booh 
 would certainly go far to fill the vacant place to which at the 
 outset I referred ; and might, in the guise of fiction, obtain 
 a wide circulation omd popular acceptance, doing thus a great 
 service to the cause of historical truth. It is a grave matter 
 that some thousands of religious teachers throughout the 
 country, m,en whose position demands that their utterances 
 should be treated with respect by those to whom they speak, 
 should, in the interests of a quite modem conception of what 
 the Chwrch of England really is, be now insisting on a mini- 
 mising account of what happened at the Reformation, su^h as 
 no historian would accept as even nearly accurate. And the 
 gravity lies, not in the mere holding of a mistaken estimate, but 
 in the proceedings that are based thereupon. Should this re- 
 print of Maitland'sfamous work stimulate a taste for historical 
 research, for a study of the actual words of the promoters of 
 the Reformation, and of the other illustrative documents of the 
 period, it will also serve to discredit a current misconception 
 that it was impossible for him to foresee. 
 
ERRATUM. 
 Page 67, line 11, for " 1544 " read " 1554.' 
 
ESSAYS. 
 
 ESSAY I. 
 
 PURITAN VERACITY. No. I. 
 
 GEORGE JOYE ANDREW DALABEE. 
 
 For the history of the Reformation in England, we depend 
 so much on the testimony of writers, who may be con- 
 sidered as belonging, or more or less attached, to the puritan 
 party, — or who obtained their information from persons of 
 that sect, — that it is of the utmost importance to inquire 
 whether there was any thing in their notions respecting 
 truth, which ought to throw suspicion on any of their 
 statements. 
 
 The question is one which does not require much 
 research or argument. There is something very frank (one 
 is almost inclined to say, honest) in the avowals, either 
 direct or indirect, which various puritans have left on 
 record, that it was considered not only allowable, but meri- 
 torious, to tell lies for the sake of the good cause in which 
 they were engaged, and for the benefit of those who were 
 fellow-helpers in it. The case is not merely that the charit- 
 able partisan looked with compassion on the weak brother 
 who denied his faith under the dread of cruel torments, or 
 stood by with pitying and loving connivance while he told 
 a lie as to some matter of fact, to save his own life, or lives 
 dearer than his own. It is, that they did not hesitate, 
 without any such urgent temptation, and with great deli- 
 beration and solemnity, to state what they knew to be 
 false : and that the manner in which such falsehoods were 
 
2 PURITAN VERACITY. [essay 
 
 avowed by those who told them, and recorded by their 
 friends and admirers, is suificient evidence that such a prac- 
 tice was not considered discreditable. This will be best 
 proved and illustrated by a few facts, which require no 
 further general introduction than what has been already 
 given ; and it is hoped that the reader will understand, 
 that in thus bringing them forward the object is, not to 
 criminate any person or class of persons ; but to inquire 
 how far we may rely on statements resting on the authority 
 of those who adopted puritan principles. 
 
 " When the Party," says Bishop Burnet, " became so considerable, 
 that it was known there were societies of them, not only in London, 
 but in both the universities, then the Cardinal [Wolsey] was con- 
 strained to act. His contempt of the clergy was looked on as that 
 which gave encouragement to the heretics. When reports were 
 brought to court of a company that were in Cambridge, Bilney, 
 Latimer, and others that read and propagated Luther's book and 
 opinions, some Bishops moved, in the year 1523, that there might 
 be a visitation appointed to go to Cambridge, for trying who were 
 the fautors of heresy there. But he, as Legate, did inhibit it (upon 
 what grounds I cannot imagine), which was brought against him 
 afterwards in Parliament, (Art. 43. of his impeachment.) Yet, when 
 these doctrines were spread everywhere, he called a meeting of all 
 the Bishops and divines, and canonists about London ; where 
 Thomas BUney and Thomas Arthur were brought before them, and 
 articles were brought in against them. The whole process is set 
 down at length by Fox in all points according to Tonstall's register, 
 except one fault in the translation. When the Cardinal asked 
 Bilney whether he had not taken an oath before, not to preach, or 
 defend any of Luther's doctrines, he confessed he had done it, but 
 not judicially, (judidaliter in the register.) This Fox translates, not 
 lawfully. In all other particulars there is an exact agreement between 
 the Register and his Acts." — Hist. Sef., vol. i. p. 31. 
 
 Fox, who, as Burnet says, has set down the whole pro- 
 cess at length, begins by telling us that, on the 27th of 
 November, 1527, "Cardinal "Wolsey with his comphces," 
 that is to say, " a great number of Bishops, as the Arch- 
 ' bishop of Canterbury, Outhbert [Tonstal] of London, John 
 '[Fisher] of Rochester, Nicholas [West] of Ely, John 
 ' Yoysey] of Exeter, John [Longlond] of Lincoln, John 
 ' [Clerk] of Bath and Wells, Harry [Standish] of St. Asaph, 
 ' with many others, both divines and lawyers, came into the 
 ' chapter-house at Westminster," to examine Thomas Bilney 
 and Thomas Arthur as to their having " preached or taught 
 to the people the opinions of Luther or any others con- 
 
I.] ARTHUR, BILNEY, AND GEORGE JOYE. 3 
 
 demned by the church." "With the details of this process, 
 however, we have no business at present ; and perhaps the 
 story is so well known, that it is almost unnecessary to say 
 that, according to Fox, " Bilney was a Cambridge man, and 
 the first framer of that university in the knowledge of 
 Christ^; " and that he converted many of his fellows to 
 the knowledge of the gospel, amongst which number were 
 Thomas Arthur, and Master Hugh Latimer ; and at length 
 "forsaking the university, went into many places teaching 
 ' and preaching, being associate with Arthur, which accom- 
 ' panied him from the university." 
 
 Thus it was that Arthur and Bilney came to be called 
 before the cardinal "and his complices; " but I do not want 
 to say more about them at present ; and, indeed, I only 
 mention the august tribunal before which they were sum- 
 moned, in order to introduce a person who was not there, 
 though he had received a very particular invitation to 
 attend, and had, to a certain extent, accepted it. This 
 person was George Joye, who was then a fellow of Peter 
 House, in Cambridge, and who is now not quite unknown, 
 from his connexion with Tyndale's translation of the New 
 Testament, and from several works which he published, 
 especially an attack on Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 
 which elicited a reply, entitled, " A Declaration of such true 
 articles as George loye hath gon about to confute as false ^." 
 
 Eox does not appear to have known that Joye was cited 
 with Bilney and Arthur ; and I refer to the account of that 
 process, in his Martjrrology, only that the reader may better 
 comprehend what here follows, and perceive that I am not 
 selecting, for an illustration, the story of a person incon- 
 siderable or unknown. George Joye was well known, and 
 a man of some consequence, among those who followed the 
 new learning. 
 
 The facts which led to his being summoned with Bilney 
 and Arthur seem to have been these. The Prior of Newn- 
 ham Abbey, near Bedford, told the suffragan of the Bishop 
 
 1 Edit. 1596, p. 910. 
 
 2 I suppose that most of wtat is known of him is collected in Lewis's 
 History of the Translations of the Bible, p. 79, et seq. On the ground 
 that one of his works is professedly " Printed at London by George Joye," 
 Herbert gives him a place in his edition of Ames's Typographical Anti- 
 quities, vol. i. p. 567. 
 
4 THE PRIOR OF NEWNHAM. [essay 
 
 of Lincoln, that George Joye held some heretical opinions. 
 The sufiragan told the bishop ; abd the bishop wrote direct 
 to the prior for further information. The prior replied 
 fully to the bishop, and the consequence was, that Joye was 
 cited to attend at that meeting in the Chapter House, at 
 which, as we have seen, John, Bishop of Lincoln, was one 
 of the " complices " of his friend and patron the cardinal. 
 What Joye did on that occasion he shall tell in his own 
 words, as soon as I have explained how we come to have the 
 prior's letter to the bishop, and given some account of its 
 contents. 
 
 It seems that, by some means or other, that letter came 
 into the hands of Joye ; and when he considered himself 
 safe from his pursuers, he printed it, with a commentary 
 replying to the charges which it contained. His little book 
 is entitled " The Letters whyche Johan Ashwell, Priour of 
 ' Newnham Abbey besydes Bedforde, sente secretly to the 
 ' Byshope of Lyncolne, in the yeare of our Lord M.D.xxvii. 
 ' where in the sayde Pryour accuseth George Joye that tyme 
 ' beyng felowe of Peter College in Cambrydge, of fower 
 ' opinyons : with the answere of the sayde George vnto the 
 'same opynyons'." It consists of about fifty-eight small 
 pages, and is dated at the end, " t[ At Straszburge, the 
 10. daye of June ; " and beneath is added, " C This lytell 
 boke be delyuerd to Johan Ashwel Prior of Newnha Abbey 
 besydes Bedforde with spede." On the back of the title, 
 George Joye gives a brief synopsis of the errors and heresies 
 with which he was charged, in the following form : 
 
 "C The fyrste opinion is (as M. priour sayth) that a symple 
 preyst hath as large and as greate power to byude and to lose, as 
 hath a byshope, or the byshope of Rome. 
 
 C The seconde that he imputeth vnto me is that fayth is suflBoient 
 wythout workes. 
 
 C The thyrde that he fayneth on me, is that euery preist may 
 have a wyfe or a concubine. 
 
 C The fowerth, that euery laye man maye heare confessions. 
 
 -■' It may be proper to say, with respect to books of this period, that 
 while I endeavour to give all extracts as correctly as possible, I do not 
 feel bound to copy exactly the punctuation, (where there is anything that 
 can be properly so called,) or all the contractioDS, misprints, and obsolete 
 spelling which would render them tiresome, if not unintelligible to most 
 readers. For words in brackets, unless otherwise explained, I am re- 
 sponsible. 
 
I.] THE PRIOR OF NEWNHAM. 6 
 
 C V. And because he sayth that I had men going on pylgrimage 
 in denseon, I have set to the scripture that dampneth worshippyne 
 of images." 
 
 The next page begins : 
 
 " C Here foloweth the Pryours letters 
 
 taken out of hys own hande 
 
 worde for worde. 
 
 C The Superscription. 
 
 To our moste Reverend father in Christ and speciall good 
 
 lorde my lorde of Lyncolne our diocesan be thys 
 
 deliuered wyth spede. 
 
 Most Eeuerende father in god, dew recommendations had to you 
 
 with humble obedience: I, your spirituall chylde, louing subget, 
 
 and daily bedaman, is gladde to here of your prosperous welfare, y° 
 
 which I and my brethern dayly praye to god to continew. And 
 
 where as your lordship wrote your louynge letters, wyDynge them 
 
 to be kepte secrete : so I beseohe your lordshyp, that these symple 
 
 letters of myne may be kepte secrete vnto your selfe. Also, where 
 
 as my Lorde your suffragane informed your lordship one master 
 
 Joye, by y<= knowledge that he had of me, what erroneus opynyons 
 
 he hylde : forsothe some be oute of my mynde, and some I haue 
 
 called to my mynde by the reason of your letters. Una opinio 
 
 erat, &c." 
 
 Here the cautious prior proceeds to detail the errors and 
 heresies in Latin, but as we have ah-eady had a synopsis of 
 them, we may skip rather more than a page, and take him 
 up when he again becomes English. 
 
 "But for these and diuerse other we haue bene sumtyme sine 
 charitate propter circumstantes and sedentes. And sumtime I haue 
 geuen him exhortation openly, and sumtyme secrately, that he shuld 
 leue such Lutronus opinions. Also M. Chaunceler made serohe for 
 him diuerse times when he came into the centre ; but the he was 
 euer at Cambrig in Peter house. And M. Chaunceler gaue vnto me 
 strait commaundement in your lordshipes name that I shuld not 
 suffer him to preche in none of your churches without your licens 
 and writing with your sealle ; and so he came no more at me ; nor 
 I praye to god that he do not, except he amende, quia dictum 
 vulgare infectionis with heresi, iuUsy, and frensy, &c., but I beseche 
 your lordship that no creature maye know that I, or any of mine, do 
 shew you of these thinges for then I shall leusse the fauor of many 
 in my centre. But I am, & haue ben, & wyll be euer at your 
 commaundement. Et sic valeatis in Ohristo Jesu sicut cor in 
 corpore meo. 
 
 Your louing subget and dayly orator Johannes 
 Prior de Newenham licet indignus. 
 
 C More euer I haue harde sume reporte that when he haue ben 
 among lay persons at festis or yonkeres in the centre he hath had 
 
6 GEORGE JOYE. [essay 
 
 many lewde opinions among the people & some good folkys would 
 murmur and grugge at his saynges and some wold reioyse 
 therein." 
 
 Having thus given the prior's letters, (or as we should 
 now say, letter,) George Joye proceeds to confute his charges 
 point by point ; but this is not to our purpose ; we are not 
 discussing the Lutheran opinions charged on him, but in- 
 quiring how far he was a credible witness as to matters of 
 fact ; and the part which concerns us is a sort of postscript, 
 which he entitles — 
 
 " ^ The storie of my state after the bishop 
 had receyued the pryours letters " 
 and which begins thus : — 
 
 " On the Saterdaye seuennyght before aduent sondaye, the yeare 
 of our Lorde M.D. XXVII. there were letters sent as from the 
 Cardinal! by one of hys ofEycers to Cambrydge, delyuered to the 
 vyce Canceller called Dootour Edmonds master of Peter college, 
 where I was then felowe. In whyche letters he was commaunded 
 to sende me up to appears at Westminster y'' wendesdaye folowyng 
 [the 27th of November] at ix. of the clok with Bylney and Arture, 
 for certayne erroneous opynyons, &cc. Our master sent for me on 
 the morow in to the contrey, and I came to hym, on the mondaye. 
 He shewed me the letters ; I red them, and sawe the Cardinals 
 sygne manuell subsorybed in great letters, and his seale. I gote me 
 horse when it snewed, and was colde, and came to London, and so 
 to Westmynster, not longe after my howre, when Bilney and Arture 
 were in esaminacyon. Whyche thynge when I harde of, and knewe 
 but those two poore shepe among so many cruel wolues, I was not 
 ouer hastye to thruste in amonge them ; for there was a shrewd 
 mayney of bishops beside the Cardinal with other of theyr faction. 
 And I thought to heare how these two lytell lambes shulde spede, 
 yere I wold put myselfe into these lyons mouthes. I went to my 
 diner and taried walkyng in the cyte. 
 
 "At last, on the Saterday, I came to a Master of myne called Syr 
 Wyllyam Gascoingue, the Cardinales tresurer : and shewed him my 
 errende, but he knewe all the conuayaunce of my cause better than 
 I (for I beleue yet he was the author of all my trouble) and he bad 
 me go in to the chamber of presence, and there Doctour Capon 
 should present me to the Cardinall. I was but a course courtyer, 
 neuer before hearynge this terme ' chamber of presence,' ne knew 
 where it was ; and I was halfe ashamed to aske after it ; and went 
 into a longe entrye on the lefte hande ; and at laste happened vpon 
 a dore, and knocked, and one opened it ; and when I loked in, it 
 was the kichen. Then I went backe into the hall, and asked for the 
 chamber of presence ; and one poynted me up a payer of stayers. 
 There stode I in the chamber of presence, when I wold wyth all my 
 harte haue ben absent, waytynge for Doctour Capon almost an 
 
ij GEORGE JOYE. 7 
 
 hower ; for I was not oner hasty to aske after hym. There no man 
 knew me, nor I them. There was a great fyer in the chamber, the 
 wether was oolde, and I saw now and then a Bishop come out ; but 
 I durste not stand nyghe the fyer, for f eare of burnyng. Theyr was 
 in all aboute a dozen bishops, whose solemne and lordely lokys 
 pleased me not. Whom when I behelde, betwene me and the fyer, 
 as they passed forbye, in good faythe me thongh[t] I saw nothing 
 els but the galouse and the hangman : but, as grace was, none of 
 them knew me. Then the tresurer sent for me downe into his 
 chamber ; and there he told me, that the Gardynal sente not for me. 
 Then I beganne to smell theyr secrete conuayaunce, and how they 
 had counterfeted theyr lordes, the Cardinales, letters. And here 
 the tresurer sent me to the bishope of Lyncolne, tellynge me that a 
 suilragane had accused me. Whych sufEragane I neuer see nor 
 knew. I went a good pase toward the bishops place, and ouertoke 
 hys chaunceler, called Doctour Rains, shewing him y' I wold speake 
 wyth my lord. He shewed my lord of me, and said that I must 
 come againe themornyng at .vi. of the clocke. I dyd so, and wayted 
 for my lordeat the stayers fote til it was about .viii. My lord came 
 down, and I dyd my dutye to hym. He asked me, ' Be you M. Joye ? ' 
 ' Ye forsothe my lorde,' quod I. ' Abyde,' said he, ' wyth my Chaun- 
 celer tyll I come agayne ; ' (for my lord with all the bishopes toke 
 theyr barges to wayte upon the Cardinall that mornyng to Grene- 
 wiche to the kyng,) I desired my lord to be good lord unto me, and 
 shew me his pleasure, what hys lordshype wold with me, and wher- 
 fore I am thus sent unto hym ; and he answered me like a lord, and 
 bad me tary with his chaunceler, and sayd I shuld wayte vpon his 
 laiser. There toke I my leue of my lord, and saw him no more. 
 
 " C Then, bycause M. Gascoigne rode home the same day into 
 Bedfordeshier, and bad me ouer euen to come againe on the morow 
 and teU him how I sped, I desyerde M. Chaunceler to [let me] go to 
 him, promisyng to come agayne at such a time as he wold apointe 
 me at my lordes coming home ; for he tolde me that my lorde wold 
 come agayne the same day about .ii. or .iii. of the cloke. I came to 
 M. Gascoing, whych I perceyued by his wordes fauored me not, and 
 he rebuked me because I studied Arigene, [Origen] ' Whych was an 
 heretike,' said he ; and he said that I helde such opinions as did 
 Bilney and Arture : which discomforted me very sore, when I 
 perceyued him to be my enemye, whom I toke for my good master. 
 There I saw hym laste. Then came I to the byshopes place agayne 
 at my houre, and shewed my selfe to M. Chaunceler. And there 
 daunsed I a colde attendance tyll all most nyght ; and yet my lord 
 was not come. Then I went to M. Chaunceler wyth whom was 
 Watson the scribe, desyryng him that I mought departe ; for I 
 though[t] my lord wold not come home that nyght, sayng that I had 
 farre to my lodging, and I loued not to walke late. Lothe they 
 were, I perceyued, and especially the scribe, that I shulde go : but 
 they wolde nether byd me to supper, nor promyse me lodgynge; and 
 I made haste, sayng that I wold come agayne on the morow to se 
 and my lord were come home. Then sayd the scribe, ' Where is 
 your lodging 3 ' And here 1 was so hold to make tlie scribe a lye for 
 hys asking ; telling hym that I laye at the grene drogon toward 
 
8 GEOEGE JOYE. [essay 
 
 Bishopsgate, when I laye a myle of, eueu a contrary waye ; for I 
 neuer trusted' scribes nor pharisais, and I perceyued he asked me not 
 for any good. Here I bad them bothe good nyght. 
 
 " As I went now I thought thus with my self e, I am a scholer of 
 Cambridge under only the vice channcelers iurisdiction, and under 
 the great God the Cardinal ; and M. Gasooigne said the Cardinall 
 sent not for me ; I wyll take a brethe yere I come to these men 
 agayne. On the morowe I was not ouer hastie to come to the 
 chaunceler ; but as I walked in the citie, I met with a scoler of 
 Cambrydge ; and he tolde me that the bisshop of Lincolne had sent 
 hys seruaunt besely to enquire, and to seke me; ' What is the matter ' 
 quod I. 'Mary,' quod he, 'it is sayde that he wold geue you a 
 benefice for preachyng in hys diocese.' 'A heiiefioe' quod I, 'ye a 
 malefice rather, for so rewarde they men for wel doynge.' 'Then I 
 gote me horse and rode fro my beneiice, and lefts college, and all 
 that I had, and oonuayed me selfe towarde the seaside ready to flee 
 farther yf need were. But many a foule, jeoperdouse, and sorowfull, 
 iourny had I yere I came there. And, in my traueling, I mette with 
 a good felowe of mi olde acquaintaunce, which merueled gretly to 
 see me in so straunge a countrye, to whome I opened my minde 
 shewyng him partely of my hateful state, troublouse and paynfuU 
 ioiimes that I had both by vnknowne waies, and also be night many 
 times. ' Be my trowthe,' quod he, ' I meruel ye be not robbed so 
 many theueshe wayes as you have ryden.' And then he warned me 
 of a theueshe place that I must nedes ride bye, and [I] asked him 
 agayne, ' Know you the place, and what great men dwel theraboutes? ' 
 ' Ye well,' sayd he. Then quod I, ' But dwel ther any bishopes that 
 waye 1 ' (for I had leuer have mette with .xx. theues then wyth one 
 bishope.) ' Nay,' quod he. Then was I glad, and rode on my waye, 
 and euer blessed me from byshopes. 
 
 " But the bishop of Lincolne layed prevey wait for me to be taken, 
 and my fete bound under an horse bely to brought in him. The be 
 as the great bishop of Ely our visitonr, angry supra modum*; and 
 yet he wolde haue cyted me viis et modis, expulsed me my college 
 when I was gone, had my flyght preuented his comyng. Sed bene- 
 dictus dominus gui non dedii me in captione dentibus eorum. [Ps. 
 cxxiv. 6.] Amen. 
 
 " C Nowe M. priour, if there be any thyng in thys my answere 
 that offendeth you, blame your selfe, not me. You firste rolled the 
 stone ; I am not yet (thanked be God) so feabled, but that by Gods 
 helpe, I am able to rolle it you agayne ; not to hurte you, as you 
 hurted me ; but rather to heale your ignoraunce wyth the trewe 
 knowleg of goddes word. And where as I am not so pacient in my 
 answere as I ought to be, and as you desyre, I praye you impute it 
 vnto the commune decease of all men borne of Adam whose childe 
 I am, yet staned with those carnal affectes souked out of him fro 
 my conception and can not be fully mortified but by death, then to 
 be perfite, renued in spirit, and made lyke oure brother Chryste, the 
 fyrste begoten among hys many brotheren. But yet of thys one 
 present conforte we are here al sure that beleue in goddes promise ■ 
 
 * The text appears to be corrupt. I give it as it stands. 
 
I.] THOMAS GARRET. 9 
 
 that is to say, al our infirmities and synne (of the whych as longe 
 as we are in this mortal fleshe we can not be perfitly deliuerd) to be 
 swelowed in christes deth thorow our faith, nether shall they be 
 imputed vnto us, Christ being our ryghtuousnes, wysdome, holines, 
 our redemption, and our satisfaction before his father," &c. 
 
 The reader will bear in mind that we are not discussing 
 the question, whether George Joye had a right to deceive 
 his persecutors ; or, indeed, how far what he did was morally 
 right or wrong. That is, no doubt, a very important ques- 
 tion ; but it is not the one now under consideration. We 
 are at present only inquiring how far he, or any member of 
 the sect of which he was a leader, may be relied on as an 
 authority in matters relating to that sect. He tells us, 
 without any appearance of hesitation or compunction, that 
 he said what was false to others. May he not be doing the 
 same to us ? May we, for instance, believe that the prior's 
 letter is genuine ? I should think so ; but, I must say, 
 rather from internal evidence than on his authority ; and 
 perhaps, without entering upon technical reasons for the 
 opinion, I may say, that I believe the date from Strasburgh 
 to be merely a blind, and that the book was printed in 
 London. With regard to deception of that kind, it is 
 notorious that the puriLan party had no scruple. 
 ^ Having said thus much of Cambridge, and Cambridge 
 men, let me (to borrow Strype's words) "here take in .... 
 
 "what progress the other University of Oxford made about the 
 same time also in religion ; Thomas Garret, Curate of Honey-lane, 
 London, and who was burnt in the same fire with Dr. Barnes, was 
 the great instrument thereof there. Who brought thither sundry 
 books in Latin, treating of the Scripture, with the first part of 
 ' Unio Dissidentium,' and Tyndal's first translation of the New 
 Testament ; which was about the year 1525, or 1526 ; which books 
 he sold at Oxon, and dispersed them among the students. Cardinal 
 Wolsey and the Bishop of London had intelligence of this man, and 
 that he had a number of these heretical books, as they called them, 
 and that he was gone to Oxford to vend them ; and a privy search 
 was intended to be made for him in that University. But one Cole, 
 of Magdalen college, afterwards Cross-bearer unto the Cardinal, 
 gave secret warning of this to a friend or two of Garret'.s, and 
 advised them to persuade him to be gone. And now a great many 
 in Oxon became suspected in religion ; as they might well be ; for 
 they fell very hard upon reading these books, and gathered much 
 light in religion from them ; namely, Delaber, of Allan hall; Clark, 
 Sumner, Bets, Taverner, Radley, Frith, Cox, Drum, and others, of 
 St. Frideswyde's college, or the Cardinal's college, now Christ's 
 Church ; Udal, and Diet, and others, of Corpus Christi ; Eeden of 
 
10 ANTHONY DALABER. [essat 
 
 Magdalen college ; others of Glocester college ; two monks of 
 St. Austin's, of Canterbury, named Lungport ; and John Salisbury, 
 of St. Edmoud's Bury ; two White Monks of Bernard college ; two 
 Canons of St. Mary's college, one whereof was Bobert Farrar, after- 
 wards a Bishop and a martyr ; and divers more." — Mem. Vol. I. P. i. 
 p. 569. 8vo edit. 
 
 The person to whom I wish to direct the reader's atten- 
 tion is the first named of Garret's disciples, who became the 
 historian of some of his proceedings. " The story of Thomas 
 Garret or Garrerd, and of his trouble in Oxford, testified 
 and recorded by Anthony Dalaber, who was there present 
 the same time," is given at great length by Fox in his 
 Martyrology^; but a brief outline of it may sufiice for our 
 present purpose, as our business lies not so much with the 
 hero of the story, as with the historian. 
 
 About the year 1526, Master Garret, as we have just 
 learned from Strype, came to Oxford, bringing with him 
 sundry books in Latin, treating of the scripture, with the 
 first part of " Unio dissidentium," and Tyndall's first trans- 
 lation of the New Testament ; and, moreover, it was not 
 unknown to Cardinal Wolsey, and to the Bishop of London, 
 and to other of that ungodly generation, that M. Garret 
 had a great number of these books, and that he was gone to 
 Oxford to make sale of them there to such as he knew to be 
 the lovers of the gospel. They determined, therefore, to 
 apprehend him ; but their purpose becoming known to him 
 and his friends, it was agreed that he must fly. 
 
 Anthony Dalaber, the narrator, was at that time a scholar 
 of Alban's Hall, and resident in the university ; but he had 
 lately been in his " country in Dorsetshire at Stalbridge ; " 
 and his brother, who was parson of that parish, being in 
 want of a curate, had desired that he would send him one 
 from Oxford. Whereupon, as he proceeds to state, 
 
 " it was thought good among the brethren (for so did we not only 
 call one another, but were indeed one to another,) that Master 
 Garret changing his name, should be sent forth with my letters into 
 Dorsetshire to my brother, to serve him there for a time, until he 
 might secretly convey himself from thence some whither over the 
 
 ^ Edition of 1596, p. 1089, but some few particulars which Fox omitted 
 in hie later editions are taken from Messrs. Seeley's edition, vol. v. p. 421, 
 &c. 1 trust that no reader will understand me as vouching for the 
 coiTectness of the reprint ; but the matter is so trifling that it is not 
 worth while to seek after the very scarce original edition of Fox. 
 
!•] ANTHONY DALABEE. 11 
 
 sea. According hereunto I wrote my letters in all haste possible 
 unto my brother, for Master Garret to be his curate, but not declar- 
 ing what he was indeed ; for my brother was a rank papist, and 
 afterwards was the most mortal enemy that ever I had, for the 
 gospel's sake." 
 
 It is curious to speculate on what may be contained in 
 the scheme of Garret's taking a curacy under such a rank 
 papist. One would like to know what his friends expected 
 him to do, and how he himself expected to get on, under 
 such circumstances ; and perhaps we may doubt, when we 
 find Anthony playing such a trick on his brother, whether 
 the enmity of the parson of Stalbridge was purely " for the 
 gospel's sake." Fox makes the best of the matter by putting 
 in the margin, " brother against brother," which it cer- 
 tainly was, however we may doubt the propriety of the 
 allusion. 
 
 " So," continues Dalaber, " the Wednesday in the morn- 
 ' ing before Shrovetide, Master Garret departed out of 
 ' Oxford towards Dorsetshire, with my letters for his new 
 ' service. How far he went, and by what occasion he so 
 ' soon returned, I know not." But so it was that Garret 
 did come back to Oxford during the night of the succeeding 
 Friday, and going to the house where he had previously 
 lodged, he was there apprehended by the proctors ; and the 
 next morning delivered to Dr. Oottisforde, Master of Lin- 
 coln College, and Commissary of the University, who kept 
 him as prisoner in his chamber. 
 
 " Of all this sudden hurley-burley," says Dalaber, " was I 
 ' utterly ignorant, so that I knew neither of Master Garret's 
 ' so sudden return, neither that he was so taken." In fact, 
 Dalaber had been much occupied in changing his lodging ; 
 and, having worked hard at removing his "poor stuff" 
 from Alban's Hall to Gloucester College, where he had 
 taken a chamber for the purpose of studying the civil law, 
 until the Saturday afternoon, he had sat down to read the 
 only book which he had there — Francis Lambert's on the 
 gospel of St. Luke. "AU my other books," he says, 
 " written on the scripture, of which I had a great number, 
 'as of Erasmus, of Luther, of CEcolampadius, <&c., I had yet 
 ' left in my chamber at Alban's Hall, where I had made a 
 • very secret place to keep them safe in, because it was so 
 ' dangerous to have anj' such books." So he sat diligently 
 
12 ANTHONY DALABER'S [essay 
 
 reading, and meaning to do so " untU even-song time at 
 Frideswide college," when he was disturbed by repeated and 
 violent knocking at the door ; and, at length, on opening it 
 " there was Master Garret as a man amazed ; " and " one 
 with him " who, however, turned out to be only a servant 
 in Gloucester college, who had acted in the capacity of guide 
 to point out Dalaber's rooms. 
 
 Master Garret, not duly considering, " spake unadvisedly," 
 and " said he was undone, for he was taken." After the 
 guide was gone the terrified Dalaber exclaimed, " Alas I 
 ' Master Garret, by this your uncircumspect coming unto 
 ' me and speaking so before this young man, you have dis- 
 ' closed yourself and utterly undone me." But what was 
 done could not be helped ; so Garret explained that the 
 Commissary and all his company having gone to even-song, 
 leaving him alone, he " hearing nobody stirring in the col- 
 lege, put back the bar of the lock with his finger " and 
 came off. Dalaber was frightened at the idea that both 
 were at the mercy of the young man who had acted as 
 guide, and it seemed quite clear that Garret must not stay 
 one moment where he was. He proposed to go into Wales, 
 and from thence, if possible, to Germany ; and, after taking 
 an afiectionate leave of Dalaber, who did what he could, 
 though not so much as they both wished, to disguise him, 
 he went his way. 
 
 As soon as he was gone, Dalaber shut up his rooms, and 
 set off to communicate the intelhgence to the brethren. 
 
 " Then,'' says he, " I went straight to Frideswide and even-song was 
 begun, and the Dean and the other canons were there in their grey 
 amices : they were almost at Magnificat before I came thither. I 
 stood at the quier door, and heard Master Taverner play. ... as I 
 thiis stood in comech Dr. Cottisford, the commissary, as fast as ever 
 he could go, bare-headed, as pale as ashes (I knew his grief well 
 enough) and to the Dean he goeth into the choir, where he was sit- 
 ting in his stall, and talked with him very sorrowfully : what, I 
 know not ; but whereof I might and did well and truly guess. I 
 went aside from the quier door, to see and hear more. The Com- 
 missary and Dean came out of the quier wonderfully troubled, as it 
 seemed. About the middle of the church met them D. London, 
 puffing, blustering, and blowing, like an hungry and greedie lion 
 seeking his prey." 
 
 It is a pity to spoil a story which is really so graphic and 
 interesting; but I must curtail it, and briefly say that 
 Dalaber spent the evening with his friends at Corpus 
 
I.] EXAMINATION. 13 
 
 Christi College, and slept in his old quarters at Alban Hall, 
 He rose eaily in the morning and went to Gloucester Col- 
 lege, where he was surprised to find the gates shvit, contrary 
 to custom. 
 
 " Then," says he, " did I walk up and down by the wall there, a whole 
 hour before the gates were opened. In the meanwhile my musing 
 head being full of forecasting cares, and my sorrowful heart flowing 
 with doleful sighs, I fully determined in my conscience before God, 
 that if I should chance to be taken and be examined, I would accuse 
 no man, nor declare any thing further than I did already perceive 
 was manifestly known before." 
 
 In short, he found that his rooms had been broken open 
 and searched ; he was taken, and was examined by Anthony 
 Dunstan, a monk of Westminster, who was prior of the 
 students. 
 
 " He asked me," says Delabar, " if Master Garret were with me 
 yesterday? I told him 'Yea.' Then he would know where he was, 
 and wherefore he came unto me. I told him, I knew not where he 
 was, except he were at Woodstock. For so (said I) he had showed 
 me that he would go thither, because one of the keepers there, his 
 friend, had promised him a piece of venison to make merry withal 
 the Shrovetide ; and that he would have borrowered a hat and a 
 pair of high shoes of me, but I had none indeed to lend him. This 
 tale 1 tjiought meetest, though it were nothing so." 
 
 After some further discourse the chief beadle came to 
 summon Dalaber to attend the Commissary, whom he found 
 with the dean of Cardinal's College, and the warden of New 
 College, at the altar of Lincoln College chapel. After they 
 had asked him a good many questions, chiefly respecting 
 himself, 
 
 " one came," he says, "unto them who was sent for, with pen, ink, 
 and paper. I trow it was the clerk of the University. As soon as 
 he was come, there was a board and tressels, with a form for him to 
 sit on, set between the doctors and me, and a great mass-book laid 
 before me ; and I was commanded to lay my right hand on it, and 
 to swear that I should truly answer unto such articles and inter- 
 rogatories as I should be by them examined upon. I made danger 
 of it awhile at first, but afterwards being persuaded by them, 
 paxtly by fair words, and partly by great threats, I promised to 
 do as they would have me ; hut in my heart nothing so meant to do. 
 So I laid my hand on the book, and one of them gave me my oath, 
 and that done commanded me to kiss the book." 
 
 On being afterwards examined by Dr. London, he re- 
 peated the fabrication about Woodstock and the venison, 
 and to that, notwithstanding their threats and promises, he 
 
14 PUEITAN AND JESUIT. [essay 
 
 adhered. "Then," he adds, "was he that brought Master 
 ' Garret unto my chamber brought before me, and caused to 
 ' declare what Master Garret said unto me at his coming to 
 ' my chamber ; but I said plainly, I heard, him say no such 
 'thing; for I thought my nay to be as good as his yea, 
 ' seeing it was to rid and deliver my godly brother out of 
 ' trouble and peril of his life." 
 
 These stories do not appear to me to require much com- 
 ment; and it will be more to the purpose, — at all events, 
 should be a prior business, — to show, by the production of 
 others like them, that these are not singular cases. 
 
 ESSAY 11. 
 
 PURITAN VERACITY. No. II. 
 
 THOMAS GREENE— JOHN CARELESS. 
 
 " Une chose des plus embarrassantes qui s'y trouve," said 
 Pascal's Mentor, " est d'6viter le mensonge, et surtout quand 
 on voudroit Men f aire accroire une chose f ausse ; " and then, 
 after giving him some light on the " doctrine des equivoques," 
 he proceeded to explain what must be done in cases where 
 equivocation would not do, and quoted the doctrine of 
 Sanchez concerning "la doctrine diBsresPrictions mentales" — 
 " On peut jurer, dit-U, qu'on n'a pas fait une chose, quoiqu'on 
 ' I'ait faite effectivement, en entendant en soi-meme qu'on ne 
 ' I'a pas faite un certain jour, ou avant qu'on fut ne, ou en 
 ' sous-entendant quelque autre circonstance pareille, sans 
 ' que les paroles dont on se sert aient aucun sens qui le 
 ' puisse faire connoitre. Et cela est fort commode en beau- 
 ' coup de rencontres, et est toujours trfes juste quand cela 
 ' est n6cessire ou utile pour la sante, I'honneur, ou le bien." 
 There is certainly something very natural in the pupil's 
 question, " Comment ! mon pfere, et n'est-ce pas Ik un 
 mensmige, et meme un parjure?" and he must have been 
 relieved by the answer: "Non, dit le pfere : Sanchez le 
 ' prouve au meme lieu, et notre pfere Filiutius aussi, tr. 25, 
 'chap, xi., n. 331; paroe, dit-il, que c'est 'I'intention que 
 
11.] DOCTRINES OP VERACITY. 15 
 
 ' rfegle la qualite de I'action.' Et il y donne encore, n. 328, 
 ' un autre moyen plus sur d'6viter le mensonge. C'est 
 ' qu'apr^s avoir dit tout liaut, ' Je jure que je n'ai point fait 
 'cela,' on ajou.te tout bas, 'aujourd'hui :' ou qu'aprfes avoii- 
 'dit tout haut ' Je jure' on dise tout bas, 'que je dis,' et 
 'que I'on continue ensuite tout haut ' que je n'ai point fait 
 'cela.' Vous voyez bien que c'est dire la verite\" 
 
 Had it then existed, one might have supposed Anthony 
 Dalaber to have been brought up in this school, and to have 
 profited therein greatly, if one had known the facts of the 
 case, and been present when he was called on to swear that 
 he would teU the truth, and when, as he himself states, " I 
 ' promised to do as they would have me ; but in my heart 
 ' meant nothing so to do. So I laid my hand on the book, 
 ' and one of them gave me my oath, and that done, com- 
 ' manded me to kiss the book." 
 
 It is not, however, my purpose to discuss the facts stated 
 in the preceding number : and therefore, on the cases of 
 Greorge Joye and Anthony Dalaber, I will here offer only a 
 single remark, which has respect to the use which we are 
 authorized to make of them as testimonies of puritan 
 doctrine. Greorge Joye was his own historian, apparently 
 his own publisher, and perhaps even his own printer ; and 
 therefore did what he did, and wrote what he wrote, so far 
 as we have any evidence, without the concurrence of any 
 other person. And therefore, when he says, " I was so bold 
 to make the scribe a lye," and explains to us that he did it 
 on a general principle, "for I never trusted Scribes nor 
 Pharisees," we have only his personal opinion and practice 
 as to the matter of truth-telHng. Of course such an opinion 
 from such a man, so openly and gratuitously stated, such a 
 fact related by him after all danger was past, in a manner 
 which savours of anything but shame or compunction — is 
 very weighty and important. Such I doubt not the reader 
 win consider it. 
 
 As to Dalaber's case, however, he is indeed his own 
 historian, so far forth as to give- the story all the interest 
 and all the authority of autobiography ; but for its pubKca- 
 tion we are indebted to another hand. I am not aware that 
 Fox any where states how the memoir came into his posses- 
 
 1 Lee Provinciales, Lett. IX. torn. i. p. 1G3. 
 
16 THOMAS GREENE. [essay 
 
 sion ; but as he informs us that Dalaber lived until the year 
 1562, it is very possible that he may have received it imme- 
 diately from the o.uthor. Under most circumstances it 
 might be too much to assume that the editor, or publisher, 
 of Dalaber's story approved of his conduct ; but when we 
 consider the whole case, it is perhaps natural to suppose 
 that if Fox had disapproved of that conduct, or had expected 
 it to be blamed by his party, he would have omitted or 
 qualified, or at least given some intimation of his dis- 
 approval. 
 
 But we shall get lid of the necessity for such speculations 
 if we take one or two stories related by Fox respecting his 
 own contemporaries. Thomas Greene has furnished a 
 curious piece of autobiography, which Fox introduces 
 thus : — 
 
 " Next, after these two above specified [Richard Wilmot and 
 Thomas Fayrefaxe], followeth the beating of one Thomas Greene, 
 who in the time of Queene Mary, was caused likewise to be scourged 
 and beaten by Dr. Story. What the cause was, heere followeth in 
 story and examination to be seene, which he penned with his owne 
 hand, as the thing itselfe will declare to the reader. The copy and 
 words of the same as he wrote them, heere follow. Wherein, as 
 thou mayst note (gentle reader) the simplicitie of the one, so I pray 
 thee, marke the cruelty of the other part." — Hdit. 1596, p. 1868. 
 
 Let us then look a little at the " simplicity " of Thomas 
 Greene. It seems that he was the prentice of John Wayland, 
 a well-known printer, who brought him before Dr. Story on 
 account of a certain book called " Antichrist," which had 
 been clandestinely put in circulation, (or, as Thomas Greene 
 himself expresses it, "distributed to certain honest men,") 
 to the great annoyance of the government, who were actively 
 engaged in searching after the persons hj whom these in- 
 flammatory and seditious libels were brought into the country, 
 and dispersed. 
 
 As to the book, however, thus incidentally mentioned, I 
 do not wish to say much at present ; because it belongs to 
 another part of the subject. But things will not always 
 wait until they are wanted; and, indeed, considering the 
 false colouring which has been given to such stories, (by 
 which it has come to pass that people take it almost for 
 granted that whoever was punished by a papist was a true 
 lover of the gospel^ it is necessary to the understanding 
 of Thomas Greene's story, to observe that the work which 
 
II.] SEDITIOUS LIBELS. 17 
 
 he was accused of clandestinely distributing was not one of 
 merely practical piety, or polemical divinity, or even one 
 abusing the pope and all popery ; but one of a large class of 
 books, the object (or to speak with the utmost stretch of 
 charity, the tendency) of which was to set the commons 
 against the nobiUty, and produce a revolution in the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 It may be difficult, in the present day of licentious free- 
 dom, to form any idea of what is meant by a seditious libel, 
 and we may think it very hard that men should be punished 
 for printing and publishing any thing whatsoever that comes 
 into their heads, or will put pence in their pockets. Into 
 these questions I do not here enter, but merely state the 
 fact that, in the days of Queen Mary, (to say nothing of her 
 father, brother, or sister,) the government did punish the 
 fomenters of sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion, and 
 that to call this persecution for the gospel's sake is, in my 
 mind, by no means proper. I hope to say something of 
 both the pohtics and the provocations of the puritan party, 
 in which this may be estabUshed and illustrated ; but in the 
 mean time I would observe, that owing to our having received 
 almost all that is popularly known of things and persons 
 belonging to the period of the Reformation from puritan 
 sources — either from those who actually belonged to the sect 
 when it was a struggling sect, or those who subsequently 
 held them in great admiration, and gave them imphcit credit 
 — we are, of course, Uable so far to adopt their views, as that 
 we are prepared to allow much more liberty to one side than 
 the other. It is very natural that Fox, rejoicing in Eliza- 
 bethan protestantism, should laugh in his sleeve while he 
 told how " wily Winchester " or " bloody Bonner " was 
 " prettily nipped " by some ignorant protestant or saucy 
 mechanic ; and it is not perhaps to be wondered at, that 
 good Mr. Strype, reposing in the shades of Low Layton, 
 with the most perfect confidence that all the puritan party 
 were truly striving for the gospel, should tell us, with a 
 quaint smUe, how somebody "laid it close in " to the nobihty 
 and gentry, and what clever things " were smartly thrown 
 in their teeth by the best sort." 
 
 But, as far as I can judge, even by the " best sort," men 
 of rank, and persons high in authority, either in church or 
 state, do not like to be " prettily nipped," or to have things 
 
18 THOMAS GREENE'S [essay 
 
 ," smartly thrown in their teeth ; " and in particular, " the 
 nobility, those of the Queen's Council, and the rest,'' to 
 whom, according to Strype, the author of Antichrist " directed 
 his book especially," do not like to be publicly told, that if 
 they do not mind what they are about, the people will rise 
 and crush them. They positively dislike it, even though it 
 be put in the form of a prayer, that the oppressed commons 
 may not do anything so very improper. If the Queen's 
 Council could have had a moment's doubt as to the threat 
 conveyed in the following passage, of this book which (if 
 Strype is right) Thomas Greene was circulating, there were 
 but too many helps to the clear understanding of it almost 
 daily issuing from the foreign, or the secret, press : — 
 
 " To what truth and what religion may the subjects of this 
 realm hereafter cleave, and assuredly, without wavering follow ; 
 which do perceive that your lordships, contrary to your own com- 
 mandment heretofore, made and directed to them, do fly and retire 
 from the doctrine and true use of the sacraments, that you, in so 
 little time past, did most worthily approve to be most godly and 
 necessary to be taught and followed ? God grant that the Commons 
 of this realm, that now miirmv/r and grudge at this inconstancy, and 
 other your evil doings, do not hereafter hurden you with the same; and 
 especially for your flying from the true religion, which yon did 
 before all men approve to be most godly : from the which ye be 
 now fled, to the great dishonour of God. Wherefore God, by his 
 prophet, threatenelh you to bring you to dislionour, saying, ' I will give 
 them honour that honoureth me, and they that dishonour me, will I 
 hriny to dishonour.' Thus," adds Strype, "this fickleness in the 
 gentry and nobility of those times was smartly thrown in their 
 teeth by the best sort." — Eccl. Mem. III. i. 444. 
 
 There was certainly something smart in this. The sound 
 was no more uncertain than the blast of Knox's trumpet. 
 Probably there was more, and worse, of the same kind in 
 the book, the contents of which I know only by Strype's 
 extracts. Our business with it at present, however, arises 
 from its being the book which Thomas Greene, the prentice, 
 was charged with circulating, and it is hoped that the reader 
 will understand his notable " simplicitie " the better, from 
 my having given him what Strype would have called "a 
 taste of it." 
 
 On being asked where he got the book, Thomas Greene 
 told Dr. Story that he had it of a Frenchman, and that he 
 " would tell him no more and could not." The doctor ex- 
 plained to him, at once, that it was no matter of religion 
 
II.] NOTABLE SIMPLICITIE. 19 
 
 for which he was called in question — " he said, It was no 
 heresy but treason; and that I should be hanged, drawn, 
 and quartered " — but as he found him resolved to make no 
 disclosure, he sent him to Lollard's Tower.- Before he had 
 been there two hours, however, the keeper came and removed 
 him to the coal-house ; and when there, said to his prisoner, 
 " Tell me the truth, and I will be your friend." "And I 
 said," adds Greene, "I had told thetruth, and could iell no other." 
 
 In the coal-house, Thomas Greene remained six days. 
 " Then," he adds, " Dr. Story sent for me, and asked whether 
 ' I would tell the truth where I had the book. I said, I had 
 ' told him, of a Frenchman. He asked me where I came 
 ' acquainted with the Frenchman, where he dwelt, and where 
 ' he delivered me the book. I said I came acquainted with 
 ' him in Newgate, I coming to my friends which were put 
 ' in for God's word and truth's sake, and the Frenchman 
 ' coming to his friends also, there we did talk together, and 
 ' became acquainted one with another, and did eat and drink 
 ' together there with our friends in the fear of God." The 
 doctor asked whether he got the book in Newgate, and 
 Greene replied that he did not ; but that he met the French- 
 man in the street, who showed him the book, and he expressed 
 a wish to have it. Story said it was a great book, and asked 
 whether he bought it ; and on Greene's replying that he did, 
 he charged him with having robbed his master for the pur- 
 pose. Greene replied, that a little money served, for he only 
 gave him f ourpence, and a promise of twelvepence more when 
 they should next meet. 
 
 Dr. Story proposed that he should find two sureties, and 
 watch for this Frenchman, with a promise that he should 
 himself be kept harmless ; but Greene replied that he could 
 not find sureties, and the doctor observing "This is but a 
 lie," called for the keeper of the coal-house, and went 
 away, telling his prisoner that next time he came he would 
 make him tell a difierent story. 
 
 Ten days more elapsed, and then Dr. Story sent for him 
 again, and asked if he would tell the truth ? "I said," says 
 Greene, " I could tell him no other truth than I had, nor 
 would ; " so he was returned to his place of imprisonment. 
 
 ^ That is, to the Bishop of London's prison at St. Paul's. I mention 
 this because the name has been (only I believe in recent times, and 
 quite improperly) applied to one of the towers of Lambeth Palace. 
 
20 THOMAS GREENE'S [essay 
 
 After fourteen days more, he was again sent for by 
 Dr. Story, who had with him my lord of Windsor's chap- 
 lain, and two other gentlemen, to whom he told the story. 
 They took Greene aside, and entreated him very gently, 
 saying, " Tell us where you had the book, and of whom, and 
 ' we will save you harmless. I made them answer that / 
 ' had told all I could to Dr. Story : and began to tell them 
 ' again, but they said they knew that already." 
 
 After some conversation on his faith, Thomas Greene was 
 remanded to the coal-house, and while imprisoned there. 
 Bishop Bonner " coming down a pair of stairs," (which must, 
 I suppose, have come down by the side of the coal-house,) 
 " looked in at the grate, and asked why, and by whom, he 
 had been put there. " I made him answer," he says, " that 
 ' I was put in for a book called ' Antichrist ' by Dr. Story. 
 ' And he said, ' you are not ashamed to declare wherefore 
 ' you were put in,' and said it was a very wicked book, and 
 ' bade me confess the truth to Story. I said / had told him 
 ' the truth already ; and desired him to be good to me, and 
 ' help me out of prison, for they had kept me there long. 
 ' And he said he could not meddle with it ; Story hath 
 ' begun it and he must end it." 
 
 Now, if what I have here related were all that we knew 
 of the matter, it would be very unjust, and uncharitable, to 
 suppose that Thomas Greene had said anything else than 
 truth ; but the fact is, that he seems most anxious to have 
 it known and believed that what he had been saying was 
 false : — "Whilst I lay yet in the Lollard's Tower, the woman 
 ' which brought the books over being taken, and her books, 
 ' was put in the Clink in Southwark, by Hussey, one of the 
 ' Arches ; and I, Thomas Greene, testify before God, now, 
 ' that I neither descryed the man nor the woman the which 
 ' I had the books of." 
 
 This Hussey sent for him ; but could get nothing but 
 what he had told Dr. Story before. " Then he was very 
 ' angry, and said, ' I love thee well, and therefore I sent for 
 ' thee ; ' and looked for a further truth, but I would tell 
 ' him no other ; whereupon he sent me again to Lollard's 
 ' Tower. At my going away, he called me back again, and 
 'said that Dixon gave me the books, being an old man 
 ' dwelling in Birchin-lane ; and I said, he knew the matter 
 ' better than I. So he sent me away to the Lollard's Tower 
 
II.] NOTABLE SIMPLICITIE. 21 
 
 ' where I remained seven days and more. Then Master 
 ' Hussey sent for me again, and required of me to tell him 
 ' the truth. I told him / could tell him no other truth than 
 ' what I had told Dr. Stori/ before. Then he began to tell 
 ' me of Dixon, of whom I had the books, the which had 
 ' made the matter manifest afore ; and he told me of all 
 ' things touching Dison and the books, more than I could 
 ' myself ; insomuch that he told me how many I had, and 
 ' that he had a sackful! of the books in his house, and knew 
 ' where the woman lay better than I myself. Then I saw 
 ' the matter so open and manifest before my face that it profited 
 ' not me to stand in the matter." 
 
 The reader might perhaps imagine that Greene was now 
 going to tell the truth. But no such thing ; it was only 
 that the old lie being found unprofitable, a new one must be 
 substituted. 
 
 " He asked me where I had done the books ; and I told 
 ' him / had btct one, and that Dr. Story had. He said I 
 ' lied, for I had three at one time, and he required me to 
 ' tell him of one. Then I told him of one that John Beane 
 ' had of me being prentice with Master Tottle." 
 
 Now, if after all this, and a good deal more, obstinate 
 perseverance in lying, when the information which they 
 wanted to get from Thomas Greene had been obtained from 
 other sources, and the treasonable business in which he had 
 been a petty agent had come to be fully known — if, after all 
 this, his blood-thirsty persecutors, instead of putting him in 
 the hands of the hangman, turned him over to the beadle, 
 it seems to me that he got off rather better than he might 
 have expected ; and that he might think himself very lucky 
 that his notable " simplicitie " had led him into no worse 
 scrape, and that he was able to say, " when they had done 
 whipping of me, they bade me pay my fees, and go my 
 ways." 
 
 But much as we may admire the simplicity of Thomas 
 Greene, it is surely somewhat strange to find this account of 
 it in " The story of certain scourged for religion," — a story 
 after which Fox observes : " Besides these above named 
 ' divers others also suffered the like scourgings and whippings 
 ' in their bodies, for their faithful standing in the truth; of 
 ' which it may be said, as it is written of the Apostles in the 
 ' Acts, ' Which departed from the co^incil rejoicing that they 
 
22 JOHN CARELESS. [essay 
 
 ' were counted worthy to suffer for the name of Jesus.' " 
 The distinction which Fox must have made in his own mind, 
 and expected to be made by his readers, between truth and 
 the truth, must be kept in mind during this inquiry ; and it 
 may be feared that it was not peculiar to him, or to his 
 times, but that it characterized the party to which he 
 belonged, and survived the age in which he lived. 
 
 But let us turn from the " scourging of Thomas Greene, 
 prentice," who is not a very dignified representative of his 
 party (though Fox's admiration of his " simplicity " gives 
 his story great importance), to the account of a person much 
 more distinguished ; one whom Strype describes as an 
 " eminent martyr '' : " and let us see if we can account for 
 ^ his practice on any other ground than that of some such 
 distinction, leading to an idea that the truth was sometimes 
 to be maintained or promoted by falsehood, — I mean, John 
 Careless, whose letters have been published by Fox, repub- 
 lished by Coverdale, and, within these ten years, again 
 republished as the " Letters of that faithful man of God, 
 John Careless," and as part of a "precious relic of the 
 founders of our established Church "'." 
 
 The reader must understand, that " there were now," 
 according to Strype, who is speaking of the year 1556, 
 " abundance of sects and dangerous doctrines : whose main- 
 ' tainers shrouded themselves under the professors of the 
 ' gospel. Some denied the godhead of Christ ; some denied 
 ' his manhood ; others denied the godhead of the Holy 
 ' Ghost, original sin, the doctrine of predestination and 
 ' free election, the descent of Christ into hell, (which the 
 
 ^ Mem. of Cran. vol. ii. p. 504. 
 
 * These words are quoted from Mr. Biokersteth's dedication prefixed 
 to the edition of " the Letters of the Martyrs," published in the year 1837. 
 This work professes to be a reprint ef the volume collected and published 
 by Bishop Coverdale, in the year 1564. Three other letters of John 
 Careless were afterwards annexed to " A Pitvovs Lamentation of the 
 miserable estate of the chvrcbe," by Bishop Eidley. "Imprinted at 
 London by William Powell, dwelling in Flele Strete, at the sign of the 
 George, nere to SainctDunston's Church." They are intituled, " Certeyue 
 godly and comfortable letters of the constant wytnes of Christ, John 
 Careles, written in the time of his imprisonment, and now fyrste set 
 forth in printe. Anno Domini, 1566." They were not, therefore, in the 
 first edition of Fox ; and I believe only one of them has been in any edi- 
 tion of the Martyrology, or reprinted anywhere. They are all addressed 
 io the same female, K. £., who, in the edition of Fox, 1596, p. 1752, and 
 
ii.J ABUNDANCE OF SECTS. 23 
 
 ' protestants here generally heU,) [[the baptism of infants. 
 ' Some condemned the use of all indifferent things in 
 ' religion :_ others held freewill, man's righteousness, and 
 ' justification by works — doctrines which the protestants, in 
 ' the times of King Edward, for the most part, disowned. 
 ' By these opinions, a scandal was raised upon the true 
 ' professors ■'." Again, speaking of some " schismatical 
 'spirits" who had "imbibed principles of Pelagian! 
 ' Arianism, and anabaptism, and endeavoured to infuse the 
 ' same into those good men and women professing and 
 ' suffering for the gospel," and having stated, on the 
 authority of Fox, that " not only in private assemblies here 
 ' [i.e., at Colchester] did these swarm, to pervert the right 
 ' ways of the Lord, but also in divers prisons in London, 
 ' they kept a continual hand : where they scattered their 
 ' heretical doctrines among such as were committed for the 
 ' love of the gospel ; " he adds, that " some of the chief 
 ' among them were these two — ^John Kemp and Henry 
 ' Hart .... these were those they called freewill men : 
 ' for so they were termed of the predestinators .... and 
 ' there were thirteen articles drawn up, to be observed 
 ' among their company that adhered to them .... there 
 ' were certain articles of Christian religion, which Careless 
 ' had sent to Tymms, a prisoner for the gospel in the 
 ■ King's Bench \read Newgate] : and these Hart undertook 
 ' to confute ^" 
 
 Of these particulars the reader should be aware, and he 
 should also know, that Dr. Martin was commissioned by 
 the council to make inquiries respecting these quarrels 
 which were said to exist among the nonconforming 
 
 ia Mr. Cattley's editioD, vol. viii. p. 192, is changed toE. K. Why Fox, 
 or whoever put the first of the three letters into the Martyrology, did not 
 pnt in the other two, I do not know, except it were that the former of 
 them is in a high strain of praise, gratitude, compliment, and full confi- 
 dence — for instance, " I am right suer we are both sealed vnto the daye 
 of redemption ;" and again, "be you certaiue and suer that God will 
 likewise glorify you with hiraaelf in everlasting glory. For, as the Lord 
 did know and elect you for his before the foundation of the worlde was 
 layde : so hath he called you by the sincere preaching of his holy gospel " 
 — while the principal object of the latter seems to be, to let her know 
 that he had been informed by credible persons that she was frequently 
 guilty of " comming into the companye of filthy idolaters, at the time of 
 tlieir Antechristiau service." 
 ' Mem. in. i. 586. " Annals, vol. ii. P. ii. p. 283. 
 
24 JOHN CARELESS'S [essay 
 
 prisoners ; and in the course of Ms investigation, Careless 
 came before Mm in the custody (at least, in the company) 
 of the marshal of the King's Bench. How, or why, 
 Careless came to be a prisoner in the King's Bench at all, 
 does not appear. That when he was there, he was a zealous, 
 not to say fierce, polemic, is quite clear ; but I do not see 
 anything to show that he was origmaUy imprisoned on 
 account of religion. When Dr. Martin asked him where 
 he dwelt, and was answered, "In Coventry," he rejoined, 
 " At Coventry ? what so far man ? How earnest thou 
 hither ? Who sent thee to the King's Bench to prison ? " 
 AU that Careless thought fit to answer was, " I was brought 
 thither by a writ, I trow ; what it was I cannot tell. I 
 think Master Marshal can teU you." "In good faith," 
 said the Marshal, " I cannot teU what the matter is ; but 
 indeed my Lord CMef Justice sent Mm from the bar." 
 The only other fact which I observe to be stated by Fox 
 respecting his imprisonment, (which was begun before he 
 was sent up to London,) is that, " being in Coventry iail, 
 ' he was there in such credit with his keeper, that, upon 
 ' Ms word, he was let out to play in the' pageant about the 
 ' city with his companions. And that done, keeping touch 
 ' with his keeper, he returned into prison at Ms hour 
 ' appointed '." However, it is quite clear, and quite enough 
 for our present purpose, that having been previously a 
 weaver at Coventry, he was at this time a prisoner in the 
 King's Bench; and that we have "The effect of the 
 Examination of John Careless before Dr. Martin, briefly 
 declared " by the prisoner Mmself, and recorded in Fox's 
 Martyrology. The document begins thus : — 
 
 " When I came into his chamber, Master D. called me to him, 
 saying, ' Come you hither, sirrah ; what is your name ? ' ' Forsooth,' 
 quoth I, 'my name is John Careless.' 
 
 ' Since the above was published I have observed two notices of John 
 Careless in Fox's Martyrology, by one of which we learn that he was 
 the person by whom Bishop Latimer was "premonished about six hours 
 before " of the poursuivant's approach to summon him to London (vol. vii. 
 p. 464, 8vo. Ed.) ; and by the other we are told that on " the 20 day of 
 'Nov., the mayor of Coventry sent up unto the lords of the Council 
 ' Baldwin Clarke, John Careless, Thomas Wilcocks, and Richard Estelin, 
 ' for their behaviour upon Allhallows-day last before : whereupon Care- 
 ' less and Wilcocks were committed to the Gatehouse, and Clarke and 
 'Estelin to the Marshalsea."— /iiV^. vi. 411. 
 
ii.J EXAMINATION. 25 
 
 Dr. Jfartirs—' Careless ! by my faith I think the same ; and so 1 
 ween it will appear by thy conditions, by that time we have done 
 with thee.' 
 
 Careless — 'Though my name be Careless, yet perchance you 
 shall not find me so careless in my conditions, as your mastership 
 doth presuppose.' 
 
 Martin— ''So \ that I shall prove anon. I pray thee of what 
 church art thou, or of what faith ? for I hear sav that you have 
 divers churches and faith in the King's Bench ; and here I have 
 two of your faiths which you sent to Newgate. Come hither ; look 
 upon them ; and I pray thee tell me which is thy faith ; for the one 
 of them is thine, and thine own handwriting.' " 
 
 John Careless, as be had told the doctor at the outset, 
 was far enough from bemg the sort of person which his 
 name would indicate. In fact, those who are acquainted 
 with De Foe's inimitable and " most edifying discourse 
 between the Justice and the Weaver "," may be apt to think 
 more than once of Edmund Pratt, in reading the examin- 
 ation of John Careless. He was not at aU disposed to 
 commit himself ; so he tells us : — 
 
 " With that I came near him, saying, ' If your mastership have 
 any thing of my handwriting, show it me, and I will not deny it.' 
 
 Martin — ' Nay, marry, thou canst not deny it. Lo ! here is thy 
 own name at it.' And so he began to read it, but suddenly he 
 stayed, saying, ' How sayest thou to it 1 Canst thou deny that this 
 is thy faith, fact, and deed, and this is thine own hand 1 ' " 
 
 Careless acknowledged that " the tenor '' of the document 
 was of his " first drawing," but absolutely denied that the 
 copy shovm to him was his handwriting, or that he knew 
 whose handwriting it was. Whether this was true or false, 
 how can we possibly know, when we find him going on 
 thus : — 
 
 " Then he turned the other side of the paper, where Henry Hart 
 had wickedly written against my true articles, wltose hand and name 
 Iknew as soon as Ihad seere it; for indeed my good brother Tyms 
 had sent me a copy of the same before. Then he said, ' Lo ! here is 
 another of thy fellows faith, clean contrary to thine : whose faith 
 is this ? Dost thou know this hand 1 ' 
 
 Careless — ' No, forsooth, / do not know whose faith, nor yet whose 
 hand it is, neither will I make me any thing to do with other men's 
 faiths. I stand here to make answer to your mastership for mine 
 own ; and if any man have wrote against the same, I would I might 
 come to talk with him face to face, to see how he were able to prove 
 his party good." 
 
 Martin — 'Prove! A wise proof that you would make: you will 
 
 * Great Iiaw of Subordination, p. 91. 
 
26 JOHN CARELESS'S [essay 
 
 prove yourselves a sort of fools before you have all done,' and many 
 other mocks and taunts he gave me all the time of our talk, the 
 which I will leave out for brevity's sake. Then he said, ' Dost thou 
 not know one Henry Hart, or hast thou not heard of him?' 
 
 Careless — 'No, forsooth; I do not know any such, nor Jiave I heard 
 of Mm, that I wot of. ' 
 
 But yet I lied falsely ; for I knew him indeed, and his qualities too 
 weU. And I have heard so much of him, that I dare say it had 
 been good for that man if he had never been born : for many a 
 simple soul hath he shamefully seduced, beguiled, and deceived 
 with his foul Pelagian opinion, both in the days of that good King 
 Edward and since his departure, and with other things which I will 
 forbear to name for divers considerations. But I would wish all 
 men that be godly-wise, to beware of that man, whose opinions in 
 many points are very noisome and wicked : God convert him, or 
 confound him shortly, for his name's sake. Amen. 
 
 Martin — ' No have, forsooth ; and it is even he that hath written 
 against thy faith. Lo I here is his name at his faith.' And then 
 he read Hart's most blasphemous articles against those which I had 
 written and sent to Newgate, whereunto all those twelve godly men 
 that were last condemned had set to their hands, whom Hart, Kemp, 
 and M. Gypson, would have persuaded from the same again ; but, 
 thanks be unto God, the serpent prevailed not." 
 
 After a good deal of discussion about " one Master Cham- 
 berlain," who had written against Careless, but whom Careless 
 affirmed he did not know, and about the two books of Com- 
 mon Prayer, and the conduct of the Frankfort exiles respect- 
 ing them, all which is not to our present purpose, the 
 examination proceeds : — 
 
 " 31artin — 'Well, let it pass. I pray thee tell me what is the 
 cause of so much contention between you that lie in the King's 
 Bench for religion ? ' 
 
 Care/ess— -'Forsooth tliere is no contention amongst iis, that I 
 Icnowof.' 
 
 Martin — ' What 1 wilt thou lie to me 1 Is there not great con- 
 tention between thee and one Trew, that was here with me ere 
 while 1 Yes, that there is ; and I can tell thee by what token well 
 enough. I hear say one of your matters is about predestination. 
 How dost thou believe about predestination ? ' " 
 
 Careless was probably glad to evade the first and principal 
 question, by taking up the second, to which he very prudently 
 replied, " According to the doctrine of the Holy Scriptures, 
 and none otherwise ; " but, after some discussion of it, the 
 examiner returned to his point : 
 
 "Martin — 'What other things do you contend for in the King's 
 Bench 1 I pray thee. Careless, tell me the truth.' 
 
 Careless — ' Surely we have no contention there, nor ever had, but 
 
II.] EXAMINATION. 27 
 
 for this matter of predestination ; and that is ended between us, 
 many a day agone.' This I spake to make the hest of the matter; for I 
 was sorry that the papists should hear of our variance. 
 
 Martin — ' What 1 will you lie indeed ? I know there are a great 
 many of other matters between you. Tell me the truth, I pray 
 thee ; for I promise thee I do ask thee for no hurt, but to do you 
 good : for I think you will be burned all the sort of you. But yet I 
 would send some man to you, to reform you of some of your errors.' " 
 
 Then followed some discussion, in which the doctor told 
 Careless that he had no commission to examine him as to 
 heresy, but was commanded by the Council to know of him 
 what opinions were amongst them in the King's Bench, for 
 which they did strive amongst themselves ; and though 
 Careless modestly suggested that if he wanted to know the 
 opinions of his companions, his mastership might send for 
 them, or send somebody to them, and at length positively 
 declared that he could recite no man's faith or opinions but 
 his own, yet the doctor stuck to his point : 
 
 "Martin — 'Why, thou canst not deny but there is contention 
 amongst you, and wilt not thou declare wherefore it is ? What a, 
 fellow art thou.' 
 
 Careless — ' Indeed I do not deny but there hath been some earnest 
 reasoning amongst us, but not a great while ; for Master 31arshal 
 hath shut us asunder for the same as much as he can, so that we can 
 neither come nor speak together.' 
 
 Then Martin said to his clerk, Write that he saith, he doth not 
 deny but that there is contention amongst them in the King's 
 Bench ; but he will not tell wherefore it is. But first write, that he 
 doth confess the articles which were sent to Newgate, to be of his 
 drawing forth first, but not of his handwriting. ' To whom didst 
 thou send it in Newgate ? ' 
 
 Careless — 'Forsooth to my bedfellow Tyms, that was burned 
 yesterday.' 
 
 Martin — ' Tyms 1 who is that 1 I know him not.' 
 
 Scribe — 'It was one of the six that were burned yesterday.' 
 
 Martin — ' Ah, very well. Was he thy bedfellow ? Where was he 
 thy bedfellow?' 
 
 Careless — 'Forsooth he was one of my fellow-prisoners in the 
 King's Bench.' 
 
 Martin — ' Hast thou any more copies of these articles 2 ' 
 
 Careless — ' No, forsooth.' 
 
 Martin — ' Write that he saith he sent his articles to his bedfellow 
 Tyms, that was burned yesterday, and that he hath no more copies 
 of them.' So that was written. 
 
 Careless — 'Nay, you should have written him my couch-fellow, 
 for we lay in no bed almost these three years, but upon a poor couch 
 of straw.' This I said for a good consideration, though indeed it was 
 otherwise. Grod be praised for his providence! " 
 
28 JOHN CAEELESS'S [essay 
 
 Then after a long excursion the examiner comes round to 
 the old and awkward question: — ' 
 
 " Martin — ' I tell thee yet again, that I must also examine thee of 
 such things as be in controversy between thee and thy fellows in the 
 Kings Bench, whereof predestination is a part, as thy fellow Trew 
 hath confessed, and thyself doth not deny it. 
 
 Careless — 'I do not deny it. But he that first told you that 
 matter, might have found himself much better occupied.' " 
 
 This led to a discussion of the prisoner's opinion about 
 election ; and an examiner of less patience and perseverance 
 (or perhaps I should say with less previous information) 
 might have supposed that he had got all the information that 
 he was likely to get ; but instead of that, the doctor, on his 
 return from the excursion, and in total disregard of Careless's ' 
 assurances — first, that they did not contend at all, and then, ' 
 that they contended only about predestination — breaks up 
 new ground, and asks : 
 
 " How say you to the two brethren that are in the Kings Bench 
 which deny the divinity of Christ? How say you to their 
 opinion ? 
 
 Careless — Lord I I perceive your mastership knoweth that 
 which of all other things I wish to have been kept from you : verily 
 he was to blame that told you of that." 
 
 Does all this require any comment ? I cannot think that 
 it does ; but it seems right to add a word or two respecting 
 its literary history, which is rather curious and instructive. 
 The full-length examination of John Careless, from which 
 the foregoing extracts are made, was, I believe, originally 
 published by Pox in the first edition of his Martyrology. 
 Whether it was reprinted in any subsequent edition, I do 
 not know ; but, as Mr. Oattley, the editor of Messrs. Seeley's 
 edition, professes to give it from the first edition, I presume 
 that it is not in any of the intermediate ones. Certainly, it 
 is not in that of 1596, the only one to which I have at 
 present opportunity to refer. In that edition, every word 
 here quoted, except the questions and answers, as to how 
 Careless came to be in the King's Bench at all — everything 
 that bears the least appearance of falsehood or prevarication, 
 is omitted ; and so much of the examination as is given is 
 introduced by a paragraph respecting the truth of which the 
 reader will be in some degree able to judge. Fox argues, 
 that though Careless " came not to the full martyrdom of 
 his body," yet he ought to be placed among the martyrs — 
 
n.] EXAMINATION. 29 
 
 " as ■well for that he was for the same truth's sake a long time 
 imprisoned, as also for his willing mind and zealous affection he 
 had thereunto, if the Lord had so determined it, as well may 
 appear by his examination had before D. Martin. Which examina- 
 tion, because it containeth nothing almost but wrangling interroga- 
 tions, and matters of contention, wherein D. Martin would enter 
 into no communication about the articles of his accusation, but only 
 urged him to detect his fellows^; it shall not be greatly material, 
 therefore, to express the whole, but only to excerpt so much as 
 pertaining to the question of predestination, may bring some fruit 
 to the reader." — Edit. 1596, p. 1742. 
 
 Accordingly, Careless's declaration, " That God hatli pre- 
 ' destinate me to eteruall life in Jesus Christ, I am most 
 ' certain, and even so am I sure that his Holy Spirit (where- 
 ' with I am sealed) will so preserve mo from all heresies 
 ' and euiU opinions, that I shall not die in none at all," and 
 a good deal of discussion of doctrine is retained ; but not a 
 word of what I have quoted, except, as I have already said, 
 the questions and answers as to how he came to be in the 
 Bang's Bench. 
 
 Whether this is putting the matter in a true light, he 
 who has read only what is here extracted, and much more 
 he who shall take the trouble to read the whole as it is re- 
 printed in Messrs. Seeley's edition, will be able to judge. 
 The editor of that edition has distinguished these parts 
 which he has retrieved from the first edition, so that it is' 
 easy to see what it was thought good at some time or other, 
 and by somebody or other, quietly to drop out of the book. 
 Mr. Cattley has also in this edition done another thing 
 which, in our present inquiry, deserves notice. On one 
 passage which I have quoted he has put a note. He 
 takes no notice of Careless's previous falsehoods, and 
 whether he approved or disapproved them he does not 
 state ; but, when the unfortunate man declares that he 
 "lay on no bed almost these three years," the editor is 
 roused even to a species of protest. To be sure, one does 
 
 ^ It is quite necessary to keep clearly in mind what the " accusation ' 
 really was. When Careless said that Dr. Martin could not prove any of 
 the articles which he had written to be heresy, and challenged him to try, 
 the Doctor answered "But what if I should examine you of the sacra- 
 ' ment and other things : should I not find thee a heretic? Yes I trow 
 ' I should ; hut / have no commission to examine you of any such things 
 ' but I am commanded by the Council to know of thee what opinions are 
 ' amongst you in the King's Bench, for the which you do strive among 
 ' yourselves; therefore look that you tell me." — Fox, vol. viii. p. 166. 
 
30 JOHN OARELESS'S [essay 
 
 not see why that was a greater, or in any way a worse, 
 falsehood than declaring that he knew no such person as 
 Henry Hart ; but, for some reason or other, it seems to 
 have more powerfully affected the editor's mind, and he 
 puts this note : — 
 
 " This passage is not to be defended ; far from it. The circum- 
 stances of the case, however, should not be lost sight of. The 
 ' consideration ' hinted at, is evidently the risk of bringing into 
 trouble those who had contributed to his necessities, including the 
 keeper of the prison. And it is in reference to their kindly inter- 
 position in his behalf, that Careless praises God for his ' providence.' 
 —Ed." Vol. viii. p. 167. 
 
 This, which, whatever impression it may leave on the 
 reader, is really almost a sort of protest rather than an 
 apology, is more than is elicited by either of the former 
 falsehoods of John Careless, or by those of Anthony 
 Dalaber or Thomas Greene, and more than Strype thinks 
 it necessary to say in his account of the matter. Indeed, 
 that account furnishes a curious specimen of the two great 
 defects, which render the very valuable works of Strype so 
 much less valuable than they might be — namely, prejudice 
 and carelessness. After having mentioned the fact of 
 Careless having written the confession, and Hart's writing 
 on the back of it, he states that this paper — 
 
 "fell by some accident into the hands of Dr. Martin, a great 
 papist ; who took occasion hence to scoii at' the professors of the 
 gospel, because of these divisions and various opinions amongst 
 them. But Careless, before the said Martin, disowned Hart, and 
 said that he had seduced and beguiled many a simple soul with his 
 foul Pelagian opinions, both in the days of King Edward, and since 
 his departure." — Oran. vol. ii. p. 505. 
 
 Is it not strange that Strype, while referring so specially 
 and particularly to the plainest and most clearly acknow- 
 ledged falsehood of Careless, should so gloss it over ? He 
 " disowned Hart." Who would understand that phrase to 
 mean, that he declared most falsely that he had never so 
 much as heard that any such person as Hart existed ? 
 Especially followed as it is — he " disowned Hart, and said 
 that he had seduced," &c. Of course Careless said nothing 
 so absurd, and so plainly contradictory of that profession of 
 entire ignorance which he had just made, If the reader 
 looks back to the third extract which I have just made 
 from the examination, he will see that what Strype quotes 
 
11.] EXAMINATION. 31 
 
 about Hart's seducing and beguiling, is not what Careless 
 said to Dr. Martin, but what he thought fit to observe by 
 way of comment, when he was writing an account of his 
 examination. The evil arises, of course, merely from want 
 of care in reading and copying, and is just like his telling 
 us that " by some accident " the paper of articles fell into 
 the hands of Dr. Martin, when in the next paragraph he 
 tells us that the noise of " such unseemly quarrelsome dis- 
 putes and heat " reached to " the Council . . . who sent Dr. 
 Martin to the King's Bench to examine it '"." And when, 
 in the examination itself, he had Dr. Martin's own words, 
 " I tell thee, then, I have commission, yea, and command- 
 ment from the Council, to examine thee, for thsy delivered 
 me thy articles." 
 
 But, setting this aside for the present, let me recal the 
 reader's attention to the four cases which I have mentioned. 
 It seems to me to be quite time to ask him whether they 
 prove anything ? If not, perhaps no multiplication of such 
 stories would avail to throw any light on the puritan 
 doctrine respecting veracity. Let me, however, remind 
 him of one thing — namely, that I am not charging Joye, 
 and Dalaber, and Greene, and Careless with falsehood, or 
 attempting to show that they were guilty of it, but merely 
 bringing forward their own statements, respecting their 
 own conduct, made for their own pleasure, and, without the 
 least mark of regret or compunction, addressed to their own 
 friends, and in three cases out of the four, set forth and 
 
 ^^ Cran. ii. 505. I have no wish to cavil at what Strype saya, and I 
 think no one feels more strongly than I do the value of his work ; but 
 really it is one great inconvenience of the careless way in which he wrote, 
 that one cannot bring one passage to correct another, without a high pro- 
 bability of its containing something in itself which needs correction. It 
 may be a matter of no importance whether JJr. Martin went to the King's 
 Bench, or whether Careless was brought before him elsewhere ; but that 
 anybody who bad read the examination should a£6rm the former, seems 
 very strange. The first words (as the reader will see by turning back a 
 page or two) are, " 'WTien I came into Ids chamber. Master D. called me 
 to him," &c. ; and in the course of the examination, Dr. Martin having 
 asked him, "Where dost thou dwell?" Careless answered, " Forsooth 
 ' at Coventry." The Doctor rejoined, " At Coventry ? What so far, man ? 
 How camest thou hither ? [and then, as if sensible that this word might 
 be misunderstood to mean the place whei-e they actually were at the 
 moment, be added] Who sent thee to the King's Bench to prison? " And 
 Careless answered, " I was sent thither by a writ," &c. How could Strype 
 imagine that this dialogue took place in the King's Bench ? 
 
32 PURITAN STYLE. [essat 
 
 published by those friends without the least hint of dis- 
 approbation. If he duly considers this point, he will, I 
 think, acquit me of any want of justice or charity towards 
 either the individuals or their sect ; and will not wonder or 
 blame me if I proceed to inquire what effect the doctrine 
 thus developed had on some of those writers who, whether 
 formally or not, are in fact the Historians of the Eeforma- 
 tion. 
 
 ESSAY III. 
 
 PURITAN STYLE. No. I. 
 
 BALE. 
 
 What kindled and fanned the fires of Smithfield ? What 
 raised and kept alive the popish persecution in the days of 
 Queen Mary ? Was it her own sanguinary disposition ? or 
 was she the slave of her husband's cruel superstition ? or 
 were both the tools of foreigners, who certainly hated the 
 Enghsh because they were heretics, but more deadly hated 
 the heretics because they were Englishmen ? Was it " wily 
 Winchester," or was it " bloody Bonner," or was it some- 
 thing in the spirit of the church of which both were zealous 
 members ? 
 
 Whatever may be said on any or on all of these points, 
 there was undoubtedly one other cause ; which, if it be too 
 much to say that it has been studiously concealed or dis- 
 guised, has certainly never occupied that prominent place to 
 which it is entitled in such an inquiry. I mean, the bitter 
 and provoking spirit of some of those who were very active 
 and forward in promoting the progress of the Reformation 
 — the political opinions which they held, and the language 
 in which they disseminated them — the fierce personal attacks 
 which they made on those whom they considered as enemies 
 — and, to say the least, the little care which was taken by 
 those who were really actuated by religious motives, and 
 seeking a true reformation of the church, to shake oS a 
 lewd, ungodly, profane rabble, who joined the cause of pro- 
 testantism, thinking it in their depraved imaginations, or 
 
in.j THE EXILED PEOTESTANTS. 33 
 
 hoping to make ifc by their wicked devices, the cause of 
 liberty against law, of the poor against the rich, of the laity 
 against the clergy, of the people against their rulers. 
 
 In particular, it seems impossible that any reflecting mind, 
 even though misled by partial relations, or prejudiced by 
 doctrinal opinions, should fail to see, as a mere matter of 
 fact, in how great a degree the persecution of the protestants 
 in England was caused by the conduct of their brethren 
 who were in exUe. To this point in particular I beg the 
 reader's attention. 
 
 No man, I suppose, will blame those who, when they were 
 persecuted in their own country, fled to another. Perhaps a 
 severe scrutiny might discover that in a great many cases 
 politics (what some called treason) had more to do with their 
 flight than religion ; but, to say nothing of this, it was 
 natural that men who felt that they were in danger of their 
 lives if they worsiiipped God as they thought right, or 
 refused to obey Antichrist by the commission of what they 
 considered atrocious idolatry, should quit the scene of danger 
 and throw themselves upon the hospitality of foreigners. 
 They did so, and with the happiest success. Banishment 
 from one's country is, no doubt, a hardship in itself, and in 
 the case of many it was probably attended with risk, trouble, 
 and loss ; but one would have thought that when the exiles 
 found themselves beyond the reach of persecution, and 
 received with hearty welcome, and fraternal love, by those 
 whom they considered as brethren in their common Lord, 
 they would have sate down under the banner of love thus 
 mercifully spread over them, and poured out their hearts in 
 gratitude and praise to the God of all consolation'. We 
 
 ' In his account of Bishop Parkhurst, Strype says, " He and the other 
 ' exiles heing not only most kindly received at their coming, by BuUinger, 
 ' Zanchy, Wolphius, Gualter, Lavater, and other ministers and rectors at 
 ' Zurich, but also living easily there among them ; so much love and 
 ' hospitality had such an impression upon him, that he tho ught he could 
 ' never sufficiently extol it, nor be thankful enough for it : as he expressed 
 it in these verses : 
 
 Vivo Tigurinos inter humanissimos : 
 Quibus velis vix credere quantum debeam. 
 ! quando Tigurinis reponam gratiam ? 
 
 " How kind the divines of that city showed themselves (and especially 
 
 Gualter) to him, John Bale took notice of in the preface to his books 
 
 ' of the Acts of the Popes . . .the same writer, an exile also then 
 
 C 
 
34 THE EXILES. [essay 
 
 might, surely, have expected that, if their Christianity did 
 not rise high enough to enable them to bless those who cursed 
 them, and to pray for those who despitefuUy used and perse- 
 cuted them, they would at least have tried to forget their 
 own injuries for the sake of the brethren whom they had left 
 behind, and who, either because they .were unable, or because 
 they scrupled, to fly, were still exposed to the fury of Anti- 
 christ — that if they addressed anything to the rulers of Eng- 
 
 at Basi], records gratefully the entertainment of the rest of the English 
 ' there. That they lived together in one house [like a college of students.] 
 ' That Bnllinger took a fatherly care of them, and that by the full con- 
 ' sent of the citizens. And he adds, that these that were daily with him 
 ' at Basil, related those ministers care, their trouble, and their paternal 
 ' affection towards them, while they lived under the shadow of that city, 
 ' covered against the heat of persecution with the love of the whole 
 'people." — Annals, Vol. II. P. i. p. 348- 
 
 Since this note was first published I have been led to saspect that 
 Parkhorst's demonstrations of gratitude may have been somewhat 
 exaggerated at the expense of his contemporaries. In addition to what 
 I have quoted above, Strype says, " He had a great sense of the favour 
 ' and protection he received in Helvetia, especially of the learned men of 
 ' Zurich .... and so delighted was he with the discipline and doctrine 
 ' of that church, that he often wished that our church were modelled 
 ' exactly according to that. And in gratitude to Eodolph Gnalter (in 
 ' whose house he and his wife seem to have been harboured) he main- 
 tained his son the young Eodolph first at Cambridge, and then at 
 Oxford and in other places, while he was in England at his sole 
 ea^ence," &o. — Tbid. p. 508. It happened that after I had published 
 these Essays, in clearing out a closet in the MSS. Room at Lambeth, 1 
 found a parcel, which had been tied up before I was born, and probably 
 never opened since. Its superscription was not particularly inviting, or 
 such as to give it a preference in a collection where it was impossible to 
 pay due attention to so many things that were obviously and highly 
 interesting. One only learned that the dirty brown paper contained 
 "Old Petitions," &c. which the person who put them up characterized as 
 "Useless." Being however at that time very desirous to know as accu- 
 rately as possible the contents of the room I opened the parcel ; and, 
 among old petitions and the like, I found the autograph Account Book 
 kept by Archbishop Whitgift when he was Master of Trinity College, 
 Cambridge. By the Archbishop's permission I gave some description of 
 it, and reprinted the whole in the British Magazine for October, 1847, 
 and some subsequent numbers. Among the pupils whose accounts were 
 kept by the Master in this book was this " young Rodolph," and it seems 
 to render the statement in Strype somewhat doubtful. I do not here 
 repeat what I said in the magazine for February, 1848 (vol. xxxiii. 
 p. 192,) but it is curious that while the Master acknowledges and accounts 
 for monies received for the young foreigner's support from "my 1. of 
 London " [Sandys] and " my 1. of York " [Grindal], there is no reference 
 of any kind to my Lord of Norwich. 
 
III.] STYLE OP THE AGE. 35 
 
 land it would be the langviage of earnest intercession for those 
 brethren — that if they wrote to those brethren themselves, 
 it would be to excite them to faith, hope, and charity, to long- 
 suffering, patience, and resignation, and to invite them to 
 those safe and pleasant cites of refuge which a merciful God 
 had provided and prepared for them. 
 
 Those who have penetrated at all beneath the general and 
 superficial statements of the popular historians, need not be 
 told that the real case was much otherwise. But I cannot 
 help thinking, that none but those who have paid some at- 
 tention to the works which were written by the exiled party 
 during the reign of Mary, — I mean the works themselves, 
 in contradistinction to selections, extracts, modernizations, 
 and generalizing accounts, — can properly estimate the effect 
 which they were calculated to produce on the measures of 
 the English government in church and state during that 
 period. Before, however, I come to speak particularly of 
 these works, as regards their design and effect, I would offer 
 a few remarks of a more general nature on the style of some 
 of the more popular puritan writers. It is a matter which 
 has certainly been misrepresented, principally, I believe, 
 though not entirely, by ignorance ; but it is one which, if we 
 wish really to understand the history of the period, we must 
 look fairly in the face. 
 
 It must be considered that those parts of the works of 
 writers of^this class and period, which are the most contrary 
 to good taste and good manners, have been very seldom, 
 very sparingly, and then commonly with some preface or 
 apology, brought forward by their admirers ; — and further 
 that through those admirers almost exclusively, these writers 
 are known to protestants of the present day ; and further 
 still that when any such matter as admirers would not wish 
 to &ad does come into notice, it is frequently purified from 
 its grossness by the omission of words or sentences, with or 
 without notice to the reader, who thus forms a very im- 
 perfect and erroneous opinion of the author whose work he 
 is readino-. Of course, I do not mean to find fault with such 
 omissions, as things wrong in themselves, or as lessthan 
 absolutely necessary in some cases. Occasions may arise on 
 which it may be very right to reprint a work, or extract a 
 passage, of an old writer, containing words or phrases so 
 obscene or profane that common decency requires them to be 
 
36 STYLEi OF THE AGE [essay 
 
 expunged. This too, may probably be done without any 
 injury to the purpose for which the reprint or extract is 
 made, and if it be fully acknowledged, it is hardly likely to 
 lead to any ill consequence. But when without notice, or 
 with a notice that is false, and even with the very best 
 intentions, that which would disgust is tacitly altered, or 
 omitted, and a coarse, obscene, or scurrilous writer is weeded 
 and cleared of his offences, and made to look quite innocent, 
 it is obvious that whatever inform.atian or instruction we 
 may gain from his writings thus garbled, we shall get a very 
 wrong idea of himself, his style, and his admirers. 
 
 But where this expurgation of a writer cannot be fully 
 effected, there is one standing excuse for a favourite writer 
 which may pass current for everything that is offensive, what- 
 ever be its kind or degree — that is, the manners of the age. 
 Only take that with you — take it, perhaps, from some 
 writer who repeats the phrase like a parrot, without know- 
 ing anything about the age or its manners or language- 
 take it only on trust as a phrase to which you do not, 
 perhaps, yourself affix a very clear idea, and it is sufficient 
 to cover any sin against propriety and decorum, and almost 
 religion. With this salvo you may be expected to read with 
 edification such things as if spoken or written in the present 
 day would be considered absolutely ungodly and profane. 
 
 If, however, we wish to form a true judgment, this point 
 must be looked into and settled. It is quite clear that some 
 words and phrases which were in common use three hundred 
 years ago, and which had then no character of coarseness, 
 would be considered intolerably gross in the present day ; 
 but this, really, has nothing to do with the matter now under 
 consideration. No more has any notion that may have been 
 set on foot respecting the free, blunt, plain speech of our 
 forefathers. It is not with coarse words or plain speech as 
 such that we are concerned ; though, at the same time, the 
 use of coarse language in particular circumstances and to 
 particular persons must be taken into account. I suppose, 
 for instance, that there never was a period in the history of 
 the united Church of England and Ireland when it would 
 have been thought quite common-place and Christian for the 
 Bishop of Ossory deliberately, and in print, to address the 
 Bishop of London as a " beastlye belly-god and dampnable 
 donge-hille." 
 
iii.J OF THE REPOKMATION. 37 
 
 But one of the most material, and in an historical point 
 of view most injurious, effects of this sort of misrepresenta- 
 tion is, that it comes to be taJken for granted that the fierce 
 and virulent scurrihty of some of the puritan libels, which 
 cannot be entirely concealed or defended, even by the most 
 thorough-going partizans, was not characteristic of the 
 writers, but of the times. Bishop Burnet is even kind 
 enough to make a sort of an excuse for Sir Thomas More, 
 by saying, " he wrote according to the way of the age with 
 much bitterness 2 ; " and so the bishop's readers may naturally 
 infer that, whatever may be meant by " much bitterness," 
 and whatever degree of it may be found in Sir Thomas 
 More's works, it belonged not to the man, but was " the 
 way of the age" — that it was the way of people in those 
 days ; very wrong, no doubt, but at the same time as good 
 for one as for another; the puritans abused the papists, and 
 the papists abused the puritans, tit for tat. As if Sir 
 Thomas More and John Bale were as like as two peas. 
 
 Now, as far as I have yet been able to learn, this is really 
 a false view of things. It is true enough that each party 
 abused the other, and that many keen, severe, false, and 
 malicious things were put forth by the Romish party ; but 
 for senseless cavilling, scurrilous railing and ribaldry, for 
 the most offensive personahties, for the reckless imputation 
 of the worst motives and most odious vices ; in short, for all 
 that was calculated to render an opponent hateful in the 
 eyes of those who were no judges of the matter in dispute, 
 some of the puritan party went far beyond their adversaries. 
 I do not want to defend the Romish writers, and I hope I 
 have no partiality for them, or for the errors, heresies, and 
 superstitions which they were concerned to maintain ; but it 
 really appears to me only simple truth to say that, whether 
 from good or bad motives, they did in fact abstain from that 
 fierce, truculent, and abusive language, and that loathsome 
 ribaldry, which characterized the style of too many of the 
 puritan writers. Specimens will frequently appear as other 
 occasions may require ; but here, and merely for the sake of 
 illustrating what I have already said on the subject of 
 style, I will give a few extracts from the works of three 
 eminent puritan writers, who may fairly be classed among 
 
 ' Hist, of Eef. vol. i. p. 31. 
 
38 PURITAZSr STYLE. [essay 
 
 the leaders of the party, not only on account of the eminent 
 stations which they held, but for the talents and learning 
 for which they have had credit, both among their own 
 contemporaries, and from more modern writers. These 
 extracts may probably suggest a good many things of various 
 kinds to the reflecting reader, but it must be observed that 
 they are here given only as specimens of style, denoting the 
 character of certain writers ; and those who are previously 
 acquainted with the works of the writers in question, will 
 be aware that, for obvious reasons, I do not quote passages 
 which would but too broadly confirm what I have stated. 
 
 As I have already alluded to John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, 
 and as he may perhaps be on the whole the fittest person to 
 take the lead on such an occasion, I will first give some 
 passages from his pen. Let not the reader who knows him 
 be startled. I am not going even to mention some of his 
 filthiest productions, or to extract the worst parts of that 
 one work from which I now take specimens of his style. 
 It is perhaps hardly necessary to state that Bale, after 
 having been a Carmelite friar, attached himself to the party 
 of the Reformation, married, became chaplain to Ponet, 
 Bishop of Winchester, and was afterwards, by King 
 Edward VI., appointed Bishop of Ossory. On the accession 
 of Queen Mary, he was glad to fly from Ireland. During 
 her reign he remained in exile beyond sea, and after her 
 death, instead of going back to his diocese, he " contented 
 himself," as Strype expresses it, "with a prebend at 
 Canterbury." 
 
 We are, however, at present concerned with his per- 
 formances while he was in exile, and when the Marian 
 persecution in England was, as it turned out, only beginning. 
 Whether it was mitigated or aggravated by such perform- 
 ances, is a question which cannot fail to force itself on the 
 reader's mind while he reflects on the extracts now laid 
 before him, but I cannot too often repeat that they are not 
 here brought forward as proofs of any facts, or of any 
 hypothesis, but merely as specimens of style. 
 
 Bishop Bonner, having been released from imprisonment 
 and reinstated in the see of London, on the accession of 
 Queen Mary, saw fit to visit his diocese; and "for this 
 purpose," says Strype, "he prepared a bpok of Articles, 
 'containing thirty-seven in number; according to which 
 
iii.J BONNER'S ARTICLES. 39 
 
 ' Articles six men in every parish were to make inquiry, and 
 ' to bring in their presentments by the 23rd of September, 
 ' of all that had offended against them^." Fox having said 
 much the same, adds, "which Articles, partly for the 
 'tediousness of them, partly for that Master Bale in a 
 ' certain treatise hath sufficiently painted out the same in 
 ' their colours, partly also, because I will not infect this book 
 ' with them, I slip over*." Certainly, as a matter of policy, 
 this was the best thing he could do ; but I cite the passage 
 as his testimonial in favour of the work in which Bale 
 attacked them. 
 
 It appears that as soon as these Articles were pubUshed, 
 Bale, who was at Basil, out of the reach of the Bishop of 
 London, and the English government, fell upon them with 
 a petulant ferocity which is really ludicrous. He wrote a 
 book entitled "C A Declaration of Edmonde Bonners 
 ' Articles, concerning the cleargye of London dyooese, 
 'whereby that execrable [sic] Axitychrist is in his right 
 ' colours reueled, in the year of our Lord a. 1554. By John 
 ' Bale." How soon it came into England, and whether in 
 print or manuscript, I do not know. If Bishop Bonner's 
 Articles were printed (as they probably were) some little 
 time before his visitation began, it seems just possible that 
 Bale's book might be one of those mentioned by Fox as 
 creating disturbance about that time. At all events, it was 
 very fit company for them. He says, " About the v. day of 
 ' October, and within a fortnight following, were diuers as 
 'well housholders as servants and prentises apprehended 
 ' and taken, and committed to sundry prisons, for the hauing 
 ' and selling of certaine bookes which were sent into England 
 ' by the preacliers that fled into Germamy and other countreys, 
 ' which bookes nipped a great number so neere, that within 
 'one fortnight there were little less than threescore im- 
 ' prisoned for this matter^" 
 
 Be this as it may, however, it is reasonable to suppose 
 that Bale's " Declaration " was put in circulation either then, 
 or very soon after. The long preface begins thus : — 
 
 " C Ihon Bale to the faithful bethren of London diocese, and so 
 fourthe to all the christen beleuers within England, Irelande, and 
 Scotland. 
 
 3 Mem. III. i. 216. * Ed. 1596. p. 1339. 
 
 ■5 Fox, ubi sup. 
 
40 BALE'S DECLARATION [essay 
 
 C From Basyle 
 Consider (dere christians) in these most wycked articles of Edmond 
 Bonner the blody biteshepe of London, the exoeading and horrible 
 fury of Sathan in these latter daies and end of the world. The 
 more nighe he approcheth to his ful iudgement of eternal damp- 
 nation, the more fearce and crnell are his enforcements, seking as a 
 furious roring Lyon, by his two horned instrumentes and shauen 
 souldiers whom he maye, through their shamelesse tirannye, for 
 Christes uerities sake devoure." 
 
 Having then explained that Satan most commonly works 
 by the agency of wicked men, who have become his members 
 and instruments, he proceeds : — 
 
 " If ye axe me howe or by what meanes they become Sathans 
 members, hys apte instrumentes and slaughtermenue, I answer you 
 by Christes owne wordes in the sayde viii. chapter of Jhon. By that 
 they persiste not in the manifest truthe of God, they become like to 
 hym and are his naturall members, for he (saythe Christe) abode not 
 in the truthe, for there is no truthe in hym. Thys toucheth all the 
 tyraunts and cruel persecuters of Gods holy worde sence the worldes 
 first foundaoion, and out taketh[i.e., excepteth] not in this our time, 
 gagling Gardiner, booherly Bonner and trifeling Tunstall, with other 
 bloudy biteshepes and franticke papistes of England. 
 
 After stating that our Lord and his apostles had warned 
 the church to expect enemies, and that in fact she had 
 suffered from "tirannous Emprours, Idolatours, heretikes, 
 hipocrites, popes, bishops, priestes, monkes, friers, harlots, 
 antichristes," he adds, — 
 
 "Of whose wicked nombre, one here doth offer himself in these 
 Articles to be sene, take good hede of hym, for it standeth you;.in 
 hand. 
 
 This limme of the deuel and working tole of Sathan, bloudy 
 Bonner, seeketh here to depriue you of faith, true doctrine, and 
 Gods religion, all after the mischeuous example of Cain and the 
 other rake hels, his franticke predeoessoures afore rehearsed, and so 
 to brynge you into hys most damnable snares. He pretendeth a great 
 reformacion in the cleargye and laitye, but marke the good stuffe 
 that he bringeth forth for it, and ye shall well perceyue, to what 
 end he dryueth. Even to make all to the deuel], by the old rusty 
 rules of Antichriste his own general! vicare." 
 
 These morsels are extracted from the Preface, which in 
 the copy before me occupies nineteen pages. After it we 
 come to the " Declaration " itself, which is in fact a com- 
 mentary or exposition on the Articles. Bale seems (I say 
 seems, because I have not the means of testing him, and I 
 have no great faith in his honesty'') to behave very fairly in 
 
 " H. Wharton said, " I know Bale to have been so great a liar, that I 
 
iii.J OF BONNER'S ARTICLES. 41 
 
 giving the Title of Bonner's Articles and all the Articles 
 themselves at full length, with the " Declaration " of each 
 appended to it. 
 
 " C The title of Boners whole boke. 
 _ " Articles to be enquyred of, in the generall visitacion of Edmund 
 bishop of London, exersiced by him in the yeare of oure Lord 1554, 
 in the citye and diocese of London, and set fourthe by the same for 
 hys owne dischaige towardes God and the worlde, to the honour of 
 God, and his catholicke churche, and to the commodity and profyte 
 of al those that eyther are good whyche he wold were al, or deliteth 
 in goodnesse (which he wysheth to be manye) withoute anye 
 particular grudge or displeasure, to any one good or badde within 
 this realme, which articles he desyreth all men of theyr charitye, 
 especially those that are of his diocese, to take with as good intent 
 and mynde, as he the sayed byshop wysheth and desyreth, whiche 
 is to the best. And the sayd byshop wythall desyreth all people to 
 vnderstande, that what so euer opinyon, good or bad, hath bene 
 deoeiued ' of him, or what so euer Tsage or customs hathe bene here 
 to fore, his onlye entent and purpose is, to doe his duety charitably, 
 and with that loue, fauoure and respect, bothe towardes God, and 
 euery christen person, which any bishop shuld shew to his flock in 
 any wise. 
 
 C The Declaration. 
 
 An infallible truthe is it, that Ihou Salisbury, the Bishop of 
 Carnote, wrote in his Policraticon, about iiii. hundreth yeres ago. 
 In the churche (saithe he) do the Scribes and Pharisyes syt, layinge 
 vppon mennes shoulders importable burthens. So franticke are the 
 byshoppes in theyr visytacions, as thoughe wycked Sathan were 
 goyng once againe from the face of the Lord, to whyp or to punyshe 
 the Churche, lyke as he flageUed the mooste pacyent manne Job. 
 Canne any thynge be spoken more plainly, coucernynge these 
 blasphemous Articles, and thys bloudye byte sheape theyr prac- 
 tyser ? His visitation (he saith) is generall, for the citye and Diocese 
 of London. 
 
 Woe is that citye and countrye, whyche hathe no better in- 
 structyons, than thys theefe and soule murtherer here bryngeth. 
 But where finedeth thys bellye beaste, that wyckednesse shall 
 dyscharge him afore god? The world he fynedeth in theese dayes, 
 lyke to hym selfe, blasphemous and beastlye. God is not honoured 
 by suche abhominatyons, as theese Artycles contayne, neyther yet 
 
 am not willing to take anything of that kind upon his credit." — 8trype's 
 Cr. n. 1052. 
 
 [Since this was written it has been stated in a very popular work, that 
 Wharton was at one time a papist. If I felt no duty after being his 
 successor in office, and the guardian of his papers, for so many years, I 
 should still deem his testimony so important that I should think it right 
 to notice the mistake. He was a bitter enemy of popery, but he loved 
 truth.] 
 
 ' So it stands ; and it is so like Bale's humour slily to pretend little 
 mistakes of this sort, that I do not venture to treat it as a mere misprint. 
 
J:2 BALE'S DECLARATION [essay 
 
 hys holye Catholicke churche furthered, thoughe the synagoge o£ 
 Sathan hathe thereby a presente commodity." 
 
 It would be tedious to quote all the similar cavilling 
 which follows ; but one more extract relating to this Article 
 I must give, for I feel quite convinced, that not one of my 
 readers has discovered the prodigious and horrible blasphemy 
 which the holy jealousy of Bale has detected at the very 
 end of it. And indeed, as our present business is with 
 style, the passage is very much to our purpose ; — 
 
 " In the conclusyon, he fawneth like a wilye Foxe, and desyreth 
 al menne to haiae a good 'opynion of hym. Wherein he semeth to 
 dont of hym self e, as dyd that cursed Apostata Caine, to whome in 
 the Preface he is most aptlye compared. His purpose is (he sayth) 
 to do all thinges charitably, wyth loue and fanoure, respecting both 
 God and his neighboure. And all these are manifest lies. In the 
 end whereas he claimeth Christes herytage for hys owne flocke, and 
 so bosteth it without al shame, he is an vsnrper, an Antichriste, a 
 thef e, and a beastly blind bussard, Christe sayd not to Peter, go f eede 
 thyne owne flocke, but, go fede my shepe. Ihon xxi. Fede Christes 
 flocke (saith S. Peter) not for desyre of iilthy lucre nor yet as ye wer 
 lordes ouerthem, &o. But, as gentle ministers, i. Pe. v. Takehede 
 (saith s. Paule) to all the flooke, which Christ hathe purchased with 
 his bloud. Ac. xx. Than is it Christes purchase, and not yours. 
 His flocke, his congregacion, hys church and not yours. O wicked 
 Antiohristes and papistes, be once ashamed of your most beastly 
 ignorance and bUndnesse," &c. — f. 3. 
 
 Let us, however, proceed from the Title to the Articles 
 themselves ; — 
 
 " C The fyrste Article. 
 
 " Firste, whether the clargy, to geue example to the laity, haue in 
 their liuynge, in their teachinge, and in theyr doynge, so behaued 
 themselves, that they (in the iudgement of indyfferent persons) haue 
 declared them selues, to searche principally the honor of God, and 
 hys churche, the health of the soules of suche as are commytted to 
 theyr cure and charge, the quyetnesse of theyr Parishyouers, and the 
 wealth and honour of the kynge and Quene of this realme. 
 
 C The Declaration. 
 Here is as wise an order towardes, as maister Harry my Lord 
 Mayres foole had been of counsell therin, or at the making therof. 
 Ihon Popam the churche warden, and Saunder Waspe the constable, 
 of euery paryshe, in some places as wyse as theyr mothers Apron 
 strynges, muste answer for the clargies behauiour through al the 
 whole diocese. For here he saith, the clargy, and not the person, 
 Vicar, or Parishe Priest. Who euer see a more manifest mocker ? 
 An abhomination to the Lord (saith Salomon) is euery mocke. Prov. 
 iii. In the latter dayes (saythe S. Peter) shall come mockers in 
 deceitefulnesse, whyche wyU walcke after theyr owne lustes, dis- 
 
m.] OF BONNER'S ARTICLES. 43 
 
 daininge the Lordes promises, ii. Peter iii. The Apostle lude 
 sheweth enen the same in his Epistle also, by thys worde lUusores. 
 Go we forwarde, and marke by the way, the illusions of this deceit- 
 full iuggelar. Ihon Popam and Saundre Waspe, muste forth abrode, 
 to seke the iudgements of personnes indifferent, ere they make 
 answer to this firste article. A relygyous progresse. And who are 
 these persons indifferent ? Not scripture searchers, not bible readers, 
 nor menne of christen knowledge. Neyther yet faynte Gospellers, 
 whyche neyther are bote nor cold, for al these they greatly mistrust. 
 But persons indyfferent, are old cankred Papistes, ignoraunte 
 bossardes, wilful Idolatoures, and mooste wycked haters of al truthe 
 and godlinesse. Yea, such as moste commenlye haue wiues obedyent 
 to holy church bothe at bed and at borde, S. Cuckold saue them. 
 For these are the good benefactours of that holy mother of theirs. 
 
 But what is the matter, that here must be so effectually answered ? 
 whether the cleargye to geue example &c. as aboue in the texte. 
 But thys worde doynge, my Lord byteshepe maye put in hys purse, 
 as superfluous, for it is included in the word, lyuing, which goeth 
 afore, I see it well, I muste take paynes amonge, to teache his 
 fatherede more wytte in orderinge his matters, wel syr, as for your 
 linings or doyngs, whether ye wil, we knowe them to be most fylthy 
 and abhomynable, and youre teachinges therwith most pernicious 
 and hurtefull to the soule. To muche tyme woulde it aske at this 
 present to describe them. In deede your persons indifferent had 
 nede to make aunswer to youre behoue in those poyntes, with lye 
 and all. To search principally (ye saye) the honour of God, and the 
 health of his church, ye would saye. I must teach ye ones again to 
 frame your sentences, els wold ye couple your sorcerous masmongers 
 with Gods maiestye in one honour, which we wil not take at your 
 luctferus perswasyons. And truelye your blasphemous and Idolatrous 
 Synagoge, is no more hys churche, than your hipocrisyes, ambicions, 
 lies, lecheryes, and Idolatries, are hys commaunded workes. Ye 
 seke the health of soules, euen as the deuyll hymself dothe, by the 
 vtter contempt of Gods commaundements to bryng them to the lake 
 of hel."— f. 6. 
 
 " C The Seoonde Article. 
 Item, whether your person, vicare, or any other ministrynge as 
 Pryest within your Paryshe haue bene, or is marryed, or taken for 
 maryed, not yet separated from hys concubine or woman taken for 
 wife. Or whether the same woman be deade, or yet liuynge, and 
 beinge liuinge, whether the one resorteth to the other topenlye, 
 secreatly, or slaunderously, maintaining supporting or findeinge the 
 same in any wise, to the offence of the people." — f . 10. 
 
 Part of the " Declaration " of this Article is as follows : — 
 
 " The holy Ghost spake it plainly to s. Paule, and told him, that 
 the forbidding of marriage was a manifest doctrine of deuils. And 
 should be taught by them that were fallen from the faithe, and gaue 
 hede to sprites of error and lies, in hipoorisye, having their con- 
 syences marked with an whote yron. i. Timo. iiii. Than is it a 
 most fit office for baudye Bonner. Is not he a brockish bore of 
 
44 BALE'S DECLARATION [essay 
 
 Babylon, a swilbol, a, blockhed, a belly god ? And maye not the 
 deuils enter once again into the swine, as they did in Christes time .' 
 Matt. viii. No wher shall they find better stabiUing, then" with such 
 a glorious glutton. An apter instrument to worke his cursed f eates, 
 then such a puffed up Nabal, shall sathan never obtain."— f. 12. 
 
 " C The Ninth Article. 
 
 Item, whether they or any of them, doth haunt, or resorte to ale- 
 houses or tauerns otherwyse then for hys, or their honest necessity 
 and reliefe, or repair to any disynge houses, commen bowling allies, 
 suspect houses or places, or do haunt or use commen games or 
 Plaies, or behave them selues otherwise unpriestly and unsemely." 
 — f. 30. 
 
 In the " Declaration " Bale says ; — 
 
 '"Whether they (saith Bonner) or any of them' &c. Than 
 foloweth, the ghostlye exercise of these worthye curates, the greate 
 studyes, cares, paynes, and labours, which they dayly take for the 
 Christen soules commen wealth, and for their wholsome governauuoe, 
 no more vnknowen to Bonner and hys good oflScers, than the yonge 
 wolues condytions, to the olde grand father wolf. Whether they do 
 haunt tauernes (saith he) or resorte to" ale houses ? He speaketh 
 not this I warand you, without greate experience of that matter 
 neyther yet vrithoute remembraunce of his owne religyous doyngs, 
 whan he was yet but yonge in that arte. And therefore full prudente- 
 lye, as one verye louinge to his marked catteU, and fauorable to hys 
 oyled flock, he hath made a verye gentle prouiso, by these tearmes 
 in the text. ' Other wyse than for his or their honeste necessity and 
 relief.'"— f. 30. b. 
 
 Further on (after some grossness which I omit) he adds, 
 in a way remarkably characteristic of the spirit in which the 
 whole is written ; — 
 
 " These curates notwithstanding, may not repaire to anye Disynge 
 houses, what so euer they doe elsse in the ale houses, neyther yet 
 resorte vnto bowlynge alleys. And a reason whye. Lest they so 
 lose their mony, as they shall not be able to pay vs and our offycers 
 our duetyes of couenaunt." — f. 31, 6. 
 
 " C The xi Article. 
 
 Item, whether ther be dwellynge, within any your paryshes, any 
 Prieste, forrener, straunger, or other, who not [sic) presented to the 
 byshop of thys diocese, or his officers, examyned and admytted by 
 some one of them, doth take vpon hym to serue any cure, or to 
 mynyster any Sacramentes or sacramentals within the sayde 
 paryshe." — f. 34. b. 
 
 " C The Declaration. 
 
 I thought that a forrener and a straunger had bene all one. But 
 bylike it includeth som great mistery, knowne only to his Lord- 
 shyppes politicke wisdome, that they be here reckned two. As he 
 is a man of a great fore fatohe. A Scot should not seme to be a 
 
in.] OF BONNER'S ARTICLES. 45 
 
 forrener by reason, being an Indigena or a man bred & borne wythin 
 the yle of Britaine. Neither yet ought an Irish man to be counted 
 a straunger, being an ancient subiect to the crowne of Englande. 
 And as for Jack Spaniard, being as good a Christian as is eyther 
 Turke, Jewe, or pagane, sine lux, sine crux, sine deus, after the 
 chast rules of Rome aud Morenoe, he mast be a dweller here, ye 
 know causes whye. Than remaiue there none other forreners and 
 straungers to be loked vpon, but Dutchmen, Danes, Italians, and 
 frenchmenne. And they for the more parte, as much regarde the 
 Poopes priestbode, as the deuel doth holy water after the olde pro- 
 uerbe. And as for those priestes whom his Lordship calleth the 
 ' other,' we know that by them he meaneth his own naturall countrye 
 menne of the Englysh nacyon. They in thys miserable age, must 
 come last of al and within theyr owne soyl, must be reckened the 
 inf erioures to all forreners and strangers, & may dwell in no paryshe, 
 wythin London diocese. Marke hys Lordshypps honourable texte 
 here, and ye shall soone perceyue hys good meanynge. But such is 
 alwaies the fortune whyche Englande hath had of her vnnaturall 
 bastards, as hys Lordshyppe is one amongest other S. Quintine 
 bless him." — f. 35. 
 
 The charge of illegitimacy thus brought against Bonner 
 wLU be found repeated again in one or two extracts which 
 follow. The object of it was not merely to annoy the Bishop 
 of London, but to furnish a ground for denying the validity 
 of his orders, and, therefore, of aU acts performed by him in 
 his episcopal character. This may appear more plainly by 
 and bye, for Bale was not the only writer who used the 
 weapon, and Bonner not the only prelate against whom it 
 was used. In the meantime, however, it is right to say, 
 that it seems to have been a mere fiction ; and that its 
 falsehood appears to be unquestionably established by the 
 testimony of Bonner's most bitter enemies. It seems, 
 indeed, as if for the clearance of truth and the confusion of 
 his friends, Fox had been constrained to record the follow- 
 ing facts, by which he only intended to illustrate " the 
 courtesie of Ridley and the currishness of Boner." He tells 
 us that he had them from George Shypside, the husband of 
 Bishop Ridley's sister. In his account of that prelate he 
 says, " now remaineth a word or two to be declared of his 
 ' gentle nature and kindly pitty in the vsage of an olde 
 ' woman called Mistres Boner, mother to Doctour Boner, 
 ' sometime Bishop of London ; which I thought good to 
 ' touch, as well for the rare clemency of Doctour Ridley, as 
 ' the vnworthy immanity and vngratefuU disposition againe 
 ' of Doctor Boner. Bishop Ridley being at his manor of 
 
46 BISHOP BONNER'S PARENTAGE. [essay 
 
 ' Fulham, alwayes sent for the sayd Mistres Boner, dwelling 
 ' in an house adioyning to his house, to dinner and supper, 
 'with one Mistres Mungey Boners sister, saying: go for 
 ' my mother Boner, who comming, was euer placed in the 
 ' chayre at the tables end, being so gently intreated, wel- 
 ' commed, and taken, as though he had been borne of her 
 ' owne body, being neuer displaced of her seate, althoughe 
 ' the Kings Counsell had been present, saying, when any of 
 ' them were there (as diuers times they were) by your Lord- 
 ' ship's fauor, this place of right and custome is for my 
 ' mother Boner^" That Mrs. Boner and her daughter 
 were respectable we may perhaps be permitted to hope, for 
 the sake of Bishop Ridley. At all events, there seems to 
 have been no disavowal or concealment of parentage on the 
 part of his predecessor. 
 
 After having told this story, Strype, who is generally 
 prepared to re-echo the sentiments of Fox, cries out in 
 horror, " But to see the base ingratitude of Boner ; when 
 ' he was restored again in Queen Marys reign, he used 
 ' Ridley far otherwise than Ridley used him : for he would 
 ' not allow the leases which Ridley had made, which was in 
 ' danger to redound to the utter ruin of many poor men. 
 ' He had a sister with three children, whom he married to 
 ' one Shipside a servant of his, and provided for them. 
 ' This sister Boner turned out of all, and endeavoured the 
 * destruction of Shipside, had not Bishop Hethe delivered 
 ' him°." That is, the reader must observe, "Teste G-eorg. 
 Shipsido," as Fox writes his authority ; and it may be well 
 believed that George Shypside was not so good a witness in 
 his own cause, as he was respecting his mother Boner's civil 
 entertainment. He might naturally be sore at the up- 
 setting of a comfortable, and perhaps not discreditable, 
 little piece of nepotism. I dare say, however, that it never 
 once crossed the mind of good Mr. Strype, that whUe the 
 mother was thus ostentatiously patronized, the son, whose 
 deprivation had called for this charitable dole on her behalf, 
 was lying in gaol. But the strangest thing is, that after 
 having given this story, Strype should have been so far 
 carried away by the torrent of base and filthy invective, as 
 to tell his readers " Boner, bishop of London, was a bastard 
 
 8 Ed. 1596, p. 1559. " Cranm. vol. i. p. 298. 
 
m.] BALE'S DECLARATION. 47 
 
 ' all over. He a bastard, his father a bastard, his grand- 
 ' father a notorious whoremaster. For this was his pedigree, 
 ' as I find it set down in a collection of old MSS.," ' &c. 
 We are certainly much indebted to Strype for publishing 
 many manuscripts which he found in old collections, but 
 we must receive what he says of them, and from them, with 
 a constant recollection that, in his estimation, one old 
 manuscript appears to have been about as good as another. 
 To return, however, to the Articles. 
 
 " C The XV article. 
 " Item whether they, and eueriohe of them, to the best of then- 
 powers at all tymes have exhorted & stirred the people to quiet- 
 nesse and Concorde, and to the obedyence of the Kyng and Quenes 
 majesties and their officers, rebuking all sedioion and tumult with 
 all unlawful assemblies, mouing the people to charity and good 
 order, and charging the fathers and mothers, masters and governors 
 of youthe, to kepe good rule, and to instruct them in vertue & good- 
 nesse, to the honor of God and of this realme, and to haue them 
 occupied in some honest art and ocoupacion, to gette their living 
 thereby."— f. 52. b. 
 
 In the course of the " Declaration" of this Article, Bale 
 
 "To instruct them (ye saye) in vertue and goodnesse. Whie 
 than haue ye forbidden them Christes Testament, and all other 
 scriptures both in English and Latine, as in your seuenth articles 
 folowinge conceminge scholemaisters ? Are there any bokes els in 
 the worlde, that can shewe more vertue and goodnesse than they ? 
 I thinke verylye, that there are not greater Deuils, than you be, 
 neyther yet more manifest adversaryes to the truthe of God. All 
 this (ye saye) ye woulde haue done to the honour of God and welthe 
 of this realme, I think ye woulde saye. For if you aduysedly doo 
 couple God and this realme in one honour (as your wryting 
 expresseth) I thincke you more than mad. But what honor can 
 God have at any mans hand, ether yet what health this realm, 
 wythout the knowledge and obedience of his word ? I would 
 gladly have this question answeared, which neuer will be done by 
 you, that haue with so expresse wordes condempned the reading 
 thereof. Be ashamed of thy blasphemouse doinges thou most 
 beastlye beUye God and dampnable donge hill, with thy Golden 
 pyllowes afore thee. And take hede least thou drop to the bottom 
 of hell with Chore, Dathan, and Abiron, for this presumpoion and 
 horrible contempt." — f. 55. b. 
 
 The xviii Article. 
 
 " Item whether they or any of them, sens the Quenes maiesties 
 proolamacion, hath or doth vse to saye or synge the diuiue seruioe, 
 
 1 Mem. III. i. 172, pubh'shed many years after his Cranmer. 
 
48 BALE'S DECLARATION [essay 
 
 minister the sacramentes or sacramentals, or other thinges in 
 English, contrarie to the ordre of this realme." — f. 63. 
 
 Part of the Declaration is ; — 
 
 "These terrible termagants of antichrist, such as is this beastli & 
 vnlearned bastard Bonner, wil suffer in the churches of England, 
 no service to be done, neither yet the necessary sacraments of 
 Baptisme and the Lordes Supper, to be ministred in English," &o. — 
 f. 64. b. 
 
 The xix Article. 
 
 " Item, whether they or any of them, in theyr suffrages, collectes, 
 and prayers, doeth vse to praye for the Kinge and Quenes maieste 
 by the names of King Philipp and Quene Marye according to a letter 
 and commaundement therin lawfully gyuen nowe of late vnto them 
 by their ordinary." — f. 66. 
 
 C The Declaration. 
 "See I pray you, how arrogaunt this porkishe papist is here. So 
 like is he in condicions to his father of Kome, as the yong wolfe is 
 like to the olde. Here must his underwolfes, or curates as he 
 calleth them, have suffrages," &c. — Ibid. 
 
 In the course of the xx Article, the Bishop enquired, 
 
 " Whether anye person have refused or contempned to .... be 
 confessed and reoeiue at the priestes hand the benefite of absolucion, 
 according to the laudable custom of this realme." — f. 70. 
 
 On this Bale says, 
 
 " Thus have we of the Scriptures, that the benefyte of remyssion, 
 commeth immediatlye from God and hys Christ, but no mention 
 have we of the hand of a papyst. I would wonder at it, that thys 
 Bonner a greate doctoure of both lawes, sometime a kinges 
 Embassadour, and now a bishop, should appeare by his owne 
 wrytinges, so beastly a bussarde, and a fole so blockishly ignoraunt. 
 But that I finde it also wrytten that the wisedome of this worlde, is 
 a stark folishnesse afore God." — f. 75. 
 
 Then, after admitting that " Gods lawe is to be sought at 
 the mouth of the priest," he goes on to say; — 
 
 " But that we should fetch absolucion at his baudy handes, it is 
 yet the mooste doltish doggerel that ever I hard. That diuinity 
 myght have come from Jane bold the Queenes foole among all her 
 ouppes. Bat wKat doctrine bryngeth Bonner to the establishment 
 of this howsel, confession, & absolucion ? The laudable custome of 
 this realme. That is the Bible which he hath studied, nejrte vnto 
 the beere potte." — f. 75. b. 
 
 In the course of his " Declaration " of the xxiv Article, 
 Bale has this passage ; — 
 
 "In their idle doynges they are men spiritual. Though they 
 have halfe a score of sonnes and doughters abrode, if it be out of 
 
m.J OF BONNER'S ARTICLES. 49 
 
 marryage, there is no chastitye broken. The holy order of priesthode 
 standeth still undefyled, for the character thereof is undeleble, and 
 the hot yron marke nnremoueable. Take glorious Gardiner, blowe 
 bolle Bonner, tottering Tunstal, wagtaile Weston, and carted 
 Chicken, and all the other fine Eochet men of Englande. For all 
 the notable whoredomes which they have don they are styll holye 
 pastours, and horrible [sic. I suppose facetiously for honourable] 
 spiritual men."— f. 90. b. 
 
 The xxiv Article begins ; — 
 
 " C Item, whether the person or vicar doth repair and maintain 
 his chauncel and mansion house in suflacient reparation," &c. 
 
 In the course of his " Declaration," Bale says, with 
 reference to this ; — 
 
 " Well, these chauncels muste now be repayred, master 
 ' Bonner saith, that their may ones again leade al to the 
 ' deuil with their bHnd latin patterings and wawlings. 
 ' Wheras one crieth like a pig," — but the rest of this 
 ribaldry may be found in Strype, who says pfirenthetically, 
 and almost pathetically, " (I use the words of John Bale, 
 who would call a spade a spade.)" Poor dear Bale, that 
 way of his sometimes made his best friends more than half 
 ashamed of him, but he would do it, and even Strype, who 
 considered him " an author of high esteem," was constrained 
 to acknowledge that " he is sometimes blamed, and blame- 
 worthy indeed, for his rude and plain language -." But to 
 proceed — in the course of his declaration of Article xxvi, 
 after having stated that the tonsure was brought into the 
 church by Pope Martin, Bale goes on to say ; — 
 
 "It is not than much to be marueled, if this other monster 
 Bonner after the last preaching of Christes gospell hath brought it 
 into the Englishe churche agayn, with other supersticions more. 
 For that wylde brockishe bore in breakynge vppe Gods vyneyarde 
 there, Psal. 79. hadde rather haue that swyll and drosse of Antichrist, 
 than the most precyoua delyoates of the holye scriptures," &c. — 
 f. 99. b. 
 
 On part of Article xxix, 
 
 " To quareU at this presente, this beastly fole parauenture would 
 bring in the professed preasthode of his sodamitycall maister. But 
 I wyll that he knowe it, that the pedlarye preasthode of that popet, 
 shall in perfection be neuer lyke that holy presthode, which all we 
 so many as beleue & are baptysed haue in Christ Jesu, as S. Peter 
 declareth, 1 Pet. ii. and also S. John in his Reuelation . i . and . v." 
 — f. 112. b. 
 
 ^ Mem. III. i. 177, 178. 
 
50 BALE'S DECLARATION [essay 
 
 And on the same Article ; — 
 
 "The actes of so noble a prince as King Edwardethe.vi. was this 
 shamlesse bastarde, more vile in those doyngs than any kytchen slaue, 
 contemptuonslye caUeth inuocations [read innouations] meaninge 
 newe lawes or alterations of the worst sort." — f. 113. 
 
 Again, in the same Article ; — 
 
 " Such reuerence had King Dauid to the function and ofEyce of a 
 kinge, for that it was an authority geuen of God, that he wold lay 
 no violent handes vppon Saule, being his mortall ennemye, and not 
 Goddes frende nether at that tyme .i. Regum. xxiiii. And yet 
 this fylthy swineheard abasheth not obprobriously to reuile his 
 naturaU king, to inuert his most godly actes at his pleasure and also 
 mooste arrogantly to boast of it. And what is thy idolatrous mas 
 \ and lowsye Latine seruice, thou sosbelly swilbol, but the very draf 
 of Antichrist and dregges of the deuil ? " — f. 113. b. 
 
 Bonner having, in his xsxiv Article, spoken of " the 
 seuen deadelye synnes with their ofspringe, progenye and 
 yssue," Bale, in the course of his " Declaration," says, 
 
 " I wondre therfore to fyude Bonner such a beastly fole, that he 
 knoweth no more but .vii. deadly synnes," &c. — Sig. T. iii. b. 
 
 The xxxvi Article is, 
 
 " Item whether stipendary prests do behaue themselves discretlye 
 and honestlye in all poynts towardes their parson or vicar, geuing 
 an othe, and doinge according to the law and ecclesiasticaU 
 constitucions, ordinaunces, and laudable customes in that behalf." — 
 Sig. V. i. 
 
 C The Declaration. 
 
 " That Christ discommendeth and rebuketh in his chosen churche, 
 Joh. X. this bussard this beast, and this bluddering papiste doth 
 allow, preferre, and place, in his newli errected sinagoge of the 
 Deuil. And stipendarye preast is he which serveth for lucre and 
 bely chare, and not for anye spiritual! profitte towards the christen 
 congregacion. And such a one Christ calleth a mercenarye or 
 carelesse hyrelinge, which in beholdinge the cruell wolfe to come 
 vpon the flocke, yea, to scatter them and deuour theym, he 
 regardethe it nothinge at all? Suche rybaldes and brothels hath 
 Bonner taken into the sheepe foulde, as like to lyke, withoute all 
 godly and christen respeote. But wyl ye knowe the cause whye ? 
 Whan he was in the marshallsea, they broughte him in chese, 
 butter, and bacon for the fyrst course, and for the latter, pigs, gese, 
 and fat capons. Is not that (think you) honestye, vertue and learn- 
 inge ynough for a christen minister in the diocese of London 1 " — 
 Sig. V. i. b. 
 
 Whatever opinion the reader may form from the fore- 
 going extracts, I think he will allow that I have given him 
 full ground for forming one, and will acquit me of having 
 
III.] OF BONNER'S ARTICLES. 51 
 
 made Bale an offender for a word ; especially if he knows 
 anything of the passages which I have passed over in 
 taking specimens from this one little work. " Bale's pen, 
 indeed," says the apologetic Strype, " was sharp and foul 
 ' enough sometimes, when he had such foul subjects to deal 
 * with, as the cruelties and uncleannesses of many of the 
 ' popish priests, and prelates and cloisterers." ^ But he had 
 no such " foul subjects " to deal with in Bonner's Articles, 
 which were quiet, temperate, business-like affairs — chiefly 
 what might be called official matters, couched in official 
 language. The plain fact is, that Bale's pen was foul 
 simply because he was foul himself ; and he had foul sub- 
 jects to deal with because they were the subjects with 
 which he delighted to deal ; as is shown in a very marked 
 way by his bringing into a matter like this a profusion of 
 foul matter, such as I have not ventured to quote. 
 
 Strype has given the Articles at full length ■*, and I think 
 
 it will be hard to find in them anything to justify the 
 
 " sharp and foul " attack of Bale. On the other hand, it is 
 
 amusing to see how very sensitive Strype is, when a hard 
 
 word had been uttered against those who are the subjects of 
 
 his eulogy. In his life of Cranmer, though he condescends 
 
 to reply to some of " the unjust calumnies some hot spirited 
 
 papists have cast upon his memory," yet there are others 
 
 whom he considers too bad to merit that honour. " I shall 
 
 pass over," he says with unmoved dignity, " the unhand- 
 
 ' some name that Feckenham gave him, calling him Dolt. 
 
 . . I shall also pass by what Bishop Boner then said of him, 
 
 viz. that he dared to say, that Cranmer would recant so 
 
 he might have his living ; as though he were a man of a 
 
 prostituted conscience, and would do anything upon 
 
 worldly considerations." ' Imagine Bonner saying such a 
 
 thing of Cranmer. What did Bale ever say of Bonner, that 
 
 equalled that ? or that was so bad as Bonner's " rude way 
 
 of misnaming such as came before him," so that on one 
 
 occasion he actually called a tailor pricklouse ? " ^ 
 
 Perhaps enough has been said to give the I'eader an 
 opportunity of judging of Bale's style, and of the spirit in 
 which he wrote ; but still there are two points which 
 
 3 Mem. II. i. 56. ^ Mem. III. ii. 217. 
 
 5 Cranm. ii. 659. " Strype, Mem. III. ii. 63. 
 
52 BALE'S DOOTEIKB [essay 
 
 should be stated, in order to his forming a just estimate of 
 the matter, 
 
 In the first place, there is to us something so revolting in 
 the very idea of men being put to death for their belief, 
 even if we suppose it to be heretical, that we are disposed 
 to sympathize in the indignation of those who saw it as 
 the real case of others, and had good reason to apprehend 
 that it might actually be their own. But it must be re- 
 membered, that when Bale wrote this book, little that 
 could be called persecution had taken place. Not one 
 martyr had suffered. The mere date (if not a forgery) 
 proves that if this fierce ribaldry was not in some degree 
 a cause, it could not certainly be an eflfect, of most of 
 those scenes of cruelty in the reign of Mary, with which 
 Pox's Martyrology has rendered us famUiar. 
 
 Again, whatever ideas of toleration we may have. Bale 
 had none such. He did not, indeed, like to be persecuted 
 himself, or to have his party persecuted ; but as to perse- 
 cution itself, and what we should think cruelty, he was 
 not squeamish. He thought that it would have been a 
 good thing if there had been a general slaughter of the 
 massmongering priests, and he made no secret of his 
 opinion. He even took the liberty to hint to his sove- 
 reign that he had been remiss on this point, and that 
 something of the kind was still expected from him. 
 
 "Such time as our most worthy souurain Kynge Henry the .viii 
 now lyuing after the most Godly example of Kynge Josyas visited the 
 temples of his reame, he perseyued the Sinneful shryne of this 
 Becket to be nnto his people a moost perniciouse evell, and therefore 
 in the word of the lord he vtterly among other destroyed it. If 
 he had upon that and such other abhominable shrines brent those 
 Idolatrous pryestes which were (and are yet) theyr chefe mainteiners, 
 he had fulfilled y" godly history throughout. But y' which was not 
 than perfourmed in hope of their amendement, may by chance lyght 
 vppon them hereafter whan no Gentell warning wiU seme to be 
 regarded. I dout not at all but his noble discretion perceyueth 
 much more in that wicked generation of the pope's norryshing vp, 
 which alwayes hath mainteiued (and yet doth) such manifest errours, 
 than he ever in his life yet uttered." — Life of Sir John OMcastle, 
 Lord Oohham, p. 53. b. 
 
 Bale was, however, disappointed as to King Henry ; 
 and all he could do was to ofifer the same suggestion to 
 his son and successor, and try whether the youthful 
 Edward might not be tutored into a Josias, who would 
 
III.] OF TOLERATION. 53 
 
 persevere and fulfil "the godly history throughout." In 
 his Epistle Dedicatory, prefixed to " The Laboryouse 
 Journey " of " lohan Leylande," addressed to the young 
 monarch, he says ; — 
 
 " We fynde Exodi . i . that the mighty magistrate vndre God 
 Moyses, among his other most worthy aotes, droue the deuouryng 
 looustes, which had in Egypte destroyed al that was greene vpon 
 the earth, into the reade sea, and there drowned them so that they 
 were no more sene. The like wrought your highnesses most noble 
 father of excellent memory Kynge Henry the .viij . though it were 
 in an other kinde, snche time as he dyscharged this his realme of 
 Antichristes noyful cattel, Menkes, Chanons, Frires, Nonnes, 
 Heremites, Perdoners, and soule syngers, with other execrable 
 sectes of perdicion. Neuerthelesse our Egypoyanes both of the 
 clergye, and layte, haue soughte euer sens, and yet seketh to this 
 daye, to leade your Maiesties people in a palpable kynde of darke- 
 nesse by their masses, and other sorcerouse witchcraftes ; as lately 
 apered in the last commooyon of Cornewale and Deuenshyre, to 
 reduce them agayne to the old obedyence of the great Pharao of 
 Kome, in the stynkyng kyngdome of ydolatry. But your noble 
 counselL, to withstande thys vyolence, hath hytherto moste worthelye 
 wrought, in the myghtie worde of the Lorde, and in the stronge 
 power of your regall rodde, to dryue this horryble plage of darke- 
 nesse from the face of thys earthe, and our good hope is, that they 
 wyl gracyously so styll continue. 
 
 "Salomon is commended of Jesus the sonne of Syrach, Eccle. 
 xlvij. for that the Lorde had hym replenyshed wyth all wysdome, 
 and for hys sake had dryuen the enemyes awaye farre of, that he 
 myghte buylde an howse in hys name, and prepare vnto hym a 
 sanctuary for euer, whych al to this daye we behold in youre 
 kyngelye persone fulfylled, prayeng vnto God that it may so styl 
 endure. As in your prynoelye begynnynges ye apere vnto vs a very 
 Josias both in your tendre youthe and vertuouse educacyon, so our 
 specyal hope is, that in your dayly procedinges, ye wyl stylperseuer 
 the same." — Sign. A. v. 
 
 To return, however, to Bale's Declaration — there is 
 another point which is worthy of notice, with a view to 
 our present inquiry. The book professes (and I presume 
 truly) to have been written " in the yeare of our Lord a. 
 1554. By John Bale," who dates the preface " C Wrytten 
 from Basils in Heluetia. An. 1554." I have already said 
 that I do not know whether it came over into this country 
 in print or in manuscript, and, in fact, I do not know 
 whether there is any edition which purports to have" been 
 printed at that time at Basil or anywhere else. What I 
 wish the reader to observe, however, is, that the copy 
 before me is of an edition " tl newlye set fourth and 
 
54 PURITAN STYLE. [essay 
 
 ' allowed, according to the order appointed in the Quenes 
 ' Maiesties Iniunctions," and " Imprynted at London by 
 ' Jhon Tysdall, for Frauncys Goldocke dwellinge in Lom- 
 ' bard strete, ouer agaynste the Cardinalles hatte, and are 
 'there to be sold at his shoppe 1561." — that is in the 
 days of Elizabethan safety and triumph, while the ex- 
 bishop of Ossory was contenting himself with his stall at 
 Canterbury, and the ex-bishop of London was in gaol, 
 " mercifully, I may say, laid in there, to defend him from 
 the rage of the people."' Nobody will dispute that there 
 might be some mercy in putting the aged prelate even in 
 a gaol as a place of safety, if " the rage of the people " was 
 to be cultivated by the republication of such virulent invec- 
 tive ; but what was the object of reprinting it at such a 
 time ? By whom, and with what view, was it done ? 
 Supposing it only a permitted speculation by the booksellers, 
 whom did they expect to make it worth their while ? These 
 are points worth inquiring about ; but they must be passed 
 by for the present while I bring forward the other two 
 writers to whom I have alluded. 
 
 E8SAY IV. 
 
 PURITAN STYLE. No. II. 
 
 PONET — TRAHEEON. 
 
 The writer of whom I come now to speak is described by 
 Strype as " a man of great parts and acquired learning "^ — 
 "a very ingenious as well as a learned man "^ — in fact, as 
 " one of the best and eminentest sort of divines."^ "Whether 
 he was of St. John's College in Cambridge, as Strype says 
 in one place," or of Queens' College, as he tells us in another,^ 
 is of little consequence, though I believe the latter is the 
 truth ; at any rate, he was, according to the same authority, 
 " one of those many brave shoots that the university of 
 
 ' Strype, Grindal, p. 150, i Cran. i. 403. 
 
 2 Cran. ii. 607. - CUeke, 95. 
 
 ■» Cran. i. 403. s Smith, 13. 
 
iv.J PONET. 55 
 
 Cambridge then produced,"" and " one of the greatest orna- 
 ments of learning then in Cambridge."' 
 
 There seem to have been some among his contemporaries 
 whose opinion I'esembled this, for when Bishop Gardiner 
 was deprived of the see of Winchester, Dr. John Ponet, who 
 was then Bishop of Rochester, and who had previously been 
 chaplain to King Henry VIII., and to Archbishop Cranmer, 
 was selected to fill the vacant see. He held it until the 
 accession of Queen Mary, when he fled beyond sea, and 
 became one of that body of exiles whose proceedings form 
 the subject of our present inquiry. 
 
 First of all, however, (and, for the present, exclusively,) 
 we are concerned with his style as a writer, and perhaps I 
 cannot illustrate this better than by quoting his description 
 of his predecessor in the see of Winchester. It is inci- 
 dentally brought into his account of Sir William Paget, and 
 is as follows : — 
 
 " And how at leinght was P[aget] the maister of practices handled, 
 that will haue one parte in euery pagent, if lie mays by prayeng or 
 paieng put in his f oote 1 But before 1 prooede to speake of this 
 maister of practices it shall not be amysse, that I tell you somwhat 
 of his maister, the doctour of practices. For albeit this doctour be 
 now (but to late) throughly knowen, yet it shall be requisite, that 
 our posteritie knowe what he was, and by his description see, how 
 nature had shaped the outwarde partes, to declare what was within. 
 This doctour hade a swart colour, an hanging loke, frowning browes, 
 eies an ynche within the head, a nose hooked like a bussarde, wyde 
 nosetrilles like a horse, euer snuffing in to the wynde, a sparowe 
 mouthe, great pawes like the deuil, talauntes on his fete like a grype, 
 two ynches longer than the naturall toes, and so tyed to with sinowes, 
 that he coulde not abyde to be touched, nor scarce sufEre them to 
 touche the stones. 
 
 And nature hauing thus shaped the forme of an outwarde monstre, 
 it gaue him a vengeable witte, which at Cambridge by labour and 
 diUgence he hade made a great deale worse, and brought vp many 
 in that facultie : Wriothesley, Germayne Gardiner (whom he caused 
 spedily to be hanged, least he should haue to muche disclosed his 
 maisters arte) and among many other this maister or proctour of 
 practices, whom we are now entred to speake of. 
 
 This doctour to geue some signification of his nature and conning 
 to come alofte, that he might doo the more mischief, betrayeth his 
 M. Camall Wolsei'; and more than any other laboureth the diuoree 
 
 « Smith, 1.59. ' Cheke, 18. 
 
 ^ This sort of wit is very characteristic of the school of writers with 
 which we a'e concerned, and to which Bishop Ponet belonged. He had 
 before {S!g. Q. iii.) said "as Carnal Phoole truly citeth," &c. The 
 
56 PONET VERSUS [essay 
 
 betwene king Henry and the dowager. And by and by he earnestly 
 sought to haue ridden in the kinges bootes : worse could not content 
 him. But whan he sawe that wold not be, and considred it better 
 to haue stoare than one only paire (for so perchannce he might haue 
 founde them somtymes not all cleane whan he wolde haue vsed 
 them, and also it should be a let to bring to passe that he purposed) 
 he changeth his purpose : and bycause none shonlde remembre his 
 practices before, nor suspecte the rest to come, he shaueth his 
 orowne as broade as a sawcer, and deoketh him self with a white 
 smocke like a portour of the Stiliarde. But what nedeth suche 
 circumlocucion, whan euery body knoweth this doctour of practices 
 was called D. Stephan Gardiner ? After this, his lucke was to be 
 committed to the towre, whan Tyburne hade ben a place more 
 worthy his desertes."" — Sig. I. iii. h. 
 
 Another passage relating to Bishop Gardiner is as follows. 
 Speaking of the debasement of the coin he says : — 
 
 "Which thing the great deuil and cutthrote of England (the 
 papistes God) in his sermon that he made at Paules Crosse, upon 
 this theme (now is the tyme to wake from slope, my brethren, for 
 now is our ioie and pompe more nye, than whan we before dissembled 
 to beleue in Christ. Be of good cheare, my disciples, our trouble is 
 past, our ioye is at hande) letted not to blustre out. In this sermon 
 to bring the dead innocent and blessed King Edwarde (whom for his 
 vertue he hated) in hatred of the people : for he imputed to him 
 (a childe and a warde) the lewde and wicked behaveour of his cruell 
 
 counsailours, &c the same deuil Gardyner was the chief 
 
 counsaUlour to have the money abased, to maintain the same. And 
 now lately (whan he hath broken his chayne) devised Eosemary 
 pence," &c. — Sig. F. ij. h.. 
 
 It is impossible to quote the passage without directing 
 the attention of the reader to the irreverent burlesque of 
 Scripture which it contains, and which was too common, 
 and too characteristic among the writers with whom we are 
 now engaged. As to the exiled prelate's power of invec- 
 tive, however, it is a very inadequate specimen. A much 
 better may be found in his attack on Bishop Bonner. Let 
 the reader imagine the ex-Bishop of Winchester from his 
 
 reader is probably aware that the name of the Cardinal, now commonly 
 called Pole, was then generally pronounced as if spelt (and frequently 
 was apelt) Pool, or Poole. 
 
 s It is strange to find Strype quoting this description of Bishop 
 Gardiner, and telling us that Bishop Ponet " left a character of him, con- 
 cealing the bishop's name under the periphrasis oithe doctor of practices," 
 (M. III. i. 450,) while the expression of his name occurs so "immediately 
 after the description (as the reader may see by this extract) and is, in the 
 original book, rendered peculiarly conspicuous by being the only two 
 words of roman type in the middle of the page of italic. 
 
iv.J GARDINER AND BONNER. 57 
 
 place of safety (which he had reached, not as a persecuted 
 heretic, but as a run-away traitor) breaking out in such 
 terms on the Bishop of London — on one whom, indepen- 
 dent of all respect due to office, it might have been 
 thought right and wise to conciliate, and whom, to say 
 the least, it could not be christian, or humane, or politic, 
 to exasperate ; — 
 
 " Were not the ymages and Roodeloftes in Bnglande destroied by 
 autoritie of ciuile power ? And dothe not Boner the Archbooher of 
 London for all that force them that obeied the authoritie (bicause 
 he saieth, it was not lauful) to make them vp again at their owne 
 charges 1 But Boner, thou that allowest nothing to be well done 
 (by what soeuer autoritie it be done) except it be laufuU, nor nothing 
 to be laufull that is not agreing to thy canon lawes : I haue to sale 
 to thee . Stande stil a while, whilest I rubbe the. Tell me plainly, 
 and face not out a lie, as thou arte wont : speake not one thing, and 
 thinke an other, as thy nature is : ones in thy life tell the truthe, 
 and shame thy maister the deuil. If thou were the sonue of the 
 earthe by thy fathers side, and of an erraunt hoore by the mother, 
 and so a bastarde : by what autoritie saiest thou thy masse, whan 
 thy lawes sufEre no bastardes to be priestes without dispensacion ? 
 how comest thou to be a bishop, whan thy lawes sale, thou maiest 
 be no priest ? How be thy iudgements laufull, whan thou by thy 
 canones maiest be no iudge ? All men knowe, that thy mother whan 
 thou wast begoten, was an hoore. 
 
 The common voice and fame saieth, and the truthe is, that albeit 
 one Boner (a bare whippe laoke) for lucre of money toke vpon him 
 to be thy father, and than to mary thy mother, yet thou wast persona 
 Sauages bastarde : and of that race come thy cousins Wimmeslowe 
 thy Arohediacon of London (a mete eie for snche a grosse head) and 
 Wimslowe his brother, and a great meany moo notable. These 
 thinges be so euident and plaine, that thou cannest not (without 
 blushing) denie them : neither thou wilt (I knowe) denie them. For 
 thou boastest and braggest muche, that thou comest of gentil 
 blood. 
 
 But thou wilt saye, thou hast a bull of dispensacion from 
 the pope, I require to knowe, what time it was graunted. Thou 
 saiest, whan thou wast at Eome. It is euen that I requiered. 
 Thou wast indede at Eome, proctour for the princes dowager the 
 Quenes mother, in the cause of diuorce betwene King Henry the viii. 
 and her. 
 
 Whan thou sawest that no prebendes, no Archediaoonries, no 
 bishoprikes were to be goten by continuing on her parte, thou 
 betraidest her cause, and beoamest of counsail with the King. O 
 noble counsaillour. seuere and lawful iudge. 
 
 A mete man to sit in condemnacion of so many innocentes : yea 
 more mete to stande on the pillarie, than in a pulpit : to be tied vp 
 in a boare franke, than walke in a princes chambre : to weare a 
 Tiburne tippet, than a graie amise." — Sig. D. vii. 6. 
 
58 TEAHERON. [essay 
 
 One can understand, after reading such a passage as this, 
 how it came that Bishop Ponet entertained John Bale as 
 his chaplain. Perhaps their knowledge and estimation of 
 each other's ability might enable them at times to speak 
 civilly to each other. To the exiled bishop, however, it 
 seemed all too little ; he has not done with the object of his 
 wrath, and he presently returns to the charge ; — 
 
 " But Boner, I maye not leaue thee thus ; Geue me leaue (Sauage 
 Boner) to dispute this mater of laufull and not laufuU, a litle more 
 with thee. If thou and the rest of the traitours thy Companiones 
 should persuade the frendeles Quene of Engla,nd (whom ye hane 
 enchaunted) to geue ouer the towne of Calese and Barwike to a 
 strauuge prince, and (contrary to her othe not to diminishe any parte 
 of the rightest of the Crowne and liberties of the people, which kinges 
 of England at their Coronacion in tymes past made, and which she 
 also made to her subiectes, whan she was crowned before she was a 
 perfit Quene) she folowed your couusail, som noble personage sent 
 thider to deliuer the keyes, and the |deputie and garison did not 
 strike of the messagiers head, and set it on the gates, but obeyed it, 
 and not resisted it : wer not thou and thi felowes traitours for per- 
 suading her so doo ? hade not she broken her othe and promyse ? 
 were not that-tournay a traitour for doing that he was commaunded? 
 were not the deputie and garison traitours for sufEring it to be done ? 
 Answer. What cannest thou saie for thy self and thy folowes ? [sic] 
 Giltie, or not giltie ? Thou standest mewet, what not a woirde 1 
 Thou art sure, your good will, will stande you in as good stede, as 
 the dede done. Neither doo ye passe, though the crowes be fedde 
 with your carion carcases, and the deuil with your soules, so ye maye 
 leaue behinde you a fame, that by your traytourie, the laitie of 
 England was destroyed, and the spiritualtie restored to their pompe 
 and lordly power. 
 
 But before the halter stoppe thy wiude, Boner, let vs knowe, what 
 thou canst saye for her. Sayest thou, princes be not bounden by 
 their othes and promisses 1 " &c. — Sig. E. ii. 
 
 These extracts are perhaps sufficient to give the reader 
 some idea of Bishop Ponet's style, and to lead him to 
 suspect that where these passages are to be found, he may 
 find more and worse. 
 
 Let us, therefore, proceed to the third writer, of whom I 
 have to speak on this occasion — that is, Bartholomew 
 Teaheron, whom Strype introduces as "a learned man, 
 and well studied in the divinity of the gospel,''^ and who 
 was, according to Anthony k Wood, " a compleat person 
 and much respected by scholars." " He was brought up in 
 
 1 Mem, IT. i. 420. 2 j^ti,_ j_ 324 gj, gjij^^^ 
 
IV.] TEAHERON. 59 
 
 the university of Oxford by Master Richard Tracy, whom 
 Strype supposes to have been the son of the Tracy whose 
 remains were burned^ He was among those who were 
 detected with John Frith at Oxford in the year 1527 or 
 1528*. He afterwards succeeded Roger Ascham in the 
 office of librarian to King Edward VI., was made Dean of 
 Chichester^, and named in a commission for the correction 
 of ecclesiastical laws". It does not appear why his name 
 and some others were soon withdrawn from this commis- 
 sion' ; but in a short time after he obtained a prebend at 
 Windsor. 
 
 On the accession of Queen Mary, he fled beyond sea ; and 
 the leading part which he took among the exiles is thus 
 stated by Strype : " After the separation of a part of the 
 ' congregation at Frankford, which departed and settled, 
 ' some at Basil, and some at Geneva, those that remained, 
 ' who were for the observation of the English book used 
 ' under King Edward, began to set up an university there 
 ' for the maintenance of learning : wherein the readers 
 'constituted were, Dr. Horn, late Dean of Durham, for 
 ' Hebrew ; Dr. Mullins for Greek ; and Dr. Bartholomew 
 ' Traherne or Traheron, late Dean of Chichester, for the 
 ' divinity lecture." 
 
 He further tells us that Traheron, " among his other 
 ' readings, read upon the beginning of St. John's Gospel, 
 ' designedly against the Arians, who began much to increase 
 ' in these times (especially among Protestants), and upon 
 ' the fourth chapter of the Revelations, which led him to 
 ' treat of the providence of God. The reason he chose to 
 ' read upon this subject was, to comfort himself and others 
 'by the consideration of the Divine Providence in their 
 ' present afflicted condition. But a certain learned person, 
 ' who had been his auditor, impugned some part of what he 
 ' had spoken, urging that he had used irreverend speech, in 
 ' saying," that it was in God's will and ordinance that 
 ' Adam should sin, making God the author of sin." " 
 
 Strype gives some further account of the dissension and 
 
 2 Mem. n. i. 421. « Mem. I. i. 581. 
 
 5 Mem. II. ji. 266, 267. 
 
 « See Strype, Mem. II. i. 5.?0, and 11. ii. 205, 206. 
 
 ' Strype, ibid., and see Cran. I. 388. 
 
 8 Mem. III. i. 543. 
 
60 TRAHEEON'S ANSWER [essay 
 
 of a lecture whicli Traheron read in defence of his opinion, 
 but he says nothing of a tract which he published, and 
 which must, I presume, relate to the same matter. It is, 
 at all events, directed against one of his " co-mates in exile," 
 who had disagreed with him on the same, or a very similar, 
 point of doctrine ; and as our only object at present is to 
 gain some idea of the style and spirit of the author, it is 
 sufficient for our purpose. At the same time we are doing 
 him rather more than justice by quoting a work written 
 under such circumstances and on such an occasion, rather 
 than an invective against those by whom he had been 
 " chased out " of his country. The title-page gives the key 
 note of the composition ; and it would be hardly doing it 
 justice to copy it without an attempt at something a little 
 like a fac-simile. 
 
 ^AE" AYJSTS- 
 
 VVERE MADE BY BAR. TRA 
 
 HERON TO A PEITIE PAPISTE 
 
 which crepte in to the english 
 congregation of christian 
 exiles vndre the vi- 
 sor of a fauo- 
 rer of the 
 gospel, 
 
 but at length bewraied him selfe to be one 
 
 of the popes asses, thorough his slouche ea 
 
 res, and than became a laughing stoc 
 
 ke to al the companie, whom 
 
 he had amazed before 
 
 with his maske 
 
 ^ Hereunto is added the subscription of 
 the chief est of the companie first, and after- 
 ward the subscriptio of M. Ro. Watson a- 
 lone, in special wordes, bicause he was cop 
 ted the best learned amonge the reste, & 
 therefore his iudgement was 
 most regarded and requi- 
 red. 
 
 H Imprinted Anno. 1558. 
 
IV.] TO A PRIVIE PAPIST. 61 
 
 This is immediately followed by an address " To Master 
 Gilbert Barckley," (who was a fellow exile, and afterwards 
 Bishop of Bath and Wells,) which begins thus : — 
 
 " I heard with great griefe of mind, how a counterfaite papiste 
 labored shamelesly to deface your most honest, and godlie behauior 
 towardes him, with the foule name of simuledfrenshipandflatterie. 
 And I know the tendernes of yovir herte, and how much it euer 
 iustly grieueth you, that the good name, that god hath giuen you, 
 should be blemished with false reportes, and impudent lies. But I 
 trust your wisedom is such, that you wil not be longe trebled, with 
 the barckinges of so foule a mouthed mastife. Wherefore I exhorte 
 you to stale youselfe against this open iniurie vpon the ground of 
 an honest vpright conscience, whereof sondrie, that be here present, 
 and haue longe time knowen you, giue vndoubted testimonies, and 
 haue seen most certaine frutes. This mastife, whose name I wil not 
 uttre, though it signifie that he came of a wiHe generation, hath 
 opened his mouth against me also, and hath enforced himselfe to 
 scratch, and teare me with his nails. But god of his goodness, hath 
 giuen me alwaies, wherewith to defende myseUe. The defence that 
 he hath now ministred vnto me, against this three-headed Cerberus, 
 bred and long fed in the popes kennel, I dedicate to you my dear 
 frend master Barckley," &c. 
 
 After this letter follows a statement of the matter in 
 dispute relative to a passage of Augustine. It is all in a 
 single page, which contains, in addition, the following 
 title :— 
 
 ir TO THIS HERE FOLOVVETH 
 
 MASTER MASKERS REPLICATION 
 
 This replication does not occupy a page and a half, and 
 considering the sort of matter with which we are at present 
 engaged, it is perfectly temperate ; the only sentence which 
 could be considered offensive being this : — " If you yet 
 ' undrestand not .S. Aug. to be manifestly against you, than 
 ' I counsel you, go to a logician, and aske of him and he 
 ' will tell you, that your assertion, which is, that it was the 
 ' wil of god, that Adam should sin, and S. Augustines cen- 
 ' sure, which is, that man, whan he sinned, did not that god 
 ' wold, be opposita contraria, which strive so sore, that thei 
 ' can not stand to gether, but the one overthroweth the 
 ' other." One would have thought that this, which is really 
 the worst, might have been received with calmness ; but, 
 says Master Traheron, placing the title in the middle of the 
 page in manner following — 
 
62 TRAHERON'S ANSWER [essay 
 
 ^ HERE VPON I SENT 
 
 HIM THIS LBTTKE. 
 
 After bringing forward various passages from Augustine 
 he thus proceeds ; — 
 
 " I cold allege innumerable such places, but that it is pitie, to 
 combre so slendre a doctor, with to manie places at once. If you 
 had ben as much occupied in reading .S. Au. as you haue ben 
 occupied in dreaming vain victories to your selfe, in doting after 
 glorie, and in making your selfe dronoken, whith the swetenes 
 thereof, you shuld haue knowen, that this is a principal proposition 
 in .S. Aug. which to proue, he driueth his argumentes. But you 
 haue spent so much time in kissing your falre daughter vaiue glorie, 
 that you haue had no leasure, to know what Saint Aug. goeth aboute. 
 Surely master .N. if you were not to be pitied bicause of your mad- 
 nes, you were wel to be laughed at, bicause of your f ondnes. But I 
 thincke it rather my duetie, to lament your most miserable state. 
 But this I wil sale, that if you amend not your maners in time, you 
 shal giue me occasion, to bewraie your longe eares. 
 
 And than though you have longe walked tanqua ho cumanus, it 
 wilbe knowen what you be in dede. I wold be lothe to make a 
 farther anatomie of your f oule inwarde partes, but if I shal perceaue, 
 that it shalbe to your welth, I wil not sticke to giue you a launch, 
 or two. I haue hitherto handled you a great deale more honestly, 
 than you deserue, for such respeotes, as god knoweth, and I haue 
 labored to couer manie an il fauored spotte, but if you go forth in 
 your wickednes, I wil strippe you starke naked, and shew your 
 soabbes to the world. God almightie vouchsafe to driue out that 
 perte spirite that combreth you. Amen." — Sig. A. iiii. 6. 
 
 Master Traheron does not think fit to let us see the 
 answer which he received to this letter, but he gives us the 
 following account of it : — 
 
 " If To this lettre master Masker aunswered first, that he wold 
 differ the aunswere to these places of .S. Aug. vntil I had aunswered 
 his former interpretation vpon .S. Au. Secondly that I fal to to 
 raging, and that J. can not iustly charge him with fondnes and 
 madnes. Thirdly he coniureth me to shew him his scabbes of 
 iniquitee, if I know anie in him, &c. Whereunto here foloweth my 
 aunswere." 
 
 Our business is obviously with the latter of these divi- 
 sions ; on which Master Traheron says : — 
 
 " You saie that I fal to raging. But you shal finde in the ende, 
 that it was a good honest zele vttered only to amende your out- 
 ragious faultes. You ar angrie that I charge you with madnes, and 
 fondnes, for you ca not see them, in your propre person. But if you 
 
IV. 1 TO A PRIVIE PAPIST. 63 
 
 cal to remembrance your whole behauior in this only matter, that 
 of late you haue enterprised amonge YS, you shal find more madnes, 
 and fondnes, than can be expressed. And though you perchauoe 
 can not find it, blcause you be blinded with selfe loue, yet al other 
 me haue marked it, more than maketh for your honestie. You ar 
 not ashamed to saie, that you offred a writing for reconciliation, 
 which in dede contaiueth nothing but shameles vaunting of your 
 selfe, defacing of other far honester than you, railinges, malitious 
 slaunders, and open lies. And yet you can not see, wherein you 
 haue broken charitee. Was not that verie charitably don of you, 
 so gredely, and so malitiously to desire, that M. Rose might be 
 punished, a man that hath trauailed so long, so painfully, and so 
 frutefully in the ministerie of goddes worde, only bicause he rubbed 
 your gauled backs, in telling you the truthe ? Was not that verie 
 charitably don of you, to defame that right godlie sobre man, 
 master Barckley, with most despiteful, and shameles lies ? Was 
 that verie charitably don of you to accuse, and cudemne the hole 
 copanie of hypocrital praiyng to god, besides your seUe, the greatest 
 hypocrite of al ? Was not that verie charitably don of you to vtter 
 such a masse of poison against good men, whan you shuld have pre- 
 pared your selfe to have receaued the holie communion with them, 
 if you had not ben a secrete papiste, & an vngodUe man. Wo worth 
 such charitee as might haue staled so godUe a purpose, if god had 
 not wrought more strongly for vertue, tha the diuel cold worcke 
 mischeuously for vice. But now bioause you coniure me, to shew 
 what scabbes of iniquitie I know in you, I wil discharge my con- 
 science. First I saie that you ar a visored, and disguised papist, as 
 Tou have plainly enough discouered your selfe. Secondly I saie, 
 that I see in you a proud, arrogant, contentious, vnquiet, and 
 enuious spirite, which I praie god most hertely, to chase out of you, 
 that we male embrace you againe as a brother, who now we have 
 iust cause to abhorre, as a man voide of goddes f eare, and stuffed 
 with manie horrible vices, besides your subtil secrete papistrie. This 
 vncleane spirite that I speake of, and know to be in you, is the verie 
 cause I am sure, why you dissente from vs in this question of goddes 
 prouidece. For thorough goddes grace we haue not ben obscure, 
 nor perplexed in this matter, nether can you pretende ignorance. 
 Enuie, and the loue that stil remaineth in you to your old harlotte 
 poperie, hath moued you to stirre these coales. Let the feare of 
 god, and loue of truth moue you again to quench the fier that you 
 haue kendled, or surely there shalbe a fler kendled in your herte that 
 no man, nor time shal quenche. But I trust you wil calle to god for 
 a better minde. And to that ende I wrote before, and now write 
 to you agayne." 
 
 After a good deal more, which it is needless to copy, 
 M. Traheron proceeds : — 
 
 "God giue to you and to me speedie repentance of our 
 faultes, & ope your eyes in this matter, as he hath vouchsafed 
 to open ours, that we male together agree in the truthe, in 
 
64 TRAHERON'S [essay 
 
 vnfained humilitee, and in christian loue, which christian 
 lone yet hath hir sharpnes, & wil bite the faultes, 
 that wil not other wise be amended. Whe- 
 refore at my handes yon shal loke to 
 haue your boils lauched, & to 
 haue corrosies & smarting 
 plaisters laied vpon 
 them vntil theij 
 be cured. 
 
 Goddes spirite directe vs. 
 
 IT Bar. Traheron your frend 
 assoue as you can loue the tru- 
 the." 
 
 After this, in a title placed as before, M. Traheron, 
 without giving us the reply which he received, proceeds to 
 describe it. One would have liked better to see it, especially 
 if it was, or could be, such a specimen of railing as he had 
 a right to complain of : — 
 
 II TO THIS LETTEE OVR 
 
 countrefaite protestant sent me an auu- 
 
 swer stuffed with an huge heape 
 
 of railing wordes, where- 
 
 vpon I wrote thus vn 
 
 to him againe. 
 
 " If you be not sore sicke, and f eoble, after so great thronges, 
 and after your deliuerance of such a swarme of innumerable railing 
 wordes, as it were of young diuels, you male be matched with anie 
 she giaunt in the world in strong, and lustie trauail, & in your faire 
 happie childbed. It seemeth to me, that in the middest of your 
 rauinge traunce, you had a litle witte remaining. For whereas you 
 despeared victorie in al other thinges, you thought you wold ouer 
 comme at the lest in railing, scoffing, and tauting. And surely you 
 haue brought your swete purpose to passe. For I yield vnto you 
 this noble victorie, & hold vp my handes. And bioause you haue a 
 meruailous greedie huger, & a thirst vnquencheable for vaine glorie, 
 you shal haue this praise at my hades also, that you ar the ioliest 
 scold, and the greatest railer, that euer I heard, or shal eare I 
 thinke." — Sig, B. iii. 
 
 Enough has been extracted to show how this lecturer in 
 divinity conducted a theological dispute with one of his own 
 brethren, and that too, in circumstances in which it might 
 have been supposed that there was every motive, from the 
 highest to the lowest, for brotherly kindness and charity. 
 How he wrote against those by whom he considered himself 
 " chased " out of his country may be imagined, and it will 
 
IV.] WARNING TO ENGLAND. 65 
 
 be proper to give some specimens when we come to speak of 
 the politics held and inculcated by the party to which he 
 belonged, and of theu" works viewed in connexion with the 
 Queen and government of England. In the meantime, I 
 will give one extract from a work which would perhaps 
 exhibit sufficient evidence, both external and internal, of 
 having come from his pen, even if he had not, under a thin 
 veil of Hebrew and Greek, almost put his name to it. It is 
 entitled, " A Warning to England to repente, and to turne 
 ' to god from idolatrie and poperie by the terrible example 
 ' of Calece, given the 7. of March. Anno. D. 1558. By 
 ' Benthalmai Outis " ; and, after quotations from Heb. xiii. 
 and Joel ii., is added "IT Imprinted Anno. D. 1558." ; but 
 there is no name of place or printer. Instead of any of 
 those parts which have a more direct political bearing, and 
 for congruity with the extracts already given from Bale and 
 Ponet, I win give a specimen of M. Traheron's way of treat- 
 ing the clergy and Bishop Bonner. Addressing England, 
 he parenthetically says : — 
 
 " Here I may not let scape the priestes of Calece, a foule broode 
 of thy henne. Paplstes they were and verie furies of hel. But if 
 they be compared to thy prelates and preistes, they were but demi- 
 papistes and demidiuels. For he that wold discouer the foule 
 inwarde partes of thy shauelinges and iilthie smered flocke, shuld 
 seem to rake vp the bottome of hel, yea he that wold shew the ont- 
 warde partes of them naked should shew the fowlest sight thateuer 
 was sene in the world. For what idolatrie, what pride, what covet- 
 ousness, what cruetie, what lecherie, what sodomitrie was euer heard 
 of in anie age, that thei have not far exceded ? Thou canst not name 
 a bishoppe, but thou shalt see his toungue swollen with blasphemie, 
 his fingers dropping with the blood of innocentes, his bodie spotted 
 with most filthie villanie, & the rest of thy AEgyptian shauelinges, 
 striue which shal passe other farthiest in al kindes of beastlie abomi- 
 nation." 
 
 Then after a passage so gross that it must be omitted, he 
 adds : — 
 
 " So manifolde, so execrable, so outrageous is their filthines, and 
 wickednes. Who can thiuke on that bloodie beast Bonner, but a 
 most grislie, vgle & horrible monstre shal be presented before his 
 eyes, such a one as no Polyphemus in boisteousnes, no furies of hel 
 with their snakie heares in al pointes of mischief, no Cerberus in 
 blasphemous roaring, no find in raging, in tearing, and in deuouring 
 innocentes, can ouermatche. But I wil leave that botomles sea of 
 most filthie stincking vices and passe farther." 
 
 Master Traheron passed farther to what was more directly 
 
 E 
 
66 PURITAN POLITICS. [essay 
 
 political ; and to the opinions of himself and his companions 
 on such subjects, I hope to direct the reader's attention m 
 some succeeding papers. In this and the preceding, my 
 object has been to give some specimens of the style adopted 
 by the writers whose particular opinions I hope hereafter to 
 exhibit and discuss. I think I shall not be charged with 
 bringing forward for that purpose obscure and unaccredited 
 men ; and that those who have any acquaintance with the 
 manners and literature of the period will admit that some- 
 thing beside the general custom of the age is required to 
 account for what I have quoted— much more for what I 
 have omitted. 
 
 ESSAY V. 
 
 PURITAN POLITICS. No. I. 
 
 KNOX — PONET WYAt's EEBELLION. 
 
 It is weU enough known that on the accession of King 
 Edward VI., it was resolved by those who were really in 
 power, to carry on the work of Reformation (in the most 
 comprehensive sense of that term) with a high hand ; and 
 they acted accordingly. 
 
 But it is equally certain, and it is most important to bear 
 in mind, that all through the reign of that monarch, and 
 especially during the latter part of it, there was a party, in- 
 fluential if not numerous, who not only thought that the 
 government did not go on fast enough in the work, but felt 
 that the people, whether attached to the old religion, or 
 only disgusted and alarmed at the selfish rapacity of some 
 who were forward in support of the new, did not go with 
 them at all. I earnestly entreat the reader to consider and 
 reflect on this fact, which is too frequently overlooked. 
 
 To say nothing of the space which it would require, it 
 would lead us from our purpose to enter into details respect- 
 ing the causes of this ; but one effect I wish to bring before 
 the notice of the reader, because it has an important bearing 
 on the subject with which we are engaged. I mean the 
 agitation (as it would now be called) which was carried on 
 
v.] KNOX'S LETTER TO THE FAITHFUL. 67 
 
 by some of the puritan leaders, who with incessant and 
 urgent vehemency were threatening the judgments of God 
 upon the land. Those who are at all conversant with the 
 writers of that period will require no proof or ilkistration of 
 this ; but some of them may not have reflected on it. 
 
 At all events, for the sake of others, I am tempted to 
 give an extract from a very rare work by John Knox ; who, 
 beside his own performance in that kind, has left a remark- 
 able testimony to the fact, in " A Godly Letter sent too the 
 fayethfull in London, Newcastle, Barwyke, (fee." and which 
 purports to have been printed in July, 1544. The passage 
 which I extract is described in a marginal note as a " Oom- 
 paryson betwixte England and Judah hefwe their destruc- 
 tion ; " and it follows a sketch of the sin and punishment of 
 the Israelites : — 
 
 "But before we proceade further in this matter, it shall be pro- 
 fytable to se how these procedinges doth agree with our estate and 
 tyme. And firste that we had not Gods woorde oifered vnto vs, 
 will none (excepte arrant papist) alledge. We had a kynge off so 
 godly disposition towardes vertew, and chiefly towardes G-ods tmthe, 
 that none from the begynninge passed hym, and to my knowledge, 
 none of hys yeare did euer matche hym in that behalf e, iff he might 
 haue bene lorde of hys owne will. In this meane tyme, if synnes 
 did abound, let euery man accuse hys owne conscience for here I 
 am not myuded to specefie all that I knowe, neither yet is it neces- 
 sarye, seynge some crymes were so manifeste and so heighnous that 
 the earthe colde not hydde the innocent bloud, nor yet could the 
 heauens without shame, behold the craft, the deceat, the violens 
 and wronge, that openly was wrought. And in the meane ceason, 
 the hande off God was busye ouer vs, and his trew messingers is 
 kept not sylence. You know that the realme off Englande was 
 visited with straunge plagues and whether that it was euer prophe- 
 sied, that the worse plagues were to f olow, I appeale to the testemony 
 of your own conscience, but what ensewed here vpon ? Alas I am 
 ashamed to reberse it, vniuersal contempt of all godly admonitions, 
 hatered of those that rebuked their vyces : Autoresing of suche as 
 colde invente most vylanye agaynste the preachers of God. In this 
 matter I maye be admitted for a sufficient witnes, for I hard and 
 saw, I vnderstood and knew, with the sorow of my hart, the mani- 
 fest contempt and the crafty deuices of the deuil against those most 
 godly and learned preachers, that this last Lent, Anno. 1553. were 
 apoynted to preache before the Kynges maiestie, as also against all 
 others, whose tounges were not tempered by the holy water of the 
 courte ; too speake it plainlye, who flattering agaynste their owne 
 conscience, coulde not saye, all was well and nothinge neded refor- 
 mation. 
 
 What reuerence and audience was geuen vnto preachers, this laste 
 Lent, by such as then were in autoritie, their owne countinaunces 
 
68 KNOX'S LETTER [essay 
 
 declared assuredly, euen suohe as was genen to Jeremye, they hated 
 suche, as rebuked their vyoe, and stubbernlye they sayde : We will 
 not amende, and yet howe boldely theyr synnes were rebuked, suohe 
 as were presente, can witnes with me, almoste there was none, who 
 dyd not prophesye and plainly spake the plagues that are begonne, 
 and assuredly shall ende. Mayster Grindall plainlye spake the death 
 of theKyngesmaiestie, complayninge vpponhyshousholde seruauntes, 
 who, neyther feared to raile againste the woorde off God, and agaynste 
 the trewe preachers of the same. 
 
 That godly and feruent man mayster Leuer, playnlye spake the 
 desolaoion off thys common wealthe. And mayster Bradforde 
 (whome God for Christes hys sonne sacke oomforte to the ende) 
 spared not the proudest of them, but boldely declared, that Goddes 
 vengeaunce shortlye shoulde strycke, those that then were in aue- 
 toritie, because they lothed and abhorred the trew worde of the 
 euerlastinge God, and willed them to take example by a noble man, 
 who became so colde in hearing God's worde, that the year before 
 his death, he wold not disease himselfe to heare a sermon. God 
 punisshed hym (sayde that godly preacher) and shall he spare you 
 that be dubble more wicked ? No, ye shal saye, will ye, or will ye 
 not, ye shal drinke of the cup of the Lordes wrathe. Judicium domini. 
 Judicium domini. Theiudgement of the Lord, the iudgement of the 
 Lorde, cryeth he with a lamentable voyce, and weaping teares. 
 Master Haddon, most lernedly opened the causes of the byepassed 
 plagues, and assured them, that the worse was after to come, if 
 repentaunce shortly were not founde. 
 
 Muche more I harde of these foure, and of others, which now I 
 maye not rehearce, and that (which is to be noted) after that the 
 hole counsail had sayd they wolde heare no mo of their sermons 
 they were vndiscrete felowes, yea, and pratynge kuaues. But I 
 will not speake all ; for yf God contynew me in this treble, I pur- 
 pose to prepare a dyashe, for suche as then ledde the ryng, yea, who 
 but they ? but nowe they haue bene at the skoole of Placebo, and 
 ther they haue lerned amongst ladyes to dannse as the deuill lyst to 
 pype. Agaynst those whom God hath stryken seing now resteth to 
 them no place of repentaunce, nothing mynd I to speake. But such 
 as lyue to this dai, wold be admonisshed that he that hath punished 
 the one, wil not spare the rest." — Sig. A. vii. 
 
 I say nothing here of Knox's own predictions or threaten- 
 ings, uttered after the time when he considered the restora- 
 tion of idolatry and superstitution as at once the effect and 
 the cause of those divine judgments which were in the 
 course of being poured out on guilty England. My object 
 is rather to show the strain which had been adopted at an 
 earlier period, in order that it may be borne in mind and 
 compared with subsequent matters, and for this the single 
 quotation which I have given may suffice. Indeed I ought, 
 perhaps, to apologise for offering such long extracts from 
 printed books to occupy that part of the Magazine which is 
 
V.J TO THE FAITHFUL. 69 
 
 devoted to " original " matter'. But I sincerely beHeve that 
 some of the extracts which I have already given, and some 
 now on my table, are, to most readers, quite as " original " 
 as anything that could be laid before them ; and I am sure 
 they are much more interesting and instructive than any- 
 thing really " original " which I could offer. They are chiefly 
 taken from books which are not easily obtained, and in fact 
 so seldom met with, that to many who are weU versed in 
 history they are unknown except by name, or some very few 
 references or extracts. Some such books, which are even 
 thus known to but few, and perhaps only imperfectly or 
 erroneously estimated by extracts which have been given 
 from them, but which happen (from circumstances which I 
 need not pai-ticularize) to have fallen into my hands, I may 
 perhaps bring before the reader ; for to say the truth, I 
 rather wish him to understand that, under pretence of 
 apology, I am not so much asking forgiveness for past 
 transgression, as indulgence for the future. For what else 
 can I do ? We are come to a very important question — 
 one which, if we desire to understand the history of our 
 country, and, in particular, of our church, must be fairly 
 met. What was the real state of the question between the 
 English Government and the Exiles ? Was the government 
 simply and purely persecuting the innocent? Were the 
 exiles simply and purely testifying the truth, and suffering 
 for the gospel ? 
 
 And yet, if anybody asks the question, the first and most 
 natural answer is to tell him to look at the acts, and read 
 the works, of the exiles. But if he replies, " Where shall I 
 learn their acts, and how shall I get their works ? " one can 
 only answer, " You must do the best you can. If you take 
 the trouble to pick up information about them, you will 
 find by degrees that almost everything purporting to be an 
 account of their actions is very defective, and generally 
 much discoloured, if not actually depraved, by party and 
 prejudice on one side or another ; and that in too many 
 cases, the writer who has preserved the fact, has done it to 
 serve a turn, and only gives you what suits his own pur- 
 
 ' Of course the remarks which follow with reference to this point are 
 not strictly applicable to the Essays when collected into a volume ; but 
 I let them stand because I am as desirous now, as 1 was then, to convey 
 the spirit of them to the mind of the reader. 
 
70 STRYPE'S ACCOUNT [essay 
 
 pose ; and as to their works, you must go to public libraries, 
 or to the few collectors of scarce books, who have gleaned a 
 few handfuls. Sometimes you may pick up one or two from 
 booksellers at less than their weight in gold." So that it 
 really does appear to me, that any one who undertakes to 
 write about those persons and that period, cannot, in justice 
 to his reader, his subject, or himself, do otherwise than 
 extract largely from books which, though now scarcely 
 known except by name, are the sources of that knowledge 
 which we have, and may be made to furnish a great deal 
 more. 
 
 Let me, however, before I proceed to any such extracts, 
 say a few words in illustration of what I have just now 
 remarked on the difficulty of collecting and clearly under- 
 standing even the historical facts connected with those who 
 took a very prominent part in ecclesiastical affairs ; for this 
 is a point that is quite worth a page of exemplification ; and 
 a striking instance is offered in the case of a prelate whom I 
 introduced in the preceding paper, and whose principal work 
 is one of the very first that should be noticed in an inquiry 
 respecting the politics of the exiles. Dr. John Ponet, as I 
 have already told the reader, on the authority of Strype, 
 after having been chaplain to Archbishop Cranmer and 
 King Henry VIII., was elevated to the see of Rochester, 
 and thence, on the deprivation of Bishop Gardiner, trans- 
 lated to Winchester. I gave also Strype's statement that 
 he was " one of the best and eminentest sort of divines," and 
 " one of those many brave shoots that the university then 
 produced'." I am not aware that any life of Bishop Ponet 
 has been written; and Strype is of course the writer to whom 
 most readers would look for information ; and I believe that 
 his works furnish more than is to be found collected any- 
 where else. That they contain a good deal will be obvious 
 from the following extract from the General Index to Strype's 
 works : — 
 
 " I might have added, on the same authority, that on his going to 
 Winchester, he " had 2000 marks settled ufon him : the rest of the tem- 
 poralities of this rich benefice being taken into the king's hands." — 
 Mem. II. ii. 166 ; but we were then only concerned with his style as a 
 writer ; and any little arrangement that might have been made with 
 regard to his preferment had nothing to do with that question. Coming 
 to look at him as a pohtician the case is somewhat diflerent. 
 
v.] OF PONET. 71 
 
 " Ponet, Poynet, John. C. 99. M. II. i. 65, 536. C. 444. 513. 631. 
 955. 1056. A. II. ii. 500. quoted, Ch. 108. a Kentish man, and of 
 Queen's college Cambridge, C. 607. bred up under Sir T. Smith at 
 Cambridge, S. 20, 169. adopted Cheke's mode of pronouncing Greek. 
 13. Ch. 18. chaplain to archbishop Cranmer, S. 20. C. 240. 607, 
 translated Ochin's Dialogues against the Pope's primacy, M. II. i. 
 309. consecrated bishop of Rochester, C. 363. M. II. i. 403. parti- 
 culars of the ceremony, C. 363. the first bishop consecrated accord- 
 ing to the new form of ordination, 274. assisted at the consecration 
 of bishop Hoper, 364. allowed a benefice in eommendam, and why, 
 M. II. i. 343. in a commission against anabaptists, 385. ii. 200. 
 made bishop of Winchester, i. 483. ii. 166. 260. 263. 264. 266. C. 
 323. one of the commissioners to reform the ecclesiastical laws, 388. 
 consulted about allowing princess Mary to have mass, M.II. i. 451. 
 notice of his book in favour of the marriage of priests, ii. 54. 
 answered by Martin, 55. notice of the answer to Martin's answer to 
 this book of his. III. i. 233. 524. P. i. 67. II. 446. C. 75. 473. 474. 
 1058. Day has a license to print his works, M.II. ii. 114. cordially 
 favoured Religion, 166. his chaplains, ib. has a license to preach and 
 to license preachers, 262. a difference between him and archdeacon 
 Philpot, caused by Cook, his registrar, III. i. 439. deprived and 
 imprisoned, tern, queen Mary, C. 443. fled abroad, 449. M.II. ii. 
 166. cb. 95. resident at Argentine, M.IIl. i. 232. his character of 
 bishop Gardiner, 450. notice of his book of Politic Power, 535. died 
 in exile, P.I. 67. A. II. i. 350. bishop Parkhurst's epigram to him, 
 ii. 501. devised the summer-house at Lambeth palace, P.II. 26. 79. 
 conjectured by some to be the author of Oatechismus Brevis Christ- 
 iaiUE Disciplince, &c. C. 422." 
 
 It is clear that a good deal may be learned about this 
 bishop merely from this Index ; and even the reader to 
 whom all these references to the various works of Strype 
 are simply unintelligible, will understand, that those works 
 must contain a great deal more. Yet I believe, that if he 
 doggedly turns out every one of these numerous references, 
 he will find but one allusion of any kind to that which was 
 undoubtedly one of the most remarkable events in the life 
 of Ponet. If there had been no allusion at all, I should 
 have felt bound to suppose (strange as such a supposition 
 might be) that Strype really did not know anything about 
 the matter ; but as there is a distinct reference, and that in 
 one of Strype's earliest works, it does seem strange that in 
 all his subsequent notices of " one of the best and emi- 
 nentest sort of divines," there should be no hint of the fact 
 — or, perhaps the historian would have said, the charge — 
 that he " fled abroad," because he was a rebel and a traitor, 
 and was afraid of being taken in arms against his sovereign, 
 and hanged at Tyburn. Whether one form or other of 
 
72 PONET'S POLITICS. [essay 
 
 religion had, or had not, anything to do with the matter, it 
 seems clear that the proximate cause of his exile was the 
 fear of the gallows ; or perhaps, mixed with it, some notion 
 that he might meet with unpleasant treatment as a deserter 
 — seeing that when his leader got into difficulty he left him 
 to shift for himself, promising to pray for his success — a 
 good office which might be performed out of gunshot, and 
 in such a manner that, if the worst happened, it could not 
 be proved at Guildhall. He seems, in short, to have been 
 deeply engaged as a leader, if not as an original plotter and 
 instigator, in Sir Thomas Wyat's insurrection ; and to have 
 been actually with that unhappy rebel on the morning of 
 the very day on which he was taken prisoner, Feb. 7th, 1554. 
 
 Stow describes with graphic simplicity the distress of the 
 rebel leader, when, about six miles from London, " a piece 
 of his great Ordinance " was most unluckily "dismounted 
 by breach of the wheeles ; " and proceeds to tell us that, 
 " Whilest Wyat and his counsell were deuising how to raise 
 ' his ordinance dismounted, many of his society slipped from 
 ' him, among the which, M. Harper was one, who went to 
 ' the Court, and opened all the premises aforesayd to the 
 ' Queene and Counsell ; where Wyat was, what had chanced, 
 ' and what was his intention. The breaking of the said Gun 
 ' was such an hinderance to his enterprise, that all about 
 ' him were amazed, and at their wits end, because by that 
 ' meanes the houre was broken of appointment. . Where- 
 ■■ fore, Vaughan, Bret, and other approoued souldiers and 
 ' counsellers, such as had wise heads in other affaires, as 
 ' Doct. Poinet and other, did counsell the said Wyat to 
 ' march forwards and keep his appointment, and to let the 
 ' Gun lie, which in no wise hee could be perswaded to do. 
 ' Doct. Poinet Bishop of Winchester, therefore, considering 
 ' how many of his confederacy was stolne away from him, 
 ' he began to persuade with Captain Bret and other his 
 ' friends to shift for themselves as he would doe ; and, at 
 ' that very place where the Gun did breake, he tooke his 
 ' leaue of his secret friends, and said he would pray vnto 
 ' God for their good successe, and so did depart, and went 
 ' into Germany, where he died." 
 
 Now all this is passed over by Strype in one single, cool, 
 easy sentence ; and that, too, in a passage in which he is 
 professedly giving some account of Bishop Ponet — a pro- 
 
v.] PONET AND BALE. 73 
 
 f ession which perhaps extorted the bare mention of a circum- 
 stance which is, as I have already said, to the best of my 
 knowledge, nowhere else even hinted at by him. Strype's 
 sentence is this — " One of our historians writes that he was 
 ' with Sir Thomas Wyat in his insurrection : and after his 
 ' defeat, fled into Germany, where, in the city of Strasburgh, 
 ' he died about the year 1556. But Bale speaks not a word 
 ' of his being with Wyat." 
 
 This is very likely. It would have been very ungracious 
 in the chaplain to have said anything about the discomfited 
 treason of his patron, though he might, and probably did, 
 himself love and respect him for it. Indeed, if Bale had 
 not had a " Yocacyon " to the bishopric of Ossory in Ireland, 
 and if' " his harde chaunces therein and finall delyuerance" 
 therefrom, had not landed him in another part of Europe 
 shortly before Wyat's rising, it seems not unlikely that he 
 would have been in the thick of it. To say the truth, I 
 should not be much surprised to find that he actually was 
 there ; for I have tried in vain to find where he was just 
 at that time. In his own account of himself, this point 
 appears to be involved in studied obscurity. It is, however, 
 only justice to him to add that there is one circumstance in 
 the proceedings of Wyat's party, while they lay in South- 
 wark, which seems as if Bale's hand was not in it. What- 
 ever may have been his faults and vices, he had a sincere 
 love of letters. One can imagine that he might have 
 approved of Wyat's laying one " peece of ordinance " out of 
 the five, "toward the Bishop of Winchester's house," and 
 have offered no great opposition when, as Stow quaintly 
 observes, " diuers of his company being Gentlemen (as they 
 said) went to Winchester place," and "made havooke of the 
 Bishops goods ; " but I think he would not have sanctioned, 
 and the more I see of him and his times, the more I am 
 disposed to believe that he would have had influence to pre- 
 vent, one feature of barbarism which characterized the 
 pillage. Stow tells us that they made havock " not onely 
 ' of his victuals, whereof there was plenty, but whatsoeuer 
 ' els, not leaving so much as one looke of a doore, but the 
 ' same was taken off and carried away, nor a book in his 
 ' gallery or library vncut, or rent into pieces, so that men 
 ' might have gone vp to the knees in leaues of bookes, cut 
 ' out and throwne vnder feete." 
 
74 STOWS AUTHORITY. [essay 
 
 However, whether Bale was there or not — and after all 
 I should not be surprised to find that he was not far off, 
 though he might not know of, or be able to prevent, a 
 sudden act of barbarism — it is, I believe, perfectly true, as 
 Strype observes, that he " speaks not a word " of Ponet's 
 being with Wyat ; but then a very slight acquaintance with 
 Bale's works is enough not only to convince one that he 
 says many things which he should not say, but that he 
 " speaks not a word " about a great many matters on which 
 he could have given most ample and important information. 
 Indeed, on all accounts, there is something very pleasant in 
 the idea that a statement made by Stow respecting a matter 
 of fact (to say nothing of the nature of this fact) is to be set 
 aside, or in any degree discredited, or damaged, because it 
 is not noticed by Bale. One is strongly reminded of the 
 culprit who complained of the injustice of convicting him 
 of stealing potatoes on the testimony of three or four wit- 
 nesses who had seen him do it, when he was prepared to 
 bring forward twice as many who had not seen him. But, 
 of course, the reader must consider, in balancing authorities, 
 that Stow's account is one given by a Londoner (the man of 
 all others entitled to that name) of things which happened 
 in London when he was at least twenty-eight years old ; 
 and that if he was not "pars magna," or any part at all, 
 (as an honest tailor had certainly no business to be in such 
 a fray,) yet that he undoubtedly saw with his own eyes, and 
 heard with his own ears, many of the events of those most 
 singular, and now obscure, days. Why, " the noyse of 
 ' women and children, when the conflict was at Charing 
 ' Crosse, was so great that it was heard at the top of the 
 ' white tower, and also the great shot was well discerned 
 ' there out of St. lames field ; " and do you think John Stow 
 was out of sight and hearing ? or sitting cross-legged at his 
 needle ? Truly his whole narrative, and his whole after-life, 
 leads one to think it much more likely that he was peering 
 about, and saw with his own eyes Sir Thomas Wyat when, 
 after being repulsed from Ludgate, " he stayed and rested 
 him awhile vpon a stall ouer against the Bell Sauvage gate." 
 Perhaps it would be no violent exercise of imagination to 
 suspect that he took a walk the next day to see the " great 
 Gun " which had caused so much trouble, and which, grin- 
 ning destruction even as it lay dismounted in the ruts, so 
 
V.J PONET'S POLITIKE POWER. 76 
 
 affected his peaceful mind, that he invariably honours it 
 with a capital letter. A slight, and perhaps involuntary, 
 tribute to fallen greatness ; but what more could a mer- 
 :ha.nt-tailor do for the " Gun," when all Wyat's horses, and 
 all Wyat's men, could do nothing ? 
 
 But seriously— for this matter of authorities is a very 
 serious one — if this period of history is to be studied, 
 recourse must be had to Strype's works ; and this, not only 
 because they contain many things not to be found else- 
 where, and correct many things which have been misstated 
 by others, but because they are the most accessible, and 
 readable, and stretch over so long a period, that, voluminous 
 as they are, they may still be said to offer " multum in 
 parvo " when viewed in reference either to shelf-room, or 
 purchase-money. They must be, they wUl be, and they 
 ought to be, read by all men who profess to have, or to 
 desu-e, any knowledge of the History of England ; and he 
 who can study them without being sensible of his obligations 
 to the writer, without acknowledging and admiring his 
 good purpose, his integrity, simplicity, and industry, must 
 be a stupid or a bad man. At the same time, he who takes 
 Strype for his authority, without being aware of the honest 
 spirit of prostrate " hero-worship " in which he wrote 
 biography, and which seems to have rendered him incapable 
 of estimating, or almost of considering, the genuineness, 
 authenticity, or weight, of documents on which he relied, or 
 the character and authority of writers whom he quoted, will 
 be sadly misled. 
 
 To return, however, to Bishop Ponet. Of course when he 
 had left Sir Thomas Wyat, the best thing that he could do 
 was to leave England ; for whether treason pi'ospered or not, 
 he was likely to be in an awkward predicament if he remained. 
 So he " lied abroad," and wrote, " A shorte Treatise of 
 ' politike pouuer, and of the true Obedience which subiectes 
 ' owe to Kynges and other ciuile Gouernours, with an Ex- 
 ' hortacion to all true naturall Englishe men : " a work which 
 is cei'tainly entitled to particular notice, not only because it 
 emanated from a person of more ability and higher station 
 than most of his party, but because the author's practice 
 forms so clear and plain a commentary on his doctrine. He 
 and his " secret friends " were not closeted schoolmen who 
 in the perlustration of all things and every thing else, hit 
 
76 PONET'S POLITIKE POWEE. [essay 
 
 upon the question of ' killing no murder,' and spoke daggers 
 without a thought of using them. Ponet's valour seems to 
 have lain chiefly in his tongue and pen, and to have been of 
 that superior kind which consists in a very high degree of 
 discretion, suggesting to its possessor, not merely that, "he 
 who fights and runs away, may Uve to fight another day ; " 
 but that he who runs away without fighting, has a better 
 chance of coming to a future conflict unmutUated. But 
 what valour he had was unquestionable as to its kind. He 
 stood by the rebel chief as long as there was any hope that 
 treason might prosper, and truth prevail, by means of great 
 pieces of ordinance. We are not to look for obscure quid- 
 dities, or dark hints, or dubious imaginations, or mystical 
 meanings in his book. When this " brave shoot " heads a 
 chapter " Wether it be lauf uU to depose an euil gouernour, 
 and kill a tyranne," we know what he is about at once, — 
 we want no canon of interpretation but the " great Gun." 
 
 I have, however, occupied so much more space than I 
 expected by this prefatory, but I believe very necessary 
 matter, that instead of entering into any discussion of 
 Ponet's work in this paper, I will but add two remarks 
 with general reference to such extracts as I hope to ofier 
 hereafter. 
 
 Two modes of arrangement immediately present them- 
 selves. 
 
 Pirst, the order of time ; and this I should be very glad 
 to follow ; but in dealing with books of this kind and period, 
 it is not easy, if possible, to do it. For, in the first place, 
 some have no dates, and oflfer no precise internal evidence. 
 Secondly, some may be very reasonably suspected of wrong 
 dates, as it is beyond all question that they bear the names 
 of wrong places. Thirdly, in deahng with works intended 
 for clandestine circulation among a particular sect or com- 
 munity, we must calculate on the probability of their having 
 been passed from hand to hand, and circulated for a consider- 
 able time, in manuscript before they were printed at all. 
 Fourthly, (and I would take the liberty of throwing it out 
 as a hint to the editors of books belonging to this period,) 
 we must be cautious how we judge of the date of a fact, 
 or of the date of a book, because the fact is recorded in the 
 book. The volume, without bearing any mark of it, may 
 be a reprint with alterations, or interpolations, which may 
 
VI.] PURITAN POLITICS. 77 
 
 lead to mistakes in opinions respecting dates formed upon 
 them. 
 
 A second order which suggests itself is that of subjects ; 
 but this it would be difficult to accomplish, and if it were 
 done it would only mince the matter into unintelligible or 
 uninteresting scraps, and on the whole convey an indistinct, 
 and in some degree incorrect, impression. For, in fact, 
 there is only one great subject ; or, to speak more strictly, 
 it is to what I consider as the great subject of the books, 
 and the great object of the writers, that I wish to call the 
 attention of the reader. I mean the promotion of a revo- 
 lution in the government of England by the dethronement 
 of Queen Mary. As to the subdivisions which it may be 
 right to make in considering this point, I hope to speak 
 hereafter. 
 
 ESSAY VI. 
 
 PURITAN POLITICS. No. II. 
 
 BELATING TO THE DUTY OF SUBJECTS TO THEIR RULERS 
 GENERALLY. 
 
 KNOX GOODMAN WHITTINGHAM KETHE BECON THE 
 
 SUPPLICACYON BRADFORD PONET, 
 
 It has been already stated, that a great object of the books 
 which were written and sent over to this country by the 
 protestant exiles, was to promote a revolution in the English 
 Government by the dethronement of Queen Mary. The 
 only difficulty in proving this, is that which arises from 
 having to make a selection amidst a superabundance of 
 evidence. 
 
 It is true, that much which would have increased that 
 difficulty is lost. Many of the worst productions of that 
 
 period ^the worst, not only in a moral and rehgious point 
 
 of view, but as being the most prejudicial, passing from 
 hand to hand or from mouth to mouth, amongst the worst 
 people, and such as were most easily excited to the worst 
 practices— the profane ballad, that regaled the devotees of 
 
78 PURITAN POLITICS. [essay 
 
 the ale-house ; the seditious broadside, scattered in the 
 streets by unseen hands ; the interlude, that amused a simple 
 and untaught audience with blasphemous ribaldry concern- 
 ing the holiest and most sacred mysteries of religion — these 
 are now seldom to be met with. But for our purpose the 
 loss is the less to be regretted, because they mostly lie open 
 to the objection, that as there probably never was a time 
 when their authorship could be certainly fixed, so it is alto- 
 gether impossible at this distance of time to attempt anything 
 of the kind ; and, also, that for anything we can prove, these 
 very abominations may have been forged by the enemies of 
 the puritans for the express purpose of bringing them into 
 trouble. I lay no stress, therefore, on works of this descrip- 
 tion, though it may, on some occasions, be worth while, for 
 the sake of illustration, to refer to them\ But I will beg 
 the reader to bear in mind, that however obscure our in- 
 telligence respecting them may be, these things were in 
 existence, and in active operation, while I quit them to 
 speak, as Doctor (afterwards Archbishop) Parker did to the 
 Lord Keeper Bacon, of certain books, " that went then 
 ' about London, being printed and spread abroad, and their 
 
 ' This is not the place to enter into details on a very curious subject, 
 but it may be to the purpose to refer to the case of Bartlet Green, whose 
 history occupies a considerable space in Fox's Martyrology. (Vol. VII. 
 
 E. 732. 8vo fid.) He was a young Templar, the ground of whose appre- 
 ension Fox states very obscurely. " The cause hereof," he says, " was 
 ' a letter which Green did write unto the said Goodman, containing as 
 ' well the report of certain Demands or Questions, which were cast 
 ' abroad in London, (as appeareth hereafter in a letter of his own pen- 
 ' ning)," &c. Green, in the letter thus referred to, in which he gives an 
 account of his having been examined as to the cause of his imprisonment, 
 says, " I said that the occasion of mine apprehension was a letter which 
 ' I wrote to one Christopher Goodman, wherein (certifying him of such 
 ' news as happened here) among the rest, I wrote that there were certain 
 'printed papers of questions scattered abroad. Whereupon, [was this 
 ' quite all ?] being suspected to be privy unto the devising or publishing 
 ' of the same, I was committed to the Fleet," &c. Perhaps, however, 
 the reader may hereafter come to doubt whether the very circumstance 
 of correspondence with "one Christopher Goodman" was not enough to 
 raise some suspicion of any man, and whether the " whereupon " might 
 not admit of considerable expansion and illustration. Unfortunately for 
 our curiosity. Bishop Bonner waived that matter altogether on the ground 
 the prisoner was sent to him only on account of heresy spoken or written 
 since his committal to the Fleet. Whether Green knew more or less 
 of these Questions, how much do we know ? I am not aware of any 
 testimony to their existence, but this obscure notice. 
 
VI.] KNOX— GOODMAN. 79 
 
 ' OMthors ministers of good estimation At which, said 
 
 ' Parker, exhw9~ui cum ista legerem. Adding, ' if such prin- 
 • ciples be spread into men's heads, as now they be framed, 
 ' and referred to the judgment of the subject to discuss 
 ' what is tyranny, and to discern whether his prince, his 
 'landlord, his master, is a tyrant by his own fancy and 
 ' collection supposed ; what Lord of the Council shall ride 
 ' quietly-minded in the streets among desperate beasts ? 
 ' what minister shall be sure in his bedchamber ? '" ^ Im- 
 portant questions. I do not know what the Lord Keeper 
 answered. 
 
 Three of these exiled " ministers of good estimation " 
 — Bale, Ponet, and Traheron — have been already intro- 
 duced to the reader ; and I wUl now briefly mention four 
 others. 
 
 John Knox is a person so well known that it is 
 needless to waste room in describing him. At the same 
 time, it is probable that most readers know more of him as 
 the Reformer in Scotland, than as the exile in Geneva and 
 Frankfort.^ It is enough, however, for our purpose, to say 
 that during his exile in the former place he published his 
 famous work, entitled, " The First Blast of the Trumpet 
 against the monstrvovs regim&nt of women." It is a little 
 book of 112 pages, in sixteens, and in a type about the size 
 of that which is here used. It is chiefly to this work of 
 his that we have occasion, at present, to refer. 
 
 Chkistopher Goodman is not so popularly known as his 
 friend Knox ; but he was a person of eminence and im- 
 portance among the exiles. " He was born," says Anthony 
 a Wood, " in Cheshire, particularly, as I conceive, within 
 the city of Chester ; " but he can add little more than that 
 he became a student of Brasenose in 1536, aged seventeen 
 or thereabouts, and took one degree in arts. In 1544, he 
 proceeded in that faculty, and in three years after became 
 a senior student of Christ Church, then newly founded. In 
 1551, or thereabotits, he was admitted to the reading of the 
 
 ^ Strype, Life of Parker, I. 85. 
 
 " Every one who wishes to understand this period must read " The 
 Troubles of Frankfort;" and the public is much indebted to Mr. 
 Petheram for having reprinted that rare and valuable book with so much 
 accuracy, and in such a cheap and readable form. 
 
80 GOODMAN ON OBEDIENCE. [essay 
 
 sentences, " at which time he was (as 'tis said) reader of 
 ' the divinity lesson in the university, but whether of that 
 ' founded by the Lady Margaret or by K. Henry VIII. 
 'seems as yet doubtful."'' From this Wood passes at once 
 to his exile, which according to this account seems to have 
 begun when he was about thirty-five years of age. The 
 precise time or occasion of his flight I do not fiiid.^ He 
 first appears among the exiles, I believe, by his signature to 
 a letter dated from Strasburgh, the 23rd of November, 
 1554. Parsons, in his Three Conversions", charges him 
 with having been implicated in the conspiracy against the 
 queen's life, for which William Thomas was executed on the 
 17th of May in that year. Whether this is true or not, it 
 is certain that Goodman highly approved of Wyat's rebel- 
 lion, and was anxious to have it known how much he 
 deplored its failure. Whether, like Ponet, he was actually 
 in the rebel party, does not appear ; but, like him, when he 
 got on the safe side of the water, and had " pen, ink, 
 paper, and quietness,"' he abused those blessings by 
 writing a book on politics, intituled, " How svperior powers 
 oght to he oheyd of their subiecis : and wherin they may 
 lawfully by Gods Worde be disobeyed and resisted. Wherein 
 also is declared the cause of all this present miserie in 
 England, and the onely way to remedy the same." This 
 
 * Athenae, I. 171. Ed. Bliss. 
 
 ' His friend Bartlet Green, already mentioned, in his " Confession and 
 Saying," (Fox, VII. 738,) vouches for his having been in England on 
 Easter Sunday (March 25), 1554; for "he the said Bartlet, two times, 
 to wit, at two Easter tides or days, in the chamber of John Pulline, one 
 ' of the preachers in King Edward's time, within the parish of St. 
 ' Michael's, Cornhill, of the diocese of London, did receive the communion 
 ' with the said Pulline, and Christopher Goodman, sometime reader of 
 ' the divinity lecture in Oxford, now gone beyond the sea." As there is 
 some ambiguity in Pox's language, I may add that it was the chamber 
 which was in the parish of St. Michael, Cornhill. John Pulline, or Pulley n, 
 had been rector of St. Peter's, Cornhill, before his exile, and was re- 
 instated on his return, and afterwards had the archdeaconry of Colchester, 
 with other preferment. Perhaps this may be the place to which Wood 
 refers when he tells us " 'tis said " Goodman was reader of the divinity 
 lesson in Oxford. As we have had occasion to notice Green's letter to 
 " one Christopher Goodman " it may be added, that beside the news about 
 the " printed papers of questions " it informed him that the queen was 
 " not yet dead. " 
 
 « Vol. II. p. 220. 
 
 ' Strype, Mem. III. i. 234. 
 
VI.] WHITTINGHAM. 81 
 
 book, like that of Knox, is printed at Geneva in sixteens, 
 but with a smaller type, and consisting of 238 pages, so that 
 it is, in fact, a much larger work.* 
 
 William Whittingham, fellow of AU-Souls' College, 
 Oxford, in 1545, and two years after a senior scholar of 
 Christ Church on its foundation, is said by Anthony a 
 Wood to have had leave to travel for three years, com- 
 mencing on the 17th May, 1550, and to have married a 
 Frenchwoman, and remained abroad till the latter end of 
 King Edward's reign. Whether this necessarily implies 
 that he then came to England, and if he did, why, or 
 precisely when, he returned to the Continent, I do not 
 find ; but it is clear that he was one of the first exiles that 
 came to Frankfort, where he arrived on the 27th of June, 
 1554; being then, if Wood's chronology is correct, about 
 thirty years of age. He was at this time a layman ; but 
 being of the more violent party, which in the time of the 
 Troubles seceded from Frankfort and went to Geneva, and 
 having, at the urgent soUcitation of Calvin, been (as 
 Anthony a Wood says) " made a minister according to 
 the Genevan fashion," he took charge of the English 
 congregation there ; it having been left without a pastor, 
 by Knox's removal to Frankfort. This, the only ordination 
 that he ever received, furnished a subject of discussion 
 when he afterwards became Dean of Durham, and his 
 fellow-exile, Sandys, was Archbishop of York. But with 
 these matters we are not at present particularly concerned. 
 He who wishes to know about " the works of impiety that 
 he performed while he sate Dean of Durham," may learn 
 
 " Perhaps I may be allowed to append <i bibliogi-aphical remark on 
 this rare book, which readers who are not interested in such inquiries 
 may pass over ; but on which those who are, may be able to give, or glad 
 to receive, information. Herbert, vol. iii. p. 1597, describes this work 
 from his own copy, and I doubt not very accurately ; but while there is 
 perfect agreement on most points, there is one variation in the Lambeth 
 copy. This has indeed the " pythagorean Y " but no " youth is tumbling 
 down" from the broad side, and no "laurel crown" decorates the 
 narrow side. On the other hand, there is (what he does not mention) 
 a scroll running across behind the upper part of the Y, and streaming 
 down the side opposite to Pythagoras, beaiing In capital letters the 
 motto INTEATE PEK AEOTAM viAM SO divided that the two former words 
 appear between the branches of the Y, and the two latter in the part of 
 the scroll which streams down. Were there two editions, or was the 
 device changed in the course of the impression? 
 
 F 
 
82 KETHE. [essay 
 
 somewhat from Anthony a Wood, who says, generally, that 
 they were "very many"; and a great deal more from 
 Strype, who enters farther into detail. Our business is 
 with his proceedings at an earlier period, and how important 
 a person he was among the exiles, the fact just stated of his 
 appointment at Geneva, and many other things related in 
 the " Troubles of Frankfort," sufficiently testify ; and the 
 particular fact which we have to notice is, that when Good- 
 man published the book which has just been described, 
 Whittingham prefixed an epistle, headed by his name, not 
 only committing himself to the contents of the work, but 
 actually claiming for it that kind and degree of deferential 
 respect which is due to none but the inspired writings. 
 How strangely do extremes meet ; but it is really a puritan 
 who speaks : — 
 
 " Remembering that the worthy people of Beroe were commended 
 by the holy Gost, because they tryed by God's worde whether the 
 ministers preaching agreed with the same or no. Seing then by 
 these examples we are bonde to seke the wil of God manifested 
 ■pnto vs in his Scriptures, what escuse shal we alledge for our pre- 
 tended ignorance ? JBeJiotde here thou hearest tlie Eternal speaJciiig by 
 his minister, in whose mouths he hath put his worde, and whose lippes 
 must Jcepe the Lawe and the vnderstanding thereof, as lorytetJi the 
 Prophet Malachie. Beware therfore that thou neglect not him that 
 brinc/eth the worde of God, but quickely gyue eare and obey. For if 
 thou desirest to knowe thy duetie to thy Prince, and his charge 
 likewise ouer thee, read this book and thou shalt wel vnderstande 
 both : If thou wishe for Christian libertie, come and se how it may 
 easely be had : If thou woldest loue God aboue man, here thou shalt 
 knowe how to obey God rather than man. Let the Apostles of 
 Christ here be thy schole maisters, and then the more thou learnest 
 the lesse occasion shalt thou haue to repent." — Pref. p. 7. 
 
 William Kethe is said to have been a Scotchman ; and 
 this seems to be all that is now known of his condition 
 previous to his appearing among the exiles. His name is 
 subscribed to a letter dated from Frankfort as early as 
 December 3, 1554, and the whole history shows that he was 
 a person of weight and influence ; especially the important 
 and delicate mission with which he was entrusted among 
 " the congregations and companies that were dispersed in 
 sundry places off Germany and Helvetia," when the acces- 
 sion of Elizabeth, and the consequent prospect of return, 
 made it so desirable that the divisions among the brethren 
 sometimes characterized by bitter wrath " so boilinge hott 
 
VI.] BECON. 83 
 
 that it ran ouer on bothe sides, and yet no fier quenched,"" 
 should be assuaged, or at least made the best of. To many 
 readers the names of Kethe and Whittingham are unknown, 
 and it might create surprise if I should speak of them as 
 two of the English poets, whose compositions have passed 
 through more editions, had more readers, and are even at 
 this day laid up in more memories, than those of almost any 
 other writers — yet what is there of Milton or Pope, of 
 Scott or Byron, that can in these points vie with, " My 
 soul praise the Lord, speak good of his name," and " The 
 Lord is only my support, and he that doth me feed ? " ^ 
 Whittingham, as I have already said, prefixed a prose epistle 
 to his friend Goodman's book. Kethe appended a copy of 
 verses, and how far they made him responsible for the 
 doctrine of the work the reader will be enabled to judge for 
 himself. 
 
 1 have now mentioned six writers who were all undeniably 
 men of consideration, and leading influence, in the exiled 
 party ; and for the present I add a notice of only one more. 
 Him, moreover, I name rather on account of his character 
 and station both before and after Queen Mary's time, than 
 because he can be proved to have taken any leading or active 
 part in the aiFairs of the banished protestants. Indeed, 
 except the mere statement of the fact, I have found but 
 little about his exile, and cannot help supposing, that at this 
 period (as he had done in the reign of Henry VIII.) he 
 must have lived, whether at home or abroad, under some 
 feigned name. It will, however, be suflicient for our present 
 purpose to quote a few lines from Strype's Memorials of 
 Archbishop Cranmer. 
 
 " Thomas Becon, a Suffolk man, seems to have been his 
 'chaplain. To Cranmer, Becon dedicated his treatise of 
 ' Fasting : wherein he mentioned several benefits he had 
 'received from the Archbishop; one whereof was, his 
 ' making him one of the six preachers of Canterbury. He 
 
 » Troubles of Frankfort, f. 185. 
 
 1 I am not comparing their poetry ; though really the Old Version has 
 been so modernized, that few persons would be prepared to form a judg- 
 ment on this point. Kethe, I believe, Tersified six Psalms, the 104, 107, 
 112, 113, 122, 125. Whittiugham fifteen, 23, 37, 50, 51, 114, 119, 121, 
 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 133, 134, 137. They are distinguished by the 
 versifier's initials. 
 
84 BEOON. [essay 
 
 ' was deprived, in Queen Mary's reign, as all the other five 
 ' were, for being married. He was a famous writer, as well 
 ' as preacher, in the reigns of King Henry, King Edward, 
 ' Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth. So eminent, that he 
 ' was one of the three (Vernon" [read Veron] " and Bradford 
 ' being the other two) that were sent for by Queen Mary's 
 ' council, and committed to the Tower in the beginning of 
 ' her reign, viz., August 16, 1553^ : from whence he was not 
 ' delivered till March 22 following. During which time, as 
 ' he complained himself, he underwent a miserable imprison- 
 ' ment. To conceal himself in those dangerous times, he 
 ' went by the name of Theodore Basil ^ : and was one of 
 'those authors, whose names were specified in a severe 
 ' proclamation put forth by King Philip and Queen Mary, 
 
 =" That is, on the Wednesday after the Sunday of the tumult at Paul's 
 Cross, when a dagger was thrown at the preacher. See Mr. Haweis's 
 most valuable Sleetches of the Beformation, p. 35. I do not mean to say 
 that Becon was implicated in that disturbance, nor do I know that the 
 alleged ground of bis apprehension is anywhere stated. These dates are 
 given by himself. 
 
 ° Strype seems here to say that he took this name in the time of Queen 
 Mary, which would, I believe, be a mistake. That he published works 
 under that name in the reign of Henry VIII., and that, in that reign, he 
 was caused to recant and bum his books, is clear ; but that would hardly 
 form a ground for his reassuming the name in the time of Queen Mary. 
 Moreover, I know of no reason whatever for imagining that he did 
 assume it at that time. I do not recollect that the name of either 
 Thomas Becon, or Theodore Basil, once occurs in the Troubles of Frank- 
 fort, or in any list of exiles with which I am acquainted. Yet if he was 
 amongst them, everything renders it probable that he would have taken 
 an active part, and that a prominent place would have been assigned to 
 him. The circumstance brings to one's mind certain words used by the 
 Protector Somerset in writing to Bishop Gardiner, to whom, of all men, 
 it was least necessary to explain them, but on which no doubt either of 
 the parties could have given a commentary which would be very interest- 
 ing to us — " They which already be banished and have forsaken the 
 ' realm, as suffering the last punishment, be boldest to set forth their 
 ' mind ; and dare use their extreme licence or hberty of speaking, as out 
 ' of the hands of rule or correction, either because they be gone, or 
 ' because they be hid." There can be little doubt that some who were 
 really in the latter class, were supposed to belong to the former. If one 
 believed, that the little book which I quote was really "Imprynted 
 at Strasburgh in Elsas at the signe of the golden Bibell, In the moneth 
 of Auguste, the yeare of our Lord 1554," it might throw some light on 
 the matter ; but that seems very doubtful. It will be found among 
 those works of Becon which have been recently reprinted by the Parker 
 Society. 
 
vi.j TUK SIJFPLICACYON— BRADFORD. 85 
 
 ' 1555, as being writers of books, which, as contrary to the 
 'Pope and Roman-catholic religion, were forbidden to be 
 ' brought into England, or used, and commanded diligently 
 ' to be searched for, and biought to the ordinary, upon 
 ' penalty of the statute of Henry IV. against heresy. After 
 ' his delivery from prison, skulking about for some time, at 
 ' length he saved himself by exile."'' 
 
 As far as I am aware, the only work of Becon to which 
 I have occasion to refer at present is, " An humble suppli- 
 ' cation vnto God, for the restoringe of hys holy woorde, vnto 
 ' the churche of Englande, mooste mete to he sayde in these 
 "■owe dayes euen with teares of euery true and faythfull 
 ' Englyish harteT It is a little book, in the small octavo 
 size then common, printed in black letter, and consisting of 
 thirty-six leaves. Although the title imports as much, it 
 may be proper to add, that it really is written in the form 
 of one long prayer, from beginning to end. 
 
 It is not necessary to delay our progress by adding any 
 account of other authors or works which may be hereafter 
 incidentally mentioned, and which it will be sufficient to 
 notice as they come before us ; except only that I would 
 mention two works — one anonymous, and the other, if not 
 pseudonymous, written by somebody not much worth in- 
 quiring about, if we may credit his own account of himself. 
 
 " A SUPPLICACTON TO THE QUENES MAIESTIE " is the whole 
 
 title of the first of these works, and the publisher had the 
 impudence to add at the foot of the title-page, " Impryntid 
 at London, by John Cawoode Prynter tho (sio) the queues 
 Mayestie wyth here most gracyns {sio) lycence." It is dated 
 at the end, " Anno M.D.L.," which seems obviously a 
 misprint for MDLV., as on f. 24, the author dates the 
 work, " 2G January 1555," and then adds a postscript, in 
 which he mentions the martyrdom of Bishop Hooper, and 
 the others who suffered in the month of February in that 
 year. It consists of twenty-Bight leaves, the last of which is 
 blank ; and is printed in that modern gothic, or German, 
 type which is best known from its having been used in 
 printing Ooverdale's Bible. 
 
 John Bradford, if there was such a person — for nobody, 
 I beUeve, supposes it to have been the well-known martyr 
 
 * Strype-'s Mem. of Cran. Vol. II. p. 607. 8vo Edit. 
 
86 BRADFOED'S LETTER. [essay 
 
 of that name — wrote a book to put his countrymen on their 
 guard against the Spaniards. It was not, however, after 
 the puritan model, but with a professed abhorrence of the 
 heretics and their new religion. The author was, or pre- 
 tended to be, a staunch Romanist, and does not spare the 
 "pestiferous bokes and letters lately printed in Englyshe 
 ' under the cloke of a fervent zeale, or loue towardes our 
 ' countiy against Spaniardes, by the deuelishe deuice of 
 ' certayne heretykes thinking thereby to grounde in the 
 ' hartes of all people according to the olde accustomed and 
 ' most cursed polices of the deuill, many abominable heresies, 
 ' and moste detestable errors, stinking before the face of 
 ' God, and man. One of the which bokes," he adds, " hath 
 ' come to my hands, entitled, A Supplicacion to the Quenes 
 ' maiestie," &c. 
 
 It is of no great consequence for our purpose, but I must 
 confess myself inclined to suspect that this little book might 
 possibly come from the same quarter as the ' Supplication 
 to the Queen's Majesty ' and other things of a like nature ; 
 and that the profession of orthodox popery, joined to such 
 zealous patriotism, and hatred of strangers, might be all a 
 pretence. It is curious that Strype does not seem to be 
 aware of its having been printed, and gives it, or a great 
 part of it, from the " Foxii MSS.," a miscellany of very 
 curious matter, and to say the truth, a source which tends 
 to heighten my doubt of the genuineness of the work. 
 What he gives, however, differs a good deal from the 
 printed copy which is now before me, very appropriately 
 bound up in one volume with Kjiox's " Blast " and Good- 
 man's " How to obey." I am sorry to add that the title- 
 page is lost, and therefore I am obliged to be content with 
 giving the following from Herbert, who possessed the 
 book : — " The Oopye of a letter sent by John Bradford to 
 ' the right honorable lordes the Erles of Arundel, Darbie, 
 'Shrewsbury, and Penbroke, declaring the nature of 
 'spaniardes, and discouering the most detestable treasons, 
 'which they haue pretended moste falselye againste our 
 'moste noble Kyngdome of Englande. Whereunto is 
 ' added a tragical blast of the papistical trompet for maynte- 
 ' naunce of the Popes Kingdome in Englande, by T.E." &c.^ 
 
 " Herbert, III. 1582. 
 
vi.j T. Jfi.'S TRAGICAL BLAST. 87 
 
 The name of tlie modest poet who has only favoured us 
 with his initials, I do not pretend to conjecture ; but under 
 the introduction of his friend Bradford, he may perhaps be 
 allowed to give us his verses, which are worth reading, on 
 the ground that there is not much of them, and that what 
 there is particularly concerns our inquiry. How such verses 
 came to be appended to such a book, on any other supposi- 
 tion than that it w;xs published, if not written, by the 
 puritan party, I do not understand. 
 
 From the works, then, which I have mentioned, I offer to 
 the reader some extracts ; and although, as I have already 
 observed, to dissect them into the minute fragments which a 
 strict classification might require, would render them unin- 
 teresting, if not unintelHgible, yet it may be worth while to 
 adopt some degree of arrangement, and at least to specify 
 the various points to which I wish to direct the attention of 
 the reader, several of which may sometimes be found in a 
 single paragraph, or perhaps even a single sentence. He 
 will not therefore expect a rigid adherence to system, though 
 I venture to class the passages which belong to our inquiry 
 under four heads. 
 
 I. Those which have generally a revolutionary tendency 
 — which discuss the subject of government in such a way as 
 to inculcate, not only the doctrine that the people have 
 a right to resist the ruler whenever in their opinion he 
 commands what is wrong, but that they are the source of 
 power, and are answerable to God, not only for their delega- 
 tion of it to fit persons as rulers, but for the use which they 
 allow to be made of it by those to whom they have delegated 
 it ; and from whom upon the misuse of that power they are 
 bound to resume it — these ideas being illustrated, enforced, 
 and familiarized by perpetual repetitions of, and allusions 
 to, histories respecting rulers deposed and killed by their 
 subjects. 
 
 II. Those which were specially directed against Queen 
 Mary individually, and which were of two kinds. (1.) Those 
 which denied her right to the throne on the general ground 
 of her sex, or on the more particular ground of illegitimacy. 
 (2.) Those which were directed against her personal charac- 
 ter, and which, by charging her with cruelty, oppression, 
 &e., were calculated to render her odious. 
 
 III. Those which were directed against foreigners, and in 
 
88 KETHE'S " APPROBATION " [essay 
 
 particular against the Spaniards, and tlie Spanish match ; 
 and which, under a profession of patriotism, urged that the 
 people and the country had been, or would be, betrayed and 
 sold into the hands of strangers and foreigners of the basest 
 description, by whom they would be enslaved and oppressed 
 without mercy, unless they rose up and expelled them. 
 
 IV Those relating to the change in religion — represent- 
 ing it both as a judgment in itself, and as a sin which would 
 bring down further judgments — and generally threatening 
 judgments on the people of the country for rejecting the 
 word of God, and embracing or tolerating idolatry and 
 superstition. 
 
 On the first of these points Goodman's book claims pre- 
 cedence ; both because of its general scope and pretension, 
 and because, as Strype observes, " Though a little book in 
 decimo sexto, it is full of bitterness, and encourageth to take 
 up arms against Queen Mary, and to dethrone her." Strype 
 adds, (and the reader will bear in mind,) that, " as it had 
 ' Whittingham's preface at the beginning of it, so had it 
 ' William Kethe, another divine at Geneva, his approbation 
 ' in verse at the end " — " which verses," as Strype also very 
 truly observes, " will show the intent of the book ; " ^ and 
 therefore they shall here be given by way of preface : — 
 
 " William Kethe to the Beader. 
 
 1. The vayne harte of man, full frayle is and blynde, 
 vncerteynely setled, and rest can none fynde : 
 Whose hap is in wandring, to wade the wrouge way, 
 As one apte by kiiide to runne still astraye. 
 
 2. For, what thinge so good by truethe hatha bene wroght, 
 Or what so well framed hath nature forth brought, 
 Which man is not prone by crafte to accuse, 
 
 And nature's good gyftes dothe not sore abuse ? 
 
 3. Thus see we how man, contemning Gods grace, 
 Is wholie inclyned, that ill shulde take place : 
 Whose will (truethe reieotinge) delitth that to haue, 
 Which nature corrupted woulde seeme still to crane. 
 
 4. Sith man then in iudgeinge, so thwartly is bente. 
 To satisfie fansie, and not true intente : 
 
 How hardly in this case, can such iudge vpright, 
 When trueth doth but peepe out, as semth to our sight. 
 
 « Mem. III. ii. 131. 
 
VI.] OF GOODMAN'S BOOK. 89 
 
 5. Ful nedefuU then were it, we had this respecte, 
 Before we receaue oght, or oght to reieot : 
 
 The thinge to decide so with Judgement and skill, 
 That trueth may be stickler, and not our one will. 
 
 6. Beholde here a trueth drawne forthe of her graue, 
 By power sore oppressed, and made a bonde slaue : 
 Whose chains, thogh this Autor could not rent or teare. 
 Yet hath he forth broght hir, in to moste olere ayer. 
 
 7. With whome now to reason, whoso wil assaye, 
 Shal learne how ill Rulers we oghte to obeye, 
 Whiche kill, how they care not, in their cruell rage, 
 Respecting their will more, then lawe, othe, or charge. 
 
 8. Whose fury longe fostered by sufErance and awe, 
 Haue right rule subuerted, and made will their lawe : 
 Whose pride, how to temper, this truthe will thee tell. 
 So as thou resiste mayste, and yet not rebell. 
 
 9. Rebellion is ill, to resiste is not so. 
 
 When right through resisting, is donne to that foo. 
 Who seeketh, but by ruine, agaynst right to raigne. 
 Not passinge what perishe, so she spoyle the gayne I '' 
 
 10. A publick weale wretched, and to farre disgraste, 
 Where the right head is of cut, and a wronge in steed plaste 
 A brut beast vntamed, a misbegot then. 
 
 More meete to be ruled, then raigne ouer men. 
 
 11. A maruelous madnesse, if we well beholde. 
 When sighes shall assaut men to see themselues solde : 
 And yet when from slauery, their friends woulde them free, 
 To stick to their foes so, still slaues to be. 
 
 12. For France spiteth Spayne, which Englend doth threat, 
 And England proud Spanyards, with salte woulde fayne eat : 
 Yet Englande proud Spayne aydeth with men, ships, and botes, 
 That Spayne, (France subdued once) may cut all their throtes. 
 
 13. A people peruerse, repleate with disdayne, 
 
 Thogh flattrie fayne hide wolde their hate, and Tile trayue. 
 Whose rage, and hotte luste, disoeate, orafte and pride. 
 Poor Naples their bondeslaue, with great gref e hath tryed. 
 
 14. Lo, these be the byrdes which Englande muste feede. 
 By plantinge of whom, to roote out their seede 
 
 Their owne landes and lyues, by them firste devourde. 
 Their maydes then and wyues, most vilelie deflourde. 
 
 15. Is this not stronge treason, ye vnnoble bloudds ? 
 To ayde such destroyers, both with landes and goods ! 
 But when they thus pinche you, and ye put to Sight, 
 To what forte then flee you 1 or where will you light 3 
 
 ' So it stands ; but it seems as if the words " spoyle the " should be 
 transposed. 
 
90 GOODMAN'S BOOK [essay 
 
 16. For Englande thus solde, for Spaniardes to dwell, 
 Ye maye not by right, possesse that ye sell. 
 
 They seinge your treason, agaynste your owne state, 
 Wil not with theirs truste you, which they know ye hate. 
 
 17. To Skotlande or France, yf ye then shulde cry, 
 Your vile deeds now present, they may well reply. 
 And Dutchland abhorth you : this then doth remayne, 
 When Spaniards are placed, ye muste to newe Spayne. 
 
 18. But, oh dreadfull plague, and signe of God's wrothe, 
 On such noble Gnatos, stronge foes to Gods trothe. 
 Whom fonde feare hath framed, to prop such a staye. 
 As oountrie and people, so seekth to betraye. 
 
 19. Which thinge herein proued, to be with out doute, 
 All such full well finde shall, as reade it throughout. 
 Yf then their hartes fayle them the right to defende, 
 Confusion remayneth for suche a meete end." 
 
 Perhaps the reader may be disposed to agree in the quiet, 
 but very pregnant remark which Strype makes after extract- 
 ing the eighth and three following of these verses : " Such 
 ' treating of the Queen as this was, did, no question, irritate 
 ' her much, and provoke her to issue out such angry declara- 
 ' tions of her mind, and resolutions of taking vengeance of 
 ' all suchlike book-writers or book-readers."" 
 
 Having, however, learned from Whittingham the autho- 
 rity, and from Kethe " the intent," of Goodman's book, let 
 us come to the book itself, which is of all others the most to 
 our purpose for the first part of the subject, not only because 
 it bears this triple voucher, but because it is written pro- 
 fessedly on the general subject of obedience to rulers. 
 Knox was the best man to tell people why they should not 
 obey Queen Mary, but Goodman the best tutor for those 
 who wished conscientiously to obey nobody. Here are some 
 extracts of a general nature ; — 
 
 8 Mem. III. ii. 132 ; where the 8, 9, 10, 11 verses are given. The 
 seven verses which follow are at p. 104 of the same volume. The 8th 
 verse is repeated more correctly in his Ann. II. i. 151 ; for in the former 
 place it begins, " Whom fury." Indeed, whoever compares the above 
 with Strype's quotations will perceive that they have several other 
 
 corrupt variations. For instance, in v. 9, "right true resisting" in 
 
 V. 11, " we viill behold," and " Wliat sighs shall assure men "—in 
 V. 12, "England doth treat"— in. v. 13, " T/iTOM^/j flattery," and "their 
 head and vile train "—in v. 15, " yea, unnoble ; " beside many minor 
 variations. 
 
vi-J ON OBEDIENCE. 91 
 
 "Chap. VI. 
 ■flow it is not inonijli to denye wicked commaudemeiits of all kinde of 
 Biden; except we withstand them also, euery man accordinge to his 
 vocation, in doing the contrary. 
 
 " As by this answere afore mentioned, we haue bene taught not to 
 geue place to the vnlawf ull oommaudementes of Magistrates, in what 
 anctoritie so euer they be, because it is nothing but rebellion in the 
 ludgemeut of God : euen so may we learne by the same answere and 
 example of the Apostles, how God requiereth more at our handes, 
 that is, to withstande their preoeptes, in doing the contrary : euery 
 man accordinge to his office and estate wherein God hathe placed 
 him." — Goodman, p. 63. 
 
 " For thogh the Apostle saith : There is no power but of God : yet 
 doth he not here meane anie other powers, but such as are orderly 
 and lawfullie institute of God. Ether els shulde he approue all 
 tyranny and oppression, which cometh to anie common welth by 
 means of wicked and vngodlie Rulers, which are to be called rightlie 
 disorders, and subnersions in common welthes, and not Gods 
 ordinaunce. For he nener ordeyned anie lawes to approue, but to 
 reproue and punishe tyrantes, idolaters, papistes and oppressors. 
 Then when they are suche, they are not Gods ordinaunce. And in 
 disobeying and resisting such, we do not resiste God's ordinaunce, 
 but Satan and our synne, which is the cause of such. Or els, if we 
 shall so conclude with the wordes of the Apostle, that all powers 
 what so euer they be must be obeyed and not resisted, then must 
 ■we confesse also, that Satan and all his infernall powers are to be 
 obeyed. Why ? because they are powers, and haue their powers 
 also of God, which cannot touche man any farther than God 
 permitteth. But S. lames geuethe vs, contrarie commandement, 
 saing: Resiste the deuel and he will flee awaye from you." — 
 Ooodman, p. 110. 
 
 " In like case may we conclude of Princes and Magistrats, thogh 
 they be rough and f rowarde : yea, thoghe before God they are 
 wicked, vngodlie, and reprobate persons (as was Saule) yet so longe 
 as their wickednesse brasteth not out manifestly agaynst God, and 
 his Lawes, but outwardly will see them obserued and kept of others, 
 punishing the transgressors, and defending the innocent : so longe 
 are we bounde to render vnto such, obedience, as to euill and roughe 
 Maisters : because we may not take Gods office in hande to iudge of 
 the harte any farther then their outwarde deedes do geue manifest 
 testimony. Otherwise, if without feare they transgresse Gods 
 Lawes them selues and commande others to do the like, then haue 
 they lost that honor and obedience which otherwise their subiectes 
 did owe vnto them : and oght no more to be taken for Magistrates 
 but punished as priuate transgressors, as after I haue promised to 
 proue." — Goodman, p. 118. 
 
 "But where as the kinges or Rulers are become altogether 
 blasphemers of God, and oppressors and murtherers of their 
 subiectes, then oght they to be aocompted no more for kinges or 
 lawf ull Magistrats, but as priuate men : and to be examined, 
 accused, condemned and punished by the Lawe of God, wherunto 
 
92 GOODMAN'S BOOK [essay 
 
 they are and oght to be subiect, and being conuicted and punished 
 by that Lawe, it is not mans, but Gods doing : who as he dothe 
 appoyute such Magistrates ouer liis people by his Lawe, so doth he 
 condemue aswel them as the people transgressing agaynste the 
 Lawe. For with God ther is no respecte of persones, as here after 
 folowith more largely." — Goodman, p. 139. 
 
 " Neither is this ynough, rather to suffer iniurie and losse, then 
 that thou wouldest \>e a worker of iniurie to others by any means : 
 bat more ouer it is thy parte to be a withstander of euil, and a 
 supporter of the Godly, to the vttermoste of thy power, as thou hast 
 partly harde all ready, and partly shalt heare now folowing. For as 
 God hath not creadted vs for our selues, but to seke his honor and 
 glorie, and the profit of our neighbour, especially of such as be of 
 the householde of faithe : eueu so are we indetted to God, to 
 bestowe all those gyftes, be they spiritual or corporal, wherewith 
 God hath blessed vs to the self same end, stri/uing agaynst all 
 impediments, lielpincj, defending, comforting, and deliuering to the 
 vttermcste of our power all such as we are assured do feare God, and 
 stande in nede of our ayde and supporte. Otherwise we shewe our 
 selues to haue more compassion vpon brute beastes, as our neigh- 
 bours oze, asse, or shepe, which Gods Lawe dothe charge vs to helpe, 
 saue, or drawe forthe of the diche, althoghe it were the beaste of .our 
 enemie. 
 
 "Axe we then bound to do this to vnreasonable and brute beastes, 
 yea to any thing belonging to our neighbour, and shall we be 
 afrayde to do the like to him self, what tyme he is in necessitie ? 
 Yf his shepe or other of his cattel were readie to be deuoured in 
 our presence of wolues, or suohe wilde beastes : are we not bounde 
 as wel in conscience as by the Lawe of God, to driue the wilde 
 beaste awaye and saue his cattel, who can deny this to be our 
 duetie 1 Can we be excused then in suffringe the soules and 
 bodies of the children of God our brethren, to be moste pitifully 
 distroyed of Gods enemies, by false doctrine and cruel murthering, 
 anA put not to our handes and power to deliuer them?" — Goodman 
 p. 89. 
 
 " You haue synned moste greuouslie agaynst the Lorde : knowe 
 your transgressions, and with teares confesse them, euery man 
 vnfaynedlie vnto the Lorde, who is redie to mercie and slowe to 
 anger. You haue despised an abused the worde of his dearely 
 beloued Sonne Jesus Christ, the Author of saluation, in the dayes of 
 our Godlie kinge Edwarde (which is the cause why God hath thus 
 plaged vs with a tyrant) seke after the worde agayne and receaue 
 it with all reuerenoe. By geuing auctoritie to an idolatres woman 
 ye haue banished Ghriste and his Gospell, and in his place restored 
 Antichriste with all his infections, wherin your owne consciences 
 condemne you of euil. Then in takinge againe the same auctoritie 
 from her, you shall restore Ohriste and his worde and do well. In 
 oheyinge her, ye haue disobeyed God. Then in disobeying her, ye shall 
 please God. Because you haue geuen place to her and her counsells, 
 you are all become idolatrous hypocryts, and also traytors to your 
 owne Countrie : then by resisting her and her loicked decrees, you must 
 
VI.] ON" OBEDIENCE. 93 
 
 he made tme worshippers of Ood, and faithfuU Englishemen." — 
 Goodman, p. 103. 
 
 These extracts may suffice as to the general theory of 
 obedience and disobedience ; and the following will illus- 
 trate the ^vriter's doctrine as to the source of power, and 
 the duty of those by whom, according to his account, 
 " princes rule, and nobles, even all the judges of the earth." 
 The beginning of his eleventh chapter is very clear on the 
 subject of the " Sovereignty of the People." 
 
 " Chap. XI. 
 
 It appertei/neth Tiot onely to the Magistrates and al other inferior 
 officers to see that their Princes he suhiect to Oods Lawes, hut to the 
 comon people also : wJierhy the tyrannie of the Princes and rebellion 
 oftlie suhiects may be auoyded. 
 
 ' ' To resiste euill and to mayntayne goodnesse, to honor God 
 trnely and to expel idolatrie, euery man will confesse to be a good 
 and godly acte and cannot but highlie commende the workers 
 therof, as men acceptable to God, and worthie members of a comon 
 welthe : but when men consider the daungers and displeasures, which 
 commonly happen to such, then is there great curtesie made who 
 iirst shall take the enterprise in hand: and longe disputations made 
 whither it be their duetie or no : and to what sortes of men it doth 
 belong, as thogh any were exempted Old of that nomber which do prof esse 
 the Name of God." — Goodman, p. 142. 
 
 " But as touching the comon and symple people, they thinke them 
 selues vtterly discharged, whither their Prince be godlie or vngodlye, 
 wise or foolishe, a preseruer of the comon welthe or eUs a distroyer, 
 all is one to them, they muste be obedient, because they are ignorant, 
 and muste be led themselues, not meete to leade others. And 
 because their doinges are counted tumultes and rebellion (except 
 they be agreable to the commandmentes, decrees, and proceadinges 
 of their superior powers and Magistrates, and shal in doing the 
 contrary be as rebells punished) therfore of all others (say they) we 
 haue least to do, yea nothing at all withe the doinges of our Rulers. 
 Yf they rule well, we shall fare the better : if they be vngodly they 
 haue the more to answere for their vngodlinesse. What haue we to 
 do with their matters ? Thus do aU sortes of men from the highest 
 to the louest slyppe their heades out of the coUer : and as careles 
 persones not passing which end goeth forwarde, geueth the brydle 
 whoUe to their Rulers till destruction remediles ouerflowe all." — 
 , p. 146. 
 
 Of the thirteenth chapter it might be sufficient, so far as 
 regards our immediate purpose, to give the title ; but it 
 begins with one of those singular admissions which the 
 writers of Goodman's party could not always avoid, and we 
 may as well take it in by the way, for it is very illustrative 
 
94 GOODMAN'S BOOK [essay 
 
 of our subject— namely, that the people of the country were 
 not so ready to take part for them, as against them. This 
 is not the place to enter into the subject, but it is worth 
 while to direct the reader's attention to the point. 
 
 "Chap. XIII. 
 
 The redinesse of the people to defende idolatrie, superstition, and 
 earthly commodities : and their slouthfulnesse in maynteyning 
 the contrarie. How they are charged to see the Lawes of Gud kept, 
 and the transgression of the same punished, if their rulers do neglecte 
 them. And that they may lawfully punish their Magistrates as 
 priuate persones transgressing the Lordes preceptes. 
 
 " Bvt what remedie ? (saye yon) we being but subiectes with out 
 power, and wisdome cannot helpe it. The more pyttie deare 
 Countriemen, that you haue so stoutly or rather stubbernely shewed 
 your willes and power in the dayes of Godly kynge Edwarde the VI. 
 your late Prince and gouernour, and the zelous seruant of God : who 
 soght to rule you in Gods feare, and vnder whom you had the 
 comfortable worde of God, and were deliuered from the Eomishe 
 Antichrist, and from all superstition, for the most parte, hauing your 
 Realme free from strangers, and quiete from all enimies, enioying 
 your goods and freinds in peace with out all force, imprisoning, 
 reuiling, banishing, or murthering.) It is to be lamented (I saye) 
 that then reoeauing all these blessinges of God, by the means of so 
 worthie a Prince, ye were able to conspire, rise and rebell with the 
 daunger of bodies, goods and soules, agaynst your godlie and lawful! 
 kinge : and that chiefly to defende the deuelishe Masse, and all the 
 puddels of poperie with the Gaterpillers and rable of all vncleane 
 spirites, as Cardinalls, Bishopps, Priestes, Menkes, Freers, Nonnes, 
 &c. And now in these matters wherein consisteth the glorie of 
 God, the preseruation of your owne liues, and defence of your 
 countrie you are without all will, power and helpe. 
 
 " To restore Antichrisht agayne, whom ons God had banished to 
 all your comfortes, you were not ashamed to terme it obedience, 
 and to count yourselues therin no rebeUs, but lawful! resisters : but 
 to defende Christe and his confortable Gospel! (which then you had 
 in possession) that are you persuaded to be open rebellion. To arme 
 your selues agaynst your superiors, to defend your commons and 
 earthly commodities with holden from you, by the greedy desier of 
 new vpstarte gentlemen, how willing and redie haue you shewed 
 your selues? But to holde and reteyne your spiritual possession 
 not promised onely, but geuen into your handes, you are moste slowe 
 without all hope and courage. Shall not this be to your iuste con- 
 demnation 1 When God calleth you to a rekening, what can you 
 have to answere ? " — Goodman, p. 175. 
 
 The direct reference, and the manner and spirit in which 
 that reference is madeio the open rebellions of the former 
 reign, may surprise some readers ; but the trio who under- 
 
VI.] ON OBEDIENCE. 95 
 
 took to instruct the Christian church on the subject of 
 loyalty, did not mean to mince matters ; witness the follow- 
 ing defence of Wyat, and lamentation over the miscarriage 
 of his " great Gun " and his rebellion. 
 
 "Therefore yf they did well in demandinge succour, and he dis- 
 charged his conscience in graunting their request, why is it not also 
 lawful! for you to seeke helpe of them that be able and willing : and 
 for them likewise to graute helpe, to whom God hath lente it for 
 that vse especially ? 
 
 " But I know your answere : experience (saye you) hath taught vs 
 the contrary. For if God had bene pleased herein withe Syr Thomas 
 Wyat that valiant Capitayue taking in hande the like enterprise : 
 it shulde undoubtedly haue had better suocesse. But he being a 
 man, and of God, of great estimation amongest all goodmen, was 
 notwithstandinge apprehended, condemned, and at the last (althogh 
 he was promised his pardon) as a traytor beheaded. And besides 
 him Sir Henry Isley knight, with many godely men for the same 
 facte, hanged, and murthered. The like also ye will affirme of that 
 Noble man Henry Lorde Graye, Marques Dorset, and Duke of 
 SufEolke ; who onely for the zeaie that ;he had to promote Gods 
 glorie, and the libertie of his countrie, prepared him self with that 
 power he coulde make to the ayde of the sayed Wyat, accordinge 
 to his promisse. But being deceaued, or rather betrayed by such as 
 he trusted mto, was in the ende also apprehended, and with his 
 brother the Lorde Thomas Gray (a Gentleman of great courage, and 
 towardnesse), likewise beheaded. 
 
 "Althogh I minde not to stand long in the praise of these worthye 
 mensfactes, who most cowardly were of many betrayed, which since 
 perchance haue felt some parte of worse misery : yet so muche must 
 I nedes confesse in their behalf, that ncme butpapistes, or traytors can 
 iustly accuse them of treason or disohedience. Of whom to be misdained 
 or slandered, is in the eyes of the godly, no small commendation, 
 and prayse. For to passe ouer with silence the duke of SufEolke 
 (whose noble parentage and ernest love that he bare to the promoting 
 of Christes GospeU, and the welth of his countrie, is all to Englishe 
 men sufficiently knowne) what I beseohe you moued Wyat that 
 worthy knight to rise ? Was it his pouertie ? Beholde, he was a 
 famous Gentleman of great landes and possessions, stowt and 
 liberall in the seruice of his Prince, faithefuU to his countrie, and 
 mercifuU to the poore. Soght he ambitiously honour ? Which of 
 his enemies coulde herewith iustly charge him ? Did he this bicause 
 he was of a troublesome and busy nature, which coulde not be vnder 
 lawfull gouemement. His great wisedome, modestie, and gentle 
 behauiour at all tymes, and to all persons, did well declare the 
 contrary : euer more being founde a faythf ull capitayne to his Prince 
 in the fielde, and an obedient subiecte at home. What then moued 
 him to this dangerous entreprise ? Verely, the zeale of Gods trueth 
 and the pitie that he had to his Coimtrie, for the miseries he saw to 
 approche by the vsurped power of vngodly lesabell, and her merciles 
 papistes the sowldiars of Antiohriste. Yf it be treason to defend 
 
96 GOODMAN AND PONET [essay 
 
 the Gospel and his Countrie frome cruel strangers and'enemies, then 
 was Wyat a traytor and rebell ; but if this was his duetye, and all 
 others that professed Christe amongest you, then are all such tray- 
 tours, as did deceaue him : s,TiA.'mch at take not his parte also, when 
 tyme and occasion by him was justly offered. 
 
 " And thogh his enterprise had not such successe, as we woulde 
 haue wisshed: yet was it no worse then our cowardnesse, and 
 vnworthinesse deserued. Whiche nether oght of anie therfore to 
 be condemned, nether shulde be anie discouragement to others in 
 the like. For some tymes we see the verie seruantes of God to 
 haue euill successe in their doinges, according to man's iudgement : 
 and yet God is well pleased therwith. As the example of the 
 Israelites, wberof we made mention before dothe moste manifestlie 
 approue : at what tyme they armed them selues agaynst the 
 Beniamites, and that at the commandement of God, and yet were 
 twise disconcfyted, losing the first tyme 22. thousand men : and the 
 nest day folowing 18. thowsand : bothe tymes, consulting with the 
 Lorde, and folowing his commandement." — Goodman, p. 201. 
 
 Whether this alFords ground for supposing that Goodman 
 was in Wyat's rebellion, I do not know; but it naturally 
 reminds one of Ponet, aiid a few words from him may be 
 quite in place, though they are too much in the same strain 
 to afford much variety. 
 
 " If nature, reason, honestie and lawe dothe so greviously punishe 
 him, and cast him out of all honest mennes companies, that is 
 negligent in a trifle, how muche more ought he to be punished and 
 cast out of all mennes sight, that is necllgent in the greatest 
 matiers ? If he ought so sharpely to be vsed, that deceaueth one 
 poore man, how much more sharpely ought he to be punished, and 
 of all men to be abhorred (yea cast to tJie dogges) that deceaueth a 
 hole realme of ten or twentie hundred thousaunt persones ? If he be 
 thus to be abhorred and punished, that is required to doo an other 
 mannes busjnesse, and deceaueth him, how muche more ought they 
 to be abhorred and hated that take vpon them to doo for others not 
 desired but suying for it, not called thereto but thrusting in 
 themself , not prayed but payeing, geuing many lyuereyes, procuring 
 and making frendes to geue them their uoices, obteynying of great 
 mennes lettres, and ladies tokens, feasting freeholders, and making 
 great banketting cheare, not by the consent of the parte, but by 
 force and streinght, with tropes of horsemen, billes, bowes, pykes, 
 gonnes, and such like kynde of qualityes." — PoTiet, Sig. A vii. 6. 
 
 Surely Ponet had forgotten the great " gonne " ; or else 
 he thought that such things were lawful on one side only. 
 He gives indeed a hint in one place, as if he thought that 
 practices generally esteemed more discreditable than " great 
 Guns " in broad daylight, might be lawfully used for the 
 removal of obnoxious persons. At least I know not what 
 was the meaning of continually picking out scraps of history, 
 
VI.] ON OBEDIENCE. 97 
 
 unless these writers expected and intended every man to be 
 his o^yn Croxall and moralize forth the inference, " We see 
 by this story that ^\hen a man is a very wicked man, it is a 
 good thing to go and kill him." There are too many such 
 passages ; and one, though somewhat out of place, may be 
 here given as a specimen. As to Caligula ; — 
 
 " Many other noble aotes by his absolute power he wrought : and 
 at leynght he commaunded that his ymage should be set vp in the 
 temple at Jerusalem, and ther worshipped: as not vnlike Saint 
 Gardiners (for he hathe done no smal thinges) shalbe shortly by 
 Anticipaoion in England. But what was thende of Caligulaes 
 absolute power? whan he bad reigned three yeares and ten 
 monethes, his owne householde seruauntes conspired against hym, 
 and the general of his owne Armie slewe him."— Poraet, Sig. B vii. 6. 
 
 I must add another from Goodman, which regards the 
 general subject, because there is something about it which 
 to those who would be likely to receive and be influenced by 
 it at the time, might appear argumentative and scriptural, 
 and my object (I trust I have shown it by the length of 
 these extracts) is not to catch at a hasty expression, or make 
 any man an offender for a word, but to show what was the 
 doctrine quietly and carefully taught by those who were 
 accredited as teachers by their party, 
 
 "The hke commandement is also geuen in the 17. and 18 . Chap, of 
 the same boke [Deuteronomy] charging all the people of God in 
 generall, to see idolatrie punished without mercie, and that in all 
 persones. Wherefore we may moste certaynely conclude, that if 
 the Rulers and Magistrates in this case, woulde not execute the 
 Lawes of God where with they are so straightly charged, that then 
 the people are not discharged, excepte they put it in execution to take 
 the euil from amongest them, to whom it also belongeth. 
 
 " Next, that no persone is exempted by any Lawe of God from 
 this punishment, be he kinge, Quene or Emperour, that is, either 
 openly or priuely knowne to be an idolatrer be he neuer so neare or 
 deare vnto vs, he must dye the death. For God hath not placed 
 them aboue others to transgresse his Lawes as they liste, but to be 
 subiecte vnto them as well as others, ouer whom they gouerne. 
 
 " And if they be subiecte vnto his Lawes, they muste be subiect 
 to the punishment also, when they be fownd disobedient trans- 
 gressors : yea, so muohe the more as their example is more 
 daungerous. For looke what wiokednesse reigueth in' the Magis- 
 trates, the subiecte? comonly take incouragement therby to imitate 
 the same, as we see in the examples of lereboam, Achab and wicked 
 Manasses, who being sufEred in the beginninge to commit idolatrie, 
 and to erecte idoles, made the same likewise lawfull to all their 
 subiectes. For the same cause God commanded Moyses to hange vp 
 all the capitaynes and heads of the people, for that by their example 
 
 G 
 
98 KNOX'S " BLAST " [essay 
 
 they made the people idolatrers also : he had no respect to their 
 auctooitie, because they were Rulers, but so muche the rather 
 woulde he haue them so sharplie punished, that is, hanged agaynst 
 the sunne without mercy : which iudgemeut, thoghe it was done at 
 Gods commandment firste, and after at Moyses, yet were the people 
 executors of the same, and all did vnderstand that it was iuste : and . 
 not for that tyme onely, but to be a perpetuall example for euer, and 
 a sure admonition of tJieir duetie in the like defection from God, to 
 hange vp sxicli Rulers as shulde drawe them from him. 
 
 " And thoghe it appeare at the firste sight a great disordre, that 
 the people shulde take vnto them the punishment of transgression, 
 yet when the Magistrates and other officers cease to do their duetie, 
 they are as it were, without officers, yea, worse then if they had 
 none at all and then God geueth the sworde in to the peoples hande, 
 and he him selfe is become immedialty their head (Yf they will 
 seeke the accomplishment of his Lawes) and hath promised to 
 defend them and blesse them." — Goodman, p. 183. 
 
 Perhaps I have given the reader sufficient materials for 
 judging how the doctrine of loyalty and rebellion in general 
 was treated by puritan writers ; and we may proceed to 
 what more particularly concerns Queen Mary personally, 
 and her government in particular. 
 
 ESSAY VII. 
 
 PUEITAN POLITICS. So. III. 
 
 RESPECTING QUEEN MAEY IN PARTICULAE. 
 KNOX — GOODMAN — TRAHEBON PONET BEOON. 
 
 John Knox and Christopher Goodman, as has been already 
 stated, are the two great authorities with regard to puritan 
 politics during the reign of Queen Mary. They laid down 
 the law very plainly ; and I am not aware that, while that 
 unhappy monarch lived, any one of the exUed party offered 
 one word in contradiction, qualification, or explanation of 
 the fierce regicidal libels of those two writers. 
 
 As to Goodman, I hope that the reader has been enabled 
 by the preceding paper to form some opinion of his doctrine 
 on the subject of loyalty, and obedience to authority, in 
 general. That doctrine was applied with ferocious zeal to 
 
VII.] ON THE REGIMENT OF WOMEN. 99 
 
 the particular case of the Sovereign of England and her 
 subjects, by Knox, who insisted principally on three points; — 
 First, that Queen Mary was a woman, and as svich a crea- 
 ture under the curse of God. Secondly, that she was ille- 
 gitimate, and therefore an usurper. Thirdly, that waiving 
 the question of her sex and birth, and supposing for the sake 
 of argument that she had come fairly to the throne, yet she 
 had shown herself to be a tyrant, and ought to be crushed 
 like a viper. These points cannot always be kept separate 
 in discussion ; but they will show themselves plainly enough 
 in passages which will be laid before the reader. 
 
 Knox, indeed, comes to the point at once by beginning 
 his " Blast " with these words : — 
 
 " Wonder it is, that amongest so many pregnant wittes as the lie 
 of greate Brittany hath produced, so many godlie and zelous 
 preachers as England did sometime norishe, and amongest so many 
 learned and men of graue iudgement, as this day by Ibsabel are 
 exiled, none is found so stowte of courage, so faithfull to God, nor 
 louing to their natiue countrie, that they dare admonishe the in- 
 habitautes of that lie how abominable before God, is the Empire or 
 Rule of a wicked woman, yea of a traiteresse and bastard ; and what 
 may a people or nation left destitute of a lawfull head, do by the 
 authoritie of Goddes worde in electing and appointing common 
 rulers and magistrates. That lie (alas) for the contempt and horrible 
 abuse of Goddes mercies offred, and for the shamefull reuolting to 
 Satan frome Christ lesus, and frome his Gospell ones professed, doth ' 
 iustUe merite to be left in the handes of their own counsel, and so 
 to come to confusion and bondage of strangiers. 
 
 " But yet I feare that this vniuersal negligence of such as some- 
 times were esteemed watchemen, shall rather aggrauate our former 
 ingratitude, than excuse this our vniuersall and vngodlie silence, in 
 so weightie a mater. We se our countrie set f urthe for a pray to 
 foreine nations ; we heare the blood of our brethren, the membres 
 of Christ lesus, most cruellie to be shed ; and tJie monstruoits empire 
 of a cruell woman (the secrete counsel of God excepted) we Tmowe to 
 he the onlie occasion of all these miseries : and yet with silence we passe 
 the time as thogh the mater did nothinge apperteiu to vs. But the 
 contrarie examples of the auncient prophetes moue me to doubte of 
 this our fact. For Israel did vniuersalie decline frome God by em- 
 brasing idolatrie vnder leroboam. In whiche they did continue 
 euen vnto the destruction of their common welthe. And luda withe 
 Jerusalem did followe the vile superstition and open iniquitie of 
 Samaria. But yet ceased not the prophetes of God to admonishe 
 the one and the other. Yea, euen after that God had poured f urthe 
 his plagues vpon them. For leremie did write to the captiues in 
 Babylon, and did correct their errors, plainlie instructing them, who 
 did remalne in the middest of that idolatrouse nation. Ezechiel 
 f rqme the middest of his brethren prisoners in Chaldea, did write 
 
100 KNOX'S " BLAST ' [essay 
 
 his fision to those that were in lerusalem, and sharplie rebukinge 
 their vices, assured them that they shuld not escape the vengeance 
 of God by reason of their abominations committed. 
 
 " The same prophetes for comfort of the afflicted and chosen saintes 
 of God, who did lie hyd amongest the reprobate of that age (as oom- 
 monlie doth the corne amongest the chafEe) did prophecie, and before 
 speake, the changes of kingdomes, the punishmentes of tyrannes, 
 and the vengeance whiche God wold execute vpon the oppressors of 
 his people. The same did Daniel and the rest of the prophetes enerie 
 one in their season. By whose examples and by the plaine precept, 
 which is geuen to Ezechiel, commanding him that he shall say to 
 the wicked, 'Thou shalt die the death,' we in this our miserable age 
 are bounde to admonishe the world and the tyrannes therof, of 
 their sodeine destruction ; to assure them, and to crie vnto them, 
 whether they list to heare or not, that the blood of the saintes, 
 which by them is shed, continuallie crieth and craueth vengeance 
 in the presence of the Lorde of hostes. 
 
 ' ' And further, it is our dutie to open the truthe reueled vnto vs, 
 vnto the ignorant and blind world, vnlest that to our owne condem- 
 nation we list to wrap vp and hyde the talent committed to our 
 charge. 1 am assured that God hath reueled to some in this our age, that 
 it is more then a monstre in nature, that a woman shall reigne and haue 
 empire ahoue man. And yet with vs all, there is suche silence, as if 
 God there with were nothing offended. The naturall man, ennemy 
 to God shall fynd, I knowe, many causes why no suche doctrine oght 
 to be published in these our dangerous dayes. First, for that it may 
 seme to tend to eedition : secondarilie it shal be dangerous not onlie 
 to the writer or publisher, but also to all such as shall reade the 
 writinges, or fauor this truth spoken : and last it shall not amend 
 the chief offenders, partlie because it shall neuer come to their 
 eares, and partlie because they wiU not be admonished in such 
 cases." 
 
 How he pursued the subject thus broadly opened will 
 appear from the following exti-acts ; — 
 
 "Yf any think that the empire of women, is not of such import- 
 ance, that for the suppressing of the same, any man is bounde to 
 hazarde his life, I answer, that to suppresse it, is in the hand of god 
 alone. But to vtter the impiety and abomination of the same, I say, 
 it is the dutie of euerie true messager of God, to whome the truth is 
 reueled in that behalfe. For the especiall dutie of Goddes messagers 
 is to preaohe repentance, to admonishe the offenders of their offenses, 
 and to say to the wicked, ' thou shalt die the death,' except thou 
 repent. This, I trust, will no man denie to be the propre oflSce of 
 all Goddes messagers, to'preache (as I have said) repentance and 
 remission of synnes. But nether of both can be done, except the 
 conscience of the offenders be accused and conuicted of transgres- 
 sion. For howe shall any man repent not knowing wherein he hath 
 offended ? And where no repentance is founde, there can be no 
 entrie to grace. And therfore I say, that of necessitie it is that 
 this monstriferouse empire of women (which amongest all enor- 
 
vii.J ON THE REGIMENT OF WOMEN. 101 
 
 mities, that this day do abound vpon the face of the hole earth, is 
 most detestable and damnable) be openlie reueled and plainlie 
 declared to the world, to the end that some may repent and be saued. 
 And thus farre to the first sorte."— Knox, Pref. p. 5. 
 
 "To promote a woman to beare role, superioritie, dominion or 
 empire aboue any realme, nation, or citie, is repugnant to nature, 
 contumelie to God, a thing most contrarious to his reuelled will and 
 approued ordinance, and finallie it is the subuersion of good order, 
 of all equitie and iustice." — Knox, p. 9. 
 
 " But now to the second part of nature : In the whiche I include 
 the reueled will and perfect ordinance of God, and against this parte 
 of nature, I say, that it doth manifestlie repugne that any woman 
 shal leigne or beare dominion ouer man. For God first by the order 
 of his creation, and after by the curse and malediction pronounced 
 against the woman, by reason of her rebellion, hath pronounced the 
 contrarie. 
 
 " First, I say that women in her greatest perfection, was made to 
 serue and obey man, not to rule and command him : As saint Paule 
 doth reason in these wordes : Man is not of the woman but the 
 woman of the man. And man was not created for the cause of the 
 woman, but the woman for the cause of man, and therfore oght the 
 woman to haue a power vpon her head (that is a couerture in signe 
 of subiection). Of whiche words it is plaine that the Apostle 
 meaneth, that woman in her greatest perfection shuld haue kno wen, 
 that man was Lord aboue her : and therfore that she shulde neuer 
 haue pretended any kind of superioritie aboue him, no more then do 
 the angels aboue God the creater, or aboue Christ Jesus their head. 
 So, I say, that in her greatest perfection woman was created to be 
 subiect to man. 
 
 " But after her faU and rebellion committed against God, there 
 was put vpon her a newe necessitie, and she was made subiect to 
 man by the irreuocable sentence of God, pronounced in these wordes : 
 I will greatlie multiplie thy sorowe and thy conception. With sorow 
 shalt thou beare thy children, and thy will shall be subiect to thy 
 man : and he shal beare dominion ouer the. Herebie may such as 
 altogither be not blinded plainlie see, that God, by his sentence, 
 hath delected all woman from empire and dominion aboue man. 
 For two punishmentes are laid vpon her, to witte, a dolor, anguishe 
 and payn, as oft as euer she shal be mother : and a subiection of her 
 selfe, her appetites and wiU, to her husband, and to his will. Frome 
 the former part of this malediction can nether arte, nobUitie, polioie, 
 norlawe made by man, deliuer womankinde, but who soeuer atteineth 
 to that honour to be mother, proueth in experience the effect and 
 strength of goddes word. But (alas) ignorance of God, ambition, 
 and tyrannic haue studied to abolishe and destroy the second parte 
 of Goddes punishment. For women are lifted vp to be heades ouer 
 realmes, and to rule aboue men at their pleasure and appetites. 
 But horrible is the vengeance, which is prepared for the one and for the 
 other, for the promoters, and for the persones promoted, except they 
 speedilie repent. For they shall be delected from the glorie of 
 the sonnes of God, to the sclauerie of the deuill, and to the tor- 
 
102 KNOX'S "BLAST" [essay 
 
 ment that is prepared for all suche, as do exalte themselves against 
 God. 
 
 " Against God can nothing be more manifest, than that a woman 
 shall be exalted to reigne abone man. For the contrarie sentence 
 hath he pronounced in these wordes : Thy will shall be subiect to 
 thy husband, and he shall beare dominion ouer the. As God shuld 
 say : forasmuch as thou hast abused thy former condition, and 
 because thy free wiU hath broght thy selfe and mankind into the 
 bondage of Satan, I therfore will bring the in bondage to man. 
 For where before, thy obedience shuld haue bene voluntarie, nowe 
 it shall be by constreint and by neeessitie : and that because thou 
 hast deceived thy man, thou shalt therfore be no iongar maistresse 
 ouer thine own appetites, ouer thine owne will nor desires. For in 
 the there is nether reason nor discretion, whiche be able to moderate 
 thy afEections, and therfore they shall be subiect to the desire of thy 
 man. He shall be Lord and gouernour, not onlie ouer thy bodie, but 
 euen ouer thy appetites and wUl. 
 
 "This sentence, I say, did God pronounce against Heua and her 
 daughters, as the rest of the Scriptures doth euidentlie witnesse. 
 So that no woman can euer presume to reigne aboue man, but the 
 same she must nedes do in despite of God, and in contempt of his 
 punishment and malediction," — Knox, p. 15. 
 
 " For who wolde not iudge that bodie to be a monstre, where 
 there was no head eminent aboue the rest, but that the eyes were in 
 the handes, the tonge and mouth beneth in the belie, and the eares 
 in the feet. Men, I say, shulde not onlie pronounce this bodie to be 
 a monstre : but assuredlie they might conclude that such a, bodie 
 coulde not long indure. And no lesse monstruons is the bodie of 
 that common welth, where a woman beareth empire. For ether 
 doth it lack a laufnll heade (as in very dede it doth) or els there is 
 an idol exalted in the place of the true head. An idol I call that, 
 which hath the forme and apparanoe, but lacketh the vertue and 
 strength, which the name and proportion do resemble and promise. 
 As images haue face, nose, eyes, mouth, handes, and feet painted, 
 but the vse of the same, can not the craft and art of man geue 
 them : as the holy ghost by the mouth of Dauid teacheth vs, saying : 
 they haue eyes, but they see not, mouth, but they speake not, nose, 
 but they smell not, handes and feet, but they neither touche nor 
 haue power to go. 
 
 "And suche, I say, is euerie realme and nation, where a woman 
 beareth dominion. For in despite of God (he of his iust iudgement, 
 so geuing them ouer in to a reprohat minde) may a realme, I conf esse, 
 exalt vp a woman to that monstriferous honor, to be estemed as 
 head. But impossible it is to man and angel, to geue vnto her the 
 properties and perfect offices of a laufuU heade. For the same God 
 that hath denied power to the hand to speake, to the bely to heare, 
 and to the feet to see, hath denied to woman power to commando 
 man, and hath taken away wisdome to consider, and prouidence to 
 forsee the thinges that be profitable to the common welth : yea 
 finallie he hath denied to her in any case to be head to man : but 
 plainly hath pronounced that man is head to woman, euen as Christ 
 
^^ ^ xBuuxiajum ui ii OMEN. 103 
 
 is heade to all man. If men in a blinde rage shulde assemble to 
 gether, and apointe them seines an other heade then Jesus Christ, 
 (as the papistes haue done their romishe Antichrist) shuld Christ 
 therfore lose his owne dignitie, or shulde God geue to that oounterf et 
 head power to geve life to the bodie, to see what soeuer might en- 
 damage or hurte it, to speake in defense, and to heare the request 
 of euerie subject ? It is certeiu that he wold not. For that honor 
 he hath apointed before aU times to his onlie sonne : and the same 
 will he geue to no creature besides : no more will he admit, nor 
 accept woman to be the lauful head ouer man, although man, deuil, 
 and angel wiU coniure in their fauor." — p. 27. 
 
 " For nature hath in aU beastes printed a certeine marke of 
 dominion in the male, and a certeine subiection in the female, 
 whiche they kepe inuiolate. For no man euer sawe the lion make 
 obedience, and stoupe before the lionesse, nether yet can it be 
 proued, that the hinde taketh the conducting of the heard amongest 
 the hartes. And yet (alas) man, who by the mouth of God hath 
 dominion apointed to him ouer woman, doth not onlie to his own 
 shame, stoupe vnder the obedience of women, but also in despit of 
 God and of his apointed ordre, reioyseth, and mainteineth that 
 monstruouse authoritie, as a thing lauful and iust." — p. 30. 
 
 " Albeit I haue thus (talkinge with my God in the anguishe of my 
 harte) some what digressed : yet haue I not vtterlie forgotten my 
 former proposition, to witt, that it is a thing repugnant to the ordre of 
 nature, that any woman be exalted to rule ouer men. For God hath 
 denied vnto her the office of a head. And in the intreating of this 
 parte, I remembre that I haue made the nobilitie both of England 
 and Scotland inferior to brute beastes for what they do to women, 
 which no male amongest the common sorte of beastes can be proued 
 to do to their females : that is, they reuerence them, and qwake at 
 their presence, they obey their commandementes, and that against 
 God. "Wherfore I iudge them not onelie subiectes to women, but 
 sclaues of Satan, and seruantes of iniquitie. If any man thinke these 
 my wordes sharpe or vehement, let him consider that the offense is 
 more haynous, then can be expressed by wordes. For where all 
 thinges, be expressedly concluded against the glorie and honor of 
 God, and where the blood of the saintes of God is commanded to 
 be shed, whome shall we iudge, God or the deuil, to be president of 
 that counsel 1 "—p. 32. 
 
 The hint thus given to the Queen's Council must not be 
 passed over without remark. It is, of course, highly im- 
 portant to notice it in an inquiry which tvirns so much on 
 the question how far the proceedings of the government at 
 home was influenced by the conduct of parties abroad. The 
 idea is elsewhere repeated and amplified by Knox ; — 
 
 " For that woman reigneth aboue man, she hath obteined it hy 
 treason and conspiracie committed against God. Howe can it be 
 
104 ■ KNOX'S^' BLAST" [essay 
 
 then, that she being crinainall and giltie of treason against God 
 committed, can apointe any officer pleasing in his sight? It is a 
 thing impossible. Wherefore let men that receiue of women authoritie, 
 honor or office, be most assuredly persuaded, that in so mamteinmg 
 that vsurped power, they declare themselues ennemies to God. it 
 any thinke, that because the realme and estates therof, haue geuen 
 their consentes to a woman, and haue established her, and her 
 authoritie: that therfore it is laufuU and acceptable before God : 
 let the same men remember what I haue said before, to wit, that 
 God can not approve the doing nor consent of any multitude, con- 
 cluding any thing against his worde and ordinance, and thertore 
 they must haue a more assured defense against the wrath of God, 
 then the approbation and consent of a blinded multitude, or elles 
 they shall not be able to stand in the presence of the consuming 
 fier : that is, they must acknowledge that the regiment ofaiooman is a 
 thing most odious in the presence of God. They must refuse to &« «er 
 officers, because she is a traitoresse and rebell against God. And 
 flnallie they must studie to represse her inordinate pride and tyrannic 
 to the vttermost of their power. 
 
 "The same is the dutie of the noUlitie and estates, hj whose 
 blindnes a woman is promoted. First in so farre, as they haue 
 most haynonslie offended against God, placing in authoritie sucheas 
 God by his worde hath remoued frome the same, vnfeinedly they 
 oght to call for mercie, and being admonished of their error and 
 damnable fact, in signe and token of true repentance, with common 
 consent they oght to retreate that, which vnaduisedlie and by 
 ignorance they haue pronounced, and oght ivithout further delay to 
 remouefrom autJiority all such persones, as by vsurpation, violence, or 
 tyrannic, do possesse tlie sam£. 
 
 "For so did Israel and luda after they reuolted from Dauid, and 
 luda alone in the dayes of Athalia. For after that she by murther- 
 ing her sonnes children, had obteined the empire ouer the land, and 
 had most vnhappelie reigned in luda six years, lehoiada the high 
 priest called together the capitaines and chief rulers of the people, 
 and shewing to them the kinges sonne loas, did binde them by a,n 
 othe to depose that wicked looman, and to promote the king to his 
 royall seat, whiche they faithf ulUe did, Idllivge at his commandement 
 not onlie that cruel and mischeuous woman, but also the people did 
 destroie the temple of Baal, break his altars and images, and kill 
 Mathan Baales high priest before his altars. 
 
 " The same is the dutie as well of the estates, as of the people 
 that hath bene blinded. 
 
 " First they oght to remoue frome honor and authoritie, that monstre in 
 nature (so call I a woman clad in the habit of man, yea a woman 
 against nature reigning aboue man). 
 
 " Secondarilie if any presume to defende that impietie, they oght 
 not to feare, first to pronounce, and then after to execute against tliem 
 the sentence of deathe. If any man be aiiraid to violat the oth of 
 obedience, which they haue made to suche monstres, let them be 
 most assuredly persuaded, that as the beginning of their otbes, pro- 
 ceding from ignorance was sinne, so is the obstinate purpose to kepe 
 the same, nothinge but plaine rebellion against God. But of this 
 
vii.j UJN TUJi; KEGIMENT OP WOMEN. 105 
 
 mater in the second blast, God willing, we shall speake more at 
 large." — p. 52. 
 
 " Cursed lesabel of England, with the pestilent and detestable 
 generation of papistes, make no litle bragge and boast, that they 
 haue triumphed not only against Wyet, but also against all such as 
 haue entreprised anything against them or their procedinges. But let 
 her and them consider, that yet they haue not preuailed against god, 
 his throne is more high, then that the length of their homes be able 
 to reache. And let them further consider, that in the beginning of 
 this their bloodie reigne, the haruest of their iniquitie was not 
 comen to full maturitie and ripenes. No, it was so grene, so secret 
 I meane, so couered, and so hid with hypocrisie, that some men 
 (euen the seruantes of God) thoghtit not impossible, but that wolues 
 might be changed in to lambes, and also that the vipere might 
 remoue her natural venom. But God, who doth reuele in his time 
 apointed, the secretes of hartes, and that will haue his iudgemetes 
 iustified euen by the verie wicked, hath now geuen open testimonie 
 of her and their beastUe crueltie. For man and woman, learned and 
 vnlearned, nobles and men of baser sorte, aged fathers and tendre 
 damiselles, and finaUie the bones of the dead, aswell women as men 
 haue tasted of their tyrannie, so that now not onlie the blood of 
 father Latimer, of the milde man of God the bishop of Cantorburie, 
 of learned and discrete Eidley, of innocent ladie lane dudley, and 
 many godly and worthie preachers, that cannot be forgotten, such 
 as fier hath consumed, and the sworde of tyrannie most vniustlie 
 hath shed, doth call for vengeance in the eares of the Lord God of 
 hostes : but also the sobbes and teares of the poore oppressed, the 
 groninges of the angeles, the watchmen of the Lord, yea and euerie 
 earthUe creature abused by their tyrannie do continuallie orie and 
 call for the hastie execution of the same. I feare not to say, that 
 the day of vengeance, whiche shall appreliend that horrible monstre 
 lesabel of Ungland, and suche as maintein her monstruous crueltie, is 
 alredie apointed in the counsel of the Mternall: and Iverelie beleue tlmt 
 it is so nigh, that she shall not reigne so long in tyrannie, as hitherto she 
 hath done, when Ood shall declare hhnselfe to be her ennemie, when he 
 shall poure furth contempt vpon her, according to her crueltie, and 
 shal kindle the hartes of such, as som times did fauor her with 
 deadly hatred against her, that they may easecute his iudgementes. 
 And therfore let such as assist her, take hede what they do." — 
 p. 55. 
 
 On tliis point, too, Goodman and Traheron were equally 
 explicit ; — 
 
 " The counseUers, whose office is to brydle the affections of their 
 Princes and Gouuernours, in geuing such counsele as might promote 
 the glorie of God, and the welthe of their contrie by this persuasion 
 of obedience, haue hitherto sought, and yet apearinglie do, how to 
 accomplishe and satisfie the vngodly lustes of their vngodlie and 
 vnlawful Gouernesse, wicked Ibsabbl : who for our synnes, con- 
 trarie to nature and the manyfeste worde of God, is suffred to raigue 
 ouer vs in Goddes furie, and haue therby moste wickedlie betrayed 
 
106 GOODMAN AND TRAHERON [essay 
 
 Christe, their countrie, and themselues (so muche as lieth in them) 
 to become slaues to a strange and foren nation, the prowde 
 Spaniards." — Goodman, p. 33. 
 
 " Turne thyne eyes now to thy counsel England, how fierce tygres, 
 how cruel wolnes, how rauening beares, how lecherous goates, how 
 wilie foxes, or to speake plainly without figure, what periured traitors 
 to god, and to the, what murderers, what oppressors of the poors, 
 what voluptuous Sardanapales, what adulterers, how vile flatterers 
 shalt thou finde amonge them ? It were a smal faulte, and a verie 
 pecoadulia in them to dissemble the truth of religion. Thei raile 
 vpon it, they tosse it with scofEes and mockes, they bloodely, and 
 tyrannously persequute it. It might be wincked at, if thei toke 
 bribes, only to oppresse the cause of a few poore men, thei take 
 bribes to betraie the hole realme. It might be passed ouer with 
 silence if thei had murdered but one man a peece, the blood of 
 innumerable sainotes crieth vp to heauen against them and the 
 groninges of manie thousandes oppressed ar heard enerie where. It 
 might perchaunoe be perdoned, if they spent but some weekes in 
 pleasures, they wallow continually in vile voluptuousnes, and wanton 
 daliance, and waste al their vnhappie dales in beastlie delites, nether 
 can chaunge of women, nor women only satisfie their filthie abomin- 
 able desires. Breifely there be no vices in the world whereof you 
 male not see great buddes, or rather great bounnies, and bunches in 
 them. Here I maie not lette scape the pristes of Calece, a foule 
 broode of thy henne. Papistes they were," &c. — Traheron's Warn- 
 ing to England, (see before p. 84.) 
 
 To return, however, to what is more precisely our present 
 subject — the treatment which the Queen herself met with 
 from these parties — perhaps enough has been given from 
 Knox, and it may be time to enforce his doctrine by one or 
 two extracts from his friend Goodman. 
 
 " The nexte rule to be obserued is, that he shulde be one of their 
 brethern, meaninge of the Israelits : partlie to exclude the oppres- 
 sion and idolatrie, whiche commeth in by strangers, as our contrie 
 now is an example : and partlye, for that strangers cannot beare 
 such a natural zeale to straunge realmes and peoples, as becomethe 
 brethern : but chieflie to auoyde that monster in nature, and disordre 
 amongest men, wldclie is the Empire and gouernement of a woman, 
 sayinge expreslie : From the myddle of thy brethren shalt thou 
 chose thee a kinge, and not amongist thy sisters. For God is not 
 contrairie to himselfe, whiche at the begynninge appoynted the 
 woman to be in subiection to her housbande, and the man to be 
 head of the woman (as saithe the Apostle) who wil not permitte so 
 muche to the woman, as to speake in the Assemblie of men, muche 
 lesse to be Ruler of a Realme or nation. Yf women be not per- 
 mitted by Ciuile policies to rule in inferior offices, to be Counsel- 
 lours, Pears of a realme, lustices, ShirefEs, Baylieus and such like : I 
 make your selues iudges, whither it be mete for them to gouerne 
 whole Realmes and nations ? 
 
vii.j UJN XtlK KEGIMENT OF WOMEN. 107 
 
 "If the worde of God can not persuade you, by which she is made 
 subieot to her housbande, muche more to the Counselle and 
 auctoritie of an whole realme, which worde also appoynteth your 
 kinges to be chosen from amonge their brethern, and not from their 
 sisters, who are forbidden as persons vnmete to speake in a congre- 
 gaoion, be you your selues iudges, and let nature teache you the 
 absurditie therof. 
 
 " And thus muche haue I of pourpose noted in this matter, to let 
 you see to all our shames, how farre you haue bene led besydes 
 your commuu senses and the manifest worde of God, in electing, 
 anoynting, and crowninge u, woman to be your Quene and Gouer- 
 nesse, and she in verie dede a iastarde, and vnlaivfuUy begotten. But 
 be it that she were no bastarde, but the kinges daughter as lawfullie 
 begotten as was her sister, that Godlie Lady, and meke Lambe, 
 voyde of all Spanishe pride, and strange bloude : yet in the sick- 
 nesse, and at the deathe of our lawfull Prince of Godlie memorie 
 kynge Edwarde the sixt, this shulde not haue bene your firste 
 counsele or question, who shulde be your Quene, what woman you 
 shulde crowne, if you had bene preferrers of Goddes glorie, and 
 wise counselours, or naturaUie affected towardes your countrie. 
 But firste and principallie, who had bene moste meetest amengest 
 your brethern to haue had the gouernement ouer you, and the whole 
 gouernement of the realme, to rule them carefullie, in the feare of 
 God, and to preserue them agaynst aU oppression of inwarde tyrants 
 and outwarde enemies. Wher bie you might haue bene assured to 
 eskape all this miserable and vnspeakable disordre, and shamefull 
 confusion, whiche now by contrarie counsele is broght worthely 
 vpon vs." — Goodman, p. 51. 
 
 " That wicked woman, whom you vntruely make your Quene, hath 
 (saye ye) so commanded. O vayne and miserable men. To what 
 vilenesse are you broght, and yet as men blynd, see not ? Because 
 you would not haue God to raigne ouer you, and his worde to be a 
 light vnto your f ootestepps, beholde, he hath not geuen an hypocrite 
 onely to raigne ouer you (as he promised) but an Idolatresse also : 
 not a man accordinge to his appoyntment, hut a woman, which his 
 Lawe forhiddeth, and nature ahhorreth : whose relgne was neuer 
 counted lawfull by the worde of God, but an expresse signe of Gods 
 wrathe, and notable plague for the synnes of the people. As was 
 the raygne of cruell lesabel, and vngodlie Athalia, especiall instru- 
 mentes of Satan, and whipps to his people of Israel. 
 
 " This you see not, blynded with ignorance : yea, whiche is more 
 shame, where as the worde of God freethe you from the obedience 
 of anie Prince, be he neuer so mightie, wise, or politike command- 
 ing anye thinge whiche God f orbiddeth, and herein geuethe you 
 auctoritie to withstand the same as you haue harde : Yet are you 
 willingly become as it were bondemen to the lustes of a most 
 impotent and vnhrydled woman; a woman begotten in adulterie a 
 bastard by birth, contrarie to the worde of God and your owne lawes. 
 And therfore condemned as a bastarde by the iudgement of all 
 vniuersities in Englande, France, and Italy : as well of the Ciuilians, 
 as Diuines. For now are we freede from that leweshe yoke to 
 
108 PONET AND GOODMAN. [essay 
 
 rayse up seede to our brethern departing without issue, by the 
 comynge of our Sauiour lesus Christe, who bathe destroyed the 
 walle and distance betwixt the lewes and Gentiles, and hathe no 
 more respecte to anie tribes (for conseruation wherof this was 
 permitted) but all are made one in him with out distinction, which 
 acknowledge him vnfaynedlie to be the Sonne of God and Sauiour 
 of the worlde. For in Christe lesus there is nether lewe nor 
 Gentile, Grecian or Barbarous, bonde nor free, &c. And therfore 
 it must nedes foUowe, that kinge Henrie the eight, in marying with 
 his brothers wife, did vtterly oontemne the free grace of our 
 Sauiour lesus Christe, which longe before had deliuered vs from 
 the seruitude of that lawe : and also committed adulterous 
 incest contrary to the worde of God, when he begate this vngodlie 
 serpent Marie, the chief instrument of all this present miserie in 
 Englande. 
 
 " And if any would sale, it was of a zele to fulfyll the lawe which 
 then was abrogated, he must confesse also that the kinge did not 
 marie of carnall luste, but to rayse vp seede to his brother : when 
 the contrarie is well knowne to all men. Let no man therfore be 
 offended, that I call her by her propre name, a bastarde, and vnlaw- 
 fuUy begotten : seeing the worde of God, which cannot lye, doth 
 geue witnesse vpon my parte. And moreouer, that suche as are 
 bastardes shulde be depriued of aU honor : in so muche as by the 
 Lawe of Moyses they were prohibited to haue entrance in to the 
 Congregation or assembly of the Lorde to the tenth generation. 
 Consider then your vngodlie proceadings in defrawding your contrie 
 of a lawfull kinge : and preferringe a bastarde to the lawful 
 begotten dawghter, and exaltinge her whiohe is, and will be a 
 common plague and euersion of altogether : for as much as she is a 
 traytor to God, and promis breaker to her dearest frindes, who 
 helpinge her to their power to her vnlawfuU reigne, were promised 
 to inioye that religion which was preached vnder kinge Edwarde : 
 which not withstanding in a shorte space after, she most falsely 
 ouerthrewe and abolished. So that now both by Gods Lawes and 
 mans, she ocjht to he punished with death, as an open idolatres in the 
 sight of God, and a cruel murtherer of his Saints before men, and 
 merciles traytoresse to her owne natiue countrie." — Ponet,y. 96. 
 
 "If your lESABELL, thoghe she be an vnlawfvll Gournesse, and 
 oght not hy Gods word and your owne lawes to rule, would seke your 
 peace and protection as did Nabuchadnezer to his oaptiues the 
 lewes : then might you haue some pretence to follow leremies 
 counselle : that is, to be quiete, and praye for her lifEe, if she would 
 confesse the onelie God of the Christians, and not compell you to 
 idolatrie no more than did Nabuchadnezer : who acknowledged the 
 God of the lewes to be the true and euerlasting God, and gaue the 
 same commandement throughout all his dominions, That what 
 soeuer people or nation spake euill of the God of Israeli shuld be 
 rent in pieces, and his howse counted detestable. For (saithe he) 
 Ther is no other true God that so coulde deliuerhis seruantes, as he 
 did Sidrach Misach and Abdenago. 
 
 "But because her doinges tend all to the contrarie, that is to 
 
vii.J PETER FRAEIN'S ORATION. 109 
 
 blaspheme God, and also compell all others to do the like, what 
 cloke haue you here to permitte this wickedness^ ? 
 
 " To be shorte, if she at the burninge ot three hundreth Martyrs 
 at the leste, could haue bene satisfied and vnfaynedly moued to oon- 
 fesse the true Christe and Messias, and repented her former 
 rebellion in geuing contrarie oommandement to all her dominions, 
 charging them to reoeaue agayne the true religion and to expell all 
 blasphemous idolatrie of the pestilent papistes : and that none 
 shulde speake any euill agaynst Christe and his Religion (as did 
 Nabuchadnezer by the example of three persons onely, whom the 
 flre by the power of God coulde not touche) then were she more to 
 be borne with, and reuerenoed as a Ruler (if it were lawfull for a 
 woman to rule at all) then were there also some probabilitie in the 
 reasons of the aduersaries of this doctrine. Otherwise as you 
 now see, it maketh nothing at all for their purpose." — Goodman, 
 p. 130. 
 
 I am not singular in viewing Knox and Goodman as the 
 chief political guides of their party. They were so considered 
 (and with very good reason) in their own time, not only by 
 their own friends, but by their Romish enemies; and, to 
 give one instance, they have been very particularly and 
 pleasantly set forth as such in " An Oration against the 
 ' TJnlawfull Insurrections of the Protestantes of our time, 
 ' vnder pretence to Refourme Religion C[ made and pro- 
 ' nounced in Latin, in the Schole of Artes at Louaine, the 
 ' xiiij of December. Anno 1565. <[ By Peter Frarin of 
 ' Andwerp, M. of Arte, and Bacheler of both lawes. And 
 ' now translated into English, with the aduise of the 
 ' Author."^ The book has one peculiarity for which it 
 deserves to be noticed ; and for which, I presume, it is in- 
 debted to the translator. I mean, " The Table of this Booke 
 ' set ovt not by order of Alphabete or numbre but by ex- 
 ' presse figure, to the eye and sight of the Christian Reader, 
 ' and of him also that cannot reade." In fact it has a sort of 
 pictorial index, each page of which contains two cuts having 
 
 ^ In the prefatory epistle from " The Translatour to the Gentle 
 Reader " we are informed that ; — " Among many other laudahle customea 
 'of the noble Vniuersitie of Louaine, this one is yearely observed there, 
 ' that in the moneth of December al ordinarie lessons cease for the space 
 ' of one whole weeke, and in place thereof some Learned man is chosen 
 ' hy common assent to be the President of certaine disputations : wherein 
 ' he proponeth, to such as are thereto appointed, diuerse fnitefull ques- 
 ' tions in Dininitie, Law, Physick, Phylosophie, Humanitie, and in all 
 ' probable matters," &c. The translation was printed by John Fouler, 
 Antwerp, 1566, 8vo ; and from his signature to the letter above mentioned 
 it would seem as if he was also the translator. 
 
110 
 
 PETER FRAEIN'S ORATION. 
 
 [essay 
 
 underneath them respectively references to the signature of 
 the page of the book in which the subject which they repre- 
 sent is treated of, and two or more verses describing it. 
 One of these cuts is so much to our purpose that I cannot 
 help offering the reader a facsimile. 
 
 est. dFit 
 iSo ©ueene in Tjer fetnaitnnte can or oujijt 
 
 to SSt (SBt 
 
 If iSnobeg or Siooltntans iooices tlotoe 
 ang true ilaat. 
 
 Eew readers will, I suppose, dispute the truth of this 
 poetical statement ; or wonder that Mr. Peter Frarin in- 
 cluded the " Gospellers of England " among the insurgent 
 protestants who were the subject of his oration. 
 
 "I could," he says, "declare vnto you, how the traiterouse 
 Gospellers of England gathered a maine hoste againste their moste 
 vertuouse ladle Queen Marie the rare treasure the peerlesse Jewell, 
 the most perfecte paterne and Example of our dales. How they 
 shotte arrowes and dartes againste her Courte gates, conspired her 
 death, deuised to poison her, to kil her with a dagge at one time, 
 with a priuie dagger at an other time, reuiled her, called her bastard, 
 bontcher, printed seditiouse bokes againste her, wherein they railed 
 at her like Hellhoundes, and named her traiterouse Marie, mis- 
 cheuouse Marie." — Sig. E. vi. 
 
 The reader will guess the parts of this extract which bear 
 the marginal notes "Wiate's Rebellion" and "Knokes boke." 
 Indeed Mr. Peter Frarin seems to have had good information 
 on the former of these points, and some phrases sound as if 
 he had heard the report of the "great gun ; " for instance ; — 
 
VII.] PONET ON QUEEN MARY. Ill 
 
 " Your purpose was, ye say, to refourme the christian faith. How 
 then? When you could not therein preuail, nor perswade the 
 people, that was somewhat stubborn and stiffneoked perhaps as you 
 iudged, did you think it the best way by & by with gonue shot and 
 bytels to beat and driue the faith into their heades ? "—iSig. B. vi. 
 
 " master ministers, it is a very harde word that ye bring vs, for 
 ye speake gonnestones, your gospel is to hot, ye preaohe fire and 
 powder, your religion is to cruel, it breedeth bloud and murder." — 
 Sig. C. V. 
 
 "Ye travailed to bring the world to your Religion by villany, 
 railing, and dubble cannons." — Sig. C. vij. 6. 
 
 If there be any who think this strong language they will 
 perhaps feel it difficult to answer the orator when he more 
 dispassionately asks " Was it meete that because they could 
 ' not freely and frankly preaohe the worde, therefore by and 
 ' by they should lay hand on the sword ? " — Sig. C iv. b. 
 
 But we must go on, for there are other witnesses beside 
 Knox and Goodman, of whose testimony we must have 
 specimens. Take the following extract from Bishop Ponet. 
 A few words at the beginning of it have been given already 
 at p. 58, and are here repeated to show the connexion of the 
 passage and render it more intelligible. 
 
 " But before the halter stoppe thy winde, Boner, let vs knowe, 
 what thou canst saye for her. Sayest thou, princes be not bounden 
 by theyr othes and premisses ? Ynough. What for the rest ? let 
 them remembre that not long agoo their neighbour Monsieur Veruin, 
 captain of Boloigne was punished as a traitour, for that by ueoessitie 
 and extremitie of force he rendred vp Boloigne to king Henry theight 
 and did not die in the defense of it : But thou wilt saie, he did it 
 without commaundement of his maister : and these shall doo it by 
 commaundement of their maistres. But what if the commaundement 
 be not laufuU doest thou not saie thy self, it is not to be obeied ? 
 Thou saiest to others, that non male do that is not laufull for any 
 commaundement. But thou wilt saie : it is the Queues owue, and 
 she maye laufully doo with her owne what she lusteth. What if it 
 be denyed to be her owne 1 But thou wilt saie : she hathe the 
 crowne by euheritaunce, and male dispose of the realme, and euery 
 parte of the Eealme, as pleaseth her. By I answer : that albeit she 
 haue it bi enheritaunce, yet she hathe it with an othe, lawe and con- 
 dicion to kepe and mayutene it, not to departe with it or diminishe 
 it. If she haue no more right to the Realme than her father hiade, 
 and her father as much as euer ani king of Englande : what neded 
 he to require the consent of the Nobilitie and commons (by parlia- 
 ment) to geue the Crowne to his daughter or any other ? 
 
 " But thou will saie, it was more than needed : for without consent 
 of the parliament, he might doo with the Realme and euerie parte 
 therof, what it pleased him. Take hede what thou sayest. If that 
 
112 PONET ON THE EEGIMENT OF WOMEN, [essay 
 
 be true, that king Henry might do with it without consent of the 
 parliament : how is the Ladi mari Quene ? why might not king 
 Edwarde his sonne (a prince borne in laufull matrimonie, and right 
 heire to the Crowne) bequeathe the Crowne wher he wolde, and as 
 he did ? Take hede what thou doest. If the king and Quene geue 
 thee a thousaunt perdones, yet shalt thou be founde a ranke 
 Traitour to the Realiie of Englande. For albeit the king or Quene 
 of a realme haue the Crowne neuer [so] iustly, yet maye they not 
 dispose of the Crowne or realme, as it pleaseth them. They haue 
 the Crowne to minister iustice, but the Realme being a bodi of 
 freemen and not of bondemen, he nor she can not geue or sell them 
 as slaues and bondemen. No, they can not geue or sell awaye the 
 holdes and fortes (as Calese and Barwike, or such like) without the 
 consent of the Commones : for it was purchaced with their blood 
 and moneie. Yea and thine owne popes lawes (wherby thou 
 measurest all thinges to be laufull or not laufull) saie, that if a king 
 or gouernour of any realme goo about to diminishe the regalities 
 and rightes of his crowne, he ought to he deposed. Thus did Pope 
 Honorius the thrid commaunde tharchebishop of CoUossa and his 
 suffraganes to depriue a king of Vngarie, which went about to 
 waste, sell and geue awaye the Regalities and rightes of his crowne, 
 onles in tyme he ceassed and called backe that he hade done. It is 
 so plaine, thou canst not denie it. 
 
 " But I see. Boner, I haue chafed thee to muche : thi chekes 
 blushe and swell for very angre. M. D. Cheadsei, M. D. Pendleton, 
 M. Cosins, or som of you cbaplaines, get my lorde a cup of seoke, to 
 comfort his spirites. My lorde and I agree almost like belles : we 
 iarre somwhat but not muche, his lordship meaneth that men ought 
 to be alwaies but not at all tymes honest. But I saie, thei must be 
 honest alwaies and at al tymes. His lordeship wolde fayne haue a 
 placarde or prouiso for him and his, that they might somtimes (tha 
 is from the beginning to the ende of the weke) plaie their partes. 
 But I saie, albeit his lordship haue such a priuilege, yet maie no 
 honest man at any tyme doo that is not honest, iuste, and laufull, bi 
 kaisers, kinges, Quenes no, neither his commaundement." — Fonet, 
 Sig. E. ij. 
 
 The same writer had before laid down this doctrine in a 
 highly characteristic passage ; — 
 
 " Whan Pharao the tyranne commaunded the mydwyues of the 
 Egipcianes, to kill all the male children that should be borne of the 
 Israelites wyues : thinke ye, he did only commaunde them ? No 
 without doubt. Ye maye be sure, he commaunded not only vpon 
 threatned paynes, but also promised them largely : and perchaunce 
 as largely as those doo, that being desirous of children, procure the 
 mydwyues to saye, they be with childe, whan their bely is puffed yp 
 with the dropsie or moUe, and hauing bleared the common peoples 
 eies with processioning, Te deum singing, and bonfire banketting, 
 vse all ceremonies and cryeing out, whilest an other birdes egge is 
 layed in the nest. But these good mydwiues fearing God (the high 
 power) who hadde commaunded them, not to kill, wold not obeye 
 this tyranne Pharaoes commaundement, but lefte it vndone. 
 
VII.] BECON'S SUPPLICATION. 113 
 
 " Whan the loilye quene lesabel commaunded, that the prophetes 
 of God should be destroyed, that none should be lefte to speake 
 against her idoles, but that all men should folowe her procedinges : 
 did Abdias the chief officer to the king her husbande saye, ' Your 
 grace dothe very well to ridde the worlde of them for those that 
 ■worship the true lining God, cannot be but traitours to my 
 souerayne lorde and maistre the king your husbaude, and to your 
 grace: and it is these heretikes, that bewitohe and coniure you, 
 that your grace cannot be delyuered of your childe, nor slepe quietly 
 in your bedde : let me alone, I will flnde the meanes to despeohe 
 them all, only haue your grace a good opinion of me, and thinke I 
 am your owne?' No. Abdias (a man fearing God, and knowing 
 this commaundement to be a wicked womaus will) did cieane con- 
 trary to her commaundement, and hidde and preserued an hundred 
 of the prophetes vnder the earthe in caues. Whan the wicked king 
 Saul commaunded his howne householde wayters and familiar 
 seruauntes to kill the priest Ahimelech and his children for hatred 
 to Dauid : did those his owne nerest wayting seruauntes flattre him 
 forewarde, and saye, 'Your Maiestie shall neuer be in sauetie and 
 quiet so long as this traitour and his prating children (that are 
 alwayes in their sermones and bokes, meddling of the kinges maters) 
 be sufEred to lyve ? we wil be your true obedient seruauntes, we will 
 beleue as the king beleueth, we wOl doo as the king biddeth vs, 
 according to our most bounden deutie of allegeaunce, we shaU sone 
 ease your highnesse of this grief : other of your graces chaplaynes 
 be more mete for that rowme than this hipocrite traitour ? ' No. 
 they vsed no suche court crueltie, but considering God to be the 
 supreme power, and seing Ahimelech (by his answeres) and his 
 householde to be giltles of suche mater in forme and intent as (by 
 Doeges accusation) Saul charged him withal, they refused to kill 
 any of them, or ones to laye violent haudes vpon them, but playnly 
 and vtterly (being yet the kinges true seruauntes and subiectes) 
 denyed to obeye the kinges vnlaufuU commaundement." — Ponet, 
 Sig. D. iv. 
 
 With regard to Becon, I have not at present access to 
 many of his original editions ; and it is not to ovir purpose 
 to quote those which were afterwards republished with 
 corrections. In his Supplication, however, which I have 
 already mentioned, he is equally plain and express as to the 
 regiment of women. Take the following extract from the 
 long prayer of which his book consists, and forgive me for 
 reprinting matter offensive enough in itself, but rendered 
 tenfold more offensive by the form in which it is presented. 
 But it must be remembered that the author was one of 
 Archbishop Cranmer's Chaplains, and his opinion, especially 
 as he thought fit to give it in so emphatic and solemn a 
 manner, must not be overlooked ; — 
 
 " But alas for sorow, this most goodly & godly Impe, this moste 
 
 u 
 
114 THE " SUPPLICACYON TO [essay 
 
 Christen kyng, this noble yonge Josias was for oure vnthankefulnes 
 & wicked lyuing taken awaye from vs, before the tyme vnto our 
 great sorow & vnspeakable hartes disease. Whose death was the 
 beginning, and is now still the continuaunce of aU our sorowes, 
 griefes & miseries. For in the steade of that verteous prince, thou 
 haste set to rule oner vs are woman, wlwm nature hath formed to he in 
 subieccion vnto man, & whom thou by thyne holy Apostle com- 
 maundest to kepe silence & not to speake in the congregacion. Ah 
 Lord, to take away the empire from a man, and to gyue it vnto a 
 woman, seemeth to be an euident token of thyne anger toward vs 
 Englishmen. For by the Prophete, thou beyng displeased with thy 
 people, threatnest to setts women to rule ouer them, as people vn- 
 worthy to haue lauful, natural, and mete gouernors to reign over 
 them. And verely though we fynd, that women sometime bare rule 
 among thy people, yet do we rede, that siiche as ruled & were quenes, 
 were for the moste part wicked, vngodly, supersticious, <£• gevsn to 
 idolatry, & to all filthy ablwrninadon, as we may se in the histories 
 of queue Jesabel, quene Athalia, quene Herodias and such like. Ah 
 Lorde God, we dare not take vpon vs to iudge anye creature, for vnto 
 the alone are the secretes of all hartes knowne, but of this are we 
 sure, that syncs she ruled, whyther of her owne disposicion, or of 
 the prouocacion of a certayne wylde bore, successor too Ananias 
 that whyghtie daubed waulle, we know not, thy vineyarde is vtterly 
 rooted vp and layde waste, thy true religion is bannished, and popishe 
 supersticion hath preuayled, yea & that vnder the coloure of the 
 catholicke churche." &c. — Becon, Supp., Sig. A. vii. 
 
 It is conceivable that Becon might imagine it possible that, 
 in some sort of sense, he, and those whom he expected to use 
 his " Supplication," might be able to say that they dared not 
 " to judge any creature ; " and this may perhaps be con- 
 sidered as consistent with his launching such an anathema 
 as the following, provided it is believed that he did not mean 
 it to have reference, or to be applied by his readers, to any 
 particular persons ; — 
 
 " Those, O Lorde, whichs are thy sworne enemyes and of a sett 
 purpose euen ageynste their owne conscience and contrary to their 
 knowledge persecute the gloryus Gospell of thy derely beloued 
 Sonne and the tru fauourers of the same, and wil by no meanes be 
 reconciled, nor leane vnto the truthe, but go forthe dayly more and 
 more to hinder the fre and ioyefull passage of thy holy wored, & to 
 withdrawe so many as they can from beleuyng, reoeauyng, and 
 embrassyng the same seyng they synne the synne vnto deathe and 
 are not to be conuertsd, Lords haiste the to root theme vp from 
 the face of the Earthe that they be no more stomblyng blockes to 
 the weake Christians. Destroie thow them God, let them peryshe 
 thoroughe theyr owne imaginaoions. Caste them out in the multitud 
 of their vngodlynes, for they haue rebelled ageynste the. Rayne 
 thowe snares fyre, brimston, storme, and tempeste, vpon them, let 
 this be their porcion to drincke. Let them be confounded and put 
 
vii.J THE QUENES MAIESTIE." 115 
 
 to shame, that seke after the lyues of the faithful!. let them be 
 turned baoke and broughte to confusion, that imagine mischefe 
 ageynste them. Let them be as duste befor the wynd, and the 
 Angel of the Lord scattering them. Let their way be dark and 
 slippery, and let thy Angel Lord persecut them. Yea let soden 
 distruocion com vpon them vnwares, and the netes that they haue 
 layde preuely, cathe [.sic] themselues, that they maye faull into theyr 
 own mycheffi. Let the swerdes that they drawe out go thorowe 
 their owne heartes, and the bowes that they haue bended slea them 
 selues." — Becon, Sig. E. ij. 
 
 Who were "Those"? Let the question be honestly 
 answered. Was it altogether improbable that such an 
 anathema should be applied in a way not very likely to con- 
 ciliate the Qvieen, the Council, and the ecclesiastical rulers? 
 The Queen was supposed to be too much in the hands of the 
 bishops, and the anonymous author of the " Supplicacyon to 
 the Queues Maiestie " thought fit to caution her on this 
 head in no very equivocal terms; — 
 
 " We read also in the 18. chapter off the third booke off the 
 kings, afEter that allmighty god at the praier off the prophet Elias, 
 had shut the heauens that it rainid not in thre yeres and six 
 monithes, and king Achab meting with the prophet Elias, he sayd 
 to him: 'thou art he that troblest all Israel' (like as steuen 
 gardener bisshop off Winchester and his feloues, saith to the pour 
 preachers and professors of Christes gospell now a days) but Elias 
 words shall answere hym, wherwith he answerid king Achab. It is 
 he and hys complices, that haue forsaken the lining god, and do go 
 a whoring after Strang gods, as the matter shall plainly appere when 
 god will, like as it did appere by Elias, with the 400. false prophets, 
 which false prophetts had seduced the quene lesabell, and cawsid 
 her to sley and distroy all gods holy prophetts (like as our false and 
 cruell bisshopps intendith to do) so that the prophet Elias was fain 
 to fly in to the wildernes, to saue his lifiE, wher god appointid A 
 Eauen to feed hym : but what was the ende hoth of the quene and of 
 all those false prophetts 1 Read the text, and you shal plainly per- 
 ceiue that the quene was cast down out of a window wher she brake 
 her necke and was eaten vp of dogs, as the prophet of god had 
 before said, and all here false prophetts and preastes were vtterly 
 distroied. 
 
 " Let this greuous example moue your grace do beware the tymes 
 of your false bysshopps and clergye, speoyally of steuen gardener 
 bysshop of wynchester." — Supp. to the Queen, Sig. A. iv. h. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to ask the reader to consider what 
 the Queen and the government of England must have 
 thought of those persons abroad who sent over, and those in 
 this country who circulated, such books as I have quoted 
 from, and how they must have felt disposed, not to say com- 
 
116 "THE SPANIARDS." [essay 
 
 pelled, to treat them ? The question at present is not how 
 far the matter was right or wrong, or what we may think of 
 it in itself, but what did the Queen and her Council think 
 of it ? I do not say what did the King and his Spaniards 
 think of it, for they had enough to think of in other matter 
 more particularly and pointedly addressed to themselves, 
 and of which I hope to give some specim.ens presently. 
 
 ESSAY VIII. 
 
 PURITAN POLITICS. No. IV. 
 
 THE SPAJflAEDS. 
 
 wyatt — stafford — bradford bale knox ponet 
 
 goodman — the " supplication to the queen " — the 
 "trewe mirror." 
 
 " I AM come vnto you " — said Queen Mary, to the citizens of 
 London, in the speech which she made to them on occasion 
 of Wyatt's rebellion — " I am come vnto you, in mine own 
 ' person to tel you that which already you see & know, that 
 ' is, how traiterously and rebelleously, a number of Kentish- 
 ' men haue assembled themselves against both vs & you. 
 ' Their pretence (as they said at first) was for a mariage 
 ' determined for vs, to the which, and to all the articles 
 ' thereof ye haue bin made priuy. But sithens we have 
 ' caused certaine of our priuy Counsaile to go againe vnto 
 ' them and to demand the cause of this their rebellion, and 
 ' it appeared then vnto our said counsel, that the matter of 
 ' the mariage seemed to bee but as a Spanish doak to couer 
 ' their pretensed purpose against our religion ; so that they 
 ' arrogantly and traiterously demanded to haue the gouer- 
 ' nance of our person, the keeping of the Tower, and the 
 ' placing of our Counsailers." 
 
 " Now louing subiects," continued the Queen, " what I 
 ' am ye right wel know. I am your Queen, to whom at my 
 ' coronation, when I was wedded to the Realme and lawes of 
 ' the same (the spousal! ring whereof I haue on my finger, 
 
viii.] "THE SPANISH CLOAK." 117 
 
 ' which neuer hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be, left off) 
 ' you promised your allegiance and obedience vnto me." 
 
 After an appeal to their sense of duty as subjects, her 
 Majesty proceeded to say : "As concerning the mariage, ye 
 ' shal vnderstande that I enterprised not the doing thereof 
 ' withoiit aduice, and that by the aduice of al our priiiy 
 ' council, who so considered and wayed the great com- 
 ' modities that might insue thereof that they not only 
 ' thought it very honorable, but also expedient, both for the 
 'welth of the realme, and also of you subiectes." 
 
 And after further declaring that in this matter she was 
 not following her own self-will, she added : " Certainly, if I 
 ' either did thinke or know that this mariage were to the 
 ' hurt of any of you my commons, or to the impeachment of 
 ' any part or parcel of the roial state of this realme of Eng- 
 ' land I woulde neuer consent thereunto, neither woulde leuer 
 ' mary while I liued. And in the worde of a Queene I pro- 
 ' mise you that if it shal not probably appear to al the nobility 
 ' and commons in the high court of parliament, that this 
 ' mariage shal be for the high benefit and commodity of al the 
 ' whole realm, then I will abstaine from mariagewhile I Hue."' 
 
 This view of the " Spanish cloak " concealing other views 
 and purposes is taken by the principal historian of Wyatt's 
 rebellion-, who tells us : — 
 
 ' Fox, vol. ii. p. 1289. Ed. 1596. 
 
 ^ The full title of the work from which I extract is, " The historic of 
 'Wyates rebellion, with the order and maner of resisting the same, 
 ' whernnto in the ende is added an earnest conference with the degenerate 
 ' and sedicions rebelles for the serohe of the canse of their daily dis- 
 ' order. Made and compyled by John Proctor. Mense lanuarii, Anno 
 '1555." It was " Imprynted at London by Eobert Caly within the 
 precincte of the late diseolued house of the graye Freers, now conuerted 
 to an Hospitall, called Chrietes Hospitall : The x, day of January 1555." 
 Small 8vo, b. 1., containing N, the two last leaves blank. There is some 
 account of the book in Brydge's Gensura Literaria, (Vol. IV. p. 389,) 
 where it is said, " Proctor was schoolmaster of the free school at Tun- 
 bridge, and from his vicinity to the scene of action must have had greater 
 opportunity of knowing the particulars of the rebellion than many others." 
 This is I suppose grounded on Anthony a Wood's account, Athence, 
 Vo\. I. p. 235. Lowndes, after mentioning several copies which have 
 been sold (irom the imperfect Eoxbnrghe for 21. 16s. to Mr. Bindley's at 
 91.,) says, " According to Hearne, ' This rare book was much made use 
 of by Ealph Holinshed in his Chronicle. It was always reckoned a book 
 of great authority by such as are impartial and are well versed in English 
 history." — Bibliogr. Man. in v. Proctor, 
 
118 PROOTOE'S "HISTOEIE [essas 
 
 " Consideringe with hymselfe, that to make the pretence of his 
 rebellion to bee the restoring or continuaunce of the new and 
 newelye forged religion was nether agreableto the nature of heresie 
 (whiche alwaye defendeth it selfe by the name and countenaunoe of 
 other matter moore plausible) neyther so apte to further hys wycked 
 purpose, being not a case so general to allure al sortes to take part 
 with him : he determined to speake no worde of religion, but to make 
 the colour of hys commotion, only to withstande straungers, and to 
 aduaunce libertie. For as he made hys full reckninge that suche as 
 accorded with hym in religion, wold wholly ioyne with hym in that 
 rebellion.^ So he trusted that the Catholikes for the moste parte, 
 woulde gladlye imbrace that quarel agaynst the straungers, whose 
 name he toke to become odible to all sortes, by the sedicious and 
 malicious report, which he and hys hadde maliciously imagined and 
 blowen abrode agaynst that nation, as a preparatiue to their 
 abominable treason. Hys Proclamation therefore published at 
 Maydstone, and so in other places, persuaded that quareU to be 
 taken in hande only in the defense of the realme from ouerrunnynge 
 by Straungers, and for thaduauncement of libertie. Where in verye 
 dede, hys onely and very matter was the continuaunce of heresye, 
 as by hys owne wordes at sundrie times shal hereafter appeare. 
 
 " And to the ende the people should not thinke that he alone 
 with a fewe other meane gentlemen, had taken that traiterous 
 enterprise in hand without comfort and ayde of higher powers, he 
 vntruely and maliciously added further to his proclamation, by 
 persuasion to the people, that all the nobilitie of the realme, and the 
 whole counsel! (one or two onelye except) were agreable to his pre- 
 tensed treason, and would with all their power and strength further 
 the same, which he found most vntrue to his subuersion. And that 
 the lord Aburgauenye, the lorde Warden, Syr Robert Southwell, 
 high shyreffe with all other gentlemen wold ioyne with him in this 
 enterprise, and set theyr fote by his to repel the straungers. 
 
 "This proclamation, and such annexed persuasions made at 
 Maydstone on the market day, and in other partes of the shire, had 
 so wrought in the heartes of the people, that diuers which before 
 hated him, and he them, were nowe as it seemed upon this occasion 
 mutuallye reconciled, and sayde vnto him. ' Syr, is your quarell 
 onelye to defend vs ouerrunning by straungers, and to aduance 
 libertie, and not agaynst the Queene?' 'No,' quod Wyat, 'we 
 mynde nothinge lesse, then anye wyse to touche her grace : but to 
 serue her, and honour her aooordyng to our dueties. ' ' Wei,' quod 
 they, ' geue vs then youre hande, we wyll stycke to you to deathe in 
 this quarell.' That done, there came to hym one other of good 
 wealthe, saiyng : ' Syr,' quod he, ' they saye I loue potage well, I 
 wyll sell all my spones, and al the plate in my house, rather than 
 your purpose shall quayle, and suppe my potage with my mouthe. 
 I truste,' quod he, 'you wyll restore the ryght religion agayne.' 
 
 ' That he was not mistaken in his calculations on this point may be 
 seen by evidence which has been already adduced in these papers • as 
 well as by the way in which he and his rebellion are spoken of by'tlie 
 leading men of the puritan party. 
 
VIII. J OP WYATES EEBELLION." 119 
 
 ' Whiste ' quod Wyat, ' you maye not so much as name religion, for 
 that wil withdraw from vs the heartes of manye : you must only 
 make your quarel for ouerrunniuge by straungers. And yet to thee 
 be it sayd in counsell, as vnto my frende, we minde onely the 
 restitution of God's word." — Fol. 3. b. 
 
 That the good commons of England might at any time be 
 worked upon by representations that they were being sold 
 as slaves into the hands of strangers and foreigners, is very 
 conceivable : but that the match between the Queen and 
 Philip of Spain was really disliked by the people in general, 
 or considered by them as a national grievance, may very 
 well be questioned. At the same time, we must not be 
 surprised, that the matter has been represented in that 
 light by modern historians, who have too generally and too 
 implicitly followed the statements of the most violent 
 agitators of the period, who had, as Mr. Proctor observes, 
 " maliciously imagined and blowen abrode " a " seditious 
 and malacious report " calculated to render the very name 
 of the Spaniards " odible to all sortes." Thus Bishop 
 Burnet tell us : 
 
 " It was now apparent, the queen was to marry the prince of 
 Spain ; which gave an universal discontent to the whole nation. 
 All that loved the Reformation saw, that not only their religion 
 would be changed, but a Spanish government and inquisition would 
 be set up in its stead. Those who considered the civil liberties of 
 the kingdom, without great regard to religion, concluded that 
 England would become a province to Spain, and they saw how they 
 governed the Netherlands," &c. — Hist, of Bef. Vol. ii. p. 249. 
 
 And again — 
 
 " But great discontents did now appear everywhere. The severe 
 executions after the last rising, the marriage with Spain, and the 
 overturning of religion concurred to alienate the nation from the 
 government." — Ibid. 268. 
 
 Of course it is very easy to talk of " universal dis- 
 content " and " the whole nation," and to tell us that 
 "discontents'' appeared "everywhere;" but perhaps it 
 would not be easy to justify the use of such language by 
 particular details. Certainly there were some discontents, 
 and some attempts to create more. For instance, Stafford's 
 rebellion, which it may be worth while to refer to more 
 particularly, because it not only illustrates our present 
 subject, but is a good specimen of the manner in which 
 history is too often made. Strype gives us (from that 
 
120 STAFFORD'S REBELLION [essay 
 
 curious miscellany the " Foxii MSS.") the proclamation 
 which this rebel issued, and which begins thus : 
 
 "To all and every singular person and persons, of what estate or 
 degree soever they be, that love the common wealthe, honoure, and 
 libertie of this ower native countrye, and moste for the realme of 
 England, the Lorde Thomas StafEorde, son to the Lorde Henry, 
 rightfull Duke of Bookingham, sendythe greetinge. Knowe ye, 
 most dearlye belovyd contrymen, that we travellinge in strange 
 realmes, and- forren nations, have perfectly proved owt manye 
 detestable treasons, which Spanyardes shamfuUye and wrongfullye 
 have pretended, and at this present have indevered themselves to 
 worke against ower noble realme of Englande ; we therfore more 
 tenderlye favouringe, as all trewe Englishmen owghte to do, the 
 common commodity and weal publycke of this ower natyve contrye, 
 than ower welthe, treasure, safegarde, health, or pleasure, have with 
 all possible spede arived here in the castell of Scarborowe, levyng 
 owr band, wherwith we thoughte to have proved in other affayers, 
 oomyng after us, bycause we had perfect knowledge by certaine 
 letters taken with Spanyardes at Depe, that this same castell of 
 Scarborow, with xij other of the moste chefest and principall 
 howldes in the realme, shalbe delyvered to xij thousand Spanyardes, 
 before the Kinges coronation : for the Spanyardes saye, it were but 
 vaine for the Kinge to be crowned, onlesse he maye have certaine 
 of our strongest castelles and holdes, to resorte to at all tymes, till 
 he maye be able to bringe in a greate armye to withstonde his 
 enemyes, that is, to overrun and destroye the wholle realme : for, so 
 long as Englyshemen have anye power, we truste they will never 
 submitte themselfes to vile Spanyardes. Which treason we have 
 disappointed ; trustinge, and firmelye belevinge, by the mighte of 
 the omnipotente, everlastinge God, with the ayde and helpe of all 
 trewe Englyshmen, to deliver owr country from all presente peril , 
 daunger, and bondage, wherunto it is like to be broughte, by the 
 moste develyshe devize of Mary, unrightful and unworthye Queue 
 of England, who, both by the will of hir father, Kinge Henrye the 
 viijth, and by the lawes of this noble realme of England, hathe 
 forfette the crowne, for marriage with a straunger. And also hathe 
 moste justlye deserved to be deprived from the crowne, because 
 she being naturallye borne haulfe Spanyshe and haulfe Englyshe, 
 bearjrthe not herselfe indifferentlye towardes bothe nations, but 
 showinge herselfe « whole Spanyarde, and no Englyshe woman, in 
 lovinge Spanyardes, and hatinge Inglyshemen, inrichinge Spanyardes 
 and robbinge Inglysheiuen ; sending over to Spanyardes continuallye 
 the treasure, gowlde, and silver of our realme, to maintaine them 
 for owr destruction ; sufferinge poore people of England to lyve in 
 all careful! miserye, manye of them dyinge for verye hunger : and 
 not contented with all thes myschyfes, she sekynge earnestlye by 
 all possyble meanes to place Spanyardes in our castelles and 
 howldes, contrarye to all statutes, customes, and ordinaunces within 
 this realme, that they maye burne and destroye the countrye iij or 
 iiij tymes yerelye, till Englyshemen can be contented to obeye all 
 their vyle costomes, and moste detestable doinges, wherby the 
 
VIII.] AND PROCLAMATION. 121 
 
 whole commonaltie of Inglande shalbe broughte to perpetual 
 captivitie, bondage, and moste servyle slaverye, as evidently shalbe 
 proved before all men, at our fyrste assemble." — 31em. Vol. III. 
 P. ii. p. 515. 
 
 This rebellious proclamation is given by Strype, in what 
 he calls the " Catalogue " of documents, annexed to the 
 Memorials ; and, notwithstanding something almost tauto- 
 logous, the passage of his history which refers to the matter, 
 may amuse the reader as a specimen of the unsuspecting 
 simplicity with which Strype received and adopted every 
 statement proceeding from what he considered the right 
 side. If it were not so mischievous, it would be merely 
 ludicrous to see how the rhodomontade of this rebel pro- 
 clamation is transmuted into mere matter-of-fact history. 
 
 "The Government by this time became very uneasy, not only in 
 respect of the bloodshed for religion, and the rigorous inquisitions 
 made every where, but for the domineering of the Spaniards, which 
 was intolerable. The English were very much disregarded, and the 
 Spaniards ruled all ; the queen, half Spanish by birth, and still 
 more so by marriage, shewing them all favour ; hating the English, 
 and enriching the Spaniard, and sending over her treasures to 
 Spaniards. King Philip also had required twelve of the strongest 
 castles here in England ; which were to be put into the hands of 
 twelve thousand of the Spanish soldiers, to be sent over against the 
 time of his coronation, as was found by certain letters taken with 
 Spaniards at Diep. This raised a great apprehension in the nation, 
 that he intended to get this realm to himself by a conquest, and to 
 reduce it under a tyranny. That nation also had carried themselves 
 here very disobligingly to the English, and would say, that they 
 would rather dwell among Moors and Turks, than with Englishmen ; 
 who sometimes would not bear their insolencies and oppressions 
 without resistance. 
 
 " This, together with a hope of restoring himself to the dukedom 
 of Buckingham, made Thomas Stafford, of that blood, in April arrive 
 in England out of France with forces, and possess himself of Scar- 
 borough castle ; giving out himself to be governor and protector of 
 the realms ; intending to depose Queen Mary, whom he called, the 
 unrightful and unworthy Queen of England, as forfeiting her crown 
 by marriage with a stranger, and for favouring and maintaining 
 Spaniards, and putting castles into their hands, to the destruction 
 of the English nation. Stafford, with his party, (who were the 
 remainders of those who made the insurrection the last year) put 
 forth his proclamation. But the King and Queen, being greatly 
 surprised herewith, April 30, sent out a proclamation against him 
 and the other traitors with him ; and they were soon quelled by the 
 Earl of Westmorland and others in those parts. Stafford and four 
 more were taken in Scarborough castle, April 28, and brought up to 
 the Tower : and twenty-seven more, that assisted in that exploit, 
 were prisoners in York. May 28, Stafford was beheaded on Tower- 
 
122 BRADFOKD'S "BLAST OF [essay 
 
 hill ; and the next day three of the accomplices were executed at 
 Tyburu, viz. Stretchley, alias Strelly, alias Stowel, Proctor, and 
 Bradford ; that Bradford, I suppose, who wrote a large and notable 
 letter, mentioned before, against the Spaniards." — Mem. III. ii. 66. 
 
 It does not seem to have occurred to Strype that the fact 
 of these rebels meeting with no encouragement — their 
 being, as he says, " soon quelled by the Earl of Westmore- 
 land and others in those parts " — that is, by the English, 
 who were intrusted with such a business, while "very 
 much disregarded, and the Spaniards ruled all " — that the 
 traitors were quietly hanged at Tyburn instead of being cut 
 into mince-meat by the king and his twelve thousand 
 domineering Spaniards^ — it does not, I say, seem to have 
 occurred to him, that these circumstances might justly 
 excite some suspicion as to the perfect accuracy of some 
 statements in the rebel proclamation, and his own view of 
 the state of things in the country generally. 
 
 Whether Strype is right in supposing the John Bradford 
 who suffered for the part which he took in this rebellion, to 
 be the author of the work of which I have already spoken 
 at p. 85, I do not pretend to decide ; but his mentioning 
 him will very naturally introduce some extracts from his 
 work. First, however, let us have the copy of verses which 
 are appended to it, and which, as I have ah'eady stated, do 
 not appear quite in accordance with his vehement profession 
 of fidelity to the old religion. 
 
 "^ A tragicall blast of the Papisticall trompette for maintenannce 
 of the Popes hingdome in Englande. 
 
 " Now fll the cup & make good chore. 
 This golden chaines must neds obei : 
 England is ours both farre & nere. 
 No king shall reigne if we say nay. 
 
 * It is of gi-eat importance to observe how the rhodomontades of history 
 are softened down. Strype says, " twelve thousand of the Spanish sol- 
 diers to he sent over against the time of his coronation. " The copy of the 
 rebel proclamation, which he gives from the Fox MSS. leaves the matter 
 open. But the royal proclamation against the rebels (which Strype also 
 gives) distinctly charges the Rebel with having dishonestly stated in his 
 " shamefuU proclamation " that " the Kings Majestie, our sayde soverayne 
 Lord hath induced and brought into this realm the number of twelve 
 thousande straungers and Spaniardes." AVhich of these statements is 
 correct I do not pretend to decide, but of course it was much more to the 
 purpose to tell the Englishmen^ that the Spaniards were actually in the 
 country, than only that they might be expected. 
 
VIII.] THE PAPISTIOALL TROMPETTE." 123 
 
 Now all shauen crownes to the standerd, 
 Make rome, pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " Spare nother man, woman or childe, 
 Hange and hed them, burne them with fier : 
 What if Christ wer both meke & mild 
 Satan our lord wil geue vs hier. 
 Now al shauen crounes to the standerd 
 Make rome, pul down for the fcjpaniard. 
 
 " Pope innocent our father old 
 When Peters keis cold doe no good : 
 He cursed them a thousande folde, 
 And drowned them in Tibers floud. 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd 
 Make rome, pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " He said we must pauls swerde now take, 
 Splay the banner, strike vp the droome, 
 Fall to aray, pike and halfe hake, 
 Play now the men, the time is come. 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd, 
 Make rome, pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " Our golden hatte we mnste defende, 
 Though Christ say nay, we wil it haue. 
 And it maintaine vnto the ende, 
 Al kinges to vs be bonde and slaue. 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd 
 Make rome, pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " The Pope our father hathe alrule, 
 The deuil to him wil neuer say nay, 
 But maketh him richly to ride on mule. 
 In worldly pompe, which may not decai. 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd. 
 Make rome pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " The Spaniards hath sworn vs to defend. 
 So that we betraye Englande to them : 
 Make hauock now the people to spend, 
 As Herode did once in Bethleem. 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd 
 Make rome, pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " Doe you not see this Englishe in feare : 
 Their hart is driuen into their hose, 
 xiii we burned of late together : 
 Thei durst not snuffe once with their nose 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd. 
 Make rome, pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " Hey courage, courage, my felowes al. 
 The getting ship must here a proud saile. 
 If we draw backe our kingdom wil fal, 
 If we be stoute nothing shal vs faile 
 
124 BRADFORD'S LETTER [essay 
 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standard, 
 Make rome, pnl down for the Spaniard. 
 
 ' ' Lay shame aside, let honesty go, 
 Beare out al matters be they vntrew : 
 Say trew men be traitors & the Qu. foe, 
 'Banish al truethe and falshode renew. 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd, 
 Make rome, pul down for the Spaniard. 
 
 " Our iust must we haue, who can sai nay, 
 This god once said to our father Caine, 
 The world is our reigne and worldlie stale, 
 We shal not decaye but alwais remaine. 
 Now al shauen crownes to the standerd 
 Make rome, pul downe for the Spaniard. 
 
 " The author to Englande his 
 naturall countreye, 
 
 " England repent whiles thou hast space. 
 If thou couldest repent as Niniuie did, 
 Then sholdest thou be sure of gods grace 
 And so might thy enemies quite be rid. 
 But if thou be blinde, and will not see. 
 Then hasteth destruction for to destroi the.'' 
 
 But to come to Bradford's own part of the work. He 
 dedicates it thus, 
 
 " To the right 
 
 honorable lords &c. the erles of Arun- 
 -dell. Darby, Shreusebury & Pembrok, 
 their true and faythfull seruaunt wi- 
 sheth, as to al other of our nobilitie in 
 crease of grace in gods fauour, wyth 
 perfect honor, and the preseruacyon 
 of their most honorable estates and 
 country. Thoughe ye reioyce not in 
 readyng my foolyshe reasons, yet 
 geue God thankes, that I haue 
 disoouered suche detesta- 
 ble treasons." 
 
 And then, after a passage which has been already partly 
 quoted, he says ; — 
 
 " I wil write nothing to disturbe the trew and most godly state 
 of oure religion, whiche the Queues maiestie moste graciouslye 
 setteth out at thys present, and wherein god hath preserued me : 
 nor yet, to disturbe the quiete estate of the commonwealth : But in 
 shewing what is pretended to the contrarye, declare vnto you the 
 way, if it please you to folowe my counsell, how to preserue youre 
 lordeshipes, and the whole realme, from most miserable bondage 
 
VIII.] ON THE SPANIARDS. 125 
 
 and captiuite. I purpose to declare a part of the naturall dispo- 
 sioion of Spaniardes : certayne of their premeditate mischeues, and 
 pretensed treasons, not onely agaynst your most honorable persons, 
 but also agaynst the whole realme : so farre, as I haue heard, seene 
 and proued, for the space of two or .iii yeres in their companye. 
 My frendes putte me to learne their language and compelled me to 
 line amongest them, because I myghte knowe perfeotlye, whether 
 their nature were so vyle, as men reported, or not. And I assure 
 your lordshipes, and all my frendes, that the vileste reporte, that 
 euer I heard Englishmen speake, by the worste of all Spaniardes, is 
 nothinge to the vilenes which remaineth amongest the best of that 
 nacion, except the kings maiestie. Te wil say the noble men be 
 very cinill persons. In very dede I haue not seen so muche vertue 
 in all the reste, as in that most noble Prince the duke of Medenazelye. 
 A Prince, vndoubtedly, endewed with perfect hnmilitie, trueth, lone, 
 charite and all other prince like vertues." — Siff. A. viii. 
 
 It will be observed that Bradford writes as if he were 
 under a suspicion that his reader's opinion of the character 
 and proceedings of the Spaniards, formed on actual observa- 
 tion, might be somewhat different from what he wished to 
 inculcate, — " ye wil say the noble men be very ciuill 
 persons." Indeed, the reader cannot fail to observe in 
 subsequent extracts, that the evils and abominations of 
 the Spanish alliance were matters of prediction rather than 
 of fact. 
 
 " But wherfore should I spend my time, in showing so mani of 
 their vile condicions, as I knowe moste perfectly. For me thinke I 
 heare some noble man starte at these fewe principall pointes sayingi: 
 ' What a vyle knaue is this, that raUeth so muche against the Quenes 
 frendes.' Would to god that wer trewe : we know moste perfectly, 
 they loue her treasure faithfully, and her crowne hartely. But if 
 her grace worke prudently, she shall perceiue spedely, they loue her 
 person fainedly. I haue not spoken the worst nor the most, lyke a 
 rayler, but showed a small nomber of rype rotes, from the which 
 spring a thousand moe mischeffes, for out of eueri rote spring .vii. 
 braunches, and out of euery braunohe doe spring .vii. worse wormes 
 or stinkinge serpentes of more mortall poison, then either the rotes 
 or spitful braunches. As for example, take their pompynge pryde, 
 and ye shall proue thiir purpose once ohteiiied, thei wil treade your 
 heads in the dust, and compel you to Hue at home porely, without 
 bearing rule in the commen wealth. Thinke you, to liue at home in 
 your country : no they knowe perfectly you woulde then haue all 
 people vpon your part and make insurrections, to driue them out of 
 the lande : they wil prouide for this matter, and put you to death 
 louingly, before you make such controuersye, that they may gather 
 vp againe their great giftcs, vpon youre treasures, and maintaine their 
 gorgious gannentes, with their false hryirie : their fine Spanishe 
 brauerye with oppression of the pore people, and bye their lustye 
 liueries with exceading great excises. There be many other 
 
126 BRADFORD'S LETTER [essay 
 
 braunohes, but I shewe these for a brefe example, that ye may by 
 your wisedomes pioke out the rest. And yet if ye pull of euery 
 braunob vii. serpentes, ye shal finde a deuelish companie. 
 
 "As for example. When ye bee trodden vnder foote, marke my 
 woordes well, euery skurueie knaue shal come to your house and 
 take the best part, leauing you the worste. Ye must obeie him like 
 a Senioure, ye must geue them the best beddes, and take the worste 
 pacientUe for youre selfes : for yon haue lord Dannes come againe 
 of them, and thei||shall putte youjin rememberaunce of the miseres 
 that your parentes suffered vnder them, whiche ye haue forgot, thei 
 are so long past. 
 
 " The worste of them shall bee better estemed, with the kinge and 
 his counsel, than the best of your realme, ye must be gladd to geue 
 them place not of curtesie, but of perforce : they must be set in the 
 higheste place, and you in the loweste. If one of them be appointed 
 in your house, by the kinge or his counsel, or els receyued for his 
 moneie, the house must be his and not yours. 
 
 "And yet wiU he departe without taking leaue or paying for 
 lodeging. 
 
 " Some man will sai, that it is not true : for they haue paide 
 euerie man iustly the vttermost pennie. 1 speake not of that, whiche 
 thei haue done in Englande, but of that which the most parte of them 
 dooe in these countries, and thei wil dooe, when they male beare 
 rule, euen amongest you in Englande. 
 
 " And yet, I thinke, there be some, that paid not verie iustlie for 
 al things when thei were amongest you laste. For I myself e knowe 
 manye worshippeful menne, which, if thei durst, woulde take their 
 othe, and soke for recompence, that lodged, ye that lodged 
 Spaniardes, in their house a yeare and more, and lette them haue 
 halfe a dossen beddes and chaumbers with all thinges perteininge 
 to them, a greate parte of their fyre wood, and such other stuffe for 
 buttery and chereles kitchen, &c. And yet the Spaniardes at their 
 departing would nother paye for many thinges that were stoUen, 
 nor for many things that were lost, as thei said, nor for many 
 thinges that were broken and rente, nor to speak plainly, for many 
 thinges which were so " [instead of a few words omitted, read 
 filthy from their diseased state], " that no man could lye in them 
 afterwardes. I know diuerse of them, that paide their accoumptes 
 so iustlye, & toke their leave so honestly : that their hostes knew 
 not of their departing, but left the bakers, bruers, bouchers, wood- 
 mongers and coliers, one of them to paie anothers skore. Yf thei 
 departed stoutly in these dayes, when they dissembled al goodnes, 
 wJien thei trusted to winne the gouernaunce of the realme and the 
 croume with gentlenes and good condicions : what wyll thei doe I praye 
 you, when they haue the crowne indede ? But to returne ye muste 
 geue them leaue to speake when you must holde your peace, ye 
 must cap to them in all places where ye see them, although it be 
 not your custome, or rather thers indede yet he is a very rusticall 
 beast, that doeth it not to them : for ye know, the worste of them 
 is a Senior : ye must preferre them in all thinges, and geue all the 
 names of honor, exoepte maiestie, to the vilest slaue amona-est 
 them."— %. B. ii. b. ^ 
 
viii.J ON THE SPANIAKDS. 127 
 
 "Some of their false flattering fauorers will sale, that all men 
 maie perceiue perfectly, that I slaunder Spaniardes wrongefuUye : 
 for they haue holpen many synce their camming into England. But 
 remember I tolde you they counterfeited condioions, because they 
 mighte seme like vnto vs, and the more easely disoeaue vs. 
 
 " For that whiclie thei haue done in Englande, was no part of their 
 nature, but the greatest part of dissimulation, and a plane prepara- 
 cion to disceaue our nobilite. For wherefore should thei seke 
 to maintaine our nobilite, and the honor of the realm in his own 
 estate : doe ye thiuke, if thei obtaine the crown, they will main- 
 teine the nobilite and the realme vpon their own charges : were it 
 not better for them to destroie the nobilite and bring the king- 
 dome, which thei loue so well, to their own commodities ? " — 
 Sig. B. V. h. 
 
 The following prediction of what the English court was 
 to become when the Spanieu-ds had quite got their own way, 
 is too graphic and too much to our purpose, to be omitted. 
 
 " Ye haue heard many euils, but god is witnes I cannot for shame 
 write or declare the vile, shamefull, detestable, and moste abomin- 
 able reportes, whiche they haue spoken by the Queus maiestie : and 
 yet her grace thinketh them to be her very frendes : but this one 
 trueth I will shew couertlie, and wrappe it in as cleane cloutes as I 
 can, desiring all men and the Quenes highnes herself most 
 humblye, to take it after their words. The Spaniards say, if they 
 obtaine not the crown, thei may curse the time that euer their 
 fcinge was bounde in mariage to a wife, so vnmete for his maiestie 
 by natural curse of yeres, but yet if the thing maye be brought to 
 passe, which was ment, in the mariage in a king, thei shal kepe old 
 riche robes, for high festifal dales. If there be any man that doth 
 not vnderstande this saying of Spaniardes, let the Quenes highnes, 
 so long as her grace wil haue any fauourable frendship of the 
 kinges maieste, kepe her self e as heigh in auctorite & as rich, as she 
 is at this present, or els her grace shall perceiue perfectly, as she 
 maye partly at this present, that Spaniards naturally loue fresh 
 wares, yong deintie dishes, and chaunge of new things. 
 
 " I thinke the Quene will blame me, for showing this one trueth, 
 but by that time her grace shall be glad, to tie horsses vnderneth 
 her chamber windowe, to suffer vile stinking donghils at her priuie 
 chamber staires, to see her garde chamber garnished about with 
 plains wals, finely farnyshed with riche pallets, of strong corse 
 canuas, wel stuffed with straws, the wals most comly colored with 
 coles, to see sitting among her graces yemen, curriers, carmen, and 
 cobblers, woodemonges, vintners, and waggeners, pointers, pinners, 
 and pediers, showemakers, surgeaunts, and sadlers, bokebinders, 
 bakers, brewers, with al kinde of lowsie loiterers, and euery one a 
 bagge, a budget, or a bottell hanged open beefore him, tyed vnder 
 hys arme, or behinde vpon his backe, more like a moste misordered 
 hospltall then a kynges garde chamber, that nother her highnes, 
 nor any of her nobilitie, can passe that way. For indede the garde 
 in the kinges courte be suohe bawdye, burly beastes, that they 
 
128 BRADFORD'S LETTER [essay 
 
 neuer come In the kinges chappell, excepts for necessitie when 
 straungers come to the courte and abyde the smell of suohe a 
 stinkinge stue. 
 
 " Her grace will say I speake not all. When her pallice gates 
 shal stand open, without porters, that not only beggers, slaues, and 
 all kinde of wretches, but also oxen, kine, hoggishe olde swinne, 
 shepe and lambs, goats, kiddes, and rammes, cattes, dogges, geese, 
 ducks, cookes, and hennes, with ail other suche good houshold 
 stufEe, may enter into her courte, and standing, rubbing, rowteing, 
 diggeng, deluing, and donging, before her chamber windowe, like a 
 good fermers house in the countrey, when her highnes hall shall be 
 one daye hanged with riche arreisse, and halfe a year after, ether 
 shut, and locked vp, or els furnished finely with spinners, silke- 
 twiners, weuers of laces, ropmakers, coblars, and bochers of olde 
 hosen, moste shamefuUie without all order, and be glad to kepe 
 within her most princelike palice a vile stinking baudy tauerne, 
 that euerye one of these fore saied craf tesmen, and all other baudes, 
 beggers, slaues, and vile dronken wretches, maye bie within her 
 courte breade, beare, nuttes, apples, and ohese, and fetche wine and 
 water out of the kinges courte, by iiii. penny pintes, and that with 
 the dearest, accordinge to the olde, auncyente, and moste honorable 
 customes of the Emperours maiesties courte, and the kinges 
 maiesties palaies here in flaunders, her maiestie shal wel perceiue, 
 that I kepe many thinges secret whiche I am ashamed to declare. 
 
 " Ye will thinke I speake the worste, but when the Quenes grace 
 shalbe glad to fetche her wine out of the tauern by eight pense, and 
 a halfe peny the quarte : as the king and bothe the Quenes doe here 
 in this courte, her highnes shall well know, that I cold show much 
 worse orders, and manye thinges more vile, more shamefull, and 
 more dishonorable than these, and by that time all these thinges be 
 wrought ordinarely, in the court of Englande, ye shall smell them 
 more vnsauerly. Al men that be here continuallye, doe see mnche 
 more and many worse thinges, then I write. 
 
 " But if these things wil not make your lordships worke wiseli and 
 be circumspect in delinering the crowne, looke further vpon youre 
 proceadinges, and when your lordships shal be glad, if ye might 
 escape so well, to be at the Spanishe counsels commaundement, and 
 wander with Spaniardes from one countrey to another, and where 
 ye Hue at this present with all plentiful prouision in your own 
 houses, be compelled to lie in good tiplinge houses, & rest halfe a 
 capone to your supper and kepe the rest for your dinner, with a pinte 
 of white wine and water, a pigges petitooes, a younge shepe trotters, 
 halfe a loine of leaue mutton and iiii. or. v grene sallettes, as the 
 best of the kings counsell do liue daily, ye wil say, woulde to god 
 we had kept the crown in our owne handes, for the right and lawful 
 heires of the realme to whom it belongeth by iust and lawfuU discent, 
 and bene trewe to our countrye, so that we might have reigned still 
 and lyved more honorable in reste, wealth, and quietnes, then any 
 nacionin the world." — Sig. B. iv. h. 
 
 One might, indeed, transcibe the whole book ; but I will 
 at present give only one more extract from it, I have 
 
vui.] ON THE SPANIARDS. 129 
 
 passed over passages in which Bradford tells the nobility 
 that their destruction w;is decided on, and explains how it 
 was to be effected ; and in the following passage he comes 
 home to the business and bosoms of the commonalty. The 
 reader may have perceived his propensity to run into 
 rliyme ; of which this extract is no bad specimen ; — 
 
 " Te will say the Spaniards kepe their olde rentaking : how can 
 that be, when euery poore man must pay yerely for euery chimney 
 in his house, and euery other place that is to make fire in, as ouen, 
 fornes, and smithes forge, a frenche orowne : wil englishmen, or 
 can thei, suffer to be poled and pilled moste miserably, in payeng 
 continually suche polingpence, and intollerable toUages for all 
 maner grains and breade, befe, beare, and mutton, goose, pigge and 
 capone, henne, mallard and chicken, milk, butter and chese, egges, 
 apples and peares, wine white and reade, with all other wines beside, 
 salt white and graye, al thinges must pay, small nnttes, and wall 
 nuttes, cheries, and chest nuctes, plumbes, damassens, philbeardes 
 and al both great & smal whatsoeuer thei maye se to fede the pore 
 commenalte. Salmon, and hearing, this is a shamefull thing, tench, 
 ele or conger, this shall kepe vs vnder, and make vs die for hunger, 
 flounders, floucke, plaice or carpe, here is a miserable warke, that 
 Englande must abide to maintaine Spanishe pride : ye paye youre 
 tenthes for aJl these things, but I speake not of churche rentes, nor 
 balif es fees, for that is but the tenthe part, but this shall greue your 
 harte, to pay the thirde part more, that burthen waieth sorer than 
 fines or rents, tak hede therfore. Ye wil think their oommeus be 
 not so opprest : there is not a yeman, farmer nor husbande man in 
 these partes, that dare eate a capone in bis own house if his frende 
 come to viset him, but the capone must cost him a noble, if it wer 
 worth XX. pence and euen so of hennes, pigges, geese, ohiokins, and 
 all other thyngs. Dooe ye thinke to make prouises for all these 
 mischefes, which I haue rehearsed : the best proiiiso ye can deuise 
 to make is, that for the auoiding of all these and innumerable moe 
 mischefs ye kepe the crowne in your own handes, and geve it to no 
 forreyne prince." — Sig. F. ii. 
 
 Whether our author is the person who was hanged is of 
 little consequence in our inquiry. I have expressed a 
 doubt, the grounds of which it is not worth while to discuss, 
 whether he was a real person, and at all events I do no 
 quote him as an authority, but only to show what sort of 
 writing was then in circulation, for the purpose of render- 
 ing the King and his countrymen hateful to the people. 
 But I do not mean to rest the case on such evidence. Let 
 us see what " ministers of good estimation " said about the 
 Spaniards, and how far those who were taking the lead in 
 the reKgious movement of the time were likely to conciliate 
 the popish " straungers " towards the protestant faith and 
 
 I 
 
1.^0 "MINISTERS OF GOOD ESTIMATION" [essay 
 
 its professors. This will be shown by a few brief extracts 
 from the works already quoted of Bale, Knox, Ponet, and 
 Goodman. 
 
 "Will. Kethe," as Strype says, "a Scot, and exile at 
 Geneva, endued with a vein of poetry, showed his good will 
 to the Spaniard " in some stanzas. These have been already 
 given, at p. 89, verse 12, &c. 
 
 As to Bale, too, I have already given one extract from 
 his Declaration of Bishop Bonner's Articles, in which he 
 speaks of " Jack Spaniard," whom he describes as " being 
 as good a Christian as is eyther Turke, Jewe, or pagane " 
 (p. 57) ; and the following may be added without looking 
 further than that peculiar work ; — 
 
 " O rare Confession, the Popes fishyng net, the discouerer of 
 princes hartes, and betraier of christen kingesand their kingdomes, 
 thou hast sence thy fyrst beginning wrought wonders. England be 
 ware in time, for thyne owne Judases are about to betray the to 
 double straungers, to cruell Spaniardes for filthy lucres sake, and to 
 the deuils of hel by their daily Idolatries." — Sig. C. i. h. 
 
 "Moreover (saith Bonner) they must rebuke aU sedicion and 
 tumulte, wyth all vnlawfuU assemblyes. A good pretence, I pro- 
 mise you. As thoughe that shouen and disguised nation, had never 
 bene the begynners of sedicyon, the sowers of tumulte, and prouiders 
 
 of leude assemblies But I pray ye, lette me axe you 
 
 this one question by the w aye. Is it or no, any hygh waye to sedi- 
 cyon, or meane to sorowfuU tumulte, to suffer so manye newe 
 straungers to enter into the land ? Yea so filthy, so wicked, and so 
 cruel as the Spaniardes are knowne to be ? If ye canne not assoyle 
 me thys question now, I doubte not but ye shal wel do it within a 
 few yeares with dolors & sorowes inexplycable, whan their vnlawful 
 assmblyes shal be such, as England felt neuer the lyke. At that 
 day shal ye cal to remembraunce this saiyng of Jeremies lamenta- 
 cions wyth great heauinesse of harte. ' See O Lord what we haue 
 sufEerred, and consider our confusion. Our inheritaunce is tourned 
 to the straungers, andoure houses to the aleauntes.' " — fo. 54, h. 
 
 Bonner having spoken of " the Kinge and Quenes 
 maiestie," in his xix Article, Bale tells him that 
 " England had no such king in the moneth of September 
 when these articles were put fourth," and he afterwards 
 
 " ' Here hath Bonner by his absolute power, geuen England an 
 vncrowned King out of a straunge lande. And agayne he hatha 
 vnauthoryshed his owne naturall king Edwarde the syxte uotynge 
 hym an vsurper, a scismatike, and a slanderous heretick, as foloweth 
 in the xxxvi Article concerning the laity and i?i other besydes. So 
 
VIII.] ON THE SPANIAEDS. 131 
 
 vnnatural a bastard is this beastly bite shepe to hys most natiirall 
 country of Englande.' " — fo. 68, h. 
 
 Knox's view of the matter may be judged of by the 
 following extract from his " Blast " : — 
 
 " If yet, I say, God wold not suffer that the oommoditie and 
 Tsuall frute, which might be gathered of the portion of grounde 
 limited and assigned to one tribe shulde passe on to another : Will 
 he suffer that the liberties, lawes, commodities and frutes of hole 
 realmes and nations, be geuen into the power and distribution of 
 others, by the reason of mariage, and in the powers of suche, as 
 besides, that they be of a strange tonge, of a strange maners and 
 lawes, they are also ignorant of God, ennemies to his truth, deniers 
 of Christ Jesus, persecutors of his true membres, and haters of all 
 vertue 1 As the odious nation of spaniardes doth manifestlie 
 declare : who for very despit, which they do beare against Christe 
 Jesus, whome their forefathers did cruciiie (for Jewes they are, as 
 histories do witnesse, and they themselues confesse) do this daye 
 make plaine warre against all true professors of his holie gospell. 
 And howe blindlie and outragiouslie the frenohe king, and his pesti- 
 lent prelates do fight against the veritie of God, the flaming fiers, 
 which lick vp the innocent blood of Christes membres, do witnesse, 
 and by his cruel edictes is notified and proclaimed. And yet to 
 these two cruell tyrannes (to France and Spaine I meane) is the 
 right and possession of England and Scotland apointed. But iust 
 or laufull shall that possession neuer be, till God do chaunge the 
 statute of his former lawe : whiche he will not do for the pleasure 
 of man. For he hath not created the earth to satisfie the ambition 
 of two or three tyrannes, but for the vniuersal seed of Adam : and 
 hath apointed and defined the boundes of their habitation to diuerse 
 nations, assigning diuerse countries as he him selfe confesseth." — 
 p. 48, I. 
 
 Ponet writes in complete harmony with John Bradford. 
 The reader will observe the very same strain of concession 
 and prediction ; — 
 
 " But ye wUl saye, ye haue no warres with any forain prince. It 
 is true : but shall ye haue none ? yes, yes : the tyme is not yet 
 come, aU is not hatched that is vnder the henne. Your winges must 
 be dubbed, your fethers must be puUed, your combes must be cut, 
 you must be cleane piked, your substaunce shalbe gotten by httel 
 and littell out of your handes, by taxes and subsidies, by beneuo- 
 lences and loanes, and so from a litell to more, and from more to 
 more : and at leyngth all the marchauntes goodes to be confiscate 
 in Flaunders by an inquisition, and others in England by an open 
 excommunication. And whan ye be ones cleane stripped of your 
 stoare, and thus weakened out of courage, and your harte in your 
 hose, as they sale : than shall your king returne to his welbeloued 
 wife, England, with great pompe and power, and shall compeU you 
 (in despite of your hartes) to rendre and deliuer her holly into his 
 handes. Thau shall the easterlinges (vpon hope to recoaer their 
 
] V>-2 " MINISTERS OF GOOD ESTIMATION " [essay 
 
 olde and greater priuileges) aide him with men money and shippes : 
 as allready l.hey haue ofEred and promised, as diuerse credible lettres 
 haue declared. Than shall they inuade Englande, and shalbe by 
 shiploades (if no worse happen vnto you) carried into newe Spaine, 
 and ther not lyue at libertie, but bicause ye are a stnbburne and 
 vnfaithfull generacion, ye shalbe tyed in chaynes, forced to rowe in 
 the galie, to digge in the mynes and to pike vp the golde in the 
 hotte sande. And so with sorowe to your soppes, your three mannes 
 songs shall be, Alas, and weale awaye. Than shall ye knowe the 
 pride and lordelynesse of the Spanyardes, though for a while til they 
 maie get the ouer hande, they crepe and crouche, fade men with sieete 
 wordes (Base las manos) aiid women loith confattes, swete wynes, plea- 
 saunt perfumes, gaye apparail, und snche like vayne toyes : but whan 
 they be ones alofte, ther is no nacion vnder the cope of Christ, like 
 them in pride, crueltie, vnmercifulnesse, nor so farre from all 
 humanitie as the Spanyardes be : which thing the realme of Naples, 
 the Dukedome of Milane, the citie of Siena, many partes of Duche- 
 lande, and the lande of lulike Cleuelaude and Geldre lande can to 
 theyr coste right well testifie. "— PoL Pow., Sig. L. iij. 6. 
 
 Goodman, speaking with reference to judgments which 
 he had just denounced, says, 
 
 " And iustly maye the Lorde to all this do you, seinge he gaue you 
 not this dignitie, makinge you Counsellers, Noble men, Rulers, 
 Justices, Mayers, ShirefEs, Bayliffs, Counstables, or Gaylers to exalt 
 your selues agaynst his Maiestie, and to fight agaynst Christe and 
 his members : but to humble your selues in his presence, to promote 
 his glorie, and to defende all those whom he committed to your 
 charge. How commeth it then to passe, that ye haue thus betrayde 
 him and his people, in banishinge his trnthe to receaue falsehod, 
 and haue changed Eeligion in to superstition, true honoringe of God, 
 in to blasphemous idolatrie, and now (to finishe your procedinges) 
 are readye to sell your subiects for slaues to the prowde Spaniards, 
 a people with out God." — p. 95. 
 
 And a few pages farther on he breaks out ; — 
 
 " Gods worde she abhorreth, Antichriste hathe she restored, her 
 fathers Lawes contemned, her promesse broken, and her brother 
 Godly kinge Edwarde as an heretique condemned, not thinkinge it 
 ynoughe to expresse her tyranny vpon them that liued, except she 
 shewed crueltie, or rather a raging madnesse on the bodies of Gods 
 seruants longe before buried, drawing them forth of their graues to 
 burne them as heretikes. And in fine vtterly abhorring the Englishe 
 nation, hath ioyned her self to adulterous Philip, the Spanishe kinge : 
 to whome she hathe, and dothe continually labor to betray the whole 
 kingdome. And yet ye cannot, or will not see it, nether yet for all 
 this be stirred vp to bridell her affections, and withstand her 
 vngodly doinges, to promote the glorie of God, and to preserue 
 your brethren, and your selues : but thinking to reteyne your pro- 
 motions by flattery, do hastelie drawe Gods vengeance vpon your 
 selues and others. 
 
vui.] ON THE SPANIARDS. 133 
 
 " For do you thinke that Philip will be crowned kinge of Englande, 
 and reteyne in honor Englishe counsellers 1 Will he credite them 
 withe the gouernment of his estate, who haue betrayed their owne ? 
 Shall his nobilitie be Spaniardes, with out your landes and posses- 
 sions ? And shall they possesse your promotions and lyuinges, and 
 your heads vpon your shulders 1 Come they to make a spoyle of the 
 whole Realme, and leaue you and yours vntouohed ? Where is your 
 great wisdome become ? Your subtile counsels and policies, where 
 of your bragge so muche, to whome these thinges be hid, that euerie 
 childe espieth?" — p. 99. 
 
 The " Supplicacyon to the Quenes Maiestie," which has 
 been already mentioned (p. 85), begins thus ; — 
 
 " A supplicacyon to the quenes Maiestie. 
 
 " In moste humble wise Complaynyth vnto your highnes, that 
 wher as this noble realm oS England, hath of long tyme out of 
 mynd bene the most fre centre in all Christeudome, Now is lyke to 
 be brought in to bondag and slauery of such a nacyon as all the 
 world both hatyth ann abhoryth. The only occasion ther off is our 
 vnthankfukies, as our preachers and true prophetes declarid vnto vs 
 in the tyme off your brother, that most vertues prynce king 
 Edwardthe vj. That yif we wold not be thankful for that great 
 benyfyte ofE godes holy worde, then truly preachyd among vs. God 
 wold take away our sayd vertues king, and set vp a Strang king 
 raygne ouer vs, for our vnrepentant hartes, who shuld bring in 
 agayn, popery, ydolatry, and aU abhomynaoyons, as it is com to 
 passe this day." 
 
 Much more to the same effect might be quoted from this 
 work, especially from the " Exortacyon to the lords and 
 comons of the Parliament house " which it contains ; but I 
 will at present give only two short extracts ; — 
 
 " I cannot hold from you my natiue contremen what I haue herde 
 in other centres, with what polioys and feches, the bisshopps and 
 clergie of this realm, vse for the stabUshment of ther kingdom 
 which yf it come to passe wylbe the vtter decaie, subuercion, and 
 distruction, of this noble Realme of England. They intend by one 
 crafte or other, that the prince of Spaine shalbe crownid King of 
 England, as is aforesaid, and to haue this noble realme of England 
 to hym and to hys heires, and so contrary to the statutls made in 
 the other perlyameuts, dysinheryte all the reightfull heyres of the 
 Realme. And after he hath gotten that qnyetlye, then they will not 
 leaue to prycke hym forward, and to cawse this noble Realm of 
 England, to be brought into bondage and slauerye, lyke as the 
 emperoure hath done Naples, Myland, and hys nether centres of 
 Flanders, Holland, Seland, Brabant, Fryseland and Lytzelburg, &c." 
 — %. C. iv. 6. 
 
 " A lamentable case, that neuer a noble man in England wold 
 seme for the quenes Maiestie, but that England must be fayne to 
 bestowe aU ther treasure and ryches, to bring in a stranger to raine 
 
134 THE "TREWE MIRROUR " [essay 
 
 oner them, who with the bisshoppes aduise and helpe will bring this 
 noble realme in to beggery and vyle slauerie : And yet for all this, 
 when he hath goten that he hath sought (that is) the realme into 
 hys hands, then it will appere, that he will sett asmich by here, as 
 men sett by ther old showes : Is not the quene and all Englishmen 
 bound to curse such a wickid gardener, for bringing in to this realm 
 such weeds, as will not only ouer grow, and distroye, the noble and 
 good corne, of this noble realme, but weede out the welth, ye vtterly 
 rote out the hole state therofE in euery degree. This is a plage 
 aboue all plages, which is com vpon vs, for our vnthankfuUnes, 
 acording as our trwe prophets and preachers, declarid to vs. Yf 'we 
 wold not amend our lyues, and knowledge the tyme of our visita- 
 cion." — Sig. C. vi. b. 
 
 There is another book of the year 1556, entitled "A 
 ' trewe Mirrour or Glase wherin we may beholde the wof ull 
 ' state of thys our Realme of Englande. Set forthe in a 
 ' Dialogue or communicacion betweene Eusebius and Theo- 
 ' philus," from which, though it is anonymous, and 1 do not 
 find any account of it except a mere transcript of the title 
 in Herbert's Ames,^ I am tempted to add one or two 
 extracts, because it is written with more moderation than 
 most of the works which I have quoted, and I think that 
 the reader will find in the passages laid before him, some 
 things strongly confirmatory of the opinions which I have 
 expressed. 
 
 " Misebius. But yet (ye shal not be offended with me for that I 
 wil say) there were of your sort, which are called the newe learnynge 
 many euil men. 
 
 " TheopJdlus. It was most trew brother Eusebius and cannot be 
 denyed. For there were in hel no veryer deuils then many of them 
 were that professed the gospel, for otherwyse there could haue ben 
 no couler of these lyes and slaunders that are now spred, as is said 
 before. For it was ludas that bare the pouche, and it was ludas 
 that betraied hys master : and many ludasses in England vnder the 
 pretence of religion robbed both kynge and realme these iudasses 
 filled their own pouches, and made themselues rich, and noble, and 
 they care not who rule so long as they may geat and enioye their 
 possessions. 
 
 " Eusebius. Well brother Theophilus here are no more but you 
 and I, and I dare be bolde herein to tel you my mind. For I know 
 you vnderstand in it as muche as I, and more to, and I dare say you 
 do with a great a gref behold it and sorow it as any English heart 
 wil doe. I heare say the king of Spayne shal at last be crouned 
 kyng of England, what say you to that : 
 
 " Theophilus. Alas brother Eusebius what should I say to it : If 
 
 = Vol. III. D. 1595. 
 
VIII.] ON THE SPANIARDS. 135 
 
 god haue determyned, who maye wythstande : we muste commyfc it 
 to his good pleasure and wyll. 
 
 " Eusehius. But do you not thynke it a plage : 
 
 " Theophilus. Yes verely and an vtter desolacion of Englishe 
 hlond."~Sig. A. viii. 
 
 " Theqpkihis. When kjng Henry was deade, kyng Edwarde hys 
 Sonne by the meanes of hys vnole then Lords protectour snbuerted 
 al the Popes religion, put down masse and altogether, wherewithal! 
 they were weR contented, and set forewarde the matter withoute 
 any scruple of conscyenoe, I warranto you. And many goodly 
 lawes they lette make, as wel for the mayntenaunce of that religion, 
 as also for the preseruacion of a commen wealth, and before kyng 
 Edwarde was fullye dead, they had concluded also with the Duke 
 of Northumberlande, vnder pretence of the stablishing of that reli- 
 gion, and other goodly consideracions as it were to makehym kyng, 
 contrary to al right, and contrary to all the statutes of parlemente 
 and so woulde haue disheryted the Queue that nowe is, agaynste her 
 fathers wil, agaynst theyr own lawes, agaynst al their othes and 
 promise, and without any iust cause, at that time. And all this 
 notwithstanding, when they sawe how the game would goe : they 
 were contented to serue the Queues wyll, and nowe haue they sworue 
 backe agayne to the holy father I heare say : now agayne wheras the 
 Queue goeth about not onely to breake her fathers wil and al such 
 lawes and statutes as were made for the preseruacion and safegarde 
 of thys realms, but is also determined of a selfe wyll to brynge 
 England into the subieccion of a foren Prynce, they haue not ouely 
 consented and agreed, but are also chefe doers and procurers there- 
 of, for god hath blynded theyr eyes, and theyr vnderstanding, so 
 that they cannot see mor perceaue, their own destrucoiou, and yet 
 euery child seeth and euery good heart mourneth at it full 
 heuely. 
 
 " Eusebius. Now surely Theophilus you haus spoken as trewe as 
 the gospell, for if he be once stablished king, he may without con- 
 tradiccion furnishe al the fortes in Englands with his owns men, 
 for I would not thiuke him wise to trust strauugers so muche as his 
 own countre men : when he hath therefore brought that to passe he 
 may at all times bring an army either out of flaunders or spain, the 
 shyppes being also at hys commauudement and thorow Englande may 
 he goe at hys wyll and pleasure, who wil saye hym naye : Alas 
 miserable case. 
 
 " Theophilus. Nay nay Eusebius he shal nede nous army to bryng 
 this matter to passe, for if the Qusne liue seuen yeres to an ende, he 
 wyU so vse the matter that Englande shalbe easy inough to rule, for 
 marke ye now how fast the gentle men go to the tower, yea and 
 some to hanging also. And ye see the gentlemen for the most part 
 be of this newe learnyng, and therfore ye know vnder pretence of 
 religion there wilbe matters inough to ridde the most part of the 
 uobilitis of Englande, and all thys shal we bs mads to dos within 
 ourselues, ws shalbs inueigled thus to doe one agaynst another by 
 traynes and baites to seake one anothers destrucoiou, whereunto 
 many are very prest, and al to do the Queue a pleasure. Marke how 
 
136 THE CHANGE OP RELIGION. [essay 
 
 thys geare commeth to passe, for the Spaniard hath nothing to doe 
 in al this (as we suppose) but rather getteth pardons, and showetn 
 great fauour to Englyshe men, but ye may be sure they haue debatea 
 thys matter in theyr heades, and in all this they make the yuene 
 serue their turne, and her own fancy also." — Sig. B. i. b. 
 
 Let me, without at present burthening him with any 
 other remarks on these extracts, remind the reader, that 
 our inquiry is, how far the measures of the English govern- 
 ment were influenced by the writings of the puritans. Had 
 the king and his countrymen influence, or had they not ? 
 did they know of these writings, or did they not ? if they 
 did, were they conciliated by them towards the party from 
 which they emanated ? 
 
 ESSAY IX. 
 
 PURITAN POLITICS. No. V. 
 
 THE CHANGE OF EELIGION. 
 
 GOODMAN — PONET — TRAHEBON — THE " SUPPLICATION " 
 
 BECON. 
 
 In one of the preceding essays^ I stated that those passages 
 which it would be necessary to quote, in order to give an 
 idea of the effect which the writings of the Puritans, and 
 especially the Exiles, were likely to have on the government 
 in Engand, might be conveniently distributed into four 
 
 First, such as had, generally speaking, a revolutionary 
 tendency, and were calculated to teach the lawfulness of 
 insurrection and rebellion of subjects against their rulers. 
 
 Secondly, those which were pai'ticularly directed against 
 Queen Mary, on the ground of her sex, her birth, or her 
 personal character. 
 
 Thirdly, those which were intended to render odious the 
 Spaniards, and the Spanish match. And — 
 
 Fourthly, those relating to the change in religion, repre- 
 
 ^ Seo before, p. 87. 
 
IX.] GOODMAN ON OBEDIENCE. 137 
 
 senting it as a judgment in itself, and as a sin which would 
 bring down other judgments. 
 
 As to the first three heads, I have spoken pretty fully, 
 and in so doing it has been impossible to avoid very direct 
 and frequent reference to the fourth. Indeed, the subjects 
 are so naturally, and even necessarily, blended by the 
 writers of that school and period, that one seldom finds 
 one of these points discussed by itself ; and sometimes all 
 are inseparably united. As an instance of this, take the 
 following extracts from Goodman's treatise, " How superior 
 Powers ought to be obeyed of their Subjects " : — 
 
 ' Wei, the day of the Lorde will come, when you shal fele what it 
 is to fight for your Masse, and to betraye the Gospell, to rise and 
 rebell agaynste your lawfuU Prince, and to obeye and defende a 
 bastarde, and open enimie to God, an vtter destruction of the whole 
 realme : to murther and banishe your naturall countriemen and 
 louing brethern, to honor and receaue strangers Gods expresse ad- 
 uersaries : a crueU people, a prowde nation : a people of a farre 
 and of a strange langage, whose tongue ye shall not vnderstande, an 
 impudent nation, and hard harted people, without all pitie and 
 mercie, which netherwUl be moued with the lamentable voyce of 
 the mothers, nor shewe anie compassion for the pittifuU crye of their 
 sucklinges and infantes. And whi ? because ye haue chosen to obeye 
 vile man, yea a raginge and madd woman, rather than the almightie 
 and mercifuU God. Eepent, repent, 6 ye people of England, for your 
 destruction is at hande. Forsake with spede the vnlawfull obedience 
 of fleshe and bloude, and learne to geue honor in tyme to the lining 
 Lorde, that he maye staye bis hande, and drawe to him agayne his 
 stretched out arme, that you may fynde mercie, and that the bothom 
 of your cupp be not turned vpwards. 
 
 " Alas saye you, what is this we heare ? Be not the people, of 
 themselues, as sheepe without a pastor ? If the Magistrates and 
 other officiers contemne their duetie in defending Gods glorie and 
 the Lawes committed to their charge, lieth it in our power to 
 remedie it ? Shall we that are subieotes take the sworde in our 
 handes ? It is indede as you saye, a great discouraging to the 
 people when they are not stirred vp to godlynesse by the good 
 example of all sortes of Superiors, Magistrates and officers in the 
 faithefull executing of their office : and so muche more when they 
 are not defended by them in their right and title, as wel concerning 
 religion, as the freedoms of their naturall oountrie : but moste of 
 all when they, which shuld be their guydes and Capitayns, are 
 become instrumentes to inforce them to wicked impietie. Neuerthe- 
 les, all this can be no excuse for you, seing, that euil doinges of 
 others, whether they be Lordes, Dukes, Barons, knights or any 
 inferior officers, may not excuse you in euil. And thoghe you had 
 no man of power vpon your parte : yet it is a sufficient assurance for 
 you, to haue the warrant of Godds worde vpon your side, and God 
 him self to be your Capitayne who willeth not onely the Magistrates 
 
138 GOODMAN ON THE [essay 
 
 and officers to roote out euil from amongest them, be it idolatrie, 
 blasphemie, or open iniiirie, but the whole multitude are therwith 
 charged also, to whom a, portion of the sworde of iustice is com- 
 mitted, to execute the iudgementes which the Magistrates lawfully 
 commande. And therefore if the Magistrates would whoUye 
 despice and betraye the iustice and Lawes of God, you which are 
 subiectes with them shall be condemned except you mayntayne and 
 defend the same Lawes agaynst them, and all others to the vtter- 
 moste of your powers, that is, with all your strength, with all your 
 harte and with all your soule, for this hath God required of you, and 
 this haue you promised vnto him not vnder condition (if the Rulers 
 will) but without all exceptions to do what so euer your Lords and 
 God shall commande you." — p. 178. 
 
 Here the reader will find all the points, briefly indeed, 
 but rather forcibly touched on. At the same time this 
 point — the change of religion — was one so obvious, so 
 important, and so avowedly that which gave weight and 
 interest to all the rest, that we may reasonably expect to 
 find it treated of in particular. So it was in more ways 
 than one, though to one only I must confine myself on the 
 present occasion, because the evidence, which appears to me 
 to be extremely interesting, and (though 1 pretend to no dis- 
 covery) too little known and regarded, would exceed the 
 limits of a single essay. I, therefore, at this time, content 
 myself with putting together some extracts, which will 
 show the reader how the question was treated, if not with- 
 out some passion, yet with political gravity, and a show of 
 ai'gument by the puritan divines. Take the following 
 specimens from the work of Goodman, already mentioned ; — 
 
 "Art thou then, being a subiecte commaunded to worshipp 
 stockes and stones which this day to our shame are erected agayne 
 in Bnglande? Beholde thou hast Gods commandement for thy 
 defence : Thou shalt commit no idolatrie, nor make to thy self any 
 grauen image, &c. 
 
 "Art thou charged to be at the idolatrous Masse, wheriu Christe 
 thy Lorde is blasphemed ? JBeholde he hath geuen thee an other 
 charge : that is, to celebrate his Supper, according as he left in 
 example, saying : Do you this, that is, which ye se me do, and not 
 which the powers of the worlde, or the pestilent papistes commande. 
 Also do it (saith Christe) in remembrance of me, and not of your 
 frindes alyue or departed, as teache the Papistes. For none of them 
 died for you. Moreouer do it to shewo forth the deathe of Christe, 
 til hie coming, as witnesseth the Apostle : and not to make a new 
 sacrifice for synne, as the Papists blasphemously both teache and 
 preache. 
 
 " Art thou commanded by men to dishonour the Sabbathe day in 
 worshipping of Sainctes and abstayning vpon their dayes and euens 
 
IX.] CHANGE OF RELIGION. 139 
 
 from thy lawful! busines 1 Beholde, God thy Lorde chargeth thee 
 no further then onely with his daye of reste, saying : See thou keepe 
 holie the Sabbath of the Lorde thy God : and not of Peter, Paule, 
 Marie, James or John. 
 
 "Art thou commanded to sweare in the name of Marie and all 
 the Saincts in heauen ? (which is the papistical othe) Beholde, the 
 Lord saithe, Thow shaJt onely sweare in the Name of thy Lorde 
 and God. 
 
 "Art thou commanded not onely to take the Name of the Lorde 
 in vayne, but also to forswere thy selfe moste shamefully agaynst 
 Gods glorious Maiestie, and the honour of our Sauiour Christe ? (as 
 all they hane done which lately haue swome to acknowledge 
 Antichriste the bloudy butcher of Home to be their head and 
 gouernour) Beholde, The Lorde will not suffer his house vnpunished 
 that taketh his Name in vayne : muche lesse such periured and 
 forsworen wretches. 
 
 "Alt thou commanded to persecute thy parentes and frendes, 
 charged not to succour them in their necessitie, because they 
 professe the doctrine of saluation ? 
 
 "Art thow forbidden lawfuU mariage, because thou art a minister 
 of Gods worde, and permitted to lyve in all kind of filthie vnolen- 
 nesse, as do the Sodomiticall Priestes, Menkes, Freers, Nonnes, 
 Cardinales, Deanes, Archdeacons, and all other orders of Satan : 
 beholde such dothe the Lorde God as most abominable of all other, 
 commande to be put to death. 
 
 " To be shorte, when they contrarie to their othe and profession, 
 commande thee to receue Antichriste, the beastlie Bishoppe of 
 Rome, with all his filthie dregges of damnation : to burne the worde 
 of God and the faithful interpreters and professors of the same : to 
 forgo the comfortable preaching of the Gospel, and reading of the 
 Scriptures : to persecute Christe in his members : to ayde the 
 enimies with thy goods and bodie agaynst the deare children of 
 God : to fight in other countries without any iuste cause or occasion, 
 and to suffer thy wiffle, children, kinsfolkes and countryemen to be 
 moste cruelly spoyled, oppressed and murthered for want of thy 
 defence at home as they most shamfuUy haue done of late, which 
 at the commandement of that cruel tyrant, prepared them selues 
 to fight agaynst the Frenche kinge, and their owne brethern the 
 Skottes, whiles the Spaniards put them selues in a redinesse to 
 entre the Eealme and make a generall spoyle and pray of all. 
 
 " These thinges and many such like are playnly forbidden you by 
 the manifest worde of God : and therfore to do them for feare or 
 pleasure of anie Prince or power, is playne disobedience and 
 rebellion agaynst the Almightie. And contrarie wise, to answere in 
 this case, and to do as the Apostles haue taught, that is, to obeye 
 God rather then man, is the onely waye to discharge your con- 
 sciences, to do your dueties, and to please God : no more to be made 
 by ignorance the instrnmentes of his sworen enimies (what title so 
 euer they beare) to subuerte Gods glorie, oppresse your brethern, 
 and distroye your countrie : but repenting your former ignorance 
 and impietie, to he made instrnmentes of the contrarie to the vttermost 
 of your power, least you be taken in your synne, and preuented with 
 
140 GOODMAN AND PONET [essay 
 
 the bitter cup of Gods indignation, alreadie prepared for the 
 workers of iniquitie, and all such, as are ayeders, and partakers 
 with them, when nether power can defend the superiors, nor their 
 commandmeutes excuse the subiectes." — p. 170. 
 
 " Matathias that worthie Captayne of the Jewes, as it is wryten 
 in the firste boke of the Machabees, ooulde not so lightly excuse 
 him self when he was commanded by the cruel ofHciers of wicked 
 Antiochus (which had spoyled their Tempel, rased their waules, 
 murthered their brethern, and set vp idolatrie, in so muche as all 
 for the moste parte, applied them selues to their wicked parsuations) 
 that he, with the residue shulde forsake the Lawes and sacrifices of 
 their God, to worshipp strange Goddes : he made answers, to the 
 officer of Antiochus the kinge (which would to God our Noble men 
 had perfetly learned) : That thoghe all Nations apparteyning to 
 kinge Antiochus shulde obeye him, so that euery man would 
 declyne from the Lawes of his countrie : yet I, (saieth he) my 
 children, and brethern, wil stand in the conuenant of our fathers 
 &c. Which thing he performed in dede to the glorie of God, to 
 his owne saluation, and comforte of his brethern and countrie for 
 euer. 
 
 " And euen at the self same tyme he slewe, not onely a Jewe, one 
 of his owne brethern, which came to sacrifice in his presence at the 
 alter Modim, according to the prescript of Antiochus : but killed 
 also the kinges officer, that compelled him therto, and afterwarde 
 distroyed the altar, and folowed the Lawe of God with a zeale, as 
 did Phinees. Matathias had then a little power amongest his 
 brethern, but nothing to defende himself agayust the kinge, and 
 also being charged with chUdreu and kinsfolk (which semed to be 
 all his power) woulde nether pollute him self, nor suft'er them to be 
 polluted with wicked idolatrie, nor causeles, to be oppressed with 
 tyrannie. And yet we reade of no auctoritie or office he had to 
 excuse him by : but onelie this one thing which was comon to all 
 other of his nation, the Lawes of their countrie, and couenant of 
 their fathers. Which cause he thoght sufficient to discharge his 
 conscience before God, and to approue his doings. For as muche 
 as God had commanded him not onely to denie to do the com- 
 mandement of the cruell tyrant Antiochus (vnder whom all 
 Jerusalem then was by conqueste) but manfully to professe him and 
 liiSy wi open aduersaries to his Lawes and to resiste idolatrib by force, 
 in killing the idolatrer and the Jcitiges seruant {by whom lie was 
 compelled) and in subuerting the altar, where vpon the idolatrous 
 sacrifice shuld haue bene done. Which was, as you see, manifeste 
 resisting of the superior power, being but man, to the intent he 
 might shewe true obedience to his Lorde and God, in defending 
 and maynteyning his Lawes (which he calleth the couenant of their 
 fathers) yea and with the temporal sworde to the vttermost of his 
 power. Then if Matathias herein did discharge his conscience 
 before God and man, in resisting by temporal power the kinge, his 
 commandements and officiers : it is not onely the office of Apostles 
 and preachers, to resist, but the dewtie likewise, of all others 
 according to their estate and vocation." — p. 75. 
 
IX.] ON THE CHANGE OF RELIGION. 141 
 
 " Repent, repent you miserable men : for your syunes be at the 
 highest, your cupp of iniquitie is full, and the houre of your heuy 
 visitation is come : when it will be too late for you to flee from the 
 great wrath of Gods indignation, whiohe shortlye is like to be 
 powred vpon you. Then shall you well perceaue that there is no 
 saluation but vnder Gods protection, no comforte with out Christ, 
 no obedience agaynst God, uo power that can dispence with the 
 charge of the Almightie and his commandements : especiallie when 
 all your counsels agaynst him and his poore sernants shall fall vpon 
 your owne heades : your wisedome turned to foUie, your noblenesse 
 to vilenesse, your rule and dominion taken from you, and you made 
 slaues to others : your fayre howses and gorgeous buildinges de- 
 stroyed, your great possessions geuen to your enimies, your wiues 
 to be ravished, your mayds deflowred, and children murthered with 
 out mercy, your pride and hie lokes abated, your welthe turned to 
 miserie, your delicate faare and costlie aparell to extreame hunger 
 and beggerye, your ioye and pastance to weepinge and continuall 
 sorrowe, and in the end shamefuU deathe as you haue deserued. 
 And why? Bycause you haue chosen to obeye man rather then 
 God, and sought rather to mayntayne your owne pride and dignitie, 
 then his honor and glory. 
 
 "And therefore beholde 6 prowde man, I am come to thee (Jere. 
 50) saithe the Lorde of hostes because thy daye is come, and the 
 tyme when i will visite thee. For the prowde shall faU and be dis- 
 troyed, and there shall be no man to lift him vp. I wiU kindle a fire 
 in his cities, that shall consume aU thinges about them," &c. — 
 p. 93. 
 
 To "obeye man rather than God," was (in the language 
 of these writers) simply to permit the Queen to reign 
 instead of rebelling and dethroning her ; and while Good- 
 man thus expostulated with the council and magistrates, 
 Ponet, in his book on " PoKtike Power," appealed to the 
 most vulnerable parts in the great body of the commons — 
 their fears and their stomachs. 
 
 " The Preachers and ministers of Goddes worde, in the tyme of 
 the godly losias King Edwarde the Sixthe, preached and propheoied 
 vnto you what miseries and plages should certaynly come to you : 
 the foode of Goddes word to be cleane taken away from you, famyn 
 of the body, pestilence, warres, and losse of your goodes, the 
 deflouring and rauishing of your wyues and daughters before your 
 eies, the captiuitie of your bodies, wyues and children : the sub- 
 uersion of the policie and state of the Eealme : that a straunge 
 King and straunge people (not only in countrey, but also in con- 
 diciones and maners in respecte of your owne) shoulde reigne and 
 rule by force oner you, if ye in tyme repented you not of your 
 wickednesse, amended your lyues, and called to God for mercy. 
 
 "But than ye passed nothing on it, but as the Jewes being downed 
 in sinne, mocked, scorned an(f murthered the prophetea of God which 
 long before prophecied vnto them their captinities and vtter destruc- 
 
142 PONET ON THE [essay 
 
 tion : so ye laughed and iested at your preachers wordes, nothing 
 regarding the threattes of God, but contemnyng them, yea increace- 
 ing in your wickednesse, and now at lenght murthering most cruelly 
 the ministers of God. 
 
 " And seeing wordes of warnyng toke no place with yon, God for 
 his louing mercie hatha warned you by monstrous marualies on the 
 earthe, and horrible wonders in thelement, to put you beside all 
 manor of excuses. What wonderful monstres haue ther now lately 
 ben borne in Englande ? What celestial signes most horrible ? A 
 childe borne besides Oxforde in the yeare, M.D.LII. with two heades 
 and two partes of two euil shaped bodyes ioyned in one. A childe 
 borne at Couentree, in the yeare M.D.LV. without armes or legges. 
 A childe borne at Fulham by London euen now this yeare, with a 
 great head, euil shaped, the armes with bagges hanging out at the 
 elbowes and holes, and fete lame. A childe newe borne at London 
 furthewithe speaking as a prophet and messager of God. An 
 horrible comete this year, besides diuerse eclipses, which folowe. 
 But what were these ? only bare signes ? No certaynly, they doo 
 and must signifie the great wrathe and indignacion of God." — Sig. 
 K. iij. J. 
 
 "The childe of Oxforde what did it betoken, but that our one 
 swete head. King Edwarde should be taken awaye (as he was in 
 dede) and that ther should be in his place two headdes, diuerse 
 gouernours, and a. towarde diuision of the people, but not all to- 
 gether : which so manyfestly followed that no man can denye it : 
 or two people should be knytte together, but not in god [sic\ pro- 
 porcion nor agrement. 
 
 "The child of Couentrie without the principal membres to helpe 
 and defende the bodye, must nedes signiBe, that the natural body, 
 that is, the people of Englande shalbe helples, ready to be troden 
 vnder the fote of euery creature, and non to releue or succour it. 
 
 " The childe of l^ulham, what can it signifie, but that the natural 
 body of England shalbe weake, the chief membres (tharmes and 
 legges) which is the nobilitie, so clogged with chaynes of golde, and 
 bagges of money, that the hande shall not be hable to drawe out the 
 sweorde, nor the holes to spurre the horse, to helpe and defende the 
 body, that is the commons. And as the head of it is the greatest 
 part, and greater than it ought to be, with to muche superfluitie of 
 that it should not haue, wherfore it must pull from the other 
 membres to conf ort it, and lacke of that good proporcion it ought to 
 haue : so shall the gouvernours and headdes of Englande sucke out 
 the wealth and substaunoe of the people (the politike body) and 
 kepe it bare, so that it shall not be hable to helpe itself, yet shall 
 the head neuer come to that nature requireth. 
 
 " What is to be gathered of the yong child, I doo not sale it is 
 true, bicanse the father was forced (onles he wold haue lost his life) 
 to recant it : but might it not be true ? Is ther not as muche to be 
 saied for it, as for the popes transubstanciacion ? " — Sig. K. iv. 6. 
 
 And how could even those who were unmoved by these 
 statements resist the appeal by which the writer followed it 
 
IX.] CHANGE OF RELIGION. 14;! 
 
 up, and which showed the practical effects of idolatry and 
 the mass in a way which might touch the feelings of those 
 who had never heard of the " euil shaped " child at Ful- 
 ham, or any other of the " monstrous maruaUes " on which 
 he grounded his argument for discontent and rehellion ? 
 
 " Whan were euer thinges so deare in Englande, as in this time of 
 the popish masse and other Idolatrie restored 3 Who euerhearde or 
 redde before, that a pounds of beefe was at iiij.d. Ashepexx.s. A 
 pounde of Candelles at iii j.d. A pounde of Buttur at iiij.d. ob. Apounde 
 of Chese atiiij.d.twoegges apenie.aquatreof wheat ixiiij.s. A quatre 
 of malt at i. s. or aboue : the people driuen of hongre to grinds accomss 
 for brsad meals, and to drinks watsr in stsde of als 1" — Sig. K. viii. 
 
 Some cautious persons might have thought this line 
 rather dangerous while the suppression of the monasteries 
 was still recent ; but Ponet was a bold writer ; he was quite 
 awake to this, but he had his answer ready, and even those 
 who may not think it quite satisfactory, will allow that it 
 was highlj' characteristic ; — 
 
 " But me thinkes I heare your papistss bishoppss, priestes, friers, 
 and suche liks Antichristian moustres sais, that thsse plagss 
 which haue fallsn and shal come to England (for they knows, they 
 cannot be a voidsd, no they are occasionsd and holpen f orewarde by 
 them) haue growne for thingss dons in king Henry and king 
 Edwardes time, for that their abominacion was disclosed, thsir buries 
 and dsnnes digged vp, their mouastsries throwen downs, and ths 
 landss diuidsd and solde to ths laitis. Ah hipocritss. Ah subtil 
 wolues, ah viperous gsneracion. Whan the foxe preacheth, beware 
 your gsess. Wher in scriptur do thsy finds that any suche bely 
 Goddss as they ars should be malntened ? No, scripture wold haue 
 such marchauntes whipped out of the churchs, such buiers and 
 sellers of mens soules, wo be vnto you hipoorites (saieth Christ) for ye 
 swalowe vp the houses of the poore and miserable, that is, that which 
 should be convsrtsd to the relief of the poore and nedy : and that vnder 
 pretense of long praiers. Wo be vnto you (ye masking Mahoundes) 
 which goo from place to place, by sea and by lands, to make a nouice 
 of your owne ordre, and whan ye haue him, ye make him the childs 
 of hel fire two folde mors than your selfe. I knows you no t(sai6th 
 Christ) awais from me, ye workers of iniquitis. It is only their God 
 the bely, that they seke to serue, they nother passe on the God in 
 heauen, nor the deuil in hell, so they male haue wherwith to main- 
 tene thsmselues on earthe, in their hooredome," &c. — Sig. L. v. h. 
 
 I do not know that a betfior place can be found for the 
 remainder of a passage from Bartholomew Traheron, 
 " Warning to England," the former part of which has been 
 already given in the fourth of these essays^. 
 
 ^ See before, p. 65. 
 
144 KNOX'S LETTER. [essay 
 
 "But 1 wil leaue that botomeles sea, of most filthie stinoking vices 
 & passe farther. The commons of Calece consisted partely of 
 papistes, and partely of men reformed in religion. The papistes 
 were there, as they be euerie where, murmm-ers agaiast god, gredie 
 scrapers, eniiious, lecherous, f ul of secrete vices, but they were few 
 in nombre, and lesse besprincled with innocent blood. The Chris- 
 tianes were weaklinges, dissemblers, quenepleasers, worldlinges, 
 riotous, wanton & giuen to al fleshlie lustes for the most parte. I 
 comme now to thy commons England, of which some be gentlemen, 
 & those either papistes, or protestantes. The papistical gentlemen 
 ar slaues to poleshorne priestes, to exequute their boucherie, folow- 
 ing therein parte of thy nobilitee, in bloodie crueltie worse than 
 Shythians, in oppressing the poore Neroes hellish ofEspringe, in 
 greedie conuetousnes verie Harpyes, in malice, and enuie yonge 
 diuels, traitors to their countree, open deceauers, vile flatterers, 
 filthie lechers, herteles cowardes, shameles braggers, godles Epi- 
 cures. The gentle men protestantes for the most parte differ from 
 thother in knowledge only, and not in life, ia wordes, and not in 
 worckes. The like conuetousnes, the like malice, and enuie, the like 
 craftines, the like cowardise, and vnfaithfulnes in defending their 
 countree, the like flatterie, the like lecherie, the ^ in fleshlie 
 
 pleasures, the' like liynge is found in both sortes. And the commune 
 people to be shorte so countrefait the beastlie, and abominable 
 maners of theyr superiors, that they male be compted their awne 
 children, their awne brode aswel as their countremen. I speake of 
 the great multitude. For I know that in enerie sorte, and condition 
 of men, there be some that truly feare god. But in the order of thy 
 nobilitee al the godlie male be grauen in one ringe. Amonge thy pre- 
 lates, and priestes I know not one, and yet I exclude not al of that 
 most filthie swinestie." 
 
 Clearly, however, as this belongs to our subject, we may 
 perhaps be keeping more closely to that part which is more 
 inamediately before us, by reflecting on one or two speci- 
 mens of the denunciations of John Knox. In his " Godly 
 Letter sent too to the fayethfull in London," (fee, hesays : — 
 
 " Playne it is, that the soule hath neither lyfe nor comfort, but by 
 God alone, with whome Idolatours, hath no other participation then 
 hath the deuils, and albiet that abominable Idolatours, for a moment 
 tryumphe yet approcheth the houre when Gods vengeaunce shall 
 stryke, not onely their soules, but evin their vile carcasies shalbe 
 plagued, as God before hath threatned. Their cyties shalbe burned, 
 their lands shalbe layd wast their enemies shall dwell in their 
 stronge holdes, their wyues and doughters shalbe defyled their 
 chyldren shall fall in the edge of the swerd, mercy shall they fynde 
 none, because they haue refused the God of all mercy e, when louingly 
 and longe he called vpon them. You would know the time & what 
 certitude I have here off. To God wil I appoint no tyme, but that 
 these and mo plagues shall fall vpon England, and that ere it be 
 
 ' A word or two cut off in the binding. 
 
IX.] THE " SUPPLIOACYON." 145 
 
 long, I am so sure, as that I am that my God lyueth. This my 
 affirmaoion shall displease many, and shall content few, God knowith 
 the secretes of all bartes, knoweth that also, it displeaseth myselfe, 
 and yet, lyke as before I haue been compeled to speake in your 
 presens (& in presens of others) suche thinges, as were not pleasable 
 to the eares of men, whereof (alas) a great part this daye are come 
 to passe, so I am compelled now to wryte with the tears of my eyes, 
 I know to your displeasur. But deare brethren, be subiect vnto 
 God and geue place vnto his wrath, that ye may escape his euer- 
 lastinge uengeaunoe." — iSig. A. iii. 
 
 Again, in his " Confession " : — 
 
 " Beholde our trebles and apparant destruction, and staye the 
 sworde of thy vengeaunce before it deuowre vs. Place aboue vs o 
 Lorde for thy great mercies sake, such a head with suche rulers and 
 maiestrates as feareth thy name, and willeth the glory of Christ 
 Jesus to spred. Take not from vs the light of thy Euangely, and 
 suffer thou no papistrie to preuaile in this realme. " — Sig. F. ij . 
 
 " Englande, let thy intestine battelles and domesticall murther, 
 prouoke the to purety of lyf e, according to the worde, whiche openly 
 hath bene proclaymed in the, other wise the cuppe of the Lordes 
 wrathe, thou shalt shortly drynke of. The multitude shall not 
 escape, but shall drynke the dregges, and haue the cuppe broken 
 vpon their heades, for iudgement beginninge in the house of Lorde, 
 commonly the least ofEendor is fyrst punished, to prouoke the more 
 weked too repentaunce. But Lorde, infinite mercye, yf thou 
 shalt puuishe, make not consumaoion, but cut awaye the proude and 
 luxuriant braunches, which beare no fruyte, and preserue the 
 common wealths of suche as geue succour and herber, to thy con- 
 tempned messengers, which longe haue suffred exile in deserte, so 
 be it."— p. 17. 
 
 The same strain is pursued in the " Supplicacyon to the 
 Quenes Maiestie," -which has been already quoted : — 
 
 " But they wold not obey goddes holy prophetes but murtheryd 
 them as playnly apperyth (lyke as our bysshopes will murther gods 
 true preachers and prophets now adays which haue preachid the 
 lyke message of god) but what folowid for ther vnthankfulnes, dyd 
 not god plage them by sending strangers among them whych 
 destroyed many hundryd thousands in ther former tymes off ther 
 captyuytes and changes oiS ther comon weale, and at the last vtter 
 dyssolucyon : namely, at the destruccyon ofE Jerusalem, by Titus 
 and Vespacianus the emperours, and also dystroyed ther goodly 
 cytes, caryed them out off ther own centres, wher they be now 
 scateryd abrode, made slaues, dyspysyd ofi all nacyons as it is mani- 
 fest and playne at this day. This is a goodly example for your 
 grace and for all chysten prynces to marke and to haue all wayse 
 before your eyes, least ye and they be found vnthankful." — iSig. 
 A. ii. h. 
 
 The reader will not fail to observe the significant and 
 pregnant hint with which this extract concludes. The 
 
 K 
 
146 BECON'S SUPPLICATION [essay 
 
 simple fact was, that the intent of that publication was to 
 represent the queen as a mere tool in the hands of the 
 clergy, and in particular, of Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of 
 Winchester. A little further on it cautions her majesty: — 
 
 " for gods sake beware of hym betimes, least ye be partaker of 
 hys wikidnes, and so both you and the whole Realme repent it, and 
 com to vtter distraction, for hys doings declare that he is at a 
 point with hymselfE and hath made conuenannte with death and 
 hell, Esa. 28. and beleuith that ther is no resurrection of the flesche 
 nor liff after this : and therfore what carith he yf he help to bring 
 this noble realm into bondage and slauery, seing he thinkith ther is 
 no nother waye, to maintein hys pomp, pride, and vain glory with 
 all, And therfore the greater shalbe hys dampnacion, besids gods 
 great plages which shall come vpon hym sodenlie, when he thinkith 
 all is well, and in quiet, them shall sodenly com his confucion and 
 vtter distraction, becawse all his doings be so directly against god, 
 and all right, as his own consciens knowith the same, to bis damp- 
 nacion, yf he haue any conscience or feling of god, and therfore 
 beware that ye be not partaker with him. " — Sig. A. vi. b. 
 
 Again, — 
 
 "Buen so I think that your grace doth this ygnorantlie, that ye 
 haue done, and being thereto perswadid by your false dissembling 
 bisshopes and clergie : Whom now that your grace hath warning, 
 what they are : beware from henceforth that ye folowe ther counsel 
 no more in persecuting Christes poure membres, which haue bene 
 the trewe prechers of his holy and blessid worde, but do ye as 
 S. Paul dyd when he was callid. And submitt your selff, vnder the 
 mighty hand of god, and tnrne to the lord our god who is able and 
 wyll receyue you to grace and mercye as he dyd .S. Paul, of ye 
 repent and do as he dyd, wherby you shall sane your selfE and the 
 whole Ralme from Ruyne and vtter distruccion. But yf you wyll 
 not submitt your selff vnder the mighty hand of god, and turn to the 
 lord our god vnfainidlie, and folowe no more, the wyckid counsell 
 of your bloudy bisshoppes and clergie, in persecuting Christes pour 
 members, and wyll not receyue and knowledge the time of your 
 visytacion. Then be ye assuryd, that lyke as it happenyd to the 
 Jewes for persecuting Christe and hys pour members, so shall it 
 happen to you and to the whole Realme, as in the beginnyng of this 
 supplicacion is declaryd at large." — Sig. B. viii. h. 
 
 The same line is taken, both as it regards the clergy 
 generally, and Bishop Gardiner in particular, by Becon in 
 his Supplication, and when we consider all the circum- 
 stances of the case — that is, those of the writer, as well as 
 those of the persons of whom he wrote — it seems quite 
 necessary to give some specimens. I do it indeed with 
 some hesitation, because to my own feelings the passages 
 are very disgusting, from the form into which the doctrine 
 
IX.] ON THE CHANGE OF RELIGION. 117 
 
 is thrown. The idea of thus making up prayers, and pro- 
 fessedly addressing such matter to the Almighty, appears to 
 me in the highest degree revolting. But the simple fact is, 
 that this is what was then written and circulated by a man 
 of station and influence in the party — what then found 
 leaders, — what is even now not so universally disliked but 
 that it has admirers, and has been recently reprinted as 
 matter worthy of preservation, not merely in an historical 
 and antiquarian point of view. We may, therefore, safely 
 assume that it was not without readers, admirers, and influ- 
 ence when it was written. Our business, however, is to 
 inquire whether, supposing all contained in these extracts 
 to be quite true and good, — supposing that the Queen and 
 her Council and Bishop Gardiner were, in themselves, and 
 in all their circumstances, just what Becon supposes and 
 describes — whether this mode of writing about them was 
 likely to have any efifect on their feeUngs and course of 
 action ? was there any good in writing thus ? Was it really 
 a holy and Christian love of the truth which led men who 
 had been happy enough to escape into quiet resting places, to 
 send over such missiles as could only aggravate the fierce- 
 ness of persecution on the one hand, and the wildness of 
 fanaticism and the wilfulness of rebellion on the other ? 
 
 "But now the shepehardes, yea, rather the wolfes, which are 
 braste into thy shepefolde, and with violence haue vniustly thrust 
 out the faythfull and fatherly pastores out of their cures, are 
 lordely, cruel, bloud-thyrstye, maliciovs and spyteful agaynste thy 
 shape. 
 
 " They are such wolfs as spare not the flocke but scatter and 
 destroye the flocke. 
 
 "They are theues, robbers, murtheras & soule slears. thai fede 
 them salues with the fattest & clothe them selues wythe the 
 fynesta wolle, but thy flocke thy norysha not, the fooda, wherwith 
 thay pasture thy shape, is the drowsye dreams and idle imaginacions 
 of Antichrista. 
 
 "In stead of the praaohyng of thy lyuely worde, the fede- 
 thy flocke wythe latin mumblynges, wythe dume Images wyth 
 Hethnyshe cerymonies wyth vayne syghtas, and sucha other apysh 
 toys. 
 
 " In sted of the ministracion of the holy and blessed Communion 
 tha fede thy shepe wythe vile stynckyng, abhominable deulysha, 
 blasphemus & Idolatryous Masses. 
 
 " And veto thes vnwholsome and pestilent and poysonfull pastures 
 the dryue thy shape, wyll they nyl they . & if any of thy flocke refuse 
 to come and taste of those their pestilent poysons & poisonful pesti- 
 lences, him thay aocite to appere befor that gteate wolf e, whose face 
 
148 BECON'S SUPPLICATION [essay 
 
 is lyke vnto the face of a she beare that is robbed of her younge 
 ones, whose eyes contiimally burne withe the vnquencheable flames 
 of the deadly cockatrice, whose teethe are lyke to the venomous 
 toshes of the rampyng lyon, whose mouth is full of cursed speaking 
 & bitternes, whose tong speakithe extrem blasphemes agaynst the & 
 thy holy annointed, whose lippes ar ful of deadly poisonne, whose 
 throte is an open sepulchre, whose breathe fomethe & bloweth out 
 threatenyng & slaughter agaynst the disciples of the Lorde, whose 
 harte without ceasyng imaginethe wickednes, whose handes haue a 
 delighte to be embrued with the bloode of the Sainctes, whose fete 
 are swifte to shed bloode, whose whole manne bothe bodye and 
 soule go alwaies vp & down musyng of myschyfE. 
 
 " This wolfe, o Lorde, is so arrogante, haultie and prowde, seyng 
 the gonernement of the whole Realme is committed vnto hym, that 
 he hathe caste awaie all feare of the. He makethe boste off hys 
 awne witte learnyng and poUecye. His wayes are alwaye fylthye, 
 thy iudgementes are farre out of his syghte, he defyethe all hys 
 enemies, For he saythe in his hearte ; tushe, I shal never be caste 
 downe, theyr shall no harme happen vnto me. He syttethe lurking 
 lyke a lyon in his denne, that he maie priuely murther the innocent 
 & sucke hys bloode. 
 
 "Whansuche, o Lorde God, as will not obeye their popish and 
 deuelyshe procedyngs, are broughte before that grevous wolffe, they 
 are miserably taunted, mocked, schorned blasphemed, as thi derely 
 beloued sone was in Bishope Caiphas howse, and afterwards cruely 
 committed to preson, to the towre, to the flete, to the marshalseas, 
 to the kynges benche, to the Counters, to Lollardes towre, to New- 
 gate &c. Where they are kepte as shepe in a pynnefolde appointed 
 to be slayne. 
 
 " And as thys cruel and bloudy wolf dealeth with the poore 
 lambes, euen so do the residue of that letoherous litture. He with 
 aU other of that wolfyshe kynde, hunger and thyrste nothing so 
 greatly, as the deuouring of the bodies, and the sucking of the 
 bloude of thy poore and innocent lambes. 
 
 " Ah, Lorde, whyle the vngodly haue the ouerhande, the poore are 
 moste wretchedly handled. They are prayes vnto the wolfes. 
 
 " Arise, therefore, o Lorde God, lyfte vp thine hande, and forget 
 not the poore, whiohe geueth them selfe ouer into thy hande, 
 and committeth hym vnto thy defence. Breake thou the arme of 
 the vngodly and malicious, search out the wickednes, whiohe he 
 hath done, that he may shortly perish from the lande of the living." 
 — Sig. C. vii. 
 
 " Thou callest thy self a iealous God, why than doest thou suffer 
 thy people, thy congregacion, thy flocke, thyne heritage, to be thus 
 seduced & ledde awaye from the vnto all kynde of spiritual fornica- 
 tion, and abhominable whordome by that Antichriste of Rome, that 
 greate Baal, that stoute Nemroth, that fals prophet, that beast, that 
 whore of Babylon, that Sonne of perdicion, and by hys abhominable 
 adherentes, Cardinalles, Archebisshoppes, Bisshoppes, SufEraganes, 
 Archedeacous, Deanes, Prouostes, Prebendaries, Commissaries, Par- 
 sonnes, A'^icares, Purgatorierakers, Priestes, Menkes, Friers, Chanons 
 
IX.] ON THE CHANGE OF EELIGION. 149 
 
 Nonnes, Anokers, Anokresses, Pardonners, Proctors, Scribes, Officialls, 
 Sonners, Lawers, Massemongers, Canonisters, Papistes, Anticbristes, 
 Mammonistes, Epicures, Libertines, with all the rable of beastlye 
 hypocrites that haue receued the beastes mark, which do nothing 
 els than seke, how they may establishe their Antichristian kyngdom, 
 by suppressinge thy holy worde, and leadinge thy people into all 
 kynde of blyndenes, errours and lyes. 
 
 " Thou callest thy self a Lorde, and thou sayeste, that thou wilt 
 gyue thy glory to none other, nor thy grayse vnto grauen Images, 
 howe commeth it than to passe, that thou sufErest thy glory so too 
 decaye in the realme of Englande, so many to steale awaye thy 
 prayse and honoure, by sayenge their idolatrous and deuelishe 
 masses, by ministeringe a sorte of Heythenish and Jewishe cere- 
 monies, by prayenge vntoo dead sainctes, by blottinge onte of the 
 temples, thy holy lawe there written, according to thy com- 
 maundement, for the edifyenge of thy people, and by settinge vp in 
 the steade therof Idols and Mawmettes, cleane contrary to thy 
 blessed worde 1 
 
 " Thou callest thyself a Lyon & a consuming fyre and threatenest 
 vtter destruccion vnto thin aduersaries, whi sufEereth thou than 
 these Anticbristes thus to ryse, rore, & rage, against the testament 
 of thy most dere sonne, to beat doune thy trueth, to call thy holy 
 lawe heresy, to banishe the preachinge of the Gospel, and the true 
 vse of the Sacramentes, & to seke the destrnccion of so many as 
 vnfaynedly loue the and thy blessed worde." — Sig. A. iv. 6. 
 
 " Thus seist thowe (0 moste mercifull father) Howe miserabli the 
 face of the Chryste common weale of England is beyond all measure 
 defamed. 
 
 " Thus seist thoue, howe thy godly doctrine and most holy ordi- 
 nances are vtterly abolyshed, and menes tradicions set vp in the 
 place of them. 
 
 " Thus seist thowe, howe thy glorie & honore that is due to the 
 alone is attributed and geuene to an Idole of bread and to their 
 wicked Maumets. 
 
 " Thus seist thowe, howe the Saluacion, whiche is thorow faithe 
 to be hoped & looked for onlye in the glorious passion, preoius 
 deathe, & triumphant Kesurreoion of thy most dere son and our 
 alone Sanioor & Lord Jesus Christ is nowe reposed in the sinfull 
 merites of hipoorites, in the intercession of Saintes, in ceremonies, 
 in the obseruances of menes idle imaginacions &c. 
 
 " Thus seist thow, how thy holy worde is set aside, and mans 
 dootrin hathe the vppermost hand. 
 
 "Thus seist thow how thy holy mysteries are to moch filtheli 
 defiled of the swynyshe Papistes. 
 
 " Thus seist thowe, howe all thynges in the temples be done with- 
 out edifieng. Nothyng is herad in them but boyng, bellowyng and 
 blearing (He). 
 
 "Thus seist thowe, howe the fatherli Bishoppes and faithfull 
 pastores are vniustli put out of their cures, depriued of all that they 
 haue, banyshed and handled like shepe appoynted to the slaughter, 
 and in the steade off them whyte dawbed walles, paynted Sepulokers 
 
150 THE PURITAN PALINODIA. [essay 
 
 full of all filthines & abhominacion, blynde Phareseis, snbtile Hypo- 
 crites, vnlearned asses, Romyshe foxes, Rawenyng wolues. Lordly 
 Tyrantes, and such Lyke pestilences are appoynted to rule ouer thy 
 flocke." — Sig. D. ii. 
 
 " And that thy blessed worde may haue the more fre passag, take 
 away from vs those Idolatrus Massmongers, those idle latyne Mum- 
 blers, those shauen Madianites, those Lordly loyterers, those Wolues, 
 those Theues, Robbers, and Murtherars, whiche do nothyng elles 
 than poyson thy flocke, whom thy moste dere Sonne purchased withe 
 hys moste Precious dere hearte bloode, and mak hawocke of thy sely 
 simple shepe by leadyng them awaye frome the, throwe their vayne 
 sophistrie vnto the DewiD & the pope, from thy holy worde and 
 blessed ordenances vnto the trif eling tradicions & croked yea cankered 
 constitucions of Hipocrites : And in the stead of them place thow 
 godly Byshopes, learned Preachers, Christen Ministers, faithful 
 teachers. True spiritual! Fathers, Louyng pastors euen suche as will 
 diligently seke vpe the loste shepe, whom the woulyshe Papistes in 
 the tyme of their tiranny haue most wrechedli scattered abrode."^ 
 Sig. D. vi. 
 
 But though I have thought it necessary to give these 
 extracts relating to the change of religion in the country, 
 and illustrating the mode in which that subject was treated 
 by the writers of the Puritan party, yet they would do very 
 imperfect justice to that part of the subject. There was 
 another method of treating the matter which requires more 
 particular notice, and of which I hope to speak in a separate 
 essay. 
 
 ESSAY X. 
 
 THE PURITAN PALINODIA. 
 
 " THE HARBOROUGH FOR FAITHFUL SUBJECTS.'' 
 
 When the preceding essay went to the press it was my 
 intention to proceed immediately to the consideration of 
 what may be called the popular course pursued by the 
 puritan party with regard to the change of religion in Eng- 
 land. Argument is a fine thing for fine people; and 
 learning is better than house or land, especially for those 
 who possess the means of comparison, and are therefore best 
 qualified to judge of relative values. But where the ener- 
 gies of the million are wanted there is a more compendious 
 
X.J THE PUEITAN PALINODIA. 151 
 
 and effective method of rousing them, and one that was 
 appreciated and well understood by the parties with whose 
 proceedings we are concerned. It is indeed a curious matter, 
 and one which has been, as far as I know, very little noticed. 
 At all events it has not received the attention which it 
 deserves. But as it is one which extends over a consider- 
 able period, and comprehends a good deal of matter, it has 
 appeared to me best to say a few words on a point relating 
 more immediately to the exiled party, while some of their 
 proceedings having been recently subjects of discussion, are 
 fresh in remembrance. 
 
 I have given copious specimens of the doctrine propounded 
 or sanctioned by Knox, Goodman, Whittingham, Kethe, 
 Traheron, Becon, and others, on the subject of female 
 monarchy. I have shown the grounds on which these lead- 
 ing men of the party denounced it as " moustruous," and I 
 am not aware that as long as Queen Mary lived any one 
 of them, or of their party, published one word of reply, or 
 repudiation. It is obvious, therefore, that when they came 
 to see the lady Elizabeth actually stepping into the throne, 
 they must have felt themselves in an awkward predicament. 
 
 To refer to no other points which had been discussed, she 
 was a woman as well as her sister ; and no one who has read 
 the foregoing pages can doubt that she would consider many 
 of the passages which I have quoted, as capable of a very 
 clear and unpleasant application to herself. Of course, if 
 Mary was a thing accursed because she was a woman, so was 
 Elizabeth ; and if the " regiment " of one of these creatures 
 was " monstruous," so would be that of the other. It must 
 have puzzled the party extremely; and we cannot doubt 
 that it was the subject of much thought and consultation ; 
 and judging from the result, we may suppose that they who 
 were most concerned in the matter came to a decision that, 
 as what had been done could not be undone, and what had 
 been said could not be unsaid, it would be best to put a good 
 face on the matter — to throw John Knox, the most violent 
 and notorious maintainer of the opinion, overboard at once 
 and for ever — to say as little as possible about the way in 
 which the subject had been treated by Goodman and others, 
 of whom it could not be pretended that they were " Scots " 
 and " straungers " — and to say as much as could be said in 
 the way of denial, explanation, apology, contradiction, &c.. 
 
152 ORIGINES LITERARI^. [essay 
 
 by the pen of some staunch member of the party, who was 
 
 not particularly and personally committed on the subject of 
 
 female goverment. Happily for their need, they had among 
 
 them a man "sharp in his discourse, facetious, bold, free in 
 
 speech, blunt in words, stout and courageous ; " and it does 
 
 credit to their sagacity, or his, that he was immediately in 
 
 the field as the champion of the party. 
 
 Surely there was something chivalrous in the act ; for it 
 
 was not as if he had turned round upon his old friends ; 
 
 and though the business which he undertook naturally 
 
 reminds one of „ ,, ,. ^ , 
 
 " the valiant rat 
 
 Who undertook to bell the cat," 
 
 yet he really is not to be accused of anything like what is 
 called " ratting," even allowing to that term all the improper 
 latitude with which it is nowadays employed. I do not 
 know that he said a word which could inculpate or disparage 
 any one of his friends, or noticed any one word, written or 
 spoken on the awkward subject witli which he had to deal, 
 except the "lytle booke strangely written by a straunger;" 
 and supposing this to have been entirely his own doing, it 
 certainly was, all things considered, very creditable to him. 
 Every one must be glad to know something of one who per- 
 formed so singular a feat ; and it is curious that, but for 
 what seems in human estimation a very casual and trifling 
 circumstance, very little would have been recorded of a man 
 who is not known to have written any thing but this small 
 book, now seldom heard of, and more rarely seen. But as 
 to the man himself, what library is without his " Life and 
 Acts," a volume " wherein are explained many transactions 
 ' of the Church of England, and what methods were then 
 ' taken to preserve it, with respect both to the Papist and 
 ' Puritan " ? 
 
 Did the reader ever meet with a book intituled " Origines 
 ' Literarise ; or a Treatise on the causes of Books ; wherein 
 ' is, by occasion, somewhat touched, the effect which such 
 ' grounds and causes have had on the frame and tenor of the 
 ' works themselves " ? I never did ; and I do not believe 
 that there ever was such a thing ; but I have often wished 
 that there had been. It would be a most curious and valu- 
 able addition to literary history. In many cases we should 
 learn how it happened that a certain author was led to take 
 
X.] LIMBORCH'S INQUISITION. inn 
 
 up a certain subject, and to treat it in a certain way. We 
 should sometimes find that it arose from no peculiar, quali- 
 fication or addiction, from no predilection, no particular 
 knowledge of the subject or notion of its importance, but 
 from some accidental circumstances which have never been 
 generally known, or have become quite forgotten ; and 
 which, nevertheless, if present to the mind of the reader, 
 would prepare him better than any other preface for the 
 perusal of the work, and greatly help him to understand 
 and appreciate it' - 
 
 ' Perhaps there are few better Bpeoimens than Limborch's History of 
 the Inquisition. It is so long since I looked at the history of that work 
 that I do not recollect the minute particulars, but I think that " The 
 Book of Sentences " came into the hands of Locke, during his secession 
 on the continent towards the end of the seventeenth century. This book, 
 being an undoubtedly genuine document, containing the proceedings of 
 the Inquisition at Toulouse, for about sixteen years (1307 — 1323), was 
 very properly considered a great curiosity ; but, I apprehend, that so far 
 as history and truth were concerned, it might have lain obscure, if it had 
 not seemed probable that it might do some good in the way of political 
 agitation. Whether it did, or did not, in fact, people would suppose that 
 it must, contain such I'evelations of a mystery of iniquity as would be 
 appalling. At all events it would offer a good opportunity for exciting 
 public feeling on the subject, and for any declamation that might be 
 desirable. ^\'Tio would read the original dog-latin document of four 
 hundi-ed close printed folio pages ? In the hundred and fifty years since 
 it was published who has read it? I verily believe no one individual. 
 Gibbon looked at it, and lamented that it had not had a more learned and 
 critical editor ; but no matter for that ; Limborch was a man of the right 
 sort, which was much more important than that he should know about the 
 Inquisition. So he made a great book, and prefixed a fierce dedication 
 to Archbishop Tillotson assuring his Grace, and all other readers, in great 
 words, and great letters, that he had in the great book thoroughly exposed 
 Popery in its true colours, and that they might make up their minds on 
 that subject, before they set out on their journey of some eight hundred 
 folio pages of Latin, supposing that they had any idea of encountering 
 that fatigue. "What was to have been an introductory Treatise to " The 
 Book of Sentences " grew, as the author learned his lesson, into the more 
 ambitious form and title of "Historia Inquisitionis." "This History," 
 says his biographer Morgan (in Aikin's General Biography), " he 
 ' executed with such ability that Mr. Locke, that incomparable judge of 
 ' men and books, pronounced it to be a work in its kind, absoldtely 
 ' PEEPECT. And in a Letter to Mr. Limborch himself " [though not per- 
 haps intended to be quite private and confidential] " he told him that he 
 'had so fully exposed the Inquisitors' secret arts of wickedness and 
 ' cruelty, that if they had any remains of humanity in them, they must 
 ' be ashamed of that horrid tribunal, in which every thing that was just 
 ' and righteous was so monstrously perverted ; and that it ought to be 
 ' translated into the vulgar language of every nation, that the meanest 
 
154 STRYPE'S LIFE OF [essay 
 
 I remember being once asked by the man to whom of all 
 others I should have looked for an answer to the question, 
 " How came Strype to write the life of Bishop Aylmer ? " 
 I could not tell ; and I suspect that not one reader in ten 
 could assign any specific reason that would satisfy his own 
 mind. Of course, if he has Strype's preface by heart, he 
 
 ' persons " [the best judges in such a case] " might understand the anti- 
 ' christian practices of that execrable court." As to the original cause of 
 all, " The Book of Sentences " itself ; the sequel of its history is amusing 
 and fortunate, and I hope I shall be pardoned if I seem to go a little out 
 of the way to record the pious care of Archbishop Seeker, of which, I 
 believe, no man has so much right or so much reason to speak as myself. 
 While he was bishop of Oxford, he was informed that the manuscript, 
 which had served its turn, was for sale, and he was pressed to buy it lest 
 (of all things in the world) it should fall into the hands of the Eoman 
 Catholics, who would of course be on the watch to seize and destroy such 
 a witness against them. One is glad that it should have been bought, 
 though it seems to have been under a delusion ; for, unless "misled by 
 popular clamour, no Romanist could have wished that book to be 
 destroyed. I think Mr. (afterwards Bishop) Butler was the negociator ; 
 but any reader who likes may see all the particulars for himself. They 
 were preserved by the care and business-like habits of Seeker, and are 
 deposited with the Manuscript in the British Museum. 
 
 But to come to the point for which this History of the Inquisition is 
 here referred to. Whatever Mr. Locke and his party might say of the 
 book, and whatever face the author might put upon the matter in his 
 dedication to the liberal Primate of England, Limborch was quite sensible 
 that he had got out of his latitude. In the letter which he sent to 
 Dr. Spencer (then the Head of C. C. College, Cambridge, but best known 
 now as the writer Dt Legibus Hehrceorum, &c. ), and which is among the 
 MSS. at Lambeth, he acknowledges to his learned friend with admirable 
 simplicity, that he had allowed himself to be drawn into a matter quite 
 out of his way. That parposing to edit the Book of Sentences, he deter- 
 mined to prefix a dissertation on the Inquisition, but coming to look at 
 the writers on that subject he found that there was so much to be said 
 about it, that he had changed his mind and made a full History, though 
 nothing could have been a greater bore to a person of his line of study 
 than patching together the bits from various writers of which he made his 
 book ; but the book toas made, and it is a great book, and a book of great 
 authority. I suppose that similar apologetic letters were sent with it to 
 other scholars, bntas I am not aware that this one to Dr. Spencer has 
 been printed I subjoin the beginning of it: — "In laborem a studiis meis 
 ' plane alienum me pertrahi passus sum. Editurus Librum sententiarum 
 ' luquisitionis Tholosanse dissertationem de Inquisitione prsemittere sta- 
 'tueram: Verum cum autores qui de Inquisitione scribunt evolverem 
 ' adeo uberem deprehendi materiam ut mutate oonsilio integram Inqui- 
 > sitionis Historiam oonscripseram. Ego studio Theologioo adsuetus mo- 
 ' lestissimam sane expertus sura lucubrationem quae laciniarum ex variis 
 ' autoribua conquisitarum et in aptum methodum congestamm, coUectione 
 ' constat," &c.— MS. No. 674. 
 
X.J BISHOP AYLMER. 155 
 
 may say that Bishop Aylmer was a prelate " within whose 
 ' diocese lay both The Court, Westminster Hall, and Lon- 
 ' don, the great metropolis of the nation : and by whom the 
 ' Archbishop of Canterbury passed all his injunctions and 
 ' mandates to the rest of the bishops and clergy of his pro- 
 ' vince," All this is undoubtedly matter of fact ; much of 
 which may be proved by the maps of dioceses somewhile 
 since published in the British Magazine ; and so, perhaps, 
 we may assent to the inference of the biographer when he 
 adds ; — " and therefore we may reasonably look for matters 
 ' of great moment to be occasionally recommended to the 
 ' Bishop in this busy reign, and to fall into the accounts we 
 ' give of him." No doubt many things might be made to 
 fall into the accounts of a man who lived from 1521 to 
 1594. Many matters of interest might be brought into a 
 biography of Bow Bells, if it professedly included a full 
 account of all that has happened within their sound ; and a 
 clever writer might make even the Life and Times of the 
 Pump at Aldgate very lively, notwithstanding its stationary 
 character, and the washy monotony of its involuntary 
 performances. But we should be surprised to find any 
 writer of such enlarged views choosing such a nucleus ; 
 and it is much the same in the case of Strype's Life of 
 Aylmer. It is curious to read his laboured preface intended 
 to convince himself, and his readers, that it was very proper 
 to write the work, and that it might be made interesting, 
 and that if a biographer could not say a great deal, or what 
 was so good as he might have wished, of a prelate whose 
 diocese, locally considered, contained so much, yet still it was 
 highly proper that the life should be written ; and even if 
 anybody should think that the biographer went out of his 
 way in selecting " Queen Elizabeth's third Bishop of 
 London," and passing over his predecessors, GrindaU and 
 Sandys, it was enough to say that it would be more proper 
 to treat of them, if at all, as Archbishops of Canterbury and 
 York. 
 
 But supposing Strype to have persuaded himself of all 
 this, and believing, as I do, that he had not the least idea 
 of anything like concealment or false colouring, it must be 
 observed that the simple matter of fact which, it can scarcely 
 be doubted, furnished the chief reason for virriting the book, 
 is not once hinted at throughout the preface ; and is one 
 
15G STRYPE'S LIFE OF AYLMEE. [essay 
 
 which the shrewdest reader of the preface would never 
 guess. It does not come out, I believe, until Strype has 
 told the whole history of the prelate's life, and proceeds to 
 speak of his descendants. It then appears that Bishop 
 Aylmer married Judith Buers — that Samuel, the eldest of 
 their seven sons, married Ann, daughter of Lord Brabazon 
 — that Anthony, the third son of this marriage, had a son 
 named "Brabazon Aylmer, the bookseller and publisher of 
 ' this book, who," Strype adds, " out of due and honourable 
 ' respects to the memory of his great-grandfather the 
 Bishop " [not of course with any eye to business] " put me 
 ' upon exposing these collections, and communicated some 
 ' considerable papers and notices relating hereunto." — p. 116. 
 So that after all, though in Bishop Aylmer's time his 
 diocese really did contain the Court, and Westminster Hall, 
 and a world beside, yet if it had not long afterwards 
 contained the "Three Pigeons over against the Royal 
 Exchange," even like as the Three Pigeons contained, and 
 were controlled by, his great-grandson Brabazon, Bishop 
 Aylmer's life might never have been written. If Brabazon 
 really prevailed on Mr. Strype to undertake the task of 
 "exposing" his collections, (not to say the bishop,) from 
 pious regard to his ancestor, he is to be commended and 
 pitied ; if it was done merely to get renown, or to turn a 
 penny by the family papers, one can only wish that his 
 great-grandfather had been at hand to have " soundly cud- 
 gelled him for his baseness," as he did his son-in-law — the 
 unhappy " divine and preacher," Dr. Squire, who had mar- 
 ried and ill treated his daughter, the great-aunt of the said 
 Brabazon. 
 
 But so it is, that for some reason or other, the Life of 
 Aylmer was written; and (to borrow Strype's words re- 
 specting a sermon preached at Paul's Cross by a son of 
 " this loose man," Dr. Squire, who was cudgelled) it " hath 
 a great deal of reading in it ; " and some of the reading is 
 very curious; but our particular business lies with that 
 which concerns Aylmer's performances before his return 
 from exile, and of course a good while (much longer than he 
 Uked) before he was a bishop. Strype tells us, 
 
 "When Queen Mary was extinct, whose reign was deeply be- 
 smeared with blood, and her sister Elizabeth, a lady of other prin- 
 ciples, succeeded to the crown, Aylmer with the rest of the exiles 
 
X.] BISHOP AYLMER'S " HARBOROUGH." 157 
 
 came home to their native country, with no little joy and thankful- 
 ness to God, to enjoy the quiet profession of that religion they had 
 suffered for before, and endured the loss of all. But before he 
 returned home he printed an English book at Strasburgh, called 
 'An Harborough for faithful Subjects," (an account whereof is 
 given towards the conclusion of the book ;) which he wrote upon a 
 consultation, as it seems, holdeu among the exiles, the better to 
 obtain the favour of the new Queen, and to take off any jealousy 
 she might conceive of them and the religion they professed, by 
 reason of an ill book a little before set forth by Knox, a Scotchman 
 and fellow exile ; who had asserted therein, that it was unlawful for 
 women to reign, and forbid by God in his word. This doctrine was 
 seasonably confuted by Aylmer, and learnedly. And for Queen 
 Elizabeth, he gave her a great character, concluding that there 
 would be aU peace and prosperity under a princess of such admir- 
 able parts and godly education." — p. 11. 
 
 Most of this is true as to the facts. With a degree of 
 assurance which has perhaps never been equalled, and 
 which, even with the book before one, seems hardly credible, 
 Aylmer undertook to refute the "lytle booke strangely 
 written by a straunger." He had, as has been already 
 hinted, some personal qualifications for the work — being (as 
 we may learn among other things from the " Contents " of 
 Strype's biography) " zealous for the true religion .... 
 ' diligent and paicdful. Not to be tempted by bribes .... 
 ' quick and hot in his temper .... sharp in his discourse 
 ' . 1 . . facetious .... Bold. Free in speech. Blunt in 
 ' words. Stout and courageous .... a man of both for- 
 ' tunes ; " by which last characteristic Strype seems to have 
 meant much the same as Dogberry did when he spake of " a 
 fellow that hath had losses"— but beside these personal 
 qualifications, which do not meet in every man, there was 
 one circumstance which renders it probable that he was 
 rightly selected as " the most desartless man to be constable," 
 and carrj' the lantern on this occasion. He had been tutor 
 to the Lady Jane Grey ; and it is but charitable to believe 
 that among the bull-dog virtues for which his biographer 
 vouches (to say nothing of that eye to his own interest which 
 seems to have been as sharp, as it was near, sighted) he had 
 so much fidelity as, if it did not fully and indissolubly unite 
 him in the fortune of his ill-fated pupil, yet so far com- 
 mitted him as that it would have been impossible for him 
 (or at least for auybody else in his circumstances) to have 
 denounced the regiment of women. I do not know where 
 
158 BISHOP AYLMER'S [essay 
 
 he was, or what he was doing, during the few days that 
 Queen Jane was on the throne, or why he felt it necessary 
 to fly the country after her deposition ; but it is only justice 
 to him to say that if he had merely come forward to disavow 
 for himself the opinions maintained by Knox, he could not, 
 as far as appears, have been charged with inconsistency, or 
 any fault except that which he himself suggests as apt to be 
 laid to the charge of aU those who under particular circum- 
 stances allow opinions to circulate without public contra- 
 diction. 
 
 Indeed it would seem as if it was chiefly to this point that 
 he felt called upon to address himself ; for what had he and 
 his companions to do with the thoughts or works of a "Scot," 
 and a " straunger," except that they had unluckily and un- 
 accountably let the time run on without expressing their 
 abhorrence of them until Queen Elizabeth was actually on 
 the throne ? For his own part, " chaunsing upon a boke " 
 of such a nature, for it would appear that his coming to 
 know of it was quite accidental — " happening," as he says, 
 " not long agone " to read this book — he " wished that some 
 notable learned man would haue answered it," and was only 
 hindered from doing it himself by the expectation that some 
 more competent person would undertake the task. But it is 
 impossible to do the writer justice except in his own words. 
 In his dedication, which is " To the right honorable and his 
 ' singuler good lordes, Francis Earle of Bedford, one of the 
 ' Queues Maiesties priuie Counsell, and the Lord Robert 
 ' Duddeley, Master of her highnes horsse and Knight of the 
 ' honorable order of the Garter," he says, after enumerating 
 ' the heretical sects of antiquity — 
 
 "And in these our latter dales, the old festred sores newly broken 
 out, as the Anabaptlstes, the freewillers, or rather frowardewillers, 
 the iusticiaries, &c., and others that be new, as Adiaphoristes, 
 Oserianistes, Maroranistes, Papists, with infinit other swarms of 
 gods enemies, by whom our adaersari Satan seketh to disturb the 
 true vnitie of Christes church, to choke the good corn of late sown 
 in gods field, and to dim that excellent lighte, whiche according to 
 his seoreate counsell and decree, he determined shuld shine to the 
 vnspeakable comfort of his elect, in these our dais. Among these 
 vgglie monsters and brodes of the deuils brotherhead, hath of 
 late krept out, I can not tel whether by wil or ignorance certain 
 Tro\L(p6dpiJ.aTa which haue called into question among vs such thinges 
 as good sabieotes before neuer doubted of, wJietJisr it wer lawful for 
 women, inltcritours of kinr/donis, to gouern and guid the same, or no. 
 
X.] "HARBOROUGH" 159 
 
 "Although this error may appeare, not to touch so neare the 
 soule and saluacion of man, as some of the f orenamedido : yet con- 
 sidering that the quiet of common weales is the nurse of religion, 
 and bulwark of good and faithful men ; and that the apostle 
 pronounceth against the rebellious vtter damnacion ; we can not 
 think it to be a trifle to disturbe the common ordres of pollicies, to 
 sondre the mindes of subiectes, by new inuented contrauersies, 
 and briefly to make men to muse, of that they neuer before mis- 
 trusted. Wherfor chaunsing vpon a boke, about a yere past, intitled 
 'THE PIBST BLAST,' conteinjng newbroohed doctrine to disproue 
 the regiment of women. After I had red it, I wished that some 
 notable learned man, wold haue answered it, that, like as those 
 which be stonge of Scorpions vse to fetch remeady of the same : so 
 this cause being wounded, or rather a little scratted, with some 
 shewe and apparance of learning: might be again healed with 
 suche plaisters as through the truthe of the matter, true lerning 
 ministreth. And for as much as 1 hoped of this at som mens hands, 
 and hard of one, which is now gon to God, that he had taken it 
 vpon him, I ment not my self for a time to medle with it, least that 
 a good cause by il handling shuld, in the iudgment of som, seme the 
 worse. But whan the length of time taught me that he that ment 
 it was taken from it, and such as could haue throughly don it, 
 made no hast to it : I thoughte it better rather by my sclendre 
 handling of it to shew mi good wil, than by the common silence to 
 seme to winke at it. And so much the rather I toke it in hand, 
 because, if no man shuld do it, all our side shuld seme to bear with 
 it ; which I knowe to be so far of, that none that 1 know (1 speak 
 of the learned) be further gilty in this poynt, tJtan that by ther 
 declaration they haue not shewed themselues giltles. I know the 
 credit, the old prouerb hath, qui tacet consentire videtur, he that 
 winketh at a matter, semeth to think the same. And therfore as it 
 was necessary that som in the behalf of al, shuld vtter the minds of 
 the rest, so ment I, though more boldly then wisely, yet not so 
 rashly as necessarily, nor as 1 trust more rudely then profitably, to 
 let the world vnderstand that this infection is not blown in by the 
 blast to al mens breasts, yea I dare be bold to saye that al the best 
 learned be of the same iudgement herein that this my simple treatise 
 shall vtter me to be of. So that neither our sworn enemies the 
 papists shal haue any longer leasure to belie vs, nor our half frends 
 which are indifferent to beleue any thing of vs, hereafter to mis- 
 trust vs, nor the highe powers them selues in this point to feare vs. 
 We haue lerned and taught, we loue and like, we honor and esteme 
 true obedience to the high ministres of God ; and, on the contrarye, 
 we can no skU of seditious disturbers of wel satled policies of rashe 
 vnbrideled brokers of holsome and godlye lawes. Thus me thinke 
 I may saye in the name of al, because J Jcnow the contrary opinion 
 to be in feme or none. Wherfore let our enemies leaue of thus to 
 charge vs, in that we deserue not, and our frindes to mistrust vs, in 
 that they certainlye knowe not, or els they shall be reproved of 
 loude lying, and these of to vnfrendly misiudging." — Pref Sig. 
 A. iij. 
 
160 BISHOP AYLMEE'S [essay 
 
 And this is followed up on the first page of his book, 
 thus ; — 
 
 "And as in great Cities, great hede is geuen, that neither by- 
 negligence of the Citezins, nor malice of enil vviUers, it be consumed 
 by fyre, or hurt by any other casualtie, so in common vvelthes must 
 it be prouided, that no fyre brandes of Sedicion be cast into the 
 houses of mens hartes, to impayre thobedience of good Subiectes, to 
 kindle the harts of the frovvard, and to destroy honest, godly, and 
 comly order. For mans nature being such, as it can hardly be 
 brought to stupe, and easely stirred vp to disturbe, all occasions 
 must be cut of, vvherby the euyll may be encoraged to cast of the 
 yocke of obedience, and the simple brought into doubt what thei 
 ought to follow. Happening therfore not longe agone to rede a 
 lytle booke strangely written by a Strannger, to proue that the rule 
 of Women is out of Rule, and not in a common vvelte toUerable : 
 And waying at the first what harm might come of it, and felying 
 at the last that it hath not a lytle wounded the conscience of some 
 symple, and almost cracked the dutie of true Obedience : I thought 
 it more then necessary to lay before mens eyes the vntruth of the 
 argument, the vvekenes of the proufes, and the absurditie of the 
 whole. In the siftyng vvherof, I mynde to vse suche modestie, 
 that it shall appere to all indifferent men, that I seke to defend the 
 cause, and not to deface the man ; Seing this errour rose not of 
 malice but of zele, and by loking more to the present crueltie, that 
 then was used : then to the inconuenience that after might follow." 
 —Sig. B. 
 
 It is, indeed, probable that if Knox had been aware of the 
 " inconvenience that after might follow," he would not have 
 said some things which he did say ; but is quite clear that 
 Aylmer, while he did not mean " to deface the man," meant 
 to rem.ove the " inconvenience " as much as possible from 
 his own party, by repudiating the " straunger " and his 
 performances. 
 
 But we come to the argument from authority and pre- 
 cedent — we soon see how easily two could play at that game. 
 This " small but truly learned piece," as Strype calls it, shows 
 that history is a witness whom it is sometimes worth while 
 to cross-examine. It is curious to see how completely the 
 dramatis personm are changed. " Jolye Jesabel," and wicked 
 Athalia, and Herodias, and all the bad women who had been 
 congregated, are disbanded and sent about their business — 
 they are straunge women, and may go with the " straunger,'' 
 and he may make what he can of them — exeunt omnes, and 
 enter Deborah, and Judith, and Esther, and Theodora, and 
 all the mothers in Israel that could be collected on short 
 notice ; and doubtless nothing but want of time hindered 
 
x-j " HARBOEOUGH." 161 
 
 the mention of Hannah More and Mrs. Fry. How happy 
 would the latter have been to be placed beside the " fyrst 
 preacher " to the Samaritans. 
 
 But this is rather anticipating. Aylmer, as will be seen, 
 was far from maintaining that women generally, and as such, 
 were stronger and wser than men ; but then he marvelled 
 how any man could fail to see that it had ever been the 
 divine pleasure to choose weak things to confound those 
 which were mighty. Whether he was not rather too " dili- 
 gent and painful," (to borrow Strype's words,) as well as 
 " free in speech," in working out this argument may, per- 
 haps, be doubted. Notwithstanding abundance of that gross 
 flattery which she loved, it may be questioned whether this 
 line of argument could be rendered altogether agreeable to 
 the Queen. Her highness did not perhaps receive unmixed 
 gratification from comparisons, or even illustrations, founded 
 on the ass of Balaam, the jaw-bone of Sampson, the earthen 
 pots of Gideon, and other " mostebase meanes " and "folysh- 
 nes " by which wonderful works have been wrought. One 
 would Hke to know how she looked and felt while reading 
 the following passages : — 
 
 " Placeth he a woman vveake in nature, f eable in bodie, softe in 
 courage, vnskilfull in practise, not terrible to the enemy, no shilde 
 to the frynde, wel, Virtus mea (saith he) in infirmitate perfieitur. My 
 strengthe is moste perfight vrheu you be moste vveake ; if he ioyne 
 to his strengthe, she can not be vveake ; if he put to his hande, he 
 can not be f eable ; if he be with her, who can stande against her 1 
 Thou shalt not take with the any great power {saith he to Gedeon) 
 lest you thitike to ouercome your enemies by your own strength, and 
 prowes, and not by my wurking and might. It is as easy for him to 
 sane by fevve as by many, by vveake as by strong, by a woman as 
 by a man. Yea his moste wonderfull vvorkes are alwayes wrought 
 in oure moste weakenes, as infinite examples and testimonies do 
 shewe." — Sig. B. ii. h. 
 
 " He saued tiis people by the hande of a woman poore Deborah. 
 He aduanced them and ouerthrewe the enemies by a poore shepherde 
 and his sling. He cut of the head of the proude oaptayne Olophernes 
 by the hande of a vveake woman. It was, in reason a poore helpe 
 to Sampsons strengthe, a nomber of heares growing vpon his hed, 
 or an Asses iawe bone in his hande, to destroye so many enemies 
 and bring the people to libertie. The breaking of. 300, earthen 
 pottes, was a sclender pollycie to make so many Myriades to flee 
 and one to kiUe another." — Sig. B. iii. 6. 
 
 " Was not Queue Anne the mother of this blessed woman, the 
 chief, first, and only cause of banyshing the beast of Rome, with all 
 
 L 
 
162 BISHOP AYLMEE'S [essay 
 
 his beggerly baggage ? was there euer In Englande a greater f eate 
 wrought by any man, then this was by a woman ? I take not from 
 kyng Henry the due praise of broching it, nor from that lambe of 
 God king Edward, the finishing and perfighting of that was begop, 
 though I giue hir, hir due oommendaoion. I know that that blessid 
 martir of God Thomas Cranmer byshop of Canterbury, did much 
 trauaile in it, and furthered it : but if God had not gyuen Quene 
 Anne fauour in the sight of the kynge, as he gave to Hester in the 
 sight of Nabucadnezar, Haman, and his company, the Cardinall, 
 VVynchester, More, Boches : and other, wold sone haue trised vp 
 Mardocheus with al the rest that leaned to that side. VVherfore 
 though many deserued muohe praise for the helping forwarde of it : 
 yet the croppe and roote was the Quene, whiche God had endowed 
 with wisdome that she coulde, and gyuen hir the minde that she 
 would do it. Seing then that in al ages God hath wroughte his 
 moste wonderfull workes, by moste base meanes : and shewed his 
 strengthe by weakenes, his wisdome by f olyshnes, and his exceding 
 greatnes by mans exceding feblenes, VVhat doubt we of his power, 
 when we laoke pollyoie, or mistrust his helpe which hath wrought 
 auche wounders ? VVho is placed aboue him saieth lob : to teaoh 
 him what he shuld do ? Or who can say to him, thou hast not 
 don iustly ? He sendeth a woman by birth, we may not refuse 
 hir by violence. He stablissheth^her by lawe, we may not remoue 
 hir by wronge. He maketh hir a head, we may not make hir a 
 hande or foote." — Sig. B. iv. 6. 
 
 " Now thou seest, good reader,'' says our author (after 
 some time spent in discussing history from the Old Testa- 
 ment) "howe this matter stode among the lewes;" — and 
 of course there is not so much difficulty about " poore 
 Deborah " and the rest of her nation ; but when he comes 
 to " run over a few recordes in like manner, among the 
 Christians," some qualification and explanation are required ; 
 for beginning with Theodora, he is obliged to confess that 
 " she was superstitious and wilfuU (through the lewde per- 
 swasions of her clatteringe Clargie, in the defence of 
 images) " — but then as he says : — 
 
 " VVherfore, though there be some faultes to be found in this 
 Theodora, and other : yet proueth it not that thei may not reigne, 
 for it is Skfallax db accidente to say, she was nought, ergo, she might 
 not rule ; for that hangeth not vpon the rule, that she was nought, 
 but vpon the persone. As if you should saye, my L. lubber of 
 London is a tyraunt : ergo he is no bysshop. I warrant you, though 
 he graunted you the antecedent whiche he can hardly denie : yet 
 he would denye the consequent, or els he would call for wylie 
 Watson to helpe him. In Fraunce, tyl of late yeares, women 
 enherited the crown as in Englande, and Scotlande, vntil that they 
 ment by the lawe salique, rather to defeate vs of our title, then to 
 oondempne the succession as vnlaufuU, as you may now see by the 
 
X.] " HARBOROTJGH." 163 
 
 Frenohe king. He neither thynketh it vnlaufull or vnnaturall to be 
 lorde of your contrie by that womans tytle. I woulde you ooulde 
 perswade either him or your countrey men, to thinke that the 
 quenes title bycause she is a woman Is vnlaufull, and so do your 
 own countrey good first, and let vs alone with ours. And as you 
 speede there, you might perchaunce encourage vs to follow when it 
 may be done laufully. Tully saith, me sis curiosus in aliena rep. 
 The voyce of a straunger, is to be hard in the pulpit, so long as he 
 speaketh Gods worde : But a straungers voyce is not alowed tn faro, 
 in the parliament about poUycie, bycause he is not a citezen. This 
 I saye not to philip you, as though you ment euil to vs (for I am 
 perswaded that you loue England as well as your own contrey) but 
 I meane to monish you, that being a straunger you disturbe not our 
 state : lest you giue occasion to them that know you not, of 
 suspicion. It is a great enterprise (and as they say no balle playe) 
 to puUe a quenes crowne of his (sic) head : and specially such a 
 ones, as many ages haue not sene, nor many countreis enioyed, or 
 many histories recorded the lyke. I would not be wounded in 
 conscience, with any attempte against hir, if I might be lord of all 
 that Philippe, and the french king haue. Wei, I must leaue hir 
 for this tyme, lest the remembraunce of her vertues make me to 
 forget my matter." — Sig. F. i. 6. 
 
 There is something propitiatory in the idea of the writer's 
 being carried away from his subject by the remembrance of 
 the Queen's virtues ; and especially in seeiag (if her majesty 
 ever did see) that nothwitstanding his consciousness that it 
 interrupted his argument, and his good resolution to avoid 
 it, he so soon fell again and more deeply into the same error. 
 In fact it seemed as if he was so fascinated that he could 
 not keep out of it. In the course of a very few pages he 
 
 " Vndoubtedly in the whole number of men, might be founde 
 some one that shoulde in all respectes passe the beste among 
 women in wisdome, granite, learning, vnderstanding, sobrietie, 
 temperauncie, hablenes to take paines, warlykenes, iustioe, fortitude, 
 &c. But when it standeth in no mans election, but in his hande 
 that shapeth male or female in the wombe of the mother at his 
 pleasure : Then hath mans voyce no authoritie bycause he hath 
 gyuen oner his right in chusing by common consent vnto God, that 
 he according to his inscrutable wysdome may chuse and dispose as 
 he pleaseth. This being doone, shall man pull back his graunt, or 
 call God to accompt and say, 'Nay when we agreed, the matter 
 should be referred to your iudgement, we ment not that you should 
 send vs a women to rule ouer vs : or we had forgette to put that in 
 the condicions, and therfore you must geue vs leaue to reuoke our 
 graunt, for we can prouide better than thus, our selfes.' Were not 
 this a folyshe plea (thinke you) and a mad enterprise ? wold he not 
 sone aunswer vs, ' Oh you presumptuous fooles, that haue suche 
 opinion of your own wyt : who made empires and kyngdomes. 
 
164 BISHOP AYLMER'S [essay 
 
 dominions and rules? who preserueth and mainteineth them? 
 whose be they,? yours or myne? must you haue the orderyng or I ? 
 If they bee myne why let you me not alone with them ? If they be 
 yours : shewe your euidence howe you came by them : shall not I do 
 with myne what I liste? Is therfore your eye ill because T am 
 good? Murmur ye at myne anoynted, because she is a woman? 
 who made man and woman, you or I ? yf I made hir to lyue : may I 
 not make her to reigne ? If I apoynt hir to the oiEce ? can I not 
 adourne hir, and make hir hable to discharge it ? Why then (you 
 of litle faithe) eyther feare you my good wU, or mistrust you my 
 power ? you are muche worse then Saule in this poynte, whome I 
 reiectyd for disobedience. For when I sent my seruaunt Dauid, 
 yonge of age, and no Gyante in stature, with his shepe hoke and his 
 slyng: Saule woulde haue armed hym wyth hys owne armoure? 
 But when Dauid threwe it of and wente his waye naked against his 
 enemye, a great hyghe monstre, in comparison of hym, Saule 
 mystrusted not as you do : murmured not as you doo, sayinge, ' Ah 
 tins poore boye is not hable to be our champion, and to defende our 
 Ubertie ; ' but he prayed for him, and wyshed him well in the name 
 of lehouah the lorde of hostes. It is, I tell you, all one to me, to 
 saue with many or few, with armour or without, by a woman or by 
 a man. What letteth, that she may not as well represent my 
 maiestie, as any of you all ? If I be best represented by the shining 
 ornamentes of the mynde, and not the outwarde sturdines of the 
 body : why may not she haue at my hande that any of you haue ? 
 wisdom to gouerne, iustice to punish, clemencie to pardon, dis- 
 cresoion to iudge. I that coulde make Daniel a sucking babe, to 
 iudge better then the wisest of the lawyers : A brute beaste to 
 reprehende the foUie of a Prophet : and poore fisshers, to confound 
 the great clarkes of the worlde, can not I make a woman to be a 
 good ruler ouer you, and a mete minister for me ? What vnlykelihod 
 se you in hir ? are your eyes so duUe 1 or your myndes so malycious ? 
 that you can not or wyll not see those lewelles, wherwith I haue 
 decked hir? is that rare learning, that singulare modestie, that 
 heauenly clemencie, that christiane constancie, that loue of religion, 
 that excellent wysdom with many more of my graces, nothing in 
 your sight ? I shewed you the lyke towarde in a man of late : but 
 for your owne vnworthines, I toke him from you : And wil you, 
 nowe I haue geuen you this, make yourselues vnworthy to enjoy 
 hir ? Leaue of, leaue of, your owne pollycie, which is but folly, and 
 embrace my ordinaunce, as it is your dutie. For I pulle down 
 whome I will, and set vp whome I wil. ' 
 
 " Though God speaketh not thus to vs audibely : yet suer, he 
 nedes must thus speake in our conscience inwardly. "VTherfore let 
 vs leaue of to dispute, and beginne to praye, that it maye please 
 hym to stablyshe hir seat amonge vs, and to send hir longe lyfe and 
 quiet reigne, to defende hir and vs from inuasions abrode and 
 conspiracies at home, to giue hir grace to seeke his honour, and 
 maynteine the truthe, to guide hir harte in the choise of hir 
 husbande, and to make her frutefull, and the mother of manye 
 chyldren, that thys Eealme maye haue the graftes of so goodly a 
 tree. That cure chyldren and posterite maye see hirs occupying liir 
 
X.] « HARBOROUGH." 165 
 
 throne, with honour, ioye, and quietnes.' The remembraunce of her 
 vertues 'oarieth me awaye from my matter : wherefore I return." — 
 Sig. I. 
 
 This passage of involuntary gratulation has a pithy side 
 note in the margin — " We must praye for the Quene's 
 estate and not dispute of hir right " — but perhaps there is 
 no one passage in the book more observable, both on account 
 of the gross flattery which it contains, and of the coarse 
 (one would think unwelcome and disgusting) ribaldry by 
 which it is accompanied, than the following, of which Strype 
 has quoted a part : — 
 
 " The ii. reason out of Esay maketh as muche as for debarringe of 
 yonge Princes rule, as loas, losias and our swiet Mnge Edwarde (as 
 his sister Marye helde) as it dothe againste women, for they be 
 ioigued together, but in dede it maketh againste neither. For 
 Esaye being worthelye called the Demosth : of the Hebrues, vseth 
 suche goodly figures of speaking, as all the scripture hathe not 
 beside, as in this place, I wiU take from you your honerable 
 Senators, and your wise counselers, and I will geue you boyes and 
 women, or effeminate persons to reigne ouer you, not boyes in age 
 but in maners (as Aristotle saithe of yonge men, that to heare 
 Philosophie it maketh no matter for their yeares, but for their 
 manors) not women in sexe, but in f eblenes of wit, and not suche as 
 some women be, wiser, better learned, discreater, constanter, then a 
 number of men : but such as women be of the vvurst sort, fond, 
 folish, wanton, flibbergibbes, tatlers, triflers, wauering, witles, 
 without counsell, feable, careles, rashe, proude, deintie, nise, tale- 
 bearers, euesdroppers, rumour raisers, euell tonged, worse minded, 
 and in euerye wise doltefied with the dregges of the Deuils dounge 
 hill. As these minions be, such shall your senatoures and rulers 
 be, that shall be neither hable to rule them selfes nor you. No 
 Deborahes, no Judiths, no Hesters, no Elyzabethes. For sure wher 
 such be : ther is no token of Gods wrath, whiohe the Prophet 
 threatneth here : but of gods fauoure, whereof we may be assured." 
 — /Sig. G. iii. 
 
 It may be doubted whether any man ever recommended 
 himself to a woman by complimenting her at the expense of 
 her sex. However, in this case, the compliments were only 
 subordinate, or meant to be so, to the more important 
 matters which Aylmer had in hand, and which were parti- 
 cularly two — first, to show that Elizabeth had a right to be 
 Queen ; and secondly, (not so plainly avowed, but obvious 
 enough) that though her majesty as head of the church 
 would have full right to do every thing that was to be 
 done in it, in her own proper person, yet she could not be 
 expected, and would not in fact be alale, to do all the work 
 
166 BISHOP AYLMER'S [essay 
 
 of the bishops and clergy, and must have a body of men in 
 some shape, and under some name or other, to take their 
 place, and perform their office. In a passage which has at 
 the beginning the marginal note, " What is requyred in a 
 pulpit man," and which after a few lines has another such 
 note to the effect that " Preachers must be no milck soppes," 
 he thus writes : — 
 
 "For in such as shall occupy the pulpit, is required these things, 
 that they be mete to teach, to reproue, and couuince. In teaching 
 is required grauitie, learning, and eloquence. In reprouinge 
 courage and sounde iudgemente, and in conuincynge Aites, 
 memorye and muche science. And because the bringinge vppe of 
 womenne, is commonlye suche, as they canne not haue theese 
 thynges (for they bee not broughte vppe in learnynge in Scholes, 
 nor trayned in disputacions ; Or if they were yet because nature 
 hathe made them softer and milder then menne, yet bee they not 
 suche as are mete for that function.) Therfore be they vnmete for 
 this calling. 
 
 " For those that be preachers, must be no mylke soppes, no white 
 lyuered gentlemen, that for the frowning and cloudy countenaunce 
 of euery man in authoritie, will leane his tackle and crie Peccaui. 
 They must be of such nature, as the Poet saieth of Crito, in vuUu 
 grauitas, in verbis fides. They may not be afrayed to rebuke the 
 proudest, no not kynges and queues so farfurth as the two tables 
 reacheth. As we see in Samuel, Nathan, Elie, Jhon Baptist, and 
 many other. They may not stoupe to euery mans becke, and study 
 to please man more then God. If heresies arise, they must haue 
 their tooles ready to mete with thaduersary and to ouerthrowe 
 hym : whiche he can not haue, onles he haue trauayled in many 
 sciences, harde and redde much, which thinges (because they be 
 huswyues) women can not haue commonly, and therfore they be 
 vnmete hereunto. 
 
 " Yea God knoweth so be many men to : for it is not inough for a 
 man to tell a fayre tale in the pulpit, and when he commeth down 
 is not able to defende it. If preachers and spirituall ministers be 
 suche, where be we when we come to handgripes ? They must not 
 only florishe, but they must know their quarter strookes, and the 
 waye how to defende their head, their head Christe I saye, and his 
 crosse. And specially in these dayes, wherein Sathan spiting the 
 happy grouthe and grenes of Gods field, soweth tares and fytches of 
 heresies and sectes continually, to choke or to empayre the good 
 come if it may be. 
 
 "What ennemies haue we of the Papistes? vnlearned thinke 
 you! nay, who so encountereth with them, had nede haue his 
 harnes wel bucked to hym, or he may chaunce to take a wipe. I 
 would they were aswel mynded, as they be learned. What saye 
 yon nowe to the Arrians ? which suer, are lyke to enfect the best 
 heads in Europe (I meane the Italyans) if God prouide not remedy. 
 Shall it be easy thynke you for euery man to ioyne with them t I 
 can not tell howe simple they be. But one man of that sect so 
 
X.] " HARBOROUGH." 167 
 
 distourbed a whole vniuersitie in Germany, that all the learned 
 men there, and the Prince himself, was not hable to scrape out that 
 he had wickedly grauen. The Swingfieldians, the Maioranes, the 
 Pelagians, the froward freewyll men, the Adiaphoristes, the 
 Osdrianistes, the newe Maroionistes, the Anabaptistes, with infinite 
 other swarms of Satanistes, do you thinke that euery pulpit man 
 wyll be hable to aunswer them 1 I pray God there be many that 
 can-. 
 
 _" I saye therfore because there is so muche required in a spirituall 
 minister : that all men bee not mete for the office. And therfore 
 that with good reason women bee debarred from it. Albeit, at 
 some tymes it pleaseth God to vse their ministrie euen in this poynt, 
 as the woman of Samaria, whiche was the fyrst preacher to hir 
 cytezens of the Messias, and the women, the fyrst Apostles and 
 messengers of the resurrection. And as we reade in the Bcolesi- 
 asticaU historic, A certeu woman vnder Const. Mag. was the Apostle 
 of the Iberians, whiche turned first the Kynge and Quene, and then 
 the whole couutrey to the fayth of Christe. This coulde not be 
 done without some talke in thassemblies, nor without a kynde of 
 preachyng. Yea, Theodoretus sayeth, that she dyd preache to 
 them : wherfore me thinke euen in this poynte wee must vse 
 iiTi^iKeta a certen moderacion, not absolutelie and in euerye wyse 
 to debarre them, herein (as it shall please God) to serue Christe. 
 Are there not in Englande women thynke you, that for their 
 learnynge and wysdome, coulde tell their householde and neigh- 
 bours, as good a tale as the best Sir Ihon there ? And what if by 
 occasion, not by common office, they shoulde sumtyme make their 
 neighbours partakers of their giftes : were it so heinous a matter?" 
 — /%. G. iv. 6. 
 
 But of course such pulpit men could not be had without 
 considerable expense ; and, therefore, it was necessary to 
 show her Majesty, not only that there were very fit persons 
 who were wilhng and desirous to stir up the nation to pro- 
 vide her freely and amply with the means of pa3ring aU her 
 servants, (bishops among the rest, if she chose to have any,) 
 but also that these very fit men would take the office on 
 very moderate terms. In a passage which has a side note 
 informing the reader that " Obedience spryngeth from the 
 hart," he says — 
 
 " The hart (I say) must be framed and brought into the circle of 
 obedience : and then wyll all the reaste followe. Thy knee shall 
 bowe, thy cap shall of, thy tongue shall reuerently speak of thy 
 soueraign, when and wher thou oughtest. For lyke as the fountain 
 being clear, or trobled, the water that goeth from it, must be good 
 or bad : so the hearte beynge in order, the reaste canne not bee out 
 of order. Thy tong must be dedicated to God, to speke wel and 
 
 ^ It might be some comfort to her Majesty to think that he could pro- 
 bably tell her of one. 
 
168 BISHOP AYLMER'S [essay 
 
 reuerently of his minister ; for els, as Salomon saith, he will make 
 the birdes of the ayre to vtter thy rebellion. 
 
 " Furthermore, it is thy bonnde duti to geue her, when she oaUeth 
 for part of thl goods that as Demosth. saith, by parting with a 
 little, thou maist keepe the whole. Is it not better to healpe the 
 mother and mistres of thy country, with thy goods and body : then 
 by withholding thy hande, and nigging, to make her not hable to 
 kepe out thine ennemy 3 haddest thou rather that thy anncient 
 ennemy, the proud french man, or vntrusty scot should come to 
 ransake thy coffers, to deflour thy wife, to rauish thy daughters, to 
 beat thy children's brains vpon the waUes, to fire thy house, to 
 spoile thy goodes, driue away thy cattle, enioy thine inheritaunce, 
 cut thine own throte, and bring thy country to naughte : then that 
 the Queues officer should take the .20. parte of thy possessions, for 
 thy defence ? 
 
 " If thou wilt not haue these misohiefes to happen, thou must do 
 thy dutye in paying with a franke and free hart, without grutohing 
 or groning, specially, seeing thou gatherest all that thou hast, in her 
 peax. Shuldest thou that arte a husbandman follow thy tillage, 
 reape thy corn, and enioy it : if thou wart not defended by her 
 diligence ? Shouldest thou that arte a grasier kepe thy fat BuUockes 
 and flookes of shepe, til they were f atte, if she were not t hy shep- 
 hearde 2 Shouldest thou that arte a marchant cary out, and fetch 
 home, to thy exceding gain, thy merchaundise, onles she were thine 
 Admirall 2 Could the Lord or gentleman enioy his rents, if she 
 defended not the tenauntes 2 Coulde the bishops ruffle in their 
 robes, kepe their great houses, and haue their thousands yerely, 
 withal the rest of ther superfluitie, if she wer not their bulwarke, 
 and took care for them, while thei care not for her 2 And to be 
 short there is none that should enioy his owne : if her protection 
 were not." — Sig. M. iv. 
 
 And as it was very important that one point, which had 
 been, to be sure, rather strongly hinted at in this extract, 
 should be fully understood, he reverts to it, and gives what 
 he calls in his margin " Aduise to the Bishops " in very 
 plain language. After stating that Philip of Macedon 
 managed to settle his empire though he came to it dis- 
 ordered, and had " the Illyrians, the Psenyans, the Thessa- 
 lonyans, the Boetians, and the Athetians, in his neck ; " he 
 adds : — 
 
 " In like maner Dauid entred into his kingdom, when the Philis- 
 tins had made a meruelus slaughter in Israel, and killed king Saul 
 and his sonnes in the field ; and yet with in a while, he recouered 
 the losses and had the better of al his enemies round about him : 
 So I doubt not, but God shal send this Judith grace and power, to 
 cut of Holophernes hed, and this Deborah to saue her people, and 
 knock out Sioeras brains, come he either out of fraunce, or out of 
 Scotland. But so much the soner, if al men like true subieotes, put 
 
X.] " HARBOROUGH." 169 
 
 to their helping hande, knowinge that it is theyr quarrell aswell as 
 hers. 
 
 " Come of you Bishoppes, away with your superfluities, yeld vp 
 your thousands, be content with hundreds as they be in other 
 reformed Churches, where be as greate learned men as you are. Let 
 your portion be priestlike and not princelike. Let the Quene haue 
 the rest of your temporalties, and other lands, to maintain these 
 warres which you procured, and your mistresse left her, and with 
 the rest to builde and founde scholes thorowoute the realm : that 
 euerye parishe church may haue his preacher, euery City his super- 
 intendent to liue honestly and not pompously, whiche wil neuer be, 
 onles your landes be dispersed and bestowed vpon many, which now 
 feadeth and fatteth but one. Remember that Abimeleck, when 
 Dauid in his banishment wold haue dined with him, kept such 
 hospitaliti, that he had no bread in his house to geue him, but the 
 Shewbred. Wher was aU his superfluity to keepe your pretensed 
 hospitalitie 1 for that is the cause that you alledge, why you must 
 haue thousands as though you were commanded to kepe hospitalitie, 
 rather with a thousande, then with a hundreth. I would our 
 country man Wicliefes boke whyoh he wrote De JEcclesia, were in 
 print, and there shoulde ye see that your wrinches and cauiUations, 
 be nothing worthe. It was my chaunce to happen of it in ones 
 hand that brought it out of Bohemia. 
 
 " Lay to youre handes, you Noblemen, and rather sel a pece of 
 your enheritance to help the Quene, then by a little backwardnes 
 to ventre aU, and to se a proud French man your heir, or a Scot the 
 steward of your Landes. Learn you of thauncieut senators of 
 Eome, and let your wiues, take example by theirs, to sette more by 
 youre Prince, then your pomp, by your country, then by your 
 curiositie and vnfitting superfluitie in apparel, dyet, and other 
 vnuecessaries. These Romaines of whome I speake being stressed, 
 and almoste brought to the last cast, by the long and daungerous 
 warres of Hanibal, and the Frenche, did not only lyke louing fathers 
 to their countrey, bring in their mony and goodes, without hlnching 
 or pinching, to relief e the charges of their common welth, But also 
 partly by honest perswasion, and partly by their good example, 
 prouoked the noble matrones their wiues to bring in their ouches, 
 ringes, chaines, bracelettes, and other iewelles, to be bestowed in the 
 necessary defense of their countrey. 
 
 " Oh you Englishe Ladies, learne here rather to weare Remain 
 hartes, then Spanish knaks, rather to helpe youre countrey, then 
 hinder youre husbandes, to make your quene ryche for your defense 
 then your husbandes poore for your garish gainesse. If euery one of 
 you would but imploy your ringes and chaines, or the price of your 
 superfluous ruffes, furres, fringes, and suche other trinkettes, vpon 
 the necessary defence of your countrey, I thiuke you shuld make 
 the quene much richer, and habler to mete with your enemies, and 
 your selfes much the honester, and reddier to withstande Satan, 
 whiche this waye goeth about to sift you. Leaue of your pride, 
 and leaue a good example, as the Remain ladies did, to your pos- 
 terite, of loue to your countrey, loyaltie to your quene, and honestie 
 towardes God and man. 
 
170 BISHOP AYLMER'S [essay 
 
 " Be liberal you Gentlemen and thinke it not inough to serue the 
 quene with your bodies, but helpe also with your goodes. Suffer 
 not the Gentlemen of Fraunoe to make you their slaues. Some of 
 you knowe what natured men they be, beware that the rest feele 
 not. It wilbe a shame and to great a vilanie for you, which in al 
 ages haue bene hable to holde their nose to the grindstone, nowe 
 either for sparing of your goodes, which is niggardie, or f eare of your 
 lines, which is cowardise, to be their pezantes, whose lordes your 
 Aunoettors were. 
 
 "Loke to this geare you Lawyers, whiche for a lyttle spending 
 of your breath in chatering in the Chancery, and Common Place, 
 become the Lordes of your cuntreis, and leaue your sonnes so great 
 liuelodes as thei be noble mens matches. Some in sport cal you 
 drudges and not iudges ; but I thinke in god earnest that it is con- 
 trary, that you make you and your lordes and al other drudges. 
 In this your so gret gain forget not what you owe to your 
 prince, by whose protection you haue had leasure to study, and 
 now time to plead. If your countrie be not kept in peax, your 
 law wilbe litle worth, neither your copes nor coifes wil seme to 
 any vse. I would you could al finde in your hartes to be as liberal 
 toward your prince as some of you haue bene of late to the orders 
 of Friers. 
 
 " Be no niggardes you Marchauntes of your gaines to releue the 
 quene, for if you be : the vengeaunce of God wil come vppon your 
 hurdes and bankes, the tratling Scot shal knocke out your chestes 
 botoms, shal enioy your maohaundize, meete out your veluets and 
 silkes, carry awaye your clothes, brenne your fayre houses, and rule 
 in your citie of London, which the Lord forbyd. 
 
 " In like maner you Farmers and Franklins, you yomen and rich 
 Cobbes, abroad with your rusty ryals and your old Angels, which 
 you hourd vp : for the ruste of them shalbe to your condempnacion, 
 because you couetously kepe Gods creatures from their true vse, 
 wherfore thei were made. They are called cwrraunt, and not 
 slepaunt. Helpe your countrey with them, let the quene haue part 
 of them, that you may peaceably enioy the rest, wherfore hourd you 
 them vp, and for whome ? Tliesaurizas nesdens cui congregas. I am 
 sure your meaning is thereby to leaue your sonnes andheires, landes 
 and possessions, pastures wel stored, houses wel furnished, and 
 honest soms of money to marry your daughters. But if thou best 
 not liberal towardes the defence of thy country, who shal be thine 
 heire ? The pocky frenche man and the scoruy Scot : thyne olde 
 gold shalbe caried away into Fraunce, thy sonne and thou shalt be 
 made gaily slaues. And where thou thinkest to marry thy daughter 
 richelye : thou shalt see both hir and hir mother defiled before thy 
 face miserably. Thy sonnes enheritaunce shalbe chaines in the 
 gaily, wherewith he shalbe fettered, a whippe vpon his bare skinne, 
 if he row not to the death, and an horse lof e and water for his dayly 
 dyet. Oh thynke vppon this, thynke vppon it, you hourders and 
 hyders of Gods creatures. Lette not that mucke of the molde, 
 those rustye Royalles be dearer to you, then your countrey, your 
 Quene, your wyfe, and children, your owne bodies and lyues. VVhat 
 a spyte were it, that you shoulde be the Treasurers of your mortall 
 
X.] " HARBOROUGH." 171 
 
 foes, that you shoulde keepe for them to carry awaye, and hyde 
 from your Queue to enryche the robber. 
 
 " And you Husbande men which haue Gods plenty, abnndaunce of 
 his blessinges. Stioke not to helpe your natural countrey so muohe 
 as you can. God is beneficial! vuto you, be not vnthankfull to his 
 chefe minister. For like as the springes and brookes renne into 
 the sea, so must aU mens trauail tourne to the defence of his coun- 
 trey." — iSig. O. iv. 
 
 So earnest is Aylmer's loyalty and patriotism, that he 
 becomes absolutely pathetic in, what may be called, a sort 
 of charity sermon for the new monarch ; and, long as the 
 extracts already given are, a part of his peroration must be 
 added. 
 
 " Do you not heare how lamentably your natural mother your 
 countrye of England, calleth vpon you for obediences saying, ' Oh, 
 remember remember my dear children in what case you stande ; 
 your enemies be round about you, like vnsaoiable rauenours to pluck 
 me from you, to cast yon out of my lap where I haue this. 110. yeres 
 lyke a faithful mother nourished you, a tyme sufficient for me I trow 
 to know you, and you me. I haue bene and am glad of you, I 
 delight and reioyoe in you, aboue all other peoples. In declaration 
 wherof I haue always spued out and cast from me Danes, Frenohe, 
 Norwegians, and Scottes. I could brooke none of them for the 
 tender lone that I bare vnto you, of whome I haue my name. I 
 neuer denyed to minister to you my singular commodities, which 
 God hath lent me for you, as come and cattell, lande and pasture, 
 wull and cloth, lead and tynne, fleshe and fishe, gold and siluer, and 
 all my other treasures : I haue poured them out among you, and 
 enriched you aboue all your neighbours about you : which make 
 them to enuie you, and couet me. Besides this God hathe brought 
 f orthe in me, the greatest and excellentest treasure that he hath, for 
 your comfort and al the worldes. He would that out of my wombe 
 should come that seruaunt of his your brother Ihon Wyclefe, who 
 begate Husse, who begat Luther, who begat tktjth. What greter 
 honor could you or I haue, then that it pleased Christ as it were in 
 a second birth to be borne again of me among you ? And will you 
 now suffer me, or rather by your disobedience purchase me, to be a 
 mother withoute my children, and to be made the nurse of a sorte of 
 infideles, Idolaters, and Turkes ? Can I abide to be without you, or 
 can you be content to be without me ? Oh God graunt that I neuer 
 se the day that the basterdly brode of ambytious frenche men, eate 
 and enioy the frutes whiche I prepare for you, my deare chyldren. 
 Lette me rather satisfie my thirste with their effeminate bloud, then 
 they should pluck from you my motherly breastes. Sticke to your 
 mother, as she sticketh to you. Let me keepe in quiet and feede, 
 as I haue done, your wyues, your children, and your kinsfolkes : 
 Obey your mistres and mine which God hath made lady ouer vs, 
 bothe by nature and lawe. You can not be my children, if you be 
 not her subiectes : I wyU none of you, if you will none of hir. If 
 you loue me you can not hate hir, as my hope is you doo not : if 
 
172 BISHOP AYLMER. [essay 
 
 you obey her, honour hir, and loue hir, be you assured that I wyll 
 not fayle you at your neede, with any oE my good frutes that you 
 can requyre : I wyll fiill your bosomes and your mouthes, your 
 wyues, and your children, with plentie." &o. — Sig. K. 
 
 That this appeal, eloquent and affecting as it was meant to 
 be, did not lead the people to cast their living into the trea- 
 sury or the privy purse, we know from history ; but surely 
 it must have " moved the stout heart of England's Queen." 
 Strype, indeed, introduces Aylmer in the first page as " one 
 of the excellent bishops made choice of by Queen Elizabeth 
 to assist in the government of the church of England." 
 But if so, it is obvious that she concealed her feelings, and 
 delayed her choice for a long time. It seems that for four 
 years all but eleven days — what an age to a keen suitor — 
 she sat upon her throne, and slept in her bed, unmindful of 
 her eulogist ; or, to say the least, before he received any 
 reward for his panegyric. Then he was made Archdeacon of 
 Lincoln -, and, as Strype says, " being Archdeacon, he was 
 ' present at the famous synod, anno 1562, where the doctrine 
 ' and discipline of the church, and the reformation of it 
 ' from the abuses of popery, were carefully treated of and 
 ' settled.-"' It seems probable, that Aylmer received the 
 preferment with a view to his being of service on that occa- 
 sion ; for the synod or convocation actually met in January, 
 and he only became archdeacon on the 6th November pre- 
 vious. This is the more likely, because almost all that we 
 know of him during those first four years of Elizabeth's 
 reign is that, " he was but newly come home when he was 
 appointed to hold a disputation in Westminster." — p. 11. 
 What he did on that occasion does not appear, but in the 
 convocation of 1562, " when the bandying happened in the 
 lower house .... Aylmer was absent ; whether," says 
 Mr. Strype, " by chance, or on purpose, I know not." — 
 p. 13. It does not much matter ; but it looks as if his con- 
 duct had dissatisfied those whom he wished to please ; and 
 Strype was obliged to put in his margin " Sticks at Lin- 
 coln ; " and, what was worse, to explain in the text, that he 
 " stuck a long while " there. How he got away, after 
 sticking some fifteen years, it is not our present business to 
 inquire. He is produced here as the champion of the 
 puritan party, and the author of what was, as far as I know, 
 the only public apology of those who had written or coun- 
 
XI.] THE RIBALDS. 173 
 
 tenanced the most ferocious libels on the late queen and her 
 government.' The book and the man seem to have been 
 treated with as much contempt and neglect as was conve- 
 nient in the circumstances of the state. It was clear that 
 the government could not do without the exiles, and it was 
 sufficiently understood that they were not going to insist on 
 any punctilios which might disqualify them for the service 
 of her majesty, whom they were prepared to receive and 
 acknowledge, not only as the lawful Queen of England, but 
 as the Head of the Church and the Vicar of God. 
 
 All this is, indeed, made clearer to us by Aylmer's book, 
 but it would probably have come about quite as soon, with 
 less scandal to others, and less discredit to himself, if he had 
 not interfered in the business. 
 
 ESSAY XL 
 
 THE EIBALDS. No. I. 
 
 The preceding Essay carried us forward into the reign of 
 Queen EHzabeth. In order to return properly to the period 
 and the subject with which we were engaged, we must now 
 go back for a few moments to the reign of her father, for 
 then began those seeds to spring which ripened into such a 
 harvest of sin and misery in the days of Queen Mary. 
 
 We were considering the mode which the puritan party 
 adopted in meeting the change of religion which then took 
 place ; and it has been shown that, much plainness of speech 
 was used by them in opposing the false doctrine and super- 
 stitious practice of the Church of Eome. They contended 
 that the Pope was Antichrist — that his faith was false, his 
 practice idolatrous, his mass devilish, and everything about 
 him, or in any sort of communion with him, utterly abomi- 
 nable in the sight of that God whom he blasphemed by 
 pretended worship. 
 
 ^ The " recantation " of Goodman, given by Strype, he supposes to 
 have been made either " before the qneen's privy council, or her bishops 
 of the ecclesiastical commission." (Ann. I. i. 184.) I do not know thai 
 it was made public until he printed it from the Petyt MSS. 
 
174 THE EIBALDS. [essay 
 
 If they were right, the matter was surely very sad, as 
 well as serious. One would think that the sight of such an 
 ahomination of desolation as they professed to see, must 
 have filled all who had anything like the love of God in 
 their hearts, or even the fear of God before their eyes, with 
 grief and consternation — that if such men came to know 
 that Chemosh and Ashtaroth had been set up in the Lord's 
 House, they would have entered its courts in sackcloth and 
 the spirit of heaviness, to displace them ; and have passed 
 them from hand to hand, without a word or a look ex- 
 changed, till the abominable things were clean out of the 
 holy place, cast to the moles and the bats, or buried in 
 outer darkness for ever. 
 
 But the matter was far otherwise. If there were men 
 who acted under such feelings in grave, and quiet, and 
 grateful pity — if there were others who mistook passion for 
 zeal, and sincerely believed themselves authorised, nay, 
 called upon, to do and say all that prophets or apostles had 
 ever said or done, and even to assume the purifying scourge 
 which One greater than the Temple made for Himself — if 
 there were men who, with whatever mixture of human 
 infirmity, wrote and spoke and acted as servants of God, 
 pleading his cause and maintaining his truth before his face 
 — if there were, as we may believe, some of all these classes, 
 there were, at the same time, other partisans of the Refor- 
 mation, very noisy and very numerous, of quite a difierent 
 spirit, whom, to say the least, they did not keep at a proper 
 distance, or repudiate with sufficiently marked detestation. 
 I mean those who used a jeering, scoffing humour, to turn 
 the ministers and the services of religion into ridicule — men 
 whp employed themselves in raising a laugh against popery, 
 at whatever expense, and in providing for the eyes and ears 
 of even the rude multitude who could not read, gross and 
 profane pictures, jests, songs, interludes — all, in short, that 
 could nurse the self-conceit of folly, and agitate ignorance 
 into rebellion against its spiritual pastors and teachers. 
 
 Of course no historian of the Reformation could entirely 
 pass over this very obvious and startling feature; but it 
 seems to have been noticed and inquired into less than it 
 should have been ; and without pretending, on an occasion 
 like this, to remedy the defect, I think it may be of some ser- 
 vice to the cause of truth to point it out, and to ofier some 
 
XI.] SACKING OF ROME a.d. 1527. 175 
 
 facts and observations which may tend to show its import- 
 ance. But to do this ever so imperfectly and superficially, 
 we must, as I have said, turn back to the time of Henry 
 the Eighth. 
 
 It would be an affipont to the reader to suppose him 
 less than quite familiar with everything in Eobertson's 
 Charles V. ; and, therefore, I assume his recollecting that, 
 in the month of May, 1527, the city of Rome was assaulted 
 and taken by the imperial army under the command of the 
 Duke of Bourbon. The pope was a prisoner in the Castle 
 of St. Angelo, his troops were dispersed, and " it is impos- 
 ' sible to describe or even to imagine the misery and horror 
 ' of that scene which followed. Whatever a city taken by 
 
 * storm can dread from military rage unrestrained by disci- 
 ' pline ; whatever excesses the ferocity of the Germans, the 
 ' avarice of the Spaniards, or the licentiousness of the 
 ' Italians could commit, these the wretched inhabitants 
 ' were obliged to suffer. Churches, palaces, and the houses 
 
 * of private persons were plundered without distinction. 
 ' No age, or character, or sex was exempt from injury. 
 
 * Cardinals, nobles, priests, matrons, virgins, were all the 
 ' prey of soldiers, and at the mercy of men deaf to the voice 
 ' of humanity. Nor did these outrages cease, as is usual in 
 ' towns carried by assault, when the first fury of the storm 
 ' was over ; the imperialists kept possession of Rome several 
 ' months ; and during all that time, the insolence and 
 ' brutality of the soldiers scarce abated."^ 
 
 If the historian had been writing with a view to the 
 religious and ecclesiastical aspect and bearing of the matter, 
 he might perhaps have added, that among the victors there 
 were some at least who had in them an element distinct 
 from "the ferocity of the Germans, the avarice of the 
 Spaniards, or the licentiousness of the Italians," which 
 manifested itself, not merely in the desecration of sacred 
 places, but in ridicule of the ministers and services of reli- 
 gion ; in mock processions, and a mock election of Luther 
 for pope. 
 
 I refer, however, to this historical event principally in 
 order to observe that there is said to have been among the 
 followers of the Duke of Bourbon (whether he was among 
 
 1 Robertson's Charles V., vol. ii. p. 286. 
 
176 CARDINAL WOLSEY AND [essay 
 
 the mock cardinals who rode in procession on asses, I do not 
 know) an Englishman, of low birth, vicious habits, and 
 infidel principles, who afterwards became of terrific import- 
 ance to the Church of England. His friends tell us that, 
 in after life he described himself as having formerly been a 
 " ruffian ; " and it is likely that at the time when this hap- 
 pened whether he was there or not, he had no preference, 
 and no respect, for either popery or protestantism, and 
 acted under no principle but that which taught him to do 
 the best he could for himself. If he was at the sacking of 
 Rome, it seems more likely that he was there in the service 
 of Wolsey than as " a trooper of the Duke of Bourbon." 
 Certainly he was soon afterwards a servant of the cardinal, 
 and continued to serve him until his disgrace in October, 
 1529. 
 
 The fall of Wolsey was, of course, felt by his household ; 
 but there was a considerable difference between the circum- 
 stances of the two bodies of which that great multitude of 
 servants and retainers consisted. The ecclesiastics were all 
 more or less provided for. The cardinal had so enriched 
 some of his chaplains that they might dispend a thousand 
 pounds by the year, — a princely income in those days, — and 
 the poorest of them had an ample provision in preferment 
 yielding an annual sum of at least three hundred marks ; 
 and these preferments, whether more or less, were their 
 own, and would remain to them. On the other hand, the 
 laymen had no prospect but that of being turned adrift, 
 with only such provision as they might have had the unna- 
 tural prudence to make in a house where they were not 
 likely to learn lessons of thrift and economy, and where, as 
 it regarded many of them, the honour of the service, and 
 the probability of its leading to promotion, formed the only 
 remuneration. 
 
 It is likely that no man saw this more clearly, or felt it 
 more keenly, than Thomas Cromwell — the rather, we may 
 imagine, because there seems to have been a very current 
 and well-credited report — one, therefore, not likely to have 
 been entirely without foundation — that when his master 
 was disgraced he would be hanged. The fact cannot, I 
 imagine, be doubted ; though, as far as I know, it is not 
 anywhere clearly explained, or, indeed, explained at all, 
 except by the supposition that he had rendered himself 
 
XI.] HIS SERVANT CROMWELL. 177 
 
 unpopular, both to the people and the king, by some 
 "ruffian "-like conduct in the business of the monasteries, 
 which the cardinal suppressed for the benefit of his colleges, 
 in the management of which Cromwell had been a chief 
 instrument. It is not improbable that his zealous service 
 may have carried him so far beyond the letter of the law in 
 this matter, as to make the power and protection of his 
 great master very necessary for his personal safety. But, 
 however this may be, by the time that the Cardinal had 
 been driven to his house at Esher, and " was of necessity 
 ' compelled to borrow of the Bishop of Carlisle and of Sir 
 ' Thomas ArundeU, both dishes to eat his meat in, and 
 ' plate to drink in, and also linen clothes to occupy," 
 Thomas Cromwell began to think that it was time to look 
 about him ; and accordingly, on Nov. 1, 1529, at Esher 
 aforesaid, he was found by George Cavendish, in what he, 
 who knew the man well, considered very peculiar cii^cum- 
 stances — but it were a pity not to let that quaint and right 
 entirely beloved old gentleman-usher tell the story in his 
 own inimitable manner. 
 
 "It chanced me upon All-hallowne day to come into the great 
 chamber at Asher, in the morning, to give mine attendance, where 
 I found Mr. Cromwell leaning; in the great windowe with a Primer 
 in his hand, saying our Lady mattens ; which had bine a strange 
 sight in him afore.^ Well, what will you have more ? He prayed no 
 more earnestly, than he distilled teares as fast from his eyes. Whom 
 I saluted, and bad good morrowe. And with that I perceived his 
 
 ° I give this extract from Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, as it stands in 
 the third edition of Dr. Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, vol. i. 
 p. 568. Singer, in his edition of Cavendish, (I have only that of 1827 at 
 hand,) prints this passage " which had been since a very strange sight. " 
 In a note he says, " Dr. Wordsworth's edition and the later manuscripts 
 read : ' which had been a strange sight in him afore ; ' but this can hardly 
 be right." This mode of writing looks as if Mr. Singer had either con- 
 jecturaUy amended his text, or been doubtful of it. Dr. Wordsworth in 
 his third edition {ut supra), quotes these words of Mr. Singer, and adds : 
 " The reader's wishes unquestionably will go along with Mr. S. in the 
 ■ opinion here expressed. But I see no sufficient reasons for entertaining 
 ' it ; or for any change in the text. I fear Cromwell, in his earlier years, 
 • may have been a man to have given occasion for such a remark being 
 ' made as that objected to ; especially by a writer of George Cavendish's 
 'principles," &c. The reader may find more discussion in the places 
 cited. For my own pai-t, the variety_ of readings seems to be of little 
 importance, though I have thought it right to mention that it exists. 
 That Cromwell had before that time avowed infidel principles is beyond 
 a doubt. 
 
178 CAVENDISH'S ACCOUNT [essay 
 
 moist chekes, the which he wiped with his napkine. To whom I 
 saide, ' Why Mr. Cromewell, what meaneth this dole ? Is my Lord 
 in any danger, that ye doe lament for him ? or is it for any other 
 losse, that ye have sustained by misfortune ? ' 
 
 " 'Nay,' quoth he, 'it is for my unhappy adventure. For I am 
 like to lose all that I have laboured for, all the dales of my life, for 
 doing of my master true and diligent service.' ' Why Sir,' quoth I, 
 ' I trust that you be too wise, to do anything by my Lord's com- 
 mandment, otherwise than ye might doe, whereof you ought to be 
 in doubt or daunger for losse of your goods.' ' Well, well,' quoth he, 
 ' I cannot tell ; but this I see before mine eyes, that everything is as 
 it is taken ; and this I knowe well, that I am disdained with all for 
 my masters sake ; and yet I am sure there is no cause, why they 
 should doe so. An evill name once gotten wUl not lightly be put 
 away. I never had promotion by my Lord to the increase of my 
 living. But this much I will say to you, that I will this afternoone, 
 when my Lord hath dined, ride to London, and so the courte, where 
 I will either make or marre, or ever I come again. I will put myself 
 in prease, to see what they be able to lay to my charge. ' ' Mary,' 
 quoth I, 'then in so doing you shall doe wisely, beseeching God to 
 send yon good lucke, as I would myselfe.' And with that I was 
 called into the closet, to see and prepare all things ready for my 
 Lord, whoe intended to say masse there that day himselfe ; and so 
 I did." 
 
 I have uo wish to do injustice to Cromwell, or to repre- 
 sent him as acting on lower or worse motives than those by 
 which some have supposed him to be influenced in his 
 general conduct, and particularly in his support of the 
 Reformation ; but I must say that I cannot give him credit 
 for a sincere desire to help his patron, or even acquit him of 
 deliberate malice against that order to which the cardinal 
 belonged, and a settled purpose to degrade and ruin it. This 
 is not the place to inquire whether he went to London to 
 solicit for his patron or himself, or whether he thought he 
 might do both at once ; but it is most important to notice 
 the account which Cavendish gives of the circumstances 
 immediately preceding his departure from Esher. It 
 seems to me impossible that without some such design as 
 I have suggested, he could at such a time have broached 
 such a subject, pressed it in such a manner, and got up such 
 a scene as he did. Could he have done^it without a pre- 
 meditated danger of imparting to others the feelings of 
 discontent, envy, and jealousy, which he had just avowed, 
 and of sowing discord among those whom he was leaving ? 
 Immediately after the passage already quoted. Cavendish 
 proceeds : — 
 
xij OF THOMAS CROMWELL. 179 
 
 "Then my Lord came tMther with his chaplaine, one doctor 
 Marshall, and first said mattens, and heard two masses in the time 
 of his mattens saying. And that sayd, he prepared himself to 
 masse ; and so saide masse himself. And when he had finished all 
 his serrice, incontinent after he was returned into his chamber, he 
 called for his dinner, who was served into his privy chamber, and 
 there dined among diverse his doctors, among whome this master 
 Cromwell dined ; and sitting at dinner, it came to passe [that he fell] 
 in communication of his gentlemen and servauntes, whose true and 
 faithful service my lord much commended. Whereupon Mr. Crom- 
 well toke an occasion to tell my Lord, that he ought in conscience 
 to consider the true and good service that they did him in this his 
 necessity, the which doe never forsake him in weale ne in woe, and 
 saide, 
 
 " ' Sir, it should be well done for your Grace to call them before 
 you, bothe gentlemen which be worthy personages, and also your 
 yeomen, and let them understande, that ye righte well consider their 
 paines and truthe with their faithful service ; and to give them your 
 commendation, with good words, the which shall be to them great 
 courage to sustaiue your misery with paines and patience, and to 
 spend their life and substance in your service.' 
 
 "'Alas, Thomas,' quoth my lord, 'ye knowe I have nothing to 
 give them, and wordes vrithout deeds be not often well taken. For 
 if I had but as I late had, I would departe with them so frankely, as 
 they should be well contente : but nothing, hath no savor ; and I am 
 bothe ashamed, and a mo sorry that I am not able to requite their 
 faithful service. And although I doe rejoice as I may, to consider 
 the fidelity I see in a number of my servants, who will not forsake 
 me in my miserable tate, but be as diligent and as serviceable about 
 me as they were in my great triumphe and glory, yet I doe lament 
 againe, as vehemently, the want of substance, to distribute among 
 them. ' 
 
 " ' Why, Sir,' quoth master Cromewell, ' have ye not here a number 
 of chapleines, to whom ye have departed liberally with spirituall 
 promotions, in so much as some may dispend, by your Grace's pre- 
 ferment, at housande pounds by yeare, and some five hundred marks, 
 and some more and some lesse ; you have not a chapleine within all 
 your house, or belonging to you, but he may spend well at the least 
 (by your procurement and promotion) three hundred markes yearely, 
 who have had aU the profit and gaines at your handes, and other 
 your servauntes nothing : and yet have your poore servauntes taken 
 much more paines in one day, than all your idle chapleines have done 
 in a yeare. Therefore if they wHL not frankely and freely consider 
 your liberality, and departe vsdth you of the same goods gotten in 
 your service, now in your great indigence and necessity, it is a 
 pitty that they live ; and all the world will have them in indignation 
 and hatred, for their ingratitude to their master. ' 
 
 " ' I think no lesse Thomas,' quoth my lord, ' wherefore, I pray 
 you, cause all my servants to assemble without, in my great cham- 
 ber, after dinner, and see them stand in order, and 1 will declare my 
 mind unto them.' 
 
 " After that the horde's end was taken up, master Cromewell 
 
180 CAVENDISH'S ACCOUNT [essay 
 
 came to me, and saide ' Heard you not,' quoth he, ' what my Lorde 
 saide?' ' Yea Sir, that I did,' quoth I. ' Well then,' quoth he, ' call 
 all the gentlemen and yeomen up into the great chamber ; ' and even 
 so I did, commanding all the gentlemen to stand on the right side of 
 the chamber, and all the yeomen on the other side. And at the laste 
 my lord came out in his rochet upon a violet gowne, like a bishop, 
 who went streight to the upper ende of the saide chamber, where 
 was the great windowe. Standing there a while, his chapleins 
 about him, beholding this goodly number of his servaunts, he could 
 not speake unto them, untill the teares ran downe his chekes : 
 which fewe teares perceived by his servants, caused the fountaines 
 of water to gusshe out of their faithfuU eyes, in such sorte as it 
 would cause a cruell harte to lament. At the last, after he had 
 turned his face to the windowe, and dried his moisted chekes, he 
 spake to them in this sorte in effect." 
 
 Of the Cardinal's speech, which his good gentleman usher 
 gives at some length, it is sufficient for our purpose to notice 
 the few sentences at the end of it, which elicited the reply 
 of Cromwell : — 
 
 " ' If the King doe not shortly restore me, then will I write for 
 you, either to the King, or to any noble man within this realme, to 
 retaine your service ; for I doubt not but the Kinge or any noble 
 man within this realme, will credite my letter in your commenda- 
 tion. Therefore, in the meantime, I would advise you to repaire 
 home to your wives, such as have wives ; and some of you that have 
 no wives, to take a time to visit your parents in the country. There 
 is none of you all, but would once in a yeare, require licence to see 
 and visit your wife, and other of your friends : take this time there- 
 fore in that respect, and in your retourne I will not refuse you, to 
 beg with you. I consider that your service in my house hath been 
 such, that ye be not apt to serve any man under the degree of a 
 king ; therefore I would advise you to serve no man but the King, 
 who I am sure will not refuse you. Therefore I shall desire you to 
 take your pleasure for a month, and then ye may come againe, and 
 by that time, I trust the King will extend his mercy upon me.' 
 
 " ' Sir,' quoth master Cromewell, ' there be diverse of these your 
 yeomen, that would be glad to see their friends, but they lacke 
 money : therefore here be diverse of your chapleines that have 
 received at your hands great benefices and livings ; let them show 
 themselves unto you as they be bound to doe. I think their honesty 
 and charity is such that they will not see you lacke anything that 
 may doe you good or pleasure. And for my parte, although I have 
 not received of your graces gifte one penny towards the increase of 
 my livinge, yet will I give you this towards the dispatch of your 
 servantes,' and therewith delivered unto my lord five pounds in 
 gold. 'And now let us see what your chapleines will doe. I think 
 they will departe with you, much more liberally than I, who be more 
 able to give you a pound than I a penny.' ' Goe to my masters,' 
 quoth he to the chapleines ; insomuch as they gave to my lord 
 liberally, some ten pounds, some twenty nobles, some five pounds, 
 
XI.] OF WOLSEY AND CROMWELL. 181 
 
 and so some more and some lesse, as their powers would extend, at 
 thai time ; " &c. 
 
 Certainly different persons view the same thing in very- 
 different lights, and receive very opposite impressions from 
 the same facts. Dr. Fiddes, with reference to the words of 
 Cavendish just quoted, says, " Cromwell having observed, 
 ' that several of the servants, who were ready to obey the 
 ' commands of their master, wanted money to this end, did 
 ' himself propose a contribution, and recommended it after 
 ' a very haTidsome insinuating manner, especially by an act 
 ' of his own liberality. His example was followed by the 
 ' chaplains, and by that means a competent sum was raised 
 ' for the benefit and present supply of the servants."^ But, 
 whatever judgment the reader may form of Cromwell's 
 motive or action in this case, it is certain that when " my 
 ' lord returned into his chamber lamenting the departure 
 ' from his servants, making his mone to master CromeweU, 
 ' who comforted him the best he could," he, the said master 
 Cromwell, " desired my lord to give him leave to goe to 
 ' London, whereas he would either make or mwrre (the 
 ' which was alwaies his common terme.)" It was clearly not 
 from George Cavendish that Shakespeare got the idea that 
 the Cardinal told Cromwell to " seek the King." 
 
 " Good Cromwell, 
 Neglect him not ; make use now, and provide 
 For thine own future safety." 
 
 " Good Cromwell " stood in need of no such advice ; and 
 bad it been given he seems as if he would not have been 
 likely to answer : — 
 
 " my Lord, 
 Must I then leave you ? Must I needs forego 
 So good, so noble, and so true a master ? 
 Bear witness, all that have not hearts of iron, 
 With what a sorrow Cromwell leaves his Lord. 
 The King shall have my service ; but my prayers 
 For ever and for ever shall be yours."* 
 
 It was clearly his own scheme ; and having obtained per- 
 mission of his Lord, away he rode that same afternoon, 
 with Eafe Sadler, who was " then his clerk," at his heels, 
 and the resolution to " make or marre " in his heart ; and 
 
 ^ Life of Wolsey, p. 476. 
 
 ■* Henry VIII., act iii. scene vi.. 
 
182 THE PATEON OF THE RIBALDS. [essay 
 
 what he made and what he marred, has long been matter 
 of history. 
 
 But why all this — why anything — about Thomas Lord 
 Cromwell? Simply because he was the great patron of 
 ribaldry, and the protector of the ribalds, of the low jester, 
 the filthy ballad-monger, the alehouse singers, and " hypo- 
 critical mockers in feasts," in short, of all the blasphemous 
 mocking and scoffing which disgraced the protestant party 
 at the time of the Reformation. It is of great consequence 
 in our view of the times, to consider that the vile publica- 
 tions, of which too many remain, while most have rotted, 
 and the profane pranks which were performed, were not 
 the outbreaks of low, ignorant, partisans, a rabble of hungry 
 dogs such as is sure to run after a party in spite even of 
 sticks and stones bestowed by those whom they follow and 
 disgrace. It was the result of design and policy, earnestly 
 and elaborately pursued by the man possessing, for all such 
 purposes, the highest place and power in the land. "We 
 know this, not because his enemies have charged him with 
 conniving at, or even countenancing, these detestable pro- 
 ceedings ; it is a hearty partisan and admirer, one likely to 
 be well informed too on such a point, and glorying in it, 
 who tells us that, 
 
 "This valiant soldier and captain of Christ, the aforesaid lord 
 Cromwell, as he was most studious of himself in a flagrant zeal to 
 set forward the truth of the gospel, seeking all means and ways to 
 beat down false religion and to advance the true, so he always 
 retained unto him and had about him such as could be found helpers 
 and furtherers of the same ; in the number of whom were sundry 
 and divers fresh and quick wits, pertaining to his family ; by whose 
 industry and ingenious labours, divers excellent ballads and books 
 were contrived and set abroad, concerning the suppression of the 
 pope and all popish idolatry. Amongst which, omitting a great 
 sort that we might here bring in, yet this small treatise here follow- 
 ing called, ' The Fantassie of Idolatrie,' we thought not to pass over, 
 containing in it, as in a brief sum, the great mass of idolatrous pil- 
 grimages ; for the posterity hereafter to understand, what then was 
 used in England."— -Fax's Mart., Vol. V. p. 403, replaced from the 
 first edition. 
 
 As Fox gives us his testimony that he was selecting from 
 " a great sort" of this stuff, and not picking out an eminent 
 and singular specimen of profane jesting, it is, perhaps, quite 
 as well that he has preserved only one of the vile ballads. 
 It is of course qmte sufficient to give us a correct general 
 
XI.] BUENET'S HISTORICAL SINCERITY. 183 
 
 idea of the article, and it is not a little remarkable that we 
 should at this day be able to lay our finger upon it, and say, 
 " this is one of Cromwell's ballads." It answers a thousand 
 cavils which might otherwise be raised as to whether he 
 would have approved of this or that ; for it would be hard, 
 I think, to conceive of anything too profane for the patron- 
 age of one to whom we are indebted for the " Fantasia of 
 Idolatrie." There would be no use in quoting the more in- 
 offensive parts of the ballad, while those which really bear 
 on our argument are too bad for repetition ; and it is un- 
 necessary to enter into any discussion of them, unless some 
 respectable person should come forward to defend them ; 
 which is, perhaps, hardly to be expected. Fox had, I 
 believe, the decency, or the policy, to omit the baUad, and 
 this fact respecting the Lord Cromwell, in every edition 
 after his first ; but both have been replaced, in the recent 
 edition of Mr. Cattley, published by Messrs. Seeley. The 
 ballad may, for anything I know, be greatly relished by the 
 admirers of Fox. A note at the end of it teUs us that it 
 was " made and compiled by Gray." Who he might be, I 
 know not, except as it is here implied, that he was one of 
 the " quick wits " pertaining to Cromwell's family, and 
 " retained unto him " for the purpose of making excellent 
 ballads and books. That with such a manufactory, and 
 under such high patronage, all sorts of ribaldry should 
 flourish and abound, was natural enough. 
 
 Bishop Burnet, speaking of Bonner's Injunctions to his 
 Clergy in the year 1542, one of which was, " no plays or 
 interludes to be acted in churches," says : — 
 
 " The Injunctions take notice of another thing, which the sincerity 
 of an Historian obliges me to give an account of, though it was indeed 
 the greatest blemish of that time." 
 
 Surely a more quaint acknowledgment of party views was 
 never made. A man need not set up to be the historian of 
 any particular time ; but if he does, the " greatest blemish 
 of that tune " can hardly be passed over with any pretension 
 to common honesty ; but he proceeds : — 
 
 "These were the Stage-plays and Interludes which were then 
 generally acted, and often in churches. They were representations of 
 the corruptions of the monks, and some other feats of the popish 
 clergy. The Poems were ill-contrived, and worse expressed: if 
 there lies not some hidden vrit in these ballads (for verses they were 
 not) which at this distance is lost. But from the representing the 
 
184 THE EIBALDS. [essay 
 
 immoralities and disorders of the clergy, iliey proceeded to act the 
 pageantry of their worship. This took with the people much, who being 
 provoked by the miscarriages and cruelties of some of the clergy, 
 were not ill-pleased to see them and their religion exposed to public 
 scorn. The clergy complained much of this ; and said it was an 
 introduction to Atheism, and all sort of Irreligion. For if once they 
 began to mock sacred things, no stop could be put to that petulant 
 humour. The grave and learned sort of Eeformers disliked and con- 
 demned these courses, as not suitable to the genius of true religion ; 
 but the political men of that party made great use of tJiem, encowraging 
 them all they could; for they said. Contempt being the most opera- 
 tive and lasting affection of the mind, nothing would more effectually 
 drive out many of those abuses, which yet remained, than to expose 
 them to the contempt and scorn of the people." ' 
 
 I believe this statement to be false, and I find great 
 difficulty in understanding how the historian could possibly 
 believe it to be true. If he did, and did so on evidence, it 
 is a pity that he should have given no authority for a fact 
 so important as it respects those persons whose character 
 and actions he was so anxious to vindicate. There is, how- 
 ever, a clear issue. We are not here disputing about any 
 matter of feeling or opinion. Burnet admits that ribaldry 
 and mocking, filthiness, and fooUsh talking, and jesting such 
 as was not convenient, were made great use of, and encou- 
 raged in every possible way by the " political men of that 
 party," but he states that these courses were " disliked and 
 condemned " by the " grave and learned sort of reformers." 
 Here is a plain matter of fact. Who were the grave and 
 learned reformers who opposed these courses ? What did 
 they do to put a stop to them ? Where is their dislike and 
 condemnation recorded ? There may be protests and con- 
 
 ^ History of the Eeformation, Book III., vol. i. p. 303. If the reader 
 looks at the Injunction itself as it stands in Burnet's Collection of Records, 
 (No. 26, p. 238 of the same volume,) he will find a few words in it which 
 will give him a little more light as to the state of things at that time — 
 " And if there be any of your parishioners, or any other Person or 
 'Persons, that will obstinately or violently inforce any such Plays, Inter- 
 ' ludes, or Games to be declared, set forth or played in your churches, or 
 'cliappels," &c. — then they were to report such persons to the bishop. 
 Will the reader give one minute's quiet consideration to these words, and 
 try to imagine the state of things which they indicate ? Surely they speak 
 volumes. Yet it is necessary to prefer a specific request for this con- 
 sideration, because there is, to readers in the present day, something so 
 very unimaginable in the idea of a party of puritans coming vi et armis 
 to act a play in a church, that it may require more trouble than most wilt 
 take to realize it. 
 
XI.] THE RIBALDS. 185 
 
 demnations in the writings of some of the reformers ; but I 
 know not of them. God forbid that I should suppress them 
 if I did". It has seemed to me that too many whom Burnet 
 
 * The only thing bearing the least resemblance to an exception which 
 occurs to me, is Strype's statement, (in connexion with the treatment of 
 certain anabaptists who " spake contemptibly of the holy Sacrament of 
 the Lord's Supper " in the year 1547,) that " though Eidley were not for 
 ' that gross, corporeal popish presence in the Sacrament, yet he approved 
 ' of treating that holy mystery with all devotion and honour ; because 
 ' [what an odd reason] there were many in those times, who, that they 
 ' might nm the farther from Popery, gave it little or no respect at all. 
 'Wherefore he in a sei-mon at Paul's Cross, preached earnestly for giving 
 ' great reverence to the Sacrament : rebuking the unreverend behaviour 
 ' of many towards it : for there had been fixed upon the cathedral church 
 ' doors, and other places, railing hills against the Sacrament, terming it, 
 ' Jack in a box, Hie /Sacrament of the halter, Mound Mdbin, and such like 
 ' unseemly terms. Though they meant not these contemptible expres- 
 ' sions, 1 suppose, against the holy Supper of our Lord, but only against 
 ' the papal mass." — Mem. II. i. 108. One is really almost tempted to 
 envy good Mr. Strype his powers of supposition — but this, I repeat, is the 
 only instance that I recollect of a protestant voice raised in condemnation 
 of even the rankest and most hideous works of the ribald spirit which was 
 abroad in those days. 
 
 [In consequence of this statement a correspondent, who did not favour 
 me with his name, pointed out to me a passage in Coverdale's preface to 
 his translation of Calvin's treatise on the Sacrament, lately published by 
 the Parker Society, in which, after speaking rather strongly of the cere- 
 monies observed by the Romanists in the celebration of the Eucharist, 
 Coverdale says, " I vrill speak no more as concerning their fond inven- 
 ' tions about the ministration of this most sacred sacrament, lest I should 
 ' thereby be an offence or stumbling-block to the weak brothers, whose 
 ' consciences are not yet fully satisfied as concerning the true belief of this 
 ' holy mystery ; I mean, lest I should give them occasion to do, as certain 
 ' fond talkers have of late days done, and at this present day do invent 
 ' and apply to this most holy sacrament names of despite and reproach, as 
 ' to call it 'Jack-in-the-box ' and ' Eound Kobin,' and such other not only 
 ' fond, but also blasphemous names, not only void of all edification, (which 
 ',ought to be the end of all our doings and sayings,) but very slanderous 
 ' also. For though the thing being so turned from the right use, as it is, 
 ' be abominable, so that it is lawful for us to speak unreverently of it in 
 ' the abuse ; yet it is not meet for them that profess charity, nothing to 
 ' refrain for conscience' sake : the conscience, I say, of the weak brothers, 
 ' not yet strong in the truth ; and so much the more, for that many godly- 
 ' minded persons, which by the persuasions of certain discreet and modest 
 ' brothers have been made, of Bomish idolaters and diligent students of 
 ' duncical dregs, disciples of great hope in the sincere and true evangelic 
 ' doctrine, have by the hearing of these names of reproach and despite 
 ' taken occasion to think, that the knowledge which these men did pro- 
 ' fess, which would be so outrageous as to mock and jest at the remem- 
 ' brance of our redemption, could not proceed of the Spirit of God ; and 
 
186 BURNET AND FOX [essay 
 
 would have placed among " the grave and learned sort of 
 reformers," were so far from expressing dislike and condem- 
 nation, as that, if they did not give direct encouragement 
 and praise, they could stand by and laugh in their sleeves, 
 while others were doing what it might not have beseemed 
 the " grave and learned sort " to do themselves. To say the 
 truth, I cannot but think that any one who observes how 
 Burnet himself, when not particularly engaged in perform- 
 ing the sincere historian, relates the profane and irreverent 
 pranks which some of " the party " indulged, will doubt 
 whether, if he had lived at the time, he would have been 
 very forward or very fierce in trying to stop or to punish 
 " these courses." For instance, he relates an incident which 
 occurred shortly after the accession of Queen Mary, in a 
 tone which reminds me very much of the " mixture of glee 
 and compunction " with which Edie Ochiltree dwelt on the 
 exploits of his youth. The passage, not only for this, but 
 for the historical fact itself, is much to our purpose, and 
 quite worth quoting : — 
 
 " There were many ludicrous things everywhere done in derision 
 of the old forms and of the Images : many Poems were printed, with 
 otherridioulous representations of the Latin service, and the pageantry 
 of their worship. But none occasioned more laughter, than what fell 
 out at Pauls the Easter before ; the custom being to lay the Sacra- 
 ment into the Sepulchre at Even-song on Good Friday, and to take 
 it out by break of day on Easter morning : At the time of the taking 
 of it out, the Quire sung these words, 'Surrexit, non est hie. He is 
 risen, he is not here;' But then the priest looking for the host, 
 
 ' have through this persuasion returned to their old learen again ; think- 
 ' ing them to be the true teachers of God's doctrine, which oflfend in the 
 'contrary ; making it so divine a thing, that it should be of no less im- 
 ' portance than the whole Trinity, the Father, the Son, and Holy Ghost : 
 ' for BO they affirm, saying, that forasmuch as it is the body of Christ, and 
 ' that Christ is in all places at once with his Father, and his Father with 
 ' him and the Holy Ghost, it must needs follow, that in it is the whole 
 ' Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. For these are not 
 ' nor cannot be separated." — p. 426. I may add that my unknown cor- 
 respondent mentioned it as the only instance which he had observed ; and 
 that nothing of the kind has since come under my observation. At the 
 same time, I need hardly say that it would require many more, and much 
 stronger and weightier to counterbalance the single, pregnant voluminous 
 sentence of Strype, — "Wherefore he consulting with the Lord Crumwel 
 his CONSTANT ASSOCIATE AND ASSISTANT in SUCH matters ; and by his and 
 other his friends, importuning the King, a commission was issued," &c. — 
 Cran. I. 72. A little farther on Strype tells us that the Archbishop 
 " required direction from him [Crumwel] in everything." — IWd. p. 79. 
 
XI.] ON THE LUDICROUS. 187 
 
 found it was not there indeed, for one had stolen it out ; which put 
 them all in no small disorder, but another was presently brought in 
 its stead. Upon this a ballad followed, That their God was stolen 
 and lost, but a new one was made in his room. This Raillery was 
 so salt, that it provoked the clergy much. They offered large 
 rewards to discover him that had stolen the host, or had made 
 the baUad, but could not come to the knowledge of it." — Vol. ii. 
 p. 270. 
 
 I do not know where Burnet got this story, because, as 
 in too many other cases, he gives no authority. Fox relates 
 the same thing as happening on the same day at St. Pancras 
 in Cheap, and perhaps it is the same story ' ; and in the next 
 paragraph Fox tells us a story that should not be separated 
 from the other, and which Bishop Burnet might have con- 
 sidered equally " ludicrous : " — 
 
 " The 8th of April there was a cat hanged upon a gallows at the 
 Cross in Cheap, apparelled like a priest ready to say mass, with a 
 shaven crown. Her two fore-feet were tied over her head, with a 
 round paper like a wafer-cake put between them : whereon arose 
 great evil-wiU against the City of London ; for the Queen and the 
 Bishops were very angi-y withal. And therefore the same afternoon 
 there was a proclamation, that whosoever could bring forth the 
 party that did hang up the cat, should have twenty nobles, which 
 reward was afterwards increased to twenty marks ; but none could 
 or would earn it." — Vol. vi. p. 548. 
 
 It is needless to say that the story is told by Fox without 
 any mark of dislike or condemnation, for he has given 
 ample proof that he enjoyed such things amazingly. Indeed 
 it seems probable that his troubles first began, while he was 
 yet at college, from the indulgence of that jeering, mocking 
 spirit which so strongly characterizes his martyrology. Take 
 a specimen that occurs only ten pages after the story of the 
 cat, and which he introduces by saying, " But one thing, by 
 ' the way, I cannot let pass, touching the young flourishiag 
 ' rood newly set up against this present time to welcome 
 ' King Philip into Paul's Church ; " and having described 
 the ceremony of its being set up, he proceeds : — 
 
 " Not long after this, a merry fellow came into Pauls, and spied 
 the rood with Mary and John new set up ; whereto (among a great 
 sort of people) he made a low courtesy, and said : Sir, your master- 
 ship is welcome to town. I had thought to have talked further with 
 your mastership, but that ye be here clothed in the Queens colours. 
 
 ' If Burnet took the story from Fox one would like to know what led 
 him to omit one point which is stated by the martyrologist — namely, that 
 " the cmafix " as well as " the pix " was stolen, 
 
188 KIBALDS DISTINCT FROM [essay 
 
 I hope ye be but a summer's bird in that ye be dressed in white and 
 green, &c."^ 
 
 Another brief specimen may be found in a story of a 
 " mayor of Lancaster, who was a very meet man for such a 
 purpose, and an old favourer of the gospel," who had to decide 
 a dispute between the parishioners of Cockram and a work- 
 man whom they had employed to make a rood for their 
 church. They refused to pay him because, as they averred, 
 he had made an ill-favoured figure, gaping and grinning in 
 such a manner that their children were afraid to look at it. 
 The " old favourer of the gospel," who seems to have been 
 much amused by such a representation of his Saviour being 
 set up in the church, recommended them to go and take 
 another look at it, adding, " ' and if it will not serve for a 
 ' god, make no more ado, but clap a pair of horns on his 
 ' head, and so he will make an excellent devil.' This the 
 ' parishioners took well in worth ; the poor man had his 
 ' money ; and divers laughed well thereat — but so did not 
 ' the Babylonish priests."" Strange that the priests did not 
 join in the fun ; and stranger still that those blind papists 
 did not seize on the skirts of the " old favourer of the 
 gospel," and say," We will go with you, for we see that God 
 is with you." 
 
 But the subject, which I have scarcely opened in this 
 paper, requires a more full and regular inquiry and con- 
 sideration ; and some hints and extracts which may assist 
 in this, I hope to furnish. 
 
 ESSAY XI I. 
 
 THE EIBALDS. No. II. 
 
 Those who have any acquaintance at aU with the history of 
 the Reformation, even if they have not made themselves 
 particularly acquainted with the class of persons and works 
 to which I am now endeavouring to direct attention, will 
 
 8 Ed. 1596, p. 1338. I quote this old edition rather than that of Mr. 
 Gattley, because he omits the " &c." at the end of the extract, which 
 seems to be doing injustice to the "merry fellow," not to say to the 
 reporter. » "VI. 564. 
 
XII.] POLEMICS AND ENTHUSIASTS. 189 
 
 not so fai' misunderstand me as to suppose that I am speak- 
 ing with reference to the controversies, and contentions, 
 which naturally arose at that period ; and which, even 
 among the learned, were too often carried on in language 
 which would not now be used, and in a temper which could 
 never be lawful and right. Such is our nature, that when 
 even good men are excited, and injured, and provoked, we 
 must expect some wrath, and clamour, and evil speaking ; 
 and we must not take it as a proof either that these were 
 not good men, or that wrath, and clamour, and evil speak- 
 ing, by good men in a good cause, are really good things, 
 which we ought to admire in our forefathers, while, for our 
 own part, we claim the higher grace and praise of what is 
 called " a sweet spirit." 
 
 It will, I hope, be equally obvious that I do not refer to 
 the outbreaks of fanaticism which naturally accompanied 
 such a period of excitement ; and which, I suppose, none of 
 the modern admirers of Fox would think of defending, 
 though the actors in them are still permitted to swell his 
 calendar of Martyrs. Take, for instance, " The history, no 
 ' less lamentable than notable, of William Gardiner, an 
 ' Englishman, suffering most constantly in Portugal, for the 
 ' testimony of God's truth." It would be worth while to 
 extract the graphic account which Fox has preserved, were 
 it only that it might help us to judge of the light in which 
 the EngHsh reformers, and their proceedings, were likely to 
 be viewed in foreign countries. Imagine such a scene as 
 Fox here describes occurring in Lisbon, where William 
 Gardiner, the Englishman, was living as the agent of a 
 mercantile house : — 
 
 " It happened that there should be a solemn marriage celebrated 
 the first of September in the year above said, betwixt two princes ; 
 that is to say, the son of the king of Portugal, and the Spanish king's 
 daughter. The marriage day being come, there was great resort of 
 the nobility and estates. There lacked no bishops with mitres, nor 
 cardinals with hats, to set out this royal wedding. To be short, 
 they went forward to the wedding with great pomp, where a great 
 concourse of people resorted, some of good wUl, some for service 
 sake, and some (as the matter is) to gaze and look. Great prepara- 
 tion of all parties was there throughout the whole city, as in such 
 cases is accustomed, and all places were filled with mirth and glad- 
 ness. In this great assembly of the whole kingdom, William 
 Gardiner, albeit he did not greatly esteem such kind of spectacles, 
 yet being allured through the fame and report thereof, was there 
 
190 THE STOKY OF GARDINER. [essay 
 
 also ; coming thither early in the morning, to the intent he might 
 have the more opportunity, and better place, to behold and see. 
 
 " The hour being come, they flocked into the church with great 
 solemnity and pompi; the king first, and then every estate in order ; 
 the greater persons, the more ceremonies were about them. After 
 all things were set in order, they went forward to the celebrating of 
 their mass ; for that alone serveth for all purposes. The cardinal 
 did execute, with much singing and organ-playing. The people 
 stood with great devotion and silence, praying, looking, kneeling, 
 and knocking ; their minds being fully bent and set, as it is the 
 manner, upon the external sacrament. How grievously these things 
 did prick and move this young man's mind, it cannot be expressed 
 — partly to behold the miserable absurdity of those things, and 
 partly to see the folly of the common people ; and not only of the 
 common people, but, especially, to see the king himself, and his 
 council, with so many sage and wise men as they seemed, to be 
 seduced with like idolatry as the common people were ; insomuch 
 that it lacked very little, but that he would, even that present day, 
 have done some notable thing in the king's sight and presence, but 
 that the great press and throng that was about him, letted that he 
 could not come unto the altar. What need many words ? When 
 the ceremonies were ended, he cometh home very sad and heavy in 
 his mind, insomuch that all his fellows marvelled greatly at him ; 
 who, albeit upon divers conjectures they conceived the cause of his 
 sadness, notwithstanding they did not fully understand that those 
 matters did so much trouble his godly mind ; neither yet did he 
 declare it unto any man : but, seeking solitariness and secret places, 
 falling down prostrate before God, with manifold tears he bewailed 
 the neglecting of his duty, deliberating with himself how me might 
 revoke that people from their impiety and superstition. 
 
 " In this deliberation and advice his mind being fully settled, and 
 thinking that the matter ought not to be any longer deferred, he 
 renounced the world, making up all his accounts so exactly (as well 
 of that which was due unto him, as that which he owed unto others) 
 that no man could justly ask so much as one farthing. Which 
 thing done, he continued night and day in prayer, calling upon God, 
 and in continual meditation of the Scriptures, that scarcely he would 
 take any meat by day, or sleep by night, or at the most above one 
 hour or two of rest in the night ; as Pendigrace, his fellow com- 
 panion both at bed and board, being yet alive, can testify. 
 
 " The Sunday came again to be celebrated either with like pomp 
 and solemnity, or not much less, whereat the said William was 
 present early in the morning, very cleanly apparelled, even of pur- 
 pose, that he might stand near the altar without repulse. Within a 
 while after, cometh the king with all his nobles. Then Gardiner 
 setteth himself as near the altar as he might, having a Testament in 
 his hand, which he diligently read upon, and prayed, until the time 
 was come, that he had appointed to work his feat. The mass began, 
 which was then solemnized by a cardinal. Yet he sat still. He 
 which said mass proceeded : he consecrated, sacrificed, lifted up on 
 high, showed his god unto the people. All the people gave great 
 reverence, and as yet he stirred nothing. At last, they came unto 
 
XII.] THE STORY OF BERTRAND. 191 
 
 that place of the mass, where they use to take the ceremonial host, 
 and toss it too and fro round about the chalice, making certain 
 circles and semicircles. Then the said William Gardiner, being not 
 able to suffer any longer, ran speedily unto the cardinal ; and 
 (which is incredible to be spoken) even in the presence of the king 
 and all his nobles and citizens, with the one hand he snatched away 
 the cake from the priest, and trod it under his feet, and with the 
 other hand overthrew the chalice. This matter at first made them 
 all abashed, but, by and by, there arose a great tumult, and the 
 people began to cry out. The nobles and the common people ran 
 together, amongst whom one, drawing out his dagger, gave him a 
 great wound in his shoulder ; and, as he was about to strike him 
 again to have slain him, the king twice commanded to have him 
 saved. So, by that means, they abstained from murder." — Fox 
 vol. vi. p. 277. 
 
 It is not wonderful that the blind papists of Portugal 
 misunderstood this aggressive piety, and supposed the bold 
 foreigner to have some political views, as well as some 
 abettors in the matter, whom it was important to discover. 
 This they attempted by the cruel practices too commonly 
 used in those days ; but learning nothing by these means, 
 they put him to death, while he constantly declared, even in 
 the flames, that " he had done nothing whereof he did 
 repent him." 
 
 Again, " the story of Bertrand," who was martyred at 
 Dornick (or Tournay) in 1552, is similar, and as the intro- 
 duction truly states it is " lamentable." It is one of a large 
 class, which, looking merely to the acts, and the actors, 
 might well be suffered to pass into oblivion. It is, to be 
 sure, not without use and interest to know what was done 
 by some, but it is much more important to know what was 
 said of it by others — that is, not merely how it was per- 
 formed, but how it was taken. We learn something far 
 beyond the mere facts by observing whether they are 
 recoi'ded as the extravagancies of fanatics, the infirmities of 
 good men, the sins of bad men, or the exploits of heroes. 
 
 " This Bertrand, being a silk-weaver, went to Wesel, for the cause 
 of religion, who being desirous to draw his wife and children from 
 Dornick to Wesel, came thrice from thence to persuade her to go 
 with him thither. When she in no wise could be intreated, he, 
 remaining a few days at home, set his house in order, and desired 
 his wife and brother to pray that God would establish him in his 
 enterprise that he went about. That done, he went upon Christmas 
 day to the high church of Dornick, where he took the cake out of 
 the priest's hand, as he would have lifted it over his head at mass, 
 and stamped it under bis feet, saying that he did it to shew the 
 
192 WILLIAM FLOWER. [essay 
 
 glory of that God, and what little power he hath : with other words 
 more to the people, to persuade them that the cake or fragment of 
 bread was not Jesus their Saviour. At the sight hereof the people, 
 being struck with a marvellous damp, stood all amazed. At length 
 such a stir thereupon followed, that Bertrand could hardly escape 
 with life."— ii'oa;, vol. iv. p. 393. 
 
 In this, as in the case of Gardiner, the authorities seem 
 to have supposed that there was some secret which it was 
 worth while to find out by tormenting the prisoner. Like 
 Gardiner, however, he confessed nothing, (I presume had 
 nothing to confess,) and declared his satisfaction in the act, 
 affirming " that if it were a hundred times to be done he 
 ' would do it ; and if he had a hundred lives he would give 
 ' them aU in that quarrel." 
 
 Another case of much the same sort may be added from 
 the account of what took place in our own country. I 
 mean that of William Flower, " the martyr of God," who, 
 as he said, " compelled by the Spirit," went into St. Mar- 
 garet's, Westminster, on Easter Sunday, 1555 ; and finding 
 the priest at the altar, and on the point of giving the 
 sacrament to the people, drew his hanger and attacked him, 
 cutting at his head and his arm, so that " the chalice with 
 consecrated hosts being in his hand were sprinkled with his 
 blood."' In this case, as in that of both the others, the act 
 did not proceed from sudden impulse, for he stated that he 
 had gone to " Paul's church (so called) upon Christ's Day, 
 in the morning, to have done it," but had been prevented 
 from fulfilling his intention. 
 
 Such cases as these may, I suppose, be considered as 
 instances of honest and straightforward enthusiasm ; which, 
 though they are to be deplored, and perhaps blamed, do yet 
 command pity, if not something like respect, for the un- 
 happy actors. Had they lived at a later period, it is prob- 
 able that they would have been treated neither as felons 
 nor martyrs, but as persons irresponsible at the moment, 
 but who might perhaps by time and patient teaching be 
 brought to see that whether their opinions were right 
 or wrong, their mode of enfoixing them was injurious 
 to their fellow men, and must be displeasing to Almighty 
 God. 
 
 This bold and honest style of aggression, practised by 
 
 ' i'ox, vol. vii, p. 75. 
 
xii.] MK. STAFFORD'S CIZER. 193 
 
 men as sad as they were fierce, was the fruit of something 
 altogether different from the sly spirit of insult and provo- 
 cation which suggested " many Itldieroiis things everywhere 
 done in derision of the old forms and of the images," of 
 which I have already given a specimen in the preceding 
 essay. Another may be here briefly mentioned, which is 
 more to our immediate purpose, because it occurred as early 
 as the first year of Edward VI. 
 
 " In this year 1547, and in the month of October, there fell out an 
 accident in St. John's College in Cambridge, which made those of 
 that College that favoured learning and religion (as that house was 
 the chief nursery thereof in that university) judge it highly neces- 
 sary to apply themselves to the Archbishop, to divert a storm from 
 them. The case was this ; a f rench lad of this college, cizer to one 
 Mr. Stafford there, had one night, in hatred to the mass, secretly cut 
 the string, whereby the pix hung above the altar in the chapel. 
 The like of which was indeed done in other places of the nation by 
 some zealous persons, who began this year, without any warrant, to 
 pull down crucifixes and images out of the churches : as was parti- 
 cularly done in St. Martin's, Ironmonger-laue, London." — Strype's 
 Oranmer, I. 231. 
 
 It is of the next year that Strype tells us — 
 
 " There were not a few, who, towards the declining of this year, 
 did, more openly and commonly than before, speak of the holy 
 Sacrament with much contempt. Which, to speak the truth, the 
 former idolatrous and superstitious doctrines thereof had given 
 great occasion to : so that men condemned in their hearts and speech 
 the whole thing, and reasoned unreverently of that high mystery : 
 and in their sermons, or readings, or communication, called it by 
 vile and unseemly terms. They made rhymes, and plays, and jests 
 of it. And this occasioned chiefly by the misuse of it : as it is 
 expressed in the Act of Parliament of the first of Edw. VI. cap. 1. 
 Therefore was that Act of Parliament made, being the very first act 
 of this King. And to back this act, especially when these contemp- 
 tuous dealings with the Sacrament continued still, and ceased not, 
 the King sent forth a severe proclamation, December 27, against 
 these irreverent talkers of the Sacrament." — Strype, Mem. II. i. 
 126. 
 
 Again, the same writer says — 
 
 " Sacred places, set apart for divine worship, were now greatly 
 profaned ; and so probably had been before by ill custom : for in 
 many churches, cathedral as well as other, and especially in London, 
 many frays, quarrels, riots, bloodsheddings were committed. They 
 used also commonly to bring horses and mules into and through 
 churches, and shooting off hand-guns : ' making the same which 
 were properly appointed to God's service and common-prayer, like 
 a stable or common inn, or rather a den or sink of all unchristiness ; ' 
 as it was expressed in a proclamation which the King set forth 
 
 N 
 
194 THE ROOD OF [essay 
 
 about this time, as I suppose, (for I am left to conjecture for the 
 date,) by reason of the insolency of great numbers using the said 
 evil demeanors, and daily more and more increasing : ' therein for- 
 bidding any such quarrelling, shooting, or bringing horses and 
 mules into or through the churches, or by any other means h'rever- 
 ently to use the churches, upon pain of his Majesty's indignation, 
 and imprisonment.' For it was not thought fit that, when divine 
 worship was now reforming, the places for the said worship should 
 remain unreformed. 
 
 " Beside the profanation of churches, there prevailed now another 
 evil, relating also to churches, viz. that the utensils and ornaments 
 of these sacred places were spoiled, embezzled, and made away, 
 partly by the churchwardens, and partly by other parishioners. 
 Whether the cause were, that they would do that themselves, which 
 they imagined would ere long be done by others, viz., robbing the 
 churches : which, it may be, those that bore an ill will to the 
 reformation might give out, to render it the more odious. Bat 
 certain it is, that it now became more or less practised all the 
 nation over, to sell or take away chalices, crosses of silver, bells, and 
 other ornaments." — Strype's Cranmer, vol. i. p. 251. 
 
 It may perhaps be proper to speak of these public acts of 
 the government hereafter. In the meantime we must, as I 
 have already said, go back to a stiU eariier period to get a 
 right view even of the times of which Strype is here speak- 
 ing. The reader is not to suppose that when Strype said 
 that some over-zealous persons " began this year, without 
 any warrant to pull down crucifixes and images out of the 
 churches," that he meant to represent this as something 
 previously unthought of. The thing, whether right or 
 wrong, was not new. The spirit which gave rise to it, as 
 well as this peculiar manifestation, had long been familiar. 
 Fox's story of the Rood of Dover Court, and the other 
 events which he mentions, as either earlier or contemporary 
 with it, will illustrate this. They belong, it must be ob- 
 served, to the years 1531 and 1532, and therefore bring us 
 back very nearly to the time when Thomas Cromwell rode 
 to London to " make or marre." Fox tells us^ 
 
 " In the same year of our Lord 1532, there was an idol named the 
 Rood of Dover-court, whereunto was much and great resort of 
 people : for at that time there was great rumour blown abroad 
 amongst the ignorant sort, that the power of the idol of Dover- 
 court was so great, that no man had power to shut the church-door 
 where he stood ; and therefore they let the church-door, both night 
 and day, continually stand open, for the more credit unto their 
 blind rumour. This once being conceived in the heads of the vulgar 
 sort, seemed a great marvel unto many men ; but to many again, 
 whom God had blessed with his Spirit, it was greatly suspected, 
 
XII.] DOVER COUET. 195 
 
 especially unto these, whose names here follow : as Robert King of 
 Dedham, Robert Debnam of Eastbergholt, Nicholas Marsh of Ded- 
 ham, and Robert Gardner of Dedham, whose consciences were sore 
 burdened to see the honour and power of the Almighty living God 
 so to be blasphemed by such an idol. Wherefore they were moved 
 by the Spirit of God, to travel out of Dedham in a wondrous goodly 
 night, both hard frost and fair moonshine, although the night 
 before, and the night after, were exceeding foul and rainy. It was 
 from the town of Dedham, to the place where the filthy Rood stood, 
 ten miles. Notwithstanding, they were so willing in that their 
 enterprise, that they went these ten mUes without pain, and found 
 the church-door open, according to the blind talk of the ignorant 
 people : for there durst no unfaithful body shut it. This happened 
 well for their purpose, for they found the idol, which had as much 
 power to keep the door shut, as to keep it open ; and for proof 
 thereof, they took the idol from his shrine, and carried him a 
 quarter of a mile from the place where he stood, without any resist- 
 ance of the said idol. Whereupon they struck fire with a flint 
 stone, and suddenly set him on fire, who burned out so brim, that 
 he lighted them homeward one good mile of the ten. 
 
 " This done, there went a great talk abroad that they should 
 have great riches in that place : but it was very untrue ; for it was 
 not their thought or enterprise, as they themselves afterioards con- 
 fessed, for there was nothing taken away but his coat, his shoes, and 
 the tapers. The tapers did help to burn him, the shoes they had 
 again, and the coat one sir Thomas Rose did burn ; but they had 
 neither penny, halfpenny, gold, groat, nor jewel. 
 
 " Notwithstanding, three of them were afterwards indicted of 
 felony, and hanged in chains within half a year after, or thereabout. 
 Robert King was hanged in Dedham at Burchet; Robert Debnam 
 was hanged at Cataway-Cawsey ; Nicholas Marsh was hanged at 
 Dover Court : which three persons, through the spirit of God at 
 their death, did more edify the people in godly learning, than all the 
 sermons that had been preached there a long time before. 
 
 " The fourth man of this company, named Robert Gardner, 
 escaped their hands and fled ; albeit he was crueUy sought for to 
 have had the like death. But the living Lord preserved him ; to 
 whom be all honour and glory, world without end I 
 
 " The same year, and the year before, there were many images cast 
 down and destroyed in many places ; as the image of the crucifix in 
 the highway by CoggeshaU, the image of St. Petronal in the church 
 of Great Horksleigh, the image of St. Christopher by Sudbury, and 
 another image of St. Petronal in a chapel of Ipswich. 
 
 " Also John Seward of Dedham overthrew a cross in Stoke park, 
 and took two images out of a chapel in the same park, and cast them 
 into the water." — Vol. iv. p. 706. 
 
 But without entering on the task of tracing this spirit in 
 our country in earlier periods, or even when first it flourished 
 under the fostering care of Cromwell, we may get a glimpse 
 of what it grew to be under his patronage, by looking at the 
 
19C THE OBJECT OF [essay 
 
 very meagre record, or rather tlie scattered and not always 
 perhaps impartial notices, which we have of the proceedings 
 that took place under the celebrated Act of Six Articles ; 
 which, whatever other reasons may have been assigned for 
 it, appears to have been passed principally to meet and 
 repress the rampant spirit of blasphemy which seemed to 
 have been let loose upon the country for its destruction. 
 But as this is a matter of great importance, and one which 
 has been, I believe, somewhat misrepresented, let us in the 
 first place inquire respecting the facts. 
 
 It is not necessary to take up room with a repetition of 
 the Act of Six Articles, which the reader who wishes it may 
 easily find, as there is no intention to deny that it required 
 the belief (or at least forbade the questioning, which really 
 is rather a difierent question) of several Eomish doctrines, 
 especially that of the real presence, under the severest 
 penalties. Our inquiry is not doctrinal but historical ; not 
 so much what the Act might have done, as what it was 
 intended to do, and what it actually did. It was passed in 
 the parliament which sat in the year 1539, and came into 
 force as law on the 12th day of July in that year. Accord- 
 ing to Strype, it " was intituled An Act for abolishing of 
 ' Diversity of Opinions : and because of the rigorous Penal- 
 ' ties, and the Blood that was shed thereupon, was called, 
 ' The Bloody Act of Six Articles."^ 
 
 Burnet tells us — ■ 
 
 " This Act was received, by all that secretly favoured Popery, with 
 great joy ; for now they hoped to be revenged on all those who 
 had hitherto set forward a Reformation. It very much quieted the 
 Bigots ; who were now perswaded that the King would not set up 
 Heresie, since he passed so severe an Act against it ; and it made the 
 total Suppression of Monasteries go the more easily through. The 
 Popish Clergy liked all the Act very well, except that severe branch 
 of it against their unohast practices. This was put in by Cromwel, 
 to make it cut with both edges. (Some of our inconsiderate Writers, 
 who never perused the Statutes, tell us it was done by a difEerent 
 Act of Parliament ; but greater faults must be forgiven them who 
 write upon hearsay.) There was but one comfort that the poor 
 Beformers could pick out of the whole Act, that they were not left 
 to the Mercy of the Clergy, and their Ecclesiastical Courts, but were 
 to be tryed by a Jury ; where they might expect more candid and 
 gentle dealing. Tet the denying them the benefit of Abjuration, 
 was a severity beyond what had ever been put in practice before : so 
 
 - Mem. I. i. 543. 
 
xii.] THE ACT OF SIX ARTICLES. 197 
 
 now they began to prepare for new storms and a heavy persecution." 
 —Hist. ofBef., vol. i. p. 248. 
 
 Perhaps if it had been the reader's own case, he would 
 not have exactly liked to represent it as a very great hard- 
 ship, that he was not allowed to utter his opinions with the 
 comfortable consideration, that if they got him into trouble 
 he might slip out by abjuring them. He would have hesi- 
 tated about saying to his friends, "I should like to preach 
 the gospel amazingly, but the fact is, that under this atro- 
 cious, newfangled statute, what you say you must stand to." 
 But without stopping here to discuss Bishop Burnet's ideas 
 of honesty and martyrdom, it should be observed, and I 
 think it will hereafter more fully appear, that this law was 
 principally made to repress the filthiness and foolish talking 
 of those who had no reverence for sacred things, who Hved 
 by railing and scoffing at them, and who had no principle 
 which should prevent their abjuring or perjuring anything 
 that might come in their way. But as to " new storms, and 
 a heavy persecution," for that is the principal point at 
 present, let us have the testimony of Holinshed : — 
 
 " In this parlement the act of the Six Articles was established. 
 Of some it was named the bloodie statute, as it proved indeed to 
 manie. And euen shortlie after the making thereof, when the first 
 inquest for inquirie of the offenders of the same statute sat in Lon- 
 don at the Mercers chappell, those that were of that inquest were so 
 chosen foorth for the purpose, as there was not one amongst them 
 that wished not to have the said statute put in execution to the 
 vttermost, insomuch that they were not contented onelie to inquire 
 of those that offended in the Six Articles conteined in that statute, 
 but also they denised to inquire of certeine branches (as they tooke 
 the matter) belonging to the same," &c. 
 
 After some further account of the Inquest in London, 
 and of some persons who were troubled by it, but received 
 the royal pardon, and of whom I hope to speak more par- 
 ticularly presently, he goes on to say — 
 
 "But although the King at that present granted his gratious 
 pardon, ajid forgaue all those offenses : yet afterwards, during the 
 time that this statute stood in force, which was for the space of 
 eight years insuing, they brought many an honest and simple person 
 to death. For such was the rigor of that law, that if two witnesses, 
 true or false, bad accused anie, and aduouched that they had spoken 
 against the sacrament, there was no waie but death ; for it booted 
 him not to coufesse that his faith was contrarie, or that he said not 
 as the accusers reported, for the witnesses (for the most part) were 
 beleeued." — Vol. iii. p. 946. 
 
198 THE ACT OF [essay 
 
 Strype says, that " very sad and amazing were the resent- 
 ments of the sober and religious side, while this was trans- 
 acting, and hardly yet compleated," and he afterwards puts 
 as a marginal note, " many burnt upon this act," though the 
 text to which that note is annexed tells us that 
 
 " The Lord Crumwel did his endeavour to protect the gospellers 
 from burning, the punishment appointed in this act, hut could not : 
 yet the Penalty of these Articles did not so much take place during 
 his life, who died about a year after : but after his death a cruel time 
 passed. Commissioners were appointed in every Shire, to search out 
 and examine such as were refractory. And few durst protect those 
 that refused to Subscribe to the Articles ; so that they suffered daily, 
 as we shall see under the next year. But it was the Lord Herbert's 
 observation, ' Their punishment did but advance their religion ; and 
 it was thought they had some assistance from above, it being im- 
 possible otherwise that they should so rejoice in the midst of their 
 torments, and triumph over the most cruel death.' " — Mem. I. i. 545. 
 
 It is true that this statement has the authority of Lord 
 Herbert, who, in his Life of Henry YIII., says — 
 
 •■ And now a cruell time did passe in England ; for as few durst 
 protect those who refused to subscribe to the 6. Articles, so tliey 
 suffered daily, wherof Fox hath many examples : neither was it easie 
 for any man to escape (Commissioners being appointed in every 
 Shire to search out and examine those who were refractory) never- 
 thelesse, their Punishments did but advance their Religion ; for as 
 they were notified abroad, and together their constancy represented, 
 who were burnt. It was thought they had some assistance from 
 above, it being impossible otherwise that they should so rejoyce 
 in the midst of their torments, and triumph over the most cruell 
 death. "= 
 
 Surely a reader who knows no more of the facts than what 
 he may gather from these writers, would expect to find, as 
 the story went on, that torrents of blood were shed, and the 
 number of the slain incalculable. He might, indeed, con- 
 sider the fact, that " the cruel time," (not to say any enforce- 
 ment of the Act,) did not begin tUl more than a year after 
 the " bloody Six Articles " had passed, as indicating a strange 
 degree of moderation, or impotence, in those who had framed 
 it in bloodthirsty vengeance, and this might lead him to 
 suspect exaggeration in the historians. But would he not 
 think that he made all due allowance, if he dated the perse- 
 cution from after the death of Cromwell, and finding that 
 thenceforth " they suflFered daily," he assumed the charitable 
 
 ' lAfe ofEenry VIII., p. 466, in the edition of 1649. I do not know 
 what edition Strype used, but his reference is to p. 530. 
 
XII.] THE SIX ARTICLES. 199 
 
 minimum of one sufferer per day lor all England, and so 
 limited his idea of the number of martyrs to somewhat more 
 than five-and-twenty thousand ? Would he not be startled 
 if one told him that he would have to look sharp for 
 five-and-twenty, and might dismiss the thousands as being 
 figures, not of arithmetic, but of speech ? It may be a con- 
 fession of ignorance, but I must say that I have not found 
 so many. I have not indeed made such inquiry as would 
 authorize my speaking positively and with precision. But 
 precision is not wanted in such a matter. If, beside the 
 cases which I am about to mention, twice or ten times 
 as many others can be produced of persons undeniably put 
 to death under the Act, it will in no degree invalidate my 
 argument, or justify the writers whose language I have 
 quoted. 
 
 It will be observed that Lord Herbert refers us to Fox ; 
 and there can, I presume, be no doubt that his Martyrology 
 is the original authority of all. Let us then turn to it, and 
 see what testimony it gives. Eox tells us : — 
 
 " In this parliament, synod, or convocation, certain articles, mat- 
 ters, and questions, touching religion, were decreed by certain pre- 
 lates, to the number especially of six, commonly called ' The Six 
 Articles,' (or ' The Whip with Sis Strings,') to be had and received 
 among the King's subjects, on pretence of unity. But what unity 
 thereof followed the groaning hearts of a great number, and also 
 the cruel death of divers, both in the days of King Henry, and of 
 Queen Mary, can so well declare as I pray God never the like be felt 
 hereafter."— Vol. v. p. 262. 
 
 After having given the " sum and effect of the doctrine of 
 these wicked articles in the Bloody Act contained," he adds, 
 by way of preface to the penalties of it, 
 
 " After these Articles were thus concluded and consented upon, 
 the prelates of the realm craftily perceiving that such a foul and 
 violent Act could not take place or prevail unless strait and bloody 
 penalties were set upon them, they caused, through their accustomed 
 practice, to be ordained and enacted by the King and the lords 
 spiritual and temporal, and the commons in the said parliament, as 
 foUoweth," &c. 
 
 But after all this, what does Fox give as the result ? I 
 may have missed some cases of martyrdom in turning over 
 his pages ; but as it will not occupy much room, I will give 
 a list of all the martyrs whom Fox mentions as having been put 
 to death during the time tJuxt the Act was in force — that is, 
 during the last seven years of Henry the Eighth's reign. 
 
200 MARTYES UNDER THE [essay 
 
 How far some of them had any thing to do with the Six 
 Articles, the reader who chooses may inquire ; but if they 
 are all set to that account, they will go a very little way 
 towards justifying the romance of history ; or to speak 
 more properly, the declamatory falsehoods of party and 
 passion. 
 
 (1) Barnes, (2) Oarrei, and (3) Jerome, were burned two days after 
 the death of Criunwell, and therefore more than a year after the Act 
 came into force. Strype says in one place that Barnes "suffered 
 death upon the six articles." — (Cran. I. 93.) But elsewhere, "In 
 this year without any trial, or sentence of condemnation, cr calling 
 him to answer, and two others with him, was Dr. Barnes burnt at 
 Smithfield.'' — {Mem. I. i. 568.) And it seems that they were in fact 
 burned upon a special act of attainder. Fox says, " there ensued 
 process against them by the King's Council in Parliament. " — (Vol. v. 
 p. 434.) Burnet says, "They lay in the Tower till the Parliament 
 ' met, and then they were attainted of heresie, without ever being 
 ' brought to make their answer. And it seems for the extraordinari- 
 ' ness of the thing, they resolved to mix attainders for things that 
 ' were very different from one another. For four others were by the 
 ' same act attainted of Treason, who were Gregory Buttolph, Adam 
 ' Damplip, Edmund Brindliolme, and Clement PldVpot, for assisting 
 ' Reginald Pool, adhering to the Bishop of Kome, denying the King 
 ' to be the supreme Head on earth, of the church of England, and 
 'designing to surprise the town of Oallice. One Derhy Gunnings 
 'was also attainted of Treason, for assisting one Fitz-Gerald, a 
 ' traitor in Ireland. And after all these, Barnes, Gerard, and Jerome, 
 ' are attainted of heresie, being, as the act says, ' detestable heretics, 
 ' who had conspired together to set forth many heresies ; and taking 
 'themselves to be men of learning, had expounded the Scriptures 
 ' perverting them to their heresies, the number of which was too long 
 ' to be repeated : That Imving formerly abjured, they were now incor- 
 ' rigible heretics ; and so were condemned to be burned, or suffer 
 'any other death, as should please the King.'" (Hist, of Ref. vol. i. 
 'p. 283.) That is, I suppose, they were treated just as relapsed 
 heretics would have been centuries before the Six Articles were 
 heard of, except that, perhaps, as Collier remarks, "By the Act of 
 Attainder, upon which they were burnt, it appears, the Parliament 
 had for once, taken the cognizance of religious belief from the 
 bishops courts, and made themselves judges of heresie." — (Vol. ii. 
 p. 183.) The Act for "Thattaynder of Butolph, Damplipp, Brind- 
 Iwlme, Philpot, Gynyng, Barnes, Geratt, Jerome, and Careio," is speci- 
 fied in the chronological table prefixed to the Statutes of the Realm, 
 published under the Record Commission, vol. iii., p. (xxxvi.) as 
 the 32. Hen. VIII., cap. 60, but it is among those which are "not 
 printed." My reason for saying so much of it here will be apparent 
 presently. 
 
 (4) Mekins.—Vox gives "A Note how Bonner sat in the Guildhall 
 in commission for the Six Articles : also of the condemning of 
 Jlekins ; " and therefore without stopping to inquire exactly when. 
 
XII.] ACT OF SIX ARTICLES. 201 
 
 or where, or why he was burned, none of which points are very 
 clearly set forth in Fox's narrative, we will suppose that he suffered 
 under the Act. — Fox, V. 440, — and somewhat improved, Gurnet, I. 
 285. 
 
 (5) fencer, (6) Ramsey, (7) Beioet. — "About the same time,'' says 
 Fox, referring, I suppose, to the untold time when Mekins suffered, 
 "also a certain priest was burned at Salisbury, who, leaving his 
 papistry had married a wife, and became a player in interludes, 
 with one Ramsey and Hewet, which three were all condemned and 
 burned ; against whom, and especially against Spencer, was laid 
 matter concerning the sacrament of the altar. He suffered at 
 Salisbury." — Fox, V. 443. This is aU the account. Short as it is, 
 Burnet has prudently abridged it to, " Three others were also burned 
 at Salisbury, upon the same statute, one of whom was a priest." 
 (Vol. i. p. 286.) By the time that Burnet wrote, the stage-playing 
 would not have added to the respectability of a priest, though the 
 priesthood might add to that of a martyr. 
 
 (8) Bernard, (9) Jiorton. — "About the same time," says Fox, though 
 it does not clearly appear with what reference, "John Longland, 
 Bishop of Lincoln burned two upon one day, the one named Thomas 
 Bernard, and the other James Morton ; the one for teaching the 
 Lord's Prayer in EngUsh, and the other for keeping the Epistle of 
 St. James translated into English." — Fox, V. 454. This is aU the 
 account ; and however heinous these offences might seem to Bishop 
 Longland, or any one else, it is plain that they had nothing to do 
 with the Six Articles. Burnet only says, " Two also were burned 
 at Lincoln in one day. " (Vol. i. p. 286.) He was probably ashamed 
 to assign so absurd a reason as that given by Fox. However we 
 will count them in. 
 
 (10) Testwood, (11) Peerson, (12) Filmer, were burned at Windsor 
 on July 28th, 1543 ; that is, rather more than four years after the Act 
 of Six Articles had come into operation. Fox, V. 486. Strype says 
 that they were condemned "upon the Six Articles." (Oram. I. 157.) 
 Burnet tells us that Gardiner " moved the King in Council, that a 
 Commission might be granted for searching suspected houses at 
 Windsor, in which it was informed there were many books against 
 the Six Articles." (Vol. i. p. 311.)* 
 
 * I do not understand this, though it is probable that there was such 
 a search, and that it led to the prosecution of these persons under the 
 Act ; because, though, on the one hand, (as I have just observed with 
 reference to the case of Morton,) it does not appear that the possession of 
 heretical books was an offence under the Act, yet, on the other, that Act 
 gave the fullest power to the Commissioners to search for heretical books, 
 and destroy them. Surely there was no need for Bishop Gardiner to 
 move the King in Council for any such Commission while the Act con- 
 tained this clause : "And it is also enacted by thauetoritie ahovesaid that 
 ' the said Commyssioners and every of them, shall from tyme to tyme 
 ' have full power and auctoritie by vertue of this acte to take into his or 
 ' their kepinge [or] possession all and all manner of books, which bene 
 ' and hath bene, or hereafter shalbe, set forth read or declared within this 
 ' Eealme, or other the King's Dominions, wherein is or ben conteyned or 
 
202 MARTYRS UNDER THE [essay 
 
 (13) Damplip. — Fox tells us that, after one narrow escape, "the 
 good man was again apprehended by the miserable inquisition of the 
 Six Articles ;" and therefore it is right that I should mention him ; 
 but I apprehend that his case is sufficiently illustrated by what has 
 been just said of the Act of Attainder in the notice of Dr. Barnes, 
 and that whoever looks into his history wiU find, not that he suffered 
 as a Protestant martyr, but that he was hanged as a popish traitor. 
 See Fox, V. 520. But let us count him. 
 
 (14) A poor labouring man was "reported" to Fox as having been 
 burned in Calais, apparently some time before the return of 
 Damplip.— i^ox, V. 623=. 
 
 (15) Dodd, a Scotchman, suffered also at Calais about a year 
 afterwards. His history is comprised in seven lines, which inform 
 us that he was found to have German books, and " standing con- 
 stantly to the truth that he had learned was therefore condemned 
 to death, and there burned in the said town of Calais." — Fox, 
 V. 524. 
 
 (16) Saxy. — " Coming now to the year of our Lord 1546," (that is 
 seven years after the passing of the Act), Fox either affects merit, 
 or makes apology, I really know not which, for " passing over the 
 priest whose name was Saxy, who was hanged in the porter's lodge 
 of Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and that, as it is supposed, 
 not without the consent of the said bishop, and the secret 
 conspiracy of that bloody generation." This is all that I find 
 about it ; whether, if anything of the sort occurred, it was done 
 by virtue of the Six Articles, the reader will judge for himself. — 
 Fox, V. 531. 
 
 ' comprised any clause ai-ticle matter or sentence repugnant or contrarie 
 ' to the tenor forme or effecte of this present acte or any of the articles 
 ' conteyned in the same : And the saide Commissioners, or thre of them 
 ' at the least to burne or otherwise destroy the saide books, or any parte 
 ' of them, as unto the saide Commissioners or unto thre of them at the 
 ' lest shalbe [thought] expedient by their diacrecions." — Stat, of the 
 Mealm, vol. iii. p. 743. (See also the bottom of p. 271, forward.) 
 
 ^ At p. 498 of the same volume of Mr. Seeley's (or as it might really 
 be called the Comic) edition of Fox, this and the preceding case are 
 crushed into one ; and we read of " Adam Damlip, a poor labouring 
 man." The unfortunate editor does not seem to have observed, that 
 only a few lines below, on the very same page, he was editing a further 
 account of " Adam Damlip, who had been, in time past, a great papist, 
 and chaplain to Fisher Bishop of Eochester ; and after the death of the 
 bishop his master, had travelled through France, Dutchland and Italy." 
 Indeed, if the editor had observed all this, it probably would not have 
 engendered in his mind any suspicion that the man might not be quite 
 protestant on the point of the bopremaoy. But this is not the place to 
 go into the subject of the Calais treason and troubles, on which the 
 reader may find much interesting matter in Fox, and also in Mr. 
 Nichols's valuable and interesting Chronicle of Calais, lately published 
 by the Camden Society, to which I have before had occasion to refer ; 
 and probably much more in the authorities which he indicates, but which 
 1 have not seen. 
 
XII.] ACT OF SIX ARTICLES. 203 
 
 (17) One Henry and (18) his servant are also passed over by Fox in' 
 the same sentence. He merely says, " to pass over also one Henry, 
 ■with his servant, burned at Colchester; I will now proceed to (the 
 story of Kerby," &c. I am not aware that in any other part of his 
 history he gives any further explanation. 
 
 (19) Kerby, and (20) Gierke, for whose sake the two preceding 
 martyrs are passed ov^r in less than six lines, were apprehended at 
 Ipswich. The former suffered at that place on the 29th, and the 
 latter at Bury on the 31st of May, 1546. Fox, V. 530. 
 
 (21) Anne Askew sufiEered in the month of July in the same year 
 1546.— -Foa;, V. 537. 
 
 (22) Lacels, (23) Adams, and (24) Belenian were burned vrith Anne 
 Askew. Fox, V. 550. I do not see that he gives any account of 
 their opinions, or of the circumstances which led to their suffering. 
 Burnet, on what authority I do not perceive, says, " they were all 
 convicted upon the statute of the Six Articles, for denying the 
 Corporal presence of Christ in the Sacrament." — I. 327. 
 
 (25) One Sogers, is stated by Fox to have " suffered martyrdom for 
 the Six Articles" "much about the same year and time," (as Anne 
 Askew I suppose) by means of Bishop Kepse's influence with the 
 Duke of Norfolk.— J^ox, V. 553. 
 
 (26) John, a painter, (27) Giles Germain, (28) Launcelot one of the 
 king's guard. Fox recollects, somewhat out of place, that " about 
 the year of our Lord 1539 " (and therefore probably before the Act 
 of Six Articles was enforced, if, indeed, it had been passed) the two 
 former had been "accused of heresy." The third coming in "by 
 chance " while they were under examination, and seeming " by his 
 countenance and gesture to favour both the cause, and the poor 
 men," they were all three burned. — Fox, V. 654. 
 
 This is, I believe, a list of all the persons whom Fox 
 mentions as having been condemned to death in the eight 
 years between the passing and the repeal of the Act. If 
 I have overlooked any, or more can be furnished from 
 another source, I shall be glad to be informed. It is not 
 worth whUe to prolong an essay already so prolix, with any 
 additional remarks respecting the truth or the relevancy of 
 any of the stories; or after having so long detained the 
 reader on the subject of what the Act did not do, now to 
 break into the important question respecting what it did. 
 I hope in another essay to pursue this inquiry, and to 
 show, by some observations on its origin, design, and effect, 
 that though the law did not do what it was never meant to 
 do, and what party writers pretend that it did, yet it was 
 not a dead letter, but was meant to do, and actually did, a 
 gi-eat deal. 
 
204 THE ACT OF SIX ARTICLES. [bssay 
 
 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 THE RIBALDS. No. III. 
 
 If it should have appeared to any reader of the preceding 
 Essay, that the Act of Six Articles was almost inoperative, 
 he may be inclined to inquire how that came to pass. The 
 Act did not drop from the clouds, or spring out of the 
 earth, but issued from a government composed of various, 
 and even jarring elements, and in which every enactment 
 relating to this class of subjects, indicated at least the 
 temporary predominance of a certain party — that is, in fact, 
 of a certain and very small number of individuals. 
 
 Whatever degree of influence the Commons might have 
 then attained, nobody supposes that the statute was extorted 
 from the Crown by the people. 
 
 Neither does anybody think that it was the work of the 
 Reformers; or, in other words, a trick of Cromwell and 
 Cranmer. 
 
 But many persons do suppose, and naturally enough if 
 they adopt the statements and suggestions of Eox and his 
 transcribers, that it was the work of the popish party, and 
 that its object was to exterminate the Reformers, root and 
 branch. Take, for instance, the flourish with which Fox 
 begins his account of the martyrdom of Doctor Barnes and 
 his companions, which, as has been already stated, took 
 place immediately after the fall of Cromwell : — 
 
 " Like as in foreign battles tlie chief point of victory consisteth in 
 the safety of the general or captain, even so, when the valiant 
 standard-bearer and stay of the church of England, Thomas 
 CromweU I mean, was made away, pity it is to behold what 
 miserable slaughter of good men and good women ensued thereupon, 
 whereof we have now (Christ willing) to entreat. For Winchester, 
 having now gotten his full purpose, and free swing to exercise his 
 cruelty, wonder it was to see that 'aper Calydonius,' or, as the 
 scripture speaketh, that ' ferus singularis,' what troubles he raised 
 in the Lord's vineyard. And lest, by delays, he might lose the 
 occasion presently offered, he straightways made his first assaults 
 upon Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret and William Jerome, whom in 
 the very same month, within two days after Cromwell's death, he 
 caused to be put to execution."— Vol. v. p. 414. 
 
XTii.] HENRY VIII.'S PROTESTANTISM. 203 
 
 But if Gardiner and a party with him had such a 
 purpose, and were strong enough to procure a statute which 
 gave them then- " full swing," how are we to account for 
 theii- doing so little with it ? If, despite their opponents, 
 they had power to carry the measure, and keep it un- 
 repealed for eight years, surely when the measure was 
 carried they must have had power to make use of it. 
 Surely, if things had really been such as would justify Fox's 
 language, the popish partj' must have done much — very 
 much — more than he has thought of charging them with. 
 
 But there was another — and in the popular view, a 
 distinct — power, which had, I apprehend, the most to do 
 with it. I speak of this power as distinct in the popular 
 view, rather than in reahty, because I believe that, if ever 
 two men with as much difference of nature, knowledge, 
 aims, and circumstances, could be said to concur in any- 
 thing, then were Gardiner and his Royal master of one 
 mind in the business of the Six Articles. At the same 
 time, whatever Gardiner might suggest, or agree to, or do, 
 in the matter, there seems to be no doubt that it was truly 
 and properly the king's own act and deed, performed by his 
 own lusty will, without much anxiety as to what either 
 papist or protestant or parliament thought about the 
 matter. 
 
 Few things have had a greater tendency to involve the 
 history of the English Reformation in obscurity than the 
 loose way in which the king's own personal feelings, and 
 opinions, and his proceedings with regard to religion, have 
 been estimated and represented. With reference to the 
 present case, even Lord Herbert says, " But that it may 
 ' seem lesse strange why the King, who before was much 
 * disposed to favour the Reformers, did on a sudden so 
 ' much vary from them, I have thought fit to set down 
 ' some of the motives as I conceive them."^ But it seems 
 hardly worth whUe to follow him into his ideas respecting 
 the jealousy of the foreign Reformers, and the emperor, 
 and other remote reasons which he suggests, while it is so 
 apparent that he is only troubling himself to solve a 
 difficulty which never existed. Undoubtedly Henry " was 
 much disposed to favour the Reformers " who took his part 
 
 J Life ofFen. VITI., p. 448. 
 
206 THE PROTESTANTISM [essay 
 
 in the divorce question — he "was much disposed to favour 
 the Reformers " who maintained that he was the supreme 
 head of the church, and sided with him against the unjust 
 usurpations of the Bishop of Rome — he " was much dis- 
 posed to favour the Reformers" who carried through the 
 suppression of the monasteries, and thereby not only 
 humbled the pride of those who might be more strictly 
 called the popish clergy, but filled his exchequer, or enabled 
 him to be profuse with an empty one. Eor the same 
 reason, and because the thing was somewhat scandalous, 
 and sometimes supported by disgraceful trickery, he thought 
 it right to stop the lavish offerings which were heaped on 
 the shrines of some of the more popular saints, and to turn 
 those treasures to more useful purposes — and we cannot 
 wonder if, with these views and feelings, he did not alto- 
 gether dislike or disrelish some things having a tendency 
 to lower the papal power in his dominions, by rendering the 
 pope and his adherents ridiculous. All this was certainly 
 very antipapal ; and if to be antipapal was to be protestant, 
 this was very protestant, and the king was very protestant ; 
 and it might be very protestant to give his subjects the 
 bible in the vulgar tongue — a circumstance very curious and 
 much to be remarked in connexion with the matter now 
 before us ; because, that it was the work of Cromwell (or 
 perhaps we may say of Cromwell and Cranmer) admits of 
 no doubt. But how would Henry have stared if anybody 
 had inferred from any or all these things that he had any 
 heretical misgivings or doubts about transubstantiation, or 
 purgatory, or the invocation of saints, or other doctrines 
 which we justly consider as errors or heresies peculiarly 
 characteristic of the Church of Rome, and which in the 
 modern popular view of the Reformation in England are 
 commonly mixed up with the doctrine of papal supremacy, 
 in the general notion of "popery." This point is well 
 stated by Hooper in a letter which he wrote to Bullinger, 
 several years after the Act of Six Articles had passed, and it 
 is highly worthy of our attention. 
 
 "Accept, my very dear master, in few words, the news from 
 England. As far as true religion is concerned, idolatry is nowhere 
 in greater vigour. Our king has destroyed the Pope, but not popery; 
 he has expelled all the monks and nuns, and puUed down their 
 monasteries ; he has caused all their possessions to be transferred 
 
XIII.] OF HENRY VIII. 207 
 
 into his exchequer, and yet they are bound, even the frail female 
 sex, by the king's command, to perpetual chastity. England has at 
 this time at least ten thousand nuns, not one of whom is allowed to 
 marry. The impious mass, the most shameful celibacy of the clergy, 
 the invocation of saints, auricular confession, superstitious absti- 
 nence from meats, and purgatory, were never hefore held by the people 
 in greater esteem than at the present moment.'"'^ 
 
 Again, nearly a year afterwards he says ; — 
 
 "The bearer will inform your excellence of the good news we 
 received yesterday from Strasburgh. There will be a change of 
 religion in England, and the King will take up the gospel of Christ, 
 in case the Emperor should be defeated in this most destructive 
 war : should the gospel sustain a loss, he will then retain his impious 
 mass, for which he has this last summer committed four respectable 
 and godly persons to the flames."' 
 
 Very pregnant was the exclamation of Latimer before 
 Edward the VI., " The bloud of Hales, woe worth it ; what 
 ' a doe was it to bring it out of the King's head ! This 
 'great abomination of the bloud of Hales could not be 
 ' taken for a great while out of his minde."* But without 
 multiplying illustrations where they are unnecessary, I will 
 just add one, not only because it is curious and characteristic 
 in itself, but because it may be well to refer to it on 
 another account hereafter. It is from a work intitled, 
 " The Lamentacyon of a Christen againste the Oitye of 
 London, for some certaine greate vyces vsed therin."'* 
 After speaking of the sums given to priests " to synge in a 
 chauntrie to robbe the lyuynge God of hys honoure," the 
 author proceeds ; — 
 
 "Ye wyll saye vnto me, what arte thou, that oallest these thinges 
 vncommaunded tradycyons and popyshe ceremonyes, seyinge the 
 Kynges Grace forbyddeth them not, and vseth parte of them hym 
 
 - Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, First portion, 
 lately published by the Parker Society, p. 36, where the Editor gives the 
 date as " probably 1546." 
 
 ^ Orig. Lett, ubi supra, p. 41. These persons the Editor states to have 
 been Anne Askew, and those who suffered with her. 
 
 * Sermons, fol. 84. 5. edit. 1584, quoted in Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog., 
 2nd edit., vol. ii. p. 281. 
 
 = The copy from which I extract is said on the title-page to have been 
 printed in 1548. I do not see that Herbert mentions the edition ; but 
 he specifies two others, one said to be " printed at Jericho in the land of 
 Promise," 1542, the other, at Nuremberg, 1545. — Herbert's Amet, III. 
 1553, 1558. (XXX. 8. 14.) 
 
20H ACT OF SIX ARTICLES. [essay 
 
 selfe? I answere that ye vse manye thynges contrary to the 
 kyngs iniunccyons. And yf it be that God throngh the kynge hath 
 caste out the deuell out of this reaJme, and yet both he and we 
 suppe of the broth in which the deuell was soden, and that God 
 hath yet not opened the eyes of the kynge to set all thynges in 
 right frame, and vtterly to breake downe the serpent, as Ezechias 
 the kynge dyd .iiil. Eeg. ix. and as kynge Asa dyd .ii. Chro. xiiii 
 take it thus, that euen your iniquytye wyth oallynge vpon vayne 
 Goddes, and sekynge saluacion by a wronge waye, is the veri cause 
 that God closeth vp the eies of the kynge, as of one that heareth 
 and vnderstandeth not, and seeth and perceyueth not." — Sig. b. 
 iiii. h. 
 
 It seems plain that though the king was persuaded to 
 consent to the abolition of some things clearly super- 
 stitious, yet it was done with difficulty ; and it evidently 
 required all the power and address of those who wished 
 him to go much farther, to get him to go as far as he did. 
 But Cromwell might have tried in vain to get him to join 
 in railing at the mass, and Oranmer as vainly to get his 
 approbation of a married clergy. I believe that he was 
 roused by an idea that the church, of which he was resolved 
 to be the supreme head, was likely to be overthrown by a 
 torrent of what he considered infidelity and blasphemy, and 
 that he devised, and insisted on, and would have, and 
 carried, such a measure as he thought was suited to check 
 the frightful evil. 
 
 Such, I believe, to have been the origin of the Act. 
 Subsequent events show that it was meant to frighten 
 rather than to hurt, to intimidate and quiet the people 
 rather than to destroy and slaughter them by wholesale. 
 Nothing but the spirit of party and passion, the withering 
 blight of all truth in history, can represent it as a statute 
 seriously intended to be executed according to the letter. 
 But it did much without proceeding to such extremities as 
 it threatened. It was meant to frighten the people, and it 
 did frighten them; and by that means it did two things 
 which, whether right or wrong, good or bad, were un- 
 doubtedly of very great importance at that time, and in 
 their consequences. In the first place, it caused many of 
 the more violent partizans of the Reformation to quit the 
 country ; and secondly, it made those who stayed at home 
 more quiet and peaceable. Fox has given us " A brief table 
 of the Troubles at London in the time of the Six Articles," 
 which he prefaces by .saying ; — 
 
XIII.] "TROUBLES AT LONDON." 209 
 
 " Although this inquisition above mentioned was meant properly 
 and especially concerning the Six Articles, yet so it fell out, that in 
 short space doubts began to arise, and to be moved by the quest : 
 ■whether they might inquire as well of aU other opinions, articles, 
 and cases of LoUardy, or for speaking against holy bread, holy 
 water, or for favouring the cause of Barnes, of friar Ward, Sir 
 Thomas Rose, &c. . whereupon great pertv/rhation followed in all 
 parishes almost through Lotiaon in the year aforesaid, which was 
 1541, as here ensueth in a brief summary table to be seen." — Vol. v. 
 p. 443. 
 
 It is very principally on account of the curious light 
 which this Table throws on the state of things at the 
 time, that I have been induced to say so much of the 
 Statute which gave rise to it. And therefore, as Fox 
 
 says;— 
 
 "Having discoursed the order of the six articles, with other 
 matter likewise following in the next parliament, concerning the 
 condemnation of the lord Cromwell, of Dr. Barnes, and his feUows, 
 let us now (proceeding further in this history) consider what great 
 disturiance and vexations ensued after the setting forth of the said 
 articles, through the whole realm of England, especially among the 
 godly sort : wherein first were to be mentioned the straight and 
 severe commissions sent forth by the king's authority, to the 
 bishops, chancellors, officials, justices, mayors, and bailiffs in every 
 shire, and other commissioners by name in the same commissions 
 expressed; and, amongst others, especially to Edmund Bonner 
 bishop of London, to the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen of the same, 
 to inquire diligently after all heretical books, and to burn them. 
 Also to inquire after all such persons whatsoever, culpable or 
 suspected of such felonies, heresies, contempts, or trangressions, or 
 speaking any words contrary to the aforesaid act, set forth, of the 
 Six Articles." — Vol. v. p. 440. 
 
 Strype, who generally follows Fox, and sometimes, 
 without meaning to falsify, rather improves his statements, 
 tells us — 
 
 "Upon the Six Articles, commissions were granted out by the 
 King to the Bishops, and their Chancellors and Officials, and to aU 
 Justices of Peace, Mayors, and Sheriffs in every shire, and others 
 named in the same commissions; to inquire diligently upon all 
 heretical books, and to burn them, and upon all persons suspected 
 of such felonies, contempts, or transgressions against the act of the 
 Six Articles. 
 
 " To London, and the diocese thereof, was a particular com- 
 mission sent for this purpose. The Commissioners were the Bishop 
 of London, Roche the Mayor, Allen, Warren, Richard Grssham, 
 Knights and Aldermen, Roger Cholmley, Knight, Sergeant at Law, 
 John Gresham, Michael Dormer, the Archdeacon of London, the 
 Bishop's Commissary, Chidley, Crayford, Edward Hall, Brook, 
 
 O 
 
SIO "SPARE NONE." [essay 
 
 Morgan. And that these might be sure to do their office, a letter 
 was procured from the King to Boner the Bishop, or his Com- 
 missary, to give all these their oaths for the execution of the said 
 act. The form of which oath was prescribed In that act. The 
 Bishop accordingly, at Guildhall, administered the said oath to 
 them. And then the jury were sworn; when the Bishop ad- 
 monished them to SPAEE NONE. So in all parishes throughout 
 London almost, some were summoned and accused, and brought 
 into trouble, to the number of near two hundred. Several also of 
 Calais, and of divers other quarters, were brought into trouble. So 
 that all the prisons in London were too little to hold them." — Mem. 
 I. i. 565. 
 
 Perhaps, when it had been stated that " commissions 
 were granted out by the King to tlie hishops" it was hardly 
 necessary to specify that "to London, and the diocese 
 thei'eof, was a particular commission sent" — or, as Fox 
 oddly expresses it in a passage already quoted, "amongst 
 others, especially to Edmund Bonner bishop of London." 
 But it must be remembered that this bishop of London was 
 "bloody Bonner," who ought by all means to have the 
 " bloody " act saddled upon him in some peculiar manner, 
 though he does not appear to have had more to do with it 
 than the other official persons named in the act itself, and 
 thereby appointed to carry it into execution. Still it is so 
 natural, and so like the "butcherly" bishop, that we should 
 almost have taken it for granted, even if Strype had not 
 told us, that when he had sworn the jury, he admonished 
 them to " SPARE NONE." Burn them all. Men, women, and 
 children. The ignoi'ant and those that are out of the way. 
 The misled, the faint, the feeble, even the penitent — spare 
 
 NONE. 
 
 It is really almost enough to put one out of conceit with 
 all history, when one sees so good a man as Mr. Strype 
 undoubtedly was, writing in such a way as this ; and what 
 reader goes to Fox, the only writer whom Strype quotes, to 
 see whether he has fairly represented his authority ? Fox 
 tells us that " When the two juries were sworn, Bonner 
 ' taketh upon him to give the charge unto the juries, and 
 ' began with a tale of Anacharsis, by which example he 
 ' admonished the juries to spare no persons, of what degree 
 ' soever they were." Now it seems to me that this most 
 materially alters the state of the case. One can hardly 
 doubt that the " example," which the bishop quoted from 
 Anacharsis, was his well-known saying, that laws were like 
 
XIII.] "TROU-BLES AT LONDON." 211 
 
 cobwebs, which caught flies while they were easily broken 
 through by stronger insects. Surely there was no presump- 
 tion in the Bishop of London's taking upon him to charge 
 the juries, and the tone of the charge, even on Fox's show- 
 ing, was very different from that which a reader of Strype 
 would suppose. If " bloody " Bonner had been a favourite, 
 we should probably have been told, that he faithfully and 
 conscientiously warned the jury against a pharisaical show 
 of zeal in haling to the judgment-seat the defenceless poor, 
 the weak, and the foolish, while they took bribes from their 
 rich neighbours to connive at their heresy, or " spared " 
 them because they had the means, not only of defence, but 
 of retaliation. 
 
 But what if, instead of these miserable, and tiresome, and 
 invidious explanations, one were fairly to take the bull by 
 the horns, and ask Mr. Strype and all the world, whether 
 it was the duty of a sworn jury to exercise the prerogative 
 of " sparing " persons, when they were simply sworn to find 
 and present facts ? What shovild we think of a jury who 
 should come into court and say, " We find that A has robbed 
 B ; we are qviite sure that he is a felon — but in our discre- 
 tion we spare him — and our verdict is ' Not Guilty ' ? " 
 Was Bonner requiring from the juries more than all the 
 commissioners themselves were bound to ? Their oath, as 
 given by Fox, was ; — 
 
 " Ye shall swear, that ye, to your cunning, wit, and power, shall 
 truly and indifferently execute the authority to you given by the 
 king's commission, made for correction of heretics and other 
 offenders mentioned in the same commission, without any favour, 
 affection, corruption, dread, or malice, to be borne to any person or 
 persons, as God you help, and all saints." — Vol. v. p. 264. 
 
 But to come to the more immediate subject of inquiry — 
 what did these juries do, what did they find, and what sort 
 of crimes did they present ? for the object is to get some 
 idea of the real state of things in the year 1541, and of 
 what was actually passing in the houses and churches, in 
 the taverns, and by the firesides, of London. One is tired 
 of being told over and over again, in general terms, that 
 the furious bishops destroyed all who favoured the gospel 
 without mercy ; and one would like to know the grounds, 
 or even the alleged grounds and pretences, on which they 
 did it. 
 
212 " TROUBLES AT LONDON " [essay 
 
 We must, however, always bear in mind, tliat we have 
 this account from a friendly hand ; and considering that 
 Fox tells us, that the good Lord Awdley assured the king 
 that all the people were presented out of malice, I may (and 
 truth absolutely requires that I should) add, one that was 
 not very scrupulous. But we must take the matter as Fox 
 gives it, and form our ideas of " the persons presented, 
 with the causes of their presentation," as well as we can 
 from the information which he has seen fit to give on the 
 subject. 
 
 Of course a great many of these causes of presentation 
 are given by Fox in such brief and general terms, and often 
 in terms so purely descriptive of negative offences, that we 
 gain but little light from them. But there are a good many 
 others which are more particular ; and even from such as 
 are couched in rather indefinite language, we may learn 
 something. We do not, for instance, get very accurate 
 knowledge from the word " despising," as it is used in this 
 Table. When we read that Mrs. Cicely Marshall of St. 
 Alban's parish, was accused of " despising holy bread and 
 holy water ; " and her fellow-parishioner, " Anne, Bedikes 
 wife, of despising our Lady ; " of three in St. Giles without 
 Cripplegate, presented for " despising auricular confession," 
 and five others in the same parish for " despising holy bread 
 and holy water ; " of ten in the parish of St. Martins at the 
 Well with two buckets, for "contemning the ceremonies of the 
 church ; " of John Humfrey of St. Giles's, Cripplegate, for 
 " speaking against the sacraments and ceremonies of the 
 church ; " and also (unless it was some feUow-parishioner of 
 the same name) with three others for " depraving of matins, 
 mass, and even-song ; " there is room for a charitable hope 
 that in any particular case the offence was nothing more 
 than that of withholding some of the external marks of 
 devotion which the heresies and idolatries sanctioned by the 
 church of Rome had rendered customary. We cannot tell 
 how these persons manifested their despite ; none, we may 
 hope, so grossly as Richard Bigges of St. Magnus parish, 
 who showed that he was gviilty of " despising holy bread " 
 by " putting it in the throat of a bitch." 
 
 Perhaps, too, we can hardly judge of such cases as Brisley's 
 wife of St. Nicholas in the Flesh Shambles, who was pre- 
 f^ented " for busy reasoning on the new learning, and not 
 
XIII.] UNDER THE SIX ARTICLES. 218 
 
 keeping the church ; " but it gives occasion to remark (what 
 will be obvious to any one who looks over the Talk), that 
 Ko great a proportion of the offenders were females. We 
 have had one or two instances already ; and one of the ten 
 parishioners of St. Martin's (just mentioned by only that 
 description) stands in the Table as " Mother Palmer." 
 Whether she obtained this title of respect from her being in 
 any way considered a " mother in Israel," I do not know ; 
 but Mrs. Elizabeth Statham of St. Mary Magdalene's in 
 Milk-street, seems to have been something of the kind, for 
 her offence was "maintaining in her house Latimer, Barnes, 
 Garret, Jerome, and divers others." Perhaps she was con- 
 tent to sit as a learner in the prophet's chamber which she 
 had made ; but Margaret Ambsworth of St. Botolph's 
 without Aldgate, was presented, not only " for having no 
 reverence to the sacrament at sacring time," but also " for 
 instructing of maids, and being a great doctress." One is 
 inclined to suspect something of the same spirit in Martyn 
 Bishop's wife, of St. Benet Finck, who " did set light by the 
 curate " when he spoke to her about her not confessing in 
 Lent, and receiving at Easter. Mrs. Oastle, too, of St. 
 Andrew's, Holborn, was presented " for being a meddler," 
 as well as for another species of conduct, very naturally 
 concomitant, and of which I shall say more presently, but 
 in the nieantime, she was, as I have said, a " meddler," and 
 so no doubt, in the estimation of the jurors, were her fellow- 
 parishioners, Robert Plat and his wife, who " were great 
 reasoners in scripture, saying that they had it of the Spirit;" 
 and so the eight parishioners of St. Mary Woolchurch, who 
 were " great reasoners and despisers of ceremonies ; " and 
 Thomas Aduet, John Palmer, and Robert Cooke of St. 
 Michael, Queenhithe, for " the cause laid to these persons 
 was for reasoning of the scripture, and of the sacraments ; " 
 and John Cockes of the same parish, for " this man was 
 noted for a great searcher out of new preachers, and main- 
 tainers of Barnes's opinions." All these persons, and many 
 others, were no doubt considered as " meddlers," though not 
 described by that name ; but we have no proof that they 
 " meddled," as Mrs. Castle did, in a way that was then very 
 common, and requires more particular notice. 
 
 Let us give — who, even of the thoughtless and the worth- 
 less, can help giving? — not merely pity, but honour and 
 
214 "TEOUBLES AT LONDON." [essay 
 
 respect to the man who suffers for conscience' sake, even if 
 he is ignorant, weak, or mistaken ; but let us not be so far 
 imposed on by the declamation of party, as to imagine that 
 the protestantism with which Henry the Eighth had to deal, 
 was simply a system of meek endurance and patient suffer- 
 ing — a pure spirit of heaven dragged from its hiding-place 
 on earth by fiends infernal, whose only mission was to find 
 and torment it. It cannot be denied that there was some- 
 thing aggressive in its character ; and one of its modes of 
 displaying this quality was by disturbing the services of the 
 church. I have already noticed cases in which this was 
 done by some fanatics with great force and violence, by 
 striking the priest, and overthrowing or trampling on the 
 elements. But these were extraordinary cases. It is not 
 fair to make any cause responsible for all the fanatics whom 
 it may engender; for no cause which does not engender 
 some is worth maintaining. But there were milder, and 
 more common modes of aggression. Thus the four parish- 
 ioners of St. Giles's, Cripplegate, who have been already 
 noticed as " despising holy bread," were also presented for 
 " letting divine service." How they did it we are not told ; 
 nor do we get more precise information respecting four 
 parishioners of St. Mildred in Bread-street, who " were 
 presented for interrupting the divine service." Master 
 Pates of David's Inn, and Master Galias of Bernard's Inn, 
 both of the parish of St. Andrew, Holborn, were presented 
 " for vexing the curate in the body of the church, in de- 
 ' daring the King's Injunctions, and reading the bishop's 
 ' book, so that he had much ado to make an end ; " and 
 beside being included in this joint accusation, Master 
 Galias was individually presented '' for withstanding the 
 curate censing the altars on Corpus Christi Even, and 
 saying openly that he did naught." If the reader has not 
 lost sight of Mrs. Castle the " meddler," he may remember 
 that she belonged to the same parish, and it must now be 
 added that she was presented, not only as a meddler, but as 
 " a reader of Scripture in the church." 
 
 To a modern reader, that is, a reader acquainted with 
 only modern feelings and usages, it may seem odd to find a 
 woman charged with such an offence; and, indeed, the 
 whole matter is so alien from that with which we are 
 familiar in practice, that it requires a little illustration. 
 
xiii.J TAKING BOOKS TO CHURCH. 215 
 
 The idea of taking auy book to church, except a Bible or 
 Prayer Book, would seem strange to us. Some readers 
 may not at once think of the Companion to the Altar as a 
 singular exception, and a relic of old times, and others may 
 be surprised to learn that the Statutes of Trinity College, 
 Cambridge, given by Queen Elizabeth in the second year of 
 her reign, distinctly recognize the right, and thereby imply 
 the custom, of carrying into chapel at service time, not only 
 the Scriptures and books containing devout prayers or 
 meditations, but the sermons of any holy father or doctor I 
 We must not therefore think that the reformers did any- 
 thing very strange when they took books with them to 
 church; and, sajdng nothing of any little demonstration 
 such as human nature when it is sectarianized cannot help, 
 we must confine the offence to the taking in of unlawful 
 books, or the using them to disturb the service. 
 
 It may have been observed in a preceding essay, that 
 when Wilb'am Gardiner went to the church at Lisbon, he 
 was occupied during the service with reading on his New 
 Testament. This was probably an English Testament, and 
 he might have pleaded (as we shaU see that WUUam Hastlen 
 did) that he was employing his time more profitably than in 
 listening to service in a language which he could not under- 
 stand. There was not the same excuse for Thomas Benet 
 of Exeter, who " wrote his mind in certain scrolls of paper, 
 ' which, in secret manner, he set upon the doors of the 
 ' cathedral church of the city ; in which was written ' the 
 ' Pope is Antichrist ; and we ought to worship God only 
 ' and no saints.' " Pox tells us, " there was no small ado," 
 and " the bishop and aU his doctors were as hot as coals, 
 ' and enkindled as though they had been stung with a sort 
 
 ^ I do not know what may have been the law or custom at other oo] - 
 leges. The statute to which I refer, however, was in force at Trinity 
 College till very lately ; certainly till within these ten years. How long, 
 and to what extent, it was acted on in this particular, I do not know. 
 At the only period when I had much opportunity of observing, the taste 
 of the young men generally did not lie that way ; but I presume that a 
 procession of undergraduates, with folios of Taylor, Barrow, Tillotson, &c., 
 under their arms, would have had little to fear from the dean. " Nemo 
 'ad sacellum tempore rei divinse faciendse alios libros adferat quam 
 ' psalterium, aut alios hujusmodi libroB, qui pias preoationes meditation- 
 ' esse contineant, aut Sacra Biblia, aut pias conoiones alicujus sancti 
 ' patris aut doctoris," — Cap. XVI, 
 
216 TAKING BOOKS TO CHURCH. [essav 
 
 ' of wasps. Wherefore, to keep the people in their former 
 ' blindness, order was taken that the doctors should in haste 
 ' up to the pulpit every day and confute this heresy. 
 ' Nevertheless, this Thomas Benet,' keeping his own doings 
 ' in secret, went the Sunday following to the cathedral 
 ' church to the sermon, and by chance sat down by two 
 ' men, who were the busiest in all the city in seeking and 
 ' searching for this heretic ; and they, beholding this Benet, 
 ' said the one to the other, ' surely this fellow, by all likeli- 
 ' hood, is the heretic that hath set up the bills, and it were 
 ' good to examine him.' Nevertheless, when they had well 
 ' beheld him, and saw the quiet and sober behaviour of the 
 ' man, his attentiveness to the preacher, his godliness in the 
 ' church, being always occupied in his book, which was a 
 ' Testament in the Latin tongue, they were astonied, and 
 ' had no power to speak unto him, but departed, and left 
 ' him reading in his book." ' 
 
 It is not exactly to our precise point, perhaps, but it con- 
 tributes somewhat to illustrate the manners and spirit of the 
 times and persons with whose history we are engaged, to 
 observe that Anne Askew tells us, that when she was 
 brought before Bishop Bonner, " he commanded his arch- 
 deacon to commune " with her, and " then," she adds, that 
 is, after a general inquiry as to the cause of her trouble, 
 "took he my book out of my hand, and said, ' Such books 
 ' as this have brought you to the trouble that you are in. 
 ' Beware,' said he, ' beware, for he that made this book, and 
 ' was the author thereof, was a heretic I warrant you, and 
 ' burned in Smithfield.' And then I asked him, if he were 
 ' certain and sure that it was true that he had spoken. 
 ' And he said, he knew well the book was of John Frith's 
 ' making." She afterwards says, that she opened the book, 
 and showed the archdeacon that it was not that which he 
 supposed, but she does not tell us what it was. I mention 
 
 ' Vol. V. p. 19. How a man who was "always occupied in his book," 
 conld be remarkable for "his attentiveness to the preacher," it is not easy 
 to understand, unless we suppose the narrator to mean, that when he was 
 not attending to the preacher, he was occupied in his book — or, in other 
 words, that he showed himself remarkably attentive to the sermon, and 
 remarkably occupied by his Testament during the prayers. This seems 
 probable in itself, and there must of course have been some sort of 
 demonstration to waken the suspicion, and elicit the suggestion, of his 
 neighbours. 
 
xiii.] READING DURING DIVINE SERVICE. i'17 
 
 the circumstance chiefly as showing, that at such a time and 
 place she had her book in her hand ; for our business is at 
 present with those who, like Mrs. Castle, were readers of 
 the Scripture ill the church ; and the Table before us, beside 
 the general statements already cited about letting and inter- 
 rupting divine service, mentions several cases in which it 
 was done in this particular manner. Andrew Kempe, 
 WilUam Pahen, and Richard Manerd of St. Alban's Parish, 
 were presented " for disturbing the service of the church 
 with brabbhng of the New Testament," and one of the 
 offences charged against William Plaine was, that " when 
 he came to the church, with loud reading the English 
 Bible, he disturbed the divine service." 
 
 One of the most interesting and instructive accounts of 
 such a case, however, is recorded in the Appendix to Fox's 
 Martyrology, under the title of "A Note of a certain good 
 man troubled in Boulogne the first year of King Edward 
 the Sixth, for the Gospel." It begins thus : — 
 
 " The examination of me, William Hastlen, gunner in the castle 
 of High Boulogne, in the year of our Lord 1547, and the first year of 
 the reign of king Edward the sixth. As I was in the church of 
 Boulogne, called the Stals, upon the 12th of April, being Easter Tues- 
 day, reading of a godly book, called ' The Lamentation of a Christian 
 against the citizens of London,' between the hours of three and four 
 at afternoon, there came certain men to me as I stood at an altar in 
 the church reading to myself, and asked me what good book I had ; 
 and I said, they should hear if they pleased. Then they desired me 
 to read out that they might hear, and so did I very gladly ; but I 
 had not read long (the priests and clerks were at their Latin even- 
 song, I reading mine English book) but there came a tipstaff for me, 
 taking my two books from me, and commanded me to go with him ; 
 for he said I must go before the council of the town. 
 
 " Then went I forth with him ; and a. little, without the church 
 door, sir John Bridges met us, and bade the tipstaff carry me to sir 
 Leonard Beckwith, knight, to be examined ; and coming before his 
 presence, he asked me what books they were that I had at the church : 
 and was reading of one of them openly in the church to the people. 
 And I said, so far as I had read them they were good godly books. 
 And he said, they were heresy. And with that he asked me how I 
 did believe of the sacrament of the altar, whether I did not believe 
 that to be the very body of Christ, flesh, blood, and bones : and I 
 asked him whether he meant that that was in the pix or no 7 and he 
 said. Yea, even that in the pix. And I said, that since I had sure 
 knowledge of Scriptures, I did not believe it to be the body of 
 Christ, but a bare piece of bread ; nor by God's help will I ever 
 believe it otherwise to be. Then he said, I was a heretic, and asked 
 me what I made of the Sacrament : and I said,, if it were duly 
 
218 WILLIAM HASTLEN, THE [essay 
 
 ministered according to Christ's institution, that then I did believe 
 that the faithful communicants, in receiving that blessed sacrament, 
 did receive into their inward man or soul, the very body and blood 
 of our Saviour Jesus Christ. Then said he, ' Dost thou not believe 
 it to remain the very body of Christ after the words of consecration 
 pronounced by the priest? ' And I said, No. Then said he, 'What 
 dost thou make of the Church 1 ' I said, ' As it is now used, it is a 
 den of thieves, and the synagogue of Satan.' 'Thou heretic,' said 
 he, ' there remaineth the very body of Christ. But I said, that 
 Christ being God and Man, dwelleth not in the temples made with 
 men's hands. Much other communication had we at that time, but 
 this was the eif ect that day. Then he asked me whether I would be 
 forthcoming till to-morrow. And I said, ' Sir, if you think that I will 
 not, you may lay me where I shall be so.' Then he let me go for 
 that night, and said, ' We shall talk further with thee to-morrow ; ' 
 so I departed home. 
 
 "And about the space of two hours after, master Huntingdon the 
 preacher (which did much good with his preaching in Boulogne at 
 that time) came to me, and said, that he heard me spoken of at my 
 lord Gray's, who was then lord deputy of the town and country of 
 Boulogne; ' and I perceive,' said he, 'that you are in great danger 
 of trouble, if you escape with your life : for there are some of the 
 council marvellously bent against you.' I said, 'The Lord's will be 
 done.' 'WeU,' said he, ' without you feel in yourself a full purpose, 
 by God's help, to stand earnestly to the thing that ye have spoken, you 
 shall do more hurt than good. Wherefore," said he, ' if you will go to 
 Calais, I will send you where you shall be well used, and be out of 
 this danger.' Then I thanked master Huntingdon, saying, 'I purpose 
 by God's assistance to abide the uttermost that they can do unto 
 me.' 'Well then,' said he, 'I can tell you you will be sent for to- 
 morrow betimes before the whole council.' 'That is,' said I, 'the 
 thing that I look for. ' 
 
 " Then rose I betimes in the morning and went into the market- 
 place, that I might spy which way the officer should come for me. 
 I had not tarried there long, but I spied a tipstaff, and went toward 
 him, and asked him whom he sought ; and he said, 'a gunner of the 
 great ordnance in the castle of Boulogne ; ' and I said, ' I am he : ' 
 then said he, ' You must go with me to my lord's : ' and I said, 
 ' Therefor I looked. ' 
 
 " When I came there, I saw my lord and the whole council were 
 assembled together in a close parlour. Doing my duty to them, my 
 lord said to me, ' It is informed me that thou hast seditiously con- 
 gregated a company together in the church, and there in the time 
 of service thou didst read unto them an heretical book, and hast not 
 reverently used silence in the time of the divine service. What 
 sayest thou to this ? ' 
 
 "I said, 'If it please your honour, I was in the church a good 
 while before any service began, and nobody with me, reading to 
 myself alone, upon a book that is agreeable to God's word, and no 
 heresy in it that I read ; and when it drew towards service time, 
 there came men to the church, and, some of them coming to me 
 whom I knew not, asking me what good book I had, I said it was ^ 
 
xiii.j GUNNEE OF BOULOGNE. 219 
 
 new book that I had not yet read over. Then they pralyed me that 
 I should read so that they might hear some part with me ; and so I 
 did, not calling, pointing, nor assembling any company to me. And 
 the service being in Latin, that for the strangeness of the tongue, 
 besides much superstition joined with it, was not understood of the 
 most part of them that said or sung it, much less of them that stood 
 by and did hear it ; whereas, by the word of God, all things in the 
 church or congregation should be done to the edifying of the people, 
 and seeing I could have no such thing by their service ; I did endea- 
 vour to edify myself, and others that were desirous of reading godly 
 books. And because the church is so abused contrary to the word 
 of God, being beset round about with a sort of abominable idols, 
 before whom no man ought to kneel, nor do any manner of reverence, 
 because the scriptures do curse both the idol and the idol-maker, 
 and all that do any worship or reverence unto them, or before them, 
 for that cause I used no reverence there.'" — Vol. viii. p. 715. 
 
 I have already (at p. 207) given the reader some account 
 of this book which William Hastlen was reading aloud in 
 the church at Boulogne, and one extract from it, which 
 might perhaps suffice to show that it was not exactly what 
 a Christian, guided by the pure and peaceable wisdom that 
 is from above, would have chosen for his lecture at such a 
 time and place ; but it is quite worth while to give some 
 further extracts, which will more fully illustrate its cha- 
 racter, and show that the offence taken by the popish party 
 was, to say the least, very natural. Imagine the " gunner 
 of the great ordnance " opening such a fire as this, in the 
 church, and during the service :■ — 
 
 " Thynke ye that God hath not as moche to laye to the charges of 
 London for killinge hys seruantes, as he had agaynst Jerusalem for 
 Idllinge hys Prophetes ? Yes, yes ; For Goddes sake ye that be 
 elders repent and geue your selfes to readinge the lawe of the Lord, 
 that ye may be an example to the commons in godlye conversacion : 
 And in the scriptur ye shall lerne what to do, ande what to leaue 
 vndone, and howe to knowe false Prophetes, and how to cast them 
 out of your conscyens, where they haue sytten a long time, eueu in 
 the stede of God : I meane not the Byshoppe of Rome alone, but he 
 and all hys marke wyth him, and specialy his owne generacion, 
 which are all in forked cappes. 
 
 " What a plage is this, that in no mans tyme aliue was euer any 
 Christen Bisshope raininge ouer the Citye of London, but euery one 
 worsse then other ? I thynke theyr can now come no worsse, except 
 the same Lucyfer that fell from heanen, come himselfe, whyche is 
 the very father of all Popyshe Byshops." — Sig. o. 
 
 " O ye Babylonyshe Bishoppes and generacion of Vipers, where 
 haue ye yovr auctoryte 2 or how dar ye be so bold to kyll a man for 
 his faith whych Christ neuer ded nor hys Apostelles ? For it is a 
 
220 JOHN PORTER MARTYRED [essay 
 
 gyfte which no man can eyther geue an other or yet hym self e. No 
 no, it is the gyft of God onely. Ande that must be geuen a man 
 before he can eyther do or thynke goode. For all that is done with- 
 out fayth is synne. Roma, in the xxiiii. and Hebre. xi. 
 
 " No, nor ye put no man to death for Christes sake, but for that 
 that no man should either preache teache or wrytte Chryst aryght, 
 which he can not do, but he shall by force be constrained of the 
 holye Ghost to wryte agaynst your pompe, pryde, vyle lyninge, and 
 against your abhomynable sedusing of the people, leadynge them in 
 an endlesse mase of dyrtye tradicions and folyshe ceremonyes. 
 
 ' And why can not a man set forthe Christ but he must write 
 agaynst yow ? Euen bycause ye be the very Antichristes. No I 
 saye it is not possible for anye man sent of God, either to preache 
 or wryte, but he must open hys mouthe against that moost wyoked 
 abomynable, and detestable Antychryst, of ROME, as agaynste the 
 enemy of Chryst, which be you false Bysshops, false Prophetes, that 
 beare the false signe of the newe lawe and the olde lawe, with stoute 
 stronge and sturdie Archdeacons, Deanes, and Chanons of Cathedrall 
 Churches and other your pytymembers prestes of Baal." — Sig. A. 
 vii. b. 
 
 " O ye deuelles, ye blind guides and seducers of the people, howe 
 of late bewitched you the Parlament house ? Euen by your inuen- 
 cions and deuelishe studie haue ye caused actes and decrees to be 
 made, so cleane contrarye to the lawes of the lyuinge God, that I 
 saye vnto you, the verie bearewolfe, that abhominable whore of 
 Rome neuer made so oruell actes. He neuer made it dethe for a 
 preste to marye a wife, &o. " — Sig. e. iiii. 
 
 This is perhaps a sufficient specimen, and it brings us 
 back to the Act of Six Articles ; and therefore, very 
 naturally, to a case of which I wish to take some notice, for 
 several reasons. That is, not merely as furnishing an 
 instance of reading the Bible in church, but as giving us a 
 cautionary hint that it is necessary to read such stories 
 with care and attention, lest we fall into misconceptions of 
 their real nature. I mean "The Story of John Porter, 
 cruelly martyred for reading the Bible in Pauls," which I 
 do the rather, because those who look cursorily at that part 
 of Fox's work with which we are at present engaged, may 
 read, " In the number of those before named,* cometh the 
 ' remembrance of John Porter, who, in the same year (a.d. 
 ' 1541), for Reading the Bible in Pauls Church was cruelly 
 ' handled, and that unto death, as you shall hear." 
 
 Of course there is something to surprise even those who 
 are not very suspicious, in the statement that a man was 
 
 8 That is, it would seem, in the Table so often mentioned of those who 
 were persecuted for the Six Articles, though I do not observe his name. 
 
XIII.] FOE READING THE BIBLE. 221 
 
 put to death for reading the Bible in Paul's Church, when 
 they have just been told that the Bible had been placed 
 there by the bishop of the diocese, in order that anybody 
 who chose might read it. Indeed, Fox continues his story 
 by saying — 
 
 " It was declared in this history above, how Edmund Bonner, 
 bishop of Loudon, in the days of the Lord Cromwell, being then 
 ambassador at Paris, was a great doer in setting forward the printing 
 of the Bible in the great volume ; promising moreover, that he 
 would, for his part, have six of those Bibles set up in the church of 
 St. Paul in London ; which, also, at his coming home, he no less 
 performed, according to the King's proclamation set forth for the 
 same, whereof read before." — Vol. v. p. 451. 
 
 And he adds ; — 
 
 " The Bibles thus standing in Paul's, by the commandment of the 
 king, and the appointment of Bonner the bishop, many well-disposed 
 people used much to resort to the hearing thereof, especially when 
 they could get any that had an audible voice to read unto them, 
 misdoubting therein no danger toward them ; and no more there 
 was, so long as the days of Cromwell lasted. After he was gone, it 
 happened amongst divers and sundry godly-disposed persons, which 
 frequented therein tJie reading of the aforesaid Bible, that one John 
 Porter used sometimes to be occupied in that godly exercise, to the 
 edifjdng as weU of himself, as of other. This Porter was a fresh 
 young man, and of a big stature ; who, by diligent reading of the 
 scripture, and by hearing of such sermons as then were preached by 
 them that were the setters-forth of God's truth, became very expert. 
 The Bible being then set up, by Bonner's commandment, upon 
 divers pillars in Paul's church, fixedjuuto the same with chains for 
 all men to read in tliem that would, great multitudes would resort 
 thither to hear this Porter, hecav,se he could read well, and had an 
 audible voice. Bonner and his chaplains, being grieved withal (and 
 the world beginning then to frown upon the gospellers), sent for the 
 said Porter, and rebuked him very sharply for his reading. But 
 Porter answered him that he trusted he had done nothing contrary 
 to the law, neither contrary to his advertisements, which he had 
 fixed in print over every Bible. " — Ed. 1596, p. 1100. 
 
 The reader who has got thus far in the history of John 
 Porter, probably thinks that he has made a considerable 
 progress towards understanding his case. He may wonder 
 to find a man brought before Bishop Bonner for the simple 
 act of reading the Bibles which Bishop Bonner himself had 
 set up, and still (Cromwell or no OromweU, it seems) kept 
 up, in his cathedral ; and to learn that the bishop pvit him 
 to death for it. He may, however, consider that it would 
 be mere folly to attempt to account for the cruel freaks of 
 
222 JOHN PORTER MARTYRED. [essay 
 
 such a sanguinary monster ; and that the only way to meet 
 the difficulty is to say, " Whether Bonner put the Bibles 
 up, or put the Bibles down, his object was blood. No doubt 
 his secret orders to the myrmidons whom he sent to spy out 
 the proceedings of the Bible-readers in Pauls were to 
 ' Spake none.' " 
 
 But, whatever surmises may have arisen in the minds of 
 those who have read the matter contained in the preceding 
 pages of this essay, the unprepared and confiding reader of 
 Eox wiU, by what has been hitherto said, learn absolutely 
 nothing (one might almost say less than nothing) of the 
 real case. It may be hard to say, particularly, and in 
 detail, what was the charge against the prisoner ; for, so 
 far, it has been studiously suppressed in the story ; and it 
 only just crops out in the sequel sufficiently to show us, 
 that to represent John Porter as "cruelly martyred for 
 reading the Bible in Pauls " is historically (and yet more 
 verbally) as untrue as to say that John Thurtell was put to 
 death for firing a pistol. Whatever were John Porter's 
 offences, we may safely join issue with Fox, and deny that 
 it was " for reading the Bible ; " and that, too, on his own 
 showing, for he immediately goes on to say, " Bonner then 
 laid unto his charge that he had made expositions upon the 
 text, and gathered great multitudes about him to make 
 tumults." 
 
 These were the very things particularly forbidden in the 
 " Admonition " set over the Bibles, to regulate the behaviour 
 of those who should see fit to use them. It directed " that 
 no number of people be specially congregate therefore to 
 Tnake a multitude, and that no exposition be made there- 
 upon ; " and these were the very things which the Bishop 
 laid to the charge of John Porter. And he charged him, 
 not only with these things, forbidden in themselves, but 
 with a much more serious offence — namely, with doing 
 these things in order to maJce tumults. We have only the 
 ex parte statement given us by Fox ; but does he venture 
 to say that the charge was false ? Not at aU. Does he 
 represent John Porter himself as denying it ? Not at all. 
 When Bonner made the charge, " he answered, he trusted 
 that should not be proved by him." A most prudent and 
 characteristic reply. But, having recorded this discreet 
 answer, not a word more does Fox say of the charge, or the 
 
rtv.] ACT OP SIX ARTICLES. 223 
 
 examination, or the defence. He seems as if he suddenly 
 felt that he had said quite enough, or too much ; and he 
 huddles up the story, leaving his readers in a state of great 
 ignorance, but surely not without a strong suspicion that 
 there was a good deal more in the matter than he chose to 
 tell. His very next words to those which I have just 
 quoted are, " But, in fine, Bonner sent him to Newgate, 
 where he was miserably fettered in irons." — " In fine," 
 siirely his jumping to such a point, when the reader natur- 
 ally supposed that he was at the beginning of a story, is 
 very suspicious : and this instance, among many others, 
 may very usefully instruct us not to receive the stories of 
 party writers without some care and examination. 
 
 But as to the matter which has led to its being brought 
 forward on this occasion — namely, the reading in churches 
 to which the Reformers were addicted — perhaps enough has 
 been said for our present purpose ; and I hope to proceed 
 to the notice of some persons whose offences still more 
 m-gently called for the interposition of authority. 
 
 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 THE RIBALDS. No. IV. 
 
 Perhaps I have given enough specimens to show the 
 nature of a spirit which was abroad when the Act of Six 
 Articles was passed, and which that statute was particularly 
 intended to meet. 
 
 We may readUy believe Fox when he tells that " great 
 perturbation followed in aU parishes almost through 
 London." The Table given by him, and from which the 
 foregoing cases are quoted, contains the names of more 
 than two hundred "persons presented," and one would 
 naturally suppose that, thus presented by those who were 
 charged to " spabe none " to those who gave the cruel 
 Charge, the next thing must have been, tliat they were put 
 to death without mercy. 
 
 Let the reader look back to Holinshed's statement, that 
 " such was the rigour of that law, that if two witnesses, true 
 
224 NICHOLAS CANON OF EYE. [essay 
 
 ' or false, had accused anie, and advouched that they had 
 ' spoken against the sacrament, there was no waie but 
 ' death ; " ' and to the statements of Lord" Herbert and 
 Strype, that they " suffered daily," and did " triumph over 
 the most cruel death." ^ 
 
 Eeally, after all this preparation for the sublime and 
 terrible, the simple facts of the case must seem, to any 
 candid inquirer, to approach the ridiculous. He will 
 hardly credit me when I tell him that as to the whole of 
 this motley assemblage of offenders, the Chancellor was 
 " content that one should be bound for another ; " — and 
 that upon this pleasant and commodious bail, " they were 
 all disoh'wged," being bound only to appear in the Star 
 Chamber, the next day after All Souls, there to answer, if 
 they were called ; " but," Fox honestly and quaintly adds, 
 " neither was there any person called, neither did there any 
 appear." ' 
 
 Add to this what I have already said respecting the real 
 number of persons who suffered under the statute during 
 the eight years that it was law, and I think we may form a 
 tolerable opinion of the reason which led to its being origin- 
 ally passed, and subsequently maintained without being kept 
 in fierce operation. 
 
 But we have not yet the whole case before us ; nor even 
 the worst part of it. There was, as I have already stated, 
 another class of even more gross offenders, against whom 
 the Act of Six Articles was particularly directed. So many 
 instances have been given of what may be described as a 
 mocking and jesting spirit intruding itself into churches 
 and deriding the divine service, that I should not have 
 added more on this occasion, had it not occurred to me to 
 give one which, by its date, will show that there was such 
 a spirit in action long before the time which we usually 
 understand by the period of the Reformation. " We 
 find," says Fox, "that in the year of our Lord 1431, one 
 ' Nicholas Canon of Eye, was brought before the Bishop of 
 ' Norwich for suspicion of heresy, with certain witnesses 
 ' sworn to depose against him touching his manners and 
 ' conversation ; which witnesses appointing one William 
 ' Christopher to speak in the name of them all, he deposed 
 
 ' Ciled p. 256. ' Cited p. 257. = Vol. ,. p. 451. 
 
XIV.] NICHOLAS CANON OF EYE. 225 
 
 ' in manner and form following : " and then he gives the 
 depositions, from which it is worth while to make one or 
 two extracts. 
 
 " First, That on Easter-day, when all the parishioners went about 
 the church of Eye solemnly in procession, as the manner was, the 
 said Nicholas Canon, as it were mocking and deriding the other 
 parishioners, went about the church the contrary way, and met the 
 procession.— This article he confessed, and affirmed that he thought 
 he did well in so doing. 
 
 ***** 
 
 " Item, That on Corpus Christi day, at the elevation of high mass, 
 when all the parishioners and other strangers kneeled down, holding 
 up their hands, and doing reverence unto the sacrament, the said 
 Nicholas went behind a pillar of the church, and turning his face 
 from the high altar, mocked them that did reverence unto the 
 sacrament. — This article he also acknowledging, affirmed that he 
 believed himself to do well in so doing. 
 
 "Item, When his mother would have the said Nicholas to lift up 
 his right hand, and to cross himself from the crafts and assaults of 
 the devil, forasmuch as he deferred the doing thereof, his mother 
 took up his right hand and crossed him, saying, ' In nomine Patris, 
 FUii, et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.' Which so ended, the said 
 Nicholas, immediately deriding his mother's blessing, took up his 
 right hand of his own accord, and blessed him otherwise ; as his 
 adversaries report of him. — This article the said Nicholas acknow- 
 ledged to be true. 
 
 " Item, That upon AUhallows-day, at the time of the elevation of 
 high mass, when many of the parishioners of Bye lighted many 
 torches, and carried them up to the high altar, kneeling down 
 there in reverence and honour of the sacrament, the said Nicholas, 
 carrying a torch, went up hard to the high altar, and standing 
 behind the priest's back saying mass, at the time of the elevation, 
 stood upright upon his feet, turning his back to the priest, and his 
 face towards the people, and would do no reverence unto the sacra- 
 ment. — This article he acknowledged, affirming that he thought he 
 had done well in that behalf." — ^Vol. iii. p. 599. 
 
 Coming, however, to the class of offenders to whom I 
 have referred, and recurring to Fox's Table, so often quoted 
 in the foregoing Essay, we find that William Plaine, of 
 whom it has been there stated, that " when he came to the 
 ' church [a phrase which seems to indicate that it was not 
 ' often] with loud reading the English Bible be disturbed 
 ' the divine service," was also charged, that " seeing a 
 priest going to mass," he " said, ' Now you shall see one in 
 mashing' " This jingle of words was common in the party, 
 and appears to have been particularly popular in his parish 
 of St. John's, "Walbrook, where William Clinch seems to 
 
 p 
 
22G "TROUBLES AT LONDON" [essay 
 
 have made it a standing joke ; for the presentment (which 
 is for using nearly the same words) runs, " for saying when 
 he seeth a priest preparing to the mass," &c. By indulging 
 the same vein of humour, John Hardyman, priest of St. 
 Martin's in Ironmonger-lane, came to be presented for 
 " preaching openly that confession is confusion, and* defor- 
 mation ; " and John Mailer, grocer, of St. Botolph's, 
 Billingsgate, " for calling the sacrament of the altar ' the 
 baken god,' and for saying that the mobss was called beyond 
 the sea miss, for that all is SMiiss in it." These things may 
 be considered trifles, but they are genuine, even if J they are 
 to be considered mild, emanations of the ribald spirit ; and 
 I mention them here as suc!h,and as illustrative of the state 
 of society at the period. 
 
 But a more open and more flagrant manifestation of this 
 spirit was given by Henry Patinson and Anthony Barber, 
 of St. Giles's-without-Cripplegate, who were presented " for 
 maintaining their boys to sing a song against the sacrament 
 of the altar," and Thomas Grangier and John Dictier, of 
 the same parish, were " noted for com.inon singers against 
 the sacraments and ceremonies." Nicholas NeweU, a 
 Frenchman, of St. Mary Woolchurch, was "presented to 
 be a man far gone in the new religion, and that he was a 
 great jester at the saints, and at our Lady." Shermons, 
 Keeper of the Carpenter's Hall, in Christ's parish. Shore- 
 ditch, " was presented for procuring an interlude to be 
 ' openly played, wherein priests were railed on and called 
 ' knaves." " Giles Harrison, being in a place without Ald- 
 
 * One cannot but suspect that much of the jest is lost by the reporter, 
 or the printer, having here left out a word — perhaps confirmaiion. Should 
 any reader think it improbable that confirmation should be so disrespect- 
 fully spoken of, he may be referred to George Marsh's account of " How 
 the Bishop [of Chester] came to Lancaster, and of his doings there in 
 setting up Idolatry." He tells us that " The Bishop being at Lancaster, 
 'there set up and confirmed all blasphemous idolatry; as holy-water- 
 ' casting, procession-gadding, mattins-mumbling, clUldren-eonfirming, 
 ' mass-hearing, idols-upsetting, with such heathenish rites forbidden by 
 ' God. " It is sad to read such ribaldry as this ; but even more melan- 
 choly to see such an absurd comment on it as Mr. Cattley has appended 
 in the form of a note : " As the Romish church continues to this day the 
 ' idolatry of the mass, which ought to be made a service tending to God's 
 ' glory, so it appears that even the holy rite of Confirmation was made 
 ' an offence to some, in the manner in which it was administered." — Fox, 
 Vol vii. p. 47. 
 
xiv.J UNDEE THE SIX ARTICLES. 227 
 
 ' gate, merrily jesting in a certain company of neighbours, 
 ' where some of them said, ' Let us go to mass : ' ' I say, 
 ' tarry,' said he ; and so taking a piece of bread in his 
 ' hands, Ufted it up over his head : and like-vrtse taking a 
 ' cup of wine, and bowing down his head, made therewith a 
 ' cross over the cup, and so taking the said cup in both his 
 ' hands, lifted it over his head, saying these words, ' Have 
 ' ye not heard mass now ?' for the which he was presented 
 ' to Bonner, then Bishop of London." 
 
 I presume, however, that Giles Harrison was one of those 
 who becam.e bail for each other ; and certainly there was a 
 moral beauty and fitness in making that good office mutual 
 — ^indeed, a sort of necessity ; for if they had not done it for 
 each other, how would they have got it done at all ? But 
 is it not strange, after all we have read, to find Fox writing 
 thus ?— 
 
 "In declaring the dreadful law, before set forth, of the Six 
 Articles, which was A.D. 1540, ye heard what penalty was ap- 
 pointed for the breach of the same, in like case as in treason and 
 felony ; so that no remedy of any recantation would serve. This 
 severity was a little mitigated by another parliament, holden after- 
 wards, A.D. 1544, by which parliament it was decreed, that such 
 ofienders as were convicted in the said Articles for the first time, 
 should be admitted to recant and renounce their opinions. And if 
 the party refused to recant in such form as should be laid unto him 
 by his ordinary, or, after his recantation, if he eftsoons offended 
 again, then, for the second time, he should be admitted to abjure, 
 and bear a faggot : which, if he deny to do, or else, being abjured, 
 if he the third time offended, then he to sustain punishment accord- 
 ing to the law, &c. Although the straitness and rigour of the 
 former act was thus somewhat tempered, as ye see, and reformed 
 by this present parliament, yet, notwithstanding, the venom and 
 poison of the errors and mischief of those Articles remained still 
 behind ; not removed, but rather confirmed by this parliament 
 aforesaid. By the same parliament, moreover, many things were 
 provided for the advancement of popery, under the colour of reli- 
 gion ; so that all manner of books of the Old and New Testament, 
 bearing the name of William Tyndale, or any others, having pro- 
 lognes, or containing any matters, annotations, preambles, words, or 
 sentences, contrary to the Six Articles, were debarred. In like 
 manner, all songs, plays, and interludes, with all other books in 
 English containing matter of religion tending any way against the 
 said Articles, were abolished." — Vol. v. p. 526. 
 
 ' This brings us back to the subject of songs and interludes, 
 of which something has already been said, and on which a 
 great deal that is curious and illustrative might be added 
 
228 PURITAN ALLIANCE OF [essay 
 
 but for the present I pass it over briefly, merely observing 
 that it requires some effort in the minds of men of this 
 generation to conceive such a state of things. We have 
 just read of men in London charged with " maintaining 
 their boys to sing a song against the sacrament of the 
 altar," and of two others who were stated to be " common 
 singers against the sacraments and ceremonies." They 
 might be unjustly accused, but there is no reason to 
 suppose so, for the thing was evidently common enough. 
 Take, by way of specimen, a case mentioned by Fox, as not 
 at all out of the common way, and as one which in his 
 opinion should engage the sympathy of the reader. 
 
 "Here might also be recited the hard adventures and sufferings 
 of John Cornet, and at length his deliverance, by God's good work- 
 ing, out of the same ; who, being a prentice with a minstrel at Col- 
 chester, was sent by his master, about the second year of Queen 
 Mary's reign, to a wedding in a town thereby, called Rough-hedge, 
 where he being requested by a company there of good men, the con- 
 stables also of the parish being present thereat, to sing some 8ongs 
 of the Scripture, chanced to sing a song called ' News out of London,' 
 which tended against the Mass, and against the Queen's misproceed- 
 ings. Whereupon the next day he was accused by the parson of 
 Rough-hedge," &c. — Vol. viii. p. 578. 
 
 But of all things, it is most remote from modern ideas 
 and feelings to find the puritans rejoicing in their alliance 
 with the stage. Bishop Gardiner, in his letter to the Lord 
 Protector, says, " Certain printers, players, and preachers 
 ' make a wonderment, as though we knew not yet how to 
 ' be justified, nor what sacraments we should have ; " and 
 Fox puts a sly note in the margin, " Printers, players, and 
 preachers, trouble Winchester ; " ° and afterwards, in com- 
 menting on his letter, he says, " He thwarteth and wrangleth 
 ' much against players, printers, preachers. And no marvel 
 ' why : for he seeth these three things to be set up of God, as 
 ' a triple hulwarh against the triple crown of the Pope to bring 
 ' him down ; as, God be praised, they have done meetly well 
 already ; " and lest this " triple bulwark " should escape the 
 particular notice of the reader, it also has its marginal note, 
 " Preachers, printers, players." " 
 
 The Protector's answer is well worthy of notice, though 
 to understand it we must observe, that among the offences 
 of these three united professions, Gardiner had particularly 
 
 ' Vol. vi. p. 31. 8 xbjd. p. 57. 
 
XIV.] PREACHEES, PRINTERS, PLAYERS. 229 
 
 specified their railing against Lent. " What rhymes," says 
 the Bishop, " be set forth to deprave the Lent, and how 
 ' fond (saving your grace's honour) and foolish ! and yet 
 ' the people pay money for them ; " and he afterwards 
 adds — 
 
 " The public defamation and trifling with Lent is a marvellous 
 matter to them that would say evil of this realm ; for there is nothing 
 more commanded unto us christian men in both the churches of the 
 Greeks and Latins, than Lent is, if aU men be not liars. In the 
 king our late sovereign lord's days, this matter was not thus spoken 
 of. And I think our enemies would wish we had no Lent. Every 
 country hath its peculiar inclination to naughtiness : England and 
 Germany unto the belly, the one in liquor, the other in meat ; . . . . 
 and let an English belly have a further advancement, and nothing 
 can stay it. When I was purveyor for the seas, what an exclama- 
 tion was there (as your grace showed me) of the bishop's fasting-day, 
 as they caUed Wednesday, and ' Winchester, Winchester, grand 
 mercy for your wine ; I beshrew your heart for your water 1 ' Was 
 not that song, although it was in sport, a signification how loth men 
 be to have their licence restrained, or their accustomed fare abated ? 
 unless it were in extreme necessity. 
 
 " I hear say that the Lent is thus spoken of by Joseph and Tonge, 
 with other new (whom I know not) as being one of Christ's miracles, 
 which God ordained not man to imitate and follow ; at which teach- 
 ing all the world will laugh. For christian men have Christ for an 
 example in all things," &o. — Fox, Vol. vi. p. 32. 
 
 After arguing this point at some length, the Bishop 
 proceeds ; — 
 
 " If any man had either fondly or indiscreetly spoken of Lent to 
 engrieve it to be an importable burden, I would wish his reformation ; 
 for I have not learned that aU men are bound to keep the Lent in 
 the form received. But this I reckon, that no christian man may 
 contemn the form received, being such a devout and profitable 
 imitation of Christ to celebrate his fast ; and in that time such as 
 have been in the rest of the year worldly, to prepare themselves to 
 come, as they should come, to the feast of Easter, whereof St. 
 Chrysostom speaketh expressly. And for avoiding contempt, a 
 licence truly obtained of the superior serveth. And so I heard the 
 king's majesty our sovereign lord declare, when your grace was 
 present : and therefore he himself was very scrupulous in granting 
 of licences. And to declare that himself contemned not the fast, he 
 was at charge to have (as your grace knoweth) the Lent diet daily 
 prepared, as if it had been for himself ; and the like hereof I hear 
 say your grace hath ordered for the king's majesty that now is ; 
 which agreeth not with certain preaching in this matter, nor the 
 rhymes set abroad. Lent is, among christian men, a godly fast to 
 exercise men to forbear, and in England both godly and politic, 
 such as without confusion we cannot forbear, as the experience shall 
 show, if it be ever attempted ; which God forbid. And yet Lent is 
 
230 PURITAN ALLIANCE OF [essay 
 
 buried in rhyme, and Stephen Stockfish bequeathed not to me, 
 though my name be noted ; wherewith for mine own part I cannot 
 be angry, for that is mitigated by their fondness. But I would 
 desire of God to have the strength of this realm increased with 
 report of concord, which doth quench many vain devices and 
 imaginations." — Ihid. p. 33. 
 
 A few words of the Lord Protector's answer to this I 
 have already quoted in a former essay for another purpose ; 
 but it is not worth while on that account here to omit them 
 from a very pregnant and characteristic passage. Perhaps 
 it is possible, and at least it is charitable to hope, that the 
 Protector Somerset did not know that the " magistrate " 
 Cromwell had been anjrthing but " unawares of " the 
 wretched ribaldry which was the subject of the Bishop's 
 complaint. 
 
 " The world never was so quiet or so united, but that privily or 
 openly those three which you write of, printers, players, and preachers, 
 would set forth somewhat of their own heads, which the magistrates 
 were unawares of. And they which already be banished and have 
 forsaken the realm, as suffering the last punishment, be boldest to 
 set forth their mind ; and dare use their extreme licence or liberty 
 of speaking, as out of the hands or rule of correction, either because 
 they be gone, or because they be hid. 
 
 " There have foolish and naughty rhymes and books been made 
 and set forth, of the which, as it appeareth, you have seen more 
 than we ; and yet, to our knowledge, too many be bought : but 
 yet, after our mind, it is too sore and too cruelly done, to lay all 
 those to our charge, and to ask as it were account of us of them all. 
 In the most exact cruelty and tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, yet 
 Pasquill (as we hear say) writeth his mind, and many times against 
 the bishop's tyranny, and sometimes toucheth other great princes ; 
 which thing, for the most part, he doth safely : not that the bishop 
 alloweth Pasquill's rhymes and verses — especially against himself ; 
 but because he cannot punish the author, whom either he knoweth 
 not, or hath not. In the late king's days of famous memory, who 
 was both a learned, wise, and politic prince, and a diligent executor 
 of his laws — and when your lordship was most diligent in the same 
 — yet, as your lordship yourself writeth, and it is too manifest to be 
 unknown, there were that wrote such lewd rhymes and plays as you 
 speak of, and some against the king's proceedings, who were yet 
 unpunished, because they were unknown or ungotten. And when 
 we do weigh the matter, we do very much marvel, why that about 
 Jack of Lent's lewd ballad, and certain, as it was reported unto us, 
 godly sermons (which be evil in your letters joined together,) you 
 be so earnest, when against Dr. Smith's book, being a man learned 
 in the doctors and scripture, which made so plain against the king's 
 highness's authority, and for the furtherance of the Bishop of Rome's 
 usurped power, your lordship neither wrote nor said anything. — 
 Ihid. p. 34." 
 
 » * * -*■ *- 
 
XIV.] PREACHERS, PRINTERS, PLAYERS. 231 
 
 _ "Writers write their fantasy, my lord, and preachers preach what 
 either liketh them, or what God putteth in their heads. It is not by 
 and by done, that is spoken. The people buy those foolish ballads 
 of Jaok-a-Lent. So bought they in times past pardons and carols, 
 and Robin Hood's tales. All be not wise men, and the foolisher a 
 thing is, to some (although not to the more part) it is the more 
 pleasant and meet. And peradventure of the sermons, there is (and 
 indeed there is, if it be true that we have heard) otherwise spoken 
 and reported to you, than it was of the preachers then and there 
 spoken or meant. Lent remaineth still, my lord, and shall, God 
 willing, till tlie king's highness, icith our advice and the residue of his 
 grace's cmncil, take another order, although some light and lewd men 
 do bury it in writing ; even as the king's majesty remaineth head of 
 the church ; although, through sinister ways, and by subtle means, 
 some traitors have gone about, and daily do, to abuse the king's 
 majesty's supremacy, and bring in the Bishop of Rome's tyranny, 
 with other superstition and idolatry." — Ibid. p. 35. 
 
 The view of things which we have obtained from the 
 writings of protestants might be much farther illustrated 
 from Strype, and from the various public documents of the 
 period, but that I do not wish to reprint here more than is 
 necessary of matter so easily accessible to all who take any 
 interest in the subject. It is better worth while, if we are 
 willing to hear both sides, and judge fairly, to take one or 
 two esrtracts from Roman-catholic writers ; and if we see 
 anything in them that looks like party f eeKng, exaggeration, 
 or prejudice, we shall have been prepared to confess that 
 such infirmities were not all on their side, and that too 
 much ground for their complaints was afforded by some 
 who, with no right to be considered reformers themselves, 
 were not sufiiciently distinguished from, or repudiated by 
 those who had a better claim to the title. 
 
 " John Oheistopherson," says Strype, under the year 
 1554, "ere long to be preferred to the deanery of Norwich, 
 ' published also an exhortation upon occasion of the late 
 ' insurrection, directed to all men to take heed of rebellion : 
 ' wherein were set down the causes that commonly move 
 ' men to rebel ; and showing that there was no cause that 
 ' ought to move a man thereunto. Printed in 8vo by 
 ' Cawood."' The title-page tells us to " Reade the whole, 
 
 ' Mem. III. i. 273. He was an eminent Greek scholar, and Master of 
 Trinity College before he was Dean of Norwich. Whether he held his 
 mastership with the deanery I do not know ; hut Strype seems to have 
 been mistaken in supposing that he obtained the latter preferment after 
 the publication of his book. According to Le Neve, he was installed as 
 
232 BISHOP CHRISTOPHERSON'S [essay 
 
 and then judge ; " and this it will really be worth the 
 reader's while to do, when he gets the book and has leisure; 
 for it contains much curious matter illustrative of the 
 times; but a few extracts will suffice for our present 
 purpose. 
 
 " Besides this, it wold pitie auye good mans hart, to thinke, what 
 disorder and disobedience came of this liberty. Wold not the ser- 
 uauntes control! their maysters, and tel them, when they were 
 chekked for leaning their busines vndone, that they had bene occu- 
 pied eyther in readynge God's word, or in hearing some sermon, yea 
 and so godly lessons hadde they learned, since they had tasted of 
 this newe doctrine, that very few of their maysters could after 
 truste them. And if the mayster were a Catholike man, and one 
 that feared God, then wold his sernaunte, if he were of a contrary 
 iudgement, handel hym like a warde, and in maner make a lout of 
 him, and do his busynesse as he list, and when he lyste, and lette it 
 be vndone, if he list. For the mayster fearing, that he shuld have 
 displeasure by him, durst neyther put hym away from hym, nor 
 ones as much as rebuke hym for any matter. 
 
 " After the same sorte dyd children order their parentes, wyues 
 their husbandes, and subiectes their magystrates : So that the fete 
 ruled the head, and the cart was set before the horse. For children 
 when they had bene brought vp in schole a while with some lewd 
 Lutherane then would they write letters to their Catholike parentes, 
 and exhorte them in the lordes name to leaue their papistry and 
 blind ignoraunoe, that they were in, and fall at lenght to folow 
 goddes worde, and gladly to receaue the truth. And if the parentes 
 would not folowe this their childishe aduise streight way would they 
 not let to talke with their companyons, and tell them, that their 
 parentes were blinde papistes. Yea and make a mery mockinge 
 stocke of them, and say : my father is an old doting f oole, and will 
 fast vpon the fryday, and my mother goeth alwayes mumblinge on 
 her beades. But you shall see me of another sorte, I warraunt you. 
 For I will neuer folowe no suche superstitiouse f olye, nor walke in 
 the Papistical! pathes of my parentes. Were not men well at ease, 
 trow you, when they had bestowed a great deale of money vpon 
 suche graceles graf tes, who neyther feared god, nor reuerenced their 
 parentes ? 
 
 " Thus did mens wyues to, that were become systors of the new 
 fraternitye, order their husbandes. For where as the husbande dyd 
 not fauoure their secte, then would the wyfe no longer go to schole 
 with hym in silence, as Saynt Paule byddeth her, but would boldlye 
 fall to teach hym, and tell liym of his duety. And many of them 
 
 dean on April 18, 1554, and if Strype got his information as to the printer 
 from the book itself, one would think he must have seen that it was "Im- 
 prynted at London in Paules churcheyarde, at the signe of the holy Ghost, 
 by John Cawood, Prynter to the Queenes highnes. Anno Domini. 1.5.5.4. 
 24. lulij. cum priulegio Keginse Marise." ; the day of the month actually 
 forming a line by itself. 
 
xiv.J BOOK ON REBELLION. 233 
 
 were oflEended with Saynte Paule, that hadde commaunded them, 
 that they shuld holde their peace in the churches. For gladly would 
 they haue preached, if they might haue bene sufltred, as some of 
 them neuertheles did in corners. 
 
 "At which tyme also the deuil, for the better furtherance of heresy, 
 piked out two sorts of people, that shuld in tauerns and innes, at 
 commen tables, and in open stretes set forwarde his purpose, as wel 
 as false preachers dyd in the pulpet ; that is to say, minstrels and 
 players of enterlndes. The one to singe pestilente and abhominable 
 songes, and the other to set forth openly before mens eyes the 
 wicked blasphemye, that they had contriued for the defacing of all 
 rites, ceremonies, and all the whole order, vsedin the administration 
 of the bUssed Sacramentes. 
 
 " Then the scripture being in suohe f olkes handes, was sore studied 
 not for amendement of life, which they nener mynded, but partly to 
 mayntayne their f onde heresy e, wherwith they were infected, partlye 
 to controll the priestes, whome they had in great derision, and 
 partlye to find faulte with other, when they had anye occasion at 
 all. For yf a man were a good vertuous priest, he had bene better 
 a great deale to haue lined amonge Turkes and Saraoenes, then 
 amonge this kind of folke : by reason that whensoeuer they mette 
 with him in anye place, they woulde aske him : Now Syr John where 
 fynde you your masse in scripture, or who gaue you aucthoritie to 
 make god ? As though the prieste by his owne power had made 
 Christes blessed body in the holye Sacramento of the aultaxe, and 
 not the holye worde of God. And then wolde they say beside, it is 
 pitie, that anye suche popishe wretches lyues, that thus haue 
 deceaued Christes flooke. But nowe I warranto you must you turne 
 your tippet, and laye away your olde mumpsimus, and shutte vp 
 youre portesse and your Masse boke to, and putte awaye cleane your 
 purgatory Masses. You must now olde foole go to schole agayne, 
 and leame a newe lesson. And agayne whensoeuer they see one of 
 his cote walke by the strete they wolde whisteU and hemme at him, 
 and say, go walke in a mischief e you bald headed knaue. Yea and as 
 yet thys maliciouse mockers cease not in many places, when they can 
 spie a prieste, to play the like part. But thinke you, that suche 
 mockers shal not at length be plaged for their tauntinge of God's 
 ministers, euen as the children were, that mocked Heliseus the 
 Prophete 1 "Sicj. T. i. 
 
 " And to make up their malicious mischief withal, plucked they 
 down the pix, wherein the very body of our Lord and Saviour was 
 reserved and kept, and some vile varlets to thintent they might do 
 the Devil their master better service, hurled the same blessed sacra- 
 ment under their feet, and certain of them would not let to say as 
 the Jews said to our Saviour hanging upon the cross, ' If thou be God 
 save thyself.' " — Sig. Vv. b. 
 
 " As for such as have most wickedly called the Mass a Maskarye, 
 and the priests' vestments, masking clothes, and mocked all the cere- 
 monies thereof, and spit at them and did smite the priests, may well 
 be compared with Pilates men, who (as we read in S. Matthew's 
 
234 HUGGARD'S "DISPLAYING [essay 
 
 Gospel) bowing down their knees, mocked our Saviour Christ, spit at 
 him and smote him upon the head. " — Sig. Xii. 5. 
 
 " But to return to our former purpose, concerning the wretched 
 fruits that came of this doctrine, when altars were pulled down, and 
 mass put away, then were all churches without any law, spoiled of 
 all their ornaments, as of copes, vestments, altar clothes, corporaxes, 
 chalices, crosses, candlesticks, censers, cruets, books, and all other 
 things belonging thereto, and the same put to profane uses, as hang- 
 ings of beds, curtains, cushions and other such like. And some men 
 made jolly mocking and jesting, and called them the priests' masking 
 clothes, as we told you before." — Sig. Y. iii. 6. 
 
 " There was also," says Strype, " one Miles Hoghbard or 
 ' HuGGARD, a tradesman in Pudding-lane, who set forth a 
 ' book about this time, (or rather the year after,) bearing for 
 ' its title, Against the engiish protestants", a piece -written 
 ' with much bitterness and scurrility ; laying to their charge 
 ' the famine, and the other miseries of England. This man 
 ' made some pretence to learning ; but Bale laughs at him 
 ' for going about to prove fasting from Virgil's jSIneis and 
 ' Tally's Tusculan questions. But he set himself to oppose 
 ' and abuse the gospellers, being set on and encouraged by 
 ' priests and massmongers, with whom he much consorted, 
 ' and was sometimes with them at Bishop Bonner's house.' 
 ' And the protestants were even with him, and made verses 
 ' upon him, not sparing him at all : some whereof, in Latin, 
 ' may be seen in Bale's Centuries. Against him wrote Laur, 
 ' Humphrey, Crowley, Kethe, Plough, and others. When 
 ' Mr. Hawks, a gentleman of Essex, was Bonner's prisoner, 
 ' because he would not permit his child to be christened after 
 ' the popish rites, this Hogheard was in company with Dr. 
 ' Richard Smith, and others of the Bishop's chaplains, who 
 ' came to confer with the said Hawks. Then did this trades- 
 ' man take upon him to talk with Hawks, but he was not his 
 ' match. He asked Hawks, where in Scripture he proved 
 
 ' I take it for granted that Strype had never seen the book. Its title 
 is, "The displaying of the Protestants and sondry their Practises, with 
 ' a description of divers their abuses of late frec[uented within their 
 ' malignaunte church. Perused and set forte with thassent of authoritie, 
 ' according to the order in that behalf appointed. Excusum Londini 
 ' ffidibus Koberti Caly Typographi Mense Junii 1556. Cum privilegio." 
 16mo. 
 
 1 An odd way of expressing that a tradesman of Pudding-lane was 
 received as a guest, and treated with familiarity and confidence by the 
 Bishop of London. 
 
XIV.] OF THE PROTESTANTS." 235 
 
 ' that infants were baptized, thinking thereby to drive him 
 ' to acknowledge the authority of the Church. But Hawks 
 'readily answered, 'Go and teach all nations, baptizing 
 ' them,' &c. To which Huggard repUed, ' What, shall we go 
 ' teach children ? ' Hawks again briskly, ' Doth that word 
 ' trouble you ? It might be left out full well.' [speaking 
 ' ironically, as they would have it, to save themselves the 
 ' pains of teaching.] " ' It is too much for you to teach.' 
 ' He added, ' Is not your name Huggard ? and be you not a 
 ' hosier, and dwell in Pudding-lane ? ' And when the other 
 ' had confessed it. Hawks replied, ' It should seem so, for 
 ' you can better skill to eat a pudding, and make a hose, 
 ' than either to answer or oppose.' With which he was in 
 ' a great rage, and did chafe up and down, whereat Hawks 
 ' desired some good man to take the pains to walk the 
 ' gentleman, he fretted so." ' 
 
 We must remember that the " gentleman of Essex '' is the 
 reporter of his own performance, and taking him on his own 
 ground, some may doubt whether he, or the hosier, had the 
 best of it — if, indeed, Huggard was a hosier in JPudding- 
 lane, for which fact I know of no other authority than that 
 of the facetious " gentleman of Essex," who was perhaps 
 only answered according to his folly. But whether or no, 
 it is plain that Huggard was noticed by very leading men 
 among his opponents, and it is worth our while to take a 
 specimen of his book. I fear that too much of what follows 
 is corroborated by what we have already extracted from the 
 statements of writers on the other side. 
 
 " The ancient trade of this realm in education of youth, (before 
 the late time replenished with all mischief,) was to yoke the same 
 with the fear of God, in teaching the same to use prayer morning and 
 evening, to be reverent in the church, at their first entrance Into the 
 same to make the sign of the cross in their foreheads, to make bey- 
 sauuce to the magistrates, to discover their heads when they meet 
 with men of ancient years, and of hoar hairs, according to Ovid's 
 verses, 
 
 " ' Age in time past, was had in great price 
 And to a hore head each child did arise.' 
 
 Fast. lib. V. 
 
 "But now clean contrary, nothing is less used than morning and 
 evening prayer, more unreverenoe in the church never more fre- 
 
 " This is Strype's insertion in his quotation of Fox. 
 3 Mem. III. i. 441. 
 
236 BARLOW'S "DIALOGE" ON [essay 
 
 quented, nor disobedience to magistrates and aged men at no time 
 more practised. And as for repairing to the churcli, [it] is counted a 
 thing of no importance. For how can the child put that in practice 
 which the parents themselves neglect ? The parents being infected 
 with heresy, the child must follow the same, and must do as the 
 young crab did, whereof we read a pretty tale in ^sop's Fables : who 
 being commanded of his dame not to go so crooked, but to go more 
 straight : ' mother,' quoth he, 'go thou before, and I will follow.' 
 In like manner, if the parents would walk more duly in their voca- 
 tion and duty, the children would do the same. But as the fathers 
 are, so are the children. The ill life and heretical trade of the 
 parents maketh such unhappy and disobedient children, who in the 
 end, unless they be looked unto in time, will be the father's bane. 
 For the child, if his father be a catholic, will not be ashamed to say, 
 he hath a papist to his father, or an old doting fool to his mother. 
 A pitiful hearing, that heresy the regent of mischief should bear such 
 rule without correction . . . Here also were worthy of remembrance 
 the correction which ought to be done to apprentices and other ser- 
 vants, who being noselled in liberty are not only odious to the world, 
 bnt also unthrifty towards their masters, and in manner become 
 masters themselves. Whose bringing up is so lewd that they be 
 grown to such insolence that no good man or priest passing by them 
 in the streets can escape without mocks. But let their masters take 
 heed, for I believe when they see their time they will mock them too 
 in the end, hoping one day to have the spoil of their goods. Besides 
 this their dissolute lives are such, that no regard they have at all to 
 repair to the church upon the holydays, bui flock in clusters upon 
 stalls, either scorning the passers by, or with their testaments utter 
 some wise stuff of their own dovise, So that prayer is seldom seen 
 to proceed out of their graceless mouths." — p. 85. 
 
 But this paper has run to such a length, that I will only 
 prolong it by one extract from Baelow's Dialogue*. The 
 author is perhaps too well known to require any introduc- 
 tion, and how far his being known should lead to his being 
 trusted, is a question which need not be here discussed. 
 He is not cited as an authority, and whether his graphic 
 sketch is in all points true or not, it is worth our attention. 
 
 " Mark it then substantially in cities and towns where ye see the 
 people most rifest and most busy to prate of the gospel, whether 
 they be or be not as great usurers, deceivers of their neighbours, 
 blasphemous swearers, evil speakers, and given to all vices as deeply 
 as ever they were. This I am sure of, and dare boldly aifirm, that 
 sith the time of this new contentious learning the dread of God is 
 greatly quenched and charitable compassion sore abated. 
 
 " Shall ye not see there a cock-brained courtier, that hath no more 
 
 ^ The full title is, " A Dialoge describing the original ground of these 
 Lutheran faccions, and many of their abuses. Compyled by Sir William 
 Barlow chanon, late byshop of Bath. 1553." 
 
xiv.J THE "LUTHERAN FACCIONS." 237 
 
 faith than a Turk, and less Christian manners than a Pagan, with 
 lordly countenance and knavish conditions, which taking the name 
 of God in vain, shall unreverently alledge the gospel with scoffing 
 and scorning in reprehension of the clergy : whereas his own lewd 
 language is so unthrifty that ye cannot espie one good point in him, 
 except it be upon his hosen, nor one inch of honesty beside his 
 apparel, nor soantly there one neither, being all so hacked and 
 jagged with double weapon ready to fight, and single wit busy to 
 brawl and chide, more fike a furious tormentor of Herod than a 
 patient disciple of Christ. 
 
 "Shall ye not also see there a merchant peradventure made a 
 gentleman by promotion ere ever that he had a good yeoman's 
 conditions ; which getting his chief substance, as many do there, by 
 usury, false deceit of true people, and other wrongful ways, will 
 take upon him to preach the gospel against the avarice of religious 
 persons ; how they, having their bare necessary food, ought to part 
 the residue of their goods with poor people, whereas he himself hath 
 thousands lying by him in store unoccupied, and will neither help 
 his poor neighbour, nor scarcely give a galy halfpenny to a needy 
 creature in extreme necessity. 
 
 "And at their belly-festing days, among such of their affinity 
 which are not so wise nor well-learned as they would be seen, 
 if it chance them to have in company some simple priest, it is a 
 wonder to hear how he is apposed, and after that their spirits be a 
 little kindled in gluttony, how they lash out the gospel. Then 
 beginneth one or another with his potycarye formality, and hoUday 
 gravity, to move some subtle question, saying : ' Master parson, how 
 say ye to such a text of Paul ! ' and if the priest be ignorant for lack 
 of learning, or maketh not an answer satisfying his mind, he is 
 mocked and jested upon with scornful derision. Then begin they 
 to canvass the scripture among them with filling the cups, and jolly 
 gentyl cheer, and by the time they have eaten more than enough, 
 and have drunken too much, they be ready to wade forth in the 
 deep mysteries of scripture, willing to be teachers of things whereof 
 they understand not what they speak, nor what they affirm. Then 
 are they full-armed to talk of abstinence and sober diet of the 
 apostles, their table being furnished with sumptuous dishes and 
 exquisite dainties ; and whereas their cupboards be really garnished 
 vrith costly plate, and the tables full of cups and pieces of silver 
 and gold, then make they exclamations against the rich jewels of 
 churches, as crosses and chalices, saying that better it were to 
 make money of them and to be distributed unto poor people than 
 they should perish for lack of succour. Likewise, when they be 
 served at their solemnities with counterfeited courtesies and bowing 
 the knee, and vailing the boimet, having sewers and carvers after a 
 most stately manner of service, wherein if the officers fail never so 
 little, though it be but the setting of a saucer amiss they shall be 
 rebuked, yet their pettish patience cannot break the honest cere- 
 monies of the church to be laudably done, calling them foolish 
 fantasies, and inventions of ideots. And though some of these new 
 gospellers occupy truly and justly with their neighbours in the face 
 of the world behaving themselves charitably, yet are they very 
 
238 GAEDINER AND THE KING. [essay 
 
 few in comparison of the other which be railers and jesters, vicious 
 livers and false hypocrites, without any conscience. " — Sig. L. ii. b. 
 
 These extracts, I repeat, are not given as authorities, 
 and the reader must deduct what he thinks fit on the score 
 of party and prejudice ; the object is to illustrate the history 
 and the spirit of the period, and in order to this we must 
 hear both sides patiently, and become familiar with what is 
 wrong as well as what is right. 
 
 ESSAY XV- 
 
 BISHOP GARDINER AND THE KING. 
 
 The will of Henry VIII., under which Somerset and his 
 colleagues took the reins of government, has been suspected 
 of being a forgery. Whether it was, or was not, it is 
 certain that it did not contain the name of Gardiner, who 
 might have been expected to be one of the persons in whose 
 hands the king would place the responsibility of govern- 
 ment ; and it is equally certain that, whether that omission 
 was made by actually fabricating a will, or by the king 
 (either spontaneously or through persuasion or manage- 
 ment), or by any other means, it was highly agreeable to 
 the Somerset party. Gardiner, however far he might have 
 gone in the way of Reformation, was, after all, an "un- 
 clubbable man," who would not go heartily into the 
 measures which they intended to pursue, and they did not 
 wish to be troubled with him. Perhaps it would be plainer 
 and truer to say, they meant to put him down. 
 
 But let us look at the history of the matter so far as it is 
 recorded ; and, in the first place, at the reasons popularly 
 assigned for this omission. It is said that at the time of 
 Henry VIII. 's death, and long before, Gardiner was out of 
 favour with the king. If we look at the testimony on 
 which Gardiner was deposed from his See, we find the Lord 
 Paget stating that the bishop was " the man at that time 
 ' whom the said Lord Paget beheveth his majesty abhorred 
 ' more than amy man in his realm : which he declared 
 ' grievously at sundry times, to the said lord against the 
 
xv.J GARDINER AND THE PERSECUTION. 289 
 
 ' said bishop ; ever naming him with such terms as the said 
 ' Lord Paget is sorry to name. And the said Lord Paget 
 ' thinketh that divers of the gentlemen of the privy 
 ' chamber are able to depose the same."' On the same 
 occasion, the Earl of Wiltshire said that he had " heard the 
 ' late king of famous memory, King Henry the Eighth, 
 ' declare his misliking of the said Bishop of Winchester 
 ' sundry times."- The Lord Riche, too, " saith that he hath 
 ' heard divers times of sundry persons, whose names he 
 ' remembereth not, that King Henry the Eighth did think 
 ' the said bishop not to be well pleased with the proceedings 
 ' of the realm in matters of religion ; and therefore this 
 • deponent hath heard say, that the said late king did 
 ' mislike the said bishop." ^ If that were the case, one 
 would think there should not be much doubt about the 
 matter; for Henry was not usually ambiguous in his 
 conduct to a disgraced favoiu-ite. He was one " who," as 
 Burnet says, " never hated nor ruined any body by halves." '' 
 But when and why was the king displeased with Bishop 
 Gardiner ? 
 
 The earKest reason that I find assigned is his conduct in 
 " the persecution at Windsor," under the Six Articles, in the 
 year 1548. Even Fox distinctly states, that up to that time 
 Gardiner was in high favour and power. Indeed, he begins 
 his account of the Windsor business by saying, " When the 
 ' time drew nigh that the king's majesty (who was newly 
 ' married to that good and virtuous lady, Katherine Parr) 
 ' should make his progress abroad, the aforesaid Stephen 
 ' Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, had so compassed his 
 matters, that no man hare so great a swinge about the king as 
 he did."^ This is very plain and very important information ; 
 and it would be much more so if it came from a writer who 
 could be better depended on ; but such as it is, we must 
 take it with us in our inquiry. 
 
 I do not indeed see why the origination of the Windsor 
 persecution is attributed to Gardiner in particular, rather 
 
 1 Fox, vol. vi. p. 164. 2 Ibid. p. 173. 
 
 3 Ibid. p. 176. The depositions of the Earl of Bedford, p. 181, and Sir 
 Ed. Came, p. 185, may be oonstdted, hnt are not worth (juoting, except 
 for the fact that the latter, of all men, said that he could not depose to the 
 fact. 
 
 * Hist, of Eef. i. 331. ' Fox, vol. v. p. 486. 
 
240 GERMAIN GARDINER. [essay 
 
 than to the rest of the council. They were informed that 
 Anthony Peerson was preaching strange doctrine and dis- 
 tributing unlawful books in that town, and sent an order 
 for a search. Forbidden books were found, and the issue of 
 the inquiry thus originated, was that Peerson, with three 
 others, named Testwood, Filmer, and Marbeck, were con- 
 demned to be burned. Gardiner went to the king and 
 begged the Kfe of one, and the other three were executed. 
 Fox tells us, that the king riding one day in Guildford Park, 
 and " seeing the Sheriff with Sir Humfrey Foster sitting on 
 ' their horsebacks together, he called unto them, and asked 
 ' of them how his laws were executed at Windsor. Then 
 ' they, beseeching his grace of pardon, told him plainly, that 
 ' in all their lives they never sat on matter under his grace's 
 ' authority that went so much against their consciences as 
 ' the death of these men did ; and up and told his grace so 
 ' pitiful a tale of the casting away of these poor men, that 
 ' the king, turning his horse's head to depart from them, 
 ' said, ' Alas ! poor innocents.' After this," adds the 
 historian, " the king withdrew his favour from the Bishop 
 of Winchester."" This is rather too strong even for Strype, 
 who dilutes it into, " observing how Winchester was the 
 great agent in all this, never liked him after."' 
 
 Another cause assigned for the king's dislike of Gardiner 
 is, the suspicion of his fidelity, which arose out of the affair 
 of Germain Gardiner, the bishop's secretary, who was con- 
 victed and executed as a traitor, for his practices with the 
 court of Rome. " Germain Gardiner," says Strype, " was, 
 a year after " [that is, in 1544] " hanged, drawn, and 
 ' quartered, as a traitor, for denying the king's supremacy. 
 ' And the Bishop of Winchester, after this, never had favour 
 ' or regard of the king more."* This is of course slaying 
 the slain, for he had told us the year before that the king 
 " never liked him after " the matter of Windsor. But here 
 he outruns his usual authority Fox, who gives the story in 
 a manner somewhat different. He says — " Upon the detec- 
 ' tion of this Germain Gardiner, being secretary to Gardiner, 
 ' Bishop of Winchester, his kinsman, it seemed to some, and 
 ' so was also insinuated unto the king, not to be unlike, but 
 ' that the said Germain neither would nor durst ever 
 
 " Fox, vol. V. p. 496. ' Cran. i. 158. 
 
 8 Cran. 1. 176. 
 
XV.] GAEDINER AND THE KING. 2-Jl 
 
 ' attempt any such matter of popery without some setting 
 ' on or consent of the bishop, he being so near unto him, 
 ' and to all his secrets, as he was. Whereby the king began 
 ' somewhat more to smell and misdoubt the doings of the 
 ' bishop ; but yet the bishop so covertly and clearly con- 
 ' veyed his matters, playing under the board, after his 
 ' wonted fetches, in such sort that (I cannot tell how) he 
 ' still kept in with the king, to the great inquietation of the 
 ' public state of the realm, and especially of Christ's 
 ' church."" It is curious to see how quietly, and I am quite 
 willing to add unconsciously, some writers contradict them- 
 selves, and how easily their self-contradictions pass off with 
 their readers, if only a few pages intervene ; but when the 
 passages are placed in juxtaposition, and one tries to 
 imagine the facts, what a puzzle they make. As to mere 
 matter of fact, was Gardiner in favour, or was he not ? was 
 the court of Henry the Eighth a place where great men 
 could long be in doubt themselves, or deceive others on that 
 point ? 
 
 Following the order of time, we ought here to notice a 
 fact which goes far to prove that all the foregoing pretence 
 of the king's mislike of the bishop is false. As late as the 
 year 1545, Gardiner was ambassador to the Emperor. 
 Bishop Burnet tells us that " Cranmer had, at this time, 
 ' almost prevailed with the king to make some further steps 
 ' in a reformation. But Gardiner, who was then ambas- 
 ' sador in the emperor's court, being advertised of it, wrote 
 ' to the king, that the emperor would certainly join with 
 ' Prance against him, if he made any further innovation in 
 'religion. This diverted the king from it."^° This was 
 doing a good deal for a man misliked and mistrusted — for 
 one who had been proved to be a false knave, and had got 
 very near to be thought so. The Bishop of Norwich, too, 
 deposed that " after this deponent was sent ambassador in 
 ' residence to the Emperor, the said Bishop of Winchester 
 ' was sent over with commission, in which this deponent and 
 ' Sir Edward Carne " [who, as I have already stated, was 
 afterwards unable to speak particularly to the point which 
 we have in hand] " were joined," to treat with the Emperor 
 and the French ambassador, " wherein the said bishop was 
 
 » Fox, vol. V. p. 526. '» Hist, of Kef. vol. i. 317. 
 
 Q 
 
242 GARDINER AND QUEEN [bissay 
 
 the chief doer, and chief in estimation."^ Another proof 
 that the bishop was employed in pubKc business transpires 
 incidentally in a letter which he wrote to the Protector, 
 after the king's death. It is dated, "At the Fleet, the 
 14th of October," 1547. "In which matter," he says, "I 
 ' was very much troubled, even this time twelvemonth, when 
 ' I was in commission with my Lord Great Master and the 
 ' Earl of Southampton, for altering the Court of Augmenta- 
 ' tions."^ So that at least as late as October, 1546, Gardiner 
 was occupying a place of credit and confidence. Whether 
 that was a little before, or a little after, the circumstances 
 which I proceed to state I do not know, and it is not ma- 
 terial ; but I suppose what here follows to be the more recent 
 of the two. 
 
 The third occurrence which is said to have alienated the 
 king from Gardiner, is one which, even supposing it had 
 that effect, contains unanswerable evidence that up to the 
 time when it occurred, the bishop must have enjoyed, in a 
 high degree, the royal favour and confidence. Indeed, the 
 story, as it is popularly told, is one of those which pass 
 current without any strict examination, and are rendered 
 more and more probable by being (perhaps I ought to say, 
 instinctively) smoothed and softened in some small degree 
 by each writer, as he repeats them. Perhaps every man 
 who really believes a story which contains some improba- 
 bilities, is liable to soften it in the relation, not merely as 
 an apology for his own belief, or to conciliate the belief of 
 others, but because the little matters dropped, or the explana- 
 tory suggestions inserted, have been put out, or put in, during 
 the process of his own reception of the story ; so that the 
 story really existsjin his mind in the modified form in which 
 he hands it over to the next relater, that he may take his 
 turn at probableizing, and pass it on. Such writers are not 
 to be charged with anything like intentional falsehood ; but 
 that they are in fact the cause of much misconception, and 
 mistake of facts, and therefore of all the false reasoning and 
 false philosophy that is built on such false imaginations, is 
 
 ' Fox, vol. vi. p. 190. Tbis the Bishop of Norwich deposed, in answer 
 to the IVth article. It is curious that in Sir Edward Game's deposition 
 that article is entirely passed over, (p. 185,) and indeed he does not seem 
 to have been examined upon it. See p. 136. 
 
 2 Fox, vol. vi. p. 44. 
 
XV.] KATHERINE PARR. 243 
 
 beyond all doubt. It is only by tracing stories back that we 
 can judge how far they have been subjected to this process. 
 The reader, who for the first time meets with an anecdote 
 in its hundredth edition, and its most mitigated and swal- 
 lowable form, may very naturally receive it in simple good 
 faith, without the least idea that if he were to strip it down 
 to its foundation facts and authorities, it would show itself 
 to be an incredible and monstrous lie. 
 
 The story, however, with which we are concerned at 
 present, as forming the third reason why Bishop Gardiner 
 was abhorred by Henry VIII., and which may be found in 
 Fox", is, as to its facts, (if they are facts,) pretty much as 
 f oUows : — At the time of the king's last illness. Queen 
 Katherine Parr was, and indeed from the time of her 
 marriage had been, a decided favourer of the Reformation. 
 This, of course, excited the jealousy, and fear, and malice, 
 of the Popish party in general, and of Gardiner in 
 particular; and it was determined to get her put to death. 
 She had been in the habit of arguing with the king on 
 religious subjects, and he had taken it well, " untU, at the 
 ' last, by reason of his sore leg, (the anguish whereof began 
 ' more and more to increase,) he waxed sickly, and there- 
 ' withal froward and difficult to be pleased." He had left 
 off his custom of going to visit her, and she used from time 
 to time, either being sent for, or having found that it would 
 be agreeable, to go to see him. On one occasion of this 
 kind, we are told, she found Gardiner, who though dis- 
 graced and abhorred (or, to say the very least, mistrusted 
 and disliked), seems, nevertheless, to have been either so 
 much at home in his royal master's chamber, or else under 
 such orders from him, that he outstaid her Majesty. " At 
 this visitation," says Fox, " chanced the Bishop of Winchester 
 aforenamed to be present, and also at the queen's taking 
 her leave." ^ She seems to have been urging the king 
 " zealously to proceed in the reformation of the church," 
 and to have been startled at his somewhat testily changing 
 the conversation. But he showed her no sign of anger; 
 and, " after other pleasant talk, she for that time took her 
 
 3 Vol. V. p. 533. 
 
 ■" No doubt it was a mere matter of chance who was in the king's 
 chamber, the companion of the froward patient in his anguish, at the time 
 when his royal consort came to visit him. 
 
2U GARDINEE, AND QUEEN [essay 
 
 ' leave of his Majesty ; who, after his manner, bidding her 
 ' ' Farewell, sweetheart,' (for that was his usual term to the 
 ' queen,) licensed her to depart." 
 
 As soon as the queen was gone, however, Henry gave vent 
 to his impatience, and opened his mind to the mistrusted and 
 detested bishop. " The king, immediately upon her departure 
 ' from him, used these or like words," [one wonders who 
 reported them.] " ' A- good hearing,' quoth he, ' it is when 
 ' women become such clerks ; and a thing much to my 
 'comfort, to come in mine old days to be taught by my 
 'wife.'" 
 
 It was, perhaps as strange that the king should say all 
 this to the most " abhorred " of all his subjects, as it was 
 that the " abhorred " should be in such a place at such a 
 time Ho hear it; but how incomparably (may not one say, 
 incredibly?) strange does it seem, that the disliked and 
 mistrusted bishop should have had the boldness, especially 
 at a time when the irritable king was already in anger, to 
 enter on a long oration, wound up with a plain warning to 
 his majesty, how perilous a matter it was "to cherish a 
 serpent within his own bosom." Whatever we may think 
 of Gardiner in other respects, we must (unless his enemies 
 have belied him) give him credit for singular boldness and 
 straightforward honesty. He might be (and no one is 
 more convinced than I am that he actually was) most 
 decidedly and fearfully wrong in being a papist — in believing 
 many of the doctrines, and following many of the practices, 
 of popery; but surely, if he knew that the queen was 
 " bold (being, indeed, become very zealous toward the 
 ' gospel, and the professors thereof) frankly to debate with 
 ' the king touching religion, and therein flatly to discover 
 ' herself ; oftentimes, wishing, exhorting, and persuading the 
 ' king, that as he had, to the glory of God, and his eternal 
 ' fame, begun a good and a godly work in banishing that 
 ' monstrous idol of Rome, so he would thoroughly perfect 
 ' and finish the same, cleansing and purging his Church of 
 ' England clean from the dregs thereof, wherein as yet 
 'remained great superstition," — if he also knew that 
 " besides the virtues of the mind, she was endued with very 
 ' rare gifts of nature, as singular beauty, favour, and comely 
 'personage, being things wherein the king was greatly 
 ' delighted : and so enjoyed she the king's favour, to the 
 
XV.] KATHERINE PARR. 245 
 
 'great likelihood of the setting at large of the gospel 
 ' within this realm at that time," — if, I say, he knew this, 
 and feared and hated it, as he must have done, was it not 
 a good honest step thus, in the presence of other courtiers, 
 to denounce the queen to the king as a " serpent " ? Imagine 
 a disgraced favourite, standing up before a tjrrant in anguish 
 with a sore leg, and saying all this of his consort, who " so 
 enjoyed his favour," that notwithstanding a momentary 
 irritation, (and that concealed from herself,) he had not 
 only left her head on her shoulders, but had " knit up all 
 arguments with gentle words and loving countenance," and 
 dismissed her, " after other pleasant talk," with " Farewell, 
 sweetheart ! " 
 
 Strange, however, as the whole of such a scene must have 
 been, the effect, we are told, was, that on the spot the 
 king gave a commandment, "with warrant, to certain of 
 ' them,' made for that purpose, to consult together about 
 ' the drawing of certain articles against the queen, wherein 
 her life might be touched." Having obtained this warrant, 
 it is said, the popish party used all means, good and bad, to 
 obtain evidence against the queen ; but, as they could " not 
 upon the sudden, but by means, deal with her," they deter- 
 mined first to attack, on the ground of the Six Articles, 
 " some of the ladies whom they knew to be great with her," 
 and they selected Lady Herbert, Lady Lane, and Lady 
 TjHi-wit, all of her privy chamber. It was thought that in 
 searching their coffers and closets, something might be found 
 that would criminate the queen, whom they might then 
 instantly seize and carry off in a barge by night to the 
 Tower. The king "was forthwith made privy unto the 
 ' device by Winchester and Wriothesly, and his consent 
 'thereto demanded; who, (beUke to prove the bishop's 
 ' malice, how far it would presume,) like a wise politic 
 ' prince, was contented dissemblingly to give his consent, and 
 ' to allow of every circumstance ; knowing, notwithstanding, 
 ' in the end, what he would do." 
 
 I find it somewhat difficult to imagine that a " wise, 
 politic prince," (indeed, any but a fool or a madman,) and 
 most especially such a man as Henry, should be so absurd 
 
 ■• That is, I presume, of " them of that sect there present." One would 
 like to know who they were. 
 
246 GAEDINEE AND QUEEN [essay 
 
 as to act thus. But if the king's conduct was strange, that 
 of the queen was at least equaUy absurd. Though she had 
 been "somewhat amazed" at the way in which the king 
 took her discourse on the occasion already mentioned, yet 
 she continued her " accustomed manner " of talking to his 
 majesty on the subject, which so irritated him ; and he 
 wishing " to try out the uttermost of Winchester's fetches," 
 suffered her to say what she pleased without contradiction. 
 Just, however, before what Fox calls " Winchester's final 
 date," the king disclosed the matter to one of his physicians, 
 " either Dr. Wendy or else Owen, but rather Wendy, as is 
 supposed ; " at the same time " charging him withal, upon 
 peril of his life, not to utter it to any creature living." 
 Happily for the queen, the councillor who had charge of 
 the bUl of articles, drawn up on purpose that " her life 
 might be touched," and signed with the king's own hand, 
 carried it about him so negligently that it dropped from his 
 bosom, and, being picked up by a godly person, was carried 
 to the queen. Her majesty knowing probably that she was 
 liable to be called to account for transgressions of the law 
 which have not been particularly recorded, (though we 
 know enough to account for her being in some alarm,) " fell 
 incontinent into a great melancholy and agony, bewailing 
 and taking on in such sort as was lamentable to see." The 
 successor of Anne Boleyn might well have trembled, even 
 if she had known herself to be perfectly innocent. 
 
 However, the king hearing of her Ulness, sent his 
 physicians, and among the rest Dr. Wendy ; who of course 
 understood the case better than any of the others, and who 
 could not, though at the peril of his life, refrain from 
 letting his patient know something of the secret which had 
 been confided to him. His prescription was, "somewhat 
 'to frame and conform herself unto the king's mind, 
 ' saying, he did not doubt but if she would do so, and show 
 ' her humble submission unto him, she would find him 
 ' gracious and favourable unto her." The king having soon 
 after visited her, and behaved with kindness, the queen 
 determined to foUow Dr. Wendy's advice. She resolved to 
 return his majesty's visit; having first, with more prudence 
 than she had shown in her previous conduct, taken one 
 very proper precaution : — " the queen remembering with 
 ' herself the words that Master Wendy had said unto her, 
 
XV.] KATHERINE PARR. 247 
 
 ' devised how, by some good opportunity, she might repair 
 ' to the king's presence. And so, first commanding her 
 ' ladies to convey away their hooks which ^oere against the 
 ' law, the next night following, after supper, she (waited 
 ' upon only by the Lady Herbert her sister, and the Lady 
 ' Lane, who carried the candle before her) went unto the 
 'king's bedchamber, whom she found sitting and talking 
 ' with certain gentlemen of his chamber." He welcomed 
 her very courteously, and proceeding " to enter into talk of 
 reUgion," she lost no time in making a full abjuration, and 
 humble apology, and assuring his majesty that if she had 
 ever appeared to differ from him it had been not so much 
 to maintain opinion, as to pass away the time of his 
 majesty's sickness, and to gain some instruction from his 
 majesty's learned discourse; "wherein," she added, "I 
 assure your majesty I have not missed any part of my 
 desire."^ 
 
 This dissimulation and flattery, was, we are told (some- 
 what inconsistently as it regards the historian), successful. 
 It seems as if the instinct to which I have already alluded, 
 and by which people not only modify, but alternately, as it 
 were, believe and disbeheve the incredible stories which 
 they tell, had led Fox into very absurd self-contradiction. 
 He has told us repeatedly, and is at pains to keep in our 
 minds, that the king never meant to hurt the queen. If 
 he gave her enemies directions to draw articles "wherein 
 her life might be touched" it was "to see beHke what they 
 would do " — if he pretended acquiescence, it was " belike to 
 prove the bishop's malice how far it would presume " — the 
 king only wanted " to try out the uttermost of Winchester's 
 fetches." All this, however, and all its meaning, the reader 
 must forget before he comes to Fox's glorying over the 
 politic submission of the queen, which wrought such a 
 wonderfxil change in his majesty's feelings, "Now then, 
 ' God be thanked ! the king's mind was clean altered, and he 
 
 ^ Every reader of what Fox calls in his margin " The Queen's politic 
 submission to the King " must hope that the unhappy woman did not dis- 
 grace herself by the false and fulsome oration which he has put in her 
 mouth. But I trust the reader bears in mind that I am not relating what 
 I believe to be true, but only telling a tale as it is told to me, in the hope 
 that by the discussion of it truth may be elicited. With this view we 
 must, in the first instance, take it as it stands. 
 
248 GARDINER AND QUEEN. [essay 
 
 'detested in his heart (as afterwards he plainly showed) 
 ' this tragical practice of those cruel Caiaphases," who, how- 
 ever, knowing nothing " of the king's well-reformed mind," 
 were intending to have carried the queen to the Tower the 
 very next day. 
 
 On the afternoon of that morrow, and just as the 
 appointed hour drew on, the king went to walk in the 
 garden, and sent for the queen, who came attended by the 
 three ladies whose arrest was to have been the prelude to 
 her own. Happily, however, for them, though the un- 
 lawful books were hidden, that part of the plan had been 
 abandoned. But there they were, taking the air with the 
 king and queen, and two gentlemen of the bedchamber, 
 "when suddenly in the midst of their mirth', the hour 
 ' determined being come, in cometh the lord chancellor into 
 ' the garden with forty of the king's guards at his heels, 
 'with purpose indeed to have taken the queen, together 
 'with the three ladies aforesaid, whom they had before 
 ' purposed to apprehend alone, even then unto the Tower." 
 The king, however, had a little private conversation with 
 his chancellor, of which the only words recorded are, 
 " knave, yea, arrant knave, beast, and fool ; " and then sent 
 him about his business. The queen, in real or pretended 
 ignorance of the nature of the chancellor's offence, pleaded 
 for him; and as Pox says, "by God's only blessing," 
 (perhaps impartial truth might have required him rather to 
 say, by falsehood, flattery, and the influence which she had 
 over the king's affections, if he had any,) she " happily for 
 that time and ever, escaped the dangerous snares of her 
 bloody and cruel enemies for the gospel's sake." 
 
 " One has, however," says a writer in the Biographia 
 Britannica, " some reason to wonder, that when John Bale 
 ' wrote his article of Queen Katherine Parre, in which he 
 
 ' Imagine the mirth of suoli a party. The king with his sore leg, and 
 the fullest oontiotion that either the queen by his side was a detestable 
 heretic, or his chancellor who was coming to fetch her to gaol, a "knave, 
 beast, and fool." The queen, intensely pondering Dr. Wendy's prescrip- 
 tion, and every now and then involuntarily feeling whether her head was 
 on her shoulders. Her ladies with consciences burdened by a load of 
 unlawful books, and the broken Act of Six Articles. Surely anything 
 like genuine mirth must have been limited to the two unmindful gentle- 
 men of the bedchamber ; bat perhaps their innocent gambols diverted the 
 others. 
 
XV.] KATHERINE PAER 249 
 
 ' celebrates her learning, piety, and zeal for true religion, at 
 * the time all parties were living, and when anything against 
 ' the Bishop of Winchester would have been well received, 
 'he should say nothing of this iniquitous contrivance. 
 '(Bale, Script, edit. 1548, 4to, fol. 238.) Nor is it less 
 ' strange that when matter was sought much further back 
 ' to charge him with, this should not be remembered in the 
 ' proceedings at his deprivation under the succeeding reign." 
 — Art Gardiner, p. 2104. 
 
 These few plain and sensible words seem to me quite 
 sufficient to settle one's opinion as to the truth of a story 
 which has, beside these considerations, such very suspicious 
 marks of falsehood and absurdity. If it had been true, 
 would not John Bale, or the Lord Paget, have alluded to 
 it ? for no doubt they did sometimes speak truth to serve 
 their purposes. Or if it was at that time a popular lie (even 
 suppose it a known, contradicted, confuted lie), where would 
 you have found two men more unscrupulous in using such a 
 thing, or more particularly and personally hostile to Gar- 
 diner? 
 
 The reader will, however, bear in mind that, so far as the 
 object of this particular essay is concerned, I am under no 
 temptation to decide against the story. If it is false, it may 
 add another to many cautions which those who read the 
 works of party writers are sure to get in the course of their 
 studies ; but for our present inquiry it is just nothing at 
 all. If, on the other hand, it is true, it shows (beside some 
 other things which I may perhaps hereafter find occasion 
 to notice) that up to a very late period of Henry's reign, 
 Bishop Gardiner was about the person, and shared the 
 confidence of his royal master, and was on very familiar 
 terms with him. This, too, I hope to corroborate by other 
 evidence of a different kind. 
 
250 THE EARL OF HERTFORD [essay 
 
 ESSAY XVI. 
 
 GARDINER AND PAGET. 
 
 The facts already stated should probably lead us to doubt 
 whether all that has been said of Bishop Gardiner's disgrace 
 is to be believed ; and the evidence furnished by those facts 
 is confirmed, and carried forward to a still later date, by 
 some documents which I will lay before the reader as soon 
 as I have reminded him of certain things of which it is 
 quite necessary that he should have a present recollection, 
 in order that he may form a right judgment on the case. 
 Some of these documents have been very often and 
 familiarly referred to ; but even those which have been 
 quoted I have never seen given with that fulness, or in the 
 juxtaposition, which is necessary in order to our deriving 
 the information which they really offer. 
 
 It is not, I believe, doubted that from the time when 
 Henry VIII. began to be incapable of interfering strenu- 
 ously with public business — or, to say the least, from the 
 time when it had become pretty clear that there was no 
 chance of his ever calling to account those who used his 
 name and power — the party of which the Earl of Hertford 
 was the head determined to make way for themselves by 
 getting rid of their opponents in a very summary and un- 
 ceremonious manner. 
 
 It is very well to say that the infirm king was jealous of the 
 Howards, and fearful of their giving disturbance to his son, 
 for it is likely that he should thiuk of this ; and it is toler- 
 ably certain that, if it did not occur to him, the notion 
 would be brought before him, and forced on him, by some 
 persons who undoubtedly did fear the Duke of Norfolk and 
 his family ; and who, whatever they might think about 
 young King Edward, thought much more, and more 
 intensely and affectionately, about themselves. The arrest 
 of the Duke of Norfolk and his son was a bold (under other 
 circumstances than those of the king, one would have said 
 a desperate) stroke. The party succeeded, however, so far 
 
xvi.j AND SIR WILLIAM PAGET. 251 
 
 as to kill the son ; but, though far from slack in their 
 proceedings, they were not quick enough by a few hours 
 to destroy the father. The old Duke of Norfolk was 
 saved by the king's dying on the very morning when he 
 was to have been executed ; but he was a prisoner, con- 
 victed, condemned, and attainted, who might be safely 
 kept in the Tower ; and there he was kept during all 
 Edward's reign. 
 
 But before that time — while King Henry was yet living, 
 though probably without his privity — the plan of the future 
 government had been settled ; and the two persons whom 
 we find so early, and most deeply, concerned in these 
 arrangements — the persons who, though in very different 
 circumstances and positions, seem to be united together 
 in an alhance capable of overruling all resistance, and even 
 the attempt at any — are the Earl of Hertford and Sir 
 William (afterwards to be Lord) Paget. Even before the 
 king was actually dead, they were in consultation ; and 
 within a few hours after the royal demise, and before the 
 event had been declared to the parliament — in fact while 
 it was kept a secret even from the young Successor — 
 these two men had the royal will in their custody, and 
 were consulting together how much of it they should 
 make public. One does not know how to speak of such 
 things without asking the reader to pause a moment and 
 consider. Will he endeavour to realise such a state of 
 affairs as a mere matter of fact ? for without some such 
 effort it is impossible to understand the history of the 
 period, even though one reads over what is so called a 
 thousand times. 
 
 As to the Earl of Hertford — how he became Duke of 
 Somerset and Protector — what he did and what became of 
 him — every reader of English history knows, or easily may 
 know ; and it is not to our present purpose to inquire. 
 But probably the history and character of his " inward 
 friend and counsellor," Paget, is not so generally known ; 
 and a few particulars respecting him — as the chief, if not, 
 indeed, the original and only voucher for King Henry's 
 abhorrence of Gardiner — will not be out of place. I ought 
 perhaps rather to say, will be absolutely necessary. 
 
 Sir William Paget, as I have already said, was the pecu- 
 liar adAaser and confidential agent of the Earl of Hertford. 
 
252 THE EARL OF HERTFORD [essay 
 
 This has been stated by Strype, in a passage which is worth 
 extracting. 
 
 ' ' While King Henry lay on his deathbed in his palace at West- 
 minster, Sir Edward Seimonr, Earl of Hertford, and Sir William 
 Paget, among others, were at Court ; and Paget, being Secretary of 
 State, was much about his person : whom, being a man wise and 
 learned, and well versed in the affairs of state, both by reason of his 
 office and his several embassies abroad, the earl prudently made 
 choice of for his inward friend and counsellor. By the king's 
 desperate condition, the earl well perceiving the crown ready to fall 
 upon Prince Edward his nephew's head, before the breath was out 
 of his body, took a walk with Paget in the gallery ; where he held 
 some serious conference with him concerning the government. And 
 immediately after the king was departed they met again, the earl 
 devising with him concerning the high place he was to hold, being 
 the next of kin to the young king. Paget at both meetings freely 
 and at large gave him his advice for the safe managery of himself, 
 and of the mighty trust likely to be reposed in him ; and the earl 
 then promised him to follow his counsels in all his proceedings more 
 than any other man's. To his failure in which promises, the said 
 Secretary attributed those miseries which afterwards befell the 
 nation and himself ; as he plainly told him in one of his letters." — 
 Mem. vol. ii. pt. i. p. 17. 
 
 We are not, indeed, told how long before the king's death 
 this walk in the gallery took place ; but it is scarcely pos- 
 sible to doubt that what was thus settled with Paget, was 
 understood and agreed to by the rest of the council. Mr. 
 Tytler has given a letter from the Earl of Hertford to Paget, 
 written within twenty-six hours after the king's death, in 
 reply to one already received from that inward friend and 
 counsellor, which contained suggestions as to whether the 
 will should be opened before another consultation, and also 
 as to the propriety of considering how much of the will it 
 would be expedient to make public. In this reply the Earl 
 expresses his concurrence in those suggestions, and adds as 
 a brief postscript, " I have sent you the key of the will ; " 
 by which it appears that the keeping of that most important 
 document lay with Hertford, and that he did not scruple 
 to transfer the trust, without, so far as appears, any security, 
 or even the privity of any third person, to the sole keeping 
 of Paget. 
 
 On another letter, written the next day, to the Council 
 — and that, too, before the fact of the king's death had 
 been published — Mr. Tytler very justly observes, " When 
 ' parliament and the nation yet believed Henry to be alive, 
 
XVI.] AND SIR WILLIAM PAGET. 253 
 
 ' the measures which were to be adopted under the new 
 ' reign were already secretly agreed on by a faction to whom 
 ' no resistance could be made. It is worthy of remark also, 
 ' that Hertford, although still bearing no higher rank than 
 ' one of the executors of the late king, is consulted by them 
 ' as their superior, and already assumes the tone and 
 * authority of Protector, another proof that all had been 
 ' privately arranged amongst them."^ 
 
 We see something, then, of the position which Sir William 
 (afterwards Lord) Paget occupied ; and we may naturally 
 be led to ask, " What sort of man was he ? " His life 
 SQsms to have been (as far as circumstances gave him oppor- 
 tunity) a tissue of ingratitude, treachery, and falsehood. 
 At the time to which I have just referred, he was the crea- 
 ture of the Earl of Hertford, and he continued so as long 
 as the sunshine lasted ; but before the time when he gave 
 his evidence at the deprivation of Bishop Gardiner, (to 
 which I have before alluded, and which is indeed the matter 
 which leads to our being concerned with him,) he had, 
 with circumstances of peculiarly disgusting hypocrisy and 
 treachery, betrayed his old master Somerset, and sold him- 
 self to his deadly enemy, the Earl of Wai'wick. And when 
 this new master Warwick had wholly made away with that 
 old master, and had set up Lady Jane Grey, the faithful 
 Paget signed the declaration that he would stand by her ; 
 but the next day, a letter being written to the Lady Mary 
 by the privy council, he was so obHging as to become the 
 bearer of it, and left his new master to shift for himself — 
 though perhaps I should say his old master — for he seems 
 to have been under early obUgations to Warwick, which 
 preceded, in point of time, his devotion to Somerset. When, 
 however, the Lady Mary had shown that she really was, and 
 was to be, Queen of England, Paget seems to have forgotten 
 all these old stories. One scarcely recognizes the " earnest 
 gospeller," the partizan of Barnes the martyr, in the lively 
 papist who received again in this reign the garter which 
 had been stripped from him as a convicted and confessed 
 scoundrel, and figured as Lord Privy Seal as long as that 
 reign lasted. Elizabeth would have nothing to do with 
 him. 
 
 ' England under the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, vol. i. p. 19. 
 
254 PAGET, GARDINER, AND HENRY VIII. [essay 
 
 Now, at the latter part of the reign of King Henry VIII., 
 this same Sir WiUiam, or Lord, Paget was undoubtedly the 
 bitter enemy of Gardiner — that is, he was one of the per- 
 sons most fully determined to put Gardiner down, and 
 prevent him from being troublesome. I am not aware that 
 there is (nor do I know that we should look for) anything 
 to account for this enmity beyond the plain facts that Paget 
 was an unprincipled man, who had attached himself to the 
 fortunes of the Earl of Hertford, and was driving on with 
 all his might a cause which that leader wished to see carried, 
 without, for his own part, particularly caring whether any 
 man whom it might seem expedient to ruin had, or had not, 
 been his own early friend and benefactor, and was or was 
 not at the moment confiding in his good will and affection ''. 
 
 Thus much it seemed necessary to premise before I could 
 properly lay before the reader some further evidence re- 
 specting the relative position of Bishop Gardiner and his 
 royal master in the latter part of his reign. The facts 
 stated in the preceding essay (if they are facts) must have 
 belonged to a very late period of the king's life ; but I do 
 not know that their date can be accurately fixed. If we 
 should ever find the Articles which were to touch the 
 queen's life, and which the careless official dropped from 
 his bosom, they may perhaps have dates. In the mean 
 time we may go on with some documents which happily 
 furnish us with those indispensable requisites for under- 
 standing history ; and which require very little preface. 
 
 ' Strype, after no very flattering account of Gardiner, adds, " Yet let 
 ' me subjoin one or two things to his commendation : he affected learned 
 ' domestics, and countenanced learning in his family : he would take in 
 ' young university men, such as were of good parts & great hopes ; several 
 ' of these so entertained by him were afterwards Bishops, as White & 
 ' Brokes, and two were Secretaries of State, and advanced to the honour 
 ' of Barons, and employed by the state in great embassies. One of these 
 ' was Sir William Paget, to whom Leland thus writ ; 
 
 ' Tu Gardineri petiisti tecta diserti, 
 ' Eloquii sedem, Pieriique ohoii. 
 
 ' That is, that being young, ' he went into learned Gardiner's family, 
 ' which was the very seat of eloquence & of the muses. ' From his family, 
 ' as he had been of his college of Trinity Hall in Cambridge, so he went 
 ' to study in the University of Paris. And after some stay, retm'ned 
 ' again into the bishop's house ; and soon after became secretary of state." 
 —Mem. III. i, 466. 
 
XVI.] GARDINER'S LETTER TO HENRY VIII. 255 
 
 It is enough to say that in the course of the proceedings 
 for his deprivation in the year 1551, Gardiner put in a 
 letter which he had formerly received from the king. The 
 reader may remember that Henry died on the 28th January, 
 1547, and the letter is dated on the 2nd of December pre- 
 ceding. Having been thus made a part of the record of the 
 proceedings of the commissioners for depriving Gardiner, 
 that letter was preserved ; and it was printed by Fox in the 
 first edition of his Martyrology ^. It was not a particularly 
 interesting, perhaps not a very intelligible, document as it 
 stood there by itself ; but that was probably of very little 
 consequence, partly because very few persons cared to read 
 it, and partly because the few who did read it, knew that it 
 was origLQaUy put in as evidence not to give information 
 respecting the subject matter to which it referred, but 
 simply to show the terms which the person who received it 
 was on with the person who wrote it. Making, however, 
 due allowance for the scarcity of the only book which con- 
 tained it, we may say that the king's letter to Gardiner had 
 thus been before the public more than two centuries and a 
 half, when, in the year 1830, the government printed" for 
 the first time, from the stores of the State Paper Office, 
 Gardiner's letter to the king, (to which that letter of the 
 king given by Fox was an answer,) as well as a letter of 
 Gardiner to Paget, requesting him to convey it to the king. 
 The three letters thus singularly brought together after so 
 long a separation are as follows : — 
 
 "CCLX. Gardyner to King Henry VIII. 
 
 " Pleasith it youi most Excellent Majeste to pardonne me, that 
 having noo such opportunite to make humble sute to your Highnes 
 presence, as the trouble of my mynde enforcyth me, I am soo bolde 
 to moleste your Majeste with thiese my letters which be oonly to 
 desyre your Highnes, of your accustumed goodnesse and clemencie, 
 to be my good and gratious Lorde, and to continue such opinion of 
 me, as I have ever trusted, and, by manyfold benefites, certaynly 
 knowen your Majeste to have had of me, and not to empayre it, as I 
 
 3 It was, I believe, omitted in all others, until the comio Edition of 
 Messrs. Seeley was published. In that the process has been reprinted— 
 of course not very correctly, and therefore I quote the original edition, of 
 which I happen to possess a portion sufScient for that purpose. But those 
 who possess the more modem edition only, may find the passages which 
 I quote by the figures in the margin of their own copies, vol. vi. p. 86, 
 et seq. 
 
256 GARDINER AND [essay 
 
 veryly trust your Majeste wyl not, tyl your Highnes knowith, by 
 myselt, my dedes and bihavour to deserve the same, which I trust 
 never to see your Majeste hath bounde noon other of your subgettes 
 3^, thenne me, and I have ever, and doo make thaccounpte of your 
 Ma]estes benefites, soo as I esteme them worthely, asmoch as any 
 other hath receyved, wherwith I have and doo rejoyse and counforte 
 rnyseU, with a mynde, desire, and entent in service, which is al of 
 duetie, m sum parte, to declare myn inward rejoyse of your Highnes 
 tavour, and that I wold not wyUingly ofCende your Majestie, for noo 
 wordly thing This is my harte, afore God, and noo man hath harde 
 me saye to the contrary ; and if, for want of circumspection, my 
 doinges or saynges be otherwise taken, in this matier of land, 
 wherein I was spoken with, I must and wyl lamente myn infeUcite 
 and most humbly, on my knees, desire your Majestie to pardon it. 
 I never said naye to any request made, wherwith to resiste your 
 Highnes pleasour, but oonly, in most humble wise, toke upon me to 
 be a suter to your Highnes goodnes, wherunto I have ben bolded by 
 thaboundaunceof your Majestes favour, heretofore shewed unto me. 
 your Highnes hath made me, without my desertes; and though I 
 deserve not the contmuanoe of that favour, yet I wold gladll bv 
 humble prayour and intercession, suppUe my want, if I Soulde, to 
 had tTb.^'^? f your Highnes handes, as I know4 others to W 
 feliL^. '^«. entertaigned for reputacion, whenne ther service hath 
 layled, wherin I have had as gratious answer from your Majestie, 
 Hii.o°" r T^^!'J°'' ^'^^ ^^"^ I ™°^* humbly thanke you^ 
 n. h»,^-; A ^.^*' ''""'"'^ ^ ^^""^ "°° ^"cesse to your Majestie, 
 ^1„? ,^ °^ I''*! """y """^^ °* t^'s matier, I cannot forbere to 
 tft» li^^ ™^ ^■'^^ ^°/°'"' Highnes, with most humble request to 
 
 feliHtt T !hT "" "'v'* ^/"-"""^ P^'''^' *°^ ^^°^^ ""O^t prosperous 
 telicite I shal, according to my duetie, praye duryng my life. At 
 London, the seconds of Decembre. J' s J- '"«• At 
 
 "Your Majestes most humble 
 
 "and obedient Subget, Servaunt, 
 "and dayly Bedeman, 
 (Superscribed) ^^'^'^^ "St^:Wintok. 
 
 " To the Kinges most Excellent Majestie." 
 
 ' ' CCLXI. Gardyuer to Paget. 
 
 tvulfJdln^^"'"^'^'^' ^^'f" "^" "S*'* J^^rty commendacions. I 
 tiusted to have seen youe here, or this tyme, and to have knowen 
 by youe the Kinges Majestes pleasour ; but your letters ma7be 
 diverse, and therfor, as I thought to have wryten by youe to thi 
 h^TL^^^l'^^ ^* your beinge here, soo not hearing frZ youe I 
 have thought reqmsite to wryte to his Majeste, to supplie my pre- 
 wi?h'hl' ^1 ^'" ^"''7' T^^'^'^I ^°W gladly make, if it^mi|hTItand 
 wi pleasour. In the meane tyme, I praye youe deliver my 
 letters, and also knowe, whither I maye cumme myself • whioh^I 
 have forborn, bycause I have been here appointed for eUcntionni 
 a comrnission, wherunto I attende, as the^^^me refuireThTand of 
 the rest, such as came nowe to the Courte, wer specially sent for. 
 
XVI.] KING HENRY VIII. 257 
 
 " I here no specialte of the Kinges Majestes mysoontentement in 
 this matier of landes, but conf usely, that my doinges shuld not be 
 wel taken ; whirof I am sory, if it soo be, and al other cares set 
 aparte, care oonly for this, that it shuld be thought I wanted 
 discretion, to neglecte the Kinges Majestes goodnes towardes me, 
 which, as ye knowe, I have evor estemed oonly, and therupou made 
 my worldly foundation. Nihil ambio, nisi Principis gratissimi 
 benevolentiam, ne videar ingratus, a quo crimine semper longissime 
 abfuit animus. Wherin to the rest of the worlde, I knowe myself 
 purged, quo nomine me duco infelioissimum, ut ingratitudinis 
 nomine veniam in suspitionem Principi de me optime merito. I 
 praye youe send me sum worde. And so fare ye hartely wel. At 
 Southwark, the 2d of Decembre. 
 
 "Your assured loving Frend, 
 "(Superscribed) (Signed) Ste. Winton. 
 " To the Eight Worshipful Sir William Paget Knight, 
 oon of the Kinges two Principal Secretary es. " * 
 
 " SS" Tlie Cqppie of a letter, sente from Kyng Henry the eyght to the 
 Byshop of Winchester. 
 
 " Right reuerend Father in God, ryght trustye and wel-beloued, 
 we grete you wel. XJnderstandyng by youre letters of the seconde 
 of this instaute youre mynde touchyng suche matter as hath lately 
 on our behalfe bene opened vnto you by certayne of our counsell, 
 we haue thought good for aunswere, to signifye, that yf your 
 doynges heretofore in this matter had bene agreeable to such fayre 
 woordes as ye haue nowe written, neyther you should haue had 
 cause to wryte this excuse, nor we anye occasion to aunswere the 
 same. And we cannot but maruayle of this part of youre letters, 
 that you neuer sayd nay to any request made vnto you for those 
 landes : considering, that being this matter propounded, and at 
 good length debated with you aswel by our Chauncehr and Secre- 
 torye, as also the Chauncelor of our Court of Augmentaoions, both 
 ioyntly and aparte, you utterly refused to growe to any conformity 
 in the same, sayeing, that you would make your answere to our 
 owne persone : which as we can be well contented to receive, and 
 win not deny you audience at any mete tyme, when you shall make 
 suite to be harde for your said answer, so we muste in the meane 
 thinke that if the remembraunce of our benefytes towardes you, had 
 earnestly remayned in your harte in dede, as yon haue now touched 
 the same in wordes, you would not have ben so precise in such a 
 matter, wherein a great nomber of our subiects, and emongst others 
 
 ^ Part n. p. 883, of " State Papers published under the authority of his 
 Majesty's commission. Vol. I., King Henry the VIII., Parts I. and II., 
 1830. " A note on the Bishop's letter says, "This letter is holograph, and 
 a contemporary indorsement fixes its date to 1546." Another note sajs, 
 " The tenth instrument signed by stamp in December, 1546, is a letter to 
 the Bishop of Winchester in answer to his letter to the king ccnoerning 
 an exchange of lund desired by the king " — that is, the letter here given 
 above from Fox. 
 
258 GARDINER AND PAGET. [essay 
 
 many of yovu' owne cote (although they haue not had so good cause 
 as you) haue yet without indenting delte both more louingly, and 
 more frendly with vs. And as touching you, our opinion was, that 
 if our request had ben for a free surrender, as it was for an ex- 
 chaunge only, your duty had ben to haue done otherwise in this 
 matter then you haue : wherin if you be yet disposed to show that 
 conformity you write of, we se no cause why you shoulde molest vs 
 any further therewith, being the same of such sorte, as may well 
 enough be passed without'' officers there. 
 
 "Yeuen vnder our signet at our manor of Otelands, the iiii. of 
 December the xxxviii yere of our reigne."^ 
 
 These letters, perhaps, taking them all together, are not 
 very intelligible as to their subject-matter. It only appears, 
 and that (to use the bishop's phrase) somewhat "confusely," 
 that an application had been made to him on the part of 
 the king for an exchange of land, and that, by some hesita- 
 tion, he had given, or was said to have given, offence to his 
 majesty ; but it is absolutely impossible to avoid gathering 
 from the documents two things most important to our 
 inquiry. 
 
 First — that if Gardiner really was, and for years had 
 been, a cast-off courtier, hated and abhorred, the fact was 
 very imperfectly known, or very oddly appreciated and 
 dealt with, by the parties interested in it, and most likely 
 to know all about it. Gardiner certainly does not write as 
 if he thought it of himself ; the king, (if we suppose the 
 letter to have really come from him,) though secluded by 
 illness so that none then came to the court but such as were 
 " specially sent for," has no hesitation in granting him an 
 audience in answer to his independent claim to make answer 
 to his " owne person " — or if we suppose the letter to have 
 been written by the Council without the knowledge of the 
 king, and even by those who wished and intended to bring 
 Gardiner into trouble, it is equally worthy of notice that they 
 did not venture to represent his majesty as adopting the 
 style of one who so hated and abhorred his correspondent. 
 
 Secondly, it is obvious (and it adds greatly to the force of 
 what has been already said) that up to that time "wily 
 Winchester," as the puritan party loved to call him, was 
 simple enough to believe that liis old pupU Paget was his 
 friend. He evidently had full confidence in the viper whom 
 
 ^ So it stands ; perhaps it should be " with our." 
 " Fox. First EJition, p. 801. 
 
XYi.] GARDINER AND PAGET. 259 
 
 he had cherished in his bosom, when he wrote this letter to 
 him. 
 
 Of this misplaced confidence indeed we have other evi- 
 dence, which shows that it continued even after the accession 
 of King Edward. Mr. Tytler gives us a letter which, as he 
 says, " introduces to us the celebrated Gardiner bishop of 
 ' Winchester, in a collision which took place a week after 
 ' Henry's death, between the prelate and my Lord of Ox- 
 ' ford's players ; " who had " advertised an entertainment in 
 ' the Borough of Southwark, at the very time, it seems, that 
 ' Gardiner and his parishioners resolved to have a dirige, or 
 ' dirge, for his departed master ; " ' that is, on the first 
 Sunday after the fact of the king's death was known. The 
 letter is curious ; but our only business with it is to observe 
 that the bishop, not being able to make anything of the 
 justice of the peace to whom he had applied, wrote an 
 account of the matter to Master Secretary Paget, in a 
 fa mili ar, and even playful, style, adding, " If ye will not, 
 propter invidiam, meddle, send me so word, and I will my- 
 self sue to my Lord Protector," and subscribing himself 
 " your assured loving friend." 
 
 But in less than a month the bishop appears to have 
 begun to find out his mistake. We have not his letter 
 to Paget which elicited the reply, dated March 2, which 
 Mr. Tytler has published, and which plainly shows that by 
 that time Mr. Secretary had begun to be saucy and show 
 his teeth. It is as follows : — 
 
 " My Lord, — After my right hearty commendations. I thank you 
 for your good advices in your letter, and trust you will think, what- 
 soever some bodies shall (for that they want some piece of their own 
 wilfulness) unjustly and slanderously either conceive or report of 
 me, that I neither mean nor do nip or snatch any person, nor that 
 unwisely I would usurp a greater power upon me than I have indeed 
 (which is not great,) — when that I could tempre myself from using 
 of all that which I might have used, when time served me, with the 
 favour and consent of him from whom all our powers were derived, 
 provoked by him oftentimes to use it, (as he testified to divers, ) and 
 having his promise to be maintained in the same^ 
 
 7 " England under the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary," vol. i. p. 19. 
 
 8 If the reader is conversant with the depositions made against Gar- 
 diner at the time of his deprivation, he will understand the insolence and 
 impudence of this allusion. If not, it is better to let it pass for the present, 
 than to deviate into an explanation which would occupy a good deal of 
 room, and for which we may find a better opportunity. 
 
260 GAEDINER AND THE KING. [essay 
 
 " In his days that dead is, (God have his soul !) I never did that I 
 might have done. I never loved extremes, I never hindered any 
 man to him hut notable malefactors, and yet not to the extremity. 
 I have home mMcli with divers men, and caused divers men to be hone 
 withal; and by the judgement of mine own conscience have deserved 
 benevolentiam of all. If any man will bear to me malevolentiam 
 without cause, God judge between him and me. For private 
 respects, I will not do anything wherein the public cause may be 
 hindered. And in public causes I will say and do, as I have done 
 always since I have been in the place, according to my conscience, 
 without lending the same either to life, honour, wife, children, 
 lands, or goods ^ ; and yet not with such a frowardness or wilfulness 
 but that a good man or a better conscience may lead and rule me. 
 
 " I maUgn not bishops, but would that both they and all other 
 were in such order as might be most to the glory of God and the 
 benefit of this realm ; and much less I malign your Lorship, but wish 
 ye well ; and if the estate of bishops is or shall be thought meet to 
 be reformed, I wish either that you were no bishop, or that you 
 could have such a pliable will as could well bear the reformation 
 that should be thought meet for the quiet of the realm. 
 
 " Your Lordship shall have your commission in as ample manner 
 as I have authority to make out the same, and in an ampler manner 
 than you had it before ; which I think you may execute now with 
 less fear of danger than you have had cause hitherto to do. No 
 man wisheth you better than I do, which is as well as to myself ; if 
 you wish me not like, you are in the wrong ; and thus I take my 
 leave of your Lordship. From Westminster this 2nd of March, 
 1546. 
 
 "Your Lordship's assured to command, 
 
 "W. Paget." 
 
 Thus much, then, brings the histoi'y fairly into the reign 
 of Edward VI., and to a period when the enemies of Gardi- 
 ner felt themselves secure in power, and able to say and do 
 what they pleased with him. But I have already quoted a 
 very sensible remark of a writer in the Biographia Britan- 
 nica, who, after expressing his surprise that Bale, in his 
 memoir of Katherine Parr, had said nothing of the bishop's 
 atrocious attempt on the life of that queen, adds — " Nor is 
 ' it less strange that when matter was sought much further 
 ' back to charge him with, this should not be remembered in 
 ' the proceedings at his depi'ivation under the succeeding 
 ' reign." ^ This observation is very just, and very impor- 
 tant ; and its only fault is that it does not go half far 
 
 ^ On this passage Mr. Tytler adds the following note, "Good set words 
 these of Master Secretary Paget's, and yet in 1552 he was deprived of 
 his ofEce and iined 2000Z. for peculation. Haywood, Life of Edward VI. 
 Kennet, vol. ii. p. 319." i See before, p. 248. 
 
XVI.] GAEDINER'S " LONGE MATTER." 20 1 
 
 enough. It is strange, if any sucli thing ever happened, 
 that it should have heen unnoticed by his enemies at a time, 
 and under circumstances, when there seemed to be every 
 temptation to bring it forward, and press it against the 
 obnoxious bishop. But is it not more strange— almost in- 
 credible, if the popular story is true — that in the proceed- 
 ings for the deprivation of Bishop Gardiner no hint whatever 
 was thrown out of his ever having lost the favour of the late 
 king, or of his being put into or put out of his wiU, until he 
 himself provoked it, by adopting a line of defence which no 
 man in his senses could have thought of, unless he knew 
 that he was on safe ground, and that what he stated was not 
 only true but notorious ? In the document which is entitled 
 " A longe matter proposed by the Bishop of Winchester," 
 and which he exhibited to the commissioners at Lambeth, 
 at the fourth session, Jan. 8, 1651, are the following 
 articles : — 
 
 " 2. Item, that the sayd bishoppe being charged with manye and 
 sondrye commaundements, to be by him executed, doone and 
 obserued in oure late soueraygne Lordes time that dead is, was 
 neuer found faulty nor any fault obieoted and proued agaynste him, 
 but hathe beene alwayes, and yet is a true, paynfull, and inste 
 seruaunte, and subiecte in that behalfe, and so commonlye had, 
 accepted, taken, reputed and acoompted amonges the best sorte, 
 and wyth aU sortes of Personnes of all degrees, beynge not hys 
 aduersaryes nor ennemyes, ponit vt supra. 
 
 " 3. Item, that the said bishop hathe bene alwaies hetherto, and 
 yet is estemed, taken and reputed a manne iuste of promyse, 
 duelye obseruynge the same, and hath not bene called or troubled 
 heretofore by any maner of sute, or other vex&tyon in any Courte of 
 thys Bealme, spirituall or Temporall for anye suohe pretence or 
 occasyon as is aforesayd, vntil the time he was sente to the Tower 
 the morrow after he preached, before the Kings maiesty in hys 
 manor or paUace called the Whitehal at Westminster, being the 
 next day immediatly folowyng, and the laste daye of June which 
 shall be full iii. yeres at the same day next comming, and thys was 
 and is trew, publyque, notoryous, manifest and famous, ponit vt 
 supra. 
 
 " 4. Item, the sayd Byshop was in such reputacion and estimation 
 of the counsellors of our late souereigne Lorde that dead is, as being 
 one of his maiestyes pryuy counsel til his maiesties death, that he 
 was by their good contentment vsed in counsayll to haue the speach 
 in their name to the Embassadors of Scotlaude, the frenoh kinge, 
 and the Emperoure, within xiiii. dayes or there about of the death 
 of our late souereigu Lord, ponit vt $upra." — Fox, p. 783, 1st Ed. 
 
 This " longe matter," as I have already said, was pro- 
 posed by the bishop himself on the 8th of January, and it 
 
262 PAGET'S ANSWERS. [essay 
 
 seems to have been in order to meet it that, " Thinteroga- 
 tories ministred by thoffice " were issued on the 20th of the 
 same month. Two of them were as follows : — 
 
 " 4. Item, whether you know or haue hard saye that the said late 
 King expresly willed him the sayd B. no more to be of the priuy 
 counsell with the kinges maiestye our soueraigne Lord that now is, 
 and omitted and expresly refused to haue him named emonges 
 other counsayllors in his testament, to he of the counsel as is 
 aforesayd. 
 
 "5. Item, whether ye know or haue hard say, that the said 
 Bishop being aforenamed as an executor in the testament of the 
 sayd late King, was a litle before his death at his declaring of his 
 last will put out by his highnes, and so by him refused to be any 
 of his sayd executors : for what causes the sayd bishop was so put 
 out, and what the said late kyng sayd of the sayd byshop at the 
 same tyme." — Fox, 1st Ed,, p. 793. 
 
 It was necessary that the Lord Paget should meet these 
 Interrogatories. Let us see how he did it. 
 
 "The xi. Session vpon the matter of Gardiner bishop of Win- 
 chester in the house of the Lord Paget, without temple barre, 
 before the foresaid commissioners iudicially sitting, T. Argall 
 Notary being present the day aforesayd, that is, the. xxiii. of 
 ■January. 
 "At which sayd time and place, M. Davy Clapham and Jhon 
 Lewis promoters of the oflSce, did product Sir William Paget of the 
 order of the Garter Knight Lorde Paget, vpon the articles layd in 
 by the ofiBce, whome they desired to be sworne and examined as a 
 witnes, according to the lawe, the sayd Lord Paget declaring that 
 honourable personages heinp of dignity as he was, ever by the lawes of 
 this realme priuileaged not to be sworne in common forme, as other 
 witnesses accustomely, did sweare. Promising neuertheles vpon his 
 truth to God, his allegeance to our soueraigne Lord the Kinges 
 maiesty, and vpon his fidelity, to testify the truth that he doth 
 knowe in this behalf," &c. — Fox, p. 797. 
 
 Being thus secure from the formal sin of perjury, this 
 honourable personage, being of dignity, as he was, made 
 answer — 
 
 " To the fourth, and fifte, he aunswereth that he knoweth that the 
 sayde late kynge of moste worthy memory mislyked the sayde 
 byshop, euer the lenger the worse : And that in his conscience, if 
 the sayde kyng had lyued any whyle lenger then he dyd, he would 
 haue vsed extremytie against the sayde byshop, as farre forth as 
 the law would haue borne his maiestie : thynkyng to haue iuste and 
 sore matter of olde against the sayde byshop in store, not taken 
 awaye by any pardon : and at dyuers tymes asked the sayde Lord 
 Paget for a certaine writing touchyng the sayd byshop, com- 
 maunding hym to keepe it, sane that he myght haue it when be 
 
XVI.] PAGET'S ANSWERS. 263 
 
 called for it. And touching the putting of the saydc bishop out of 
 his testament, it is true that vpon sainte Stephans daye at night, 
 four yeares now past, his maiesty hauing bene very sick and in some 
 perill : after his reoouery, f urthwith called for the Duke of Somersets 
 grace, for the Lorde priuie seale, for my Lorde of Warwicke, for the 
 late M. of the horse, for maister Denny, for the maister of the horse 
 that now is, and for the said Lord Paget, at that time his secretary : 
 And then willed Maister Denny to fetch his testament: Who 
 bringeth fourth firste a forme of a testament, which his maiesty 
 liked not, after he hard sayinge, that was not it : but there was 
 a nother of a later making, written with the hand of the lord 
 Wriothsly being Secretary : which when Maister Denny had fetched, 
 and he heard it, he seemed to maruaile that some were left out 
 vnnamed in it, whome he sayd he ment to haue in, and some in, 
 whome he ment to haue out : and so bad tlie sayd lord Paget, in the 
 presence of the f oresayd lordes, to put in some that were not named 
 before, and to "put out the hishop of Winchesters name, which was 
 done. And then after his pleasure declared in soundrye thinges, 
 which he caused to be altered and entred in the will, his maiestye 
 came to the naming of counsellors assistantes to his exeeutors : 
 Wherupon the sayd lord Paget and the others, beginning to name 
 my Lord Marques of Northampton, my lord of Arundell, and the 
 reast of the counsell, not before named as executors : When it came 
 to the bishop of Winchester, he bad put him out, sayinge he was a 
 wilf ull man, and not mete to be aboute his son the kinges maiesty 
 that now is : Whereupon we passed ouer to the bishop of West- 
 minster, whome his maiestie, bad put out also saying, he was soholed 
 (or such like term) by the bishoppe of Winchester. And so passinge 
 vnto the rest, he admitted all of counsell without stoppe, sauinge 
 one other man, at whom he made some stick. But neuertheless 
 vpon our suites, relented : and so he was named as a, counsellor. 
 This all done, the sayd lord Paget redde ouer to his maistye what 
 was written, and he came to the place of counsellors. Beading 
 their names, he began to mone the kyng agayne for the B. of 
 Winchester : and the reste then presente set foote in with him, and 
 did emestly sue to his maiesty for placing of the sayd bishop 
 emonges the counsellors : but he would in no wise be intreated : 
 saying, he marueled what we ment, and that all we knew him to be 
 a wilful man : and bad vs be contented, for he should not be about 
 his Sonne, nor trouble his counsell any more. The sayd lorde Paget, 
 and the other were in hand also for the B. of Westminster : but he 
 woulde in no wise be intreated, aDeaging only agaynst him, that he 
 was of Winchesters schooling, or such a like terme." — Fox, 1st Ed., 
 p. 815. 
 
 We may well suppose that Gardiner was startled by the 
 cool impudence of this reply ; but he was not daunted, and 
 evidently determined to go the bottom of the subject which 
 he had introduced, probably without expecting exactly such 
 a result. Accordingly we find that there were in the Thir- 
 teenth Session, and on the 26th day of the same month, six 
 
264 GARDINER'S INTERROGATORIES, [essay 
 
 " Interrogatories ministered to the Lord Paget " in particu- 
 lar, by the bishop ; three of which are as follows : — 
 
 " 5. Item, Whether the sayd Lorde Paget incontinentlye vpon 
 the attaintment of the late Duke of Northfolke, did not do a 
 message from the kings maiesty to the said bishop, that he would 
 be content, that maister Secretary Peter might haue the same 
 hundreth pounde by yere of the sayde bishops graunt, that the 
 sayde Duke had. 
 
 " 6. Item, Whether after the sayd B. had aunswered himselfe to 
 gratifye the kinges maiestye to be content therewith, the sayd 
 Lord JPaget made relation thereof, as is said, to the kings maiesty. 
 Who answered, that he thanked the Bishop very hartelye for it, and 
 th8,t he mighte assure himselfe, the kinges maiesty was his very 
 good Lord. 
 
 " 7. Item, Whether the sayd Lord Paget knew the sayd Bishop to 
 haue bene in the counsell within xiii. dayes of the kinges departure 
 to be there mouth to mouth to common [commune] with the Ambas- 
 sadours, or no." — Fox, p. 798, 1st. Ed. 
 
 Here I must beg the reader's attention to dates, and his 
 excuse if I repeat them. The letters between the bishop and 
 the king respecting the exchange of land which I have al- 
 ready given bear date respectively the 2nd and 4th of Decem- 
 ber. The Duke of Norfolk was arrested on the 12th of that 
 month. " The bill of attainder was read for the first time on 
 ' the 18th of January, and on the 19th and 20th it was read 
 ' a second and third time. And so passed in the House of 
 ' Lords : and was sent down to the Commons, who on the 
 ' 24th sent it up also passed. On the 27th, the Lords were 
 ' ordered to be in their robes, that the royal assent might be 
 ' given to it ; which the Lord Chancellor, with some others 
 ' joined in commission, did give by virtue of the king's letters 
 ' patent. And it had been executed the next morning, if 
 ' the king's death had not prevented it." ^ 
 
 The reader will see that, strictly speaking, the attainder 
 of the Duke of Norfolk had scarcely been completed during 
 the life of Henry VIII. , and therefore, that when Gardiner 
 speaks of occurrences after that attainder, he is speaking of a 
 period obviously later than any at which any quarrel or dis- 
 grace with the king could have taken place. Paget's assur- 
 ance, however, did not fail him ; he replied — 
 
 " To the V. and vi. articles, the sayd lord Paget answereth, that 
 after thattainder of the Duke of Norfolke, (as he remembreth) in 
 the vpper and nether house of the parliament, the late kyng of 
 
 ^Burnet, Hist, of Eofurmatioii, i. 332. 
 
XVI.] PAGET'S ANSWERS. 265 
 
 moste worthy memorie, willed hym the sayde lorde Paget to require 
 the sayde byshops graunt of the hundreth poundes, mentioned in 
 the articles : but in suche sort his maiestie willed it to be requyred, 
 as he loked for it rather of dutie, then of any gratuitie at the 
 byshops hand : to whome the sayd lord Paget sayeth of certayne 
 knowledge (as men may knowe thynges) he the sayde kyng woulde 
 haue made request for uothyng, beyng the sayd byshop the man at 
 that time, whome the sayde Lorde Paget beleueth, his maiestie 
 abhorred more then any man in his realme : whiche he declared 
 greuously at sondrie tymes to the sayde lorde against the said B. 
 euer namyng him with such termes as the said lord Paget is sory to 
 name. And the said lord Paget thynketh, that dyuerse of the 
 gentlemen of the pryuie chamber are able to depose the same. 
 Neuerthelesse it may he, that he the sayde lorde Paget, did vse 
 another forme of request to the said B. then the said king wold 
 haue lyked yf he had knowen it : which if he dyd, he dyd it rather 
 for dexteritie, to obteigne the thyng for his frend then for that he 
 had such speciall charge of the sayd kyng so to do : And also the 
 sayde Lord Paget saith, that afterward it myght he, that he vsed 
 such comfortable words of the kynges fauourable and thankefull 
 acceptation of the thyng, at the sayde byshoppes hande, as in the 
 article is mentioned : whiche if he dyd, it was rather for quyete of 
 the sayde Byshoppe, then for that it was a thyng in dede. 
 
 " To the seuenth article, the sayd Lord Paget sajrth, that it may 
 be, that the sayd bishop was vsed at the time mentioned in the 
 article, with the Ambassadours, for the counsels mouth, because 
 that none other of the Counsel! that sate aboue hym, were so well 
 languaged as he, in the french tonge. But the sayde Lorde Paget 
 beleueth, that if the sayde kyng that dead is, had knowen it, the 
 Counsell would haue had litle thankes for their labour." — Fox, 
 1st Ed., p. 816. 
 
 The unfortunate bishop had clearly met with more than 
 his match. What could he do with such a man but remind 
 the Commissioners that in his case, as in that of some 
 others who had not been sworn, " the sayde othe-geuing 
 ' was not by speciall consent remitted, but especially and 
 ' expressly by the parte of the sayd byshop requyred," and 
 that therefore "their deposition by thecclesiastical lawes 
 ' hath no such strength of testimonie, as the Judge should 
 ' or might for the knowledge of truthe, haue regard to 
 ' them." He added, however, and it seems to me to show 
 both that he knew his enemy, and that he did not fear 
 him : — 
 
 " The sayde byshop dare the more boldely alleage this exception ; 
 and so much the rather, that the Lord Paget hath in his deposition 
 euidently, and manifestly neglected honor, fayth, and honestie, and 
 sheweth hym selfe desirous beyond the necessarie aunswere, to that 
 it was demaunded of him, (onely of ingrate malyce) to hyndre, as 
 
266 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 muohe as in him is, the sayd byshop, who was in the sayd Lordes 
 youth, his teacher, and tutor : afterwarde his maister, and then his 
 beneficiall maister, to obtayne of the kynges maiestie that dead is 
 one of the roomes of the clerkshyp of the Signet for him : whiche 
 ingrate malice of the sayd Lord Paget, the sayde byshop sayth in 
 the depositions manifestly doth appeare, as the sayde byshop 
 offereth hym selfe readie to proue and shewe. And moreouer the 
 sayd byshop against the Lord Paget allegeth at such tyme, as the 
 said Lord Paget was produced against the saide byshop, the same 
 Lorde Paget openly in the presence of the iudges, and other there 
 present, sayde howe the sayde byshop did flie from iustice, whiche 
 made him notoriously suspected, not to be affected indifferently to 
 the truthe (as semed him) and without cause therein to speake, as 
 enemy to the sayde byshop." — Fox, 1st Ed., p. 864. 
 
 Much that is interesting might be added on this point, 
 from the evidence in this process ; but perhaps what has 
 been given from it, and from other sources, may lead us to 
 beUeve that Bishop Gardiner did not indulge in vain 
 boasting, when, in his letter to the Protector Somerset, he 
 referred with affectionate recollection to old times, and his 
 old master, and boldly added, " no man could do me hurt 
 
 DURING HIS LIFE."^ 
 
 ESSAY XVII. 
 
 GARDINER AND BONNER. No. I. 
 
 "de vera obedientia." 
 
 Every one who has paid attention to the examinations of 
 the reformers, as they are recorded by Fox in hia 
 Martyrology, must have observed how frequently they 
 were characterized by a spirit of retort and recrimination 
 which, though it might sometimes be very smart and 
 clever, certainly was not more politic than it was Christian. 
 It seems as if common sense might suggest that the 
 argumentwm ad hominem is not for one who stands at 
 Csesar's bar, and who is being tried, not by the man, but by 
 the law. A prisoner who is indicted for stealing a horse, 
 will not entitle himself to an acquittal by proving that the 
 judge has stolen two. And, indeed, though he may be 
 
 " Fox, Ist Ed., p, 73G. 
 
XVII.] GAEDINER AND BONNER. 267 
 
 sure of his proofs, and feel bound in conscience to publish 
 them, yet, if he is a wise man, he will certainly, both for 
 his own sake and for the purposes of justice, let the matter 
 stand over till he has got out of the dock. 
 
 In the cases here alluded to, however, the pleasure of 
 having a hit at a papist persecutor — especially a bishop — 
 and most especially one of those two bishops who had pro- 
 vokingly come out of gaol, and reseated themselves in the 
 chairs lately occupied by Ponet and Eidley — ^was so great, 
 and the thing was so congenial with the mocking and jeer- 
 ing spirit of which too many popular writers and preachers 
 of the party had set examples to their followers, that the 
 temptation seems to have been irresistible. But after the 
 specimens which I have given (considering, too, that for 
 decency's sake I have passed over the worst) it is unneces- 
 sary here to offer any general reflections on this matter.' 
 
 One very favourite course of this kind was (if I may so 
 misapply terms to carry on the figure which I have used) 
 something Uke filing a cross bill against the Lord Chancellor 
 himself. It was the taking the opportunity of being 
 brought before him, to tell him to his face, that whatever 
 his poor orator might be with regard to such matters of 
 treason, sedition, or heresy, as he was charged with, his 
 lordship himself with his great seal and mitre, and his 
 pomp, and pride, and papistry, was an unprincipled turncoat, 
 and a perjured rascal. A weathercock, too, they called 
 him ; though, if he was, he had certainly got rather rusty 
 in the time of Edward. 
 
 ' I need not remind the reader of the styles of Bale and Ponet ; but as 
 we are at present principally concerned with Bishop Gardiner, I am 
 tempted to quote what he says with particular reference to Barnes, but 
 with a more general application to the body to which he belonged. It is 
 in the preface to " A Declaration of such true Articles as George loye 
 hath gone about to confute as false," printed in 1546. 
 
 " Barnes whom I knewe fyrst at Cambridge, a trymme minion frere 
 ' Augustine, one of a merye skoffynge witte frerelike, and as a good 
 ' felowe in company was beloued of many, a doctour of diuinitie he was, 
 ' but neuer like to haue proued to be either martyre or confessor in christes 
 ' religion, and yet he began there to exercise raylinge (which amouge 
 ' such as newely profess christ, is a great pece of connynge, and a great 
 ' iorwardness to reputacion, speciallye if he rayle of Byshops as Barnes 
 ' began, and to please sache of the lower sort as enuieth euer auctoritie) 
 * chefiye againste my lorde Cardinall, then, vnder the Kinges maiesty, 
 ' hauing the high administracion of the realme." 
 
268 AUTHENTICITY OF EXAMINATIONS, [essay 
 
 And Bonner came in for Ms share in all this though he 
 was as rusty as Gardiner ; and, in particular, it was charged 
 upon these two bishops, that in former times they had 
 joined in making a book to deface the Pope, and set up the 
 king's supremacy; and the taunt against them was, that 
 now, with shameful (or rather shameless) iaconsistency, 
 they were setting up the Pope. Whether those who made 
 this an offence meant that Gardiner and Bonner, having 
 once maintained the supreme headship of King Henry, 
 were bound to maintain that of Queen Mary, they did not 
 clearly explain. The matter was done rather in the way of 
 what Fox calls " privy nips " — sly hints and innuendoes — 
 which were understood by those who were present, and 
 which being, of course, wholly irrelevant, and obviously 
 intended only to aggravate the judge and render him odious 
 in the eyes of the assembly, were not dwelt upon, and 
 therefore never (as far as I know) so fully explained as one 
 could wish. 
 
 One word, however, I must say about these Examinations 
 before I quote from them — namely, that I do not look 
 upon them in quite the same light as I do upon reports of 
 trials " taken in short-hand by Mr. Gurney." The accounts 
 which we have are in many cases given by the parties 
 themselves ; and it is not impossible, or even unlikely, that 
 some of the writers might be rather bolder, and wiser, and 
 wittier, — and perhaps a little more moderate in invective, 
 not to say less sciu'rilous — after reflection, and on paper, 
 than they had been at the moment, and by word of mouth. 
 In these cases, and also where we are simply indebted to 
 the observation and memory of friends who were present, 
 we must not forget that we are reading ex pcirte statements. 
 Some of them, too, by persons who, giving them all credit 
 for honesty of purpose, were not qualified to understand 
 and report long discussions, not unfrequently relating to 
 matters involving a good deal of abstruse and subtle disqui- 
 sition. And it must be added, for it is a still more important 
 consideration, that many of these documents passed through 
 the hands of men who did not hesitate to give to the public 
 what, in their opinion, should have been said, instead of 
 what really was said, by the champions of their party. - 
 
 - The following extract from Strjpe's Life of Grindal will explain and 
 
XVII.] AUTHENTICITY OF EXAMINATIONS. 269 
 
 With the recollection of this fact, we must of course look 
 oa these reports with suspicion ; but bearing it in mind, 
 and considering that we have nothing better, we must take 
 things as we find them, and run the risk of sometimes 
 appearing inconsistent by being obliged, as the truth is 
 developed, to abandon statements which have, in the first 
 instance, been acquiesced in, because there did not seem to 
 be sufficient evidence to contradict them. 
 
 A striking illustration of what I have been saying is 
 ofiered to us in what may perhaps be considered as one of 
 the first overt acts of Protestantism which led to severe 
 punishment after the accession of Queen Mary. The reader 
 wUl remember that she came to the throne in July, 1553, 
 issued a proclamation against preaching in August, and was 
 crowned on Sunday, the 1st of October. On the next 
 Sunday but one " Master Laurence Saunders preached at 
 ' Allhallows, Bread-street, in the morning ; where he 
 
 attest this, and by those who really desire truth it should be most deeply 
 pondered. The brackets are Strype's. 
 
 " Philpot, Archdeacon of Winchester, and Martyr, his Examinations 
 also were soon come over from England. Which, when Fox had spoke 
 ' somewhat concerning, and consulted with Grindal, Whether they ought 
 ■ not to have a review, and some Corrections of them made, before they 
 ' were exposed to the Publick ; Grindal freely thus exprest himself in this 
 ' Matter, ' That there were some things in them that needed the File ; 
 ' that is, some prudent Hand to usher them out into the World. For, 
 ' that Philpot seemed to have somewhat ensnared himself in some Words, 
 ' not so well approved ; as. That Christ is Meally in the Supper, &c. And, 
 ' That if the English Book had not been divulged, some Things might be 
 ' mitigated in it. And next, That he sometimes cited the Ancients 
 ' Memoriter, being void of the Help of Books ; where one might easily 
 ' slip ; [as he did.] As when he said. That Athaiiasins was Chief of the 
 ' Council of Nice ; when as he at that Time was only the Deacon of the 
 ' Bishop of Alexandria, as he [Fox] had remembred rightly. But Atha- 
 ' nasius, he said, laboured in Disputes more than the rest, and in that 
 ' Sense, indeed, he might be said to be the Chief. But there the Contro- 
 ' versy was of Honour and Primacy. [And therefore Philpot could not 
 ' be brought off by that Means.] Grindal also supposed, that Fox him- 
 ' self might in like Manner espy some other Oversights ; wherefore he 
 ' bad him use his Judgment. Grindal subjoined, that he had heard, that 
 'Peter Martyr and BuUinger had wished, that in the Writings of Bishop 
 ' Hooper, he had had time and Leisure to recognize what he wrote, 
 ' For being wrote suddenly, and under confinement he had not warily 
 ' enough writ concerning the cause, that had been tossed about by his 
 ' Disputations with so many, as such an envenomed Age required. " — 
 Fol. Ml., p. 20. 
 
270 GAEDINER AND SAUNDERS. [essay 
 
 ' declared tlie abomination of the mass, witli divers other 
 ' matters, very notably and godly." ^ This led to his being 
 brought before his diocesan Bonner, accused of treason, 
 sedition, and heresy. The Bishop declined entering into 
 any inquiry respecting the first two charges ; but in refer- 
 ence to the third, examined him on the doctrine of the 
 eucharist, and then let him go to the Lord Chancellor, (that 
 is Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester) who was otit when he 
 arrived, but — 
 
 " At last the bishop returned from the court, whom as soon as he 
 was entered, a great many suitors met and received : so that before 
 he could get out of one house into another, half an hour was passed. 
 At last he came into the chamber where Saunders was, and went 
 through into another chamber : where, in the meanway, Saunders's 
 leader gave him a writing, containing the cause, or rather the accu- 
 sation, of the said Saunders ; which when he had perused, ' Where 
 is the man ? ' said the bishop. Then Saunders, being brought forth 
 to the place of examination, first most lowly and meekly kneeled 
 down, and made courtesy before the table where the bishop did sit ; 
 unto whom the bishop spake on this wise : 
 
 " ' How happeneth it,' said he, ' that notwithstanding the queen's 
 proclamation to the contrary, you have enterprised to preach ? ' 
 
 " Saunders denied not that he did preach ; saying, that f orsomuch 
 as he saw the perilous times now at hand, he did but according as 
 he was admonished, and warned by Ezekiel the prophet — exhort his 
 flock and parishioners to persevere and stand stedfastly in the 
 doctrine which they had learned : saying also, that he was moved 
 and pricked forward thereunto by the place of the apostle, wherein 
 he was commanded rather to obey God than man ; and moreover, 
 that nothing more moved or stirred him thereunto than his own con- 
 science. 
 
 " ' A goodly conscience, surely,' said the bishop. ' This your con- 
 science could make our queen a bastard, or misbegotten : would it 
 not, I pray you ? ' 
 
 " Then said Saunders, ' We,' said he, ' do not declare or say, that 
 the queen is base, or misbegotten, neither go about any such matter. 
 But for that, let them care whose writings are yet in the hands of 
 men, witnessing the same, not without the great reproach and shame 
 of the author : ' privily taunting the bishop himself, who had before 
 (to get the favour of Henry the Eighth) written and set forth in 
 print a book of ' True Obedience,' wherein he had openly declared 
 queen Mary to be a bastard. Now master Saunders, going forwards 
 in his purpose, said, 'We do only profess and teach the sincerity 
 and purity of the word ; the which, albeit it be now forbidden us to 
 preach with our mouths, yet notwithstanding, I do not doubt, but 
 that our blood hereafter shall manifest the same.' The bishop, 
 being in this sort prettily nipped and touched, said, ' Carry away 
 
 " Fox, vol. vi. p. 541. 
 
XYI1.J DE VERA OBEDIENTIA. 271 
 
 this frenzy -fool to prison.' Unto whom master Saunders answered, 
 that he did give God thanks, which had given him at last a place of 
 rest and quietness, where he might pray for the bishop's conversion." 
 — -Fox, vol. vi. p. 616. 
 
 This the martj'rologist calls in his margin, "A privy nip 
 to Winchester ; " and of course by the time when Fox 
 wrote, it was merely a good joke. But if we consider the 
 manners and feelings of the age, and endeavour to realize 
 the idea of a priest accused of treason and sedition most 
 lowly and meekly kneeling and making courtesy before the 
 Lord Chancellor (to say nothing of the bishop), and then 
 talking to him in this way, we shall not be surprised to find 
 that he was treated as one out of his wits, and sent to 
 prison. It may indeed surprise some of those whom (if I 
 may without offence borrow a phrase from a passage which 
 I am about to quote) I will call the " Foxie generation," to 
 learn that Laurence Saunders was not instantly racked with 
 insufferable torments, and then burned out of hand. But 
 instead of this, for some cause or other, which, whatever it 
 might be, seems inconsistent with a raging thirst for blood, 
 he seems not to have been brought up again for examina- 
 tion, or rather, never to have been formally examined at aU, 
 until after an interval of about fifteen months. 
 
 The object, however, to which I wish more particularly to 
 draw the reader's attention, is the book to which Saunders 
 on this occasion referred, as written, and set forth in print, 
 by G-ardiner. There is a mystery about this book Be vera 
 Obedientia which I have not yet been able to fathom, and 
 do not pretend to understand. There has been so httle 
 inquiry about the matter that I may perhaps be able to give 
 some information ; but I write also with a view of obtaining 
 it, and with a consciousness that under such circumstances 
 I am very likely to make mistakes. If I do, the correction 
 of them will not only be a satisfaction and benefit to myself, 
 but a contribution towards our knowledge of a portion of 
 our ecclesiastical history which is peculiarly worthy of study, 
 and which offers to the inquirer many little mysteries which 
 even when they are not intrinsically worth investigation, 
 yet frequently repay that trouble by throwing light on other 
 matters of greater importance, and which have been supposed 
 to be better understood than they really were. 
 
 Others have probably sympathized with Mr. Stevens, who 
 
272 GAEDINER AND BONNEK. [essay 
 
 has lately reprinted this work of Bishop Gardiner ; and who 
 tells us, " the extract which Fox gives of this very scarce and 
 ' extraordinary tract of Gardiner's, with its no less extra- 
 ' ordinary preface by Bonner, had often excited in our mind 
 ' a great desire to see the originals, and that desire was 
 ' considerably increased by the frequent appeal to it by 
 ' almost all the reformers upon their examinations." * Yet 
 it must be confessed, that no such curiosity seems to have 
 induced the two most recent biographers of Gardiner and 
 Bonner even to look at the title-page of the tract, or at least 
 to get by heart its short and simple title " De vera Obedi- 
 entia." The former writer teUs us that Gardiner " not 
 only acknowledged the King's supremacy, but wrote a book 
 in defence of it, entitled, ' De vera et falsd Obedientia ; ' " 
 the latter says, " Stephen Gardiner's famous book, Be Vera 
 ' Differentia regies potestatis et Ecclesiasticm, was published 
 
 ' in 1534 it was reprinted in 1536, and a stringent 
 
 ' preface was prefixed to it by Bonner." ^ 
 
 * Life of Bradford, App. p. Ixi. 
 
 5 Since this was published, a passage has been pointed out to me in 
 Southey's Book of the Church, which I feel it right to notice on more 
 than one account. He says of Laurence Saunders, whom I have jnst 
 now mentioned, "In Edward's reign, he married, and obtained prefer- 
 ment ; now when the persecution began, he was soon selected as a victim, 
 and brought before Bonner, who had replaced Ridley in the see of London." 
 (Vol. ii. p. 149.) It is almost impossible to imagine a more complete 
 misrepresentation of the particular matter, or one more calculated to 
 mislead the reader as to the general state of things. When Queen Mary 
 came to the throne Saunders was holding the two livings of Church 
 Langton in Leicestershire, and of AUhallows, Bread-street, in London. 
 I'ox tells us that when the troubles began he was in the country, only in 
 order to discharge himself of his cure there ; but that finding he could 
 not resign either living into the hands of any but a papist he continued 
 to hold both. This is most probably a charitable afterthought of the 
 martyrologist to excuse the mention of his plurality, for (if Newcourt is 
 correct) Saunders became Rector of AUhallows, Bread-street, in March, 
 1553, and one would think might have had time to resign, and have been 
 in no doubt about finding a fit successor, before King Edwai-d died in 
 July. However, he was in fact doing the duty at his country living, 
 when in the month of August the proclamation against preaching- was 
 issued. _ He set it at defiance and preached on ; of course not unnoticed, 
 though it does not appear how or by whom. Some of his friends coun- 
 selled him to fly, bat he refused to hear of it. On the contrary, " seeing 
 he was with violence kept from doing good in that place, he returned 
 towards London to visit the flock of which he had there the charge." 
 The " violence " which Fox talks of was, I suppose, somewhat like the 
 
xvii.J DE VERA OBEDIENTIA. 27S 
 
 Yet surely it must have struck both writers and readers 
 as rather an odd thing, and one not altogether unworthy of 
 
 "rage" and "fury" whicli he so commonly ascribes to persons who 
 appear to be acting and speaking very collectedly ; for it seems to have 
 left Saunders a free agent, and quite at liberty to pnrsue his way to 
 London or anywhere else. And so what he was prevented from doing by 
 violence at his living in the country, he resolved to do in London almost 
 under the eye, and in the hearing of his ferocious diocesan. On the 14th 
 of October, therefore, he drew nigh to London, and so doing he fell in 
 with Sir John Mordant, one of the Queen's Council, who seems to have 
 been acquainted with him, and who on learning his purpose urged him to 
 desist. He would listen to no advice, and when they entered the city 
 they parted. The Councillor, going to the Bishop, informed him of 
 Saunders's intention ; and Saunders, going to his lodging, told " one who 
 was there about him," and who perceived that he was troubled, " In very 
 deed I am in prison till I be in prison." 
 
 If, as I have said on Fox's authority, " Master Mordant, of an un- 
 charitable mind, went to give warning to Bonner " on Saturday, it does 
 not appear that the Bishop took any step until the next day, when the 
 Eector of AUhallows, Bread-street, had preached the morning sermon, 
 and " in the afternoon he was ready in his church to have given another 
 exhortation to his people." Then he was sent for to the Bishop's palace, 
 where he found Sir John Mordant with Bonner and his chaplains. It- 
 seems as if the Councillor had been present at the morning sermon, or, at 
 least, as if he was the person who then and there preferred the formal 
 charge respecting it. That charge, as Bonner explained to the preacher, 
 comprehended treason, sedition, and heresy. Of the two former heada 
 the bishop waived all consideration ; not, I apprehend, as Fox represents- 
 it, " until another time," but as things with which he had nothing to do,- 
 and to which the prisoner must answer before another tribunal. In the 
 mean time they had "nmch talk " about the ceremonies of the " church' 
 papistical," and how they were " partly blasphemous, partly unsavoury 
 and unprofitable." And after that (as Southey quotes from Fox cor- 
 rectly enough, except that he represents it as if the Bishop had done it- 
 without a word of preface or reference to anything else) " Bonner desired 
 ' him to write his opinion concerning transubstantiation : he obeyed 
 ' without hesitation, saying, as he delivered the writing, ' My Lord, ye dc 
 ' seek my blood, and ye shall have it. I pray God that ye may be so 
 ' baptized in it, that ye may thereafter loath bloodsucking, and become a 
 ' better man.' " The reader will bear in mind that, at this time, no sub- 
 ject of Queen Mary had been put to death on the charge of heresy, nor 
 do I know that such a thing was even threatened or talked of for a twelve- 
 month afterwards ; and he will not be surprised to find that Bonner is not 
 recorded to have made any answer. Fox says that the Bishop " sent 
 Laurence Saunders to the Lord Chancellor ; " and this may be allowed 
 to pass ; though I suppose it would be more correct to say that the Coun- 
 cillor took his prisoner there ; for Fox tells us that, when they came to 
 the Chancellor's, "Saunders stood very modestly and soberly at the screen 
 or cupboard bareheaded, Sir John Mordant his guide or leader walking up 
 and down by him. " Then followed the scene which I have just given 
 
 S- 
 
274 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 inquiry. FamUiar as we are vnth. the united names of 
 Gardiner and Bonner, and natural as it would seem to most 
 modern readers to meet with them joined in an order to 
 burn a heretic, one is not quite prepared to find them 
 forming a sort of literary firm or partnership. Of course, 
 we know that there have been such unions between 
 distinguished writers at all times, from the days of Beaumont 
 and Fletcher to those of Mant and D'Oyly ; but in this case 
 of Gardiner and Bonner, the relative position of the parties, 
 and the division of labour, is so very strange. The Bishop 
 of Winchester, both personally and officially one of the 
 most eminent and powerful men in the kingdom, writes a 
 little book on a political subject of the utmost delicacy and 
 
 above from Fox ; and that issued as I have already stated in the prisoner's 
 being treated simply as a rebellious fanatic, who could not be allowed to 
 proceed in his work of agitation, and who was sent into confinement, 
 where he lay, so far as appears untouched, if not actually forgotten, for a 
 year and a quarter. 
 
 Is it not too much to represent this man, as one who " was soon selected 
 as a victim?" Should it not make people cautious how they adopt 
 historical statements from popular writers on party subjects, especially 
 when for some reason or other they are writing about matters of which 
 they are ignorant? I do not mean to charge Southey with intentional 
 falsehood, but so little care did he take to be accurate in the superficial 
 compilation which he presumed to call " The Book of the Church," that 
 in telling this story he was absolutely not aware of the transfer of the 
 prisoner from Bonner to Gardiner; and, after the words of Saunders 
 which I have just quoted in this note, he goes on (supposing it to be all 
 one conversation and repeating what the reader will find, in my quota- 
 tion from Fox in the text just before, were Oardiner's words) " When 
 he spoke of his conscience Bonner exclaimed, ' A goodly conscience 
 traly,'" &o., and this makes it necessary for him to explain to the 
 readers of "The Book of the Church," who could not be supposed to be 
 prepared with so much learning as her champion, that " Sonner had, in 
 ' Henry's reign, written and printed a book, wherein he declared the 
 ' marriage with Catherine unlawful, and the Princess Mary illegitimate. 
 ' This retort touched him, and he immediately said, 'Carry away this 
 frenzy fool to prison.' " 
 
 The reader will see that (beside the blundering between the Bishop of 
 London and the Lord Chancellor) there is here a gross falsification in 
 representing the Chancellor as immediately giving a passionate order 
 because he was touched by a personal retort. It does not appear that he 
 took any notice whatever of the insult, or that anything was done to 
 prevent the prisoner from " going forwards in his purpose," how long, or 
 m what language, it might be hard to say, until he began to state how 
 he and others would find a way of doing with their blood what the state 
 ibi-bade them to do with their mouths. 
 
xvii.J DE VERA OBEDIENTIA. 275 
 
 highest importance. The Archdeacon of Leicester, a man 
 of no particular personal importance, and comparatively of 
 no consequence at all, issues a new edition of it, with a 
 fulsome puffing preface of his own. To be sure it may be 
 said that strange things of this sort have happened in 
 modern times, and that in our own days popular writers 
 have bestowed the same sort of prefatory patronage on 
 eminent authors. But that I believe was generally sup- 
 posed to be rather an affair of the Trade ; and besides, it 
 was not done in the lifetime of the authors, or to their 
 faces, or while they were (for indeed they never were) 
 among the greatest men in the church and state. 
 
 But if we can get over all this, there is one thing more, 
 according to Fox, which is quite enough by itself to puzzle 
 the matter. He declares that the archdeacon and the 
 bishop (the puffer and the puffed) hated each other. He 
 tells us in the plainest terms, that Bishop Gardiner continued 
 to favour the reforming party, and was firm and forward in 
 it, " so that who but Winchester during all the time and 
 ' reign of Queen Anne. After her decease that time by 
 ' little and little carried him away, till at length the 
 ' emulation of Cromwell's estate, and especially (as it 
 ' seemeth) for his so much favouring of Bonner, whom 
 ' Winchester at that time in no case could abide, made him an 
 'utter enemy both against him, and also his religion."" 
 Fox had previously told us, that " so long as Cromwell 
 ' remained in authority, so long was Bonner at his beck, 
 ' and friend to his friends, and enemy to his enemies ; as 
 ' namely at that time to Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, 
 ' who never favoured Cromwell, and therefore Bonner could 
 ' not favour him, but he and Winchester were the greatest 
 ' enemies that might be. But so soon as Cromwell fell, 
 ' immediately Bonner and Winchester pretended to be the 
 ' greatest men that lived."' What are we to say to this? 
 Perhaps we need not say anything immediately. Perhaps 
 we may be allowed, in such a trifling matter as this, to 
 reverse the usual mode of writing history, and defer 
 speculation until we have inquired respecting facts. What 
 are they ? 
 
 Under the year 1534, Strype says, "This year also 
 
 " Vol. vii. p. 587. ' Vol. v. p. 414. 
 
276 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 ' Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, put forth his 
 'book De vera Obedientia; Of true Obedience, which he 
 ' wrote to justify the parliament in giving the king the title 
 ' of Supreme Head of this church."" Anthony a Wood 
 gives as one of the works of Bonner, "Preface to the 
 Oration of Stephen Bish. of Winchester concerning true 
 Obedience. Printed at London in Lat. 1534, 35 ; "" but his 
 account is in other respects so palpably incorrect, that it is 
 not worth while to criticise the date which he gives. 
 Herbert', however, also represents the book as having been 
 printed by Thomas Berthelet, the king's printer, in the 
 year 1534. He is entitled to the highest respect and 
 confidence when speaking of those books which he dis- 
 tinguishes as having been in his own possession, or under 
 his own eye ; but as this is not one of them, and as I do not 
 find any other grounds than those which I have mentioned 
 for supposing that there ever was such an edition, I am 
 inclined to suspect that there has been some mistake. 
 Perhaps the same confusion which I have already noticed, 
 between Bishop Gardiner's book Be vera Obedientia and 
 Bishop Fox's De vera Differentia ; the latter of which really 
 was printed by Thomas Berthelet in the year 1534 ; but of 
 Bishop Gardiner's worlc I suspect he printed only one 
 edition, and that not until the next year. 
 
 This edition of 1535 is mentioned by Herbert as one of 
 the books in his own possession, and correctly, though 
 briefly, described by him^. There is a copy in the British 
 Museum^. It is a small quarto of thirty-six leaves, numbered 
 in a large Roman type. The only words on the title-page are 
 
 STEPHANI WINTON . EPISCOPI DE VERA OBEDIENTIA OKATIO. 
 
 They are within the well-known Holbein border, having in 
 
 8 Mem. I. i. 264. " Ath. Ox. ed. Bliss, vol. i. p. 370. 
 
 1 That is, Herbert the bibliographer, (Typ. Ant. vol. i. p. 425,) for 
 Lord Herbert has been quoted as an authority about this book, -which he 
 desoribes as Gardiner's "latin Sermon De vera Obedientia." I cannot 
 imagine that it has any right to be called a " Sermon," and I do not 
 know why it is called an "Oration," for the language seems obviously 
 addressed, not to hearers, but readers. It is probable, hcSwever, that Lord 
 Herbert was not very accurately acquainted with the book, for he tells us 
 that it had a " preface of Dr. Bonner, Archdeacon oi Lichfield" instead 
 of Leicester.— X^/e of Benry VIIL p. 389. 
 
 2 Ubi sup. p. 246. 
 
 '■^ It appears by the catalogue of the Bodleian Library that there is one 
 there also. 
 
XVII.] DE VEEA OBEDIENTIA. 277 
 
 the bottom piece (which Dibdin has copied <) what Herbert 
 calls, "boys in procession to the left." The back of the 
 title is blank, and the work begins on the following page. 
 On the back of the thirty-sixth leaf is the colophon, 
 
 " LONDINI IN AEDIBUS THO. BERTHELETI KEGII IMPRESSOEIS 
 EXCUSA. AN. M.D. XXXV. CVM PRIVILEGIO." I do not See 
 
 anything which looks as if it was a second edition ; and as I 
 have mentioned Bonner's preface, I ought to add, that it con- 
 tains only Gardiner's Oration, with no mention of Bonner, 
 no preface by anybody, no dedication, no addition whatever. 
 Then there is an addition, which is said to have been 
 printed at Hamburgh the next year, with this title'*: — 
 
 STEPHANI WINTONIEN- 
 
 SIS EPISCOPI DE VERA OBE 
 dientia, oratio. 
 
 VNA CUM PRAEFATIONE EDMVN- 
 
 DI BONEB.I AROHIDIACONI LEY 
 
 cestrensis sereniss. Regiae ma. 
 
 Anglise in Dania legati, 
 
 capita notabili- 
 
 ora dictse 
 
 ora- 
 
 tionis com- 
 
 plecten 
 
 te. 
 
 IN QUA ETIAM OSTENDITVE 
 
 caussam controuersise quse inter ipsam sereniss. 
 
 Eegiam Maiestatem & Episcopu Ro- 
 
 manum existit, longe aliter ao 
 
 diuersins se habere, q ; hacte 
 
 nus a vulgo puta- 
 
 tum sit. 
 
 Hamburgi ex officina Francisci 
 
 Rhodi. Mense lanuario 
 
 1536 
 
 * Typ. Ant. Prel. Disq. Vol. i. p. xliv. The lower of the two eDgravings. 
 
 * This, and two subsequent title-pages, are not to be considered as 
 perfect fapsijniles ; but they wijl furnjph the r^ad^er with suph a knowledge 
 
278 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 This is, I believe, the first appearance of Bonner's 
 Preface ; but I shall have occasion to speak more particu- 
 larly of this edition presently. 
 
 Another edition is said to have been published in this 
 year at Strasburgh, in 8vo. I have never seen a copy, or 
 met with a particular reference to one°- 
 
 I do not know of any other edition, until in the year 
 1612, the tract was reprinted by Goldastus, who does not 
 tell us what edition he followed'; but if there was] one 
 printed at Strasburgh, it was probably that one ; for a long 
 address to the reader which is prefixed to the Oration is 
 subscribed by, "W. F. Capito, C. Hedio, M. Bucer et cseteri 
 Ecclesiastse Argentoratenses." This address bears no other 
 mark of time or place that I see ; and (what is most to be 
 remarked) in the whole reprint I do not find one word of, 
 or about, any Preface by Bonner. 
 
 The only other edition of the original Latin with which 
 I am acquainted, is that published by Dr. Brown in his 
 " Pasciculus Rerum expetendarum," &c. The reader who 
 
 of the words nsed, and of the spelling, disposition, and arrangement of 
 them, and of the general appearance of the title-page as to capitals, 
 figures, &o., as will enable him to identify any copy which he may meet 
 with. Should he meet with any that materially varies from them, I 
 shall he much obliged if he will let me know. 
 
 " In Simler's edition of Gesner's Bibliotheoa, in the article on Bishop 
 Gardiner (in v. SteplMnus), it is stated that an edition was published at 
 Strasburgh, in 1536, in 8vo. Bauer says — " Gardineri (Stephani) de vera 
 Obedientia oratio. Argentor. 1536. in 8° Rarissima et notabilis est. 
 Schelhorn Amoen. H.E. T.I. p. 837. sqq. Gerdes. p. 133." SiblLibr. 
 Rar. Tom. ii. p. 10. I have not at present the means of referring to 
 these authorities, but the latter of them elsewhere says — " Hunc libellum 
 Argentorati curante W. F. Capitcne 1586 8° recusum exoerpsit doctiss. 
 Sohelhornius in Amcenit. Historico-Eccles. Tom. i. p. 837. seq." Introd. 
 in Hist. Ec. Tom. iv. p. 237. 
 
 ' In his Monarchia. S. Eom. Imp. Vol. i. p. 716. Printed at Hanover. 
 There is at the beginning of the book a " Dissertatio de Auctoribus," 
 which professes to give an account of the authors whose works follow. 
 But after going through a good many, and before we come to the Oration, 
 we are told " Qui sequuntur Tractatus nulla indigent dissertatione, quod 
 et recentes sint eorum auctores, et scripta ad amussim polita," &c. The 
 authors of the prefatory address begin by saying "Nacti nuper orationem 
 de vera obedientia K _P._ Stephani Epiac. Wintoniensis, committere non 
 potuimus, quin earn tibi commnnicaremus ; " but I do not see that they 
 throw any further light on the question. 
 
XTii.] DB VEEA OBEDIENTIA. 270 
 
 turns to p. 800 of tlie second volume, will find both the 
 Preface and the Oi-ation, with a title almost literally the 
 same as that of the Hamburgh edition, of which I have 
 just given a copy, except that the humorous editor, having 
 copied as far as " Arohidiac. Leicestr.," relieved his feelings 
 by inserting in a parenthesis, after those words, " (postea 
 uero Episc. Londinensis pinguissimi et sanguinolenti,)" and 
 also that " Hamburgi " is altered to " Juxta editionem 
 Bamburgensem." This latter annunciation in the title 
 would, of course", lead the reader to suppose that the whole 
 woik (Preface and Oration) were printed from the Ham- 
 burgh edition. And as he would be quite right in so doing, 
 it would not be necessary to say anything about it here if 
 Dr. Brown himself had not taken pains to tell him the 
 contrary. As if to keep up the puzzle about the book, 
 thougl, at the same time, with a real wish to be accurate, 
 he has particularly specified that he printed the Oration 
 from th« London edition ; while nothing can be more clear 
 (to me, £t least, with the very copy which he used on my 
 table), tlan that the Oration in the Fasciculus is really 
 reprinted from the Hamburgh edition, and not from the 
 London^. What difference it may make, or whether any, I 
 
 ^ In Dr. Bnwn's preface is the following passage — " Boneri prsefalio 
 in Stephani (J-avdineri librum de vera obedientia Oxonio mihi missa est 
 ' a viro dootissmo Georgio Hickes ecclesia Vigorniensis Decano, qui ilium 
 ' meis precibus liutius in omnibus academise bibliothecis, qua3si¥erat, in 
 ' Baliolensi veri solum invenit : ipse autem Gardineri liber exouditur 
 ' juxta veterem editionem Loudinensem, cui deest ista prsfatio (callide 
 ' enim eam editicii illi subtraxerat hypocrita crassus, quasi rei pudefactus) 
 ' quam nobis supjeditavit perhumaniter vir de ecclesia nostra et omnigeua 
 ' literatura bona paeolare meritus Thomas Tenisonus S.T.P. et S.Martini 
 ' in Campis Vicariis." There is something very humorous in the idea of 
 the stupid hypocrie Bonner's withdrawing a preface in the manner here 
 suggested. Dr. Bown was, however, mistaken in supposing that the 
 copy from which heprinted (though it does want the Preface) was of the 
 old London edition. The copy in the Lambeth Library cannot be doubted 
 to have belonged to \.rchbishop Tenison. In the "List of early-printed 
 books " which I prined in 1843, I mentioned this volume. I was not 
 then aware of this pasage in Dr. Brown's preface, but it was so obvious 
 that the book had ben through a printer's hands, that I said, " It appears 
 to have been used in rinting some larger edition, in which it began on 
 the Signature K 2, an' went on to M 3, the signatures being here noted 
 in the margin with a pn,"p. 252. I ought to have said 5 K 2 and 5 M 3, 
 
280 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 do not know. On a very cursory comparison of the two 
 editions I did not perceive any variation ; but it is not im- 
 probable that they may differ, and at any rate, the mistake 
 should be corrected. 
 
 These are, as far as I know, all the editions of the 
 original Latin; and they purport to have been printed 
 respectively in the years 1535, 1536, 1612, and 1690. 
 Whether there is any material, or even verbal, difference 
 between these various editions, I am not able to say. Nor 
 do I know whether, during the first eighteen years after 
 its publication, the work attracted any degree of public 
 attention, or was translated into any modern language. Of 
 course, I say this merely taking the dates as they stand in 
 the various title-pages, and keeping the question of their 
 truth and accuracy quite open for future discussion. 
 
 There is, however, an English translation of the work, 
 which has undergone (one may properly use the vord in 
 speaking of such very barbarous books) three editions. The 
 earliest dated, and I believe, though it has bem ques- 
 tioned, really the first of them, presents the following title- 
 page :— 
 
 but I did not then, I suppose, observe, or make out the 5, which is 
 plainly enough written over the references, to save the troiple of writing 
 " K k k k k," and so on to " M m m m m," as the signaAires actually 
 stand in Brown's Fasciculus. Should this meet the eye q any one who 
 can give me information with reference to what is here (aid respecting 
 Baliol College, 1 shall be thankful for it. It does not $pear from Dr. 
 Brown's statement whether what he obtained from th^t soiree was printed 
 or manuscript. / 
 
XVII.] DE VERA OBEDIENTIA. 281 
 
 DE VERA OBEDIENOIA 
 
 RAtion made in Latine, by the ry- 
 ghte Reuerend father in God Ste- 
 phan B. of VVinchestre, nowe lord 
 Chaucellor of england, with the 
 preface of Edmunde Boner, som- 
 time Archedeaco of Leicestre, and 
 the kinges maiesties embassadour 
 in Denmarke, & sithence B. of Lon 
 don, touchinge true Obedience. 
 Printed at Hamburgh in La- 
 tine, In olficina Pracisci Rho 
 di Mense la. M.D.xxxvi. 
 And nowe translated into english 
 and printed by Michal Wood : 
 with the Preface and con 
 elusion of the traun- 
 slatour. 
 t[ From Roane, xxvi. of 
 Octobre. M.D.liii. 
 In Readinge marke the Notes 
 
 in the margine 
 
 A double mynded man, is incon 
 
 stat in al his waies. lac. i. 
 
 It is a small octavo, in fact not larger than the common 
 duodecimo size. The first twelve leaves are occupied with the 
 title and translator's preface. Then Bonner's Preface and the 
 Oration occupy sixty leaves. After this, the Translator again 
 addresses the Reader, and occupies eleven pages. The body of 
 the work is in Roman type ; the letter w being of uncouth 
 shape, and wrong size, either because it was printed abroad, 
 or it make it look as if it had been ; and the marginal notes 
 are in a small genuine black letter^. Without prejudice to 
 
 ^ It will be seen that the three large letters in the second line of the 
 title do not answer to this description. They belong to the German 
 type into which the Gothic letter gassed.. I give them because they are 
 
282 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 any question which may be raised as to the place of its 
 birth, we may, for distinction's sake, call it the " Roane " 
 edition. 
 
 A second edition of this English version professes to have 
 followed the first very speedily, and has the following title- 
 page. 
 
 De vera obedientia 
 
 ^n oration ma 
 
 tit in ILatinc / fig tf)Z 
 
 tt'sfjt Bcnfriljt fatljer in QSloO 
 
 Stepp 6i0l)op of fflmtci)e 
 
 stre nota SLortJe Ctijau 
 
 lElout of €ttg 
 
 lante 
 
 imitf) tfje preface of fiFJrmonlie Bonner ttian 
 
 arcjilieacon of Uricefitre, anlr tf)c ftingrs 
 
 JWaiesties ffimSsssatrour in IBenmar 
 
 fte.antrnoto SisBlDnp of Hontron: ton 
 
 cfltng trnr obetrtence, IPrinteli 
 
 at fl^aburgj in JLatine, in 
 
 officina#ranBciBci KTjoIri 
 
 ptense J(anuario, 
 
 1536. 
 
 an& nom tranBla= 
 
 Wis in to ffingliBjs, anlt 
 
 printeJt eftsonts, in Kome, 
 
 tcfote g« caBtle of .§. angel, at t1)e Bigne of S. 
 
 #ttcr. En nobembre, anno trn. JW. H.aiit. 
 
 This edition is, like the former, in a small octavo form, 
 though with a page considerably larger than the other. It 
 is printed, both text and marginal notes, in a sharp, thin, 
 and not genuine, black letter, on fiifty leaves, the last of 
 which (notwithstanding the announcement on the title-page) 
 bears the well-known device of a London printer, Hugh 
 Singleton. It is hardly necessary to say that there is no 
 more probability of its having been printed by him, than of 
 its having been printed at Rome ; though, perhaps, we 
 might find some grounds for suspecting that it (perhaps I 
 might say the Roane edition, also) was printed in England. 
 
 what were used in printing Coverdale'e Bible, and by several English 
 printers afterwards. 
 
XVII.] DE VERA OBEDIENTIA. 283 
 
 But, without discussing or prejudicing this question, we may 
 call this the " Rome " edition. 
 
 The third edition, being a reprint from this second, was 
 published by Mr. Stevens, in London, as lately as the year 
 1832, by way of iippendix to his Life of Bradford. It is 
 right to mention this reprint, not only because I am en- 
 deavouring to give a list of all the editions both of the 
 original and of the translation, but because all the old 
 editions, whether Latin or English, are scarce books ; and 
 the reader who feels any curiosity to look at the work, is 
 more likely to have access to this modern edition than to 
 any other ; and he should be premonished that it is executed 
 with astonishing ignorance and incorrectness^ 
 
 ■' Many readers will feel that I can hardly say more in a few words 
 than by stating, that this piece of " Martyrological Biography," as the 
 author entitles it, is quite worthy to take its place with the Seeley 
 edition of Fox. I speak, of course, with reference to the reprint of 
 Gardiner's work which it contains, for I have not had occasion to look at 
 any other part. Take the following specimens of what seems almost 
 unaccountanle carelessness — "do not go about traiterously," for "do not 
 (yily go," &c., page Ixvi., line 28. "If their works and writings," for 
 "if their words," Sec, Ixix. 27. "To worship a pretty white coated 
 casket," for " cake," Ixxii. 8 from bottom. " Theraoith the consent of 
 the whole church," for "than with the consent," Ixxvii. 25. "And 
 prefaced the same also in his deeds," for " and performed the same," 
 &c., Ixxxvii. 24. " Giveth us more plain meaning of this," for " warn- 
 ing," ibid. 28. "If he had to call him," for "if ye lust to call him," 
 xcv. uU. " This indeed is the most special way," for "the most spedy," 
 cii. 17. "For their fteawi?/," for " their duetie," cyi. 1. " Wlien they 
 have taken," for "where they have taken," cvi. 14, and after line 25, a 
 whole line omitted. " Should be called also," for " should not be," ibid, 
 penult. "It was meet to mistake," fox " to mislike," cid\. 6. " In. lialj 
 estate of worldly power," for "hault estate," cxvii. 5 from bottom. 
 " Therefore take away the other from the cause, for the other ought to 
 be a. servant of trath, and cannot nor ought not to be prejudicial ;" for 
 otJier read othe twice, and put out not, cxxxvi. 24. Much more might 
 be adduced in proof of the very negligent and careless way in which the 
 reprint has been made ; but there are other blunders of a grosser cha- 
 racter, indicating, not only negligence, but such a degree of ignorance 
 as should have prevented the editor from meddling with the matter, and 
 as is quite fearful when thus combined with a free and easy method of 
 altering the text at his discretion. For instance, at p. Ixvii. , (where, by 
 the way, there is a good deal left out,) we read of "piurours," a class of 
 persons of whom few people, I suppose, have ever heard. The editor 
 was so entirely unacquainted with books belonging to the same period 
 as that which he was editing, as not to know that a p with a transverse 
 stroke across its tail (p), was a most common contraction for "per," and 
 tjjatthe "double-faced" people of whom his author spake were "per- 
 
284 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 The Roane and Rome editions, however, though gener- 
 ally considered as (and substantially, I suppose, they reaUy 
 are) one and the same version — perhaps, by the way, one of 
 the most barbarous versions of Latin into a sort of English 
 that ever was perpetrated — present a great many variations, 
 some of which may be just worth mentioning. 
 
 In the first place, at the very outset, instead of a blank 
 page at the back of the title, the Rome edition has in black- 
 letter — 
 
 " The Contentes 
 of Wynchesters boke. 
 
 e 
 The Kinge supreme head of y churche 
 The Bishop of Eome hath non au 
 toritie in Englande 
 The Kinges mariage with the la 
 dy Anne, chaste and lanf uU 
 
 iurours," or " perjurers." But he was content to print nonsense which 
 he could not himself pretend to understand. And so he was two pages 
 farther on — who or what are " kahies ? " One would imagine they must 
 be the people who used the celebrated " kimes " — but no, it is merely that 
 the reprinter of a printed book is so little acquainted with the type of 
 the time, as to take a capital R for a capital K, and so, from being 
 " ruffling Eabyes," the papistical prelates who made sermons and 
 orations have been turned into "Kabies," instead of "rabbles." He 
 modernized it as far as he could, explain it he could not, but he was 
 content to let it stand, and say nothing about it. A still grosser and 
 more absurd specimen of the same sort of ignorance and absolute 
 incompetency to read the book which he had undertaken to edit, is 
 afforded by a note on p. cxi., which is literally as follows : — 
 
 "If the Bishop of Eome were Christ's Vicar, he would not have 
 practised ing-gliges. — Wood." 
 
 The reader will understand that in the original this is a marginal 
 note, and the narrow margin required the last word of it to be divided. 
 It is hardly worth the trouble, but if the reader will turn the i into a 
 j, invert the n, remove the hyphen, and supply the common mark over 
 the next i, to indicate that an n is omitted, he will arrive at the word 
 " jugglinges." How could any man, especially one who so freely used 
 his discretion about inserting the marginal notes of the translator, think 
 of disfiguring his book by what he must have felt to be nonsense ? But 
 superadded nonsense is not the worst effect produced by this tampering 
 of ignorance, as the following specimen may show. In the old edition, 
 the translator speaks of certain valiant soldiers, who loved to sleep in 
 a whole skin, and he compares them to "Gnatoes." This the editor 
 (guiltless of Terence) did not understand, and so he has actually stripped 
 the poor parasite of his capital, and printed the passage thus — " like 
 gnats with ait, aio, negat, nego," p. Ixx. What did h,e think, the gnats 
 did, and how did they do it ? 
 
XVII.] DE VERA OBEDIENTIA. 285 
 
 The Diuorce of the lady Katheri- 
 
 ne donne by Goddes lawe. etc. 
 
 The autoritie of Goddes worde, 
 
 only to be obeyde. 
 
 Mennes traditions repugne in most 
 
 thinges to Goddes truthe 
 
 The word of truth lay buried, 
 
 whan the bish. of Rome ruled here. 
 
 The coming agayne of light 
 
 confessed 
 
 Folishe and vnlaufull othes and 
 
 vowes not to be kepte 
 
 And other which these incar 
 nate deuilles impudentlj' 
 and traiterously goo about 
 to subuerte at this day." 
 
 In the Roane edition, as I have already said, the trans- 
 lator adds an appendix of eleven pages, addressed to " the 
 Christen Reader." In the Rome edition this is all omitted, 
 and there are only two leaves after the end of the Ora- 
 tion, two pages and a half of which are occupied by matter 
 headed — c 
 
 " C Eesistaunce of y Gospells is a most 
 manifest sygne of dampnaoion." 
 
 But the minor variations are numberless ; and it may, 
 perhaps, be sufficient to quote one specimen, and to make 
 one general remark, the tendency of both being to give the 
 reader a clearer idea of the difference between the two edi- 
 tions, and a ground for forming an opinion as to which was 
 published first. It is this — that as far as I have compared 
 them, the phraseology of the Rome edition is generally (not 
 quite always) less rude, coarse, and scurrilous, than the 
 Roane text ; and I think that whoever reflects on even the 
 specimen which follows, will believe, though an opposite 
 opinion has been maintained, that the passage, which I here 
 give according to the Roane text, was the original, and that 
 the Rome text, which substitutes what is here in italics for 
 what is here in brackets, was the corrected edition. I do 
 not know whether the mode of printing which I have 
 adopted is the best for the purpose ; but I trust that the 
 reader will understand, that if he reads straight forward all 
 that is in Roman type, as if there were no brackets, and 
 omits what is in italics, he will have the passage as it stands 
 in the Roane edition ; if he reads it, omitting what is 
 
286 GAEDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 included in brackets, and taking instead what is in italics, 
 he will have the Rome text. 
 
 C The Preface of the Translatour to the gentle Reader. 
 
 I haue hertofore (with no smale admiration) readde a certaine 
 Sermon made in English, before our late souereiene Lorde King 
 Henry the .viii, about .xiiii. yeres past, by D, Tonstal than B. of 
 Duresme, and set furthe In print (by like) for his owne glorye, or 
 rather purgation, beyng suspected (and not witlwut cause) to be a 
 fauourer of the pretensed autoritie, and Antichristian power [and 
 detestable enormities] of the B. of Rome whereof he [semeth at this 
 daye to be] is bent at this day with other his complices to shew him- 
 self (that Sermon notwithstanding) not onely to be [no hinderour, 
 but also] a frindelye fauourer, hut an open diligent [a trustie] proc- 
 tour, and [an open defijdour, much to be lamented, in respect of his 
 excellente giftes, and vertues otherwise. 
 
 Ther is also] a certS Oratio also written in latin [made] by D. Sam- 
 son, [late] than B. of Chichester, and now the double faced epicu- 
 reous bite shepe of Coventry and liichfield [which Sermon and Oratio, 
 proue and make learned assercion] aswel for the proof and assertion 
 of the kinges supremacy, by the vndoubted truth of Gods vnfayling 
 worde as of the [necessary and] iust abrogation of the sayde b.ishop 
 of Romes fained power out of england. [And albe it men iustlye 
 maruaile at these mennes inconstancy, seyinge howe they sayde and 
 wrote than, and how slepperli thei speke and doo nowe, yet thei are 
 not muche compted vppon. because that lyke as Doresme was] £y 
 which Sermon and oracion 1 helge indifferently instructed in tlie truths 
 for those dayes in som poyntes cannot chose but marvaile somwhat at 
 this their so sodayne alteracion of mynde and procediges presently sene 
 to al menes understanding. Sowheitfor as muche a Tostall hathe hen 
 longe [a goo] reputed a still dreamynge Saturne, alwaies imagininge 
 mischiefe, [so is] and Samson [known to be] an idelbeUied carnal 
 epicure, [that] which for worldly honour, and paltring pelfes sake 
 hath euer holden with the hare, and runne with the hounde as they 
 say: and [as he hath theuishlye spoiled and made away pore mens 
 linings, the patrimonye of his bishoprike, so would he] (if he were 
 bidden) would saye Christ [was] were a hangman and his father a 
 thiefe. [Therefore, it forceth not what suche dubble mynded mar- 
 ohauntes ^ write or speak, seing (as saint lames sayth) thei are in- 
 
 ^ This word may appear as strange to some readers of modern books as 
 it did to an anonymous writer who, four or five years ago, published a 
 very large ,ioke in the form of a burlesque Life and Defence of Bishop 
 Bonner, " By a Tractarian British Critic." When this writer found that 
 Bishop saying of Latimer, " as for this merchant I know him well," and 
 adding, " as touching the other merchant Hooper, I have never seen him 
 before," he did not know what to make of it, having probably been led 
 by something which he had seen or heard to connect the names of Lati- 
 mer and Hooper with ecclesiastical, rather than mercantile, affairs. 
 Accordingly, with the characteristic boldness of ignorance, he struck out 
 the word merchant from the text, and substituted mecAawf ; showing that 
 
XVII.] 
 
 DE VERA OBEDIENTIA. 287 
 
 constant in all their waies, and of no satled] 2 compted not muche 
 vpon them, nor thought that their Sermon and Oracion proceeded of any 
 perswasion of cosoience but [forecast altogether, howe] to seme the 
 time, as the comon [study &] practice of [al] that foxie genera- 
 tion is. 
 
 [And in like sort] But now of late I chaunced [lately] to read an 
 excellent, and a right notable [learned] Oration, entitled De vera 
 Obediecia, made in latine [nere] about .xx. yeres past by D. Stephan 
 Gardener, than B.isshop of VVinchestre, [and] now Lord Chancellour 
 and comon cutthrot of England, toncbinge as well the kinges supre- 
 maci and absolute power (vnder God) of the church of England, and 
 the necessary diuorce (as he calleth it) of the said king Henry the 
 eighte from the quenes [graces] Mother that now is, [and] together 
 with the lauf ul and chast mariage (for so he termeth the matter) 
 [solemnised] had betwene the sayde Kynge and quene Anne, to con- 
 sist by the vnfailynge almightie word or GOD : as also concernynge 
 the false fained authoritie and vsurped power of the bishoppe of 
 Rome, and vnlaufuU or vnadvysed othees and vowes : ioyned with 
 the [pleasaunte] preface of doughtie Dootoure Boner, then arohdeaoo 
 of Leioestre, [and the kynges Embassadoure in Denmarke], gaping 
 to be [made] a bishop as he is now hy the way of uaurpocion [was 
 af terwarde] of Loudon for the commendacion and praise of the same 
 Oracion. 
 
 I thiak tlie reader will believe that these two editions 
 
 if he did not understand English, he was not altogether ignorant of 
 French, and knew how to adorn his work with some such flowers of con- 
 jectural criticism and humorous emendation as should render it worthy 
 of the Seeley press from which it was to issue. It might be vulgar, but 
 it would be not only truth, but good English, if a reviewer were to say of 
 this author, that it was " hard to deal with such a chap ; " and perhaps 
 most readers would pass over the phrase without once thinking of the 
 words " dealer and chapman," which still linger amidst our phraseology 
 in a sense which has now become obsolete with respect to "merchant." 
 This work is anonymous ; but in case any future Placcius should be 
 inclined to inquire about its authorship, three marks may be mentioned as 
 possibly offering a clue. First, some other exhibitions of ignorance, such 
 as I have mentioned — as for instance, in support of his assumed character 
 of an ultra-tractarian, the author dates his dedication, "October 23, Feast 
 of St. Ignatius Loyola. " As a piece of humour this is, perhaps, equal to 
 anything in the whole book ; but not being much at home in the Calendar, 
 he has unluckily got hold of St. Ignatius the Patriarch, instead of St. 
 Ignatius the Jesuit, whose day is the 31st of July. Again, any man who 
 should affect to write a life of Bishop Bonner, though only in a solemn jest 
 of less than four hundred pages, while under a belief that the Cotton 
 MSS. are at Oxford, should reaUybehimselfplacedin the British Museum 
 as a national curiosity. See p. 13 ; and it is likely that where there are 
 such things, there are plenty of such like. A second mark is, that the 
 book is printed at Durham. A third, and the most observable, is, that it 
 quotes a " charge " delivered by one " of the Dignitaries of the church," 
 named Townsend. 
 
288 THE STORY OF HAMBURGH. t^ssAY 
 
 were printed in the order which their title-pages suggest ; 
 but, supposing their dates to be relatively true us to the 
 order of precedence between them, do we not begin to feel 
 some surprise at those dates themselves ? The former 
 edition purports to have issued " from Ea'ane, xxvi. of 
 Octobre," in the year 1553 ; and the later from Rome " in 
 Novembre " of the same year. It will be Been, therefore, 
 that the date of this Roane book is only el even days after 
 Laurence Saunders's sermon, at AllhalloT,re, Bread-street. 
 To be sure, Gardiner had been Lord Ghajjcellor ever since 
 the 23rd of August, but how had he efirned the title of 
 " common cut-throat of England " ? W'iiose throat had he 
 or anybody else cut ? What had " Doughtie D. Bonner " 
 done hy that time ? In short, doea not this style of 
 writing, as well as even the coupling together of the names, 
 rather savour of a later period, and a subsequent state of 
 things and of feelings ? Does it not look as if there was 
 something not quite accordant with strict truth in the ttTnes 
 so punctually set forth in the titles of these books, any 
 more than in the places assigned to them by the same 
 authority ? 
 
 And now that these suspicions ai-e raised, let us go back a 
 little, and look again at that Hamburgh edition of 1536, 
 which was the first to present the public with Archdeacon 
 Bonner's Preface, and from which Dr. Brown's reprint in 
 his Fasciculus, as well as the English translation, are pro- 
 fessedly made. I propose this, because there is something 
 very curious about the early history of printing in Ham- 
 burgh. I lay the following story, relating to that subject, 
 before the reader, without pretending to vouch for the truth 
 of all its particulars ; but at the same time assuring him, 
 that in such sources of information as I have had oppor- 
 tunity to consult, I have found nothing to contradict any of 
 them. 
 
 The Story of Hamburgh. 
 
 One fine morning, in the year 1491, when all the inhabitants of 
 Hamburgh were deeply engaged in business and pleasure— that is, 
 either in actual buying and selling, or in bargaining— so that even 
 the gate-keeper (it is not known of which gate) had stepped up into 
 the city to learn the state of exchange between Hamburgh and 
 Berlin^, two men, whose outlandish appearance afforded no in for- 
 
 ^ Some readers may think I ought to have said Lubeck, perhaps, or 
 some other place more known in the early history of commerce. But as 
 
XVII.] THE STORY OF HAMBUEGH. 289 
 
 mation as to the place whence they came — indeed, I believe it has 
 never to this day been even guessed at — contrived to slip in un- 
 observed. How they managed to bring in with them all the mate- 
 rials and machinery necessary for establishing a printing-office is not 
 known ; but it may well be imagined that nobody observed them, 
 ill a city where every man had his hand in his pocket, his heart in 
 his purse, and his head in his ledger. So John and Thomas Brocard, 
 or Borchard, or Burchard, with their typographical gear, went for- 
 ward unmolested, until they came to the vacant space in front of the 
 Town-house ; where, as it seemed to them that they should have 
 plenty of room and be in nobody's way, they set up their press, and 
 Incontinently fell to work, printing a folio book in great Gothic type 
 to the honour of the Virgin Mary. 
 
 All that day, as every day, everybody in Hamburgh was minding 
 his own business, and the Proconsuls and Consuls (as the citizens 
 loved to call what more modern folks would designate as the Burgo. 
 masters and Town-Council) were assembled in the Town-house, to 
 mind the business of every body else. Nobody, therefore, heeded 
 the printers, until the municipal grandees came forth, after a long 
 day's discussion on a new tarilf, and were struck with amazement 
 by the strange novelty. John and Thomas, by incredible skill and 
 diligence at case and press, had just worked off their book, and 
 hastily gathering and folding a few copies, presented one to each of 
 the senators who had surrounded them, and were gazing in silent 
 wonder at their proceedings. Most of the Consuls, indeed, had 
 little idea of what was going forward ; but two or three of the most 
 enlightened looked at each other knowingly, and in a way that 
 plainly said, this will not do. " Aye, aye," said one of the Proconsuls, 
 at length, giving utterance to the thoughts of the others as well as 
 his own, "If this is allowed it will be the ruin of the place. The 
 exchange wiU be deserted by book-reading fools, and the workhouse 
 crammed with book-writing beggars. Trade will be ruined, and all 
 the profit of our exports and imports together will not meet our 
 poor-rates. We have staved off this new-invented folly during twenty 
 or thirty years that it has stultified Mentz and Cologne, Frankfort 
 and Strasburgh, and I know not what places beside, and we must 
 
 the exact truth is not known, I do it on purpose to give the good city of 
 Berlin a lift, as Mr. Cattley has done in his edition of Fox, by telling us 
 that in the year 1538 it was honoured by the presence of Henry the 
 Eighth, while his Vicar-General Cromwell was for some inscrutable reason 
 quartered at Utrecht, or, as the cautious editor (not to depart at once too 
 much from the ancient orthography which he is correcting,) is pleased to 
 spell it " Eutrecht." The proof of this is a letter from no less a person 
 than Archdeacon Bonner, then bishop elect of Hereford, to the Lord 
 Cromwell. The antiquated mode of spelling, which the editor has so 
 carefully corrected, would in all likelihood have led some readers to quite 
 another part of the world. They would have been liable to suppose that 
 Byrling and Ewridge were the two seats of the Lord Burgavenny in Kent 
 and Sussex, better known to modern readers (especially the readers of 
 Michol's Boyal Progresses) by the visits of Queen Elizabeth. — See Fox, 
 vol. V. p. 152. 
 
 T 
 
290 PRINTING IN HAMBURGH [essay 
 
 not give way now. In spite of bad example, not a type has ever yet 
 been set up in the good city of Hamburgh, and we are not going to 
 begin now." 
 
 John and Thomas rubbed their thumbs on their aprons, and looked 
 sheepishly at each other. It was clear that they had made a great 
 mistake. But they were sharp fellows, and in great emergencies 
 great wits jump. They formed a sudden resolution, made a sudden 
 start, ran off at full speed, and were never more seen or heard of. 
 
 The senators stood still and stared after them, but they stirred 
 not a step. Perhaps they had some sympathy with Dogberry, and 
 were not sorry to get rid of bad company at so little expence. For 
 that matter, indeed, when the property which John and Thomas had 
 abandoned in their flight came to be carried to account as firewood 
 and old metal, there was a balance of some dollars in favour of the 
 city chest. But so deeply were the Proconsuls, and Consuls, and 
 Citizens, and indeed all the inhabitants, impressed with a sense of 
 the danger which they had so narrowly escaped, that so long as any 
 one of those senators lived (and it was more than forty years) no 
 man, woman, or child, ever printed a, book, or a bit of one, in the 
 good city of Hamburgh ; though none of them knew all the parti- 
 culars which have just been laid before the reader, some of which 
 have never, indeed, been divulged until this present occasion seemed 
 to call for them. 
 
 I have already said that I do not vouch for the truth of 
 all things contained in this story, and I hope the reader 
 does not think that I believe it all myself, or wish him to 
 believe more of it than he hkes. I merely give it as what 
 ma^ be true — that is, what cannot be contradicted on the 
 authority of any of the common sources of bibliographical 
 information. This must, I think, appear to every reflecting 
 person very remarkable ; and it wiU, perhaps, be hardly 
 believed, unless I state the case more plainly and technically. 
 
 If the reader wiU turn to Panzer's "Annales Typogra- 
 phic!,"'' he will find what that writer has to say of printing 
 in Hamburgh during the fifteenth century. It is aU com- 
 prised in a notice of one single book, entitled, " Laudes beate 
 Marie virginis," said, in its colophon, to have been printed 
 (if not with all the circumstances here stated) by the per- 
 sons, and at the time, specified in this Story of Hamburgh. 
 Panzer states that it was the first book, and the only one, 
 printed there before the year 1500. In accordance with 
 this, Santander tells us that this book, " est la seule impres- 
 ' sion faite dans la ville ans6atique d'Hamburg, avant I'an 
 ' 1500, et par consequent Joh. et Thomas Borchard sont les 
 
 ^ Vol. iv. p. 453. 
 
xvn.] IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 291 
 
 ' seuls imprimeurs de cette ville."* Dr. Falkenstein, in his 
 history of early printing, pubhshed so recently as 1840, has 
 nothing to offer against these statements, and acknowledges 
 that the ancient city of Hamburgh, so celebrated in the 
 history of German commerce, can boast of only one book 
 printed in the fifteenth century ". 
 
 One book, and only one book, and that by printers who 
 are not known to have printed any other book, there or 
 elsewhere, before or after. Surely this is very singular. 
 Dr. Falkenstein gives us a list of 176 places in which print- 
 ing had been carried on before this year 1491, and it is 
 strange enough that Hamburgh should not be among them. 
 But it is incomparably more strange that, when the art had 
 penetrated that city in the year 1491 — when a press had 
 been set up and had produced one book — it should have 
 disappeared and remained unheard of for forty-five years. 
 And not only did the newly-arrived art disappear, but the 
 artists also vanished, not from Hamburgh only, but from all 
 human ken. The migrations of early printers are notorious, 
 and nobody would have been surprised to learn that John 
 and Thomas Brocard had been next heard of at the far end 
 of Christendom ; but I am not aware that their names are 
 to be found connected with any other time, or place, or 
 book, than that single one which they are said to have 
 printed at Hamburgh in 1491, or that there is, or ever was 
 anything else in the whole world to attest that such persons 
 ever existed. 
 
 Now when we consider how easy it was for any one of the 
 printers who really were hard at work in so many other 
 places, to put a false name of place or printer in a book — 
 how very possible it is that some one of them may have 
 been led, by some reason or some caprice which we cannot 
 fully understand, to do in this case, what we know to have 
 been done in so many others — shall we not be led to suspect 
 
 * ''Esaai historique sur I'origine de I'lmprimerie, ainai que sur I'histoire 
 de son etablissement dans lea villes, bourgs, monastferes et autres endroits 
 de I'Europe." — p. 433. 
 
 ^ "Geschichte der Buchdrackerkunat in ihrer Entatehung und Ausbild- 
 nng, &c. Ein Benkmal zur vierten Saoular-Feier der Typographie. " He 
 says, " Die alte Hansestadt Hamburg, die in der Gesohichte des deutachen 
 Handels eine so auagezeiohnete EoUe spielt, hat nur ein einzigen Druck 
 aufznweisen, welcher dem funfzehnten Jahrhunderle angehort. Es iat 
 ' Laudes,' " &c. p. 198. 
 
292 GARDINER AND BONNER. [essay 
 
 that the book of "Laudes" bearing the date of 1491 was 
 not really a native of the city of Hamburgh ? Especially 
 because, though I have more particularly insisted on the 
 fact that no book is known to have been printed therefore 
 before that time, we must also bear in mind that there is no 
 proof, so far as I know, of anything having been printed 
 there for forty-five years after. 
 
 ESSAY XVIII. 
 
 GARDINER AND BONNER. No. II. 
 
 "de vera obedientia." 
 
 The circumstances stated in the preceding Essay are, per- 
 haps, sufficient to throw some degree of suspicion on the 
 work which has been handed down to us as the joint pro- 
 duction of those two well-known prelates, Gardiner and 
 Bonner. 
 
 Briefly recapitulated, so far as is necessary for the pur- 
 pose of carrying on our argument, the matter stands thus : — 
 We are told that in the year 1535, Bishop Gardiner pub- 
 lished a treatise, " De vera Obedientia," in London. That 
 in 1536 it was reprinted at Hamburgh, with a recommen- 
 datory preface by Dr. Bonner, then Archdeacon of Leicester, 
 and afterwards Bishop of London. 
 
 This may naturally, for various reasons, appear to reflect- 
 ing persons a very singular proceeding ; but waiving, for the 
 present, all other considerations, let us go to the particular 
 point at which we arrived in the preceding Essay, and 
 which was this- — namely, that it was, to say the least, very 
 strange that this new edition of the Bishop of Winchester's 
 book, thus patronised and prefaced by the Archdeacon of 
 Leicester, should have been printed at a place where there 
 had previously been so very little printing of any kind. I 
 stated that no bibliographer whose works I had the oppor- 
 tunity to consult, had mentioned any book whatever as 
 having been printed there before the year 1491. 
 
 This, considering how many presses had by that time been 
 
XVIII.] EAELY PRINTING AT HAMBURGH. 2^3 
 
 set up elsewhere, and how many years they had been in 
 active operation, may be considered as not a Kttle remark- 
 able. Still more wonderful, however, it must appear to 
 every considerate reader, that if one book was printed there 
 in 1491, so little should have been done for so long a period 
 after that time. True it is that things may have been done 
 which were not recorded, and which are unknown merely 
 because they had no chronicler. Books may have been 
 printed at Hamburgh in the beginning of the sixteenth 
 century which were unknown to Panzer, but certainly not 
 enough to affect the argument ; and with his Annals before 
 me, I ventured to express an opinion that no book was 
 printed there during the forty-five years which succeeded 
 li91— that is, until this very year 1536, when the joint 
 production of Gardiner and Bonner is said to have been 
 printed. In stating this opinion, however, I felt that who- 
 ever should look out my authorities might think that they 
 did not fully support my statement, though I did not bur- 
 then the matter with details. Indeed those details would 
 not be worth entering into at all, if it were not that beside 
 their reference to the particular case before us, they have a 
 more general, and an important, bearing on the subject with 
 which we are engaged. 
 
 As we have seen what Panzer gives as occurring at Ham- 
 burgh before the year 1500, (which is only the single volume 
 of 1491, said to have been printed by artists otherwise alto- 
 gether unknown,) let us turn to the second part of his 
 Annals^, and see what he states respecting the period 
 immediately following — that is, up to the year 1536, being 
 the forty-fifth after the flight of the Brocards from 
 Hamburgh. 
 
 In the first place, — and I grant in contradiction of the 
 opinion which I have stated, — he gives under the year 1527 
 (only the thirty-sixth of the Brocardian Hegira) one single 
 book which he found to have been supposed by some persons 
 to be a production of the Hamburgh press. At the same 
 time, neither he, nor anybody else, has ever pretended that 
 it bore upon it any name of place or printer. Indeed, I do 
 not know that it is thought to exhibit anything in type, or 
 workmanship, or any internal evidence whatever, by which 
 
 1 Vol. vii. p. 117. 
 
294 EARLY PRINTING AT HAMBURGH, [essay 
 
 the place of its origin miglit be decided. But there is, I 
 grant, one circumstance (forming, however, I submit, an 
 obviously insufficient ground for this opinion) which has led 
 some persons to think that this book was secretly and clan- 
 destinely printed in the particularly non-printing city of 
 Hamburgh. So strange it is that at every step of this 
 inquiry we meet with some petty mystery. The first book 
 which we come to after thirty-six years of total barrenness, 
 is only supposed to have been printed there, if indeed the 
 mere supposition is still entertained by anybody. And of 
 all the books in the world, what book does the reader sup- 
 pose it was that broke the long slumber of the Hamburgh 
 press ? Not a new edition of the " Laudes '' in Latin — the 
 Proconsuls and Consuls had changed aU that, — but Tyndal's 
 New Testament in the English tongue. All that Panzer has 
 to say of the year is this : 
 
 "MDXXVII. 
 " 1. Pbntatbuchus et NOVUM TESTAMBNTUM anglice ex veraione 
 Gulielmi Tyndal. 1527. 
 
 "Maitt. II. p. 685." 
 
 It is hardly worth while to trace the authorities for this, 
 because it is probable that those who suggested, or accepted, 
 Hamburgh as the place where that work was printed, were 
 not aware of any improbability, and only took it for granted 
 that, as Tyndal was said to have got away from England to 
 Hamburgh, and also said to have printed his testament soon 
 after that time, he had, as a matter of course, printed it at 
 that place. To those who were probably not aware of any 
 thing to suggest a reason why a book might not as pro- 
 bably be printed there as anywhere else, this was quite 
 natural ; but after what we have just seen, and considering 
 how much more easy, and how much less expensive, it would 
 be to send a manuscript to some one of the many places where 
 there certainly were printers and presses at work, than to 
 introduce secretly into a town in which there seems to have 
 been no printing, (or, to say the least, none for six-and- 
 thirty years,) all the materials and persons requisite for the 
 clandestine printing of a book in a foreign language, which, 
 after all, for anything that appears, might just as well have 
 been printed elsewhere — considering, I say, all this, we may, 
 perhaps, very reasonably doubt whether Tyndal's Testament 
 
XYiii.] ^PINUS DE ECOL. EOM. IMPOSTURIS. 295 
 
 should stand where Panzer has placed itl If, however, this 
 book was really printed at Hamburgh in 1527, it must 
 stand by itself, an isolated fact, a sort of little Eddystone in 
 the barren sea of time; for three years elapse before we 
 come to a notice of another supposed book. The next article 
 in Panzer is — 
 
 " MDXXX. 
 " 2. JoANNBS HBPiNus de Romanae eoclesiae imposturis. Epis- 
 tola data est Hamburgi MDXXX. octavo Cat. Jun. 8. 
 "Maitt. Ind.I.p.in:' 
 
 Why surely we might as well put down Dr. Brown's 
 Fasciculus, which we have been talking of, as printed ab 
 Sundridge, in Kent, because the doctor's Epistola data est 
 "Sundrigiae nonis Octobr. MDCLXXXIX." Dr. Brown 
 was Rector of Sundridge, and Dr. Hiick (who chose to call 
 himself ^aSpinus) was pastor at Hamburgh. If either of 
 these divines thought fit to write a letter, it is probable 
 that he would write it at, and date it from, the place where 
 he lived ; and it is highly probable, that if anybody saw fit, 
 for any reason, to forge a letter from either of them, he 
 might be deep enough to think of this. But to put down a 
 book as printed at a place, merely because the prefatory 
 epistle is dated from it, is so monstrous, that it would not 
 be worth while to say another word about the matter, were 
 it not that the mystery of Hamburgh hangs over this book 
 aLso, and involves a point or two which are worth our 
 notice, because the genuineness of the hterature of that 
 period and the good faith of the men concerned in it, 
 (especially of those belonging to the party of the Eeforma- 
 tion,) is a very important matter with reference to our 
 inquiry. 
 
 (1.) In the first place, did this author ever write any 
 such book ? He was a very well known man, and his works 
 
 ^ Maittaire, thus quoted as his only authority by Panzer, refers us only 
 to Le Long's Bibliotheca Sacra ; and Le Long (vol. ii. p. 337) quotes 
 only " HoUandus in Heroologia Anglicana," which I have not at present 
 opportunity to consult. Of course this matter has been more fully 
 investigated since the days of Panzer ; and whoever studies the informa- 
 tion respecting the history of Tyndal's translation and editions of the 
 New Testament, which has been zealously and ably collected by Mr. 
 OfiFor, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Lea Wilson, will need very little argument 
 to persuade him of the probability that this work of Tyndal's was not 
 printed at Hamburgh. 
 
296 ^PINUS DE ECOL. ROM. IMPOSTUEIS. [essay 
 
 seem to have been popular. But I do not find this one 
 mentioned either by his biographer or his bibliographer — 
 that is by Melchior Adam, who wrote his life, or by Simler 
 who allots him a very respectable space in his edition of 
 Gesner's Bibliotheca. Both of them give lists of his works, 
 but neither of them mentions anything that can be mis- 
 taken for this one. (2.) If ^pinus did write such a book, 
 did he print it at Hamburgh, for that is our immediate 
 question ? It may be said, " Of course he would print it 
 where he Uved ; " but there is one circumstance which 
 strongly forbids this assumption — namely, that all his other 
 works (as far as I have been able to find) were printed else- 
 where. Simler, as I have already said, gives a Hst of his 
 works, and he distinguishes between those printed at Basil 
 and those at Frankfort, but says not a word of any one 
 having been printed at Hamburgh. Why did the Super- 
 intendent of Hamburgh send away his books from that 
 place, to be printed elsewhere, long after the year 1580, 
 (Simler gives no work earlier than 1541,) and why did 
 other Hamburgh writers do the same ? — as it would be easy 
 to show they did, if it were needful to follow up this point 
 with further authorities. (3.) There is something worthy 
 of notice in the title of this supposed Hamburgh book, or 
 rather in the description of the author. His name, as I 
 have already stated, was Hiick, or (as he tells us, some 
 people pronounced it) Hiich ; and when, after escaping the 
 danger into which the reforming zeal of his youth had led 
 him, he saw fit to conceal himself, by hellenizing his name 
 into mireipos, he knew better than to prefix an aspirate'. 
 
 ■■' In the prefatory epistle to hia " Commentarius in Psalmum XIX," 
 printed at PranJcfort, 1545, addressed to Joachim II., Marquis of Bran- 
 denburg, he gives a notice of his early life which, as the book is not 
 common, may be worth extracting: — 
 
 " Olim adolescens cum formabam juventutis studia, et gubernabam 
 ' scholam in Marchia, valde foelicem judicassem me, si in hac luce, nunc 
 ' demum ibi exorta, mihi turn agere licuisset, vel etiam in gravi difScul- 
 ' tate : sed Domino turn aliter fuit visum : dedi turn pro meis viribus 
 ' operam ut Evangelium in Marchia iunotesceret, sed Satanas cum suis 
 ' mancipiis, monachis et sacrifiois, tunc et meos, et plerorumque aliorum 
 ' boiiorum conatus, qui turn mecum eandem rem ibidem agebant, impe- 
 ' divit, et me falsis criminationibus delatum, apud Tuse Cels. patrem, pru- 
 ' dentissimum Prinoipem, liberaliumque studiorum amantem, mendaciis- 
 ' que deformatum, detrusit in carcerem, cbjecit morti, et invisum reddidit 
 ' iiarohiae praepotentibus, qui turn zelo quodam, EvangclicEe et incorruptse 
 
xvni.] JOANNES ^PINUS AND HIS WOEKS. 297 
 
 He called himself, and his son continued the name, -lEpinus ; 
 and, though he is, of course, often named by various writers, 
 I know of only one place beside this where I have seen him 
 designated Hepinus. (4.) I may as well plainly express 
 my suspicion that the work is not genuine, and that some 
 of our countrymen had a hand in the matter. That 
 ^pinus was known to some of them who would not have 
 hesitated to borrow his name, is beyond doubt, for he was 
 over in this country in the year 1534. Some of his works 
 were subsequently translated into English, and it is in one 
 of those English translations alone that I find him called 
 Hepinus. John Day, it seems, printed without date, " A 
 'very fruitful and godly exposition vpon the 15 psalm of 
 ' David called. Lord who shall dwell in thy tabernacle. 
 ' Made by John Epinus, preacher to the church of Ham- 
 ' borough, and translated into English by N. L. 8vo."' 
 
 ' doctrinse ignari, defendebant Papisticos errores : tandem etiam ex car- 
 ' cere eduotum, compulit me e patria commigrare, apud extemos sedes 
 ' qneerere, et apud ignotos in exilio agere, et cum multis ao nlagnis 
 ' difficultatibns lactari, ubi ob adversariorum pertinax odium et oupidi- 
 ' tatem mihi nocendi, etiam coaotus sum mutare gentilitium nomen, et 
 'juxta piissimorum, dootiasimoram, ao prudentissimorum virorum con- 
 'silium, pro teutonico gentilitio nomine Hiick (quod et Hiich a multis 
 ' effertur, et scribitm*) GrrsEca voce alireivbs uti, quse magis congruere 
 ' videbatur, et quae tantum uuo, aut ad summura immutatie duobus 
 ' elementis, Gernianice gentilitium nomem meum sonat, quod adhuo le- 
 ' tineo quod omnibus passim notius sit." — {Sig. A. iv.) A good deal of 
 curious matter respecting him may be found in the Philooalia Epistolica 
 of J. H. a Seelen. p. 8—27. 
 
 * Herbert's Ames, vol. i. p. 673. This is the only instance in which 
 1 have observed his name without the diphthong, except in Sleidan's 
 Comm. Lib. xxi. p. 658, and, by the way, in Le Courayer's translation 
 (vol. ii. p. 30) he stands in the text as " Jean Repin," a blunder which is 
 not corrected in the biographical note professing to give an account of 
 him. As to this book of his, there seems to be some little puzzle about 
 it, as about everything connected with this question. Bauer (Bib. Lib. 
 Rar. Snpp. Tom. i. p. 21) thus describes the work of which that men- 
 tioned by Herbert is a translation ; — ".iEpini (Job.) in Psalmum XV. 
 ' Commentarius, in quo de iustificatione, de vita christiaui homiuis, de 
 ' votis et iuramentis, de consnetudine impiorum vitanda, de oontractibus 
 '&c. agitur - Eecens nunc primum aeditus. Argentor. 1543. Liber 
 ' perrarue, &c." Now the book from which I have just quoted a part of 
 the dedication, is his commentary on the XIX. Psalm. It bears the 
 date of Frankfort, 1545, (two years, that is, later than this Strasburgh 
 edition of the Commentary on the XV. Psalm,) and yet in that same 
 epistle to the Marquis Joachim, he professes that he is dedicating to his 
 highness the first fruits of his labours in the way of commentary on the 
 
298 JOANNES ^PINTJS AND HIS WORKS, [essay 
 
 And Henry Bynneman printed at London, in 1570, a book 
 entitled " De arte concionandi formulsB, vt breues, ita doctse 
 ' et pise. Joanne Reuchlino Phorcensi, Anonymo quodam 
 ' rhapsodo, Philippo Melancthone, D. loanne Hepino 
 'Autoribus," &e.* 
 
 But enough bas been said about this author, and his 
 works; especially considering that our only question is, 
 whether a certain book on the Impostures of the Romish 
 Church, circulated under his name, was (whether genuine or 
 spurious) printed at Hamburgh. If it really was, the produc- 
 tion of it seems to have been an effort from which the press 
 of that city did not soon recover. Of six subsequent years, 
 
 Psalms, in terms wliioli make it impossible to believe that he had pub- 
 lished a similar commentary on a dififerent psalm two years before. After 
 stating various reasons for publishing, he proceeds : " Usee et plura alia, 
 ' quas hie prolixius persequi nolo, induxerunt me ut illis morem gererem 
 ' qui a me contendebant meas annotatiunculas in Psalmos in nostra schola 
 ' dictatas, edendas esse ut etiam in illorum manus venirent, quibus non 
 'fuitdata facultas eas coram audire aut calamo excipere, et praacipue 
 ' commentarium in Psalmum XIX. His monitoribus cum permiserim ut 
 ' commentariolus in Psalmum xix. Typographo ad imprimendum darentur 
 
 ' constituiinscribereaodedicare eum lUustr. tOEe Cels 
 
 ' Hie commentarius cum omnium piimum sit, quern ipse publioaverim, 
 
 ' tuaque Celsitudo meaa patri^ Princeps sit jure quodam videor 
 
 'me debere T. Cels. has primitias mearum lucubrationum," &c. — Sig. 
 bb. ij. It is possible that there may be some force in the " ipse puD- 
 licaverim," and that he may refer to things with which he had, or had 
 not, some connexion, being published by others with his name ; but the 
 whole style of the dedication is not what we should expect from a Super- 
 intendent of Hamburgh who had fifteen years before printed a book 
 against the Church of Rome in his own city ; and whether he did that, 
 or whether somebody else did it for him, is our question. The reader 
 is requested to remember this, and not to fall into the idea that I am 
 attempting to deny that a book with that title, or something like it, and 
 bearing the name of jEpinus, or Hepinus, was in circulation. Bauer, in 
 his work already quoted, places among the works of -35pinus, " Pinacidion 
 de Ecclesiae Eom. imposturis, adversus impudentem Canonicorum Ham- 
 burg autonomiam 1530. Liber rarissimus. Hennings, p. 17." It is 
 worth while to add, that he mentions in the same list another work 
 which does not seem to have been known to Melchior Adam or Simler — 
 at least it is not in their lists — "Liber de Purgatorio, et multi alii 
 ejusdem auctoris tractatus. Lond. 1549. 4. Liber maxime infrequens. 
 Bibl. Solger, ii. p. 169." A copy of this work is also mentioned 
 in the Bibl. Bunav. Tom. IH. p. ii. p. 1265. It is surely somewhat re- 
 markable that the only edition of this work that is known at all (while 
 none seems to have been known to countrymen of his own who gave lists 
 of his works) should bear the name of London as its birth-place. 
 ^ Herbert's Ames, vol. ii. p. 970. 
 
x-viii.] HAMBURGH BOOKS. 290 
 
 Panzer finds not a word to say. We do not hear of so much 
 as a single book said, or (what is, indeed, all that he has yet 
 had to offer us since the year 1491) even supposed to have 
 been printed at Hamburgh. But after that how does the 
 torrent of typography burst forth ! Panzer reports no less 
 than four several and independent works as belonging to 
 that annus mirahilia 1536. His statement is as follows ; — 
 
 " MDXXXVI. 
 " 3. Stbphani Wintoniensis Episcopi, de vera obedientia Oratio. 
 Cum prcefatione Edmundi Boneri, Archidiaconi Leycestrensis, 
 Sereniss. Reg. Mai. Angliae in Dania Legati, capita notabiliora 
 diotae orationis complectente. In qua etiam ostenditur, causam 
 oontroversiae, quae inter ipsam Eegiam Maiestatem et Episcopnm 
 Eomanum existit longs aliter ac diversius se habere, quam haotenus 
 a vulgo putatum sit. Hamburgi, 1536. 4. 
 
 "von der Hardt, I, u. 11. p. 194. 
 
 "4. Psalmus XLVII. de regno Jesu Chxisti doctore Drhano Segio 
 interprete. Hamburgi, anno 1536. apud Franc. Bhodum Calendis 
 Septembris 8. 
 
 " Maitt. Ind. 1. p. 337. Hirsch. Millen. IV. p. 58. Bibl. Schw. iun. 
 
 " 5. Psalmus octuagesimus Septimus de gloriosa Christi ecclesia 
 D. Joachim. Moller Senatori Hamb. dicatus, cum commentario D. 
 Urbani Begii. Hamburgi in officdna Francisci Bliodi 1536 mense 
 Octobri. 8. 
 
 "Hirsch. MiUen. IV. p. 58. Bibl. Schw. iun. 
 
 " 6. Canticum et Ecclesiastes cum Sect. Bibl. et Psalt. hebr. 
 Occurrunt in Parte II. Maohazor germ. Hamburgi 1536. fol. 
 
 " CI. De Bossi apparat. Hebraeo-Bibl. p. 65. it. 120. Masch. Bibl. 
 Sacr. Vol. IV. Suppl.p. 18." 
 
 But magnificent as this statement appears, half of it is 
 disposed of by observing that the first article is the book of 
 Bishop Gardiner, which is the subject of our inquiry; and 
 the fourth is by Panzer's own direction to be expunged. It 
 seems a pity to rob a place which has so little to spare, of the 
 glory of printing a Hebrew book ; but if, while such persons 
 as Wolfius and Masch dispute, such another as De Rossi 
 decides that the book was not printed there, but at Augs- 
 burgh, what can we do ^ ? So there remain only these two 
 commentaries on two Psalms by Urbanus Regius ; of which 
 
 ^ In his Supplement, (vol. ix. p. 473,) Panzer says, in reference to this 
 matter, " Non Hamburgi sed Augustae Vindelicorum impressum fuisse 
 hunc librum docet CI. de Eossi, 1. c. p. 37, n. 238. Deleatur ergo hie." 
 
300 HAMBURGH BOOKS. [essay 
 
 it would be needless to say anything but that the author 
 was a favourite with the English Reformers, and that 
 several of his works (whether any of them were printed at 
 Hamburgh or not) were translated into English, and printed 
 in this country'. It will be observed, that these books of 
 Urbanus Regius, like Bishop Gardiner's, are ascribed to the 
 press of Franciscus Rhodus ; a printer of whom, as far as I 
 have been able to find, there is no other memorial whatso- 
 ever. He is, therefore, a very fit successor to John and 
 Thomas Brocard, and, I suspect, one of the same inscrutable 
 family. 
 
 But taking matters as they stand, the history of Ham- 
 burgh typography up to, and including, the time when 
 Bishop G-ardiner's work is said to have been printed there, 
 is this : — The book of Laudes in 1491 — Tyndale's Testa- 
 ment, supposed, 1527 — Hepinus's book, supposed, 1530 — 
 Gardiner's and two of Urbanus Regius, actually said to be 
 1536. This is the history as far, at least, as it was known 
 to Panzer. There might be books printed of which he knew 
 nothing ; and, on the other hand, books which he supposed 
 to exist, may have been only imaginary. His list for any 
 given city or town may, it is granted, be either defective or 
 redundant, but we must take one with another ; and certainly 
 Hamburgh was not so much out of the ken of the Pastor of 
 
 _ ' It would be tedious to enter into details, but it may be worth while to 
 give one or two extracts from Herbert's Ameg. " The Sermon which 
 Christ made on the way to Emaus to those two sorrowful! disciples, set 
 downe in a dialogue by D. Urbane Eegius," with " A' brefe ingresse to 
 the Christian Reader by John Foxe," printed by John Day, 1578. Herb. 
 p. 664. " A Declaration of the twelue articles of the Christen fayth" 
 . ..." by D. Drbanum Eegium, printed by Jugge, 1548." Herl. 714. 
 "An Instruccyon of Christen fayth .... made by Vrbanus Eegius .... 
 dedicated by J. Fox the translator, ' to his reuerende and singular good 
 father Eic Melton,'" printed by Hugh Singleton without date. Serb.liA. 
 " The olde Learnyng and the new compared together newly cor- 
 rected and augmented by AYyllyam Turner. Translated from Urban Ee- 
 gius." Printed by Stoughton, 1548. Serb. 750. "A lytle Treatise after 
 the manor of an Epistle wryten by the famouse Clerk Doctor Vrbanus 
 EegiuB," &c., pi-inted by Walter Lyune, 1548. ITerb. 753. "Solace of 
 Sion, and Joy of Jerusalem," &c., being an exposition on the 87th psalm 
 (that is, the work mentioned in the text) "by "Vrbanus Eegius: trans- 
 lated byEich. Eobinson." Printed by Richard Jones, 1594. Herb. 1049. 
 "A homelie or sermon of the good and euill Angell," &c., by Urbanus 
 Eegius, translated by Eich Eobinson. Printed ))y John Charlwood. 
 1590. Herb. 1101. 
 
xviii.J BONNER'S PREFACE. 301 
 
 Nuremberg as many of the places from which he gives much 
 more numerous lists of books printed in the first thirty-six 
 years of the sixteenth century. It would, of course, be 
 absurd to expect from Hamburgh anything like the fecundity 
 of Paris, which furnishes 2839 articles, or of Venice with 
 1959, or Basil with 1121. Panzer, however, could find at 
 Leipsic, 965 ; at Lyons, 866; at Cologne, 859 ; Strasburgh, 
 808 ; and (not to speak of places where the numbers are so 
 far beyond all comparison) he found at Cracow 283, and 
 even at Thessalonica, he gleaned more than four times as 
 many as at Hamburgh.* 
 
 But after so much talk about Bonner's Preface, I cannot 
 help thinking some readers may like to see it. It is not 
 long, and perhaps they may gain some farther ground of 
 opinion from internal evidence. The following is the 
 English translation as it stands in the Roane edition " : — 
 
 "EDMVND BONER 
 " Arohedeaoon of Leicester, the king 
 of England his most excellent ma- 
 jesties embassadour in Denmarke. 
 " To the sincere, gentle herted, 
 and godly Reader. 
 " Forasmuch as ther be som (doubtles) euen at this present, as it 
 hath alwaies bene the wont of mens iudgementes to be variable and 
 diuerse, which thinke, the controuersy that is betwne the kyng of 
 England and of Frannce his most roial maiestie and the bishop of 
 Rome, oousisteth in this point, Because the Kynges said maiestie 
 hath taken the most excellent and most noble lady Anne to his wife : 
 where as in very dede notwithstanding, the matter is far otherwise, 
 and nothing so. Wherf ore, to the intent al that truly and heartelye 
 fauour the Gospell of Christ (which that most godly and most 
 vertuous prince, doth with al diligent endeuour, in euery place 
 aduance, to the honour of almightie God, and to the profuyt and 
 commoditie of al christian people) and that are not enemies, but 
 loners of the truth (which euery where iustly claimeth the vpper 
 hand, and to her, althinges, though thei struggle with her nener so 
 much in the beginning, yet obey and geue place at length as mete it 
 is thei shoulde) mai the more fully vnderstaud the chief point of 
 that controuersy, and because thei shal not be ignorant, what the 
 whole voyce and resolute determinacion of the best and greatest 
 
 * These numbers are taken cursorily from the first list of places, without 
 reference to supplemental additions, by which they might have been very 
 considerably increased ; which is not the case as it regards Hamburgh. 
 
 ' There are several trifling variations between this and the Borne 
 edition of the preface. But I do not know that there are any of im- 
 portance. 
 
302 BONNER'S PREFACE [essay 
 
 learned byshops with all the nobles and commons of England is, not 
 onely in that cause of Matrimony, but also in the defending of the 
 gospels doctrine : This Oracion of the bishop of Winchester (a man 
 excellently learned in al kind of learning) entiteled De vera Obe- 
 dientia, that is, concerning true Obedience, whiche he made lately 
 in England, shal go openly abrode. Bat as touching this bisshoppes 
 worthi praises, ther shalbe nothing spoken of me at this time : Not 
 onely because thei are infinite, but because they ar far better knowne 
 to all Christendome, than becommeth me here to make rehersal. 
 And as for the Oration itself, which as it is most learned, so is it 
 moost elegannt, to what purpose should I make any wordes of it, 
 seing it praiseth it selfe inough, and sence good Wine nedeth no 
 tauerne bushe to vtter it. But yet in this Oration, whosoeuer thou 
 art most gentle Reader, thou shalt besides other matters, se it notably 
 and learnedly handeled, of what importannce and how inuincible 
 the power and excellencie of goddes truth is : which as it may nowe 
 and then be pressed of enemies, so it cannot possiblye bee oppressed 
 after such sort, but it commeth again at length behind the serine, 
 more glorious and more welcome. 
 
 " Thou shalt se also touching obedience, that obedience is subiect 
 to truthe, and what is to be iudged true obedience. Besides this of 
 mens tradicions, which for the moost part, are vtterly repungnant 
 against the truth of gods law. And therby the waye, he speaketh 
 of the kynges said highnes Mariage, whiche by the ripe iudgement, 
 authoritie and priuiledge of the most and principal Vniuersities of 
 the world, and than with the consent of the hole church of England, 
 he contracted with the most cleare and most noble ladie quene 
 Anne. After that, touching the kinges maiesties title as pertaining 
 to the supreme head of the church of England. Lastlye of al, of 
 the false pretensed supremacie of the bish. of Rome, in the Realme 
 of England, most iustly abrogated, and howe all other byshopes 
 being felowe like to him in their f unccion, yea and in som pointes 
 aboue him also wythin their owne prouinces, wer before tyme bound 
 to him by their oth. 
 
 " But be thou most surely persuaded of this good Reader, that 
 the bishop of Rome (though ther wer no cause els but this mariage) 
 wyll easely content himself : specially, hauinge one morsell or other 
 caste him. But whan he seith so mightie a king, being a right 
 vertuous and a great learned prince, so sincerely and so heartelie to 
 fauour the gospeU of Christ, and perceiueth the yearly rauenous 
 pray (yea so large a pray, that it came to asmuch almoost as all the 
 kinges reuenewes) snapped out of his handes, and that he could no 
 longer exercise his tiranny in the kinges maiesties realme (alas it 
 hath bene to crueU and bitter al this while) nor make lawes as he 
 hathe done many, to the contumely and reproch of the maiestie of 
 God, which is euident that he hath done in times paste, vnder the 
 title of the catholike churche, and the authoritie of the Apostles 
 Peter and Paul (whan notwithstanding he was a verye rauening 
 wolfe, dressed in shepes clothing, calling himself seruant of ser- 
 uannts) to the great damage of the christen commen welth : A 
 manne may say there began the misoheif : thereof rose these dis- 
 cordes, these discordes, [sic] these deadly malices, and so great 
 
xviii.J TO GAEDINER'S BOOK. 303 
 
 troublous bustlings. For if it were not thus, no man could beleue, 
 that this Jupiter of Olimpus, whiche hath falsely taken vppon him 
 power.i wherein is more bragge than hurt, wold haue done his best 
 that this good and godly and righte gospelike prince shold be 
 falsely betraied to all the reast of Monarkes and princes. 
 
 "Neither let it moue the (gentle reader) that the B. of Win- 
 chestre, did not afore now, applie to this opinion : for he him selfe 
 in this Oration sheweth the cause, why he did it not. And if he 
 hadde saide neuer a word, yet thou knowest well, what a wittie part 
 it is, for a man to suspend his iudgement, and not be to rashe in 
 geuing of sentence. It is an old saying : Mary Magdalen profited 
 vs lesse in her quick belefe that Christ was risen, then Thomas that 
 was longer in doubt. A man maye rightlie cal him Fabius, that 
 wyth his aduised taking of leasnre restored the matter to his ful 
 perfection. Albeit I speake not this, as though Winchestre had not 
 boulted out this case secretlie with himself before hand (for he 
 boulted it euen to the branne long ago, out of doubt) but that, 
 running faire and softlie, he would first with his painful studie, 
 pluoke the matter oute of the darke, althoughe of it seUe, it was 
 clearelie sound inough, but by reason of sondrie opinions, it was lapped 
 vp and made darke : and then did he debate it wittily to and fro, 
 and so at last (after longe and great deliberation had in the matter) 
 because ther is no better counsailour, then leasure and tyme, he 
 wold resolutelie with his learned and consummate iudgement con- 
 firme it^. Thou shouldest (gentle Reader) esteme his censure and 
 auctoritye to bee of the more waightie credence, in asmuch as the 
 matter was not rashlie, and at al aduentures, but wyth iudgement 
 (as thou seest) and with wisdome examined and discussed. As for 
 this is no newe example, to be against the b. of Rome : seeinge that 
 not onelie this man, but many men many times, yea and right great 
 learned men afore now, haue done the same euen in writinges : 
 wherin thei both painted him out in his colours, and made his 
 sleightes, falsehead, fraudes, and disceatfull wiles, openlie knowen 
 to the world. Therfore if thou at any time heretofore haue doubted 
 either of true obedience, or of the kiiages maiesties mariage, or title, 
 either els of the b. of Eomes false pretenced supremaci, as if thou 
 haddest a good smelling nose, and a sound iudgement, I think thou 
 diddest not : yet hauing red ouer this Oration (which if thou fauour 
 
 ' In the original, "hunc Jovem Olympium, qui pofeetatem plane 
 ' Avvireidvvov sibi falso arrogavit." I have said that Bonner's preface is 
 wanting in the Lambeth copy of the Hambm'gh Latin book ; and, in order 
 to do as I would be done by, I should add that I have no copy of the 
 original Latin of that preface except what is in Dr. Brown's Fasciculus, 
 and a very beautiful and elaborate MS. copy kindly furnished to me by 
 Mr. Laing. I here follow the latter, which is, I have no doubt, the most 
 correct throughout, though I have not collated it with Dr. Brown's 
 reprint. Certainly it is so in this place, where it reads "ptate plane 
 avinriiBvvov," which stands in the Fasciculus "pietatem plane 'Avirei- 
 davov," instead of " potestatem." 
 
 ^ " quoniam SsJ/i/SouXos aiSeU iari ^iKrldiv xp6vov, docto et consummato 
 judicio suo comprobare voluerit." 
 
304 BONNER'S PREFACE [essat 
 
 the truth, and hate the tirannie of the bishop of Rome and his 
 deuelish fraudulent falshod, shall doutles wonderfuUie content the) 
 throw downe thine errour, and acknowledge the truth now frely 
 offered the at length : considering with thy selfe, that it is better 
 late to do so, than peuer to repent. Fare thou hartelie wel, most 
 gentle reader, and not onelie loue this most valeaunt king of Eng- 
 lande and of Fraunce, who vndoubtedlie was by the prouideuce of 
 god born to defend the gospell : but also honour him and with all 
 thy heart serue him moost obediently. As for this Winchestre who 
 was longe ago withoute doubt reputed among the greatest learned 
 men, geue him thy good word with honourable commendations. " 
 
 On this preface I will here observe only two things. 
 First, that beside the fulsome flattery of Gardiner, and the 
 gross abuse of the pope, (both of which, perhaps, assume 
 rather an exaggerated appearance in this coarse translation), 
 the whole style of the composition is more rhetorical, not to 
 say pedantic, than might have been expected from Bonner. 
 How much Greek the Archdeacon of Leicester carried in 
 his head, or in his portmanteau, when he went on his 
 embassy to Denmark, I cannot tell ; but one has not been 
 used to consider him a person from whom one might expect 
 stray sprinkles of it in Latin composition. It is odd, that 
 the very same thing is done by ^pinus at least half-a- 
 dozen times, upon very slight provocation, in his prefatory 
 address to the Marquis Joachim, which I have quoted, 
 ^pinus really was at Hamburgh in 1536, and a good while 
 before and after. Is it possible that Bonner may have 
 taken lessons in composition from him ? or is anything else 
 more likely ? 
 
 Secondly, it is singular that this Preface seems to have 
 been — I was going to say so little known, but that would 
 not express my meaning, for, doubtless, it was well known 
 by those for whom these clandestine books were printed, 
 and among whom they circulated, and I will rather say— so 
 much unknown, — or unknown to smcA persons as those who 
 do in fact seem to have known nothing about it. For 
 instance, its existence is not mentioned in the reprint of 
 Gardiner's Oration by Goldastus, or in the long prefatory 
 matter by which that Oration is introduced, and which is 
 signed by Oapito, Hedio, Bucer, and all the other ecclesi- 
 astics of Strasburgh. Had they never heard of Bonner's 
 Preface ? or did Goldastus know, and omit, a document so 
 much to his purpose ? Again, I think that the Preface is 
 never once incidentally hinted at in the Depositions in the 
 
xvm.] TO GARDINER'S BOOK. 305 
 
 business of Gardiner's deprivation, though, the Oration is 
 repeatedly mentioned. There is, I admit, no great weight 
 in this, as the matter there respected strictly only what 
 Gardiner had done ; though it would not have been strange 
 if some incidental allusion had been made to the preface. 
 It is of much more importance to observe, (and as far as 
 I can see it is true,) that while Gardiner got into the Pro- 
 hibitory Index for his part, and his Oration was condemned, 
 Bonner and his Preface escaped all notice ; a circumstance, 
 wliich, if the work was avowed, and believed by well- 
 informed persons to be genuine, seems to me utterly un- 
 accountable. 
 
 Add to this, that although, as I have already said, this 
 Preface, genuine or not, was undoubtedly well known 
 among the party for whom books of this kind were secretly 
 printed, yet I recollect only one instance of its being thrown 
 in Bishop Bonner's face by any person under examination. 
 Grardiner got many " nips," both " privy " and apert, for his 
 share in the book ; but I do not recollect any other instance 
 of an attack on Bonner than that which was made by 
 William Tyms, curate of Hockley, at his examination on the 
 28th March, 1556, and it is particularly worthy of attention. 
 How far the reporter was competent to do justice to what 
 he heard, and how much there was which he did not hear, 
 we have no means of knowing, for Fox only tells us, " thus 
 ' much William Aylsbury, witness hereof, being present 
 ' thereat, so far as he heard hath faithfully recorded and 
 ' reported. What more was spoken and there said, (for 
 ' they made not yet an end a good while after,) because he 
 ' departed then out of the house, he doth not know, nor did 
 ' hear." He professed, however, to have heard the following 
 discourse, which, after what we have already seen, may, I 
 think, lead some readers to suspect that Bonner either did 
 not write the Preface in question, or else was a much greater 
 fool than he is generally supposed to have been. He was 
 not in this case (as he was in many others) engaged with 
 merely illiterate persons who might be imposed on, for 
 another of the prisoners was Robert Drakes, "parson of 
 Thundersley, in Essex." If twenty years before, Bonner 
 had written that violent invective in Latia, and if, only two 
 or three years before, two editions of it in Enghsh had been 
 circulated, and Bonner not only knew himself that he had 
 
 u 
 
306 BONNER'S PREFACE [essay 
 
 done so, but that the fact was notorious, one can hardly 
 imagine it possible that he should have repHed to the 
 general charge of Tyms as he did. Bonner had asked him 
 whether he would submit himself to the Catholic church as 
 an obedient child : — 
 
 " Then Tyms answered and said, ' My Lord I doubt not but I am 
 of the catholic church, whatsoever you judge of me. But as for 
 your church, you have before this day renounced it, and by corporal 
 oath promised never to consent to the same. Contrary to the which 
 you have received into this realm the Pope's authority, and therefore 
 you are falsely perjured and forsworn, all the sort of you. Besides 
 this you have both spoken and written very earnestly against that 
 usurped power, and now you do burn men that will not acknow- 
 ledge the Pope to be supreme head.'^ 
 
 " ' Have I ? ' quoth the Bishop ; ' when have I weittbn any- 
 thing AGAINST THE CHUEOH OP ROMB ? ' 
 
 '"My Lord,' quoth Tyms, 'the Bishop of Winchester wrote a very 
 learned oration, entitled, De vera Obedientia, which containeth 
 worthy matter against the Romish authority. Unto the which book 
 you made a preface, inveighing against the bishop of Rome, reproving 
 his tyranny and falsehood, calling his power false and pretensed. 
 The book is extant, and you cannot deny it. '" 
 
 One can easily imagine that the bishop, if he had written 
 the Preface, (and still more, if he had not,) might feel 
 " somewhat abashed " at such a reply. At least he might 
 exhibit such an appearance to a spectator who, perhaps, was 
 fully convinced of the genuineness of the Preface, and the 
 
 ■'' It is right to state that, according to William Alsbury's own account, 
 it does not appear that Tyms was examined about the pope's supremacy, 
 because such misrepresentations should be pointed out eveu when they 
 are only incidentally reprinted in passages quoted for quite different 
 purposes. Nobody who has studied the examinations of the martyrs, 
 indeed, would expect to find Bonner taking up that subject, and driving 
 that point, in the first instance. On the contrary, Fox introduces this 
 examination by teUing us, that on the five prisoners (of whom Tyms and 
 Drakes were two) being brought before Bonner, " the said Bishop after 
 his accustomed manner proceeding against them, inquired of them their 
 faith " [not as to the pope's supremacy, but] " upon the sacrament of 
 the altar. To whom," he adds, " they answered that the hodyof Christ 
 was not in the sacrament of the altar really and corporally' after the 
 words of consecration spoken by the priest." This, I say, is Fox's 
 account of it, but in the course of a page or two, he gives us, "The 
 Articles for the which William Tyms, of Hockley, in Essex, was con- 
 demned in the Consistory in Paul's, the 28 day of March ; with his 
 Answers and Confession upon the same," and then he gives us, as 'Tyms's 
 own words : " Item, I confessed that in the sacrament of the altar, the 
 Christ is not present either spiritually or corporally." 
 
XVIII.] TO GARDINER'S BOOK. 307 
 
 perjured baseness of the bishop. But the candid explanation 
 which Bonner entered into with his prisoners at a pubhc 
 examination in " the open Consistory in Pauls," the modest 
 way in which he proposed himself to them as a model of 
 conscientious prudence — in short, the whole thing, Lf we 
 can only be sure that there was no irony in it, no sense of 
 the humour of his writing a preface to the " great learned 
 man's " book, none of that broad, and even coarse, humour 
 in which he sometimes indulged at the expense of those who 
 insulted him, and to the amusement of those about him — 
 if one can be quite sure that he said all that is reported, 
 and seriously meant all that he said, the passage is very 
 remarkable indeed. It sets the stubborn old bishop, who 
 had stuck in gaol all the days of King Edward, in quite a 
 new light. What a nice peculiarity of conscience there 
 must have been to prevent his doing for the royal son half 
 what he had done so freely for the royal father ! But Fox 
 goes on : — 
 
 " Then was the Bishop somewhat abashed, and looking upon such 
 as were present, spake very gently, saying, 'Lo! here is a goodly 
 matter indeed. My Lord of Winchester being a great learned man, 
 did write a book against the Supremacy of the Pope's Holiness, and 
 I also did write a preface before the same book, tending to the same 
 effect. And thus did we because of the perilous world that then 
 was : for then was it made treason by the laws of this realm to 
 maintain the pope's authority, and great danger it was to be 
 suspected a favourer of the see of Rome ; and therefore fear com- 
 pelled us to bear with the time, for otherwise there had been no 
 way but one. You know when any uttered his conscience in 
 maintaining the pope's authority, he suffered death for it.' And 
 then turning his tale unto Tyms, he said, 'But since that time, even 
 since the coming in of the Queens Majesty, when we might be bold 
 to speak our conscience, we have acknowledged our faults, and my 
 Lord of Winchester himself shamed not to recant the same at Paul's 
 Cross. And also thou thyself seest that I stand not in it, but 
 willingly have submitted myself. Do thou also as we have done.' 
 
 "'My Lord,' quoth Tyms, 'that which you have written against 
 the supremacy of the pope, may be well approved by the Scriptures. 
 But that which you now do, is against the word of God, as I can 
 well prove.' 
 
 " Then another (I suppose it was Dr. Cooke) said, ' Tyms, I pray 
 thee let me talk with thee a little,' &c." — Fox, viii. 10. 
 
 I do not pretend to say that others may not have made 
 reference to this Preface, when under examination by Bon- 
 ner ; but as I have stated, this is the only instance which I have 
 observed, though I believe I may say that I have examined 
 
308 GAKDINEE'S POPERY. [essay 
 
 every case in which Bonner had to do with any accused 
 person. Bishop Gardiner's conduct with respect to his part 
 of the work was very different, as the reader will perceive. 
 
 ESSAY XIX. 
 
 GARDINER'S POPERY. 
 
 It may at first be difficult for some readers, but perhaps on 
 reflection they wiU find it possible, to imagine a man ardently 
 denying the Supremacy of the Pope, and avowing a zealous 
 desire to abolish his usurped authority, and yet at the same 
 time strenuously maintaining Transubatantiation, Purgatory, 
 the Invocation of the Saints, and a variety of other doc- 
 trines and practices which the adherents to the Pope 
 maintain, but which protestants have rejected. Such men, 
 however, there were among those who lived in, and survived, 
 the reign of Henry the Eighth ; and Bishop Gardiner was 
 one of them. When the person of the king had changed, 
 and Edward was on the throne, Gardiner not only avowed 
 that he had in the former reign maintained the King's 
 Supremacy, but he still maintained it, and in the process for 
 his deprivation before Edward's Commissioners, he pleaded 
 in his " Long Matter," which has been already quoted, that 
 the articles brought forward against him ought not to have 
 any weight, for various reasons : — 
 
 "And, among other things, because the said bishop hath been 
 always ready, with his best endeavour, diligence, and industry, 
 according to his bounden duty, to publish, declare, and set forth, as 
 well the supremacy, and supreme authority, of the Mng's majesty that 
 now is, and of the most noble prince of famous memory, the king's 
 majesty's father that dead is, as the abolishing of the usurped power of 
 the bishop of Borne, and setting forth of all and singular acts, 
 statutes, laws, injunctions, and proclamations, made and ordained 
 in that behalf, and concerning orders of religion in this his majesty's 
 church of England ; and hath had, hitherto, a very circumspect, 
 learned, and diligent chancellor under him, who hath duly executed, 
 and put in execution, the same accordingly : all which things the 
 said bishop, for his own part, hath likewise always justly, duly, and 
 obediently done, kept, observed, and executed, and for the approving, 
 confirming, and stablishing the said supremacy. And of the usurped 
 
XIX.] GARDINER'S POPERY. 309 
 
 power of the bishop of Rome aforesaid, he hath not only openly 
 preached, affirmed, and declared the same, in many and divers his 
 sermons (preaching and teaching always due obedience), but also 
 hath made and set forth a certain hook or work concerning the same, 
 as by the contents thereof more plainly appeareth, and hath 
 defended the same in the university of Louvain. And these things 
 were and be true, public, notorious, manifest, and famous." — Fox, 
 Vol. vi. p. 105. 
 
 Bishop Gardiner, it is plain, was not anxious to conceal or 
 disavow, in the reign of King Edward, what he was said to 
 have written to curry favour with King Henry ; and it is 
 somewhat curious to see how this one of his Articles is 
 treated by some of those who were called upon to depose in 
 reply to the multitude of them contained in his " Long 
 Matter." A considerable portion of those who were interro- 
 gated, were, it will be seen, in a state of remarkable igno- 
 rance concerning the book. 
 
 " The Right honourable Lord Edward Duke of Somerset, being 
 examined upon the articles ensuing, saith as followeth : — 
 
 "To the 1st article his Grace saith that it hath oftentimes 
 appeared to his Grace, by sundry complaints and informations 
 made against the said iDishop, that he hath not done his duty in 
 setting forth the King's Majesty's proceedings, in matters of 
 religion, in such ample sort as his duty required. And as for his 
 chancellor, his Grace can little testify therein otherwise than that 
 there hath been of late in him no towardness of conformity ; for 
 which he doth now remain in prison. And his Grace, also, saith, 
 that touching the bishop's preaching against the usurped power of 
 the bishop of Rome, he remembereth not of any sermon by him so 
 made, saving one, whereof fuller mention is made in his depositions 
 upon the articles, ministered against the said bishop of office in this 
 behalf. And as for the book mentioned in this article, his Grace 
 saith, he hath heard of such a book by him made ; but to what effect 
 it weigheth, his grace Icnoweth not, nor also of his defence made in the 
 university of Louvain." — Fox, Vol. vi. p. 168. 
 
 It was hardly to be expected that the minor courtiers of 
 King Edward should be better informed than his Grace the 
 Lord Protector. Perhaps it was only a proper compliment 
 to his station to profess a still more complete ignorance. 
 Turning over the depositions, we find that, 
 
 " As for the bishop's book, and his disputation in Louvain, men- 
 tioned in this article, his lordship [the Earl of Wiltshire] knoweth 
 nothing of it," p. 171,— absolutely nothing. 
 
 " As touching the said bishop's book, and disputation in Louvain, 
 his Lordship [the Marquis of Northampton] knoweth nothing 
 thereof," p. 173. 
 
310 DEPOSITIONS RELATING [essay 
 
 "This deponent [the Lord Chancellor Kiche] hath heard say (of 
 whom lie rememhereth not) that the said bishop did set forth a book 
 in maintenance of supremacy to be in the king that dead is^ his 
 heirs and successors. And otherwise he cannot depose," p. 175. 
 
 The Earl of Warwick passed the matter by, without mention, 
 p. 177. 
 
 " Touching the book made by the said bishop and his disputations 
 at Louvain, they are unknown to his lordship," [the Earl of Bedford,] 
 p. 180. 
 
 " What book or work the said bishop hath set forth against the 
 usurped power of the bishop of Rome, or defence he made in the 
 university of Louvain, this examinate [Sir William Harbert] hnoweth 
 not" p. 182. 
 
 Sir John Baker passed over the matter of the book entirely ; and, 
 indeed, he could say but little about the bishop's opinions on any 
 subject, " for he never heard him preach but one sermon, the which 
 was at St. Mary Overys before the house was suppressed. And 
 whether he treated of such matter, yea or no, he doth not re- 
 member," p. 184. 
 
 " He [Sir Edward Carne] heard say, that the said bishop did make 
 a book for the king's supremacy, and against the bishop of Rome's 
 authority. And further this deponent saith, that he, being ambas- 
 sador in Flanders, heard say that the said bishop of Winchester, 
 going in an ambassade to the emperor of Germany through Louvain, 
 communing with certain learned men, there offered to dispute 
 openly touching the defence of the said book, upon occasion 
 ministered by the said learned men against the said bishop, touching 
 the said book. And otherwise he cannot depose ;" though he added, 
 when examined upon the Interrogatories, that " he heard a talk at 
 the time the said bishop of Winchester made the book afore deposed 
 of, that he was loth to write against the said bishop of Rome ; but, 
 whether the talk was true he cannot tell." — p. 185. 
 
 It could not be denied, even by Gardiner's bitterest and 
 least scrupulous enemies, that there was a sort of hearsay — 
 a blind rumour — abroad, that Bishop Gardiner had once 
 written some book, about something, though they did not 
 know what. How strange that a work by such a person, on 
 such a subject, at such a time, should have fallen still-born 
 from the press of the king's printer — to say nothing of its 
 being (if it was) caught up and puffed and prefaced by the 
 zealous Bonner, and reprinted at Hamburgh and at Stras- 
 burgh! How very odd that so many and such persons 
 should have known so little about it ! One might almost 
 imagine that the whole thing was an imposture, if we had 
 not Bishop Gardiner's own acknowledgment, and the testi- 
 mony of credible witnesses to support it. For some of those 
 who were examined knew, or professed to know, more about 
 it than the Lord Protector and his friends. " Outhbert 
 
XIX.] TO GARDINER'S BOOK. 811 
 
 [Tonstal] Bishop of Durham, one of the king's most honour- 
 able privy council, of the age of 76," deposed that — 
 
 " In the king's time tliat dead is, tlie said bishop, as one of the 
 Council, did set forth for his part all such articles, statutes, injunc- 
 tions, and proclamations, as were then decreed and determined ; 
 and did set forth at aU times the same accordingly. And deposeth 
 further, that the said bishop did make a hooh against the usurped 
 power of the hishop of Some, and setting forth the king's supremacy ; 
 which book this deponent hath seen ; and all the premises before 
 deposed, he saith, are true, notorious, and manifest to them that were 
 of the Council at that time." — p. 189. 
 
 We may presume that the Bishop of Durham was not 
 aware of some of the declarations which have just been 
 quoted from the examinations of deponents who " were of 
 the Council at that time," and who were " of the Council " 
 at this time also, as they meant to show. 
 
 " Thomas [Thirlby] Bishop of Norwich, of the age of 47 
 or thereabouts," deposed that — 
 
 "Although the said Bishop of Winchester (very loth to con- 
 descend to any innovations) was earnest against alterations, as well 
 concerning the bishop of Kome as other orders in Religion, yet after 
 those matters were established and set forth, by the acts, statutes, 
 and laws of this realm, and the king's majesty's injunctions and 
 proclamations, this deponent hath known and heard the bishop of 
 Winchester publish, declare, and set forth, as well the supremacy 
 or supreme authority of the king's majesty's father of famous 
 memory, as the abolishing of the usurped power of the bishop of 
 Rome, accordingly as he was bound : and did set forth a hooh con- 
 cerning the same, as by the contents thereof may appear, which this 
 deponent hath heard. But how the said bishop of Winchester and 
 his Chancellor (whom this deponent hath of long time known to be 
 wise and learned) have executed in his diocese, the king's majesty's 
 injunctions and proclamations, he knoweth not; for he hath not 
 been conversant there. Which things, before by this deponent 
 deposed, be true, notorious, manifest, public, and famous. And as 
 touching the defence of the bishop's book at Louvain, he hath heard 
 reported, that he offered to defend the said book then and there ; 
 and before certain of the doctors, did defend the same, as he heard 
 say."— p. 190. 
 
 " John Pottinger of Winchester, gentleman, where he 
 hath continued these ten years, of the age of 36 ; sworn and 
 examined," deposed — 
 
 " That the said bishop hath set forth a hooh in Latin, many years 
 since, entituled ' De Vera Obedientia,' wherein the said bishop set 
 forth the king's supremacy, as he remembereth ; and treated against 
 the usurped power of the bishop of Rome, and of obedience of the 
 subjects to their prince, as supreme head, very earnestly, to this 
 deponent's remembrance. For this deponent hath seen and read the 
 
312 BISHOP GARDINER'S [essay 
 
 book, and in the same did read of the premises. And, examined 
 whether he understandeth the Latin tongue, he saith, yea ; and that 
 once he was fellow of New College in Oxford, and hath the same 
 book at this present in his study." — Fox, vol. vi. p. 217. 
 
 "Master John White, Warden of the college of Win- 
 chester, of the age of 40," being sworn and examined, among 
 other things " deposeth as foUoweth : " 
 
 " All the contents of this article, touching as well the bishop as 
 his chancellor, are true, to this deponent's certain knowledge, saving 
 the defence of the said bishop's book at Louvain ; which book the 
 said bishop (as this deponent hath heard say of certain learned men 
 being then with the bishop) did defend against the rector and cer- 
 tain divines of the university of Louvain ; which book that he so 
 defended (as it was said) was the book made by the bishop ' De Vera 
 Obedientia,' and that book this deponent hath seen and read, which 
 entreateth of the king's supremacy, and the abolishment of the 
 bishop of Home's authority. And saith, that all the premises, 
 saving the defence of the said book, are notorious, manifest, and 
 famous, within the diocese of Winchester, to this deponent's certain 
 hearing and knowledge. 
 
 " And for further declaration, this deponent saith, that about 
 twelve years ago, or thereabouts, as he doth remember, this deponent 
 (then being schoolmaster of the college of Winton) did by the com- 
 mandment of the bishop of Winchester, make certain verses extolling 
 the king's supremacy, and against the usurped power of the bishop 
 of Home ; which said verses this deponent caused his scholars to learn, 
 and to practise them in making of verses to the like argument ; the 
 said bishop encouraging this deponent so to do." — Fox, vol. vi. p. 223. 
 
 One vcould be glad to have a fuller account of Bishop 
 Gardiner's proceedings at Louvain in reference to his book ; 
 and no doubt materials are in existence, though I have it not 
 in my power at present to avail myseK of them. I know of 
 only two other documents, preserved in Fox's Martyrology, 
 which tend to throw light on the matter. They add indeed 
 very little to our knowledge, though they are not without 
 interest in several points of view. The first is the deposi- 
 tion of " Master William Medowe, clerk, chaplain to the 
 ' bishop of Winchester, and master of the hospital of Holy 
 ' Crosses, beside Winchester ; of the age of 60 years," which 
 begins in the following manner : — 
 
 " To the first article of the matter this deponent saith, that the 
 space of this twenty years he hath been with the said bishop of 
 Winchester, and is his chaplain, and all the said space, he saith, that 
 the said bishop, to this deponent's sight and knowledge, hath always 
 set forth, to the uttermost of his power, the king's supremacy, and 
 the abolishment of the bishop of Rome's authority. And saith, 
 that at five several times he hath attended upon the said bishop. 
 
XIX.] DISPUTATION AT LOUVAIN. 318 
 
 when he was sent beyond the seas for ambassador, as well to the 
 emperor, as to the French king ; at one of which times, the said 
 bishop was at Lonvain, when there was a commencement, wherein 
 proceeded two doctors of physio ; at which said commencement, 
 the said bishop was desired to be the Father of the Act, and was at 
 the same Act present. 
 
 " And after the said Act done, in the selfsame day, after dinner, 
 the rector of the university accompanied with four or five learned 
 men, came to the said bishop, to his house. And, there and then, 
 the rector brought with him the book, which the said bishop had 
 set forth, concerning the supremacy of the king's majesty, and the 
 abolishment of the bishop of Rome's authority ; with the which 
 book, the said rector, and the other persons, were offended, and 
 came to the said bishop, to see what he could speak for the defence 
 of the said book. Unto whom the said bishop said, that he would 
 gladly hear what they could object against it, and he would make 
 them answer. And thereupon, the said bishop, with the said rector, 
 and the other persons, went unto his chamber, and there continued 
 in disputation ; wherein this deponent heard the said bishop very 
 earnest and loud in the defence of the said book ; which said book, 
 this deponent saith, he hath seen and read, and was in the house 
 with the said bishop, when he did make the same book. 
 
 " And further he saith, that the said bishop, within his diocese, 
 hath set forth all such acts, statutes, injunctions, and proclamations, 
 as have been made and set forth by the king's majesty that dead is, 
 and the king's majesty that now is. 
 
 " And further saith, that for the setting forth of the same, he hath 
 had an expert chancellor, Dr. Steward, who hath caused the same 
 accordingly to be set forth within the diocese, and specially within 
 the city of Winchester, and vrithin the hospital of the Holy Crosses, 
 whereof this deponent is master ; and for such a man, the said chan- 
 cellor hath been and is commonly reputed and taken, within the 
 diocese of Winchester, to this deponent's knowledge. 
 
 " And saith, that the said bishop, at divers and many of his said 
 sermons whereat this deponent hath been present, hath set forth 
 the king's majesty's supremacy, and the abolishment of the bishop 
 of Rome's authority. 
 
 ' ' And otherwise he cannot depose upon the statutes of the said 
 article."— -Rja;, vol. vi. p. 202. 
 
 The second is "a Letter written from Lou vain by one 
 Francis Driander, the contents whereof," says Fox, "are 
 hereunder expressed in Latin as he wrote it, and the English 
 whereof, as much as to the present purpose appertaineth, 
 here foUoweth translated ; " and for us it will be enough to 
 extract the English translation, without criticising it, and 
 only premising that the letter was dated September 22, 
 1541, and addressed to Edmund Crispin, a person of whom 
 I believe little or nothing is known, except what is to 
 be learned from Anthony a Wood's not very complimentary 
 
814 BISHOP GARDINER'S DISPUTATION, [essay 
 
 notice of him^ But the value of the letter arises from its 
 having been put in as evidence by Bishop Gardiner himself, 
 during the process for his deprivation. 
 
 " Before my departure from the city of Paris, I wrote unto you by 
 our friend the englishman, &c. Now the narration of your bishop 
 of Winchester, shall satisfy and content you. He (the said bishop) 
 as appertained to the ambassador of so noble a prince, came to 
 Louvain with a great rout and bravery, and was there, at a private 
 man's house called Jeremy's, most honourably entertained and 
 received ; where the faculty of divines, for honour's sake, presented 
 him wine in the name of the whole university. But our famous 
 doctors, and learned masters, for that they would more deeply search 
 and understand the learning and excellency of the prelate, perused 
 and scanned a certain Oration made by him, and now extant, in- 
 titled ' De vera Obedientia,' which is as much as to say, in our 
 english tongue, ' Of true Obedience,' in the which his Oration he did 
 greatly impair and subvert the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, 
 and preferred his Lord and King's authority before the holy apostolic 
 see as they were wont to term it : which being read and considered 
 by them, they did not only repent them, for attributing such their 
 honour unto him, but also recanted what they had done before ; and, 
 like impudent persons, did not so much honour him afore, but now 
 twice so much with many obloquies and derisions, disabled and dis- 
 honoured his person. 
 
 " But, in conclusion, Richard Lathomus interpreter of the Terms, 
 Vfith the favourers of this fraternity, and other the champions of the 
 falling church, boldly enterprlsed to dispute with him concerning 
 the pope's supremacy. The Bishop stoutly defended his said 
 Oration. The divines contrary did stiffly maintain their opinion, 
 and, divers times openly with exclamation, called the said bishop an 
 excommunicate person, and a schismatic ; to the no little reproach 
 and infamy of the english nation. 
 
 " I will not here repeat the arguments and reasons which were 
 alledged on both parts, for the defence of the opinions of each side, 
 for that lest, perhaps, to learned men, they shall not seem all of the 
 strongest ; and also, because it beoometh me to save and preserve 
 the estimation of either party. The bishop not long after, minding 
 to say mass in St. Peter's church, they did deny unto him, as to an 
 excommunicate person, the ornaments and vestments meet for the 
 same ; wherewith being highly offended, he suddenly hasted his 
 
 1 Under the year 1547 he tells us that " Edmund Crispyne of Oriell 
 coll. lately a shagling lecturer of physio, now one of the proctors of the 
 university, did supplicate to be licensed to proceed in physic," and he 
 adds, that though he found no registration of their license he has no doubt 
 that it was granted, as he found the supplicant afterwards " written and 
 Btiled" a doctor of physic. Fast. Ox. Part I. col. 126. One would like 
 to know how the letter came into Gardiner's possession. Strype seems 
 to take it for granted that this Crispin was the divine of the " popish 
 stamp " bearing that name, whose services the Devonshire rebels required 
 in the year ISIS- — Oram., vol. i. 265, 
 
XX.] BONNER'S CRUELTY. 315 
 
 iourney from thence. The dean the next day after, made an elo- 
 quent oration, wherein he openly disgraced and defamed his person. 
 1 lament greatly their case, who so rashly, without any advisement, 
 gave themselves to be mocked among grave and witty men. Tou 
 have heard now a true story for our doctor was the chief and prin- 
 cipal doer of that tragedy." — Fox, vol. vi. p. 139. 
 
 We may just observe, that in all this, (written several 
 years after the supposed publication at Hamburgh,) there 
 is not a word of Bishop Bonner or his Preface ; nor do I 
 recollect that, when he was in circumstances somewhat 
 similar to those of Gardiner, he made any such claim, as 
 Gardiner now did, and as he had quite an equal right to 
 make if the Preface was his. If, however, it be said that 
 we ought not to expect anything about Bonner's part of the 
 book in the process relating to Gardiner, it must still be 
 allowed that it would not have been surprising if some 
 word about it had escaped ; and that if Gardiner believed 
 himseK to be indebted to Bonner for such fervent co-opera- 
 tion and patronage, it was ungrateful in him to pass by so 
 fair an occasion of mentioning it, when it might have been 
 of service to his fellow-sufferer. 
 
 But enough has, perhaps, been said to convince the reader 
 that if Gardiner did write the Oration, he had no incon- 
 sistency or tergiversation to be ashamed of ; and that 
 whether the author of the Preface deserved praise or blame 
 for his work, was a question that in no way touched Bishop 
 Bonner. 
 
 ESSAY XX. 
 
 BONNER'S CRUELTY. 
 
 § 1. GENERAL STATEMENTS AND FULLEe'S IN PAETICULAR. 
 
 The character of Bonner for cruelty is so established, that 
 it is superfluous to collect testimonies from the various 
 writers by whom the charge has been brought ; especially 
 considering what I have already had occasion to quote in 
 the course of these Essays'. 
 
 1 See what is quoted before from Bale, p. 40 ; from Ponet, p. 57 ; and 
 from Traheron, p. 65. After them it is almost needless to quote Bumet, 
 Strype, or even Fox^ much less Fuller, Heylin, and more modern writers. 
 
316 FULLEK'S ACCOUNT [hssay 
 
 Indeed, these charges have been so often, and so vehe- 
 mently repeated, and have so passed into a proverb, that it 
 is much less necessary to prove their existence, or exhibit 
 their nature, than to deprecate the appearance of maintain- 
 ing a paradox by suggesting the idea that they are gross 
 exaggerations, and in a very great degree false, and 
 slanderous. 
 
 As, however, I do not see that I can be suspected of any 
 partial motive, in wishing to illustrate this part of our 
 ecclesiastical history, and as my conscience acquits me of all 
 sympathy with any person of whatever party or name 
 (Cranmer, Calvin, or Bonner) in so far as he thought of 
 maintaining or enforcing Christianity by fire and faggot, I 
 shall not dilate on this point ; but in order to come to an 
 immediate understanding with the reader, I will at once 
 say, that I not only believe those contemporary vsriters 
 whom I have quoted, as well as some others, to have 
 indulged in rhodomontade declamation, and in scurrility as 
 odious for its falsehood as for its coarseness ; but that I 
 believe their coloured and exaggerated accounts of facts to 
 have been still farther coloured and exaggerated — I will 
 add, perverted and falsified — by more modern copyists. I 
 do not say that it has been done in most cases with bad 
 purpose, or in all even knowingly ; I only state my belief 
 that it has, in fact, been done ; and that stories have been 
 handed from one careless writer to another, containing 
 monstrous falsehoods, even beyond what might be warranted 
 by the statements of the most loose and declamatory writers 
 of the time. I will give a specimen from one of our most 
 respectable ecclesiastical historians, which will not only 
 explain my meaning, but form a very suitable introduction 
 to what I wish further to state. 
 
 Fuller, in his Church History, gives an account of the 
 Marian persecution, which he divides according to Dioceses; 
 and after stating what occurred in several of them he pro- 
 ceeds ; — ■ 
 
 " Cross we the Thames to come into Middlesex, and Essex, the 
 Diocese of London under Bishop Bonner, whom all generations shall 
 call Bloody. St. Paul mentioneth his fighting with Beasts at Ephesus 
 after the manner of men, which some expound, his encountering 
 with people, men for their shape and sex ; but beasts for their cruell 
 mindes, and manners. In the same sense we may say, that Lion, 
 Tiger, Wolfe, Bear ; yea, a whole forest of wilde beasts met in 
 
XX.] OF BONNER'S CEUELTY. 317 
 
 Bonner, killing two hundred in the compasse of three yeers. And, 
 as if his cruelty had made him Metropolitan of all England, he stood 
 not on distinction of Dioceses, but martyred aU, wheresoever he met 
 them. Thus Mr. Philpot belonged to Gardiner's Jurisdiction, and 
 often pleaded in vain, that Bonner was none of his Ordinary, yet 
 Bonner (Ordinary, or Extraordinary) dispatch'd him, who cared not 
 whence men came but onely whither he sent them. No sex, quality, 
 or age, escap'd him, whose fury reached from John Fetty a lad of 
 eight yeers old, by him scourged to death ; even unto Hugh liaverook, 
 a Creeple, sixty eight yeers old, whom he caused to be burnt." — 
 Oh. Hut. Book VIII. p. 18. 
 
 Now, as to the forest of wild beasts one hardly knows 
 what to say ; it is scarcely tangible ; but I may be allowed 
 to suggest that if a whole forest of wild beasts, ranging 
 among a crowd of defenceless sheep, devoured only two 
 hundred in three years, they must have been, for wild 
 beasts, rather moderate in their food. But let this stand by 
 till we have looked at more specific statements. 
 
 In the first place it must not be passed over — for the 
 greatness of the number, and the shortness of the time, are 
 the points intended to impress the reader — that it would 
 have been more fair to have said three years and three 
 qucurters ; for there was as much of a fourth year as elapsed 
 between the ith of February and the 10th of November. 
 Again as to the number ; I have no idea why Fuller says 
 that Bonner killed " two hundred." If he means the whole 
 number who suffered, that was considerably greater ; and it 
 would have been better for his reputation if he had stuck 
 to the old He, which he might have put off on Fox, without 
 at all risking his own credit ; — 
 
 " This cannibal, in three years space, three hundred martyrs 
 slew. 
 They were his food ; he loved so blood ; he SPARED none he 
 knew. " " 
 
 There is, however, something in this half-hearted modesty 
 of Fuller which places him in an awkward position ; for as 
 the magnitude of falsehoods is not calculated by the laws of 
 arithmetical progression, it is almost as bad to talk of two 
 hundred as of three. I know of no authority but his own 
 caprice for assigning to Bonner this lion's share of the prey. 
 He had enough to render exaggeration perfectly gratuitous. 
 Hume states (I believe quite correctly, I am sure he is not 
 
 2 Fox, vol. viii. p. 482. 
 
318 PULLER'S ACCOUNT [essay 
 
 far wrong) that the cases of martyrdom which occurred 
 during the whole of Mary's reign amiounted to 277. If 
 anybody can show that Bonner had anything to do, directly 
 or indirectly, with more than about 120 I shaU wonder. 
 Some reader may say " Was it not bad enough to kill 120 
 in three years and three quarters ? " But I beg him to 
 observe that I have not made any such admission ; and that 
 when I speak of Bonner's having "anythiag to do" with a 
 case of martyrdom, I wish my words to be taken as strictly 
 as possible. For instance, no reasonable person would think 
 of saying that Bonner had anything to do with the martyr- 
 dom of Cranmer ; yet I include that case in the number of 
 those with which he was concerned, simply because he was 
 one of the bishops who went by a special commission to Oxford 
 to perform the ceremony of degrading the Archbishop. 
 
 But this will be clearer presently ; — to proceed with 
 Fuller : — he tells us that Bonner took upon him as if he had 
 been metropoKtan of aU England, " and that he stood not 
 on distinction of dioceses, but martyred all, wheresoever he 
 met them." I believe this to be absolutely and entirely 
 untrue. A cavUler might say, though I believe it is the 
 only case in which he could say anything of the kind, that 
 when Bonner went, by special commission, to Oxford to 
 perform the ceremony of degrading Cranmer, he " met " 
 him out of his own diocese. But except this (which is no 
 real exception) I suspect it would be impossible to name a 
 case in which Bonner martyred, or examined, or meddled 
 with anybody whatever, except upon the particular ground, 
 distinctly stated in articles officially ministered, that the 
 prisoner had been " met " in the Bishop of London's dio- 
 cese, and was under his jurisdiction ; and further that it 
 was on this ground, and by virtue of this jurisdiction, that 
 the bishop was interfering in the business. 
 
 Moreover, I know of only one case in which that claim 
 grounded on diocese and jurisdiction was questioned by a 
 prisoner ; and that is the very one of Philpot which Fuller 
 quotes ; but which is so far from giving colour to his state- 
 ment, that it most clearly exposes its gross falsehood. 
 Philpot, in the course of an examination, said that he had 
 not offended my Lord of London, and asked why he should 
 be called before him. Bonner (according to Philpot's own 
 account of the matter) did not answer by roaring like a 
 
XX.] OF BONNER'S CRUELTY. 319 
 
 forest of wild beasts, or by pretending to be a metropolitan, 
 but soberly and articulately replied "Yes, I have to lay to your 
 ' charge that you have offended in my diocese, by speaking 
 ' against the blessed sacrament of the altar ; and therefore I 
 ' may call you, and proceed against you, to punish yoix by 
 ' the law." To this Philpot says he answered, " I have not 
 ' offended in your diocese : for that which I spake of the 
 ' sacrament was in Paul's Church in the Convocation house, 
 ' which (as I understand) is a peculiar jurisdiction, belonging 
 ' to the dean of Paul's, and therefore is counted of your 
 ' lordship's diocese, but not in your diocese." This seems 
 to have been new light to Bonner, who exclaimed " Is not 
 Paul's Church in my diocese ? well I wot it costeth me a 
 good deal of money by the year, the leading thereof." It is 
 not to our purpose to enter into this dispute, which was 
 repeatedly renewed between the parties ; but I will add in 
 a note one specimen which may be enough to show, that 
 Bonner did not take upon him to examine Philpot either as 
 a wild beast, or a metropolitan, but (whether right or wrong 
 in fact or in law) simply on the ground of jurisdiction in 
 his own particular Diocese'. 
 
 ^ Fox, vii. 614. The passage quoted in the text occurred at Philpot's 
 fourth examination. The subject had been repeatedly discussed before, 
 and was touched on again at his fifth, Ihid. 620 ; resumed in his seventh, 
 Ibid. 639 ; again in a private conference with Bonner, Jhid. 646 ; and 
 perhaps on other occasions ; but by the tenth the Bishop seems to have 
 got rather tired of it, and the following conversation is reported to have 
 taken place. The first speaker was one of " two homely gentlemen " un- 
 known to Philpot, who happened to be present, and seems to have said 
 nothing but what is here recorded. 
 
 " Gentleman. Why do you not require absolution at my lord's hands 
 ' here now ? 
 
 "Philpot. Because he is not mine ordinary, neither hath by the law 
 ' any thing to do with me of right. 
 
 '• London. What an obstinate fool is this ! I tell thee, I will be thine 
 ' ordinary, whether thou wilt or no. 
 
 "Philpot. And because of this your unrighteous force towards me, 
 ' I have appealed from yon, and require you, master registrar, that my 
 ' appeal may be entered in writing. 
 
 "London. Have you heard such a froward fellow as this? he seemed 
 ' yesterday to be very tractable, and I had a good hope of him. I tell 
 ' thee, thou art of my diocese. 
 
 "Philpot. I am of Winchester diocese, and not of London diocese. 
 
 " London. I pray you, may not a man be of two dioceses at once ? 
 
 " Philpot. No, that he cannot. 
 
 " London. Lo, will you see what an ignorant fool this is in the law, in 
 
320 FULLER'S ACCOUNT [essay 
 
 But in dealing witli such a story can no one help remark- 
 ing that it is rather strange, and like the absurdity into 
 which party writers are apt to be led, to ask our sympathy, 
 and try to move our feelings, in behalf of a poor pious 
 puritan who " pleaded in vain " to be put into the hands of 
 Gardiner? "Will it not be thought maudlin nonsense even 
 by readers, who only know Fox's reports of PhUpot's " bold- 
 ness " in the days of King Edward, and his " divers conflicts 
 with Gardiner the bishop in the city of Winchester " — by 
 those who have never been particularly informed that 
 " Stephen, bishop of Winton, ever bare ill-will against this 
 godly gentleman," and who have never seen the humourous 
 "passage Mr. Sternhold, one of King Edward's Privy 
 Chamber, told afterwards to that King for entertainment's 
 sake ; " namely, how the said bishop of Winchester (in our 
 story the defrauded Ordinary) sent for PhUpot to meet 
 certain justices at his house, and called him " rogue," and 
 then finding that he could dispend ten pounds by the year, 
 and was his own nephew's landlord, "was afraid and 
 ashamed for making so loud a lie upon a gentleman, and a 
 learned gentleman." ^ Whether this account of Strype's is 
 verbatim the Old Version of our good Psalmist, I do not 
 know, or how far it is true, but it leads one to think that 
 there was no particular cruelty in keeping Philpot out of 
 Gardiner's hands. Indeed I think one hint was dropped 
 by Bonner at a later period, which seems to look quite a 
 contrary way. If I remember right, he suggested that 
 Philpot had been emboldened to imagine that he should 
 
 ' the which he would seem to be seen ? I tell thee , a man may be of 
 ' three dioceses at once : as if thou wert born in London, by reason 
 ' thereof thou should be of my diocese : or else if thou wert not born 
 ' here, but hadst a dignity, also thou art to be counted of my diocese : or 
 ' else by reason of thy habitation in my diocese. 
 
 " Fhilpot. In none of these respects I am of your lordship's diocese ; 
 but for all that, this will not follow, that I, dwelling at Winchester, am 
 ' at that present of London dioccBO. 
 
 " London. What wilt thou lay thereof? wilt thou recant, if I prove it ? 
 
 "Philpot. But what shall I win, if you do not? 
 
 " London. I will give thee my bishopric, if I prove it not. 
 
 " Philpot. Yea, but who shall deliver it me, if I win ? 
 
 " London. Thou art an arrogant fool. Enter their oaths, and take 
 ' these witnesses' depositions. I must be gone to the parliamont- 
 ' house." — Ibid. p. 656. 
 
 ^ Strype, Mem. III. i. 438. 
 
XX.] OF BONNER'S CRUELTY. 321 
 
 escape burning through the death of Gardiner. But perhaps 
 enough has been said of this case; only I must beg the 
 reader to reflect on the almost incredible assurance of 
 bringing it forward with a " thus " as if it were given off 
 hand, and by chance, as the first that came to recollection 
 from among scores or hundreds, to prove that Bonner " stood 
 not on distinction of Dioceses, but martyred all wheresoever 
 he met them." 
 
 One remark, however, I must add on the phraseology in 
 which this falsehood is expressed, because words have their 
 nods and winks, and frequently exercise a strong, though 
 subtle influence on readers, even when the objection to them 
 is such as seems at first sight to be nothing more than cavil 
 or petty criticism. Fuller says he martyred all " whereso- 
 ever he met them." Now I have already stated that the 
 " wheresoever " was, without any real exception that I know 
 of, within his own diocese and jurisdiction ; but, beside this, 
 there is something implied in the word "met," which is not 
 applicable to the real circumstances of the case. When 
 bodies are said to be " met," it is implied that the meeting 
 body, at least, was in motion ; we should hardly think of 
 saying that a man " met " a post, unless he ran against it ; 
 and, at all events, we shotdd not use such a word to describe 
 his contact with a body thrown in his face, or into his lap, 
 by an external force. Fuller's language would naturally 
 convey, and of course he meant it to convey, the idea, that 
 Bonner was on the look out, and went forth, and prowled 
 like a wild beast to seek his prey. That he desired to meet 
 with heretics, and catch them, and kill them. "What ground 
 he might have for the suggestion I know not ; but I must 
 say that from aU that I have hitherto learned I am inclined 
 to believe that Bonner never either by himself, or his agents, 
 searched for heretics, or was the original cause of any man's 
 being brought into trouble on the score of religion, except 
 so far as he might be said to be so by the effect of official 
 documents set forth by him in his character of a Bishop or 
 an Ecclesiastical Judge. Or to put the matter in another 
 form, — what I see leads me to doubt whether he ever 
 imprisoned, or examined, or even took cognizance of the 
 existence of any suspected individual on the accusation of 
 any informer, spy, or private individual, or even on the 
 reports which he officially monished his clergy to make (and 
 
 X 
 
322 JOHN FETTY [essay 
 
 which I presume they did make) to him of those who 
 refused to go to church, to confess, to communicate, &c. I 
 cannot prove this (and further inquiry may produce some 
 cases to show I am mistaken), but I believe that he never 
 dealt with any alleged heretic who was not brought before 
 him in his official character as Bishop of London, in due 
 course of law, by the warrant of some magistrate, or other 
 person, acting directly under a Commission from the 
 Government. 
 
 These points will appear more clearly hereafter. In the 
 mean time I am afraid the humane reader wiU think that I 
 am postponing, and shrinking from, and not daring to con- 
 front, the most shocking part of Fuller's account. What are 
 we to say to the general statement that, " No sex, quality, or 
 age escap'd him " ? and the particular cases of " John Fetty 
 a lad of eight years old, by him scourged to death," and 
 " Hugh Laverock a Creeple, sixty-eight years old, whom he 
 caused to be burnt " ? 
 
 As to the first part of this it is obviously mere declamation. 
 One knows perfectly, and is tired of being told over and 
 over again, that the law for burning heretics was a very 
 bad law ; and ought never to have existed. But, in fact, it 
 did exist, and it was the law of the country ; and did any- 
 body ever hear of a country where there were laws and 
 judges, and where either sex or quality, or age, was con- 
 sidered as a legitimate ground of escape from the penalty 
 of the law ? Has- any nation ever tried the experiment ? 
 Does anybody wish to have it tried ? If they do let them 
 say so. 
 
 To come then to the consideration of John Fetty in 
 particular. I do not wish to say what is harsh or coarse, 
 and therefore I will abstain from using some of the words 
 which I have just quoted from our venerable Psalmist's 
 narrative, though they run in my mind ; and I really do 
 hope that if his own book, and Fox's had been held up 
 before Fuller's eyes, he would have been "afraid and 
 ashamed for making " such an unfair use of his authority. 
 If merely the truth of the story were in controversy, instead 
 of the more serious question of the credit and respect due to 
 the historian, it would be sufficient to reply that Fox does 
 not venture to say as a matter of fact, — no, nor even as a 
 matter of his own behef, — either that the child was 
 
XX.] AND HIS FATHEK. 323 
 
 scourged to death ; or that, if he was, Bonner ever so much 
 as saw him. 
 
 But as I do not expect the reader either to take my word 
 for this, or to study the history in Fox, and as it is highly 
 illustrative of several of the points touched upon in this 
 volume, I will give what I believe to be a true, though a 
 brief, summary of the story. 
 
 John Fetty, the father of the child in question, was a 
 simple and godly poor man, "dwelling in the parish of 
 Clerkenwell, and was by vocation a taylor, of the age of 
 twenty-four years or thereabout." He seems to have 
 married at an age when he could not be expected to show 
 much discretion in choosing a partner; for this (not his 
 only, and perhaps not his eldest) child was " of the age of 
 eight or nine years." He suffered for his youthful in- 
 discretion ; for his wife, disapproving his resolution " not to 
 come into the church, and be partaker of their idolatry and 
 superstition," was so cruel, or so zealous, as to denounce 
 birn to " one Brokenbury, a priest and parson of the same 
 parish." Accordingly "through the said priest's procure- 
 ment, he was apprehended by Richard Tanner, and his 
 feUow constables there, and one Martin the headborough." 
 Immediately after doing this the poor woman was seized with 
 such remorse that she became " distract of her wits." Even 
 the pitiless papists were moved ; the Baalamite priest and 
 the constables, and headborough, all agreed for the sake of 
 her, and her two children, that they would " for that present 
 ' let her husband alone, and would not carry him to prison, 
 ' but yet suffered him to remain quietly in his own house ; 
 ' during which time, he, as it were forgetting the wicked 
 ' and unkind fact of his wife, did yet so cherish and provide 
 'for her, that within the space of three weeks (through 
 ' Grod's merciful providence) she was well amended, and had 
 ' recovered again some stay of her wits and senses." ^ 
 
 But strange to say, " so soon as she had recovered some 
 health," her cruelty or zeal revived, and she " did again 
 accuse her husband." The steps are not stated; but we 
 may reasonably suppose them to have been the same as 
 before. Now, however, as there was nothing to interrupt 
 the common course of things, John Fetty was " carried unto 
 
 ■^ Fox, viii. 511. 
 
324 JOHN FETTY [essax 
 
 ' Sir John Mordant, Knight, one of the Queen's Commis- 
 ' sioners, and he upon examination sent him by Cluny the 
 'bishop's sumner, unto the Lollards' Tower." On what 
 charge (except so far as may be gathered from what has 
 been already stated) Sir John sent him to prison we are not 
 told ; but there be lay for fifteen days, and probably 
 Bonner knew no more of his being there, than he knew 
 of Thomas Green's being twice as long in his own coal- 
 house". 
 
 Perhaps while her husband lay in prison, the poor woman, 
 who may so peculiarly be termed the wife of his youth, 
 relented, and thought herself happy that, owing to their 
 early marriage, they had already a child of an age to traverse 
 the streets of London, of " a bold and quick spirit," who 
 would make his way in search of his father ; and at the same 
 time, " godly brought 'up," and knowing how to behave 
 himself before his elders and betters at the bishop's palace. 
 I own, however, that this is mere supposition, and that I 
 find no particular ground for supposing that his mother 
 knew that he was gone out upon what may have been only 
 a spontaneous pilgrimage of filial piety; but, to come to 
 facts, it is clearly stated that he " came unto the bishop's 
 ' house to see if he could get leave to speak with his father. 
 ' At his coming thither one of the bishop's chaplains met 
 ' with him, and asked him what he lacked, and what he 
 ' would have. The child answered, that he came to see his 
 'father. The chaplain asked again who was his father. 
 'The boy then told him, and pointing towards Lollards' 
 ' Tower, showed him that his father was there in prison. 
 ' ' Why,' quoth the priest, ' thy father is a heretic' The 
 ' child iDeing of a bold quick spirit, and also godly brought 
 ' up, and instructed by his father in the knowledge of God, 
 ' answered and said, ' My father is no heretic ; for you have 
 ' Balaam's mark.' " 
 
 By this notable speech the unhappy child has gained a 
 place in the holy army of martyrs. At least (so far as Fox 
 tells us) he said and did nothing else ; though perhaps we 
 may take it for granted that the precocious little polemic 
 showed his " bold and quick spirit," and his godly bringing 
 up, in some other smart sayings, and gave some other 
 
 ^ See before, p. 19. 
 
XX.] AND HIS FATHER. 325 
 
 "privy nips" to the Balaamite priest, such as Bishop 
 Christopherson and Miles Hoggard would not have 
 approved', before he got the whipping, which he is said to 
 have received ere he reached his father in the Lollards' 
 Tower. For " the priest took the child by the hand, and 
 led him into the bishop's house," says Fox ; and he adds, 
 with the absurdity which so often, and so happily neutralizes 
 his malice, " whether to the bishop or not I know not, but 
 lihe enough he did." " Like enough " — is that all ? and is 
 there the least likelihood of such a thing ? especially when 
 Fox proceeds to state that the child as soon as he had been 
 whipped was taken to his father in the tower, and fell on 
 his knees and told him his pitiful story, how " a priest with 
 Balaam's mark took him into the bishop's house, and there 
 was he so handled ; " but not a word did the child say of 
 ever seeing the bishop. Fox himself dared not put more in 
 his marginal note than " The miserable tyranny of the papists 
 in scourging a chUd." 
 
 The historian, however, tells us that they detained the 
 boy (whom they probably considered as a go-between) for 
 three days ; and at the end of that time Bonner makes his 
 first appearance in the story. And then we are introduced 
 to him, not burning heretics, but " basting of himself 
 against a great fire " in his bed-room. There is nothing to 
 show that he had ever before heard of either John Fetty or 
 his chUd ; but on that occasion the father (and as far as 
 appears the father only) was brought before him. He 
 quickly showed by his conduct and discourse that he was 
 either a sort of half-witted person, or else that finding him- 
 self in awkward circumstances he wished to pass for one. 
 In that character, whether natural or artificial, he talked 
 some sad nonsense and impertinence to the Bishop, who 
 having, of course, gone through the necessary preliminaries 
 of being ia a " marvellous rage " and a " great fury," and 
 then again being in " fear of the law for murdering a child," 
 
 ' See before, pp. 232, 234. The story of this poor little fellow, a 
 martyr (if at all) to tlie cant language of the ribaldry in which he had 
 been reared, forms an instructive commentary on the statements of 
 these writers respecting what Fox describes as " being godly brought 
 up." Perhaps it is due to his mother to believe that his father, under 
 whose instruction he had so profited, had it in his power to be very 
 provoking. 
 
326 JOHN FETTY AND [essay 
 
 (for all at once it has come to be quite certain that the child 
 was killed, and by Bonner too, and therefore he) " discharged 
 him I" It is remarkable that on one point. Fox says 
 absolutely nothing, — ^there is not a word of the prisoner's 
 being asked to abjure, or recant, or submit, or amend his 
 evil ways — no hint of his being offered, or signing, any bill 
 (as Fox calls it), or of anything of the kind, so common on 
 such occasions. I think, however, that every well-informed 
 reader wUl suspect that so far as prudential reasons and 
 " fear of the law " might weigh with a " bloody wolf," 
 Bonner must have known that it would have been safer for 
 him to whip two taylor prentices to death, and hide them 
 in his coal-house, than to discharge one prisoner committed 
 under the warrant of Sir John Mordant without a recanta- 
 
 ^ As it seems difficult to imagine that Fox could have received his 
 account of this interview on any authority but that of John Fetty him- 
 self, it is worth while to subjoin the particulars, especially as it seems 
 probable that there was no other authority (Fox certainly refers to none) 
 for any one word of the story. 
 
 ' At his first entering into the chamber, Fetty said, ' God be here, and 
 ' peace.' ' God be here, and peace ! ' quoth Bonner, ' that is neither God 
 ' speed, nor good morrow.' ' If ye kick against this peace,' said Fetty, 
 ' then this is not the place that I seek for.' 
 
 " A chaplain of the bishop's standing by, turned the poor man about, 
 ' and thinking to deface him said in mocking-wise, ' What have we here, 
 ' a player ? ' Whilst this Fetty was standing in the bishop's chamber he 
 ' espied hanging about the bishop's bed a. great pair of black beads : 
 ' whereupon he said, ' My lord, I think the hangman is not far off ; for 
 ' the halter ' (pointing to the beads) ' is here already. ' At which words 
 ' the bishop was in a marvellous kaoe. 
 
 "Then, immediately after, he espied also standing in the said bishop's 
 ' chamber in the window, a little crucifix (before which belike, Bonner 
 ' used to kneel in the time of his hypocritical prayers). Then he asked 
 ' the bishop what it was ; and he answered that it was Christ. ' Was he 
 ' handled so cruelly as he is here pictured ? ' quoth Fetty. 
 
 " ' Yea, that he was,' said the bishop. 
 
 " ' And even so cruelly will you handle such as come before you. For 
 ' you are unto God's people, as Caiaphas was unto Christ.' 
 
 " The Bishop, being iu a hebat fuet, said, ' Thou art a vile heretic ; 
 ' and I will bum thee, or else I will spend all that I have, unto my gown.' 
 ' ' Nay, my lord,' said Fetty, 'ye were better to give it a poor body, that 
 ' he may pray for you ? ' 
 
 " But yet Bonner, bethinking himself of the danger that the child was 
 ' in by their whipping, and what peril might ensue thereupon, thought 
 ' better to discharge him ; which thing was accomplished. Whereupon 
 ' after this and such like talk, the bishop at last discharged him, willing 
 ' him to go home, and carry his child with him," &c. Certainly if 
 Bonner was a wild beast, Fetty was a "Van Amburgh. 
 
XX.] HUGH LAVEROCK. 327 
 
 tion or submission, or some sort of voucher, to lay before 
 the Council. But nothing, I repeat, is said about it. 
 
 Our business, however, is rather with the story of the 
 unfortunate little creature, whom, for his impertinence, 
 Fox has made a martyr. Within fourteen days after he 
 had been taken home by his father the child is said to have 
 died; and Fox most characteristically adds "Whether 
 ' through this cruel scourging, or any other infirmity, / 
 ' kTww not ; and therefore I refer the truth thereof unto 
 ' the Lord who knoweth all secrets, and also to the discreet 
 ' judgement of the wise reader ; " discreet and wise historian 
 — he gives no hint how he picked up the story, and does 
 not venture to insinuate that the boy, or the father, or any- 
 body else ever said that the Bishop even knew of the whip- 
 ping. Such is the authority for Fuller's bold, brief, and, I 
 suppose I may add, false statement. 
 
 But there is also the case of " Hugh Laverock a creeple, 
 sixty-eight years old, whom he caused to be burned." It is 
 really not worth while to waste time on such childish stuff. 
 If Fuller had said that nobody, of any age, lame or not 
 lame, ought to be biu'ned for heresy, one would fully and 
 heartily agree with him. The law by which it was done, 
 was execrable, and should have been altered ; but while the 
 law existed, while the government enforced it, while public 
 opinion and even the most violent partisans of the Reforma- 
 tion supported it, when, as far as I know, nobody had ever 
 thought of saying a word against it — when things were in 
 this state what was a judge to do? Half a century ago 
 people in general, I believe, thought that a man who had 
 committed forgery ought to be hanged ; and, though our 
 judges were not bloody wolves, it was a very rare thing for 
 a convicted forger to escape the gallows. How the court 
 and jury sworn would have stared if the counsel for the 
 prisoner had admitted the fact without hesitation, declared 
 that his client did it on principle, gloried in it, and would 
 do it again as soon as he was discharged — for discharged he 
 would of course be, seeing that he was sixty-eight years old, 
 and could not walk without a crutch '? 
 
 Such matter is not worth answering, but I must notice 
 here again the language in which the statement is made. 
 He describes the " lame old man of the Parish of Barking, 
 painter," as one whom Bonner '■'■caused to be burned." Of 
 
3^8 BONNER'S RAGE AND FURY, [essay 
 
 course, if an author were writing history with any particular 
 spite against the law of forgery and the late Serjeant 
 Glynn, he might represent Dr. Dodd as a victim whom the 
 bloody Recorder " caused to be hanged ; " but surely 
 nothing less than ignorance, or malice, or some particular 
 notion of language, could lead any one to use such an 
 expression, unless he meant to imply some particular 
 causation. Now as to this poor man of Barking, very few 
 particulars except his age and lameness are recorded by 
 Fox ; but yet it so happens that he does tell us that Hugh 
 Laverock was charged with what was considered the 
 grossest heresy " ; and what is more to our purpose, we 
 learn that one of the articles ministered to him and con- 
 fessed by him, was this; — 
 
 " That thou, the said N., being convented before certain Judges or 
 Commissioners for thy disorder herein, and being found obstinate, 
 ■wilful, and heady, wast by their commandment sent to me and my 
 prison, to be examined by me, and process to be made against thee 
 for thy offence herein." 
 
 But let us for a while dismiss Fuller's wild beast, or forest 
 of wild beasts, in order to introduce a very different 
 character. When the reader of Fox has become sufficiently 
 familiar with the " maevellotjs rage " and " geeat fuey " 
 that embellish so many of his descriptions of prelatical pro- 
 ceedings, to treat them as Mr. Burchell would have done', — 
 
 ^ " Amongst other things thou hast misliked and earnestly spoken 
 ' against the Sacrifice of the Mass, the Sacrament of the Altar, and the 
 ' Unity of the Church, railing and maligning the authority of the see of 
 
 ' Rome and the faith observed in the same Hast heretofore 
 
 ' refused, and dost refuse at this present, to be reconciled again to the 
 
 ' unity of the church Hast affirmed expressly that the mass is 
 
 ' idolatry and abomination," &c. See Fox, viii. 140, and compare vii. 
 715. 
 
 ^ In order even to know what this means, he must have read Fox a 
 good deal, and not merely as I suspect some admirers of Fox do, but 
 stopping now and then to think whether the facts which he states are 
 really such (not merely in degree, but in hind) as to warrant the flourish 
 with which he introduces them, or the comment which he appends to 
 them. The eage and fury of prelates and persecutors is of course a 
 constant theme, and affords many ludicrous specimens of nonsense and 
 falsehood ; none perhaps more so than the following. If the reader 
 turns to vol. v. p. 765, he will find that, at the " third Session against 
 Bonner," after Oranmer had been addressing " the people," and telling 
 them how Bonner went about to deceive them, and had appealed to the 
 eaiJ people, to Judge of the Denunciation against him, which he ordered 
 
XX.] DECLAMATIONS AND DETAILS. 329 
 
 when he calmly inquires what these tales so full of rage and 
 fury really mean, when they mean anything — he finds the 
 bloody wolf transformed (I will not say into a spaniel, for 
 that might imply fawning), but into something much more 
 like a good-tempered mastiflf, who might safely be played 
 with, and who though he might be teazed into barking and 
 growling, had no disposition to bite, and would not do it 
 without orders. In plainer terms, setting aside declamation, 
 and looking at the details of facts left by those who may be 
 called, if people please, Bonner's victims, and their friends, 
 we find, very consistently maintained, the character of a 
 man, straightforward and hearty, familiar and humorous, 
 sometimes rough, perhaps coarse, naturally hot-tempered, 
 but obviously (by the testimony of his enemies) placable and 
 easily entreated, capable of bearing most patiently much 
 intemperate and insolent language, much reviling and low 
 abuse directed against himself personally, against his order, 
 and against those peculiar doctrines and practices of his 
 church for maintaining which, he had himself suffered the 
 loss of aU things, and borne long imprisonment. At the 
 same time not incapable of being provoked into saying harsh 
 
 to be read to them by Sir John Mason. — "This done, the Archbishop 
 said again unto the audience, ' Lo 1 here you hear how the Bishop of 
 London is called for no such matter as he would persuade you.' With 
 this," continues the Martyrologist, " the bishop being in a eagins heat, 
 as one clean void of all humanity, turned himself about unto the 
 
 people [whom the Archbishop had made his judges] saying" Now, 
 
 what does the reader suppose he said ? of course, such a torrent of oaths, 
 and brutal blasphemies, as no scribe, though " clean void of all humanity," 
 unless he were also in a " raging heat," could set down in writing. Not 
 at all — nothing of the kind — the story of the mountain in labour is clean 
 outdone, unless we can imagine a volcano and a dormouse. Fox's own 
 words are literally what follow, " The bishop being in a raging heat, as 
 ' one void of all humanity, turned himself about unto the people, saying, 
 ' ' Well, now hear what the Bishop of London saith for his part.' But 
 ' the commissioners, seeing his inokdinate contumacy, denied him to 
 ' speak any more, saying that he used himself veey disobediently ; 
 ' with more like words of reproach." This is only given as one of many 
 specimens continually recuning, and producing, often insensibly, by 
 dropping on the minds of thoughtless readers, fixed and obstinate, though 
 obscure and unfounded, ideas, that they have read dreadful things about 
 shocking rage, and passion, and inordinate contumacy, and disobedience, 
 and merited reproach, when in fact they have merely been duped by a 
 tale "full of sound and fury " — not indeed "signifying nothing," but 
 signifying something very different from what they have understood, or 
 were meant to understand by it. 
 
330 BONNER'S "SUBTLE SNARES." [essay 
 
 and passionate things, but much more frequently meaning 
 nothing by the threatenings and slaughter which he breathed 
 out, than to intimidate those on whose ignorance and 
 simplicity argument seemed to be thrown away — in short, 
 we can scarcely read with attention any one of the cases 
 detailed by those who were no friends of Bonner, without 
 seeing in him a judge who (even if we grant that he was 
 dispensing bad laws badly) was obviously desirous to save 
 the prisoner's life. The enemies of Bonner have very 
 inconsiderately thrust forward, and perhaps even exagger- 
 ated, this part of his character, and represented him as a 
 fawning, flattering, coaxing person, — as one only anxioiis to 
 get submissions, abjurations and recantations which would 
 rob the wild beast of his prey. That he did procure a con- 
 siderable number of recantations, and reconciled a great 
 many to the church of Rome, I have no doubt ; some are 
 incidently mentioned, and we may suspect that there were 
 a great many more which are not recorded. Of course the 
 Martyrologists are not to be blamed for this. Their business 
 lay with those who did not recant. On several accounts we 
 must not forget that a Book of Martyrs is a record of 
 extreme cases. This is not the place to enter into details ; 
 but I do not hesitate to express my belief not only that 
 Bonner procured the abjuration of a great number, but that 
 this was one of the causes of that bitter hatred with which 
 the puritans regarded him. It was not, as I have said, the 
 duty of their historians to record such matters ; nor could it 
 be agreeable to the party to have them published either on 
 the mountains of Gath, or on their own hill of Zion. But 
 certainly while the public sufferings of their stedfast 
 brethren formed in every point of view the best subject for 
 invective, against the papists, for example to the protestants, 
 and for political agitation of the people, there was, among 
 the leaders, a great fear of the Bishop's powers of persua- 
 sion ; or as Fox oddly calls them " the subtle snares of that 
 bloodi/ wolf." ^ 
 
 And while it may be proper to say that this phrase did 
 not relate to traps set for fugitive heretics — for the person 
 spoken of as " then in danger of the subtle snares of that 
 bloody wolf Bonner," was already in captivity, and had 
 
 '' Vol. viii. 414. 
 
XX.] EVENTS IN A.D. 1553 AND 1554. 381 
 
 "been divers times before my lord in examination " — it is 
 right to add that I do not recollect any instance in which 
 Bonner was charged with any breach of faith, or promise, 
 by prisoners whose lives he had saved by his old trade of 
 persuading. I have found him reproaching some of them 
 with broken promises ; but on that point I do not recollect 
 any retort. This however is rather anticipating ; at least 
 it will be more intelligible if we turn for a few moments 
 from Bonner himself, to take a very slight and superficial 
 look at his times ; or rather at that particular period which 
 preceded the time when he was called more particularly into 
 public action and notice. 
 
 § 2. SOME OCCURaENCES DURING THE FIRST YEAR AND A 
 HALF OF QUEEN MART's REIGN. 
 
 It will enable us more clearly to understand some sub- 
 sequent events to which our inquiry leads, if we first look at 
 a brief list of some matters which occurred at the commence- 
 ment of Queen Mary's reign. The reason for inserting some 
 things of minor importance, whUe many of greater conse- 
 quence are omitted, will be understood by all who consider 
 that I am not professing to write a history, but merely to 
 arrange in chronological order, those things to which our 
 inquiry relates. 
 
 1553. 
 Thv/rsday, July 6t7i. 
 
 On the death of her brother Queen Mary came to the throne. 
 
 JFerrar, Bishop of St. David's, had been " kept in prison a long 
 time, and so remained when Queen Mary entered upon the govern- 
 ment : upon which occasion he fell into the hands of the pope's 
 butchers," &o. — Strype, Cran. I. 263. 
 
 Sunday, July 9th. 
 
 Were sworn unto Queen Jane, at Greenwich, " All the head 
 officers, and the guard as Queen of England." — Stry. Mem. III. i. 4. 
 
 Bidley, Bishop of London, preached at Paul's Cross, " declaring 
 there his mind to the people as touching the Lady Mary, and dis- 
 suaded them, alledging there the incommodities and inconveniences 
 which might arise by receiving her to be their queen ; prophesying, 
 as it were, before that which after came to pass, that she would 
 bring in foreign power to reign over them, besides the subverting of 
 all christian religion then already established," &c. — Fox, vi. 389. 
 
 Thursday, August 3rd. 
 " Was the splendid day on which the Queen came riding to London , 
 and so to the TovieT."— Stry. Mem. III. i. 26. 
 
332 AUG. 5—16, A.D. 1553. [essay 
 
 /Saturday, Augiist 5th. 
 
 " Cam out of the Marsalsay, the old bysshop of London, Bonar, 
 and dyvers bysshops bryng hym home unto ys plasse at Powlles." — 
 Machyn, p. 39 K 
 
 Sunday, August 6th. 
 
 John Rogers, prebendary of St. Paul's, " made a godly and vehe- 
 ment sermon at Paul's Cross, confirming such true doctrine as he 
 and others had there taught in King Edward's days, exhorting the 
 people constantly to remain in the same, and to beware of aU pesti- 
 lent popery, idolatry and superstition. "— -Fox, vi. 592. See Words- 
 w/yrth's Mccl. Biog. ii. 304. 
 
 Sunday, August Idth. 
 
 " Dyd pryche at Powlles Crosse doctur [Bourn] parson of hehnger 
 [High Ongar] in Essex, the quen['s] chaplen and ther [was a] gret 
 up-rore and showtyng at ys sermon, as yt [were] lyke madpepuU, 
 watt yonge pepell and woman [as] ever was hard, as herle-borle, and 
 castyng up of capes ; [if] my lord mer and my lord Cortenay ad not 
 ben ther, ther had bene grett myscheyff done." — Machyn, -p. 41. 
 The preacher, who was also a canon of St. Paul's, was apparently in 
 great danger ; but rescued by Bogers (already mentioned) and John 
 Bradford another of the canons, who pacified the tumultuous part of 
 the assembly, and led Bourn between them to a place of safety. — 
 Fox, vi. 391. Stry. Mem. III. i. 32. 
 
 Wednesday, August 16f7s, 
 " Was master John Bogers preacher commanded to keep himself 
 prisoner in his own house at Pauls ; " — Fox, vi. 393 ; and the same 
 
 2 The work here quoted is "The Diary of Henry Machyn, citizen and 
 merchant-taylor of London, from a.d. 1650 to a.d. 1563," recently pub- 
 lished by the Camden Society. The public are much indebted to Mr. 
 J. G. Nichols, for the ability and pains with which he has edited one of 
 the most valuable records of the interesting period to which it relates ; 
 and which has been hitherto scarcely known except by the frequent 
 references which showed how much Strype was indebted to it, while those 
 who knew how ill-qualified he was to read, and to copy, MSS. felt that 
 they could not place full reliance on his extracts. In this particular case, 
 without meaning to take any liberty with his author, Strype has so altered 
 the statement that readers (especially if they knew anything, and reflected 
 at all) might well be puzzled and misled. Many a student, I dare say, 
 has read the following passage with an uncomfortable consciousness that 
 he could not name the captive prelates who were said to be set at liberty 
 at this time. He has wondered what Strype could mean when he said 
 (evidently following the words of Machyn), " Now came out of the Mar- 
 shalsea, Bonner the old Bishop of London, being brought home unto his 
 place at St. Paul's, and together with him divers other bishops were set at 
 liberty from their confinements." — Mem. III. i. 27. The " dyvers bys- 
 shopes " it is obvious were not liberated captives, but brethren who went 
 to the prison merely to bring out the bishop of London, and conduct him 
 as a guard of honour and brotherly congratulation " unto ys plasse at 
 Powlles." 
 
XX.] AUG. 18— SEPT. 16, A.D. 1553. 333 
 
 day master Bradford was committed to the charge of the lieutenant 
 of the Tower. — Ibid. 392. This was under the idea that the influence 
 which they ohviously possessed over the seditious part of the popu- 
 lace, indicated some connexion or sympathy. 
 
 Fnday, August Wili. 
 
 A Eoyal proclamation was issued which prohibited preaching. — 
 Fox, vi. 390. But he afterwards assigns it to the 21st of this month, 
 p. 538, where he seems to be following Machyn, who says " The xxi 
 day of August was a proclamasyon that no man shuld reson aganst 
 her grases magesty and her conseUe doyng the wych she wyU doe 
 to the honor of God and ys moder," p. 42 ; but whether this was 
 the same proclamation that is given at length by Fox I do not 
 know. 
 
 Saturday, August 19th. 
 
 " A Letter was sent unto Sir Henry Tirril, Anthony Brown, and 
 Edmund Brovm Esquires, praying them to commit to ward all such 
 as should contemn the Queen's order of religion or should keep 
 themselves from church, there to remain until they be conformable, 
 and to signify their names to the council." — Fox, vi. 588. 
 
 Tuesday, Aug. 22nd. 
 The council dispatched letters requiring the attendance of Bishops 
 Coverdale and Sooper. — Fox, vi. 393. 
 
 Sunday, August 27 Ih. 
 Cranmer was " cited to appear the week following before the 
 Queen's Commissioners in the bishops Consistory within Pauls." — 
 Fox, vi. 538. 
 
 Tuesday, August 29. 
 
 Bishop Hooper appeared before the CouncU. — Fox, vi. 393. See 
 Aiu). 22nd. 
 
 Friday, Sejoiemher 1. 
 Bishop Hooper was committed to the Fleet.— i^oa;, vi. 393. 647. 
 
 Monday, Sept. 4th. 
 The Council dispatched letters requiring the attendance of Bishop 
 Latimer. — Pox, vi. 393. 
 
 Thursday, Sept. 7th. 
 Cranmer " set forth a letter which was also printed in purgation 
 of himself." It is given at length in English by Fox, vi. 539 ; and 
 in the original Latin by Burnet. 
 
 Wednesday, Sept. 13th. 
 Bishop Latimer appeared and was committed to the Tower. — Fox, 
 vi. 393. 
 
 Thursday, Sept. lith. 
 
 Cranmer was committed to the Tower. — Fox, vi. 394. 
 
 Saturday, Sept. 16. 
 There were "Letters sent to the Mayors of Dover and Rye, to 
 suffer all french protestants to pass out of this realm, except such 
 
334 OCT. 1, 1553— JAN. 27, 1554. [essay 
 
 whose names should be signified to them by the french ambassador." 
 —Fox, vi. 394. 
 
 Sunday, Oct. 1st. 
 The Coronation. A pardon proclaimed to all but those in the 
 Tower, and the Fleet, and 62 other persons. — Fox, ibid. 
 
 Sunday, Oct. 8. 
 
 Thomas Mountayn parson of St. Michaels in the Tower Royal 
 " did minister all kynd of service " according to the order set forth 
 by King Edward ; " the whole parish being than gathered together," 
 with " many other godly citizens." His own account of his proceed- 
 ings may be read in Strype, Mem. III. i. 104. The circumstance is 
 only mentioned here as one of those which illustrate the state of 
 things at the period. 
 
 Sunday, Oct. 15th. 
 
 Lawrence Saunders preached at Alhallows Bread Street. — See 
 before, p. 269, 271. 
 
 Monday, Oct. 16th. 
 
 The Convocation began ; " in the which convocation master Phil- 
 pot being present according to his room and degree, with a few 
 others sustained the cause of the gospel manfully against the adver- 
 sary part." — Fox, vii. 606. 
 
 Wednesday, Dee. 13th. 
 Is the date of the Queen's precept to the Bishop of London for 
 dissolving the Convocation. — Fox, vi. 411. 
 
 Friday, Dec. 15th. 
 " There were two proclamations at London ; the one for the 
 repealing of certain Acts made by King Edward, and for the setting 
 up of the Mass, for the 20th of December then next following : the 
 other was that no man should interrupt any of those that would say 
 ivr„„> » — pg^^ yj_ 542. 
 
 1554. 
 Satv/rday, Jan. 13th. 
 
 "Dr. Orome for his preaching on Christmas Day without licence 
 was committed to the Fleet. " — Fox, vi. 413. 
 
 Friday, Jan. 26. 
 
 "Began wachyng at every gatt in arness, fortydyngs cam the sam 
 tym to the quen and her consell, that ser Thomas Wyatt, ser George 
 Harper, ser Hare Ysseley, master Oobham, and master Eudston, and 
 master Knevetts, and dyvers odur gentyllmen and commons wher 
 up, and tha say because the prynche of Spayne commyng in to have 
 owre quen, for they kepe Eochaster castell and the bryge and odur 
 plases." — Machyn, p. 52. 
 
 Saturday, Jan. 27. 
 
 Master Bogers committed to Newgate.^i^ox, vi. 543. 
 
XX.] JAN. 29— MARCH 8, A.D. 1554. 335 
 
 Monday, Jan. 29. 
 Wyatt at Blackheath.— TiiA 
 
 Thv/rsday, Feb. 1. 
 ^ Wyatt proclaimed a traitor at Chepe, and elsewhere. About three 
 o'clock in the afternoon the queen rode from Westminster to Guild- 
 hall, made an oration to the Mayor and citizens ; and then rode to 
 the Three Cranes in the Vintry, where she took her barge for West- 
 minster. — lUd. 
 
 Wednesday, Feb. 7. 
 " In the forenoone, Wyatt with his army and ordnance were at 
 Hyde Park Corner." In the evening he was sent to the Tower. — 
 Machyn, p. 54. See before, p. 72. 
 
 Wednesday, Feb. 14. 
 " Letters were written to the Lord Eich, and to Sir John Went- 
 worth to punish some in Colchester, Coxall [Coggeshall] and other 
 places ; who dissuaded people from frequenting such divine service, 
 as was then appointed by law to be observed. Upon this, many 
 were committed, and others put under recognizances to appear." — 
 Burnet, Part IIL B. v. p. 226. 
 
 Monday, Feb. 19. 
 This is the date of " The Declaration of the Bishop of London to 
 be published to the Lay-people of his diocese concerning their recon- 
 ciliation " which is given at length by Fox, vi. 708. 
 
 Friday, Feb. 23. 
 The date of Bonner's Monition to his clergy to note and report 
 those who did not confess in Lent, and receive at Easter. — .Fo!!;,vi.426. 
 
 Svmday, Feb. 25. 
 
 Sir John Sogers was committed to the Tower. — Pox, vi. 645. 
 Saturday, March 3. 
 
 The date of the Articles sent from the Queen to the Bishop of 
 London, respecting heresies and crimes in his diocese, and other 
 matters. — Fox, vi. 426. 
 
 Monday, March 5. 
 
 The Lord Mayor's prescript to the Aldermen concerning the same. 
 —Fox, vi. 429. 
 
 This is also the date of a commission issued to six bishops (Win- 
 chester, Durham, London, St. Asaph, Chichester, and Llandaff,) to 
 hear and consider the cases of Taylor bishop of Lincoln, Hooper 
 bishop of Gloucester, and Harley, bishop of Hereford, reciting that 
 in the preceding reign they had received their bishoprics " to hold 
 during their good behaviors, with this express clause ' quamdiu se bene 
 gesserint,' " and stating that the Queen was minded to have their 
 several cases dulie harde and considerid and there uppon such ordre 
 taken with them as may stand with justice and the lawes. — Symer, 
 vol. XV. 
 
 Thursday, March 8. 
 
 According to Machyn, Oranmer, Ridley, and Latimer came out of 
 
336 MARCH 16— MAY 8, A.D, 1554. [essay 
 
 the Tower, and so to Brentford, where Sir John WiUiams received 
 them ; and so to Oxford, —p. 57. Fox says that the letter for their 
 delivery was sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower on the 10th, and 
 that they were conveyed from the Tower to Windsor on the 10th of 
 April, and thence to Oxford.— i^ox, vi. 439. Burnet says the order 
 was sent on the 8th.— Part III. book v. p. 226. 
 
 Friday, March 16. 
 Bishop Ferrar, and Bird bishop of Chester were deprived. — 
 Machyn, 58. 
 
 Saturday, March 17. 
 
 Bishop Hooper was deprived. — Ihid. 
 
 Sunday, March 18. 
 The Lady Elizabeth committed to the Tower. — Stry. Mem. III. i. 
 150. Fox, vi. 548 ; viii. 608. Machyn, 58. 
 Sunday, March 25. 
 Easter Day. The Crucifix and Fix stolen at St. Pancras in Cheap. 
 — See hefore, p. 187. 
 
 Monday, March 26. 
 " There was a letter directed to Sir Henry Doell, and one Foster, 
 to attach the bodies of Dr. Taylor, parson of Hadley, and of Henry 
 Askew, and to send them up to the Council." — Fox, vi. 439. 
 
 Sunday, April 8. 
 The Cat hanged in Cheap. — See hefore, p. 187. 
 
 Friday, April 13. 
 " A proclamasyon was made that what so mever he wher that cold 
 bryng forth hym that dyd hang the Catt on the galaus, he shuld 
 have XX marke for ys labur." — Machyn, p. 60. 
 
 Saturday, April 14. 
 The disputation at Oxford began. 
 
 Tuesday, April 24. 
 Cranmer, Eidley, and Latimer condemned. —(Srj/pe, Oran. li. 488. 
 
 After the disputation at Oxford a report seems to have been 
 raised that some of the preachers who were then imprisoned in 
 London were to be sent to Cambridge, to hold a similar disputation 
 there. At all events they put forth a "Declaration" under this 
 date, to the eifect that if any such thing should be proposed, they 
 would not dispute otherwise than in writing, except before the 
 Queen and her CouncD, or the Parliament Houses. It is given at 
 length in Fox, vi. 550, and signed by ;— 
 
 Bishop Ferrar, Edward Crome, 
 
 Rowland Taylor, John Rogers, 
 
 John Philpot, Lawrence Saunders, 
 
 John Bradford, Edmund Lavfrence, 
 
 John Hooper, I. P. and T. M., 
 
 Miles Coverdale. 
 
XX.] JUNE 1— NOV. 28, A.D. 1554. 337 
 
 Friday, June 1st. 
 "An order was sent to the Bishop of London to send discreet and 
 learned preachers into Essex, to reduce the people there."* — Burnet, 
 Part III. book v. p. 227. 
 
 Wednesday, August 15th. 
 " Letters were writ to the justices of peace in Sussex, to punish 
 those who railed at the mysteries of Christ's Keligion." — Burnet, 
 ibid. p. 228. 
 
 Sunday, August 19t/j. 
 "Letters of thanks are ordered to Tirrel, and others, for their 
 care; ordering them to imprison all such as came not to divine 
 service, and to keep them in prison till they had the comfort of 
 their amendment."— /6ic?^. 
 
 Saturday, Sept. Sth. 
 About this time Bonner set out on his visitation. — See before, 
 p. 38 ^.—Fox, vi. 559. 
 
 Friday, Oct. 5. 
 On this day and a fortnight after, was the great stir about 
 seditious books.- — See before, p. 39. 
 
 Friday, Nov. 9. 
 "Master Barlow, late Bishop of Bath, and master GardinaJcer 
 were brought before the Council in the Star Chamber, where after 
 communication they were commanded to the Fleet." — Fox, vi. 563. 
 
 Sunday, November 11th. 
 "The Third Parliament was summoned." — Burnet, Part II. 
 Book ii. p. 270. 
 
 Saturday, Nov. 24. 
 Cardinal Pole arrived in London. — Fox, vi. 567. 
 
 Wednesday, 2Sth Nov. 
 The Cardinal made his Oration to the Parliament which suppli- 
 cated absolution. — Fox, vi. 571. 
 
 ■* Burnet adds, " Bonner seemed to think of no way of reducing any but 
 by severity and force ; so that the Council found it necessary to put him 
 in mind of .his pastoral care." Bonner might, perhaps, have less turn for 
 preaching, and less reliance on it, than nis predecessor ; and he might 
 remember the time when the Protector Somerset and King Edward's 
 Council had thought there was too much preaching in Essex, and had 
 directed Bishop Eidley to take order for moderating it. — See Strype, Mem. 
 vol. ii. P. i. p. 342. 
 
 ° I give this as it stands in Burnet ; but I do not feel sure that there is 
 not some confusion with what has been given before, under the same day 
 of the preceding year, in this volume. 
 
 6 Where "the 23 " ought to be "the 22nd," Strype having misunder- 
 stood Fox's words, " the day after St, Matthew's day, being the 22d of 
 September," St. Matthew's day itself being the 21st. 
 
 Y 
 
338 NOV. 30, 1554— JAN. 1, 1555. 
 
 Friday, 30iA Nov. 
 The Parliament received absolution from the Cardinal. 
 
 Thursday, Dec. dth. 
 " St. Nicholas's day, all the whole convocation, both bishops and 
 others, were sent for to Lambeth to the Cardinal, who the same day 
 forgave them all their perjurations, schisms, and heresies, and they 
 all there kneeled down and received his absolution ; and after an 
 exhortation and gratulation for their conversion to the catholic 
 church made by the cardinal, they departed." — Fox, vi. 579. 
 
 1555. 
 
 Tuesday, Jan. 1. 
 Thomas Rose and a Congregation of thirty were taken in Bow 
 Churchyard. For "there was a Congregation of godly men at 
 London, in the very mouth of danger, who met together for religious 
 worship all the Queen's reign, from the beginning to the very end of 
 it Upon any cases of difficulty or emergencies, this congre- 
 gation sent some of their members beyond sea, to some of the learned 
 exiles there, for their resolution, counsel and advice; and so they 
 returned again to tJieflocJc. And some they had, whom they sent to 
 the prisons, to visit, counsel, comfort, and relieve those that lay 
 
 there for religion Their meetings were at several places, as 
 
 it was appointed by themselves ; for they often changed their places 
 for more privacy and security. Sometimes it was at Black Friars, 
 at Sir Tho. Cardine's house, who was of the privy chamber to King 
 Henry VIII. Again sometimes the meeting was somewhere about 
 Aldgate ; sometimes in a clothworkers loft, near the great conduit 
 in Cheapside. Once or twice in a ship at Billingsgate, belonging to 
 a good man of Lee in Essex. Other times at a Ship called Jesus 
 Ship, lying between Ratoliffi and Eotherhith ; there twice or thrice, 
 till it came to be known. Other times in a cooper's house in 
 Pudden-lane. Sometimes in Thames street ; sometimes in Bow- 
 church-yard; and sometimes Islington, or in the fields thereabouts. 
 These meetings were often in the night times. There would be in 
 these assemblies forty, and sometimes an hundred, or more met 
 together; and toward the latter end of the Queen the number 
 increased, though the malice of their enemies decreased not. At 
 these meetings they had collections for Christ's prisoners, and would 
 gather sometimes ten pounds at a night meeting. But they could 
 not be so private, but that now and then they were discovered and 
 taken." — Strype's Mem. III. pt. ii. p. 147 '. 
 
 ' It seems to be going so far back in history, that I must just remind 
 the reader that it is not really farther than if we were now to speak of 
 anything that happened about the time of the Battle of Navarino, if I 
 say that this Thomas Rose is the person mentioned in " Fox's story of 
 the Rood of Dover Court." (See p. 194 of this volume.) He had even 
 before that time become a person of note, and John Bale (then a zealous 
 papist) had been sent to preach against him. This affair of Dover Court 
 seems to have brought him into more notice, and trouble ; and he was 
 
^•J A.D. 1555. 339 
 
 Wednesday, Jan. 16. 
 The Parliament was clean dissolved. 
 
 imprisoned in the Bishop of Lincoln's house in Holborn. In the first year 
 of Granmer's consecration, he was removed to Lambeth, and dealt with 
 more courteously, and at length the Archbishop wrought his deliverance 
 and set him at liberty. His zeal seems to have soon brought him into 
 fresh difficulties. The Bishop of Norwich inhibited his preaching, and his 
 adversaries so persecuted him that he was constrained to flee to London, 
 and use the aid of the Lord Audley, the Lord Chancellor who removed 
 the matter from them, and called it before him, set Eose free, and " did 
 send him by a token to the Lord Cromwell, then Lord Privy Seal, for a 
 licence from the King to preach." Cromwell not only got the licence for 
 him, but made him his own chaplain. "In the mean time," says Fox, 
 " snch complaint was made to the Duke of Norfolk " that Eose preached 
 what was contrary to the Six Articles (see before, p. 209), that he "being 
 lieutenant commanded that whosoever could take the said Thomas Bose, 
 should hang him on the next tree." However he got abroad, whence he 
 afterwards returned, and obtained a benefice from King Edward. "But 
 ' at the death of that vertuous aud noble prince he was deprived of all, and 
 ' so should have beene of his life, had not God appointed him friends who 
 ' received him in London secretly, as their teacher in the congregation 
 ' amongst whome for the poore prisoners at their assemblies x. li. a night 
 ' oftentimes was gathered." [The comic edition has turned the ten pounds 
 into forty-one persons or things, of what nature or kind is not apparent 
 from the odd device adopted to express them, and reads " assemblies, 
 forty-one [*] a night oftentimes were gathered. " viii. 684. I mention 
 this, because I was copying from that edition when I was puzzled b^ this 
 unintelligible statement. And as my motive for using and referrmg to 
 that edition is, that I suppose it to be much more accessible to my 
 readers than any other, I should be sorry ,that after reading what I now 
 copy from the edition of 1597, they should turn to their own books and 
 think me inaccurate. Fox goes on to say,] "And thus he continued 
 ' amongst them, with the Lady Vane almost a yeare in the raigne of 
 ' Q. Mary. But although he oftentimes escaped secretly whilst he read 
 ' to the godly in sundry places of London, yet at length through a Judas 
 ' that betrayed them, he with xxxv. that were with him were taken in 
 ■ Bow Churchyard at a sheermans house on New yeres day at night being 
 ' Tuesday."— i^OiK, Edit. 1597, p. 1889. 
 
 As however Thomas Rose was neither a martyr, nor meddled with by 
 Bonner (though captured in his diocese), we have no business with his 
 history, which is very curious and may be found in Fox as cited, or vol. 
 viii. p. 581, ed. 8vo, and Strype's Cranmer, vol. i. p. 395, where the 
 author has occasion to notice him as one of the persons whom the Primate 
 recommended to Cecil for the Archbishopric of Armagh. But, as we have 
 had so much on the subject, I may just mention that having been thus 
 taken (evideotly in the view of its being a treasonable, rather than an 
 heretical meeting) he was brought moi before the bishop of the diocese, noo- 
 before his own ordinary, but to the Lord Chancellor Gardiner, who " would 
 not speak withiiim that night, but committed him to the Clink till Tuesday 
 after." Fox then goes on to give as \as first speech at hSs first examina- 
 
340 JAN. 22—28, A.D. 1555. [essay 
 
 Tuesday, Jan. 22. 
 " All the preachers that were in prison were called before the 
 bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor, and certain others, at the 
 bishop's house at St. Mary Overy's : from whence (after communi- 
 cation, being asked whether they would convert and enjoy the 
 queen's pardon, or else stand to that they had taught ; they aU 
 answering, that they would stand to that they had taught) they 
 were committed to straiter prison than before they were, with 
 charge that none should speak with them." — Fox, vi. 587. 
 
 Wednesday, Jan. 23. 
 "All the bishops with the rest of the Convocation-house were 
 before the cardinal at Lambeth, where he willed them to repair 
 every man where his cure and charge lay, exhorting them to 
 entreat the people and their flock with all gentleness, and to 
 endeavour themselves, to win the people rather by gentleness, than 
 by extremity and rigour ; and so let them depart." — Fox, vi. 587. 
 
 tion ; — " ' It maketh me to marvel, my lord,' quoth he, ' thst I should be 
 ' thus troubled for that which by the word of God hath been established, 
 ' and by the laws of this realm allowed, and by your own writing so 
 ' notably, in your book ' De vera Obedientia ' confirmed ; ' " and in his 
 reply to the interruption of the Chancellor, he so quoted the book that the 
 indignant author replied, "Thou liest like a varlet ; there is no such thing 
 ' in my book, but I shall handle thee and such as thou art well enough. 
 ' I have long looked for thee, and at length have caught thee. I will 
 ' know who be thy maintainere, or else I will make thee a foot longer." 
 It does not appear that the threat was carried into execution. Thomas 
 Eose was sent to the Tower and kept there nearly five months, during 
 which time Gardiner came there twice and " bad no great talk " with him, 
 " but spake fiiendly." He is.his own historian and does not tell us what 
 they talked about, or whether he gave the Chancellor the information 
 which he had threatened to extort by the rack. But the issue was, 
 that about the end of May he was sent from the Tower to his own 
 diocesan at Norwich, his escape seems to have been rather grossly con- 
 nived at, he tarried beyond sea during the rest of Queen Mary's days ; 
 and was, when Fox wrote this history of him, " yet living, a preacher of 
 the age of seventy-six years, of the town of Luton, and in the county of 
 Bedford." 
 
 The reason for saying so much about Thomas Kose and the Congrega- 
 tion, may be found in the following extract from Fox, who is giving an 
 account of this parhament : — " Also the doing of Master Eose, and the 
 ' others that were with him, was communed of in this Parliament ; and 
 ' upon that occasion an act was made that certain evil prayers should be 
 ' treason against the Queen's Highness. The prayers of these men were 
 ' thus ; God turn the heart of Queen Mary from idolatry : or else shorten 
 ' her days ; ' " and he adds this note, " Hereof read the statute an. 1 & 2. 
 reg. Phil, et Mar. cap. 9." — Fox, vi. 581. The reader who does not take 
 that trouble will probably imagine that there was something rather more 
 important in this matter, than a glance at Fox's account of it would 
 suggest to a careless reader. 
 
XX.] THE COMMISSION IN SOUTHWARK. 341 
 
 Friday, Jan. 25. 
 
 " The day of the conversion of St. Paul, there was a general and 
 solemn procession through London, to give God thanks for their 
 conversion to the catholic church : wherein (to set out their glorious 
 pomp) there were fourscore and ten crosses, and one hundred and 
 sixty priests and clerks, who had every one of them copes upon 
 their backs singing very lustily. There followed also, for the better 
 estimation of the sight, eight bishops ; and, last of all, came Bonner, 
 the bishop of London, carrying the popish pix under a canopy. 
 
 "Besides, there was also present the mayor, aldermen, and all 
 the livery of every occupation. Moreover, the king also himself, 
 and the cardinal, came to Paul's church the same day. From 
 whence, after mass, they returned to Westminster again. As the 
 king was entered the church at the steps going up to the choir, all 
 the gentlemen that of late were set at liberty out of the Tower, 
 kneeled before the king, and ofEered unto him themselves and their 
 services." — Fox, vi. 588. 
 
 Monday, Jan. 28. 
 
 " The bishop of Winchester and the other bishops had commission 
 from the cardinal to sit upon, and order, according to the laws, all 
 such preachers and heretics (as they termed them) as were in 
 prison ; and according to this commission, the same day the bishop 
 of Winchester and the other bishops, with certain of the council, sat 
 in St. Mary Overy's church." — Fox, vi. 588. 
 
 § 3. THE COMMISSION IN SOUTHWABK. 
 
 Thus we have cursorily run over the first year and a half 
 of Queen Mary's reign, noticing very little beside what 
 relates to those persons with whose history we are more 
 particularly concerned. The reader will have observed 
 several committals for political and religious offences ; and 
 the number might have been much increased but that the 
 mention of them would only have served to divert or 
 encumber us in our present inquiry. The truth seems to 
 be, that by the latter part of the year 1554, the government 
 had got a great many prisoners on its hands, and was 
 anxious to dispose of them as soon as it well could ; which 
 was not until the Parliament had completed the business of 
 the reconciliation of the country and the revision of the laws. 
 
 On Friday, Jan. 18th, therefore (only two days after the 
 parliament had been " clean dissolved ") the " Council went 
 to the Tower, and discharged all or most part of the 
 prisoners." {Fox, vi. 587.) "We may do the same ; for vrith 
 those state prisoners we have Little, if anything, to do. 
 
 It is more to our purpose to observe thiat the attention 
 
342 THE DEOLAEATION OF [essay 
 
 of the Council was next turned to those who had been 
 imprisoned on religious and ecclesiastical grounds. 
 
 I have already mentioned the Declaration which the 
 imprisoned preachers put forth on the 8th of May. Whether 
 there actually was a current report that they were to be 
 sent to Cambridge, and this Declaration was really intended 
 to meet it, or whether it was meant to remind those who 
 seemed to have forgotten it, that they were in existence, I 
 do not pretend to decide. That there is nothing either 
 improbable, or uncharitable, in the latter supposition, is 
 evident from the course which they after pursued. " They 
 BOLDLY and BRAVELY," says Strype, " made a Declaration to 
 the Queen and Parliament that sat this year ; " and this 
 " remarkable Declaration," as he justly calls it, he ascribes 
 to the pen of John Bradford, and has "reposited in the 
 Appendix " to his memorials of Cranmer^ In this Declara- 
 tion the imprisoned preachers went to the point at once by 
 beginning ; " We poor prisoners for Christ's religion, require 
 ' your Honours, in our dear Saviour Christ's name, earnestly 
 ' now to EEPENT, for that you have consented of late to the 
 ' unplacing of so many godly lawes, set f urth touching the 
 ' true religion of Christ before, by two most noble Eangs," 
 &c. They vouch for it, " that there was not one Parish in 
 ' al England, that ever desired again to have the Romish 
 ' Superstitions and vaine service, which is now by the Popish, 
 ' proud, covetous clergy placed again in contempt not only 
 ' of God, al Heaven, and al the Holy Ghostes lessons in the 
 ' blessed Bible : but also against the honors of the said two 
 ' most noble Kings," &c. They declare that, " God's great 
 plagues must needs follow," and desire the King, Queen, 
 and Parliament in their assembly, " to seek some effectual 
 EEFOKMATioN for the aforewritten dkformation in this 
 Church of England." They request to be brought up before 
 those authorities, and they add " if we be not able both to 
 ' prove and approve by the catholic and canonical rules of 
 ' Christ's true reUgion, the church Homilies and Service set 
 ' furth in the most innocent K. Edward's days : and also to 
 ' disallow and reprove by the same authorities the Service 
 ' now set furth since his departing ; then we offer our bodies 
 ' to be immediately burned," &c. 
 
 * No, LXXXIV. p. 950, referring to p. 506. 
 
XX.] THE IMPRISONED PREACHERS. 343 
 
 As far as I am personally concerned, it would be uncandid 
 not to state the doubt which I feel whether this document 
 was actually presented to the Queen and Parliament in its 
 present form. Strype however is the authority; and he 
 gives it, without the least expression or appearance of doubt, 
 from the Foxian MSS. and remarks upon it, "This now is 
 the second time a public challenge was made to justify 
 King Edward's reformation," and he then proceeds to speak 
 of a " third public challenge " made by these prisoners which, 
 as it is given by Pox, he does not think it necessary to 
 transcribe. I confess that I cannot help feeling some sus- 
 picion that this third challenge which Fox calls a " Supplica- 
 tion of the persecuted preachers to the King and Queen," is 
 only a modification of the document already mentioned. It 
 is enough, however, for our purpose that its principal object 
 is the same ; and the prayer of it is that the petitioners 
 might be called before the King, Queen, and Parliament, to 
 answer before them, or "indifferent arbiters" to be appointed 
 by their Majesties, to such charges of heresy as had been 
 brought against them. — Fox, vi. 589. 
 
 The exact date of these documents I do not find ; but it 
 is enough to know that they are said to have been delivered 
 during this session of parliament which (as we have already 
 seen) began in November, and was clean dissolved on the 
 16th of January. It has also been stated, that on Friday 
 the 18th the Council went to the Tower to clear it. On the 
 following Tuesday the 22nd of January they addressed them- 
 selves to the business of the " persecuted preachers," and a 
 meeting at Gardiner's house, which has been already men- 
 tioned, took place. 
 
 In this month of January, a tribunal sat four times in 
 Southwark, which in order to save trouble I follow many 
 writers in calling a Commission". The first session was on 
 the 22nd of January, when " all the Preachers that were 
 
 s It is not worth while to discuss the qnestion whether it was the 
 Council meeting at the Lord Chancellor's house the first time, and a 
 Commission afterwards ; or whether it should uniformly be called by one 
 of the names, or never by either. Its true nature and character will 
 appear sufficiently from what follows ; and that is all that is of real con- 
 sequence. Writers have described it variously, but those only require 
 contradiction who represent it as if Gardiner was sitting in his " ordinary 
 jurisdiction," and carrying matters out of his own head and with his own 
 hand, in his own house or Church in Southwark. 
 
344 THE COMMISSION [essay 
 
 ' in prison were called before the bishop of Winchester Lord 
 ' Chancellor, and certain others, at the bishop's house at 
 ' St. Mary Overy's."' Strype says that beside the Lord 
 Chancellor, there were present the bishops of Durham, Ely, 
 Worcester, Chichester, Carlisle, the Lord WiUiam Howard, 
 Lord Paget, Sir Eichard Southwell, Secretary Bourn^. 
 
 While, according to Fox, the persons brought before this 
 commission consisted of " aU the preachers that were in 
 prison," Strype mentions Bishop Hooper, Dr. Crome, Harold 
 Tomson, Rogers, beside " divers others, to the number of 
 eleven persons besides two more that were not then sent 
 for," as being " arraigned " on that occasion^ 
 
 The object in view does not appear to have been a 
 scholastic disputation with these preachers, as with persons 
 whose tenets were unknown or doubtful, but solemnly to 
 inquire, and obtain a definite answer, whether they meant 
 to maintain the opinions which they had professed, and to 
 repudiate the reconciliation with the Church of Rome 
 which the King, Queen, and Parliament had just made. 
 Dr. Rowland Taylor, in the letter containing and reporting 
 " The Talk had between him and the Lord Chancellor, and 
 other Commissioners" on this occasion, says: — "First, my 
 ' Lord Chancellor said, ' You among others are at this 
 ' present time sent for, to enjoy the King's and Queen's 
 ' Majestie's favour and mercy, if you will now rise again 
 ' with us from the fall which we generally have received in 
 ' this realm ; from the which (God be praised !) we are now 
 ' clearly delivered miraculously. If you will not rise with 
 ' us now, and receive mercy now offered, you shall have 
 * judgment according to your demerit.' To this I answered 
 ' that so to rise, should be the greatest fall that ever I 
 ' could receive : for I should so fall from my dear Saviour 
 'Christ to Antichrist.'" 
 
 Of course the men for the most part were well known 
 and well tried. It was understood that their minds were 
 made up. It was sinful and hateful to think of burning 
 them, but it would have been absurd to propose disputing 
 with them. They were, as they would have phrased it, " at 
 a point ; " and when the case stood as Taylor had pithily 
 
 ' Fox, vi. 587. 2 M;em_ in. i. 330. 
 
 ^ Ihid, " Fox, vi. 685. 
 
XX.] IN SOUTHWARK. 345 
 
 stated it, what room was there for argument ? The time 
 seemed to be come in which, according to the ideas of all 
 parties concerned in the matter, either the preachers or the 
 parliament must " repent " — in which the prisoners must be 
 either acknowledged to be injured innocents, and dismissed 
 in triumph ; or condemned as heretics, and put to execution. 
 Yet as far as I can see (except receiving the submission of 
 two of the party whose names are not specified'*) the 
 Council did nothing but remand the prisoners until the 
 following Monday. 
 
 January the 28th therefore the Commissioners sate again ; 
 not now however at the Bishop's Palace, but at the church 
 of St. Saviour, or St. Mary Overy hard by". Strype names as 
 present the bishops of London, Worcester, Ely, Bath and 
 Wells, Gloucester, Bristol, Durham, Carlisle, Lincoln, St. 
 David's, Norwich, Coventry and Lichfield ; and adds 
 Anthony Hussey, Robert Johnson and William Say public 
 notaries being appointed actuaries in this affair. " Besides 
 ' there were present also the Duke of Norfolk, Anthony 
 ' Lord Montague, Thomas Lord Wharton, Richard Southwel, 
 ' Erancis Englefield, Christopher [perhaps mistaken for 
 ' Robert] Rochester, Thomas Wharton, John Hurleston, 
 ' John Tregonwell, Philip Draycot, and John Germyngham, 
 
 5 It seems probable that one of these was Harold Tomson above- 
 mentioned ; as I see nothing more about him in the subsequent sessions. 
 Besides, I do not find any account of him except this single notice in 
 Strype, which is a mere copy from Maohyn, who says, "The xxii day of 
 ' Jannarii wag raynyd [arraigned] at ray lord Chansseler plasse hy-.syd 
 ' sant Mare Overes ser John Hoper latt bysshope of Glosetur, doctur 
 ' C[rome], as the parsun of Wyttyngtun colege, harold Tomson, Rogars 
 ' parsun or veker of sant Pulkers, and dyvers odur." — p. 80. Mr. Nichols 
 refers to him in the Index as "Tomson, the herald," I dare say that is 
 what is meant ; though not finding any such herald mentioned in Noble, 
 I applied to Sir Charles Young, Garter, who kindly informs me that he 
 finds DO trace of him at the College of Arms, but suggests the probability 
 that he was not properly speaking a herald, but a herald-painter. 
 
 ^ Strype in one place tells us that " they sat in commission " — that is, 
 under and by Tirtue of a Commission from Cardinal Pole dated that same 
 28th of January, and it is amusing to find him catching at this circum- 
 stance to expose the eagerness of the bloodthirsty persecutors — "the very 
 same day («mcA haste they made) they sat in commission." Gran. ii. 495. 
 In another place giving an account of the same Session he says " the 
 bishop of Winton, by his ordinary authority, sat judicially in St. Mary 
 Overie's church. " TPhe reader will see that it is as absurd to talk about 
 hasty proceedings, as it is to represent the Bishop of Winchester as merely 
 sitting in his official capacity of Ordinary in his diocese. 
 
346 THE COMMISSION [essay 
 
 ' Knights, William Coke, Thomas Martyn, Eichard Dobbes, 
 ' Knights, besides a very great multitude more present." ' 
 
 There seems indeed to have been not only a great multi- 
 tude present, but another much greater multitude who 
 wished to be present, but could not get into the Church. 
 Rogers, who drew up an account of his own examination 
 there says that " the thousandth man came not in," and that 
 when he and Hooper were remanded, they " had much to do 
 to go in the streets."^ 
 
 On this occasion the Commissioners " called before them 
 * these three. Master Hooper, Master Rogers, and Master 
 ' Cardmaker, who were brought thither by the sherifiPs ; 
 ' from whence after communication they were committed to 
 ' prison till the next day, but Cardmaker this day submitted 
 ' himself unto them."" Bishop Hooper and Rogers were 
 remanded till the next day. 
 
 Tuesday, January 29, the Commissioners sate again at 
 the same place. Measures seem to have been adopted for 
 keeping out any such crowd as had been collected the day 
 before, and Rogers says "they kept the doors shut, and 
 would let none in but the bishops adherents and servants 
 in a manner.'" There must however have been a good 
 many persons present if the assembly consisted (as Strype 
 says it did) of " the bishops above named, together with 
 George Bishop of Chichester," beside "those noblemen, 
 ' and Knights and others before nientioned, and these more- 
 ' over ; Clement Higham, Richard Dobbes, Knight, Thomas 
 ' Hungate Esq., John Seton, Thomas Watson, professors of 
 ' Divinity, Nicholas Harpesfield, David Pole, Hugh Corens, 
 ' doctors of the laws ; Henry Jollif , Philip Morgan 
 ' bachelors of divinity ; Francis Allen, William Smyth, and 
 ' John Vaughan. Esqrs. and many more."^ Fox tells us 
 that on that occasion, " Hooper, Rogers, Dr. Taylor and 
 ' Bradford were brought before them ; where sentence of 
 ' excommunication and judgment ecclesiastical was pro- 
 ' nounced upon Master Hooper and Master Rogers, by the 
 ' bishop of Winchester, who sat as judge in Caiaphas's seat ; 
 ' who drave them out of the church according to their law 
 
 ' Mem. III. ii. 286. » Fox, vi. 698. 599. 649. 
 
 9 Fox, vi. 582. 1 lUd. 598. 
 
 = Mem, III. i. p. 288. 
 
XX.] IN SOUTHWARD. 347 
 
 ' and order. Dr. Taylor and Bradford were committed to 
 ' prison till the next day.'" 
 
 On Wednesday the 30th of January was the fourth 
 session ; at which, according to Strype, the bishops of 
 Durham, Worcester, Ely, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, Nor- 
 wich, Lichfield, and Carlisle were " co-assessors," and there 
 were also present, " the Duke of Norfolk, the Lord Whar- 
 ' ton ; the Lord Lumley ; Leonard Chamberlayn and Robert 
 ' Drury, Knights ; Thomas Hussey, John Vaughan, Thomas 
 ' Martyn, Esqrs. R. [it may be Edward] Wotton, and John 
 ' Warner, doctors in physic ; Hugh Coren, David Poole, 
 'Nicholas Harpesfield, doctors of law; Thomas Watson, 
 ' John Seton, doctors of divinity ; Philip Morgan, John 
 ' Boxal, Seth Holland, bachelors in divinity ; Richard 
 ' Chandler, archdeacon of Sarum and very many others." * 
 
 On this occasion, according to Fox, " Dr. Taylor, Dr. 
 ' Crome, Master Bradford, Master Saunders, and Dr. Ferrar, 
 'some time bishop of St. David's, were before the said 
 ' bishops ; where three of them, that is to say Dr. Taylor, 
 ' Master Saunders, and Master Bradford were likewise 
 ' excommunicated, and sentence pronounced upon them ; 
 ' and so committed to the sheriffs. Dr. Crome desired two 
 ' months respite, and it was granted him ; and Master 
 ' Ferrar was again committed to prison till another time."^ 
 
 Whatever may have been the precise constitution or com- 
 position of this Tribunal, the names which I have copied 
 show that it was not in the nature of a secret Inquisition. 
 I do not see that it ever met afterwards at Southwark, or 
 elsewhere in the same form. It seems as if it had been 
 formed for some special purpose which it either accomplished, 
 or abandoned; which of the two, it is not our present 
 business to inquire. 
 
 § 4. WHAT HAD BONNER TO DO WITH THE MARTYRS 
 CONDEMNED BY THE COMMISSION. 
 
 (1.) John Rogers is one of those who have been already 
 mentioned as being before the Commissioners. The first 
 
 3 Fox vi. 588. Strype sajs of Taylor, " The Bishop assigned him to 
 appear there again between three and fonr in the afternoon. What was 
 done then appears not." — Mem. III. pt. i. p. 296. 
 
 ^ Mem. III. i. 290. => Fox, vi. 58?. 
 
348 BONNER AND THE [essay 
 
 occasion in which I find Bonner charged as having anything 
 to do with him is, that according to Fox, after his second 
 trouble with the Council " he remained in his own house as 
 ' prisoner a long time, till at length through the uncharit- 
 ' able procurement of Bonner bishop of London, who could 
 ' not abide such honest neighbours to dwell by him, he was 
 ' removed from his own house to the prison called New- 
 'gate."" 
 
 It will be seen by referring to the list of events in the 
 foregoing section, that Rogers was removed from his own 
 house to Newgate on the 27th of January, 1554, the day 
 after preparations began to be made in earnest for the 
 reception of Wyatt and his rebels. It may have been a 
 mistake, but certainly since the affair of Bourn's preaching 
 at Paul's Cross on the 13th of August (to say nothing of 
 anything previous) Rogers was considered, not simply as a 
 believer in false doctrine, but as a demagogue, and seditious 
 person. How much Bonner had to do with his being 
 removed from his house to a place of greater security, I 
 cannot tell; but I suppose the bishop is only brought in 
 here by way of a gratuitous flourish. Certainly Rogers says, 
 in his own account of his examinations', " I asked him " 
 [Gardiner not Bonner] " Wherefore he put me in prison. He 
 said, because I preached against the Queen ; " and as far as 
 I can see he throws the whole blame on the bishop of Win- 
 chester, and makes no complaint of the bishop of London. 
 
 After his sentence on the 29th of January, he made an 
 application to the Chancellor in the court, for leave for his 
 wife to visit him ; which was refused (p. 602). I do not 
 see that Bonner had anything to do with him until the 
 morning of his execution, when " he was had down first to 
 ' Bonner to be degraded. That done, he craved of Bonner 
 ' but one petition. And Bonner asking what that should 
 ' be ; ' Nothing ' said he ' but that I might talk a few words 
 ' with my wife before my burning.' But that could not be 
 ' obtained of him . ' Then ' said he ' you declare your charity, 
 ' what it is." (p. 609.) Whether Bonner had the power 
 to grant such a request, even if it had not been previously 
 made to, and refused by, the Lord Chancellor, I do not 
 know. 
 
 " Vol. vi. 593. =■ Fox, vi. 698. 
 
XX.] MARTYRS OF THE COMMISSION. 349 
 
 (2.) Laurence Saunders. The facts relating to the 
 apprehension and commitment of this martyr have been so 
 fully stated before (pp. 269, 273) that it is unnecessary here 
 to repeat them. With regard to Bonner's share in those 
 transactions, I have endeavoured to represent it fairly, and 
 I do not see how any bishop of London could have done less 
 than he did. 
 
 It has already appeared that Saunders was brought up 
 before the Commissioners on January 30. It was I presume 
 on that occasion^ when Saunders was declaring that he had 
 been brought up to disbelieve the supremacy of the Pope, 
 the Chancellor asked him whether it was by " consent and 
 authority " that he had received all his heresies respecting 
 the Sacrament of the altar. He tried to evade the question 
 by an irrelevant answer about the papal supremacy, including 
 that species of personal reflection which Fox calls a " privy 
 nip " to the Chancellor. On this Bonner (referring to the 
 writing made before him some fifteen months before) said 
 " and it like your lordship I have his hand against the 
 blessed sacrament. How say you to that ? " Saunders 
 answered " What I have written, that I have written ; and 
 further I will not accuse myself." 
 
 I do not observe that Bonner had anything more to do 
 with him, except what is thus briefly recorded by Fox ; 
 " The 4th day of February the bishop of London did come 
 ' to the prison where he was to degrade him ; which when 
 • he had done Laurence Saunders said to him, ' I thank God 
 ' I am none of your church.' " (p. 627.) I do not find that 
 the bishop made any reply. 
 
 (3.) Bishop Hooper, as has been stated, was " sent for 
 by a pursuivant to be at London " for two causes ; the first 
 being the business of Dr. Heath, whom he had succeeded at 
 Worcester ; and " secondarily, to render an account to Dr. 
 Bonner, Bishop of London, for that he in King Edward's 
 time was one of his accusers "," &c. But Fox tells us that 
 before he could come to the aforesaid Drs. Heath and 
 
 " If so, Fox calls it eiToneouely " The first Examination of Laurence 
 Saunders," and represents him as heing " convented before the Queen's 
 most honourable Council, sundry bishops being present."- — Vol. vi. p. 
 625. 
 
 " Vol. vi. p. 645. See Hooper's Denunciation of Bonner addressed to 
 the King. Fox, vol. v. p. 747. 
 
350 BONNER AND HOOPER. [essay 
 
 Bonner, "he was intercepted and commanded violently 
 ' against his will to appear before the Queen and her 
 ' Council to answer, to certain bonds and obligations, 
 ' wherein they said he was bound unto her." This was on 
 August 29, 1553, and on the 1st September a second time\ 
 and was committed to the Fleet. 
 
 On the 5th of March in the next year a Commission, as 
 we have seen, issued ; and on the 19th he was deprived. 
 Bonner's name is among those of the Commissioners, but it 
 does not appear that he took any part, or said a word, or 
 had had any kind of intercourse with Hooper since his own 
 deprivation about four years and a half before. 
 
 After several months more of imprisonment Hooper was, 
 as we have already seen, brought before the Commissioners 
 on the 22d, 28th, 29th of January, 1555 ; after which he 
 " was delivered as close prisoner to the keeper of Newgate, 
 where he remained six days." 
 
 " During this time, Bonner bishop of London, and others at his 
 appointment, as Fecknam, Chedsey, and Harpsfield, etc. resorted 
 divers times unto him to assay if by any means they could persuade 
 him to relent, and become a member of their antichristian church. 
 All the ways they could devise, they attempted : for, besides the 
 disputations and allegations of testimonies of the Scriptures, and of 
 ancient vpriters wrested to a wrong sense, according to their 
 accustomed manner, they used also all outward gentleness and 
 significations of friendship, with many great proffers and promises 
 of worldly commodities ; not omitting also most grievous threaten- 
 ings, if with gentleness they could not prevail : but they found him 
 always the same man, steadfast and immovable." — Fox, vol. vi. 
 p. 650. 
 
 Fox cannot let this pass however without adding what is 
 illnatured, and probably altogether untrue. 
 
 " When they perceived that they could by no means reclaim him 
 to their purpose with such persuasions and offers as they used for 
 his conversion, then went they about, by false rumours and reports 
 of recantations (for it is well known, that they and their servants 
 did spread it first abroad), to bring him and the doctrine of Christ 
 which he professed, out of credit with the people. So the bruit 
 being a little spread abroad, and believed of some of the weaker 
 sort, by reason of the often resort of the bishop of London and 
 others, it Increased more, and at last came to master Hooper's ears : 
 wherewith he was not a little grieved, that the people should give so 
 light credit unto false rumours, having so simple a ground ; as it 
 may appear by a letter which he wrote upon that occasion, the copy 
 whereof foUoweth." — lUd. 
 
 1 Fox, vi. 393. He makes it the first appearance, p. 645. 
 
xx.J BONNER AND HOOPER. 351 
 
 What motive could Bonner and his chaplains have for 
 spreading such a report ? Fortunately, Fox has also given 
 Hooper's own account of the matter, and it is not only- 
 written in a tone which shows that he took their proceed- 
 ings civUly, but that he expected his popish adversaries to 
 make a candid report of himself. 
 
 " Such is the report abroad (as I am credibly informed,) that I, 
 John Hooper, a condemned man for the cause of Christ, should now, 
 after sentence of death (being in Newgate prisoner, and looking 
 daily for execution) recant and abjure that which heretofore I have 
 preached. And this talk ariseth of this, that the bishop of London 
 and his chaplains resort unto me. Doubtless, if our brethren were 
 as godly as I could wish them, they would think, that in case I did 
 refuse to talk with them, they might have just occasion to say that 
 I were unlearned, and durst not speak with learned men ; or else 
 proud, and disdained to speak with them. Therefore, to avoid just 
 suspicion of both, I have and do daily speak with them when they 
 come ; not doubting but that they report that I am neither proud 
 nor unlearned." — Ibid. p. 651. 
 
 On Monday^ the Bishop came to Newgate to degrade 
 him and Rogers. Fox gives a particular account of the 
 form, and the persons present, but does not intimate that 
 there was anything done, or a word spoken, except the 
 ceremonial proceeding. Some pages afterwards, in a rhe- 
 torical " Comparison between Hooper and Polycarp," he 
 mentions as a point of difference that Hooper was not only 
 martyred but " degraded by Bonner with such contumelies 
 and reproaches, as I think in Polycarp's time was not used 
 to any," p. 661. This, however, I presume, only refers to 
 the common order of the ceremonial ; for if Bonner had 
 done any thing personally uncivil or extra-oi£cial we should 
 have been pretty sure to hear of it. Burnet begins a para- 
 graph by saying, " It was resolved to begin with Hooper ; 
 ' against whom both Gardiner and Bonner had so peculiar 
 ' an ill-will, that he was singled out of all the bishops to be 
 ' the first sacrifice '." This, however, like a good deal more 
 which such writers have said respecting Gardiner and 
 Bonner, is, I apprehend, nothing but ornamental suggestion, 
 unsupported, ii not clearly contradicted by facts.^ 
 
 2 So Fox, vi. 651. But on the next page lie says on the 4th of 
 February, which was a Tuesday. Yet he says " Monday " was the 4th 
 of Februaiy. " Vol. iii. p. 240. 
 
 * I have really looked in vain for actions which might seem to indicate 
 vindictive feeling iu Bonner towards any of those to whom he might be 
 
352 BISHOP BONNER [ussay 
 
 (4) Rowland Tayloe. — I do not find that Bonner had 
 anything to do with him until he had been condemned 
 by the Council. Then the Bishop went to the Compter 
 to degrade him. The scene is thus described by Fox ; — 
 
 " Being come, he called for the said Dr. Taylor to be brought unto 
 him ; the bishop being then in the chamber where the keeper of the 
 Compter and his wife lay. So Dr. Taylor was brought down from 
 the chamber above that, to the said Bonner. And at his coming, 
 the bishop said, ' Master doctor, I would you would remember 
 
 supposed to feel a grudge. I know the language of party declamation ; 
 but when one examines the facts it shows its true nature, and recoils on 
 the writers. Who, for instance, can read, without feeUnga more un- 
 pleasant than those of mere pity, the following Heads of Chapters, as 
 they stand in the Table of Contents prefixed to Strype's life of Sir 
 Thomas Smith ? 
 
 "CHAP. V. 
 
 " Sir Thomas Smith in Commission. Words between Bishop 
 Bonner and him. His fidelity to the Duke of Somerset . p. 37 
 
 " Smith in a Commission against the anabaptists. One of the visitors 
 of Cambridge. In Commission upon Bishop Bonner who would have 
 declined him. Smith deals roundly with him. His words to Bonner's 
 servants. Bonner enters a recusation against Smith. Who charges him 
 with disobedience. Smith in trouble with the Protector. IJeposed 
 against Bishop Gardiner. Makes a purchase. Goes in embassy to 
 France." 
 
 "CHAP. VI. 
 
 " The condition of Sir Thomas Smith under Queen Mary. His 
 wise advertisements p. 46 
 
 " He loses all his places. He hath an indulgence from the Pope. 
 Bishop Gardiner his friend. Gains Gardiner's favour upon his first 
 address to him from Cambridge. Asoham favoured by Gardiner. Even 
 Bishop Bonner pretends to be Smith's friend." 
 
 I suppose that if Mr. Strype had been asked what he meant by " pre- 
 tends," he would have been as much puzzled as Goldsmith was when 
 asked the meaning of " slow " in the first line of his Traveller. How, or 
 what, did Bonner " pretend " ? Strype's own account of the matter in 
 the place referred to by that very table of contents is simply " Nay, 
 bloody Bonner who Lad *■■ personal pique against him since the last 
 reign, as was shown before, let him alone, though he were in his diocese, 
 admiring the man, and dissembling his anger." — p. 60. But poor Mr. 
 Strype cannot make this admission without the marginal caution 
 "lionner pretends to be Smith's friend." 
 
 If Bonner really did let Smith alone, I see nothing of pretence in it ; 
 and as to his admiring him, I think nobody but Strype would have sug- 
 gested anything so very simple. If, however, I were writing to eulogize 
 Bonner, in the servile spirit of hero-worsbip which sometimes renders 
 Strype SO absurd, I should claim high credit for the restored Bishop's 
 acknowledged forbearance towards a man who had treated him with most 
 
XX.] AND DR. TAYLOE. 353 
 
 yourself, and turn to your mother, holy church ; so may you do well 
 enough, and I will sue for your pardon.' Whereanto master Taylor 
 answered, ' I would you and your fellows would turn to Christ. As 
 for me, I will not turn to Antichrist. ' 
 
 " ' Well,' quoth the bishop, ' I am come to degrade you : wherefore 
 put on these vestures.' ' No,' quoth Dr. Taylor, ' I will not.' ' Wilt 
 thou not ? ' said the bishop. ' I shall make thee ere I go.' Quoth 
 Dr. Taylor, ' You shall not, by the grace of God.' Then he charged 
 him upon his obedience to do it : but he would not do it for him ; so 
 he willed another to put them upon his back. And when he was 
 
 offensive insolence ; and I should rather ascribe Smith's safety to the 
 generosity of his enemies, than represent it as " owing to that deference 
 that that stera and cruel Bishop Gardiner had to his exemplary virtue 
 and learning : he was struck with a kind of admiration of the man pre- 
 tending a great love to him ; " though, of course, I should be glad to 
 represent two such bloody wolves as guarding a forward and sturdy 
 reformer through times of trouble, out of mere deference to virtue, and 
 admiration of the man. And, perhaps I should ask, "What did Smith do 
 to repay his deep obligation to the deprived and imprisoned Bonner, when 
 he had himself become a great man at the Court of Elizabeth? Did 
 the spared and screened protestant shew himself gi'ateful for the forbear- 
 ance which had connived at his bold, uncompi'omising, zeal, and stood 
 between him and the stake during all the bloody reign of bloody Mary ? 
 or did he let his admiring benefactor Uve and die in a gaol ? ' 
 
 I might, I say, if I wrote as the eulogist of Gardiner and Bonner very 
 plausibly claim for them credit to which I really believe they are in no 
 wise entitled. I do not imagine that Smith had much to thank them 
 for. I suppose that no reflecting reader of Strype can doubt that 
 Secretary Smith, like his equally reUgioue, and protestant, colleague, 
 Secretary Cecil, turned papist on the accession of Mary. He was not 
 indeed (any more than Cecil) continued as Secretary ; but " he fell easy," 
 says Mr. Strype, " for his life was saved, though he were a Protestant, 
 and had lOOl. per annum allowed him for his subsistence, but was charged 
 not to depart out of the realm." Very droll it is to find this good his- 
 torian, who has talked of Smith's being a " constant embracer of the 
 reformed religion," and of his having " had a great hand in the reforma- 
 tion of the Church of England, in which he so steadfastly persevered," 
 admitting that from the circumstances of the time this sturdy protestant 
 " could hardly keep himself always upon his legs " (though that, I pre- 
 sume, must mean his official, rather than his religious legs), and afterwards 
 telling us with a confiding simplicity, what really surprised himself, — 
 " But that which is strange, he acted his part so dexterously in these 
 difBcult times, that even his enemy the Pope sheltered him under his 
 boll for many transgressions of his own laws." — p. 47. When such an 
 example had been set them, can we honestly make much of Gardiner's 
 courtesy, and Bonner's connivance ? Surely they could afford to be civil 
 if the Pope was. I do not beHeve they were possessed by a spirit of 
 retaliation and revenge ; but, if they were, it must have been sufficiently 
 gratified by seeing the late insolent Jack-in-offioe, sunk into " a silent 
 stander-by " with his lOOZ. per annum, the Pope's indulgence, and their 
 patronage. 
 
354 JOHN BRADFORD. [essay 
 
 thoroughly furnished therewith, he set his hands to his side, 
 walking up and down, and said, ' How say you, my lord 2 am not I a 
 goodly fool? How say you my masters! If I were in Cheap, 
 should I not hare boys enough to laugh at these apish toys, and 
 toying trumpery ? ' So the bishop scraped his fingers, thumbs, 
 and the crown of his head, and did the rest of such like devilish 
 
 "At the last, when he should have given Dr. Taylor a stroke on 
 the breast with his crosier-staff, the bishop's chaplain said : ' My 
 lordl strike him not, for he will sure strike again.' 'Yea, by 
 St. Peter will I,' quoth Dr. Taylor. ' The cause is Christ's, and I 
 were no good Christian, if I would not fight in my Master's quarrel.' 
 So the bishop laid his curse upon him, but struck him not. Then 
 Dr. Taylor said, ' Though you do curse me, yet God doth bless me. 
 I have the vritness of my conscience, that ye have done me wrong 
 and violence : and yet I pray God, if it be his will, to forgive you. 
 But from the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, and his detestable 
 enormities, good Lord deliver us I ' And in going up to his chamber, 
 he still said, ' God deliver me from you I God deliver me from you ! ' 
 And when he came up, he told master Bradford (for they both lay 
 in one chamber), that he had made the bishop of London afraid : 
 'for,' saith he laughingly, 'his chaplain gave him counsel not to 
 strike me with his crosier-staff, for that I would strike again ; and, 
 by my troth,' said he, rubbing his hands, 'I made him believe I 
 would do so indeed.' "—Fox, vol. vi. p. 691. 
 
 The only other mention that I find of Bonner's name in 
 connexion with Taylor's, is that Fox says that when the 
 martyr arrived at the place where he was to suffer, he 
 " with both his hands rent his hood from his head, and so 
 ' it appeared that his head was notted^ evil favouredly, and 
 ' clipped much like as a man would clip a fool's head ; which 
 ' cost the good bishop Bonner had bestowed upon him when 
 ' he degraded him." I do not see that Bonner had any- 
 thing else to do with him. 
 
 John Bradford'', as we have seen had been imprisoned 
 from August 16, 1553, till he was brought before the 
 Council of the 22nd January, 1555, and I do not find 
 
 5 "NoTT, for netted, shorn, out close, or smooth; from to Tioit, to 
 ' shear or poll ;....' he caused his own head tc bee polled, and from 
 ' thenceforth, his beard to be notted and no more shaven.' — Stowe's 
 
 ' Annals Nott-pated or Nott-headed, a. from the above. 
 
 ' Having the hair close cut." — See Nares's Glossary. The comic 
 edition reads "knotted." What could the editor suppose it to mean? 
 It is hardly necessary to say that the allusion is to that cutting of the 
 priest's hair which constituted a part of the ceremonial of degradation. 
 
 ' I place him here because he was one of those condemned by the 
 Commissioners ; hut without a number, because, owing to the delay in 
 his exeoution, his name will occur again hereafter. 
 
XX.] JOHN BRADFORD. 355 
 
 that Bonner had anything to do with him during that 
 interval. 
 
 At his coming before the Council on the 22nd January', 
 he began his address to it by stating that In the matter of 
 Bourn at Paul's Cross, for which he had been imprisoned, 
 he had done nothing seditiously, but had acted as a faithful 
 and obedient subject. The Chancellor interrupted him by 
 saying " There was a loud Ue ; for, quoth he, the fact was 
 seditious, as you my Lord of London can bear witness." 
 Bonner, thus appealed to, replied, " You say true my 
 ' Lord, I saw him with mine own eyes, when he took upon 
 ' him to rule and lead the people malapertly ; thereby de- 
 ' daring that he was the author of the sedition." Bradford 
 protested that, " notwithstanding my lord bishop's saying 
 and seeing," he had told the truth ; and after a few inter- 
 mediate words between him and the Lord Chancellor, he 
 repeated this assertion; adding, "Yea, my lord, I dare say 
 ' that my lord of Bath, master Bourn will witness with me 
 ' that I sought his safety with the peril of mine own life ; I 
 ' thank God therefore." If Bishop Bourn made any reply 
 it is not reported ; but Bishop Bonner is stated to have said 
 " That is not true ; for I myself did see thee take upon thee 
 too much." To this Bradford returned a contradiction ; 
 until the Chancellor proposed that they should "leave this 
 matter " (which, though Bradford had thought fit to intro- 
 duce it, really was not the matter in hand) and asked him 
 point blank, " How sayest thou now ? Wilt thou return 
 again," &c. 
 
 Bradford was again before the Council at the sitting of 
 the 29th of January, and the only way in which Bonner's 
 presence is noticed is this — that Gardiner said in reply to 
 some observations of Bradford, that he had himself " been 
 ' challenged for being too gentle oftentimes. Which thing 
 ' the bishop of London confirmed and so did almost all 
 ' the audience, that he had been even too mild and gentle."* 
 
 He was again before the Council on the next day ; but I 
 do not see that Bonner took any part in the proceedings, 
 nor do I find that he had anything more to do with Brad- 
 ford except at an accidental interview which is thus de- 
 scribed by Fox : — 
 
 1 Fox, vol. vii. 150. « Fox, vol. vi. 757. 
 
356 BONNEK LEFT TO HIMSELF. [essay 
 
 " Upon the 4tli of February, that is the same day master Rogers 
 was burned, Bonner bishop of London came to the Compter in the 
 Poultry, to degrade Dr. Taylor, about one of the clock at afternoon. 
 But before he spake to master Taylor, he called for John Bradford 
 which was prisoner there, whom when he saw, he put off his cap, 
 and gave him his hand, saying : 
 
 " Bonner. ' Because I perceive that ye are desirous to confer with 
 some learned men, therefore I have brought master archdeacon 
 Harpsfield to you. And I tell you, you do like a wise man. But I 
 pray you go roundly to work, for the time is but short.' 
 
 " Brad. ' My lord, as roundly as I can I will go to work with you : 
 I never desired to confer vath any man, nor yet do. Howbeit if ye 
 will have one to talk with me, I am ready.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' What,' quoth the bishop in a fume to the keeper, ' did 
 you not tell me that this man desired conference ? ' 
 
 " Keeper. ' No, my lord, I told you that he would not refuse to 
 confer with any ; but I did not say that it is his desire.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, master Bradford, you are well beloved, I pray 
 you consider yourself, and refuse not charity when it is offered.' 
 
 " Brad. ' Indeed, my lord, this is small charity, to condemn a man 
 as you have condemned me, which never brake your laws. In 
 Turkey a man may have charity ; but in England I could not yet find 
 it. I was condemned for my faith, so soon as I uttered it at your 
 requests, before I had committed any thing against the laws. And 
 as for conference, I am not afraid to talk with whom ye will. But 
 to say that I desire to confer, that do I not. ' 
 
 "Bonner. 'Well, well.' And so he called for master Taylor, and 
 Bradford went his way." — Fox, vol. vii. p. 165. 
 
 I believe that I have fairly stated all the concern which 
 Bonner had with Rogers, Saunders, Hooper, Taylor, and 
 Bradford ; who seem to have been the only persons actually 
 condemned by the Council at the sittings of January 1555. 
 Two others (Ferrar and Cardmaker) did aftewards suffer 
 martyrdom, and will be mentioned hereafter. Two, Crome 
 and Tomson, seem to have recanted. This however makes 
 only nine out of the eleven who are said to have been 
 brought up, and who probably were far from being all the 
 persons examined. Who the others were I know not. But 
 whether there were more or fewer prisoners before these 
 Commissioners is of little consequence in our inquiry ; for, 
 if more who afterwards suffered as martyrs, were examined 
 on these occasions, they will come before our notice again 
 in the history of their sufferings ; and if they escaped, we 
 have no business with them. 
 
 The point for us to observe is, that after these four sit- 
 tings of the Council, there seem not to have been any 
 similar proceedings. The view of the matter given by Fox, 
 
XX.] BONNER LEFT TO HIMSELF. 857 
 
 and followed I believe by most writers, may be seen by the 
 following extract. 
 
 " After that Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, had got the 
 laws and the secular arm on his side, as ye have heard, with full 
 power and authority to reign and rule as he listed, and had brought 
 these godly bishops and reverend preachers aforesaid under foot, 
 namely, the archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Ridley bishop of London, 
 master Latimer, master Hooper bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, 
 master Eogers, master Saunders, Dr. Taylor, and master Bradford, 
 all which he had now presently condemned, and some also burned, 
 he supposed now all had been cock-sure, and that Christ had been 
 conquered for ever, so that the people, being terrified with example 
 of these great learned men condemned, never would nor durst once 
 rout against their violent religion." — Fox, vol. vi. p. 703. 
 
 Then, after a good deal intended to shew that the Com- 
 missioners were not only as bad as the Turks but particu- 
 larly and specifically like them, Pox proceeds : — 
 
 " And thus condemned they these godly learned preachers and 
 bishops aforesaid, supposing, as I said, that all the rest would soon 
 be quailed by their example. But they were deceived ; for within 
 eight or nin e days after that Stephen Gardiner had given sentence 
 against master Hooper, master Rogers, master Saunders, Dr. Taylor, 
 and master Bradford, being the eighth of February, six other good 
 men were brought likewise before the bishops for the same cause 
 of religion, to be examined, whose names were William Pygot, 
 butcher ; Stephen Knight, barber ; Thomas Tomkins, weaver ; 
 Thomas Hawkes, gentleman ; John Laurence, priest ; William 
 Hunter, apprentice. 
 
 " Stephen Gardiner, seeing thus his device disappointed, and that 
 cruelty in this case would not serve to his expectation, gave over 
 the matter as utterly discouraged, and from that day meddled no 
 more in such kind of condemnations, but referred the whole doing 
 thereof to Bonner bishop of London ; who supplied that part right 
 doubtily, as in the further process of this history hereafter evidently 
 and too much may appear. Thus bishop Bonner taking the matter 
 in hand, called before him in his consistory at St. Paul's (the lord 
 mayor, and certain aldermen sitting with him,) the six persons afore- 
 named, upon the 8th of February in the year aforesaid, and on the 
 next day, being the 9th of February, read the sentence of condem- 
 nation upon them, as appeareth in Bonner's own registers ; such 
 quick speed these men could make in despatching their business at 
 once." — Fox, vol. vi. p. 704. 
 
 A reader would naturally suppose that within eight or 
 nine days after sentencing the five martyrs of whom we 
 have spoken. Bishop Gardiner and everybody else was taken 
 by surprise, and startled, by the apparition of six fresh men 
 who had suddenly sprung forward to take the places of their 
 
358 SIX MAETYRS WHOM [essay 
 
 fallen comrades. Burnet would confirm his notion by tell- 
 ing him in plain terms " soon after the condemnation of 
 these men, six others were apprehended on the account of 
 heresy."" Wily Winchester one would suppose was not 
 prepared for anything of the sort, and finding that the five 
 martyrs had revived in six fresh ones, "as if in death were 
 propagation too," he turned them over to Bonner, who was 
 always ready for any cruelty, and called them before him 
 the very day that they came into his hands, scarcely asked 
 what they were charged with, sentenced them the next 
 day, and killed them out of hand without grace or mercy — 
 " such quick speed these men could make in despatching 
 their business at once " such care they took to " spaeb 
 NONE." Strype, who generally lays hold on Fox's skirts, 
 and follows him blindfold through all sorts of places, even 
 where one might think that he must have known the way 
 better, says that Gardiner "left the rest of this bloody work 
 ' to Bishop Bonner ; and those six before mentioned he 
 ' began with ; who having been convented before him hut 
 ' the. day before, were condemned this very next day!'^ 
 Savage work certainly; but what can one expect from 
 bloody wolves, and forests of wUd beasts ? 
 
 But what if it should turn out that these six new martyrs 
 whom Bonner "began with" were persons whom he had 
 known a long time, and with whom he was particularly well 
 acquainted ? and what if the " quick speed " should prove to 
 be mere habitual misrepresentation, not meaning to tell an 
 elaborate and well considered untruth about these particular 
 facts, but naturally as it were, from long practice, colouring 
 with different colours, and commenting with fulsome flattery 
 or childish malice on the acts of difierent parties, and thus, 
 in the most unprovoked and reckless manner casting abroad 
 the firebrands of personal calumny and historical falsehood ? 
 Pacts and dates which Fox himself supplies, afford sufiicient 
 information ; and show that Bonner did not first become 
 acquainted with these persons on the 8th of February, 1555. 
 Thomas Hawhes had certainly got the character of a heretic, 
 and committed his alleged heresy, in Essex, and been sent 
 up with a letter under charge of a special messenger to his 
 ordinary Bonner from the Earl of Oxford, and was in actual 
 
 9 Hist, of Eef. vol. ii. p. 282. i Mem. III. i. 332. 
 
XX.] BONNER "BEGAN WITH," 359 
 
 custody in the bishop's house, before Midsummer 1554. 
 Thomas Tomkins the weaver was also a prisoner there ; if 
 indeed one should so characterize a man making hay at 
 Fulham, with the bishop sitting by chatting with him. 
 When he went there I know not, but certainly in or before 
 July, 1554. As to William Hunter, he had been formally 
 denounced as a heretic nearly a year before, and had fled 
 from London on that account. I do not find precisely on 
 what day he came into Bonner's hands, but he had " con- 
 tinued in prison three quarters of a year," when he was 
 brought before Bonner on the 8th of February, 1555. Of 
 the other three, Pygot, Knight, and Laurence, I do not find 
 the exact time when they came into Bonner's custody : but 
 as Bonner in the first conversation that he had with 
 Hawkes, at Midsummer 1554, asked him if he knew Knight 
 and Pygot, it is plain that he must by that time have known 
 something of them himself-. I find also certain " Articles 
 and Interrogatories objected by the Bishop of London " to 
 these three jointly, in which the seventh is as follows : — 
 
 " 7. Whether is it true, that you being suspected, or infamed to be 
 culpable and faulty in speaking against the sacrament of the altar, 
 and against the very true presence of Christ's natural body, and the 
 substance thereof in the said sacrament ; and thereupon called 
 before me upon complaint made to me against you ; have not been 
 a good space in my Iwuse, having freely meat and drink, and also 
 divers times instructed and informed, as well by one being our 
 ordinary, as also by my chaplains and divers other learned men, 
 some whereof were bishops, some deans, and some archdeacons, and 
 every one of them learned in divinity, and minding well unto you, 
 and desiring the safeguard of your soul, and that you should follow 
 and believe the doctrine of the catholic church, as afore, concerning 
 the said sacrament of the altar ; and whether you did not at all 
 times since your said coming to me, utterly refuse to follow and 
 believe the said doctrine concerning the said sacrament 1 " — Fox, 
 vol. vi. p. 738. 
 
 It would seem as if the same articles had been objected to 
 the other three, but really Fox's way of writing is such that 
 it is difficult to get at the bottom of any story. After giving 
 these articles, he says, " Their answers to these articles were 
 not much discrepant from Tomkins, and other like martyrs 
 above mentioned, as here folio weth to be seen ;"' and then 
 he gives, " The Answers of Pygot and Knight to the afore- 
 
 - Fox, vii. 99. ' Fox, vol. vi. 738. 
 
360 BONNER AND HIS OWN PRISONERS, [essay 
 
 said Articles," omitting Lawrence. It is likely that the 
 latter made a separate confession*. 
 
 This is, I think, enough to shew how very unfair and 
 untrue it is to represent the condemnation of these six men 
 as having been carried with careless and merciless dispatch. 
 Bad as it was to burn them, there is no pretence for saying 
 that it was done in a hurry. Even after Bonner had passed 
 sentence on them, and they had been delivered to the secular 
 power, it can hardly be said that " quickspeed " was used in 
 carrying that sentence into execution. The earliest sufferer 
 of the six was allowed an interval of five weeks for reflection, 
 and the others were burned on the 26th, 28th, and 29th 
 of March and the 10th of June. 
 
 I say thus much here respecting these six prisoners, partly 
 to refute on the spot the idle calumny with which their 
 history is introduced ; and partly because they are said to 
 have been (though I know not when or where) before " the 
 bishops," by which I suppose we are to understand the 
 Commission. They were however, as may be seen, in a 
 peculiar manner Bonner's prisoners (those " he began with "), 
 and their cases will come more properly before us in the 
 history of his dealings with those heretics who were pro- 
 ceeded against in his court. 
 
 § 5. Bonner's dealings with his own prisoners. 
 
 Having seen how much Bonner had to do with the martyrs 
 examined by the Commission in Southwark, let us briefly 
 inquire what he did afterwards. Let us allow the King, 
 Queen, and Council, the Commissioners, and the Chancellor, 
 to follow their own pleasure unnoticed, while we attend on 
 the proceedings of Bonner. Let us suppose that (as some 
 writers represent it) the whole business of the persecution 
 was turned over to him, and cursorily look at his course, 
 
 " Pygot (as has been already stated) was a butcher, and Knight a 
 barber ; and they seem as if they had received their opinions from 
 Dr. Taylor of Hadley. Laurence was a priest, and I do not find any 
 account of the reason, or the time, of his coming into trouble ; unless he 
 was the same person as " Master Laurence of Barnhall," who is men- 
 tioned as " the first " in a list of the " Principal Teachers of Heretical 
 Doctrine in London by Stephen Morris's Confession " (Fox. viii. 384) ; — 
 but who Stephen Morris was, or when he made his confession, I do not 
 know, nor have I. found anything more about him in Fox. 
 
XX.] COWPER AND HEYLIN. 361 
 
 imagining, as far as we can, that he was acting purely 
 according to his own will, and upon his own responsibility. 
 
 I cannot, however, help suspecting that, by this time, 
 some readers who have been used to think of Bonner 
 as a sort of ecclesiastical Autocrat, have begun to doubt 
 whether in point of power, influence, and position in the 
 state, he was quite as great a person as they have supposed 
 — whether he actually had, or desired to have, the unlimited 
 powers of destruction ascribed to him, or even an intense and 
 insatiable desire to use to the uttermost those powers with 
 which he was invested by his office. I should be sorry, how- 
 ever, for the reader, at this early stage of the business, to 
 think that I am fighting with shadows. I am not so fond as 
 to expostulate with the poet who tells us, as a general fact, 
 that when a martyr suffered, 
 
 " Bonner, blithe as shepherd at a wake, 
 
 Enjoyed the shew, and danced about the stake."^ 
 
 But I think it may be well to refresh the reader's memory 
 and feehngs by a curious extract from one of our regular 
 historians of the Reformation, who writes as if he had actually 
 been at Bonner's elbow, and heard his soliloquy, on receiv- 
 ing his appointment as deputy-executioner from the Lord 
 Chancellor. 
 
 " Well then, said Bonner to himself, I see the honour of this 
 work is reserved for me, who neither fear the Emperor's frowns, nor 
 the people's curses. Which having said (as if he had been pumping 
 for a Resolution) he took his times so to make it known unto the 
 other two, that he perceived they were as willing as himself to have 
 the Catholick Religion entertained in all parts of the Kingdom, 
 though neither of them seemed desirous to Act any thing in it, or 
 take the envy on himself ; that he was well enough pleased with 
 that reservedness, hoping they did not mean it for a precedent unto 
 him or others, who had a mind to shew their zeal and forwardness 
 in the Catholick cause. Have I not seen (saith he) that the Here- 
 ticks themselves have broke the Ice, in putting one of their own 
 number (I think they called him by name of Servetus) to a cruel 
 death 2 Could it be thought no crime in them, to take that more 
 severe course against one of their Brethren, for holding any contrary 
 Doctrine from that which they had publiokly agreed amongst them ? 
 And can they be so silly, or so partial rather, as to reckon it for a 
 Crime in us, if we proceed against them with the like severity, and 
 punish them by the most extream rigour of their own example ? I 
 plainly see, that neither you my Lord Cardinal, nor you my Lord 
 
 ' Cowper, Expostulation, i. 96. 
 
362 THOMAS TOMKINS. [essay 
 
 Chancellor, have any Answer to return to my present Argument, 
 which is sufficient to encourage me to proceed upon it. I cannot 
 Act Oanonioally against any of them, but such as Ijve within the 
 compass of my Jurisdiction, in which I shall desire no help nor 
 countenance from either of you. But as for such as live in the 
 Diocese of Canterbury, or that of Winchester, or otherwise not 
 within my reach in what place soever, let them be sent for up by 
 order from the Ijords of the Council, committed to the Tower, the 
 Fleet, or any other Prison within my Diocese ; and when I have 
 them in my Clutches, let God do so, and more to Bonner, if they 
 scape his Fingers." — Heylin, Hist. Bef. p. 218. 
 
 I have already said that I believe the whole number of 
 Marian martyrs amounted to 277 ; and that those with 
 whom Bonner was in any way concerned, were 120. We 
 have seen what he had to do with the five who were before 
 the Council ; and I suppose that, with their cases, I may 
 dismiss that of Archbishop Cranmer, of which also I have 
 already spoken. Let us look, then, at those who may be 
 more properly called Bonner's prisoners ^ 
 
 (5.) Thomas Tomkins has been already mentioned, but as 
 there was a peculiarity in his case which has led to his being 
 brought forward as an instance of Bonner's cruel disposition, 
 it is necessary to say something more about him. That he 
 was an honest, simple, and godly man, who never performed 
 any act even of his business as a weaver without prayer, and 
 who showed his kindness to his friends by the freedom with 
 which he lent his money without interest, was the testimony 
 of his neighbours to Fox, who says, 
 
 " Of whom more than half a dozen at once came to me discreet 
 and substantial men reporting the same to me, recording moreover 
 what followeth. That Dr. Bonner bishop of London kept the said 
 Tomkins with him in prison half a year ; during which time the 
 said bishop was so rigorous unto him that he beat him bitterly 
 about the face, whereby his face was swelled. Whereupon the 
 bishop caused his beard to be shaven, and gave the barber twelve- 
 pence." — Fox, vi. 718. 
 
 ^ I take them in the order in which they stand in the Martyrology, 
 numbering them for the convenience of using a list which I annex ; 
 referring likewise to the volume and page of the octavo edition ; which, 
 as I have already said, I quote because I believe it to be the most 
 accessible to my readers ; and, moreover, notwithstanding its manifold 
 and ludicrous blunders, it serves as a sort of reference to all the old 
 editions, and contains many things which are in none of them except the 
 first. It is curious that, though in very different senses, it may be truly 
 said that there are two original editions of Fox. 
 
-^x.] THOMAS TOMKINS. 363 
 
 I am afraid that more than half a dozen of Fox's friends 
 contributed stories to his martyrology, which it is not easy 
 to understand without some explanation. How much is 
 afforded by the paragraph which immediately follows what I 
 have just quoted, I do not take upon me to decide. But 
 here it is; — 
 
 " Touching which shaving of Thomas Tomkin's beard, this is more 
 to be added : Bishop Bonner, having Tomkins with him prisoner at 
 Fulham, in the month of July, did set him with his other workfolks 
 to make hay ; and seeing him to labour so well, the bishop, setting 
 him down, said, ' Well, I like thee well ; for thou labourest well : I 
 trust thou wilt be a good catholic. ' ' My lord,' said he, ' St. Paul 
 saith, He that doth not labour is not worthy to eat.' Bonner said, 
 'Ah ! St. Paul is a great man with thee.' And so, after such other 
 talk, the bishop inferring moreover, wished his beard off, saying, 
 that so he would look like a catholic. 'My lord,' said Tomkins, 
 ' before my beard grew I was, I trust, a good Christian, and so I 
 trust to be, my beard being on.' But Bonner, in fine, sent for the 
 barber, and caused his beard to be shaven oflE. The very cause was, 
 for that Bonner had plucked off a piece of his beard before." — Fox, 
 vol. vi. p. 718. 
 
 But a more serious charge of cruelty has been brought 
 against the bishop for burning the hand of Thomas Tomkins ; 
 a feat thought worthy of a large wood cut in the old editions, 
 which has been copied in the new one. 
 
 Whether it was wisely done, people may dispute ; but that 
 it was kindly meant no person of common sense can doubt. 
 Fox himself acknowledges that Tomkins's hand was burned 
 with the taper "to try his constancy."' For what other 
 purpose could it be done, but to try whether a poor, simple, 
 man who was tenacious of opinions which seemed immove- 
 able by reasoning and argument, and would infallibly cost 
 him his life, might be saved by rousing his fears, and giving 
 him a severe foretaste of the suffering to which he was ex- 
 posing himself ? Fox's account is, — 
 
 " Boimer the bishop, being greatly vexed against the poor man, 
 when he saw that by no persuasions he could prevail with him, 
 devised another practice not so strange as cruel, further to try his 
 constancy ; to the intent, that seeing he could not otherwise con- 
 vince him by doctrine of Scriptures, yet he might overthrow him by 
 some forefeeling and terror of death. So, having with him master 
 Harpsfield, master Pembleton, Dr. Chedsey, master Willerton, and 
 others standing by, he called for Thomas Tomkins, who, coming 
 before the bishop, and standing as he was wont in defence of his 
 
 ' Vol. vi. 718. 
 
364 BONNER AND THOMAS TOMKINS. [essay 
 
 faith, the bishop fell from beating to burning : who, having there a 
 taper or wax caudle of three or four wicks standing upon the table, 
 thought there to represent unto us as it were, the old image of king 
 Porsenna. For as he burned the hand of Scaevola, so this catholic 
 bishop took Tomkins by the fingers, and held his hand directly over 
 the iiame, supposing that by the smart and pain of the fire being 
 terrified, he would leave off the defence of his doctrine which he had 
 received." 
 
 Yet such is the force of nature (for habit really is second 
 nature) that Fox cannot drop the story without adding (on 
 the very same page on which he acknowledges that " the 
 bishop thought by that means to drive him from his 
 opinions ") that " Bonner hitherto not contented with the 
 ' burniag of his hand, rested not until he had consumed his 
 ' whole body into ashes at London in Smithfield"." 
 
 But I must call the reader's attention to one fact which 
 will often recur, and which is very important to notice. 
 Fox admits that this attempt to " overthrow " Tomkins was 
 not made until the bishop " saw that hy no persuasions he 
 could prevail with him ; " and he further states, that when 
 the prisoner was brought up on the 8th of February, " the 
 ' bishop went about to persuade him (with words rather 
 ' than with reason) to relinquish his opinions, and to return 
 
 ^ The story is very absurdly and instmctively introduced by Strype. 
 After giving an account of Bonner's death in the reign of Elizabeth, he 
 sayg of him ; — " This man was commonly reported to be an atheist, and 
 ' to have said secretly, that there was no such place of torment as hell ; 
 ' that he denied God, the scriptures, and any life after this ; and that he 
 • used conjuring and witchcraft. This was upbraided to him in a letter 
 ' by one unlenown, upon bis condemnation of Mr. Philpot. But what- 
 ' soever credit is to be given to all that, this that follows is matter op 
 ' FACT ; which I transcribe out of an ancient paper among other adthbntio 
 ' MSS. in my custody : viz. 
 
 " Boner burnt Thomas Tomkins's hand with a candle in a most horrible 
 ■ manner, as is evidently known. Which Tomkins, before his apprehend- 
 'ing, dwelt in Shoreditch." — Ann. Vol. I. pt. ii. p. 298. 
 
 It is worth while to add, that this " ancient paper " gives the history 
 of John Fetty, jun., and his whipping, witbout so much as suggesting 
 that Bonner ever knew of his existence. — Ihid. p. 299. 
 
 One thing 1 believe to be true ; and, if it is, it deserves the attention 
 of the reader ; namely, that in the stories of Bonner's burning the hand of 
 one or two of his prisoners, and in those of his scourging others, it is not 
 pretended that he ever did, or availed himself of, either of these things, or 
 any things of the kind, as modes of torture, or to induce the confession 
 of guilt or accomplices, or any confession or consec[uence except such 
 as would have tended to save the prisoner from more severe punishment, 
 which it was not in his discretion to remit. 
 
XX.] WILLIAM HUNTER. 365 
 
 ' again to the unity of the catholic church, promising if he 
 ' would do so to remit all that was past. But he constantly 
 ' denied so to do. When the bishop sau) he could not con- 
 ' vince him," he brought forward interrogatories for him to 
 answer the next day, and " in the meantime he should 
 deliberate with himself what to do." The next morning at 
 8 o'clock, Tomkins went and gave in his answers to the 
 articles ; and then Bonner drew forth a Confession, which 
 he had signed as long before as the 26th of September, and 
 caused it to be openly read ; and then again he "willed him 
 ' to revoke and deny his said opinions, the which he utterly 
 ' refused to do ; and therefore was commanded to appear 
 ' before the bishop again in the same place at two o'clock in 
 ' the afternoon." When he came up at two o'clock " before 
 the bishops of London, Bath, and St. David's with others " 
 . ..." he was earnestly exhorted by the said bishop of 
 Bath, to revoke and leave off his opinions ; " but he professed 
 his resolution to continue in them. " Then Bonner caused 
 all his articles and c'onfession to be again openly read, and 
 so in his accustomed manner, persuaded with him to recant." 
 His answer showed that it was useless ; and " the Bishop 
 seeing he would not recant, did proceed in his law, and gave 
 sentence of condemnation upon him." What else could the 
 Bishop do 1 what else could have been done by any judge 
 who did not thirst for blood, in such circumstances ? 
 
 (6.) William Huntee. — " The notable history of William 
 ' Hunter apprentice of nineteen years pursued to death by 
 ' Justice Brown, for the Gospel's sake ; worthy of all young 
 ' men and parents to be read," is not less worthy the notice 
 of those who desire to understand the history of the times, 
 and especially the history of Bonner and his proceedings. 
 It is of that class which is for our purpose peculiarly valu- 
 able. I mean those accounts which were written either by 
 the martyrs themselves, or by their relations or friends. 
 It is unnecessary to explain why such documents, though 
 perhaps partial, ignorant, and even intentionally false, are 
 of inestimable value, as the flint, or the steel, or perhaps 
 only the tinder, which properly brought together help to 
 give real and true light to history. — This is the testimony 
 of Robert Hunter, the martyr's brother ; no friend, — but, 
 strange to say, apparently no enemy, — to Bonner. 
 
 William Hunter seems to have been born in Essex, of 
 
366 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 parents who held the reformed doctrine, and who appren- 
 ticed their son to Thomas Taylor, a silk-weaver in London. 
 At the iirst Easter after the accession of Queen Mary, he 
 refused to receive the communion at his parish church; 
 and the priest threatened to bring him before the Bishop of 
 London. His master, who is said to have apprehended 
 danger from keeping him, sent him, either through fear or 
 kindness, to his friends in Esses. 
 
 After he had been with his father at Brentwood five or 
 six weeks, he went one day into the chapel and began read- 
 ing aloud. " One father Atwell a sumner " coming in, they 
 got into a dispute ; in which the Sumner (according to 
 Robert Hunter's account) not being able to answer the 
 apprentice, left the chapel " in a geeat fuey " and fetched 
 Thomas "Wood, the vicar of South "Weald, who then took up 
 the dispute. They got upon the topic of the real presence, 
 at that time the most dangerous, and after threats and high 
 words they parted ; Hunter to save himself by flight, and 
 Wood to denounce him to Justice Brown". 
 
 The Justice sent for Hunter's father, and the constable ; 
 and when the fugitive, after some days, learned that his 
 father was likely to be troubled on his account, he sur- 
 rendered himself. "When he was brought up, the Justice 
 caused a bible to be fetched, and disputed until he was " in 
 ' SUCH A FUEY with WiUiam, and so eaged, that William could 
 ' not speak a word but he crossed him and scoffed at every 
 ' word. Wherefore William, seeing him in such a fuey, 
 ' desired that he would either hear him quietly, and suflFer 
 ' him to answer for himself, or else send him away. To the 
 ' which Master Brown answered, ' Indeed I will send thee 
 ' to-morrow to my Lord of London, and he shall have thee 
 ' under examination ; ' and thus left off the talk, and made 
 ' a letter immediately, and sent William Hunter with the 
 ' constable to Bonner, Bishop of London, who received 
 William'." 
 
 I must remind the reader, and beg him to keep in mind, 
 that the account of this young man's reception by the Bishop, 
 which we are about to look at, comes to us from himself, 
 through the medium of his brother. It is not likely that, 
 
 9 See before, p. 333, under Aug. 19tb. 
 1 Fox, vi. 725. 
 
XX.] WILLIAM HUNTEE. 367 
 
 writing " in such a fury," Justice Brown framed a very 
 ingratiating letter of introduction for the prentice to deliver 
 to the bishop ; but, 
 
 " After that he had read the letter, and the constable returned 
 home again, the bishop caused William to be brought into a 
 chamber, where he began to reason with him in this manner: 'I 
 understand, WUliam Hunter,' quoth he, ' by master Brown's letter, 
 how that you have had certain communication with the vicar of the 
 Wield, about the blessed sacrament of the altar ; and how that ye 
 could not agree : whereupon master Brown sent for thee, to bring 
 thee to the catholic faith, from the which, he saith that thou art 
 gone. Howbeit if thou wilt be ruled by me, thou shalt have no 
 harm for anything that thou hast said or done in this matter.' 
 William answered, saying, ' I am not fallen from the catholic faith 
 of Christ, I am sure ; but do believe it, and conf eas it with all my 
 heart.' 
 
 " ' Why,' quoth the bishop, ' how sayest thou to the blessed 
 sacrament of the altar ? Wilt thou not recant thy saying, which 
 thou confessedst before master Brown, how that Christ's body is 
 not in the sacrament of the altar, the same that was born of the 
 Virgin Mary ? ' To the which William answered, saying, ' My lord, 
 I understand that master Brown hath certified you of the talk which 
 he and I had together, and thereby ye know what I said to him ; 
 the which I vrill not recant, by God's help.' 
 
 " Then said the bishop, ' I think thou art ashamed to bear a 
 fa^ot, and recant openly ; but, if thou wilt recant thy sayings, I 
 w2l promise thee that thou shalt not be put to open shame : but 
 speak the word here now between me and thee, and I will promise 
 thee it shall go no further, and thou shalt go home again without 
 any hurt. ' William answered and said, ' My lord, if you will let 
 me alone, and leave me to my conscience, I will go to my father 
 and dwell with him, or else with my master again ; and so, if no- 
 body will disquiet or trouble my conscience, I will keep my conscience 
 to myself.' 
 
 " Then said the bishop, ' I am content, so that thou wilt go to the 
 church, and receive, and be shriven ; and so continue a good 
 catholic Christian.' ' No,' quoth WUliam, ' I will not do so, for aU 
 the good in the world.' ' Then,' quoth the bishop, ' If you will not 
 do so, I win make you sure enough, I warrant yon.' ' Well,' quoth 
 William, ' you can do no more than God will permit you.' ' Well,' 
 quoth the bishop, ' wilt thou not recant indeed by no means ? ' 
 'No,' quoth William, 'never while I live, God willing.'" — Fox, 
 vol. vi. p. 726. 
 
 How are we to account for Hunter's meeting with such a 
 reception, except by believing, what seems obvious enough, 
 and is not contradicted, but strongly confirmed, by the 
 sequel, that, far from thirsting for his blood, and springing 
 on his prey like a " bloody wolf," the bishop pitied a hope- 
 ful, but, as he thought, mistaken and headstrong youth, 
 
368 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 who had run himself into such danger, and wished to save 
 his life ? 
 
 By this conversation, however, the bishop seems to have 
 discovered in some degree, though not entirely, and perhaps 
 not very accurately, what sort of person he had to deal with. 
 He dropped the persuasive, and assumed the severe. " The 
 ' bishop (this talk ended) commanded his men to put 
 ' William in the stocks in his gatehouse, where he sat two 
 ' days and nights, only with a crust of brown bread and a 
 ' cup of water." But here again Bonner was mistaken, and 
 his severity seemed to promise as little as his persuasion. 
 At the two days end, when he went to see his prisoner, he 
 found the bread and water untouched ; and it appeared as 
 if the captive meant to starve himself to death. The bishop 
 ordered his men to set him free, and let him breakfast with 
 them. It is probable that though William Hunter had not 
 used his mouth for eating, he had not kept it shut during 
 his confinement ; for his brother tells us (of course, on his 
 authority) that the bishop's men so far obeyed their master 
 that " they let him forth of the stocks, but would not suffer 
 him to eat with them, but called him heretic." He was not 
 at a loss for an answer, but told them " he was as loth to be 
 in their company as they were to be in his." 
 
 However, he had a breakfast ; and afterwards the bishop 
 sent for him and demanded whether he would recant ? and 
 finding him stedfast (he would have said obstinate) he 
 appears to have thought that his severity had failed, only 
 because he had not been severe enough ; and that by 
 something more terrific the youth might be intimidated 
 into submission. Accordingly, " the bishop sent him to 
 ' the convict prison, and commanded the keeper to lay 
 ' irons upon him as many as he could bear .... and then 
 ' he parted, and the bishop allowing him a halfpenny a 
 ' day in meat or drink." 
 
 That the order to the gaoler was given in the young 
 man's presence, or made known to him, either by the 
 bishop or the gaoler, is obvious; and it seems probable 
 that, so far as it was executed, it was a part of a system 
 of rigour that was tried during the early part of his im- 
 prisonment. There is sufficient reason for believing that 
 he was not loaded with irons, or harshly treated, during 
 the greater part of his long captivity ; for his brother 
 
XX.] WILLIAM HUNTER. 369 
 
 tells us that, after it was ended, and when the martyr 
 had been returned into Essex for execution, both his 
 parents expressed their joy that he had been kept sted- 
 fast in the faith, and assured him that they had prayed 
 for it, and never doubted about it. "William's father 
 ' said, ' I was afraid of nothing but that my son should 
 ' have been killed in the prison by hunger and cold ; the 
 ' bishop was so hard to him.' But WiUiam confessed, 
 ' after a month, that his father was charged with his 
 ' board, that he lacked nothing ; but had meat and clothing 
 ' enough, yea even out of the court, both money, meat, 
 ' clothes, wood and coals, and all things necessary." 
 
 To go back, however, to the period of his commitment — 
 his brother says ; — 
 
 " Thus he continued in prison three quarters of a year. In the 
 which time he had been before the bishop jive times, besides the 
 time when he was condemned in the consistory in Paul's, the 9th 
 day of February : at the which time I his brother Robert Hunter 
 was present, when and where I heard the bishop condemn him, and 
 five others." 
 
 On that occasion Bonner again inquired if he would recant, 
 and read his examination and confession. He then entered 
 into an argument with him on the eucharist ; but, after a 
 while, seeing he made no impression, " he said, ' I have 
 ' always found thee at this point, and I see no hope in 
 ' thee to reclaim thee unto the catholic faith, but thou wUt 
 ' continue a corrupt member : ' and then pronounced sen- 
 ' tence upon him how that he should go from that place 
 ' to Newgate for a time, and so from thence to Brentwood, 
 ' ' Where,' said he, ' thou shalt be burned.' Then the 
 ' bishop called for another," &c. 
 
 Surely it wUl not be said that this was a hasty sentence, 
 or one pronounced while there was hope of its being 
 averted by the prisoner's submission. Was Bonner's con- 
 duct throughout the affair that of a man who thirsted for 
 the blood of a victim ? Could he have done more ? At 
 all events could he do more when the terrible sentence 
 had been pronounced? Yes, even then he did not give 
 the matter up. He resolved to make one further effort. 
 The historian, the affectionate, but honest, brother of the 
 martyr (whose narrative, by the way, never betrays the 
 least symptom of animosity against Bonner, while he is 
 
 2a 
 
370 BISHOP BONNEE WITH [essay 
 
 severe enongli on Justice Brown by -whom Lis brother was 
 " pursued to death ") tells us, that when the bishop, having 
 gone through the cases of the five other prisoners, had con- 
 demned them all, and thereby, we may add, had given the 
 apprentice time to realize and consider the punishment to 
 which he was sentenced, while it was thus repeatedly 
 awarded to the others, 
 
 "He called for William Hunter, and persuaded with him; saying, 
 ' If thou wilt yet recant, I will make thee a freeman in the city, and 
 give thee forty pound in good money to set up thine occupation 
 withal : or I will make thee steward of my house, and set thee In 
 office ; for I like thee well. Thou hast wit enough, and I will 
 prefer thee if thou recant.' But William answered, 'I thank you 
 for your great offers : notwithstanding, my lord,' said he, ' if you 
 cannot persuade my conscience with Scriptures, I cannot find in 
 my heart to turn from God for the love of the world ; for I count 
 all things worldly, but loss and dung, in respect of the love of 
 Christ.' 
 
 " Then said the bishop, ' If thou diest in this mind, thou art 
 condemned for ever.' William answered, ' God judgeth righteously, 
 and justifieth them whom man condemneth unjustly.' Thus 
 William and the bishop departed."— i^oa;, vol. vi. p. 727. 
 
 I have given this story the more fully, because it forms a 
 part of the popular history of England. I am afraid that, 
 as it stands here, it will meet the eye of very few in com- 
 parison with the tens of thousands who have read it as it 
 is more briefly, but I think not more correctly, related in 
 the pages of Hume. 
 
 " One Hunter, a young man of nineteen, an apprentice, having 
 been seduced by a priest into a dispute, had unwarily denied the real 
 presence. Sensible of his danger, he immediately absconded ; but 
 Bonner, laying hold of his father, threatened him with the greatest 
 severities, if he did not produce the young man to stand his trial. 
 Hunter, hearing of the vexations to which his father was exposed 
 voluntarily surrendered himself to Bonner, and was condemned to 
 the flames by that barbarous prelate." — Hist, of Eng., vol. Iv. 
 p. 415.^ 
 
 " Hume was probably indebted for a good deal of this to Burnet, who 
 tells the story in a very characteristic manner. " The next that suffered, 
 ' was one William Hunter of Brentwood, an apprentice of nineteen years 
 ' old, who had been drawn on in discourse by a priest, till he brought him 
 ' to deny the presence in the sacrament, and then was accused by him. 
 ' His own father was made to search for him, to bring him to justice ; but 
 ' he, to save his father from trouble, rendered himself. Bonner offered 
 ' him forty pounds if he would change, so mercenary a thing did he think 
 'conscience to be: but he answered, if they would let him alone, he 
 ' would keep his conscience to himself, but he would not change ; so he 
 
xx.j OAUSTON AND HIGBED. 371 
 
 (7.) Thomas Causton. (8.) Thomas Higbed, are here 
 brought in by Fox, before the three which remain of those 
 who were condemned with William Hunter, and I follow 
 his order. He says that they were " two worshipful gentle- 
 men in the county of Essex," the one of Horndon on the 
 Hill, the other of the parish of Thundersley, and therefore 
 clearly in Bonner's diocese. How soon they were questioned 
 I do not find ; but Fox says that they were zealous " and 
 could not long lie hid and obscure;" and, in fact, they 
 were committed to Colchester Castle. In that place Bonner 
 (I suppose on his visitation) accompanied by " Master 
 Fecknam and others," visited them, " thinking to reclaim 
 ' them to his faction and fashion ; so that great labour and 
 ' diligence was taken therein, as well by terrors and threat- 
 ' enings, as by large promises, and flattering, and all fair 
 ' means to reduce them again to the unity (as they termed 
 ' it) of the mother church. In fine when nothing could 
 ' prevail to make them assent to their doings, at length they 
 ' came to this point " — the reader of course expects that 
 Fox is going on to tell how the fire was instantly lighted, 
 and the prisoners put into it ; — but instead of that, " they " 
 [that is the said prisoners] "came to this point, that they 
 ' required certain respite to consult with themselves what 
 ' was best to do. Which time of deliberation [what it was 
 ' he does not say] being expired, and they remaining still 
 ' constant and unmoveable in their professed doctrine, and 
 ' setting out also their confession in writing, the bishop 
 ' seeing no good to be done in tarrying any longer there, 
 ' departed thence and [left them for execution ? Not at all] 
 ' carried them both with him to London." 
 
 When they got to London they were " committed to 
 ' strait prison, and there attempted sundry ways by the 
 ' bishop and his chaplains to revoke their opinions : at 
 ' length, when no persuasions would serve, they were brought 
 ' to open examination at the Consistory in Paul's, the 27th 
 ' day of February, 1555^," where they were asked by the 
 
 ■ was condemned, and sent to be bunit near bis fatber's house, where he 
 •suffered on the 20th of March."— -ffis*. Bef. Part II. B. ii. p. 286. 
 Good reader, would you rather be known among your friends as the man 
 who proffered the forty pounds, or the man who thus records it ? 
 
 3 It seems as if the 17 and 18, which stand in some editions, should be 
 27 and 28 for two reasons — one that Fox says (p. 731, bottom), " the 
 
372 BISHOP BONNER WITH [essay 
 
 bishop of London, the bishop of Bath and others, whether 
 they would recant, and on their refusal they were remanded 
 till the nest day. 
 
 February 28. They appeared accordingly and " among 
 many other things there said and passed," Articles were 
 ministered to them, which they were required to answer the 
 next day. There is no need to notice any but the first, and 
 that only because so much has been said of Bonner's going 
 out of his bounds. It was, I presume, to be found in the 
 articles of every prisoner brought into that court, " First, 
 ' that thou Thomas Causton (or Thomas Higbed) hast been 
 ' and art of the diocese of London, and also of the jurisdic- 
 ' tion now of me, Edmund, bishop of London." 
 
 March 1. They were brought up and exhibited their 
 answers; after which the bishop said to them, "Because 
 ' ye shall not be suddenly trapped, and that men shall not 
 ' say that I go about to seek snares to put you away, I have 
 ' hitherto respited you, that you should weigh and consider 
 ' with yourself your state and condition, and that you 
 ' should while ye have time and space, acknowledge the 
 ' truth, and return to the unity of the catholic church." 
 After further examination, they were ordered to appear on 
 the next Wednesday ; but it seems that they did not 
 in fact appear again for a week ; but were next 
 brought up 
 
 Friday, March 8. The Bishop, Fecknam, and Dr. 
 Stempe, appear to have reasoned with Causton, and not- 
 withstanding his refusal to make any recantation, " the 
 bishop still persuaded with him to recant." But in vain. 
 Then, " the bishop leaving master Causton calleth for 
 master Higbed, using with him the like persuasions that he 
 did with the other." But equally in vain, and both were 
 again remanded till the next day. 
 
 Saturday the 9th of March, they were brought up, the 
 bishop caused Causton's articles to be read openly and then 
 "persuaded with him to recant and abjure his heretical 
 opinions and to come home now, at the last, to their mother 
 the catholic church, and save himself." Causton answered 
 
 next day was assigned them," &c., and then goes on (over leaf) " Upon 
 that day, being the first day of March" &o. — The other reason is, that the 
 17lh, said to be the day of their first appearance, was a Sunday. 
 
XX.] CAUSTON AND HIGBED. 373 
 
 the bishop, that he came there with no such purpose ; and 
 producing a long confession of faith in the name of himself 
 and Higbed, " required leave to read the same ; which, 
 after great suit, was obtained. And so he read it openly in 
 the hearing of the people." Fox gives it with a title which 
 states, that it was "delivered to the Bishop of London, 
 before the Mayor and Sheriffs, and in the presence of all 
 the people there assembled." How far the proceeding was 
 quite regular, I do not know ; but I suppose it was a matter 
 of indulgence, as it is said to have been granted only after 
 " great suit." And we may very well believe that the suit 
 was granted on the Confession being previously looked at, 
 and found to be (for such it really was) temperate, and free 
 from those personal insults to the bishop, and those attacks 
 on his faith, which he considered blasphemies, but in which 
 too many of his prisoners were apt to indulge " in the 
 presence of all the people." At the same time it cannot be 
 denied, that the bishop might be influenced by the con- 
 sideration, that it was so bold, plain, and uncompromising, 
 that it would clear him, and show " the people " that unless 
 he should set aside all law there was but one course which 
 he could pursue. 
 
 When the confession had been read, " the bishop, still 
 'persisting sometimes in fair promises, sometimes threatening 
 ' to pronouTice judgment, asked them whether they would 
 ' stand to this their confession and other answers ? " To 
 which Causton replied, that they would ; " after which 
 answer the bishop began to pronounce sentence against 
 him." 
 
 But the prisoner interrupted him ; and insisted on his 
 right to have the confession which had been read, answered 
 " by the truth of God's word ; " and said that as he could 
 " not have justice " (so he called a public disputation on 
 these points of faith, in the Consistory Court, at this stage 
 of its proceedings) he would appeal to Cardinal Pole. On 
 this Dr. Smith offered to answer their confession ; but " the 
 bishop (not suffering him to speak) willed Harpsfield to say 
 his mind, for the stay of the people ; " and he, according to 
 Fox's account, " taking their confession in his hand, neither 
 touched nor answered one sentence thereof." After this 
 the bishop pronounced sentence on Causton ; and then he 
 proceeded to the articles and answers of Higbed. It is 
 
874 BISHOP BONNER WITH PYGOT, [essay 
 
 needless to repeat the conversation which ended by the 
 bishop's again asking him " whether he would turn from his 
 ' error, and come to the unity of their church ? To whom 
 ' he said, ' No ; I would ye should recant : for I am in the 
 ' truth, and you in error.' ' Well,' quoth the bishop, ' if 
 ' ye will return, I will gladly receive you.' ' No,' said 
 ' Higbed, ' I will not return as you will have me, to believe 
 ' in the sacrament of the altar, your God.' Whereupon the 
 ' bishop proceeded, and gave judgment upon him." 
 
 They were then delivered to the sheriffs of London by 
 whom they were kept in Newgate a fortnight ; after which 
 (on the 23rd of March) they were delivered to the sheriff 
 of Essex, and they were burned on the 26th of the same 
 month. 
 
 (9.) William Pygot. (10.) Stephen Knight. (11.) 
 John Laurence. After what has been just said (p. 359) 
 of these three martyrs, it may be sufficient to add, that as 
 it appeared that no quick dispatch had been made in bring- 
 ing them to trial, so also, no indecent haste was made in 
 executing the sentence pronounced against them. On the 
 9th of February Pygot and Knight were brought before the 
 bishop " into his great chamber in his palace, where he 
 persuaded with them to recant, and deny their former pro- 
 fession." — "The Bishop also used certain talk unto John 
 Laurence only " — that is, I presume, he conversed with the 
 priest apart from the butcher and the barber — after which 
 they joined the other prisoners, Tomkins and Hunter, in the 
 Consistory whence after talk and " other fair words and 
 threatenings," they were remanded until the afternoon. 
 " At that hour they came thither again, and there, after the 
 accustomed manner, were exhorted to recant and revoke 
 their doctrine, and receive the faith." But, " when the 
 bishop saw that neither his fair flatterings, nor yet his 
 cruel threatenings, would prevail, he gave them severally 
 their judgments." 
 
 They were immediately delivered to the Sheriffs of 
 London, and Pygot and Knight were burned on the 28th, 
 and Laurence on the 29th of March. 
 
 (15.) William Flower, alias Branch. Of this "rash 
 indiscreet man *," who rushed on the officiating priest at St. 
 
 * Burnet, Hist, of Reform, ii. 290. 
 
xx.J KNIGHT, LAURENCE, AND FLOWER. 375 
 
 Margaa-et's, Westminster, and shed his blood upon the con- 
 secrated hosts, I have had occasion to speak ah'eady (p. 192). 
 Immediately on the commission oi' his oifence, which was on 
 Easter Sunday, the 14th of April, 1555, he was committed 
 to the Gatehouse at Westminster. On the following Friday 
 he was as Fox states, " convented before Bonner his Ordi- 
 nary ;" and "the bishop, after he had sworn him upon a 
 book (according to his ordinary manner) ministered Articles 
 and interrogatories to him." The Articles and the answers 
 having been given. Fox proceeds ; — " After this examina- 
 ' tion done, the bishop began after the best sort of his fine 
 ' divinity to instruct Mm, and exhort him to return again to 
 ' the unity of his mother the catholic church, with such 
 ' reasons as he is commonly wont to use to others, promising 
 ' many fair things if he would so do, besides the remitting 
 ' of what was past." Flower thanked him, but told him 
 that though he might kill his body he had no power over 
 his soul, and that he would never go from what he had 
 spoken concerning the sacrament whatever might be done to 
 him. The bishop remanded him till the afternoon, wUling 
 him " in the meantime, to advise himself of his former 
 answers, whether he would stand to the same his opinions or 
 no : " and when in the afternoon he was again brought up, 
 " the bishop sitting in his Consistory, spake these words : 
 ' Branch, ye were this forenoon here before me, and made 
 ' answer to certain articles ; and thex'eupon I respited you 
 ' till now, to the intent you should consider and weigh with 
 ' yourself your state ; and to remember while you have 
 ' time, both your abominable act, and also that evil opinion 
 ' which ye have conceived, touching the verity of Christ's 
 ' true natural body in the sacrament of the altar : ' to whom 
 ' the said Branch answered again, and said as foUoweth : 
 ' ' That which I have said, I will stand to ; and therefore I 
 ' require that the law may proceed against me.' " The 
 notary having thereupon again read over the articles, and 
 he having asked, and obtained, leave to make one or two 
 alterations in his answers, not affecting the principal ques- 
 tions, " the bishop turning again to his old manner of 
 ' exhorting, went about with words (and words only) to 
 ' persuade him to submit himself to the catholic church, 
 ' and to the faith therof ; " and remanded him till the next 
 
876 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 . Then, as Fox proceeds to state, he " was brought by his 
 ' keeper belonging to the Warden of the Fleet, before Bonner, 
 ' who, after his tvonfed manner of persuasion going about to 
 ' reduce him to his catholic church and the unity thereof ; 
 ' that is, from Christ to Antichrist ; sometimes loith fair 
 '■promises alluring, sometimes with menaces and terrors, fearing 
 ' him, etc. ; to this William answering, said on this wise : 
 ' ' Do what ye will, I am at a point ; for the heavens shall as 
 ' soon fall, as I will forsake mine opinion, etc' Whereupon 
 ' the bishop, after he had commanded these words to be 
 ' registered, called for the depositions of certain witnesses ; " 
 and after they had been read, and the prisoner had been 
 asked what he had to say against sentence being passed, and 
 he had replied that he had nothing to say but what he had 
 said, the sentence was passed, and it was carried into execu- 
 tion on the Wednesday after. 
 
 (16.) John Caedmaker. His history is somewhat obscure. 
 It appears that he and Barlow had been brought before the 
 OouncU in the Star Chamber, on the 9th of November ; on 
 which occasion he was committed to the Fleef*. That he 
 was amongst those brought before the Commission on the 
 28th of January is clear ; for Fox says " Oardmaker this day 
 submitted, himself unto them";" and he also says, referring 
 to the same occasion, and respecting him and Barlow " they 
 both made such an answer, as the Chancellor with his fellow 
 commissioners allowed them for catholic'." That they really 
 did so, seems suiSciently proved by their getting away with- 
 out condemnation ; but Fox, who seems to think that any- 
 thing is better than the admission that any of the reformers 
 recanted, or quailed, absurdly suggests " Whether they of 
 ' weakness so answered, or he of subtlety would so uader- 
 ' stand their answer, that he might have some forged example 
 ' of a shrinking brother to lay in the dish of the rest, which 
 ' were to be examined, it may easily be perceived by this, 
 
 ' that to all of them, which followed in examination, he objected 
 ' the example of Barlow and Cardmaker, commending their 
 ' soberness, discretion, and learning **." So then after all that 
 we have heard of the bloodthirsty Chancellor's rabid zeal to 
 destroy his victims, especially by striking (fairly or not) at 
 
 - Fox, vi. 562. " Ibid. 588. 
 
 !■ Ibid. vol. vii. p. 78. » pox, vii. 78, 
 
XX.J JOHN CAEDMAKER. 377 
 
 the higher sort, when a Bishop and a Prebendary made a 
 bold, plain, and (on that day particularly) public, profession 
 of the reformed faith, the crafty papist pretended to believe 
 that they fully consented to rank popery, and would not 
 understand anything else — and pretended that they had 
 recanted, when they had done no such thing ; and not only 
 pretended this to the crowded audience before whom the 
 examination had taken place, but stated it over and over 
 again as a known fact to " all them which followed in exami- 
 nation " — that is to the friends of Barlow and Cardmaker, 
 not one of whom, as far as I see, denied or even questioned 
 it. There are few things liable to become so absurd and 
 inconsistent, as party malice. 
 
 But though there can be no doubt that Oardmaker did 
 submit, in such a way that his life was spared at that time, 
 yet it seems as if it was either by some conditional arrange- 
 ment, or else that he immediately got into fresh trouble ; for 
 when Laurence Saunders was excommunicated and sent to 
 the Compter on the 30th of January, he found Cardmaker 
 in confinement there ''. He was probably kept as a prisoner 
 either because he did not fulfil some promise of submission, 
 or on account of some fresh matter ; but, at all events, as 
 Fox expresses it, he " remained there prisoner, to be baited 
 ' of the papists, who would needs seem to have a certain hope 
 ' that Cardmaker was become theirs. Continual and great 
 ' conference divers of them had with him, with reasonings, 
 ' persuadings, threatenings, and all to none efiect." Dr. 
 Martin, of whom, we have heard before in the case of John 
 Careless, was the " chief doer ;" but it seems to have been 
 all in vain, for the " papistical trash " which he had to ofier, 
 " Cardmaker answered largely, learnedly, and substantially." 
 So the next things that we find in his history (though not 
 before the 24th of May) are Articles ministered to him by 
 Bonner ; the first of which is, " that thou wast and art of 
 the city and diocese of London, and so of the jurisdiction of 
 me, Edmund, Bishop of London ;" to which the sometime 
 Prebendary of Wells " answereth and confesseth the same 
 to be true in every part thereof." 
 
 I do not find anything else which shows that Bonner had 
 to do with him. He suiFered in Smithfield on the SOth of 
 
 ? Fox, vii. 78. 
 
378 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 May ; and the only other fact which I observe respecting 
 him is that "two or three days" before that time, "one 
 Beard " called on him,iprofessiug that he came to him from 
 the Council, to know whether he would recant. 
 
 (17.) John Wabne, an upholsterer in Walbrook, appears 
 to have been examined at the same time, and to have 
 suffered on the same day, as Cardmaker ; but to have had 
 no other connection with him. According to the Articles 
 ministered against him, which are given by Fox (he " con- 
 ' fessing and granting the articles and contents thereof to be 
 ' true, according as they were objected in every part ; sub- 
 ' scribing also the same with his hand ") he was not only 
 what the popish party would consider an old offender, but 
 one of that class of mockers which have been already de- 
 scribed. The fourth article was, " that thou hast said, that 
 '■whereas about a twelvemonth ago, and more, a great rough 
 ' water spaniel of thine was shorn in the head, and had a 
 ' crown like a priest's made in the same, thou didst laugh at 
 ' it and like it, though thou didst it not thyself, nor knewest 
 ' who did it." Nobody wiU suppose this to have been the only 
 thing of the sort in which John Wame was engaged ; and if it 
 was not very bad in itself, stUl there was something in it which 
 wds indicative of the animus of the man, and of the company 
 which he kept. But another article shows us that he must 
 have begun a course which brought him into notice, and 
 trouble, at a very early age. He was, we are told, on this 
 23rd of May, 1555, only twenty-nine years of age; and it 
 appears from one of the articles confessed by him, that he 
 had been convented to the Guildhall for heresy under the 
 Act of Six Articles, on the Thursday after the burning of 
 Anne Askew, which must have been about nine years before 
 the time of this present trouble, and when he could not have 
 been more than twenty years of age. He seems to have 
 married the widow of one Robert Lashford, a cutler'", who 
 must have been a good deal older than he was ; as she had, 
 at this time, a daughter by her former marriage, who was 
 twenty years of age. The wife was one of the congregation 
 of Thomas Rose, which was taken in Bow Church-yard on 
 New Year's night, as has been already mentioned. Both 
 she and her daughter suffered at a subsequent period ; but 
 
 1" Fox, vii. 749, 
 
XX.] JOHN WARNE. 379 
 
 the history is at present confined to John Warne : and Fox 
 lays the blame of his apprehension and punishment on Dr. 
 Story, putting in a marginal note, " Story persecuteth his 
 hinsfolB," which of course keeps its place in the new edition, 
 though Eox himself in another page of the same volume 
 acknowledges his mistake and says, " I understand since of 
 some, there was mo kindred between them, but only that she 
 was his servant^." 
 
 But as to John "Warne, it seems that he could only be 
 considered by the law as a relapsed heretic, seeing that the 
 article which he subscribed states ; — 
 
 " That thou, John Warne, wast in time past here, in the city of 
 London, convented in the Guildhall for heresy against the sacrament 
 of the altar, according to the order of the laws of this realm of 
 England in the time of King Henry the Eighth, and when Alderman 
 Barnes was sheriff, and the Thursday after that Anne Askew was 
 burnt in Smithfield ; and thereupon thou wast sent a prisoner to 
 Newgate, to whom Edmund Bishop of London did repair with his 
 chaplains, to instruct thee in the true faith of Christ, touching the 
 said sacrament of the altar, and to bring thee from thy error, which 
 was, that in the sacrament of the altar there is not the body of 
 Christ, nor any corporal presence of Christ's body and blood, under 
 the forms of bread and wine ; but that in the said sacrament there 
 is only material bread and wine, without any substance of Christ's 
 body and blood at all : and because thou wouldst not leave and 
 forsake thy said heresy therein, but persist and abide obstinately 
 
 1 Fox, vii. p. 343. 
 
 ^ Fox, vii. 749. The passage in which Fox mentions the matter of 
 Dr. Story in the earlier part of the volume, is characteristic of him and of 
 his notion of " recognising " his book for different editions. " The chief 
 ' procurer of this her death was Dr. Story, being (as it is thought) of some 
 ' alliance either to her (the said Elizabeth), or else to her late husband : 
 ' who, though he was, at the first apprehension of his said kinswoman, 
 ' a very earnest suitor for her deliverance to Dr. Martin, then one of the 
 ' king and queen's commissioners in matters of religion (himself being as 
 ' yet not made commissioner), and had by his suit obtained her deliverance 
 ' for that present, as Dr. Martin himself (the author hereof) hath reported; 
 ' yet afterwards, upon what occasion God only knowetli, except upon 
 ' some burning charity, the said Dr. Story, obtaining now the room of one 
 ' of the commissioners, caused not only the said John Warne, but also his 
 ' wife, and afterwards his daughter, to be again apprehended, never leav- 
 ' ing them until he had brought them all to ashes. Such was the rage of 
 ' that devout Catholic and white child of the mother church, that neither 
 ' kindred, nor any other consideration, could prevail with him, although 
 ' it did (at his request) with others, who in respect of him were but 
 ' strangers unto them. The Lord, if it be his will, turn his heart, or else 
 ' rid his poor church from such a hvdra, as, thanked be the Lord, now he 
 ' hath."— ^ox, vii. 343. 
 
380 BISHOP BONNER [essay 
 
 and wilfully therein, thou wert, according to the said laws, con- 
 demned to -death and to be burnt ; and thereupon labour being made 
 for thee to the king and others in the court, thou hadst a pardon of 
 King Henry the Eighth, and so thereby didst save thy life." — Fox, 
 vol. vii. p. 80. 
 
 As to the proceedings against him when thus again 
 accused, it is not worth while to repeat how the bishop was 
 occupied in " exhorting him with many words to leave his 
 heresies " — how at a subsequent examination " he was 
 earnestly exhorted by the said bishop to recant his opinions " 
 — how he was again examined and " the bishop then, seeing 
 ' that notwithstanding all his fair promises, and terrible 
 ' threatenings (whereof he used store), he could not anything 
 ' prevail ; finished this examination with the definitive sen- 
 ' tence." It is, I am aware, tiresome to repeat such matter 
 as this so often ; but vnthout such repetition how can we 
 judge of the real case ? Could we without it sufficiently feel 
 the palpable absurdity of representing the blood-thirsty 
 bishop as a person foiled, and discomfited, and triumphed 
 over, whenever a martyr resisted unto death ? The bloody 
 wolf seems to have saved John Warne's life once, and he 
 wanted to do it again. But it would not do. 
 
 § 6. BISHOP bonnee's dealings with the couet. 
 
 We are told that Bishop Bonner's proceedings with his 
 prisoners were stimulated and quickened — though our 
 account of them must be interrupted — by a letter which he 
 received about this time, " directed from the court," and 
 " sent by a post early in the morning." Fox heads it " A 
 Letter from the King and Qaeen to Bonner," but as he 
 could not himself, perhaps, view it, or wish his reader to 
 consider it, otherwise than as a matter of confidential corres- 
 pondence, and privy conspiracy, between the Queen and the 
 bishop, he used the collateral security of a marginal note, 
 " Queen Mary stieeeth Bonnek to shed innocent blood." 
 This is of course enough for those who run over pages, and 
 down margins, without inquiring whether the titles, and 
 notes, agree with the text. But if anybody looks into the 
 matter he will see that this was not a private and confiden- 
 tial note to Bonner from the Queen, but a document of a 
 particulax-ly public nature, under the sign manual. It will 
 
XX.] AND THE COURT. 881 
 
 be seen (for the matter is too important to our inquiry to 
 allow of its being omitted) that it was a circular letter from 
 the King and Queen to the bishops, informing them of their 
 concern in another circular letter which had been already 
 sent to all the Justices of the Peace in the kingdom. 
 
 " A Letter of the King and Queen to Bonner. 
 " To the right reverend father in God, our right trusty and well- 
 beloved, the bishop of London. 
 " Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we 
 greet you well. And whereas of late we addressed our letters to 
 the justices of peace within every of the counties of this our realm, 
 whereby, amongst other instructions given them for the good order 
 and quiet government of the country round about them, they are 
 willed to have a special regard unto such disordered persons as 
 (forgetting their duties towards God and us) do lean to any erroneous 
 and heretical opinions, refusing to show themselves conformable to 
 the catholic religion of Christ's church ; wherein if they cannot by 
 good admonitions and fair means reform them, they are willed to 
 deliver them to the ordinary, to be by him charitably travailed 
 vrithal, and removed (if it may be) from their naughty opinions ; or 
 else, if they continue obstinate, to be ordered according to the laws 
 provided in that behalf : understanding now, to our no little marvel, 
 that divers of the said disordered persons, being by the justices of 
 peace, for their contempt and obstinacy, brought to the ordinaries 
 to be used as is aforesaid, are either refused to be received at their 
 hands, or, if they be received, are neither so travailed with as 
 Christian charity requireth, nor yet proceeded withal according to 
 the order of justice, but are suffered to continue in their errors, to 
 the dishonour of Almighty God, and dangerous example of others ; 
 like as we find this matter very strange, so we have thought con- 
 venient both to signify this our knowledge, and therewith also to 
 admonish you to have in this behalf such regard henceforth to the 
 office of a good pastor and bishop, as when any such oifenders shall 
 be by the said officers or justices of peace brought unto you, you to 
 use your good wisdom and discretion in procuring to remove them 
 from their errors, if it may be ; or else in proceeding against them 
 (if they shall continue obstinate) according to the order of the 
 laws ; so as through your good furtherance, both God's glory may 
 be better advanced, and the commonwealth more quietly governed. 
 " Given under our signet, at our honour of Hampton-court, 
 
 the 24th of May, the first and second years of our 
 
 reigns'.'' 
 
 This document is of great historical importance, as show- 
 ing the conduct of the court at this time towards the 
 ecclesiastical and civil authorities with reference to the 
 matter of heresy. But it is of much more consequence in our 
 
 * Fox, vol. vii. p. 86. 
 
382 BISHOP BONNER [essat 
 
 inquiry ; because, though it is absurd to talk of its being 
 sent to Bonner personally, or as if it had any particular 
 application to him, yet it was in fact sent to him as much as 
 to the rest of the bishops ; and our business is to inquire 
 what he did with it. The reader may think this hopeless ; 
 for he will see that Fox, having given the document, pro- 
 ceeds with his story, dismissing the whole subject of^ court 
 interference with this one remark ; — " This letter coming 
 ' from the court to the bishop, made him the more earnest 
 ' and hasty to the condemnation, as well of others, as of 
 ' these men of whom now we have presently to entreat, of 
 ' John Simson I mean, and John Ardeley," &c. 
 
 We wiU, however, take leave to understand Fox's 
 " presently " in the modern, rather than in his sense of the 
 word ; and first inquire what Bonner did with reference to 
 this Royal Letter. In order to this an inquirer must have 
 either the first edition of the Martyrology, or Mr. Cattley's. 
 Taking for granted that he has not convenient access to the 
 former very rare volume, I assume with equal confidence 
 that he can consult the latter, which, owing to its badness 
 and its being kept imperfect by the publisher, may be had at a 
 very low price. If then he looks out the King and Queen's 
 letter at volume vii. p. 86 of Mr. Cattley's edition, and pro- 
 ceeds to turn over exactly one hundred and ninety-nine pages, 
 he will find a passage restored from the first edition, and stuck 
 in (without a word of explanation or any reference but to that 
 first edition) between " The Godly Letters of John Brad- 
 ford," and the history of " William Minge," and having no 
 sort of connection with either ; but which, on reflection and 
 comparison, he wiU see to be very important in regard to the 
 subject of our inquiry. It begins thus ; — 
 
 " In the month of May before, mention was made of certain 
 letters directed from the king and the queen to Boimer, then being 
 bishop of London. Besides which letters, certain others had been 
 directed a little before from the Council to the said bishop ; by 
 occasion of which letters, Bonner, not long after, caused a certain 
 declaration to be made at Paul's Cross, by Chedsey, unto the 
 people, to purge and wash himself from the common and general 
 suspicion of cruelty, which was spread abroad of him among the 
 common people : the copy of which his declaration I thought here 
 not to suppress, but, in this place, to set forth." — Fox, vol. vil. 
 p. 285. 
 
 If I understand the matter right, Bonner received the 
 
XX.] AND THE COURT. 383 
 
 letter on Friday the 24th, or Saturday the 25th of May, and 
 Dr. Chedsey made the following declaration on Sunday the 
 26th ; " such quick speed " did Bonner make in doing what 
 he saw fit to do on the occasion, and what certainly was 
 rather a remarkable act ; though I confess myself unable fully 
 to understand tho whole motive and purpose of it. I shall, 
 however, be surprised if I find, that any fair and candid 
 person considers it as the act of a man who thirsted for 
 blood, and desired nothing more than to drive on the perse- 
 cution, and be the agent and instrument of its cruelties ; — 
 
 " A Declaration made at Paulas Crosse by Doctour Chedsey, at the 
 commaundement of Boner, then Byshop of London. 
 
 " My lorde maior, maister aldermen, maister shirifEes, and all you 
 here now assembled : my lorde byshoppe of Loudon, your ordi- 
 narye, hath desired me to declare unto yon all, that upon Friday 
 last he dyd receive twoo letters from the court ; the one came from 
 the Kyng and Queenes majesties, the other from their majesties' 
 privye Counsayle. The effect of that letter whiche came from the 
 privye Counsell, was concerninge procession and prayer to be made 
 for the obtaynyng and concludynge of peace bet wene the Emperour's 
 Majesty and the Freuche Kynge ; the effect of that letter that came 
 from the King and Queenes Majesties was for the charitable in- 
 struction and reformation for heretickes, if they would amend, and 
 for theyr punishment if they woulde be wylfyll and obstinate ; and 
 you shall heare the tenour and woordes of both. 
 
 " The superscription of the letter commyng from the privye 
 Counsell was thys : To our very good lorde the Byshop of Loudon, 
 wyth diligence. The subscription was : Your lordshyppes lovyng 
 frendes, Francis Shrewesberye ; Penbroke ; Thomas Cheyny ; 
 Wylliam Peter ; Thomas Wharton ; Richard Southwel. The woordes 
 of the bodye of the letter were these : After our ryght hartye, etc. 
 
 "The superscription of the letter comminge from the Kinge and 
 Queenes Majesties was this : To the righte reverende Father in God, 
 our right trustie and well beloved the byshop of London. The 
 signe manuel was Philip and Marye : the tenor was Right reverend, 
 etc. ; and Lo, heare is the signet put to the saide letters. 
 
 " And where by these letters, comming from the king and Queues 
 Majesties, it appeareth that their majesties do charge my Lorde 
 byshop of London and the rest of the bishops of remisnes and neg- 
 ligence in instrnctinge the people, infected with heresye, yf they 
 will be taught, and in punishing them yf they wiU be obstinate and 
 willfuU, ye shall understand that my Lorde Byshop of London, for 
 his part, offereth himselfe redye to do therin hys duty to the utter- 
 most ; gevinge you knowledge that he hath sent to aU the prisons 
 of the citie to knowe what persons are there for heresye, and by 
 whose commaundement : and that he will travayle and take payne 
 with all that be of his jurisdiction for theire amendement ; and 
 sorye he is that anye is in pryson for any such matter. And he 
 
384 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 willed me to tel you, that he is not so cruell or hastye to sende men 
 to pryson as some be slaunderous and wilful to do naught, and laye 
 theire faultes on other men's shoulders. 
 
 " Moreover my sayd lord bishop willed me to declare unto you, 
 that upon Wednisday next at eight of the clocke in the morning, 
 there shall be heare at Paules a sermon before the generall proces- 
 sion ; and, that sermon beynge done, there shal be a generall pro- 
 cession throughe this citye, according to the tenor of the counsail's 
 letters ; and I do warne here this assemblye, and, by them, al other 
 of this citye, to be present at the same." — Fox, vol. vii. 286. First - 
 Ed. p. 1217. 
 
 This Declaration, as I have already stated, I do not fully 
 understand ; and I do not pretend to say who they were 
 whom Bonner in so public a manner charged with doing 
 naught and laying their faults on other men's shoulders. 
 The whole passage was, I believe, omitted in every edition 
 of Fox after the first, until it was restored by Mr. Oattley^ ; 
 and this, whatever people may think of the story now, looks 
 as if the martjrrologist on reflection, or a hint from some wiser 
 head than his own, thought that it was one which might as 
 well be forgotten. I apprehend that we may be indebted 
 to Mr. Oattley and his odd edition for a good many such 
 particulars. 
 
 § 7. Bonner's dealings with his own peisonees 
 
 EESUMED. 
 
 Returning to the account of Bonner's dealings with his 
 own prisoners, I am anxious to say at once, that it is not 
 my purpose to weary the reader with a notice of each one of 
 them in regular succession, though I have thought it 
 fairest, most convenient, and every way best, to take a few 
 of the first just in the order in which they occurred. 
 
 ^ As I have repeatedly said, I niiote Mr. Cattley's edition for the con- 
 venience of my readers as well as tor my own. It was however ,so evident 
 that the unhappy editor had in this passage (as in others replaced by him 
 from the first edition) mcorvected it into nonsenae, that I did not venture 
 to do what can be of comparatively little consequence where the reader 
 may refer to older editions. Through the kindness of my friend Mr. 
 Holmes of the Museum I am enabled to give it as it stands in the first 
 edition. Mr. Gattley not understanding the end of the third paragraph, 
 has printed it thus, " he is not so cruel or hasty to send men to prison as 
 some be — slanderous and wilful to do naught, and lay their faults on 
 other men's shoulders." This might indicate something omitted, but it is 
 not 80. It is merely that the editor did not understand it. It is obvious 
 that there should be a comma after "prison." 
 
xx.J SIMSON AND ARDELEY. 385 
 
 I can truly declare that if I were merely desirous to 
 make out a case, and it could be done without intolerable 
 prolixity and repetition, I should be glad to go regularly 
 through all the processes in which Bonner was concerned ; 
 and that, if I feel it necessary to select a part only, not a 
 single one is omitted from a fear that it would contradict 
 any fact which is stated, or any opinion which is maintained, 
 in this volume. 
 
 But, in truth, the cases, as they are reported to us, are 
 chiefly of two kinds ; namely, those which relate little more 
 than the capture of the prisoner, his examinations, his con- 
 stancy in maintaining his opinions and withstanding the 
 flattering and threatening by which he was assailed, and the 
 catastrophe which followed — these accounts, given on one 
 authority or another, or perhaps on none at all, form one 
 class. ^ The other, and much more valuable, consists of those 
 narratives which were written by the parties themselves or 
 their immediate relations or friends. These are not only 
 more circumstantial, and more graphic, but, what is still more 
 important, they are plainly the most unexceptionable as it 
 regards both the facts stated, and the animus of the parties 
 most interested. The reporter, we are sure, does not write 
 to eulogize Bonner, or dispraise the subject of his narrative. 
 
 The two cases which occur next after the interruption of 
 the Royal Letter, are fair specimens of this. The first is 
 the joint one, already mentioned, of ; — 
 
 (18.) John Simson-, and (19.) John Ardeley. They were 
 both husbandmen in the town of Wigborough in Essex. 
 At some time, which is not stated, they were "brought up 
 both together by the under-sheriff of Essex to Bonner, 
 Bishop of London, upon the accusation (as in that time it 
 was called) of heresy^." Afterwards (how long of course 
 does not appear, but it was on the 22nd of May, 1555) 
 articles were objected to them. They answered either 
 on the same day or on some other, and then, " the 
 bishop, according to the old trade of his consistory court, 
 respited them to the afternoon." At that time he repeated 
 the said articles to them, " and beginning with John 
 ' Ardeley, did urge and soUcitate him, according to his 
 * manner of words, to recant. To whom John Ardeley 
 
 5 Fox, vii. 86, 88. 
 
 2b 
 
3.SC BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 ' again, constantly standing to his professed religion, gave 
 ' answer in words as followeth : ' My lord,' quoth he, 
 ' ' neither you, nor any other of your religion, is of the 
 ' catholic church ; for you be of a false faith : and I doubt 
 ' not but you shall be deceived at length, bear as good a face 
 ' as ye can. Ye will shed the innocent blood, and you have 
 ' killed many, and yet go about to kill more, etc' " 
 
 When a husbandman of Essex, aged thirty, was thus 
 publicly addressing the Bishop of London, sitting as a judge 
 in his court, it is more natural to wonder at the patience 
 which bore with it, than to blame the mistaken and impo- 
 tent good-will that still persisted in endeavours to procure 
 an abjuration ; and it is not necessary for us to enter into 
 the further particulars of the case. It is more to the pur- 
 pose to notice that of, — 
 
 (20.) Thomas Haukes, gentleman, who tells his own 
 story ^, with many very interesting particulars, and with a 
 degree of self-complacency, and undisguised abomination of 
 all papistry, which make his testimony respecting Bonner's 
 temper, and mode of dealing with a rather provoking 
 prisoner, particularly worthy of attention. I sincerely 
 wish the reader would study the whole of it ; for I believe 
 it was the reading of this case, many years ago, which first 
 I'aised in my own mind a suspicion that the bishop was not 
 altogether such a person as Pox and some others would have 
 us suppose him to have been. I could not avoid feeling 
 that the young man, vaunted of by Fox as one who might 
 "seem to nobilitate the whole company of other holy mar- 
 ' tyrs, and as a bright star to make the church of God and 
 ' his truth, of themselves bright and clear, more gloriously 
 ' to shine by his example," was, in his conduct and carriage, 
 very unlike a humble Christian ; while I could not escape 
 the impression, that within the rough exterior of the bishop 
 there must have been something more or less resembling 
 that charity which is not easily provoked, nay even suffereth 
 long, and is kind. Such an effect must, I think, be pro- 
 duced by the study of the history in Fox ; and perhaps a 
 few extracts, if they do nothing more, may show what I 
 mean ; though of course the prolixity, and repetition, which 
 we are anxious and constrained to avoid, is a very impor- 
 
 " Fox, vii. p. 97. 
 
XX.] THOMAS HAUKES. 387 
 
 tant featiire in the case. It is not that the bishop let a 
 forward young man say his say out, once or even twice, and 
 then despatched him ; but, that, after such a beginning, he 
 had him on his hands for near a twelvemonth. 
 
 It seems that Thomas Haukes " entered service with the 
 Earl of Oxford " (in a way which does not preclude his being 
 qualified as "gentleman" in his history) during the pre- 
 ceding reign ; and that when, on the change of religion, his 
 patron conformed, he was not so accommodating, but quitted 
 the Eaii's service and lived at home. "But," says Fox, 
 " what paradise' in this world shall a man find so secret for 
 ' himself, whither that old wicked serpent ' [the law of the 
 ' land, I suppose] ' cannot creep, whereby he may have some 
 ' matter to overthrow the quietness of the godly ? " From 
 what I can learn of Thomas Haukes' character I should 
 not think that he was a person who concealed his opinions, 
 or wished particularly for shade and secrecy; but Fox 
 proceeds : — 
 
 "Now in the mean season (as it happened) Haukes, keeping his 
 house at home, had born unto him a young son, whose baptism was 
 deferred to the third week, for that he would not suffer him to be 
 baptized after the papistical manner ; which thing the adversaries 
 not able to suffer, laying hands upon him, did bring him to the earl 
 of Oxford, there to be reasoned with, as not sound in religion, in 
 that he seemed to contemn the sacraments of the church. 
 
 " The earl, either intending not to trouble himself in such matters 
 or else seeing himself not able to weigh with him in such oases of 
 religion, sent him up to London with a messenger, and letters ; and 
 so, willing to clear his own hands, put him in the hands of Bonner, 
 bishop of London ; the contents of which his letter sent to Bonner 
 be these. 
 
 " A Letter of the Earl of Oxford to Bonner. 
 " Most reverend father in God, be it known unto you, that I have 
 sent you one Thomas Haukes, dwelling in the County of Essex, who 
 hath a child that hath remained unchristened more than three 
 
 ' So it stands in Mr. Cattley's edition, and perhaps correctly ; for I 
 have not the edition of 1583 which he professed to follow. The edition 
 of 1597, which I suppose to be the best text of the Martyrology, reads 
 " place " instead of " paradise," and it is followed by the edition of 1641, 
 the only other black letter edition to which T can conveniently refer. 
 These editions furnish other various readings in the account of Thomas 
 Haukes, some of which will be noticed as they occur. Of course I shall 
 not be understood as representing the two editions as of equal authority, 
 having already said that I suppose the earliest of them to contain the 
 best text that exists. 
 
388 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 weeks ; who, being upon the same examined, hath denied to have it ' 
 baptized as it is now used in the church ; whereupon I have sent 
 him to your good lordship, to use as ye think best, by your good dis- 
 cretion." — vii. 98. 
 
 Soon after this we meet with a "Private Talk or Confer- 
 ence between Haukes and Bonner," in which after some 
 introductory conversation about the baptism of his child, and 
 other matter, Bonner inquired whether he knew Knight and 
 Pygot, and the conversation proceeded thus : — 
 
 " Haukes. ' Knight I know, but Pygot I do not know.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' I thought ye were acquainted with him : it seemeth so 
 by your judgment. What preachers do ye know in Essex 1 ' 
 
 " Saukes. ' I know none.' 
 
 "Bonner. ' Do ye not know one Baget there ? ' ^ 
 
 " Haukes. ' Yes forsooth, I know him.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' What manner of man is he ? ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' An honest man, so far as I know.' 
 
 "Bonner. ' Do you know him if you see him 1 ' 
 
 " Haukes, ' Yea, that I do.' 
 
 "Then said he to one of his servants, ' Go call me Baget hither.' 
 And then he said to me, ' You seem to be a very proud man, and a 
 stubborn.' — He that brought me up stood all this while by. 
 
 " Haukes. ' What should move your lordship so to say ? ' 
 
 "Bonner. 'Because I see in a man that came with you, much 
 humility and lowliness.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' It seemeth your lordship speaketh that to me, because 
 I make no courtesy ' to you : ' — and with that came Baget. Then 
 the bishop said to Baget : ' How say ye, Sir 1 know ye this man J ' 
 
 " Baget. ' Yea forsooth, my lord : ' — with that Baget and I shook 
 hands. Then said the bishop to Baget, ' Sir, this man hath a child 
 which hath lain three weeks unchristened (as I have letters to show) ; 
 who refuseth to have it baptized, as it is now used in the church : — 
 how say you thereto 1 ' 
 
 " Baget. ' Forsooth, my lord, I say nothing thereto,' [with low 
 courtesy to the hard ground. ] 
 
 " Bonner. ' Say you nothing thereto 2 I will make you tell me 
 whether it be laudable, and to be frequented and used in the church 
 or not.' 
 
 ' ' Baget. ' I beseech your lordship to pardon me : he is old enough ; 
 let him answer for himself. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Ah, sir knave I are ye at that point with me ? ' 'Go 
 call me the porter,' said he, to one of his men : ' Thou shalt sit in 
 the stocks, and have nothing but bread and water. I perceive I 
 have kept you too well. Have I made thus much of you, and have 
 I you at this point ? ' 
 
 ^ Rector of Fordham since 1554 ; which he seems to have held until 
 1558. — Newcourt. 
 * " No more courtesy," ed. 1597. 
 
XX.J 
 
 THOMAS HAUKES. 389 
 
 "Then came the bishop's man, and said, 'The porter is gone to 
 London ; ' then said the bishop to Baget, ' Come with me,' and he 
 went away with him, and commanded me away, and bade one of his 
 gentlemen to talk with me (who was one of his own teaching) who 
 desired, amongst other ^^ things, to know of me, with whom I was 
 acquainted in Essex, and what men they were, that were my 
 teachers. 
 
 " Haukes. ' When I see your commission I will make you answer. ' 
 — And then immediately came the bishop again : but ere he came, 
 his man and I had much talk. Then the bishop sat down under a 
 vine in his orchard, and called Baget to him, whom he carried away, 
 and brought again ; and called me also, and said to Baget : ' How 
 say ye now, sir, unto baptism ? Say whether it be to be frequented 
 and used in the church, as it is now, or no ? ' 
 
 " Baget. Forsooth my lord, I say it is good. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' I befool your heart ; could ye not have said so before ? 
 Ye have wounded this man's conscience. ' Then the bishop turned 
 to me and said, ' How say ye now, sir ? This man is turned and 
 converted. ' 
 
 " Haiikes. 'I build my faith neither upon this man, neither upon 
 you, but only upon Christ Jesus ; who (as Paul saith) is the founder 
 and author of all men's faith.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' I perceive ye are a stubborn fellow. I must be glad 
 to work another way with you, to win you. ' 
 
 " Maukes. ' Whatsoever ye do, I am ready to suffer it : for I am 
 in your hands to abide it.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, ye are so ; come on your ways ; ye shall go in, 
 and I wiU use you christianlike : you shall have meat and drink, 
 such as I have in my house : but in any wise talk not.' 
 
 " JSaukes. ' I purpose to talk nothing but the word of God and 
 truth.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' I will have no heresy talked on in my house.' 
 
 " Maukes. ' Why, is the truth become heresy } God hath com- 
 manded that we should have none other talk in our houses, in our 
 beds, at our meat, and by the way, but all truth.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' If ye will have my favour, be ruled by my counsel.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Then I trust you will grant me my request. ' 
 
 "Bonner. ' What is that 2 ' 
 
 "Haukes. 'That your doctors and servants give me none occa- 
 pion : for if they do, I will surely utter my conscience. ' 
 
 " Then commanded he his men to take in Baget, and let not 
 Haukes and him talk together. And so thus we departed, and went 
 to dinner ; and I dined at the steward's table. After dinner, his 
 chaplains and his men began to talk with me. But amongst all 
 others, there was one Darbishire, principal of Broadgates in Oxford, 
 and the bishop's kinsman, who said to me, that I was too curious ; 
 ' for ye will have,' said he, ' nothing but your little pretty God's 
 book.' 
 
 "Haukes. 'And is it not sufficient for my salvation?' 'Yes, 
 
 10 " Amorgat all other," ed. 1597. 
 
390 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 said Darbishire, ' it is sufficient for our salvation, but not for our 
 instruction.' 
 
 " Hauhes. ' God send me the salvation and you the instruction.' 
 And as we thus reasoned, came the bishop, who said unto me, ' I 
 gave you a commandment, that you should not talk. ' 
 
 " Hauhes. ' And I desired you, that your doctors and servants 
 should give me none occasion.' Then went we into his orchard 
 again, he and his doctors and I." — vii. 99. 
 
 The Bishop then enquired, whether he would have any 
 objection to have his child christened according to King 
 Edward's book ; and, on his stating that such was his 
 desire, the Bishop endeavoured to convince him that the 
 forms were the same as to what was essential. After this 
 he asked : — 
 
 " Bonner. ' Will ye be content to tarry here, and your child shaU 
 be baptized, and you shall not know of it, so that you will agree to 
 it?' 
 
 " HauJces. ' If I would so have done, I needed not to have come to 
 you : for I had the same counsel given before. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' You seem to be a lusty young man ; you will not give 
 your head for the washing ; you will stand in the defence of it for 
 the honour of your country. Do you think that the queen and I 
 cannot command it to be done, in spite of your teeth ? ' 
 
 " Hauhes. ' What the queen and you can do, I will not stand in 
 it : but ye get my consent never the sooner.' 
 
 ^'Bonner. 'Well, you are a stubborn young man: I perceive I 
 must work another way with you.' 
 
 "Hauhes. ' Ye are in the hands of God ; and so am I.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Whatsoever you think, I will not ' have you speak such 
 words unto me. ' — And so we departed until evensong time ; and ere 
 evensong was begun, my lord called for me to come to him into the 
 chapel, and said ; ' Haukes I thou art a proper young man, and God 
 hath done his part unto thee ; I would be glad to do thee good. 
 Thou knowest that I am thy pastor, and one that should answer for 
 thee. If I would not teach thee well, I should answer for thy soul.' 
 
 " Hauhes. ' That I have said, I will stand to it, God willing : there 
 is no way to remove it. ' 
 
 "Bonner. ' Nay, nay, Haukes, thou shalt not be so wilful. Bemem- 
 ber Christ bade two go into his vineyard : the one said would, and 
 went not ; the other said he would not, and went. ' 
 
 " Hauhes. ' The last went.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Do thou likewise, and I will talk friendly with thee.' " 
 — Fox, vol. vii. p. 101. 
 
 After some talk on part of the sixth chapter of the gospel 
 of St. John, which issued in the bishop's saying, " I trust 
 that you be sound in the blessed sacrament," and Haukes's 
 
 ' "I would not," both ed 
 
XX.] THOMAS HAUKES. 301 
 
 answering, " I beseech your lordship to feel my conscience 
 no further than in that, that I was accused in unto you." 
 To this Bonner answered : — 
 
 "Bonner. 'Well, well 1 let us go unto evensong.'— With that I 
 turned my back to go out of the chapel. 
 
 " Bonner. ' Why, wiU you not tarry evensong ? ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' No, forsooth.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' And why ? ' 
 
 •• Haulces. ' For I wiU not.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' And why will ye not ? ' 
 
 '' Haukes. ' For because I have no edifying thereby, for I under- 
 stand no Latin.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Why 1 you may pray by yourself. What books have 
 ye ?' 
 
 " Haukes. ' I have the New Testament, the books of Solomon, and 
 the Psalter.' 
 
 "Bonner. 'Why, I pray you, tarry here, and pray you on vour 
 Psalter.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' I will not pray in this place, nor in any such.' 
 
 " Then said one of his chaplains, ' Let him go, my lord ; and he 
 shall be no partaker with us in our prayers.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' I think myself best at ease when I am furthest from 
 you.' — And so the bishop went to evensong, and I came down and 
 walked between the hall and the chapel in the court, and tarried 
 there tiU evensong was done. And within an hour after that even- 
 song was done, the bishop sent for me into his chamber where he 
 lay himself ; and when I came, there was he, and three of his chap- 
 lains." — -Foa;, vol. vii. p. 101. 
 
 A conversation then ensued on the sacrament ; and, after 
 a while, Haukes having spoken of the manner in which the 
 sacrament of the Lord's Supper began, Bonner said, — 
 
 "Bonner. 'Alas, you know not how it began, neither of the insti- 
 tution thereof.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Then I would be glad to learn.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Marry, we will teach you : but you are so stubborn 
 that ye will not learn.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Except ye learn me by the word of God, I will never 
 credit you, nor believe you : ' and thus we concluded. Then the 
 bishop and his chaplains laughed and said, ' Jesu, Jesu I what a 
 stubbornness and arrogantness is this ! ' And this was in his cham- 
 ber where he lay. Then said the bishop to me, ' Go down, and 
 drink ; for it is fasting day : it is Midsummer Even, but I think ye 
 love neither fasting nor praying.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' I will never deny fasting, neither praying ; so that it 
 be done as it ought to be done, and without hypocrisy or vain 
 glory.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' I like you the better for that : ' and so we left for that 
 night. 
 
 " The next day the bishop went to London : for Fecknam was 
 
392 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 made dean that day, and I tarried still at Fulham. Then did the 
 bishop's men desire me to come to mass, but I did utterly refuse it, 
 answering them as I did their master. That night the bishop came 
 home to Fulham again." — vii. 102. 
 
 There is one trait in Bonner's character which has been 
 already brought before us, but which deserves a more 
 specific notice. That he was a man of considerable talent, 
 his being employed in public business so much as he was by 
 those who so well knew how to choose their agents seems to 
 prove — that he was more than usually learned in ecclesias- 
 tical and civU law is admitted — and I know of no reason 
 why we should suppose that he was not as well able as most 
 of his brethren to defend the opinions which they main- 
 tained. But, as to the matter of fact, though he seems not 
 to have avoided entering the lists as a theological polemic 
 when it either fell naturally, or was forced, upon him, yet 
 he appears always to have been anxious to get others to 
 talk with his prisoners, under an idea that they might 
 persuade and convince where he could not^. This habit led 
 the bishop very early on the Monday morning to introduce 
 his prisoner to his chaplain, and gave rise to the " Talk 
 between Harpsfield and Thomas Haukes," which will be 
 found in Fox, and which the disappointed bishop at length 
 put an end to. 
 
 "Then the bishop said to Harpsfield, 'Sir, ye see this man hath 
 no need of our Lady, neither of any of the blessed saints. Well I I 
 will trouble you no longer. I did call you, hoping that you should 
 do some good on him ; but it will not be.' — And he said to me, ' Sir, 
 it is time to begin with you. We will rid you away, and then we 
 shall have one heretic less. ' 
 
 " Harpsfield. ' What books have you ? ' 
 
 "Saukes. 'The New Testament, Solomon's Books, and the 
 Psalter. ' 
 
 " Harpsfi,eld. ' Will you read any other books 1 ' 
 
 •• Maiikes. ' Yea, if you will give me such books as I wiU require.' 
 
 " Harpsfield. ' What books will you require ? ' 
 
 ^ The reader will remember the article already referred to at p. 359, 
 being the seventh of those ministered to Pygot, Knight, and Laurence, in 
 which it was enquired whether they had not been instructed and informed 
 as well by the bishop's ordinary and chaplains, as also by "divers other 
 learned men, some whereof were bishops, some deans, and some arch- 
 deacons, and every one of them learned in divinity," &c. — Fox, vi. 738. 
 Some other indications of this practice the reader may have gathered from 
 this volume ; and he may find enough proof of it in the Martyrology. 
 
XX.] THOMAS HAUKES. 393 
 
 "EauJces. ' Latimer's books, my lord of Canterbury's book, Brad- 
 ford's Sermons, Ridley's books.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Away, away 1 He will have no books but such as 
 maintain his heresies : '—and so they departed, for Harpsfield was 
 booted to ride unto Oxford; and I went to the porter's lodge 
 again." — Fox, vii. 104. 
 
 The next day Bird, who had been Bishop of Chester, 
 being at Fulham, the same habit led Bonner to introduce 
 his prisoner to him : — 
 
 " The next day's Talk. 
 
 " The next day came hither an old bishop, who had a pearl in his 
 eye ; and he brought with him to my lord a dish of apples, and a 
 bottle of wine. For he had lost his living, because he had a wife. 
 Then the bishop called me again into the orchard, and said to the 
 old bishop : ' this young man hath a child, and wiU not have it 
 christened.' 
 
 " Sauhes. ' I deny not baptism.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Thou art a fool ; thou canst not teU what thou wonldest 
 have ; ' — and that he spake with much anger. 
 
 " Sauhes. ' A bishop must be blameless or faultless, sober, dis- 
 creet, no chider, nor given to anger. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Thou judgest me to be angry : no, by my faith, am I 
 not.' — and stroke himself upon the breast. 
 
 " Then said the old bishop, ' Alas, good young man I you must be 
 taught by the church, and by your ancients ; and do as your fore- 
 fathers have done before you.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' No, no 1 he wiU have nothing but the Scriptures, and 
 God wot, he doth not understand them. He will have no ceremonies 
 in the church, no not one. What say you to holy water 1 ' " &c.— 
 vii. 104. 
 
 After a good deal of further discourse, in which Haukes 
 had declared that he would " believe no doctrine, but that 
 which is wrought by miracles," and had referred to the 
 signs promised to those that should believe, Bonner asked ; — 
 
 " Bonner. ' With what new tongues do ye speak ? ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Forsooth, whereas, before that I came to the knowledge 
 of God's word I was a foul blasphemer, and filthy talker, since I 
 came to the knowledge thereof, I have lauded God, praised 
 God, and given thanks unto God even with the same tongue : and 
 is not this a new tongue ? ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' How do you cast out devils ? ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Christ did cast them out by his word ; and he hath 
 left the same word, that whosoever doth credit and believe it, shall 
 cast out devils.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Did you ever drink any deadly poison 1 ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Yea, forsooth, that I have ; for I have drunken of the 
 pestilent traditions and ceremonies of the bishop of Rome.' 
 
 "Bonner. ' Now you shew yourself to be a right heretic' 
 
394 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 ' ' Mauhes. ' I pray you, what is heresy 1 ' 
 
 " Bonner. • All things that are contrary to God's word.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' If I stand in any thing contrary thereto, then am I 
 worthy to be so called. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Thou art one ; and thou shalt be burned, if thou stand 
 and continue in this opinion. Ye think we are afraid to put one of 
 you to death : yes, yes, there is a brotherhood of you, but I will 
 break it, I warrant you.' 
 
 "Haukes. 'Where prove you that Christ or his apostles did kill 
 any man for his faith 1 
 
 " Bonner. ' Did not Paul excommunicate ? ' 
 
 "Haukes. 'Yes, my lord ; but there is a great difference between 
 excommunicating and burning. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Have you not read of the man and the woman in the 
 Acts of the Apostles, whom Peter destroyed ? ' 
 
 "Haukes. ' Yes, forsooth ; I have read of one Ananias, and Sap- 
 phira his wife, which were destroyed for lying against the Holy 
 Ghost, which serveth nothing to your purpose.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, you will grant one yet.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Well, if you will have us to grant you be of God, then 
 shew mercy ; for that God requireth.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' We will shew such mercy unto you, as ye showed unto 
 us : for my benefice or bishopric was taken away from me, so that I 
 had not one penny to live upon.' 
 
 " Haulces. ' I pray ye, my lord, what do you give him now that 
 was in the bishopric or benefice before that ye came again to it ? ' — 
 Whereunto he answered me never a word ; for he turned his back 
 unto me, and talked with other men, saying, that he was very sorry 
 for me, but he trusted that I would turn with St. Paul, because I 
 was so earnest : and so he departed, and went to dinner, and I to 
 the porter's lodge again. After dinner I was called into the hall 
 again, and the bishop desired the old bishop to take me into his 
 chamber: 'for I would be glad,' said he, ' if ye could convert him.' 
 So he took me into his chamber, and sat him down in a chair, and 
 said to me, ' I would to God I could do you some good. Ye are a 
 young man, and I would not wish you to go too far, but learn of 
 your elders to bear somewhat. ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' I will bear with nothing that is contrary to the word 
 of God.' And I looked that the old bishop should have made me 
 an answer, and he was fast asleep. — Then I departed out of the 
 chamber alone, and went to the porter's lodge again, and there saw 
 I the old bishop last : I suppose he is not yet awake." — vii. 105. 
 
 The next thing, happening the next day, and obviously 
 brought about by the same custom, is a "Talk between 
 Fecknam and Haukes ; " and the next to that, on the day 
 foUowing, a " Talk between Haukes and Ohedsey," which is 
 thus introduced : — 
 
 " The next day came Dr. Chedsey to the bishop ; and then was I 
 called into the garden to the bishop and him. The bishop declared 
 unto him, that I had stood stubbornly in the defence against the 
 
XX.] THOMAS HAUKES. 395 
 
 christening of my child, and against the ceremonies of the church, 
 and that I would not have it christened but in English. 
 
 "Then said Dr. Chedsey, 'Then he denieth the order of the 
 catholic church.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Yea, he thinketh that there is no church but in Eng- 
 land and in Germany.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' And ye think that there is no church, but the church 
 of Eome.' 
 
 " Ohedsey. ' What say ye to the church of Rome 1 ' 
 
 " Saukes. ' I say it is a church of a sort of vicious cardinals, 
 priests, monks, and friars, which I will never credit nor believe.' 
 
 " Chedsey. ' How say ye to the bishop of Rome ? ' 
 
 " Saukes. ' From him and all his detestable enormities, good Lord 
 deliver us.' 
 
 " Chedsey. ' Marry, so may we say, from king Henry the Eighth, 
 and all his detestable enormities, good Lord deliver us.' 
 
 " Saukes. ' Where were ye whiles that he lived, that ye would not 
 say so ? ' 
 
 " Chedsey. ' I was not far.' 
 
 " Saukes. ' Where were ye in his son's days ? ' 
 
 " Cliedsey. ' In prison.' 
 
 " Saukes. ' It was not for your well doing.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' He will by no means come within my chapel, nor hear 
 mass : for neither the mass, neither the sacrament of the altar, can 
 he abidCj neither wiU he have any service but in English. ' " — Fox, 
 vol. vii. p. 107. 
 
 Much talk they had which it is not to our purpose to 
 extract, but Chedsey having spoken of rejoicing in the 
 cross of Christ in a way which seemed to Haukes to imply 
 that the Apostle meant the material cross, and Haukes 
 having answered " Do ye understand Paul so ? Do ye 
 understand Paul ? unto which," says Haukes, " he answered 
 me never a word," the bishop struck in — 
 
 " Bonner. ' Where can we have a godlier remembrance when we 
 ride by the way, than to see the cross ? ' 
 
 " Saukes. ' If the cross were such a profit unto us, why did not 
 Christ's disciples take it up, and set it on a pole, and carry it in pro- 
 cession, with " Salve, festa dies ? " ' 
 
 " Chedsey. ' It was taken up.' 
 
 " Sauces. ' Who took it up ? Helene, as ye say ; for she sent a 
 piece of it to a place of religion, where I was with the visitors when 
 that house was suppressed ^ and the piece of the holy cross (which the 
 religious had in such estimation, and had robbed many a soul, com- 
 mitting idolatry to it) was called for ; and when it was proved, and 
 
 ^ This passage is worthy of notice as furnishing a little light respecting 
 the previous conditions of Thomas Haukes ; a point on which he and Fox 
 are not very communicative. 
 
396 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 all come to all, it was but a piece of a lath, covered over with copper, 
 double gilded as it had been clean gold 1 ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Fie, lie ! I dare say thou slanderest it.' 
 
 " Hauhes. ' I know it to be true, and do not believe the contrary.' 
 — And thus did the bishop and the doctor depart in a great fume : 
 and Chedsey said unto me, as he was about to depart, ' It is pity 
 that thou shouldest live, or any such as thou art. ' I answered, ' In 
 this case I desire not to live, but rather to die. ' 
 
 " Chedsey. ' Ye die boldly, because ye would glory in your death, 
 as Joan Butcher did. ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' What Joan Butcher did, I have nothing to do withal : 
 but I would my part might be to-morrow.' — 'God make you in a 
 better mind,' said they both ; and so they departed, and I went to 
 the porter's lodge with my keeper. The next day Dr. Chedsey 
 preached in the bishop's chapel, and did not begin his sermon until 
 all the service was done : and then came the porter for me, and said 
 ' My lord would have you come to the sermon.' — And so I went to 
 the chapel-door, and stood without the door. 
 
 "Bonner. ' Is not this fellow come 1 ' 
 
 " Eauhes. ' Yes, I am here. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Come in, man. ' 
 
 "Hauhes. ' No, that I will not.' He called again, and I answered, 
 ' I will come no nearer ; ' and so I stood at the door. Then said the 
 bishop, ' Go to your sermon." — vii. 108. 
 
 The same day there was "Another Communication 
 between Thomas Plaukes and the Bishop." The former 
 
 "And, after dinner, I was called into the chapel, where were 
 certain of the queen's servants, and other strangers whom I did not 
 know ^ 
 
 " Bonner. ' Haukes 1 how like you the sermon 1 ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' As I like all the rest of his doctrine.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' "What 1 are ye not edified thereby 1 ' 
 
 " Haulees. 'No, surely.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' It was made only because of you.' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Why J then am I sorry that ye had no more heretics 
 here, as ye call them : I am sorry that ye have bestowed so much 
 labour on one, and so little regarded. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, I will leave you here, for I have business : I pray 
 you talk with him, for if ye could do him good,' said he, ' I would 
 be glad.' 
 
 " This the bishop spake to the queen's men, who said unto me, 
 ' Alas I what mean you to trouble yourself about such matters 
 against the queen's proceedings ? ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Those matters have I answered before them that be in 
 authority : and unless I see you have a further commission, I will 
 answer you nothing at all.' Then said the bishop's men (which were 
 many), ' My lord hath commanded you to talk with them. ' 
 
 * " I did know," both ed. 
 
XX.J THOMAS HAUKES. 397 
 
 "Haukes. 'If my lord will talk with me himself, I wiU answer 
 him.' They cried, 'Faggots! burn him, hang him, to prison with 
 him : it is a pity that he liveth I Lay irons upon him I ' and with a 
 great noise they spake these words. Then in the midst of all their 
 rage I departed from them, and went to the porter's lodge again." — 
 Fox, vol. vii. p. 109. 
 
 Again, 
 
 " The next day the bishop called me into his chamber, and said, 
 'Ye have been with me a great while, and ye are never the better, 
 but worse and worse : and therefore I will delay the time no longer, 
 but send you to Newgate.' 
 
 " Hauhes. ' My lord, you can do me no better pleasure.' 
 " Bonner. ' Why, would you so fain go to prison ? ' 
 "Baukes. 'Truly I did look for none other, when I came to your 
 hands.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Come on your ways ; ye shall see what I have written.' 
 — Then did he shew me certain articles, and these are the contents 
 of them." — Fox, vol. vii. p. 109. 
 
 Then they discoursed somewhat on the Articles in ques- 
 tion, and Haukes says, " Then did the Bishop with much 
 flattery counsel me to be persuaded, and to keep me out of 
 prison, which I utterly refused, and so we departed." He 
 does not appear to have had any farther communication 
 with the bishop until the next day, or the day after ; but he 
 proceeds in a way well worthy our attention, not only as 
 more fully showing the nature and temper of the prisoner 
 whom the bishop had to deal with, but the bishop's own 
 opinion of him as to points on which he is perfectly silent 
 himself, and which no doubt influenced Bonner, though he 
 did not wish to burn him, nor to suffer him to go at large. 
 
 "The next day in the morning, which was the 1st day of July, 
 the bishop did call me himself from the porter's lodge, commanding 
 me to make me ready to go to prison, and to take such things with 
 me, as I had of mine own. And I said, 'I do neither intend to 
 bribe, neither to steal, God willing. ' Then he did write my warrant 
 to the keeper of the Gatehouse at Westminster, and delivered it to 
 Harpsfield, who, with his own man and one of the bishop's men, 
 brought me to prison, and delivered the warrant, and me, both to 
 the keeper : and this was contained in the warrant. 
 
 " ' I will and command you, that you receive him who cometh 
 named in this warrant, and that he be kept as a safe prisoner, and 
 that no man speak with him, and that ye deliver him to no man, 
 except it be the council, or to a justice : for he is a, sacramentary, 
 and one that speaketh against baptism ; a seditious man, a perilous 
 man to be abroad in these perilous days. ' 
 
 "And thus was I received, and they departed. And there I 
 remained thirteen days, and then the bishop sent two of his men 
 
398 BISHOP BONNEE AND [essay 
 
 unto me, saying, 'My lord would be glad to know how ye do.' I 
 answered them, ' I do, like a poor prisoner. ' They said, ' My lord 
 would know, whether ye be the same man that ye were when ye 
 departed.' I said, 'I am no changeling.' They said, ' My lord 
 would be glad that ye should do well.' I said, ' If my lord will me 
 any good, I pray you desire him to suffer my friends to come to 
 me.' So they said they would speak for me, but I heard no more of 
 them. 
 
 "This is the first examination of me Thomas Haukes, being 
 examined by Edmund Bonner, then bishop of London, and by his 
 chaplains and doctors at Fulham, four miles from London, where I 
 lay, till I came to prison to Westminster : and after his two men 
 had been with me, I heard no more of him till the 3d day of 
 September." — Fox, vol. vii. p. 110. 
 
 Then Thomas Haukes was sent for by the bishop of 
 London, and the Keeper of the prison and his men brought 
 him to the bishop's palace. He begins his account thus ; — 
 
 " The bishop of Winchester, then being chancellor, preached that 
 day at Paul's Cross, and the bishop of London said to my keeper, ' I 
 think your man will not go to the sermon to day. ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Yes my lord, I pray you let me go : and that which is 
 good I will receive, and the rest I will leave behind me ; ' and so I 
 went. And when the sermon was done, I and my keeper came to 
 the bishop's house, and there we remained tiU dinner was done ; and 
 after dinner the bishop called for me, and asked me, if I were the 
 same man that I was before. 
 
 " Haukes. ' I am no changeling, nor none will be.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Ye will find me no changeling neither. ' — And so he 
 returned into his chamber, and there he did write the side of a 
 sheet of paper. — Fox, vii. 111. 
 
 There seems to have been a great number of persons 
 present ; and while Bonner was writing his side of a sheet 
 of paper, Haukes remained and talked with Dr. Smith, and 
 also held the conversation with Miles Hoggard which has 
 been already mentioned at p. 234 of this volume. The 
 discourse and the way of relating it, are exceedingly charac- 
 teristic as it regards Haukes ; but our concern is more with 
 Bonner than with the prisoner, whose confession he seems 
 to have been preparing for signature. He was so long 
 about it that Thomas Haukes became somewhat tired of the 
 company, who wished to dispute with him, and urged him 
 until he told them that he would not talk " with any man 
 more." " I said," he tells us, " that I came to talk with my 
 Lord and not with any of them ; " 
 
 "With that came the bishop, bringing a letter in his hand, the 
 which he had written in my name, and read it unto me after this 
 
XX.] THOMAS HAUKES. 399 
 
 manner. ' I, Thomas Haukes, do here confess and declare before my 
 said ordinary Edmund, bishop of London, that the mass is abomin- 
 able and detestable, and full of all superstition ; and also as con- 
 cerning the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ (commonly 
 called the sacrament of the altar) that Christ is in no part thereof, 
 but only in heaven : this I have believed, and this I do believe,' &c. 
 
 "Haukes. ' Stop there, my lord : vehat I have believed, what have 
 you to do withal ? But what I do believe, to that stand I, and wQl.' 
 — Then he took his pen, and said he would scrape it out for my 
 pleasure, and so he did ^ to my thinking. 
 
 " Then he went further vrith his writing, and said, ' I Thomas 
 Haukes, have talked with my said Ordinary, and with certain good, 
 godly, and learned men. Notwithstanding I stand still in mine 
 opinion. ' 
 
 " Maukes. ' Shall I grant you to be good, godly, and learned men, 
 and yet grant myself to stand in a contrary opinion ? No, I will 
 not grant you to be good, godly, and learned men.' 
 
 "Bonner. ' Ye will grant that ye have talked with us : the other I 
 will put out for your pleasure.' Then said all his doctors, ' If your 
 lordship be ruled by him, he will cause you to put out all together.' 
 And then he read more to me : ' Here unto this bill have I set my 
 hand ; ' and then he offered me the bUl and his pen, and bade me 
 set my hand to it. 
 
 "Haukes, 'Ye get not my hand to any thing of your making 
 or devising.' 
 
 "Bonner. 'Wilt not thou set to thy hand! It shall be to thy 
 shame for the denying of it." 
 
 "And then he called all his doctors, and said, he would have 
 every man's hand to it that was in the chamber ; and so he had all 
 their hands to it and said, ' He that will not set his hand to it, I 
 would he were hanged ; ' and so said all his chaplains and doctors 
 with a great noise. 
 
 " Then the bishop thrust me on the breast with great anger ; and 
 said he would be even with me, and with all such proud knaves in 
 Essex. 
 
 "Haukes. 'Ye shall do no more than God shall give you leave.' 
 
 " Bomner. ' This gear shall not be unpunished — trust to it.' 
 
 " Haulces. ' As for your cursings, railings, and blasphemings, I care 
 not for them : for I know the moths and worms shall eat you, as 
 they eat cloth or wool.' 
 
 "Bonner. ' I will be even with you when time shall come.' 
 
 " Haulces. ' You may in your malice destroy a man : but, when ye 
 have done, ye cannot do so much as make a finger; and ye be 
 meetly even with some of us already.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' If I do thee any wrong, take the law of me. ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' Solomon saith. Go not to law with a judge ; for he will 
 judge according to his own honour.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Solomon saith, Give not a fool an answer. ' 
 
 " Haukes. ' What 1 do you count me a fool 1 ' 
 
 'So did,'' both ed. 
 
400 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 " iionner. ' Yea, by my troth do I ; and so dost thou me too : but 
 God forgive thee, and so do I. ' 
 
 "Haukes. 'Thought is free my lord.' Then took Bonner the bill, 
 and read it again ; and when he saw that he could not have my hand 
 to it, then he would have had me to take it into my hand, and 
 to give it to him again. 
 
 " Maukes. ' What needeth that ceremony ? Neither shall it come 
 into my hand, heart, or mind.' Then he wrapt it up, and put in his 
 bosom, and in a great anger went his way, and called for his horse 
 and went to horse-back ; for the same day he rode in visitation into 
 Essex. And so went I to prison, from whence I came with my 
 keeper. And this was the second time of my examination." — Fox, 
 vol. vii. p. 112. 
 
 Let me remind the reader that all he has read passed 
 more than five months before the time when Bishop Burnet 
 represents Haukes as being " apprehended ;" and I may add 
 that during that long period there is, as far as I can find, a 
 complete blank in his history. At least, all the information 
 which I have been able to collect, beside what is already 
 given, is contained in the following extract : — 
 
 "After all these private conferences, persuasions, and long de- 
 batings, had with Thomas Haukes in the bishop's house, as hitherto 
 hath been declared, the bishop, seeing no hope to win him to his 
 wicked ways, was fully set to proceed openly against him after the 
 ordinary course of his popish law. Whereupon Thomas Haukes, 
 shortly after, was cited with the rest of his other fellows above 
 specified, to wit, Thomas Tomkins, Stephen Knight, William Pygot, 
 John Laurence, and William Hunter, to appear in the bishop's 
 Consistory, the 8th day of February, this present year, viz. 1555. 
 Upon which appearance, was laid against him in like order as to the 
 other, first the bill of his confession, written with Bonner's hand, to 
 the which biU ye heard before how this blessed servant of God 
 denied to subscribe. 
 
 "After which bill of confession being read, and he constantly 
 standing to the said confession, the bishop then assigned him with 
 the other five the next day following, which was the 9th of February, 
 to appear before him again, to give a resolute answer what they 
 would stick unto. Which day being come, and these foresaid six 
 prisoners being severally called before the bishop, at the coming of 
 Thomas Haukes, the bishop willed him to remember what was said 
 to him yesterday, and now, while he had time and space, to advise 
 with himself what he would answer, for he stood upon life and 
 death. ' Well,' quoth master Haukes again, ' I wiU willingly receive 
 whatsoever shall be put upon me.' Then were certain other interro- 
 gatories or articles commenced against him by the said bishop (in 
 like manner as to the other) to the number of four, with another bill 
 also, which Bonner brought out of his bosom, containing private 
 matters against the said Thomas Haukes, which the bishop called 
 heresies and errors, but we may better call them Christian verities. 
 
XX.] THOMAS WATS. 401 
 
 To the which matter being read, the said Haukes answered openly 
 again, saying that it was true, and that he was glad it was so true 
 as it was ; with more words to the like eflfect. And this was in the 
 forenoon, the 9th day of February. 
 
 " In the afternoon again the said Haukes appearing and hearing 
 the foresaid bill of his confession, with the articles and interro- 
 gatories read unto him, with like constancy in answering again to 
 the bishop, ' My lord,' said he, ' as you, being my great friend ^, have 
 caused these my sayings to be written ; so do you cause them to be 
 read : and yet I will never go from them.' And theii, being exhorted 
 by the bishop, with many fair words, to return again to the bosom 
 of the mother church : ' No, my lord,' said he, ' that will I not : for 
 if I had a hundred bodies, I would suffer them all to be torn in 
 pieces, rather than I wiU abjure or recant.' And so continuing still 
 in the same song, notwithstanding that the doctors and lawyers 
 were ever calling upon him to come again to the unity of the church, 
 he ever kept them off with this answer, that he would never go from 
 the belief he was in, so long as he believed '. Whereupon Bonner, 
 at the last, read the sentence of death upon him ; and so was he 
 condemned the same day with the residue of his fellows, which was 
 the 9th of February. Nevertheless his execution was prolonged, 
 and he remained in prison tUl the 10th day of June," — Fox, vol. vii. 
 p. 113. 
 
 (21.) Thomas Wats. — His case is just one of those which 
 would illustrate many of the points on which I have insisted, 
 but to give it in detail would only be tiresome. Briefly, he 
 was a linen-draper "of BiUericay within the county of 
 Essex of the diocese of London**." On the 26th of April, 
 1565, he was " brought before Lord Eiche and other 
 commissioners at Chelmsford." At his examination he 
 "took occasion to speak somewhat of King Philip and of 
 his coming in ; but what it was," says the anonymous 
 reporter, " I could not justly learn." These interruptions 
 at such turns in stories like this, are very disappointing, 
 and make us look rather to those narratives which were 
 written by the parties themselves, most of whom would 
 make a great point of setting down those parts of their 
 testimony which their more prudent friends who were 
 present would not be particularly careful to hear, or anxious 
 to record. However " thus much was heard ; that after 
 ' those words spoken the bench among themselves stood up, 
 ' and said one to another ' Treason,' saving one good man 
 ' called justice Gaudy, who a little before was about to 
 
 6 "My friend." Bathed. '"Lived." Both ed. 
 
 8 Pox, vii. 118. 
 
 2o 
 
402 BISHOP BONNER AND WATS. [essay 
 
 ' speak : but when he heard them cry treason he held down 
 ' his head as one grieved and troubled at their doings." 
 Fox gives the letter signed by the eight Essex justices'' 
 with which Wats was sent up to Bonner. In the course of 
 it they say " in our opinion he is one of the most arrogant 
 ' heretics that hath been heard to speak, or ever came before 
 ' you, and not meet to be kept here in any gaol as well for 
 ' fear of corrupting others, as for divers and svmd/ry oth&r 
 ' special causes hereafter to he declared." These special causes 
 are not, however, stated by Fox ; who, immediately after 
 the letter, goes on to say, " Now when the bishop had 
 received him, how he used him it is easy (by his common 
 practices with others) to judge. What his private con- 
 ferences were / know not." It seems probable that in many 
 cases the martyrologist was not furnished with all the 
 particulars respecting those whose story he was to relate ; 
 " but," he adds, " what was publicly done in the consistory 
 at Pauls (the common stage for these tragedies) you shall 
 here see," &c. But it is needless for us to go through the 
 details — how on Thursday the second of May he was brought 
 up and the bishop " after many persuasions to recant " 
 ordered him to return the next day — how in the bishop's 
 absence Dr. Harpsfield his deputy did sit "and earnestly 
 exhorted him to deny his opinions " — and how on Friday the 
 10th of May the bishop "privately sent the said Thomas 
 ' Wats into his chamber, and there, with many fair promises 
 ' tempted and tried him whether he would revoke his errors 
 ' as he termed them" — and how he was dismissed for another 
 week, and then "the bishop perceiving his fair flattering 
 promises nothing to avail, and having no great store of 
 other reasons to persuade with, put forth his last and 
 strongest argument of condemnation." What else Bonner 
 could have done, it would be hard to say. The sentence 
 seems to have been passed on Saturday the 18th of May, 
 and executed at Chelmsford on the 10th of June. It is 
 light to add, that notwithstanding the tone and manner 
 in which Fox relates the story, the man himself is not 
 represented as having used any offensive expression, or said 
 an3rthing indicative of hostility, either to, or in respect of, 
 
 ° Lord Riche, Henry Tjrrel, Anthony Brown, Edmund Tyrrel, Thomas 
 Mildmay, John Wiseman, Kogor Applotuu, Richard Weslou. 
 
XX.] OSMOND, BKADFOED, LEAF. iOS 
 
 Bonner ; while at the stake he as bitterly charged hia death 
 upon Lord Eiche, as Robert Hunter did that of his brother 
 on his lordship's colleague Justice Brown. 
 
 (22, 23, 24.) Thomas Osmond, and five others from Cogges- 
 hall are next mentioned. They were sent up by Lord 
 Oxford and Sir Philip Paris Knight, with a letter dated 
 May 1st, 1555, There are very few particulars respecting 
 them except that three of them abjured; and the three 
 others having been " examined and travailed with by fair 
 and flattefring speeches, as well of the bishop as of others his 
 assistants " in vain, were sent down to Essex for execution, 
 and suffered on the 14th and 15th of June. 
 
 (25.) John Bradford. — He has been already mentioned 
 at p. 854. I do not see any reason assigned for the delay 
 of his execution which led Fox to postpone the account 
 of him\ 
 
 (26.) John Leaf, aged 19, apprentice to a tallow chandler 
 of the parish of Christchurch in London, suffered with 
 Bradford. He was committed (I do not see why) " to the 
 Compter in Bread Street by an aldei-man of London, who 
 had rule and charge of that Ward, or part of the city, 
 where the said Leaf did dwell," on Friday the 5th of April. 
 How often he was brought before Bonner in the mean time 
 does not appear, but he was ordered to appear for sentence 
 on the 10th of June; and then the bishop "essaying by all 
 ' manner of ways to revoke him to his own trade, that is, from 
 ' truth to error, notwithstanding all his persuasions, threats, 
 ' and promises found him the same man stiU, so planted 
 ' upon the sure rock of truth, that no words nor deeds of 
 ' men could remove him." Still the bishop returned to the 
 attack, but " being too weak either to refute his sentence or 
 ' to remove his constancy, proceeded consequently to read 
 ' the popish sentence of cruel condemnation." What else 
 could he do with a prisoner who, before this, when his 
 confession and a form of recantation were sent to him in 
 gaol, that he might set his mark to one or the other, sent 
 back the former sprinkled with his own bloed ? 
 
 (33.) DiKiCK Cakvbe and (34.) John Launder. This is 
 a case which must not be quite passed over on more than 
 one account. Bishop Burnet says " Dirick Carver was burnt 
 
 1 Fox, vii. 143. 
 
404 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 ' at Lewes ; and on tlie 23rd John Launder was burnt at 
 ' Stening. They had been taken in London, and brought 
 ' before Bonner ; hut he would not meddle with them, and 
 ' desired they might be sent to their own ordinaries." This 
 testimony is important though I do not see on what autho- 
 rity it is given. All that I observe in Fox amounts to this 
 — that Dirick Carver, a foreigner by birth^, but a wealthy 
 brewer at Brighton, had private meetings at his house for 
 the performance of divine service according to King Edward's 
 book — that at one of those meetings, about the end of 
 October 1554, twelve persons (of whom Carver himself was 
 one, and John Launder, and Thomas Iveson or Everson, 
 were two others) were apprehended by Sir Edward Gage. 
 He sent them up to the Council in London, who committed 
 them to Newgate on the 1st of November. 
 
 This of course brought them into Bonner's jurisdiction, 
 for they certainly dwelt in his diocese and if they were 
 heretics at all had brought their heresies with them ; and I 
 notice the case because it is one of those which have given 
 ground, and may seem to give some colour, to HeyUn's lan- 
 guage, " let them be sent for up by order from the Lords of 
 
 ^ In his confession, as given by Fox, he states, that he had lived at 
 Brighton " by the space of eight or nine years," having been " born in the 
 village of Dilson, by Stockom in the land of Luke. " On this Mr. Cattley 
 puts a note, " ' In the parish of Lynch, in the hundred of Eastbourne, 
 ' there was an ancient chapel dedicated to St. Luke, and so called in Speed's 
 ' map of the county. . . . The whole parish may be estimated at 1084 
 ' acres. Of these, 700 lie compactly and are called Lynch-farm, at the 
 ' base of the great range of down near the parishes of Didling, Stadham , 
 ' and Bepton.' See Daleaway's West Division of Sussex, vol. i. p. 299. 
 ' How far ' Stockom ' might be identified with ' Scopham ' (the ancient 
 ' name of Shoreham), must remain uncertain. — Eb." It may remain un- 
 certain to the editor, who seems to have taken it for granted that a man 
 of forty, who leads one to suppose that he had lived in Brighton only eight 
 or nine years, must have been born in some part of Sussex. But I appre- 
 hend, that all doubt will be removed from the mind of any reader who 
 turns to M. Oudiette's " Dictionnaire G&graphique et Topographique dee 
 treize Departemens," &c. where he will find " Dilsem, village, depart, de 
 la Meuse-Inferieure, arrond. de Ruremonde, ci-dev. pays de Liege, Popul. 
 env. 600 habitans, pris de Stockem." vol. i. p. 78. This "pays de 
 Lifege " the man himself probably called, as the Dutch I believe now do, 
 the land of " Z/mjk. " The place of his birth was probably mentioned to 
 meet the question of his being a British subject ; and therefore even if he 
 was commonly known by the name of a place where he had carried on 
 business, and whence he had come, it would be no less necessary to say 
 precisely where he was born. 
 
XX.] CAKVER AND LAUNDEE. 405 
 
 ' the Council, committed to the Tower, the Fleet, or any 
 ' other prison within my diocese ; and when I have them in 
 ' my clutches let God do so, and more to Bonner, if they 
 ' scape his fingers." It may be observed that these six 
 prisoners do not seem to have been sent for by the Council, 
 but rather unwelcomely thrust upon it by the zeal of a 
 Sussex magistrate ; nor do I recollect any case (though such 
 may be recorded) that would justify Heylin's statement. 
 As to Bonner, however, the confiding reader will naturally 
 suppose that he had immediate, if not instinctive, notice of 
 their setting foot within his jurisdiction, and instantly 
 sprang on his prey ; but, in fact, he seems to have taken no 
 notice, if he even knew, of the transaction for eight months ; 
 when he received a letter from the Marquis of Winchester, 
 Lord Treasurer (dated the 7th of June) in which his lord- 
 ship, having discussed some matters relating to the obsequies 
 of the King's grandmother, in a way which looks rather as 
 if he wished to put the bishop in good humour, before he 
 came to business which would be to say the least trouble- 
 some, and having then had occasion to speak of the martyr- 
 dom of Bradford, added, " There be divers like prisoners 
 ' that came from Sussex, that be not yet examined before 
 ' you, lying now in Newgate, which must be examined by you 
 ' since tliey be come to London ; and so I pray they may be, 
 ' and I certified of your proceedings, that I may follow ; 
 ' which I shall do " &c. In the course of a few days they 
 were examined. 
 
 But this matter also deserves attention as furnishing an 
 example of that which must have forced itself on the notice 
 of all those who have had any experience in detecting and 
 tracing out error — namely, how the pen of straightforward 
 truth seems to have been so guided, even in what may 
 appear trifling matters of phraseology, as exactly to meet 
 such falsifications, as he who used it could never have anti- 
 cipated. The articles ministered to these men, who were 
 considered, and dealt with, as inhabitants of the diocese of 
 London, present some differences from those ministered to 
 most of the prisoners which are worthy of notice, as will be 
 seen by the following extracts : — 
 
 "First, I do object against yoa, and every of you, that ye and 
 every of you, heing within the said prison of Newgate and within the 
 said city of London, are of my jurisdiction (being bishop of London), 
 
406 BISHOP BONNER AND DENLEY, [essay 
 
 and subject unto the same, offending and trespassing vnthin the said 
 prison amd city in matters of religion, and concerning the catholic 
 faith and belief of the church in any wise. 
 
 " 2. Item, I do object against you, and every of you, that ye and 
 every of you, since your first coming and entering into the said 
 prison, and during your abode there, both there and in sundry places 
 within this city and diocese of London, have holden, maintained, and 
 defended sundry opinions against the sacraments of the church, 
 especially against the sacrament of penance and also against the 
 sacrament of the altar." — Fox, vii. 324. 
 
 * *• * * ^ 
 
 " 12. Item, I do likewise object and say, that I the said bishop of 
 London was commanded, by the authority of the said council, to 
 make process against you, and every of you, so that it was not my 
 procuring or searching that ye should be commanded or called 
 before me in this matter of heresy, but partly your own demerits, 
 and partly the said commandment, enforced me to call and send for 
 you to make answer herein ; and hereof to show you the said 
 letters."— iJ8<^. 325. 
 
 Fox proceeds : — 
 
 "Upon Monday, being the said tenth day of June, these two 
 persons, with others, were brought by the keeper unto the bishop's 
 consistory (as it was before commanded) at one of the clock in the 
 afternoon ; where the bishop, first beginning with the said Dirick 
 Carver, caused his confession with the articles and answers to be 
 openly read unto him (which order he kept at the condemnation of 
 every prisoner), asking him whether he would stand to the same. 
 To whom the said Dirick answered, that he would : ' for your 
 doctrine,' quoth he, ' is poison and sorcery. If Christ were here you 
 would put him to a worse death than he was put to before. You 
 say, that you can make a god : ye can make a pudding as well. 
 Your ceremonies in the church be beggary and poison. And further 
 I say, that auricular confession is contrary to God's word, and very 
 poison : ' with divers other such words '•'. 
 
 ' The following passage in the work of Miles Hoggard already men- 
 tioned at p. 234, seems to refer to Dirick Carver, and his companions, and 
 to attest his foreign extraction : — 
 
 "Also about xii monethes past, before the Eeverende father the bishop 
 of London, there were arraigned in the consistorie of Paules for their 
 ' opinions against the Sacrament of the Altar, iiii Sussex men, the one of 
 ' them was a ducheman, and dwelled besides Lewes, who being deraaunded 
 ' among others, what baptism was, the one answered it was a sacrament. 
 ' Then he was demanded whether a man might be a christian without it 
 ' ' Yea doubtles qd he ; for it is but an externe signe and worketh little 
 ' grace. For ' said be ' like as a man doth wash his hands in a bason of 
 ' water signifying that the hands are clean ever, so the child is washed at 
 ' Baptisrn to accomplish the exterior figure.' Then was objected unto him 
 ' tlje saying of Chiiste ' Unles a man be borne agayne with water and the 
 
XX.] NEWMAN, PACKINGHAM, AND SMITH. 407 
 
 " The bishop, seeing his constancy, and that neither his accus- 
 tomed flatteries, nor yet his cruel threatenings could once move this 
 good man to incline to their idolatry, pronounced his usual and 
 general blessing, as well towards this Dirick as also upon the said 
 John Launder, although severally : who (after the like manner of 
 process used with him) remained in the same constancy, as did the 
 other, and therefore were both delivered unto the sheriffs, who were 
 there present," &c. — Tbid. 
 
 Carver suffered on the 22iid July, Launder the day after, 
 and Iveson or Everson about the same month. The other 
 nine, I presume, were reconciled. 
 
 (37.) John Denlet, (38.) John Newman, and" (39.) 
 Patrick Packingham. Their cases seem not to present any 
 peculiar features ; and may be passed over for the sake of 
 brevity. The next are those of ten prisoners, all if I mistake 
 not of the bishop's own diocese, but sent to him by the 
 commissioners *. 
 
 The narratives relating to these would furnish much 
 ground for remark ; but there is only one which has the 
 peculiar interest and value that belongs to autobiography ; 
 and certainly it is so characteristic, and so much to the pur- 
 pose, that it cannot be passed over ; though only a small 
 part can be extracted. Moreover it is the history of one 
 connected with a person of whom we have already heard ; 
 who, while he contrived to keep himself out of harm in 
 these troubles, and was the admiration of both Gardiner 
 and Bonner, appears to have wanted either the wUl or the 
 power to save the life of an old servant of his own. As to 
 Sir Thomas Smith himself, Strype says, " though he thus 
 escaped this man," [that is Bonner] " yet another of his 
 name, who was also a retainer to him at Eton when Provost 
 there, fell into his hands, whom he left not till he had 
 reduced him into ashes ; namely, 
 
 (49.) RoBEKT Smith, who was burnt at Uxbridge in the 
 year 1555^." Fox introduces the story in the following 
 manner ; — 
 
 " Robert Smith was brought unto Newgate the 5th of November, 
 
 ' holy ghoste he could not be saved.' ' Tushe,' saith he, ' the water pro- 
 ' fiteth nothing, it is the Holy Ghost that worketh ' who, with the rest, 
 ' moat worthily were condempned and burned in Sussex." — f. 11. h. 
 
 ■* With a letter given at length in Fox, signed by Nicholas Hare, 
 William Boper, Richard Bede, and William Cooke. 
 
 s Life of Sir Thomas Smith, p. 51. 
 
408 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 in the first and second year of the king and queen, by John Matthew, 
 yeoman of the guard, of the queen's side, by the commandment of 
 the council. This Smith first gave himself unto service in the house 
 of sir Thomas Smith, knight, being then provost of Eton : from 
 thence he was preferred to Windsor, having there in the college a 
 clerkship of ten pound a year. Of stature he was tall and slender, 
 active about many things, but chiefiy delighting in the art of 
 painting, which, many times, rather for his mind's sake than for any 
 living or lucre, he did practise and exercise. In religion he was 
 fervent, after he had once tasted the truth ; wherein he was much 
 confirmed by the preachings and readings of one master Turner of 
 Windsor and others. Whereupon at the coming of Queen Mary he 
 was deprived of his clerkship by her visitors, and not long after he 
 was apprehended, and brought to examination before Bonner, as 
 here followeth, written and testified with his own hand." — Fox, 
 vii. 347. 
 
 It is just one of those puzzles which one constantly finds 
 in trpng to understand stories told by those who do not 
 mean to tell all. Having been informed, as a mere matter 
 of fact, without any hint of why or wherefore, that Robert 
 Smith was brought to Newgate on the 5th of November 
 1554, the reader is unconsciously carried over a period of 
 eight months, and finds the prisoner at his first examination 
 by Bonner on the 5th of July 1555. Not a word of any- 
 thing that had happened between. One cannot but imagine, 
 that the original charge against a prisoner thus committed 
 to Newgate by the Council, through the agency of a Yeo- 
 man of the Guard, was not mere heresy, but something of 
 either a criminal, or a political nature. Perhaps even the 
 slight and scattered notices which we have of the time may 
 throw some light upon the matter. We are told that on 
 the evening preceding Robert Smith's commitment, a great 
 fray " began " at Charing Cross between the Spaniards and 
 the English, on account of which certain persons were taken 
 the next day. Of this fray I find no fuller account than 
 that which I give below" Though the time of its beginning 
 is thus specified, I do not discover anything more of its con- 
 tinuance, end, or consequences. Nor does it appear what 
 became of those who were " taken," unless they were the 
 
 " " The iiij day of November be-gane a grett fray at Cbaryng crosse at 
 viij of the cloke at nyglit be-twyn the Spaneardes and Englj amen, the 
 wyobe tbrugh wysdom ther wher but a fuwe hort, and after the next day 
 thay wher serten taken that be-gane yt ; on was a blake-mor, and was 
 brought a^for the bed offesers by the knyghtmarehall['s] servandes."— 
 Machyn, p. 74. 
 
XX.] ROBERT SMITH. 409 
 
 persons who were hanged on that spot on the 26th of April 
 following'', for robbing of certain Spaniards. If it be 
 thought strange that the punishment of the prisoners taken 
 in November should have been so long delayed, I can only 
 say that I do not see anything that looks like a trial or 
 execution for the offence in the mean while ; and, further, 
 that however strange it may seem, it is quite clear that 
 Robert Smith, whatever might be his offence, was in prison 
 during all that time, and a good deal longer ; and that we 
 have no account of his being examined at all before July. 
 
 It may be worth while to observe, that one of the three 
 men hanged at Charing Cross for robbing the Spaniards 
 was John Tooley ; who has been immortalized by Fox for 
 his testimony against the Pope, delivered at his execution. 
 He seems to have been a poulterer, and to have been for 
 some time a notorious character ; for among the depositions 
 which were taken after his execution, respecting his conduct 
 at that time, we have one from PhUip Andrew, under Mar- 
 shal of the Marshalsea, of the age of 54 years, who tells us 
 that, on being informed of what the prisoner was saying, 
 he went " and rebuked him " calling him " seditious traitor ; " 
 and telling him that he had been " worthy to be hanged 
 seven years ago."^ That these were not mere words of 
 abuse, may be thought probable from the circumstance that 
 he appears to have received the king's pardon for some 
 offence sufficient to work a forfeiture of his lands and goods 
 in the preceding reign'*. He seems to have been allowed to 
 hang at Charing Cross from the Friday on which he was 
 executed, until the following Monday ; when he was cut 
 down and buried under the gallows. By whose authority 
 this was done, I do not see; but it appears that on the 
 intervening Sunday a letter was addressed to Bonner, signed 
 by the Lord Chancellor, and six other members of the 
 Council, informing him that they had heard of Tooley's 
 heretical proceedings, and praying him " to cause further 
 ' inquiry to be made thereof, and thereupon to proceed to 
 ' the making out of such process as by the ecclesiastical laws 
 
 ' " The xxyj day of Aprell was cared from the Marseleee in a care 
 thrugh London unto Charyng-crosse to the galows, and ther hangyd, 
 iij men lor robyng of serten Spaneardea of tresur of gold owt of the abbay 
 of YeBimynstet."— Ibid. 86. 
 
 '■' Fox, vii. 95. " Strype, Mem, vol. II. pt. ii. p. 239. 
 
410 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 ' is provided in that behalf." Accordingly on the Tuesday, 
 Bishop Bonner issued " a writ or mandate " which he caused 
 to be "setup at Charing Cross, on Paules church door, and 
 at St. Martin in the Field, for the citing and further 
 enquiring out of the case of John Tooley." In consequence 
 of this process the body of John Tooley was delivered to the 
 sheriffs of London and burned '. 
 
 I mention these circumstances because Robert Smith says 
 in one of his letters to his wife, written during his imprison- 
 ment, " I have not yet (tell my brother) spoken with the 
 ' person. There hath come so strait a commandment, that 
 ' no man might come to us, because Tooley cursed the Pope 
 ' at the gallows. The.y thought it to be our counsel '." 
 
 But whether Robert Smith had, or had not, anything to 
 do with the Spanish fray, and whatever might be the cause 
 of his imprisonment, it seems that it had continued eight 
 months when he was brought before the Bishop of London 
 for examination, on the charge of heresy ; an offence which 
 he had had ample time and peculiar opportunity to commit 
 
 ^ Fox makes great fun of " the ridiculous handling and proceeding of 
 Bishop Bonner and his Mates against John Tooley," in which he is 
 followed by Bishop Burnet, and other writers, who are facetious on the 
 subject of his citing a dead man to appear in his court, and tell us that 
 the dead man did not mind him, &o. Where they found any evidence of 
 his having done so, I know not. Certainly there is nothing that looks like 
 it in the long mandate given by Fox, which is addressed to the bishop's 
 " sworn sumnor," specially and particularly directing what parties he was 
 to cite. Whether or no, it can scarcely be doubted that the usual practice 
 of the court was followed ; and even Fox acquits Bonner of having done 
 any thing in the business nntil he received this order from the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 ^ I may add to this, that part of Tooley's conduct at his execution 
 which gave offence was, that he read a prayer from a printed book, and 
 other prayers which were written on paper. With regard to "the said 
 book of prayers," it is stated by one of the deponents, that the said Tooley 
 delivered it to one of the Marshal's officers " and willed him to deliver it 
 to one Haulees saying that it was his book." There seems to be no 
 doubt that this Haukes is the person with whom we have already been 
 made acquainted, who was then a fellow prisoner of Robert Smith ; and 
 one cannot but suspect that the written prayer which was inscribed, 
 " Beware of Antichrist " at the top, and " Per me Thomam Harold, 
 prisoner in the Marshalsea, enemy to Antichrist," at the bottom, might 
 have some sort of connexion with the Sarold Tamson who was (as we 
 have seen) before the Commissioners, and vanished without any notice of 
 discharge or execution. Except on this occasion I do not find that Thomas 
 Harold is mentioned by Fox, 
 
XX.] ROBERT SMITH. 411 
 
 during his confinement in the diocese of that prelate. " As 
 ' thou seest him here," says Fox, " boldly standing examina- 
 ' tion before the Bishop and Doctors, so he was no less com- 
 ' f ortable also in the prison among his fellows ; which also is 
 ' to be observed no less in his other prison fellows, who, 
 ' being there together cast in an outward house within New- 
 ' gate had godly conference within themselves with daily 
 ' praying and public reading, which they, to their great com- 
 ' fort, used in that house together ; amongst whom this 
 ' foresaid Smith was a chief doer : whose industry was always 
 ' solicitous not only for them of his own company, but also 
 ' his diligence was careful for other prisoners whom he ceased 
 ' not to dehort and dissuade from their old accustomed ini- 
 ' quity, and many he converted unto his religion l" Our 
 business is however rather with what passed in his examina- 
 tions, where, says Mr. Strype, " he spake readily and to the 
 ' purpose and gave that Prelate his own." The meaning of 
 this will be in some degree apparent by the beginning of his 
 first examination, which was as follows : — 
 
 " About nine o'clock in the morning, I was among the rest of my 
 brethren brought to the bishop's house ; and I, first of all, was 
 brought before him into his chamber, to whom the bishop said as 
 followeth, after he had asked my name. 
 
 "Bonner. 'How long is it ago since the time that ye were 
 confessed to any priest ? ' 
 
 "Smith,. 'Never since I had years of discretion. For I never saw 
 it needful, neither commanded of God to come to show my faults to 
 any of that sinful number, whom ye call priests.' 
 
 ^ VIL 356. This may show that the considering a prisoner in New- 
 gate as a person guilty of heresy in the diocese of London was not a mere 
 legal fiction ; and the same is apparent from the case of William Andrew, 
 one of the ten thus sent to Bonner, but whose case does not come within 
 the limits of our enquiry, as he died in prison. " The first and principal 
 ' promoter of him," says Fox, " was the Lord Kiche, who sent him first to 
 ' prison. Another great doer against him also see.iieth to be Sir Richard 
 ' Southwell Knight, by a letter written by him to Bonner, as by the copy 
 ' hereof appeareth." The Letter begins " Pleaseth it your Lordship to 
 ' understand, that the Lord Eiche did, about seven or eight weeks past, 
 ' send up unto the Council one William Andrew of Thorp, within the 
 ' county of Essex, an arrogant heretic. Their pleasure was to command 
 ' me to commit him unto Newgate, where he remaineth, and, as I am 
 ' informed, hath infected a number in the prison with his heresy. Your 
 ' Lordship shall do very well, if it please you to convent him before you, 
 ■ and to take order with him as his case doth require. I know the Council 
 ' meant to have writ herein unto your Lordship, but, by occasion of other 
 'business, the thing hath been omitted," &i;. — Fox, vii. 371, 
 
412 BISHOP BONNEK AND [essay 
 
 "Bonner. 'Thou showest thyself, even at the first chop, to be a 
 rank heretic, which, being weary of painting, art entered into 
 divinity, and so fallen, through thy departing from thy vocation, 
 into heresy.' 
 
 " Smith. ' Although I have understanding in the said occupation, 
 yet, I praise God, I have had little need all my life hitherto to live 
 by the same, but have lived without the same in mine own house as 
 honestly in my vocation, as ye have lived in yours, and yet used the 
 same better than ever you used the pulpit. ' 
 
 "Bonner. ' How long is it ago since ye received the sacrament of 
 the altar, and what is your opinion in the same ? ' 
 
 "Smith. 'I never received the same since I had years of dis- 
 cretion, nor ever will, by God's grace ; neither do esteem the same 
 in any point, because it hath not God's ordinance, neither in name, 
 nor in usage, but rather is set up and erected to mock God withal.' " 
 — Fox, vii. 347. 
 
 In the course of this day's examination he tells us ; — 
 
 " We were carried unto my lord's hall, where we were baited of 
 my lord's band, almost all the day, until our keeper, seeing their 
 misorder, shut us up all in a fair chamber, while my lord went into 
 his synagogue to condemn master Denly and John Newman. Then 
 brought they up my Lord Mayor to hear our matter above in the 
 chamber, and I, first of all, was called into the chamber, where my 
 lord intended to sup ; where my Lord Mayor, being set with the 
 Bishop and one of the bheriffs, wine was walking on every side : I, 
 standing before them as an outcast. Which made me remember 
 how Pilate and Herod were made friends, but no man was sorry for 
 Joseph's hurt. But, after my lord had well drunk, my articles were 
 sent for and read, and he demanded whether I said not, as was 
 written ? 
 
 " Smith. ' That I have said, I have said ; and what I have said, I do 
 mean utterly.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, my lord mayor, your lordsdip hath heard some- 
 what, what a stout heretic this is, and that his articles have 
 deserved death : yet nevertheless, forsomuoh as they report me to 
 seek blood, and call me 'Bloody Bonner,' whereas God knoweth, I 
 never sought any man's blood in all my life, I have stayed him from 
 the Consistory this day, whither I might have brought him justly ; 
 and yet here, before your lordship, I desire him to turn, and I will 
 with all speed dispatch him out of trouble ; and this I profess 
 before your lordship and all this audience. ' 
 
 ''Smith. 'Why, my lord, do ye put on this fair visor before 
 my lord mayor, to make him believe that ye seek not my blood, 
 to cloak your murders through my stoutness, as ye call it ? Have ye 
 not had my brother Tomkins before you, whose hand when you had 
 burned most cruelly, ye burnt also his body 1 And not only of him, 
 but of a great many of the members of Christ, men that feared 
 God, and lived virtuously, and also the queen's majesty's most true 
 subjects, as their goods and bodies have made manifest? And 
 seeing in these saints ye have showed so little mercy, shall it seem 
 
XX.] ROBERT SMITH. 413 
 
 to my lord and this audience, that ye show me more favour ? No, 
 no, my lord. But if ye mean as ye say, why then examine ye me of 
 that I am not bound to answer you unto ? ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, what sayest thou by the sacrament of the altar ? 
 Is it not the very body of Christ, flesh, blood, and bone, as it was 
 born of the Virgin 1 ' 
 
 " Smith. ' I have answered, that it is none of God's order, neither 
 any sacrament, but man's own vain invention ; ' and showed him the 
 Lord's institution. 
 
 " But when he was so earnest before the audience, declaring that 
 we knew nothing, bringing out his 'hoc est corpus meum,' to lay in 
 my dish, I proved before the audience, that it was a dead god, 
 declaring the distinction appointed between the two creatures of 
 bread and wine, and that a body without blood hath no life ; at 
 which Harpsfield found himself much offended, and took the tale 
 out of my lord's mouth, saying, ' I will approve by the Scriptures, 
 that ye blaspheme God in so saying,' " &c. — Tbid. 349. 
 
 The account of the second examination, which took place 
 on the following day, begins thus ; — 
 
 "Upon Saturday at eight of the clock, I was brought to his 
 chamber again, and there by him examined, as foUoweth : — 
 
 "Bonner. 'Thou, Robert Smith, etc. sayest that there is no 
 catholic church here on earth. ' 
 
 "Smith. 'Ye have heard me both speak the contrary, and ye 
 have written as a witness of the same.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Yea, but I must ask thee this question : how sayest 
 thou ? ' 
 
 "Smith. 'Must ye of necessity begin with a lib? it maketh 
 manifest that ye determine to end with the same : but there shall no 
 LIAKS enter into the kingdom of God. Nevertheless, if ye will be 
 answered, ask mine articles that were written yesterday, and they 
 shall tell you that I have confessed a church of God, as well in 
 earth as in heaven ; and yet aU one church, and one man's members, 
 even Christ Jesus.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, what sayest thou to auricular confession ? Is it 
 not necessary to be used in Christ's church, and wUt thou not be 
 shriven of the priest ! ' 
 
 "Smith. 'It is not needful to be used in Christ's church, as I 
 answered yesterday: but if it be needful for your church, it is 
 to pick men's purses. And such piok-purse matters is all the whole 
 rabble of your ceremonies ; for all is but money matters that ye 
 maintain.' ... 
 
 "Bonner. 'Why, how art thou able to prove that confession is 
 a pick-purse matter ? Art thou not ashamed so to say ? ' 
 
 " Smith. ' I speak by experience ; for I have both heard and seen 
 the fruits of the same. For, first, it hath been, we see, a bewrayer 
 of king's secrets, and the secrets of other men's consciences ; who, 
 being delivered, and glad to be discharged of their sins, have given 
 to priests great sums of money to absolve them, and sing masses 
 for their soul's health.' 
 
414 BISHOP BONNER A.ND [essay 
 
 " And for ensample, I began to bring in a pageant, that by report 
 was played at St. Thomas of Acres, and where I was sometime 
 a child waiting on a gentleman of Norfolk, who being bound in 
 conscience, through the persuasion of the priest, gave away a great 
 sum of his goods, and forgave unto master Gresham a great sum of 
 money, and to another as much. The priest had for his part a sum, 
 and the house had an annuity to keep him ; the which thing when 
 his brother heard, he came down to London, and after declaration 
 made to the council, how, by the subtlety of the priest he had 
 robbed his wife and children, recovered a great part again, to the 
 value of two or three hundred pounds, of master Gresham and his 
 other friend ; but what he gave to the house, could not be recovered. 
 This tale began I to tell. But when my lord saw it savoured not to 
 his purpose, he began to revile me, and said, 'By the mass, if the 
 queen's majesty were of his mind, I should not come to talk before 
 any man, but should be put into a sack, and a dog tied unto the 
 same, and so should be thrown into the water. ' 
 
 "To which I answered again, saying, 'I know you speak by 
 practice, as much as by speculation : for both you and your pre- 
 decessors have sought all means possible to kill Christ secretly ; 
 record of master Hun, whom your predecessor caused to be thrust 
 in at the nose with hot burning needles, and then to be hanged, and 
 said the same Hun to have hanged himself : and also a good brother 
 of yours, a bishop of your profession, having in his prison an 
 innocent man, whom because he saw he was not able by the 
 Scriptures to overcome, he made him privily to be snarled, and his 
 flesh to be torn and plucked away with a pair of pincers, and, 
 bringing him before the people, said the rats had eaten him. Thus, 
 according to your oath is all your dealing, and hath been ; and as 
 you, taking upon you the office, do not without oaths open your 
 . mouth, no more do you without murder maintain your traditions. ' 
 " Bormer. ' Ah ! ye are a generation of liars ; there is not a true 
 word that cometh out of your mouths. ' 
 
 " iSmitli. ' Yes, my lord, I have said that Jesus Christ is dead for 
 my sins, and risen for my justification; and this is no lie.'" — 
 Ibid. 350. 
 
 It does not appear at this examination how many persons 
 were present. But it is clear that Sir John Mordant was 
 there, for on a very strong statement of Smith's respecting 
 baptism the Bishop exclaimed ; — 
 
 "Bonner. 'By the mass this is the most unshamefaced heretic 
 that ever I heard speak.' 
 
 "Smith. 'Well sworn, my lord ; ye keep a good watch.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, master comptroller, ye catch me at my words : 
 but I will watch thee as well, I warrant thee.' 
 
 " 'By my troth, my lord,' quoth master Mordant, ' I never heard 
 the like in all my life.' " — Fox, vii. 351. 
 
 The argument went on however without much interrup- 
 
XX.] ROBERT SMITH. 415 
 
 tion or variation of style, until the bishop thinking enough 
 had been said repecting the sacrament of baptism went on, 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, Sir, what say you to the sacrament of orders ? ' 
 " Smith. ' Ye may call it the sacrament of misorders ; for all 
 orders are appointed of God. But as for your shaving, anointing, 
 greasing, polling, and rounding, there are no such things appointed 
 in God's book, and therefore I have nothing to do to believe your 
 orders. And as for you, my lord, if ye had grace and inteUigence, 
 ye would not so disfigure yourself as ye do.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Sayest thou so ? Now, by my troth, I will go shave 
 myseU, to anger thee withal : ' and so sent for his barber, who 
 immediately came. And before mi/ face at the door of the next 
 chamber he shaved himself, desiring me before he went to answer 
 
 to these articles. 
 
 ***** 
 
 "With this came my lord from shaving, and asked me how I 
 liked him ? 
 
 " Smith. ' Forsooth, ye are even as wise as ye were before ye were 
 shaven.' 
 
 "Bonner. 'How standeth it, master doctors, have ye done any 
 good ! ' 
 
 " Doctor. ' No, by my troth, my lord, we can do no good.' 
 
 "Smith. 'Then it is fulfilled which is written. How can an evil 
 tree bring forth good fruit ? ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Nay, naughty fellow ; I set these gentlemen to bring 
 thee home to Christ.' 
 
 " Smith. ' Such gentlemen, such Christs ; and as truly as they 
 have that name from Christ, so truly do they teach Christ.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, wilt thou neither hear them, nor me ? ' 
 
 " ihiith. • Yes, I am compelled to hear you ; but ye cannot compel 
 me to foUow you.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, thou shalt be burnt at a stake in Smithfield, if 
 thou wilt not turn.' 
 
 " Smith. ' And ye shall burn in hell, if ye repent not. But, my 
 lord, to put you out of doubt, because I am weary, I will strain 
 courtesy with you : I perceive you will not, with your doctors, come 
 unto me, and I am determined not to come unto you, by God's 
 grace; for I have hardened my face against you as hard as brass.' 
 
 " Then, after many railing sentences, I was sent away. And thus 
 have I left the truth of mine answers in writing, gentle reader, 
 being compelled by my friends to do it ; that ye may see how the 
 Lord hath, according to his promise, given me a mouth and wisdom 
 to answer in his cause, for which I am condemned, and my cause 
 not heard." — Ibid. 363. 
 
 Whether the reader will form as high an opinion of Robert 
 Smith's wisdom as he did himself, I do noD take upon me to 
 decide. Then follows "The last examination of Robert 
 Smith, with his condemnation in the Consistory," which 
 begins thus ; — 
 
416 BISHOP BONNER AND [bssay 
 
 "The 12th of July I was with my brethren brought into the 
 consistory, and mine articles read before my lord mayor and the 
 sheriffs, with aU the assistants ; to which I answered, as f oUoweth : 
 
 "Bonner. 'By my faith, my lord mayor, I have showed him as 
 much favour as any man living might do : but I perceive aU is lost, 
 both in him and all his company.' 
 
 " At this word, which he coupled with an oath, came I in, and 
 taking him with the manner said, ' My lord, it is written, ye must 
 not swear.' 
 
 "Bonner. 'Ah, master comptroller, are ye come? Lo, my lord 
 mayor, this is master speaker,' pointing to my brother Tankerfield, 
 ' and this is master comptroller,' pointing to me. 
 
 "And then, beginning to read my articles." — Fox, vii. 354. 
 
 Then after some intermediate matter, the chief purport 
 of which is to show that Master Mordant told a lie, he 
 proceeds — 
 
 " Then proceeded my lord, with the rest of mine articles, 
 demanding of me, if I said not as was written. To which I 
 answered : ' No,' and turning to my lord mayor, I said, I require 
 you my lord mayor, in God's behalf, unto whom pertaineth your 
 sword and justice, that I may here; before your presence, answer to 
 these objections that are laid against me, and have the probation of 
 the same ; and if any thing that I have said or will say, be to be 
 proved (as my lord saith) heresy, I shall not only with all my heart 
 forsake the same, and cleave to the truth, but also recant whereso- 
 ever ye shall assign me, and all this audience shall be witness to 
 the same.' 
 
 " Mayor. ' Why, Smith, thou canst not deny, but this thou saidst.' 
 " Smith. ' Yes, my lord, I deny that which he hath written, 
 because he hath both added to, and diminished from, the same : 
 but what I have spoken, I wiU never deny.' 
 
 "Mayor. 'Why, thou spakest against the blessed sacrament of 
 the altar.' 
 
 " Smith. ' I denied it to be any sacrament, and I do stand here to 
 make probation of the same ; and if my lord here, or any of his 
 doctors, be able to approve either the name or usage of the same, I 
 will recant mine error.' 
 
 " Then spake my brother Tankerfield, and defended the proba- 
 tion of those things, which they called heresy : to which the 
 bishop answered, ' By my troth, master speaker, ye shall preach at 
 a stake.' 
 
 " Smith. ' Well sworn, my lord, ye keep a good watch.'' 
 "Bonner. 'Well, master comptroller, I am no saint.' 
 " Smith. ' No, my lord, nor yet good bishop ; for a bishop, saith 
 St. Paul, should be faultless, and a dedicate vessel unto God. And 
 are ye not ashamed to sit in judgment, and be a blasphemer, con- 
 demning innocents.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, master comptroller, ye are faultless.' 
 " Smith. ' My lord mayor, I require you, in God's name, that I 
 may have justice.' — Fox, vii. 354. 
 
XX.] PHILPOT AND WHITTLE. 417 
 
 This his last examination was, as has been already stated, 
 on the 12th of July; and he was burned on the 8th of 
 August. 
 
 (75.) John Philpot. After what has been said, his case 
 need not detain us ; for nobody I suppose will make his 
 martyi'dom the ground of particular charge against Bonner. 
 If it be done, the discussion will require much more space 
 than can be allowed for it in a cursory view like the 
 present. 
 
 (76.) Thomas Whittle. Here the martyr is his own- 
 historian ; but the case is so singular, that one cannot but 
 wish that he had been rather more explicit in some points. 
 However, as it is one of the stories of Bonner's wanton and 
 unaccountable cruelty, I must not pass it by ; and really, if 
 I were writing with more of the spirit of an apologist than 
 I do, I should not feel anxious to remove the impression 
 which the facts, even as we receive them, are calcxiLated to 
 make on any considerate reader. Fox introduces the matter 
 thus ; — 
 
 " In the story of master Philpot, mention was made before, of a 
 married priest, whom he found in the coal-house at his first coming 
 thither, in heaviness of mind and great sorrow, for recanting the 
 doctrine which he had taught in king Edward's days, whose name 
 was Thomas Whittle of Essex ; and thus lieth his story. This 
 Thomas Whittle, after he had been expnlsed from the place in 
 Essex * where he served, went abroad where he might, now here and 
 there as occasion was ministered, preaching and sowing the gospel 
 of Christ. At length being apprehended by one Edmund Alablaster, 
 in hope of reward and promotion, which he miserably gaped after, 
 he was brought first as a prisoner before the bishop of Winchester, 
 who then was fallen lately sick of Ms disease, whereof not long 
 after he died most strangely. But the apprehender for his proffered 
 service was highly checked and rated of the bishop, asking if there 
 were no man unto whom he might bring such rascals, but to him : 
 ' Hence,' quoth he, ' out of my sight, thou varlet I what dost thou 
 trouble me vrith such matters ? ' The greedy cormorant being thus 
 defeated of his desired prey, yet thinking to seek and to hunt 
 further, carried his prisoner to the bishop of London, with whom 
 what an evil mess of handling this Whittle had, and how he was by 
 the bishop all-to beaten and buffeted about the face, by this his own 
 
 '' The place was Kirby-in-le-Soken, of which he had become Eector 
 during the preceding reign (18 April, 1550). His being found in the 
 Coal House by Philpot was on the 24tU of October, 1555. According to 
 Newcourt be had been deprived in 1554. The date which he assigns to 
 WiUiam Pamell, the Successor in the living, is Feb. 1, 1554. 
 
 2d 
 
418 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 narration in a letter sent unto his friend, manifestly may appear." — 
 Fox, vii. 718. 
 
 This is all very well ; but we feel conscious that the 
 prudent narrator is not telling us the whole story, or even 
 telling what he does tell, fairly. We might perhaps be 
 satisfied to believe that one Alablaster, gaping for promo- 
 tion, accidentally lighted on a heretic ; and, thinking it a 
 good opportunity to make his fortune, carried him to 
 Bishop Gardiner; and, being disappointed of a market 
 there, went on with his prize to the next-best customer, 
 being pretty sure that if he went the round of the blood- 
 thirsty bishops, he should find some one who would buy his 
 bargain, and reward him — we might, I say, take aU this as 
 a matter of course, if we had not just read in the articles 
 ministered to the seven martyrs of whom Thomas Whittle 
 was one, "Item, that thou the said N. being convented 
 
 ' before certain Judges or Commissioners wast by 
 
 ' their commandment sent unto me and my prison, to be 
 ' examined by me, and process to be made against thee for 
 ' thy offence herein ; " with the assent of the prisoners 
 thereto, " Thomas Whittle adding, and afiirming, that the 
 Lord Chancellor that then was, sent him up to the bishop 
 there present." This gives rather a difierent view of the 
 matter, especially as so very little is said of the previous 
 condition of Thomas Whittle, why he was " expulsed from 
 the place in Essex where he served," or what he had been 
 doing in particular when he was apprehended by one 
 Edmund Alablaster, of whom we should probably have 
 heard somewhere else if he had been a person possessing 
 plenary powers to apprehend anybody who came in his way, 
 without any alledged reason. It seems that Thomas 
 Whittle, priest, was not merely a person accidentally picked 
 up by one Alablaster ; but one whom the Chancellor, for " 
 some reason or other, thought fit to send to the Bishop of 
 London. It is however one of the blind stories which we 
 must take as we find it ; and, without much knowledge of 
 the man, we must be glad to let him tell his own tale in his 
 own way, and learn what we can from it ; — 
 
 " Upon Thursday, which was the 10th of January, the bishop of 
 London sent for me, Thomas Whittle, minister out of the porter's 
 lodge, where I had been all night, lying upon the earth, upon a 
 pallet, where I had as painful a night of sickness as ever I had, God 
 
XX.] THOMAS WHITTLE. 419 
 
 be thanked. And when I came before him, he talked with me many 
 things of the sacrament so grossly, as is not worthy to be rehearsed. 
 And amongst other things he asked me if I would have come to mass 
 that morning, if he had sent for me. Whereunto I answered, that 
 I would have come to him at his commandment, ' but to your mass,' 
 said I, ' I have small affection.' At which answer he was displeased 
 sore, and said, I should be fed with bread and water. And as I 
 followed him through the great hall, he turned back and beat me 
 with his fist, first on the one cheek, and then on the other, as the 
 sign of my beating did many days appear. And then he led me 
 into a little salt-house, where I had no straw nor bed, but lay two 
 nights on a table, and slept soundly, I thank God. 
 
 " Then, upon the Friday next after, I was brought to my lord, 
 and he then gave me many fair words, and said he would be good 
 to me. And so he, going to Fulham, committed me to Dr. Harps- 
 field, that he and I in that afternoon should commune together, 
 and draw out certain articles, whereunto if I would subscribe, I 
 should be dismissed. But Dr. Harpsfield sent not for me till night, 
 and then persuaded me very sore to forsake my opinions." — Fox, 
 vii. 719. 
 
 In fact Harpsfield succeeded ; and Thomas Whittle sub- 
 scribed the recantation. But it was followed by almost 
 immediate remorse, " The night after I had subscribed," he 
 says, " I was sore grieved, and for sorrow of conscience 
 could not sleep." And he goes on ; — • 
 
 "Both with disquietness of mind, and with my other cruel 
 handling, I was sickly, lying upon the ground when the keeper 
 came ; and so I desired him to pray Dr. Harpsfield to come to me, 
 and so he did. 
 
 " And when he came, and the Registrar with him, I told him that 
 I was not well at ease ; but especially I told him I was grieved very 
 much in my conscience and mind, because I had subscribed. And 
 I said that my conscience had so accused me, through the just 
 judgment of God and his word, that I had felt hell in my con- 
 science, and Satan ready to devour me : ' and therefore I pray you, 
 master Harpsfield,' said I, 'let me have the bill again, for I wUl not 
 stand to it.' So he gently commanded it to be fetched, and gave it 
 to me, and suffered me to put out my name, whereof I was right 
 glad when I had so done although death should follow."— Jba;, vii. 
 720. 
 
 Fox has preserved copies of two letters which Harpsfield 
 and the Registrar wrote at this time to the bishop in which 
 they mention these circumstances. Harpsfield, after what 
 relates to other business, says : — 
 
 "Master Johnson and I have travailed with the priest and 
 he hath subscribed his name to this draught which is herein 
 inclosed, and hath promised he will stand to the same before your 
 lordship. 
 
420 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 "When I had written thus much, suddenly came tidings to me, 
 that Jordanis conversus est retrorsum. Cluney coming to the priest, 
 found him lying prostrate, and groaning as though he should have 
 died forthwith. Then Cluney took him up, and set him upon a 
 stool, and came to me, and told me of this revel. It chanced that 
 master Johnson was with me, and we went to this fond heretic, and 
 found him lying all along, holding his hands up, and looking hypo- 
 critically towards heaven. I caused Thomas More and Cluney to 
 set him on the stool, and with much ado at length he told me, that 
 Satan had been with him in the night, and told him that he was 
 damned ; and weeping he prayed master Johnson and me, to see 
 the bill whereunto he subscribed ; and when he saw it, he tore out 
 his name, i libra scilicet viventium. Me thinketh by him, he will 
 needs burn a faggot." — Fox, vii. 721. 
 
 The letter of Robert Johnson, the Bishop's Registrar, 
 begins thus ; — 
 
 "My bounden duty premised, pleaseth your lordship to under- 
 stand, that this last Friday in the afternoon, master archdeacon of 
 London did diligently travail with sir Thomas Whittle. I being 
 present, and perceiving his conformity, as outwardly appeared, 
 devised this submission, and he being content therewith did sub- 
 scribe the same. But now, this Saturday morning, master arch- 
 deacon and I, upon Cluney's report, declaring that he feigned 
 himself to be distracted of his senses, went unto him, to whom he 
 declared that Satan in the night time appeared unto him, and said 
 that he was damned, for that he had done against his conscience in 
 subscribing to the said submission ; with other like words, etc. 
 And then master Archdeacon, at his earnest request, delivered unto 
 him the submission. And thereupon the said Whittle did tear out 
 his subscription, made in the foot of the same, as your lordship 
 shall perceive by the submission sent now unto your lordship by 
 master archdeacon ; wherewith the said Whittle was somewhat 
 quieted." — Fox, vii. 721. 
 
 After all this it may be imagined that the case of Thomas 
 Whittle presents nothing more with relation to the, matters 
 respecting which we are inquiring. Fox gives an account 
 of his last examination before Bonner on the 14th of 
 January, and of his execution on the 27th. 
 
 (77.) Baetlbt Green. It is only necessary to add to 
 the account already given' of this martyr, what was then 
 purposely omitted as irrelevant to the matter under discus- 
 on. Fox tells us that the CouncQ suspected bim not only 
 of treason but of heresy, and therefore " examined him upon 
 his faith in reUgion, but upon what points is not certainly 
 known." 
 
 = See p. 78, u. 
 
XX.] BARTLET GREEN. 421 
 
 " Nevertheless (as it seemeth) his answers were such as little 
 pleased them (especially the anointed sort) ; and therefore, after 
 they had long detained him in prison, as well in the Tower of 
 London as elsewhere, they sent him at last unto Bonner bishop of 
 London, to be ordered according to his ecclesiastical law ; as 
 appeareth by their letters sent unto the bishop, with the said 
 prisoner also, wherein it may appear, that sir John Bourne (then 
 secretary to the queen) was a chief stirrer in such cases, yea and an 
 enticer of others of the Council ; who otherwise (if for fear they 
 durst) would have been content to have let such matters alone. 
 The Lord forgive them their weakness (if it be his good pleasure) 
 and give them true repentance. Amen. 
 
 ■' A Letter sent unto Bonner, Bishop of London, by the Queen's 
 Council, dated the Hth. Day of November, 1555; but not 
 delivered until the 17th. of the same Month. 
 "After our right hearty commendations to your good lordship, 
 we send to the same herewith the body of one Bartlet Green, who 
 hath of good time remained in the Tower for his obstinate standing 
 in matters against the catholic religion, whom the king's and queen's 
 majesties' pleasures are (because he is of your lordship's diocese), 
 ye shall cause to be ordered according to the laws in such cases 
 provided. And thus we bid your lordship heartily farewell. 
 " From St. James's, the 11th. of November, 1555. 
 Your good lordship's loving friends, 
 Winchester, Pembroke, Thomas Ely, 
 
 William Hayward, John Bourne, Thomas Wharton, 
 
 "Postscript. — I, sir John Bourne, will wait upon your lordship, 
 and signify further the king's and queen's majesties' pleasure herein." 
 —Fox, vii. 733. ^ 
 
 In his own " Rehearsal of his Handling," as he wrote it 
 in a letter to PhUpot, he says ; — 
 
 " The 17th day of November, being brought hither by two of the 
 clock at afternoon, I was presented before my lord of London and 
 other two bishops, master Deane, master Roper, master Welch, Dr. 
 Harpsfield archdeacon of London, and other two or three, all sitting 
 at one table. There were also present Dr. Dale, master George 
 Mordant, master Dee. Then after the bishop of London had read 
 unto himself the letter that came from the Council, he spake with 
 more words, but (as I remember) to this effect ; that the cause of 
 their assembly was : to hear mine examination, whereunto he had 
 authority by the Council ; and had provided master Welch, and 
 another whose name I know not (but well I remember, though he 
 obtained it not, yet desired he my lord, that I might hear the 
 Council's letters), to be there if any matters of the common law 
 should arise, to discuss them : he entreated my lord to determine 
 all controversies of Scripture ; and as for the civil law, he and 
 Dr. Dale should take it on them." — Fox, vii. 734. 
 
 Then followed the conversation about the cause of his 
 
422 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 imprisonment which has been already mentioned ". After 
 this, there was " much talk to no purpose ; " and then a 
 private discourse with master Welch ; who, he says, " rose 
 up, desiring leave to talk with me alone." At length, 
 after Green had told him that he did but lose his 
 labour, — 
 
 " ' Why then,' quoth Welch, ' what shall I report to my lord ? ' 
 ' Even as pleaseth you,' said I ; ' or else you may say that I would be 
 glad to learn, if I had books on both sides.' 
 
 "So he going in, the bishops (even then risen, and ready to depart) 
 asked how he liked me ? He answered, ' In faith, my lord, he will 
 be glad to learn.' Which words when they were taken, lest they 
 should mistake his meaning and mine, I said, ' Yea, my lord, so 
 that I may have books on both sides, as Calvin, and my lord of 
 Canterbury's books, and such others.' 'Well,' quoth my lord, 'I 
 will satisfy thy mind therein also.' And they all were in great hope 
 that shortly I should become a good catholic, as they call it. 
 
 " Then was I brought into my lord's inner chamber (where you 
 were), and there was put into a chamber with master Dee, who 
 entreated me very friendly. That night I supped at my lord's table, 
 and lay with master Dee in the chamber you did see. On the 
 morrow I was served at dinner from my lord's table, and at night 
 did eat in the hall with his gentlemen ; where I have been placed 
 ever since, and fared wonderfully well. Yea, to say the truth, I 
 had my liberty within the bounds of his lordship's house : for my 
 lodging and fare, scarce have I been at any time abroad in better 
 case so long together, and have found so much gentleness of my 
 lord, and his chaplains, and other servants, that I should easily have 
 forgotten that I was in prison, were it not that this great cheer was 
 often powdered with unsavoury sauces of examinations, exhortations, 
 posings, and disputations." — Fox, vii. 736. 
 
 Fox proceeds to give an account of Green's " Last 
 Examination," wherein, " using laws as a cloak of his 
 ' tyranny, the 27th day of November the said bishop 
 'examined him upon certain points of the Christian 
 ' religion : whereunto, when he had answered, the bishop 
 ' appointed the registrar (as their most common manner is) 
 ' to draw thereout an order of confession ; " which was 
 signed by the prisoner. But, though this proceeding of 
 the 27th of November is thus headed, the historian, after 
 giving the confession, proceeds ; — 
 
 " Many sundry conferences and public examinations they brought 
 him unto. But in the end (seeing his steadfastness of faith to be 
 such, as against the which neither their threatenings, nor yet their 
 flattering promises could prevail), the loth, day of January the 
 
 8 P. 78, n. before 
 
^^■] BARTLET GREEN. 423 
 
 bishop caused him, with the rest above named, to be brought into 
 the consistory in Paul's; where, being set in his judgment seat, 
 accompanied with Feoknam, then dean of the same church, and 
 other his chaplains, after he had condemned the other six, he then, 
 calhng for Bartlet Green, began with these, or the like words : 
 
 " Honourable audience, I think it best to open unto you the con- 
 versation of this man, called Bartlet Green. And because you shall 
 not charge me that I go about to seek any man's blood, here you 
 ^all hear the Council's letters, which they sent with him unto me. 
 The effect whereof is, that whereas he had been of long time in the 
 Tower of London for heresy, they have now sent him unto me to be 
 ordered, according to the laws thereof provided. And now to thee, 
 Bartlet Green, I propose these nine articles,' &c.~Fox, vii. 738. 
 
 I think even the reader of these extracts (and still more 
 any one who studies the whole of Green's long story) will 
 be oi opinion that the reporter had not that admirable 
 "gift of modesty" which he so admired in the subject of 
 his narrative. The passage must in fairness be given, as it 
 contains an account of one of the peculiar cases of cruelty. 
 Fox indeed affects some difficulty in believing the cruel 
 part ; but for myself I can easily imagine that, amidst the 
 " much gentleness " and "great cheer" with which he was 
 treated, this lively young templar might on some occasion 
 provoke Bonner to give him as good a threshing as Dr. 
 Squires got from his father-in-law, or his namesake Thomas 
 Greene from Dr. Story'. 
 
 " So great and admirable was this gift of modesty grafted in the 
 nature of him, so far abhorring from all pride and arrogancy, that 
 as he could not abide any thing that was spoken to his advance- 
 ment or praise ; so neither did there appear in him any show or 
 brag in those things wherein he might justly glory, which were his 
 punishments and sufferings for the cause and quarrel of Christ. 
 For when he was beaten and scourged with rods by bishop Bonner 
 (which scarce any man would beheve, nor I neither, but that I 
 heard it of him, which heard it out of his mouth), and he greatly 
 rejoiced in the same, yet his shamefaced modesty was such, that 
 never he would express any mention thereof, lest he should seem to 
 glory too much in himself, save that only he opened the same to 
 
 ' See before, p. 155 and 21. The " chapter concerning Buch as were 
 scourged and whipped by the papists in the true cause of Christ's Gospel," 
 viii. 516, is beneath criticism, or it would afford room for a good deal. 
 AU that relates to Bonner, however, is answered by that prelate's simple 
 and obvious reply to one who reproached him on the subject — which was 
 to the effect that, if it had been the reprover's own case, he would have 
 thought it a good commutation of penance to have had his body beaten, 
 rather than burned. See Wood's Athenae. Bliss Ed. vol. i. 372. 
 
424 BISHOP BONNEK AND [essay 
 
 one master Cotton of the Temple, a friend of his, a little before his 
 death." — Fox, vii. 742. 
 
 E.ICHABD Woodman, an iron-maker of Warbleton, 
 Sussex, who was burned at Lewes on the 22nd of June 
 1557, does not properly belong to our list. So far as regards 
 his examinations, and sentence, in respect of the particular 
 offences for which he suffered, the Bishop of London seems 
 to have had nothing to do with him. But we must notice 
 his case, on account of his "apprehension, first by his 
 enemies, and of his deliverance out of bishop Bonner's 
 hands," rather than because "of his second taking again by 
 ' the procurement of his Father, Brother, Kinsfolks, and 
 ' friends ; also of his sundry examinations and courageous 
 ' answers before the Bishops," who then took him in hand, 
 of whom Bonner was not one. The account of him in Fox 
 is very long and curious ; but with only such extracts of a 
 small part as can be admitted on this occasion or as indeed 
 are required for our present purpose it is impossible to do 
 greater justice to the matter or to present it in a more 
 interesting form, than by giving one or two specimens of 
 " A True Certificate " which he wrote, containing a 
 particular account of his troubles. 
 
 " Gentle reader here you shall perceive how the Scriptures be 
 partly fulfilled on me, being one of the least of his poor lambs. 
 First, you shall understand, that since I was delivered out of the 
 bishop of London's hands, which was in the year of our Lord 1555, 
 and the same day that master Philpot was burned, which was on 
 the 18th of December, I lay in his coal-house eight weeks lacking 
 but one day : and, before that, I was a year and a half almost in 
 the King's Bench after my first apprehension, for reproving a 
 preacher in the pulpit, in the parish of Warbleton, where I dwelt. 
 Wherefore I was at two Sessions before I was sent to prison, and 
 carried to two more sessions while I was in prison, twice before the 
 bishop of Chichester, and five times before the commissioners ; and 
 then sent to London's coal-house, and many times called before him, 
 as it appeareth by my examinations which I have wrote, the which 
 examinations the bishop of Chichester now hath, for they were found 
 in ray house when I was taken ; wherein is contained all the talk 
 which I had before them aforenamed. Also there be in London that 
 had copies of the same of me, when I was in the coal-house. 
 
 " And it pleased God to deliver me with four more out of the 
 butcher's hands, requiring nothing else of us but that we should be 
 honest men, and memberb of the true catholic church that was 
 builded upon the prophets and apostles, Christ being the head of 
 the true church, the which all weaiBrmed that we were members of 
 the true church, and purposed by God's help therein to die. And 
 
XX.] RlOHAED WOODMAN. 425 
 
 hereupon we were delivered ; but he willed us many times to speak 
 good of him. And no doubt he was worthy to be praised, because 
 he had been so faithful an aid in his master the devil's business ; 
 for he had burnt good master Philpot the same morning, in whose 
 blood his heart was so drunken (as I supposed), that he could not 
 tell what he did, as it appeared to us both before and after. For 
 but two days before, he promised us that we should be condemned 
 that same day that we were delivered, yea, and the morrow after 
 that he had delivered us, he sought for some of us again, yea and 
 that earnestly. He waxed dry after his great drunkenness, where- 
 fore he is like to have blood to drink in hell as he Is worthy, if he 
 repent it not with speed. The Lord turn all their hearts, if it be 
 his will ! "—Fox, viii. 334. 
 
 Putting this into plain English it seems to mean that 
 Richard Woodman had been sent up to London for disturb- 
 ing divine service in his parish church about Midsummer 
 1554; that is, at the time when Thomas Tomkins w^as 
 making hay at Fulham ; a work in which he might have 
 been so happy as to share if he had not been confined in the 
 King's Bench in the diocese of Winchester until long after- 
 wards. When at length he was brought before the Bishop 
 of London, and had undergone several examinations of 
 which we have no account, he appears to have abjured ; 
 and, after some detention, the cause of which is un- 
 explained, to have been set at Hberty. He does not 
 however put the matter quite in this light himself, but 
 teUs us, 
 
 "After I was delivered, the papists said that I bad consented to 
 them, whereof they made themselves glad ; the which was the least 
 part of my thought (I praise God therefore), as they well perceived 
 and knew the contrary within a while. For I went from parish to 
 parish, and talked with them, to the number of thirteen or fourteen, 
 and that of the chiefest in all the country ; and I angered them so, 
 that they with the commissioners complained on me to my lord 
 chamberlain that was then to the queen, sir John Gage, shewing 
 him that I baptized children, and married folks, with many such 
 lies, to bring me into their hands again. Then the commissioners 
 sent out certain citations to bring me to the court. My lord cham- 
 berlain had directed out four or five warrants for me, that if I had 
 come there, I should have been attached and sent to prison straight- 
 way ; which was not God's will ; for I had warning of their laying 
 await for me, and came not there, but sent my deputy, and he 
 brought me word that the bailiffs waited for me there ; but they 
 missed of their prey for that time, whereupon they were displeased." 
 —Fox viii. 334. 
 
 It would be long to recount how he concealed himself in 
 England, fled to Flanders and France, but speedily returned, 
 
426 EXAMINATION OF [essay 
 
 and as soon as " it was once known among Baal's priests, 
 they could not abide it but procured out warrants " against 
 him and caused his house to be searched, sometimes twice 
 in a week, till at length he fell into their hands. With all 
 this Bonner had nothing, and therefore we have nothing, to 
 do. But a short extract from his first examination before 
 Dr. Ohristopherson, bishop of Chichester, Dr. Story, Dr. 
 Cooke and others on the 14th of April 1557 is somewhat to 
 our purpose. 
 
 " Story. ' My lord, send him to prison, you shall do no good with 
 him. I will go to church, and leave you here. This is an old 
 heretic. Wast thou never before me ere now ? ' 
 
 " Woodman. 'Yes, forsooth, that I have.' 
 
 " Story. ' Yea, I trow so ; and I sent thee to the bishop of London, 
 and he released thee ; and thou promisedst him to be an honest 
 man. and that thou wouldst be of the true catholic church ; which 
 thou hast not fulfilled.' 
 
 " Woodman. ' I promised him nothing but I have fulfilled it. No 
 man shall be able to prove the contrary.' 
 
 "Story. ' Well, it will be tried well enough. My lord, I will take 
 my leave, I fear me you shall do this man no good.'" — Fox, viii. 
 340. 
 
 It is impossible to pursue our subject more effectively 
 than by an extract from his account of his fourth examina- 
 tion which was '• had before the bishop of Winchester, 
 bishop of Rochester and a certain doctor with divers other 
 priests and gentlemen, the 25th day of May ; " — 
 
 "I was fetched from the Marshalsea to the said bishops and 
 priests, sitting in St. George's Church in Southwark, by one of the 
 marshal's men and one of the sheriff's men. When I came before 
 them, and had done my duty to them as nigh as I could, then said 
 the bishop of Winchester, ' What is your name 2 ' 
 
 " Woodman. ' My name is Kichard Woodman, forsooth.' 
 " WineJiester. ' Ah, Woodman ! you were taken and apprehended 
 for heresy about three years agone, and were sent to prison in the 
 King's Bench, and there remained a long time. Mine old lord of 
 Chichester, being a learned famous man, well known in this realm 
 of England, and almost throughout all Christendom, I think, came 
 to prison to you ; and there, and at other places, caUed you before 
 him divers times, travailing and persuading with you many times 
 (because he was your ordinary) to pluck you from your heresies that 
 you held ; but he could by no means advertise you. Whereupon 
 you were delivered to the commissioners ; and they could do no 
 good with you neither. Then they sent you unto my lord of London. 
 My lord of London calling you before him divers times, labour was 
 made unto him of your friends, that you might be released. My 
 Lord, having a good hope in you, that you would become an honest 
 
XX.] RICHARD WOODMAN. 427 
 
 man, because he had heard so of you in times past, yea and you your- 
 self promising him, that you would go home and recant your heresies 
 that you held, delivered you ; sending also a letter of your recanta- 
 tion to the commissary, that he should see it done. But as soon as 
 you were out of his hands, you were as bad as ever you were, and 
 would never fulfil your promise, but have hid yourself in the woods, 
 bushes, dens, and caves ; and thus have you continued ever since, 
 till it was now of late. Then the sheriff of that shire (being a wor- 
 shipful man) hearing thereof, sent certain of his men, and took you 
 in a wood, and so carried you to his house. I cannot tell his name. 
 What is your sheriff's name ? ' 
 
 " Woodman. ' Forsooth, his name is sir Edward Gage.' 
 
 " Winchester. ' Well, you were apprehended for heresy ; and being 
 at master Gage's three weeks or more, ye were gently entreated 
 there ; he and other gentlemen persuading with you divers times, 
 little prevailed. Then you appealed to the bishop of Chichester that 
 now is. The sheriff, like a worshipful man, sent you to him, and he 
 hath travailed with you, and others also, and can do no good with 
 you ; whereupon we have sent for you.' 
 
 " 'Then I spake to him ; for I thought he would be lon^jbefore he 
 would make an end. I thought he was a year in telling of those 
 lies that he had told there against me already. Yea, I kept silence 
 from good words, but it was great pain and grief to me, as David 
 said. At length the fire was so kindled within my heart, that I 
 could not choose but speak with my tongue ; for I feared lest any 
 of the company should have departed or ever I had answered to his 
 lies, and so the gospel to have been slandered by my long silence 
 keeping. So I spake, I praise God there-for, and said, ' My lord : I 
 pray you let me now answer for myself, for it is time. ' 
 
 " Winchester. ' I permit you to answer to these things that I have 
 said. ' 
 
 " Woodman. ' I thank God there-for. And I think myself happy 
 (as Paul said, when he was brought before king Agrippa), that I may 
 this day answer for myself. My lord I I promise you there is never 
 a word of your sayings true, that you have alleged against me.' 
 
 " Winchester. ' I cannot tell, but thus it is reported of you. As 
 for me, I never did see you before this day ; but I am sure it is not 
 aU lies that I have said, as you report. ' 
 
 " Woodman. ' Yes, my lord, there is never a true word of that you 
 have said. And further, whereas you said you never saw me before 
 this day, you have both heard me, and seen me, I dare say, before 
 this day.' 
 
 " WincJiester. ' I think I heard you indeed on Sunday, when' you 
 played the malapert feUow ; but I cannot tell that I saw you. But 
 I pray you, were you not taken in the woods by the sheriff's men ? ' 
 
 8 " Where," ed. 1597. That is, at St. Mary Overys. As the reader will 
 see farther allusion to it presently, it may be worth while to quote 
 Machyn's account ; — " The xxiii day dyd pryche the Bysshope of Wyn- 
 chaster Doctur Whytt at Sant Mare Overes in Sowthwarke, and ther was 
 a heretyke ther for to here the sermon." — p. 136. 
 
428 EXAMINATION OF [essay 
 
 " Woodman. ' No sure, I was taken beside my house, I being in 
 my house when they came : wherefore that is not true.' 
 
 " Winchester. ' Were not you at the sheriff's three weeks ? ' 
 
 " Woodman. 'Yes, that I was, a month just, and was gently 
 entreated of him, I can say no otherwise ; for I had meat and drink 
 enough, and fair words.' 
 
 " Winchester. 'Ah 1 I am well apaid ; it is not all lies then, as it 
 chanced. For I spake but of three weeks, and you confess a month 
 yourself. ' 
 
 " Woodman. 'Yet your tale is never the truer for that. For you 
 said, I was there three weeks for heresy, the which is not so. {"or I 
 was not apprehended for heresy at the first, neither did mine old 
 lord of Chichester travail with me to pull me from heresy, as you 
 said ; for I held none then, neither do I now, as God knoweth ; 
 neither was I sent to the commissioners, nor to the bishop of London 
 for heresy ; neither was I delivered to him for any such thing, nor 
 promised him to recant, as you said I did. Wherefore I marvel you 
 be not ashamed to tell so many lies, being a bishop, that should be 
 an ensample to others.' 
 
 " Winchester. 'Lo, what an arrogant heretic this same is. He 
 will deny God ; for he that denieth his own hand, denieth God.' 
 
 " Woodman. ' My lord, judge not lest you be judged yourself. 
 For as you have judged me, you shall be judged ; if you repent not. 
 And if I have set my hand to any recantation, let it be seen to my 
 shame, before this audience ; for I will never deny mine own hand, 
 by God's help.' 
 
 " Winchester. ' It is not here now but I think it will be had well 
 enough ; but if it cannot be found, hy whom will you he tried ? ' 
 
 " Woodman. ' JiJven by my lord of London ; for he dealt like a good 
 man with me in that matter that 1 was sent to prison for. For it was 
 upon the breach of a statute, as master sheriff here can teU ; for he 
 was sheriff then, as he is now, and can tell how I was tossed up and 
 down from sessions to sessions. And because I would not consent 
 that I had offended therein, they sent me to prison again. Then 
 my lord of Chichester, being mine ordinary, and I being his tenant, 
 came to me, to persuade with me that I should have consented to 
 them, and to find myself in fault, where I was in none. To the 
 which I would not agree, and I desired him that he would see me 
 released of my wrong ; but he said he could not, but willed me or 
 my friends to speak to the commissioners for me, because it was a 
 temporal matter. And when I came before them, they sent me to 
 my lord of London ; and my lord of London was certified by the 
 hands of almost thirty men, esquires, gentlemen, and yeomen, the 
 chiefest in all the country where I dwelt, that I had not offended in 
 the matter that I was sent to prison for. Whereupon he delivered 
 me, not willing me to recant heresies, for I held none (as God 
 knoweth), neither do I now ; nor do I know wherefore I was sent to 
 prison, no more than any man here knoweth ; for I was taken away 
 from my work.' 
 
 " Winchester. ' No ? wherefore appealed you then to my lord of 
 Chichester, if it were not for heresy ? ' 
 
 " Woodman. ' Because there was laid to my charge that I had 
 
XX.] RICHARD WOODMAN. 429 
 
 baptized oliildren and married folks ; the which I never did, for I 
 was no where minister. Wherefore I appealed to mine ordinary, to 
 purge myself thereof ; as I have. Wherefore, if any man have any- 
 thing against me, let him speak ; for I came not hither to accuse 
 myself, neither will I.' 
 
 " Winchester. ' Master Sheriff, can you tell me upon what breach 
 of the statute' he was sent to prison first ? ' 
 
 " The Sheriff. 'Yes, forsooth, my lord ; that I can.' 
 
 " J]'oodman. ' My lord, if you will give me leave, I will show you 
 the whole matter.' 
 
 " Winchester, ' Nay, master sheriff, I pray you tell the matter, 
 seeing you know It.' 
 
 ' ' Tlie Sheriff. ' My lord, it was for speaking to a curate in the 
 pulpit, as I remember.' 
 
 " Wiiichester. ' Ah ! like enough, that he would not stick to re- 
 prove a curate : for did you not see how he fashioned himself to 
 speak to me in the pulpit on Sunday ? He ^ played the malapert 
 fellow with me ; and therefore it was no great marvel though he 
 played that part with another.' 
 
 " WoodTnan. ' Why, you wiU not blame me for that, I am sure : 
 for we spake for no other cause, but to purge ourselves of those 
 heresies that you laid to our charge,' " &c. — Fox, viii. 363. 
 
 At his next examination, which was, he says, " had before 
 ' the bishop of Winchester, the Archdeacon of Canterbury, 
 ' Dr. Langdale, with a fat headed priest and others, whose 
 ' names I know not, with certain also of the commissioners, 
 ' at St. Mary Ovary's Church in Southwark in the presence 
 ' of three hundred people at the least, the 15th day of June, 
 ' anno 1557 ; " the subject having been renewed respecting 
 the original charge brought against him. 
 
 " ' Wherefore my lord of London, seeing me have so much wrong, 
 did like a good man to me in that matter, and released me. Now 
 when I had told you this matter, you bade the sheriff have me away ; 
 you said, you were glad I held against priest's marriages, because I 
 answered to the question you asked me.' 
 
 " JTiefat Priest. ' My lord, do you not hear what he saith by my 
 lord of London ? He saith he is » good man in that he released 
 him ; but he meaneth that he is good in nothing else.' 
 
 " Woodman. ' What ! can you tell what I mean ? Let every man 
 say as he findeth ; he did justly to me in that matter. I say, if he 
 be not good in any thing else, as you say, he shall answer for it, and 
 not I ; for I have nothing to do with other men's matters.' " — Fox, 
 viii. 367. 
 
 These extracts, which form but a very small part of more 
 than forty pages of close printing devoted to the history of 
 
 9 "Breach of statute," ed. 1597. ^ "You," ed. 1597. 
 
430 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 Eichard Woodman in the Martyrology^, comprise, I believe, 
 all that relates to our enquiry ; proceeding in which I am 
 not aware of anything that should detain us until we come 
 to the case of, 
 
 (217.) Ralph Alleeton, who is, I think, the next of 
 Bonner's prisoners to whom we are indebted for an account 
 of his personal transactions with the bishop. Fox introduces 
 it by telling us that 
 
 " Ralph Allerton was, more than a year before his condemnation, 
 apprehended and brought before the lord Darcy of Chiche ; and 
 was there accused, as well for that he would not consent and come 
 unto the idolatry and superstition which then was used, as also that 
 he had by preaching enticed others to do the like. 
 
 " Being then hereupon examined, he confessed that he, coming 
 into his parish-church of Bentley, and seeing the people sitting 
 there, either gazing about, or else talking together, he exhorted 
 them that they would fall unto prayer, and meditation of God's most 
 holy word, and not sit still idly : whereunto they wiUingly con- 
 sented. Then, after prayer ended, he read unto them a chapter of 
 the New Testament, and so departed. In the which exercise he 
 continued until Candlemas, and then, being informed that he might 
 not so do by the law (for that he was no priest or minister), he left 
 off, and kept himself close in his house until Easter then next after, 
 at what time certain sworn men for the inquiry of such matters 
 came unto his house, and attached him for reading in the parish of 
 Weeley. But when they understood that he had read but once, and 
 that it was of obedience (whereunto he earnestly moved the people), 
 they let him for that time depart. Notwithstanding, for fear of 
 their cruelty, he was not long after constrained to forsake his own 
 house, and keep himself in woods, barns, and other solitary places, 
 until the time of his apprehension. 
 
 " After his examination, the lord Darcy sent him up to the council ; 
 but they (not minding to trouble themselves with him) sent him 
 unto Bonner, who, by threatenings and other subtle means, so 
 abused the simple and fearful heart of this man (as yet not 
 thoroughly staid upon the aid and help of God), that within short 
 time he won him to his most wicked will, and made him openly at 
 Paul's Cross to revoke and recant his former profession, and there- 
 upon set him at liberty of body ; which yet brought such a bondage 
 and terror of soul and conscience, and so cast him down, that 
 except the Lord (whose mercies are immeasurable) had supported 
 and lifted him up again, he had perished for ever. But the Lord, 
 who never sufEereth his elect children utterly to fall, casting his 
 pitiful eyes upon this lost sheep, with his merciful and fatherly 
 chastisements, did (with Peter) raise him up again, giving unto him 
 not only hearty and unfeigned repentance, but also a most constant 
 boldness to profess again (even unto the death) his most holy name 
 
 ' Vol. viii. p. 333—376. 
 
XX.] RALPH ALLERTON. 431 
 
 and glorious gospel. Wherefore, at the procurement of one Thomas 
 Tye, a priest, sometime an earnest professor of Christ, but now a 
 fierce persecutor of the same (as appeareth more at large before, in 
 the history of William Mount and his wife), he was again appre- 
 hended, and sent up again unto Bonner, before whom he was the 
 8th day of April and sundry other times else examined. The report 
 of which examination, written by his own hand, with blood for lack 
 of other ink, hereafter foUoweth. "—i^oa;, viii. 405. 
 
 The beginning of the First Examination is as follows ; 
 
 " Bonner. ' Ah sirrah 1 how ohanceth it that you are come hither 
 again on this fashion 1 I dare say thou art accused wrongfully. ' 
 
 " BdLph. 'Yea, my lord, so I am. For if I were guilty of such 
 things as I am accused of, then I would be very sorry. ' 
 
 " Bomier. ' By St. Mary that is not well done. But let me hear, 
 Art thou an honest man ? for if I can prove no heresy by thee, then 
 shaU thine accusers do thee no harm at aU. Go to, let me hear 
 thee : for I did not believe the tale to be true.' 
 
 " Balph. ' My lord, who did accuse me 1 I pray you let me know, 
 and what is mine accusation, that I may answer thereunto.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Ah, wilt thou so ? Before God, if thou hast not dis- 
 sembled, then thou needest not be afraid, nor ashamed to answer 
 for thyself. But tell me in faith, hast thou not dissembled ? ' 
 
 "Balph. ' If I cannot have mine accusers to accuse me before you, 
 my conscience doth constrain me to accuse myself before you : for 
 1 confess that I have grievously oflEended God in my dissimulation, 
 at my last being before your lordship, for the which I am right 
 sorry, as Godknoweth.' 
 
 "Bonner. ' Wherein, I pray thee, didst thou dissemble, when thou 
 wast before me 3 ' 
 
 " Balph. ' Forsooth, my lord, if your lordship remember, I did set 
 my hand upon a certain writing, the contents whereof (as I remem- 
 ber) were, " That I did believe in all things as the catholic church 
 teacheth," etc. In the which I did not disclose my mind, but 
 shamefully dissembled, because I made no difference between the 
 true church and the untrue church.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Nay, but I pray thee let me hear more of this gear ; 
 for I fear me thou wilt smell of a heretic anon. Which is the true 
 church, as thou sayest ? Dost thou not call the heretics' church the 
 true church, or the catholic church of Christ ? Now, which of these 
 two is the true church, sayest thou ? Go to, for in faith I will know 
 of thee ere I leave thee.' 
 
 " Balph. ' As concerning the church of heretics, I utterly abhor 
 the same, as detestable and abominable before God, with all their 
 enormities and heresies : and the church catholic is it that I only 
 embrace, whose doctrine is sincere, pure, and true.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' By St. Augustine, but that is well said of thee : for, 
 by God Almighty, if thou hadst allowed the church of heretics, I 
 would have burned thee with fire for thy labour.' 
 
 " Then said one Morton a priest, ' My lord, you know not yet what 
 church it is, that he caUeth catholic. I warrant you he meaneth 
 naughtily enough.' 
 
432 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 " Bonner. ' Think you so ? Now by our blessed Lady, if it be so, 
 he might have deceived me. How say you, sirrah ! which is the 
 catholic church ? ' 
 
 " Balph. ' Even that which hath received the wholesome sound, 
 spoken of Isaiah, David, Malachi, and Paul, with many other more. 
 The which sound, as it is written, hath gone throughout all the 
 earth in every place, and unto the ends of the world.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Tea, thou sayest true before God : for this is the 
 sound that hath gone throughout all Christendom.' " — Ibid. 406. 
 
 This naturally led to a discourse about the catholic church, 
 in which the prisoner freely expressed his opinion that the 
 gospel had been preached and persecuted in all lands ; " first 
 ' in Jewry by the Scribes and Pharisees, and since that time 
 ' by Nero, Dioclesian, and such like, and nov(^ here, in these 
 ' our days, by your lordship knoweth whom." Pox enjoyed 
 this " privy nip " too much to run any risk of the reader's 
 losing the humour of it, and so he put a marginal note, 
 " He meaneth belike Bonner and his fellows." But I quote 
 the following passage, partly because it is alluded to by 
 Strype, and goes towards forming part of his ground for 
 what I really believe to be a misrepresentation ^ ; and stiU 
 more because it gives the martyr's own testimony on several 
 points of interest in our inquiry. AUerton went on to 
 say;— 
 
 " For truth it is that the church which you call catholic, is none 
 otherwise catholic than was figured in Cain, observed of Jeroboam, 
 Ahab, Jezebel, Nebuchadnezzar, Antiochus, Herod, with innumer- 
 able more of the like ; and as both Daniel and Esdras make mention 
 of these last days by a plain prophecy, and now fulfilled, as 
 appeareth, and affirmed by our Saviour Christ and his apostles, say^ 
 ing, ' There shall come grievous wolves to devour the flock.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Now, by the blessed sacrament of the altar, master 
 Morton, he is the rankest heretic that ever came before me. How 
 say you ? have you heard the like ? ' 
 
 " Morton. ' I thought what he was, my lord, at the first, I — ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Now, by All-hallows, thou shalt be burnt with fire for 
 thy lying, thou whoreson varlet and prick-louse, thou 1 Dost thou 
 find a prophecy in Daniel of us 1 Nay, you knave, it is of you that 
 he speaketh, and of your false preteused holiness. Go to, let me 
 hear what is the saying of Esdras, and take heed ye make not a lie, 
 I advise you.' 
 
 5 " He was a tailor by trade, as I conjecture by Boner's often calling 
 him ' pricklouee,' according to his rude way of misnaming those who came 
 before him." — Mem. Vol. III. pt. ii. p. 63. I believe the word occurs 
 only in the two passages which I have quoted ; and as to any rude way 
 of misnaming those who came before him, I shall not believe that the 
 bishop had any such until I see farther proof than I have yet met with. 
 
AA.j itAljir-n AIjJLiJSKTUJN . 133 
 
 " Ralph. ' The saying of Esdras is this : ' The heat of a great 
 multitude is kindled over you, and they shall take away certain of 
 you, and feed the idols with you. And he that consenteth unto 
 them, shall be had in derision, laughed to scorn, and trodden under 
 foot. Yea, they shall be like madmen, for they shall spare no man ; 
 they shall spoil and waste such as fear the Lord,' etc' 
 
 '^Bonner. 'And have you taken this thing to make your market 
 good ? Ah sirrah, wilt thou so ? by my faith, a pretty instruction, 
 and a necessary thing to be taught among the people. By my troth, 
 I think there be more ■* of this opinion. I pray thee tell me : is 
 there any that understandeth this Scripture on this fashion ? Before 
 God, I think there be none in all England but thou.' 
 
 " Balph. 'Yes, my lord, there are in England three religions.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Sayest thou so ? Which be those three 1 ' 
 
 " Balph. ' The first is that which you hold ; the second is dean 
 contrary to the same ; and the third is a neuter, being indifferent — 
 that is to say, observing all things that are commanded outwardly, 
 as though he were of your part, his heart being set wholly against 
 the same.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' And of these three, which art thou ? for now thou must 
 needs be of one of them.' 
 
 " Balph. ' Yea, my lord, J am of one of them : and that which I am 
 of, is even that which is contrary to that which you teach to be 
 believed under pain of death. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Ah sir, you were here with me at Fulham, and had 
 good cheer, yea, and money in your purse when you went away ; 
 and by my faith I had a favour unto thee, but now I see thou wilt 
 be a naughty knave. Why, wilt thou take upon thee to read the 
 Scripture, and canst understand never a word ? for thou hast brought 
 a text of Scripture, the which maketh clean against thee. For 
 Esdras speaketh of the multitude of you heretics, declaring your 
 hate against the catholic church, making the simple or idle people 
 believe, that all is idolatry that we do ; and so entice them away 
 TiTit.l1 you have overcome them." — Fox, viii. 407. 
 
 AHerton went on in a strain of high invective ; telling 
 the bishop that his was " the bloody church, figured in Cain 
 the tyrant," tUl Bonner's patience seems to have been ex- 
 hausted ; and he cried, " Have the knave away ! Let him 
 be carried to the Little-Ease, at London, until I come." 
 This, it appears, was done ; and on the next day Allerton 
 was again called before the bishop ; his former recantation 
 was produced; and he was examined whether, since the 
 time when he had signed it, he had been " at mass, matins 
 &c." To this he replied that he " had not been at mass, 
 matins, nor any other strange worshipping of God ; " but 
 
 * I presume it should be " no more," as it is in the editions of 1597 and 
 
 1641. 
 
 2 E 
 
434 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 he proceeded to express his belief in the scripture and his 
 reverence for it. Upon this a "Dean," who seems not 
 otherwise to have indicated his presence at the examination, 
 interfered ; — 
 
 " Dean. ' My lord, this fellow wiU be an honest man, I hear by 
 him. He wiU not stand in his opinion ; for he showeth himself 
 gentle and patient in his talk.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Ob, he is a glorious knave 1 His painted terms shall 
 no more deceive me. Ah, whoreson prick-louse I doth not Christ 
 say, ' This is my body 1 ' and how darest thou deny these words, for 
 to say, as I have a writing to show, and thine own hand at the 
 same ? Let me see, wilt thon deny this 1 Is not this thine own 
 hand ? ' 
 
 " Balph. ' Yes, my lord, it is my own hand ; neither am I ashamed 
 thereof, because my confession therein is agreeable to God's word. 
 And whereas you do lay unto my charge that I should deny the 
 words of our Saviour Jesus Christ ; good Lord I from whence 
 Cometh this rash, hasty, and untrue judgment ? Forsooth not from 
 the Spirit of Truth ; for he leadeth men into all truth, and is not the 
 father of liars. Whereupon should your lordship gather or say of 
 me so diffamously ? Wherefore, I beseech you, if I deny the Scrip- 
 tures canonical, or any part thereof, then let me die.' 
 
 " Tye, the Priest. ' My lord, he is a very seditious fellow, and per- 
 suadeth other men to do as he himself doth, contrary to the order 
 appointed by the queen's highness and the clergy of this realm. 
 For a great sort of the parish will be gathered one day to one place, 
 and another day to another place, to hear him ; so that very few 
 come to the church to hear divine service. And this was not only 
 before that he was taken and brought unto the council, but also 
 since his return home again, and he hath done much harm : for 
 where both men and women were honestly disposed before, by 
 St. Anne now are they as ill as he almost. And furthermore, he 
 was not ashamed to withstand me before all the parish, saying, that 
 we were of the malignant church of Antichrist, and not of the true 
 •church of Christ, alleging a great many of scriptures to serve for his 
 purpose, saying, ' Good people, take heed, and beware of these 
 blood-thirsty dogs,' etc. And then I commanded the constable to 
 apprehend him, and so he did. Nevertheless, after his apprehen- 
 sion, the constable let him go about his business all the next day ; 
 so that without putting in of sureties, he let him go into Suffolk and 
 other places, for no goodness I warrant you, my lord. It were alms 
 to teach such ofBoers their duty, how they should not let such rebels 
 go at their own liberty, after that they be apprehended and taken ; 
 but to keep them fast in the stocks until they bring them before a 
 justice. " — Fox, viii. 408. 
 
 At length this examination of the 24th of April was ter- 
 minated by the bishop's asking, " How say you, sirrah ? tell 
 ' me briefly at one word : wilt thou be contented to go to 
 ' Fulham with me, and there to kneel thee down at mass, 
 
—J iwirrx xx-a.i,l,JLKTUiM . 435 
 
 ' showing thyself outwardly as though thou didst it with a 
 ' good will ? Go to, speak." Allerton replied, " I will not 
 say so ! " and the bishop rejoined, " Away with him ! away 
 with him ! " and so another week psissed, and then he tells 
 us; — 
 
 " The 2d day of May I was brought before the bishop, and three 
 noblemen of the council, whose names I do not remember. 
 
 " Bonner. ' Lo, my lords 1 this same is the fellow that was sent 
 unto me from the council, and did submit himself, so that I had 
 half a hope of him : but, by St. Anne, I was always in doubt of 
 him. Nevertheless, he was with me, and fared well, and when I 
 delivered him, I gave him money in his purse. How sayest thou, 
 was it not so as I tell my lords here 1 ' 
 
 "Ralph. 'Indeed, my lord, I had meat and drink enough ; but I 
 never came in bed all the while. And at my departing you gave me 
 twelve pence, howbeit I never asked none, nor would have done.' 
 
 " A Lord. ' Be good to him, my lord. He will be an honest man. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' Before God, how should I trust him ? he hath once 
 deceived me already. But ye shall hear what he will say to the 
 blessed sacrament of the altar. How say you, sirrah 1 After the 
 words of consecration be spoken by the priest, there remaineth no 
 bread, but the very body of our Saviour Jesus Christ, God and man, 
 and none other substance, under the form of bread ? ' 
 
 " Ecdph. ' Where find you that, my lord, written ? ' " — Fox, viii. 
 409. 
 
 I have perhaps already given more space than enough to 
 the history of Ralph AUerton. What remains of it, as well 
 as a great deal which has been passed over, is very interest- 
 ing and instructive with reference to the history of the 
 times ; but I do not know that it presents anything par- 
 ticularly relating to the subject of our inquiry, and in fact, 
 very little of what remains of this martyr's history is his 
 own testimony. He tells us indeed, in a few words, that, 
 on Tuesday the 19 th of May, he was " brought before the 
 bishops of Rochester and Chichester with others ; " and that 
 the former of those prelates asked him, "were you a com- 
 'panion of George Eagles, otherwise called Trudgeover? 
 ' My Lord of London tells me that you were his fellow- 
 ' companion ? " to which vUlerton replied, " I know him 
 very weU, my Lord." But after one more question and 
 answer, relating merely to the character of Eagles, he pro- 
 vokingly adds, " The rest of mine examinations you shall 
 ' have when I am condemned, if I can have any time after 
 ' my coming into Newgate, the which I trust shall touch 
 ' the matter a great deal more plainly ; for the pithy matters 
 
436 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 ' are yet unwritten." What they were I know not, and Fox 
 professes his ignorance' whether the martyr ever was able 
 to fulfil this promise. And, indeed, I do not see that much 
 more information to our purpose is to be gained from the 
 martyrology. Perhaps the government thought that a man 
 who had recanted once, might do it again ; and therefore 
 kept him in prison, examining him from time to time, until 
 the 17th of September, when he was burned as a relapsed 
 heretic; his companion, George Eagles, having been in 
 the mean time apprehended, and executed as a traitor ^. 
 
 (230.) John Eough had very little to do with Bishop 
 Bonner, but their intercourse was of such a nature, and has 
 been so represented by Fox, that his case must not be passed 
 over. He was born in Scotland, became a black-friar at 
 Stirling at the age of seventeen, remained so for sixteen 
 years, until the Earl of Arran sued to the Archbishop of 
 St. Andrews to have him out of the order for a chaplain, 
 and accordingly he was set free.- After this, he preached 
 the reformed doctrine in Scotland, and the north of England, 
 during the reign of Edward the VI. ; and on the accession 
 of Queen Mary he fled, with his wife, into Friesland and 
 dwelt at Norden, making caps, hose, and such Uke things, 
 until (according to Fox) "lacking yarn, and other such 
 ' necessary provision for the maintenance of his occupation, 
 ' he came over again into England, here to provide for the 
 ' same and the tenth day of November " [1557] "arrived at 
 ' London." It would be less worth while to read Fox's 
 slip-along stories, if he did not so frequently supply us with 
 grounds for believing that, even when he is telling the 
 truth, he is so far from telling the whole truth as to give 
 aU the efiect of falsehood. Of course, if one stops to think 
 
 * Strjpe qnotea from the Council-Book " Aug. 3. Where sondrie letters 
 ' had bene before directed to divers justices for the apprehension of one 
 ' Trudgeover, he being taken and executed by Mr. Anthony Browne, Ser- 
 ' geant-at-law, in Essex ; " [of whom we have heard before in the story of 
 ' William Hunter] " a letter as this day was directed to the said Sergeant 
 ' Browne, geving hym thanks for his diligent preceding against the said 
 ' Trudge : willing hym to distribute his head and quarters according to 
 ' his and his colleagues former determinations, and to precede with his 
 ' complices according to the qualities of their offences."— Jtfein. Vol. III. 
 pt. ii. p. 43. His body was distributed to Colchester, Harwich, St. Osyths, 
 and Chelmsford ; at the latter of which places his head was set on the 
 market cross. — Fox, viii. 396. 
 
XX.] JOHN ROUGH. 487 
 
 of it, it is rather strange that a man who had fled from 
 England on the mere presentiment of persecution, should, 
 after four years spent in a country resorted to by English 
 fugitives, have been ignorant that the persecution which he 
 had anticipated, and the mere idea of which had driven him 
 into exile, bad actually begun, and was raging in England ; 
 and at least equally strange that if he knew these facts he 
 should expose himself to such a danger, on such grounds. 
 Unless he had actually vised up all the yarn in Holland, 
 and could find no agent, no means of communication with 
 England, no other occupation where he was, one cannot 
 account for such a step. It does, however, seem as if Fox 
 would have us understand that John Rough, notwithstand- 
 ing what he might have seen or heard of the world at 
 various times and places, did it in perfect ignorance and 
 simplicity ; for, after the words which I have quoted re- 
 specting his arrival " at London," he immediately proceeds, 
 " where hearing of the secret society and holy congregation 
 ' of God's children there assembled he joined himself unto 
 ' them, and afterwards being elected their minister and 
 ' preacher, did continue most virtuously exercised in that 
 ' godly fellowship, teaching and confirming them in the 
 ' truth and gospel of Christ." It is as strange that the 
 exile of Friesland should only now come to the knowledge 
 of the secret Congregation in London, as that a society thus 
 meeting in peril of their lives should at once give the right 
 hand of fellowship to a stranger dropping in unawares^. 
 We have seen what took place with regard to his prede- 
 cessor Thomas Rose'; and we may imagine that during 
 nearly two years which had elapsed since his apprehension 
 their fears and their caution had not diminished. Indeed, 
 the circumstances of Rough's apprehension are very curious, 
 and characteristic ; but, before we come to them, we may as 
 weU cut this little knot about his introduction to the Con- 
 gregation by the means which Fox (as I have observed) so 
 frequently furnishes. If his documents did not sometimes 
 explain, or even contradict, his history, we should be oftener 
 
 6 There is a curious felicity in Strype's brief statement of the matter 
 ■which makes it worth copying : " coming into England for yarn, it so fell 
 out, that he became minister to the congregation of gospellers at London," 
 — Mem. Vol. III. pt. ii. p. 45, 
 
 ' See before, p, 338. 
 
438 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 at a loss than we are. " The Articles " ministered to John 
 Rough shew that he was known and watched. Indeed, we 
 might suppose that the domestic Chaplain of the " gentle- 
 men who, by the Lord stirred up, brake in suddenly," and 
 "murdered" Cardinal Beaton**, the old Preacher of the 
 North in King Edward's time, the friend of John Knox, 
 was one of whom the government had never lost sight. 
 
 These Articles, however, relate to what John Rough had 
 done since his " last coming into England out of the parts 
 beyond the sea," (a phrase which looks as if the government 
 supposed him to have made some previous trips) but the 
 sixth of them is as follows. " Item, thou dost know, and 
 ' hast been conversant with all or a great part of such Eng- 
 ' lishmen as have fled out of this realm for religion, and 
 ' hast consented and agreed with them in their opinions, 
 ' and hast succoured, maintained, and holpen them, and 
 ' hast been a conveyer of their seditious letters and books 
 ' into this realm." In reply to this article " he confessed 
 ' that he had been familiar with divers English men and 
 ' women being in Friesland, and agreed with them in 
 * opinion, as Master Scory, Thomas Young, George Roe and 
 ' others, to the number of one hundred persons which fled 
 ' thither for religion, using there the order set forth in the 
 ' reign of King Edward, and otherwise he denieth the con- 
 ' tents of this article." 
 
 Whatever view the reader may take of this he will pro- 
 bably be led to think that the parties knew something of 
 each other before the month of November, 1557. It was 
 not long however before the government interfered. The 
 new minister had been scarcely more than a month in Eng- 
 land when says Fox : — 
 
 " The 12th. day of December, he, with Outbert Symson and others, 
 through the crafty and traitorous suggestion of a false hypocrite 
 and dissembling brother, called Roger Sergeant a taUor, was appre- 
 hended by the vice-chamberlain of the Queen's house, at the 
 Saracen's Head in Islington ; where the congregation had then pur- 
 posed to assemble themselves to their godly and accustomable 
 exercises of prayer, and hearing the word of God : which pretence, 
 for the safeguard of all the rest, they yet at their examinations 
 covered and excused by hearing of a play, that was then appointed 
 to be at that place. The vice-chamberlain, after he had apprehended 
 them, carried Eough and Symson unto the council, who charged 
 
 8 Fox, V. 636. See Spotiswood, p, 84. 
 
XX,] JOHN ROUGH. 439 
 
 them to have assembled together to celebrate the communion or 
 supper of the Lord : and therefore, after sundry examinations and 
 answers, they sent the said Rough unto Newgate ; but his examina- 
 tions they sent unto the bishop of London, with a letter signed 
 with their hands, the copy whereof followeth. 
 
 " ' A Letter sent from the Queen's Council unto Bonner Bishop of 
 London, touching the Examination of John Rough, Minister. 
 
 " ' After our hearty commendations to your good lordship, we send 
 you here enclosed, the examination of a Scottish man named John 
 Bough, who, by the queen's majesty's commandment, is presently 
 sent to Kewgate ; being of the chief of them that upon Sunday last, 
 under the colour of coming to see a play at the Saracen's Head in 
 Islington, had prepared a communion to be celebrated and received 
 there, among certain other seditious and heretical persons. And 
 forasmuch as by the said Rough's examination, containing the story 
 and progress of his former life, it well appeareth of what sort he is ; 
 the queen's highness hath willed us to remit him unto your lord- 
 ship, to the end that being called before you out of prison, as oft as 
 your lordship shall think good, ye may proceed, both to his further 
 examination, and otherwise ordering of him according to the laws, 
 as the case shall require. And thus we bid your lordship heartily 
 well to fare From St. James, the 15th. day of December, 1557. 
 " ' Your lordship's loving friends 
 " ' Nicholas Ebor. Edward Hastings, John Bourne, 
 F. Shrewsbury, Anthony Montague, Henry Jernegam. 
 
 " Bonner, now minding to make quick despatch, did within three 
 days after the receipt of the letter (the 18th. day of December), send 
 for this Rough out of Newgate, and in his palace at London 
 ministered unto him twelve articles," &c. — Foa;, viii. 444. 
 
 Of these articles I have given a sufficient specimen ; and 
 I only add what relates to his personal ill-treatment by the 
 bishop ; for that is, indeed, the principal reason for men- 
 tioning him at all. Fox tells us that " The Friday at night 
 ' before Master Rough minister of the Congregation (of 
 ' vehom mention is made before) vs^as taken, being in his bed, 
 ' he dreamed that be saw two of the guard leading Cuthbert 
 ' Symson, deacon of the said Congregation .... the next 
 ' day following in the night, the said master Rough had 
 ' another dream in his sleep concerning his own trouble ; 
 ' the matter whereof was this. He thought in his dream 
 ' that he was carried himself forcibly to the bishop, and that 
 ' the bishop plucked off his beard and cast it into the fire 
 ' saying these words ' Now I may say I have had a piece of 
 * a heretic burned in my house : ' and so accordingly it came 
 
 'to p ass." " 
 
 5 Fox, viii. pp. 454, 455. 
 
440 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 Whether it was in any degree one of those popular pre- 
 dictions which lead to, or only record, their own fulfilment, 
 or whether John Rough really did dream it, and Bishop 
 Bonner really fulfilled the dream, I know not. I wUl give 
 the reader the story in Fox's words, and do not mean to 
 waste his time or my own in any comment on it until I 
 find ground for supposing that some respectable person 
 believes it. 
 
 " And being before Bonner, among other talk, he affirmed that he 
 had been twice at Eome, and there had seen plainly with his eyes, 
 which he had many times heard of before, namely, that the pope 
 was the very antichrist ; for there he saw him carried on men's 
 shoulders, and the false-named sacrament borne before him : yet 
 was there more reverence given to him, than to that which they 
 counted to be their god. When Bonner heard this, rising up, and 
 making as though he would have torn his garments, ' Hast thou,' 
 said he, ' been at Rome, and seen our holy father the pope, and dost 
 thou blaspheme him after this sort 2 ' And with that flying upon 
 him, he plucked oif a piece of his beard ; and after, mating speedy 
 haste to his death, he burnt him half an hour before six of the 
 clock in the morning, because the day, belike, should not be far 
 spent, before he had done a mischievous deed." — Fox, viii. 448. 
 
 (248.) Roger Holland. There is one more history which 
 must be given, not merely as connected with the object of 
 this particular Essay — though even that coEsideration 
 would require some notice of it — but, because it is singular 
 and interesting in itself, and illustrates many pdnts which 
 have been touched on, or referred to, in the foregoing pages. 
 We have more than once fallen in with accounts of the 
 Secret Congregation, which kept its ground during the 
 whole of Queen Mary's reign ; and its proceedings are cer- 
 tainly among the most curious matters of ecclesiastical 
 history during that period. One of its meetings is thus 
 described by Fox ; — 
 
 " Secretly, in a, back close, in the field by the town of Islington, 
 were collected and assembled together a certain company of godly 
 and innocent persons, to the number of forty men and women, who 
 there sitting together at prayer, and virtuously occupied in the 
 meditation of God's holy word, first Cometh a certain man to them 
 unknown ; who, looking over unto them, so stayed, and saluted 
 them, saying, that they looked like men that meant no hurt. Then 
 one of the said company asked the man, if he could tell whose close 
 that was, and whether they might be so bold there to sit. ' Yea,' 
 said he, ' for that ye seem unto me such persons as intend no harm ; ' 
 and so departed, 
 
XX.] ROGER HOLLAND. 141 
 
 "Within a quarter of an hour after, cometh the constable of 
 Islington named King, warded ; with six or seven others acoom- 
 pauymg him in the same business, one with a bow, another with a 
 bill, and others with their weapons likewise ; the which sis or 
 seven persons the said constable left a little behind him in a close 
 place, there to be ready if need should be, while he, with one with 
 him, should go view them before; who, so doing, came through 
 them, looking and viewing what they were doing, and what books 
 they had ; and so, going a little forward, and returning back again, 
 bade them deliver their books. They, understanding that he was 
 constable, refused not so to do. With that cometh forth the residue 
 of his fellows above touched, who bade them stand and not depart. 
 They answered again, they would be obedient and ready to go 
 whithersoever they would have them ; and so were they first carried 
 to a brewhouse but a little way off, while that some of the said sol- 
 diers ran to the justice next at hand : but the justice was not at 
 home ; whereupon they were had to sir Roger Cholmley. 
 
 " In the mean time some of the women, being of the same number 
 of the aforesaid forty persons, escaped away from them, some in the 
 close, some before they came to the brewhouse. For so they were car- 
 ried, ten with one man, eight with another ; and with some more, with 
 some less, in such sort as it was not hard for them to escape that 
 would. In fine, they that were carried to sir Roger Cholmley, were 
 twenty-seven ; which sir Roger Cholmley and the recorder taking 
 their names in a bill, and calling them one by one, so many as 
 answered to their names he sent to Newgate. In the which number 
 of them that answered, and that were sent to Newgate, were twenty 
 and two." — Fox, viii. 468. 
 
 Among these twenty and two, who did not take advan- 
 tage of the facilities afforded for escape, one was the subject 
 of oiir narrative ; — 
 
 " This Roger Holland, a merchant-tailor of London, was first an 
 apprentice with one master Kempton, at the Black-Boy in Watling- 
 street, where he served his apprenticeship with much trouble unto 
 his master in breaking him from his licentious liberty, which he had 
 before been trained and brought up in, giving himself to riot, as 
 dancing, fencing, gaming, banqueting, and wanton company ; and 
 besides aU this, being a stubborn and an obstinate papist, far unlike 
 to come to any such end as God called him unto ; the which was as 
 f oUoweth : — 
 
 " His master, notwithstanding this his lewdness, putting him in 
 trust with his accounts, he had received for him certain money, to 
 the sum of thirty pounds ; and falMng into ill company, lost the 
 said money every groat at dice, being past all hope which way to 
 answer it ; and therefore he purposed to convey himself away beyond 
 the seas, either into France or into Flanders. 
 
 "Now having determined with himself thus to do, he called 
 betimes in the morning to a servant in the house, an ancient and 
 discreet maid, whose name was Elizabeth, which professed the 
 gospel, with a. life agreeing unto the same, and at all times much 
 
442 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 rebuking the wilful and obstinate papistry, as also the licentious 
 living of this Eoger Holland : to whom he said, ' Elizabeth, I would 
 I had followed thy gentle persuasions and friendly rebukes ; which 
 if I had done, I had never come to this shame and misery which I 
 am now fallen into ; for this night have I lost thirty pounds of my 
 master's money, which to pay him, and to make up mine accounts, I 
 am not able. But thus much I pray you, desire my mistress, that 
 she would entreat my master to take this bill of my hand, that I 
 am thus much indebted unto him ; and if I be ever able, I will see 
 him paid : desiring him that the matter may pass with silence, and 
 that none of my kindred nor friends may ever understand this my 
 lewd part ; for if it should come unto my father's ears, it would bring 
 his grey hairs oversoon unto his grave. ' And so was he departing. 
 
 " The maid considering that it might be his utter undoing, ' Stay,' 
 said she ; and having a piece of money lying by her, given unto her 
 by the death of a kinsman of hers (who, as it was thought, was Dr. 
 Redman), she brought unto him thirty pounds, saying, ' Eoger, here 
 is thus much money ; I will let thee have it, and I will keep this 
 bill. But since I do thus much for thee, to help thee, and to save 
 thy honesty, thou shalt promise me to refuse all lewd and wild com- 
 pany, all swearing and ribaldry talk ; and if ever I know thee to 
 play one twelve pence at either dice or cards, then will I show this 
 thy bill unto my master. And furthermore, thou shalt promise me 
 to resort every day to the lecture at All-hallows, and the sermon at 
 Paul's every Sunday, and to cast away all thy books of papistry 
 and vain ballads, and get thee the Testament and Book of Service, 
 and read the Scriptures with reverence and fear, calling unto God 
 still, for his grace to direct thee in his truth. And pray unto God 
 fervently, desiring him to pardon thy former offences, and not to 
 remember the sins of thy youth ; and ever be afraid to break his 
 laws, or offend his Majesty. Then shall God keep thee, and send 
 thee thy heart's desire.' 
 
 "After this time within one half-year God had vrrought such 
 a change in this man, that he was become an earnest professor of 
 the truth, and detested all papistry and evil company ; so that 
 he was in admiration to all them that had known him, and seen his 
 former life and wickedness. 
 
 " Then he repaired into Lancashire unto his father, and brought 
 divers good books with him, and bestowed them upon his friends, so 
 that his father and others began to taste of the gospel, and to detest 
 the mass, idolatry, and superstition ; and in the end his father gave 
 him a stock of money to begin the world withal, to the sum of fifty 
 pounds. 
 
 "Then he repaired to London again, and came to the maid that 
 lent him the money to pay his master withal, and said unto her, 
 ' Elizabeth, here is thy money I borrowed of thee ; and for the 
 friendship, good will, and the good counsel I have received at thy 
 hands, to recompense thee I am not able, otherwise than to make 
 thee my wife,' And soon after they were married, which was in the 
 first year of queen Mary. And having a child by her, lie caused 
 master Base to baptize his said child in his own house. Notwith- 
 standing he was bewrayed unto the enemies, and he being gone into 
 
XX.] ROGER HOLLAND. 443 
 
 the country to convey the child away, that the papists should not 
 have it in their anointing hands, Bonner caused his goods to be 
 seized upon, and most cruelly used his wife. 
 
 " After this he remained closely in the city, and in the countrv in 
 the congregations of the faithful, until the last year of queen Mary. 
 Then he, with the six others aforesaid, were taken in, or not far 
 from, St. John's Wood, and so brought to Newgate upon May-day, 
 in the morning, anno 1558."— Fox, viii. 473. 
 
 ^ As nothing tends more to make a story intelligible, and 
 give a true weight to its facts, than a proper understanding, 
 and present recollection of its chronology, I must beg the 
 reader to observe that Roger Holland was not a person 
 accidentally present, or even a new convert. It seems as if 
 he must have made profession of the reformed opinions for 
 at least five years, and probably longer ; and that his wife 
 had done so, admits of Httle doubt. " Being called before 
 the Bishop," says Fox, " Dr. Chedsey, both the Harpsfields, 
 ' and certain others, after many other fair and crafty per- 
 ' suasions of Dr. Chedsey, to allure him to their Babylonical 
 ' church, thus the Bishop began with him ; — 
 
 " Holland, I for my part do wish well unto thee, and the more for 
 thy friends' sake. And, as Dr. Standish telleth me, you and he were 
 both born in one parish, and he knoweth your father to be a very 
 honest catholic gentleman. And master doctor told me, that he 
 talked with you a year ago ; and found you very wilfully addict to 
 your own conceit. Divers of the city also have showed me of you. 
 that you have been a great procurer of men's servants to be of your 
 religion, and to come to jour congregations. But since you be now 
 in danger of the law, I would wish you to play a wise man's part ; 
 so shall you not want any favour I can do or procure for you, both 
 for your own sake, and also for your friends', which be men of 
 worship and credit, and wish you well : and by my troth, Roger, 
 so do I.' 
 
 "Then said master Eglestone, a, gentleman of Lancashire, and 
 near kinsman to Roger, being there present, ' I thank your good 
 lordship ; your honour meaneth good unto my cousin ; I beseech 
 God he have the grace to follow your counsel. ' 
 
 " Holland. ' Sir, you crave of God you know not what. I beseech 
 God to open your eyes to see the light of his word.' 
 
 " Eglestone. ' Roger, hold your peace, lest you fare the worse at 
 my lord's hands.' 
 
 "Holland. 'No, I shall fare as it pleaseth God ; for man can do 
 no more than God doth permit him.' 
 
 "Then the bishop and the doctors, with Johnson the registrar, 
 casting their heads together, in the end saith Johnson, ' Roger, how 
 sayest thou 1 wilt thou submit thyself unto my lord, before thou be 
 entered into the book of contempt 1 ' 
 
 "Holland. ' I never meant but to submit myself unto the magis- 
 
U4 BISHOP BONNEE AND [essay 
 
 trate, as I learn of St. Paul to the Romans, chap. xiii. : ' aijd so he 
 recited the text. 
 
 " Chedsey. ' Then I see you are no Anabaptist.' 
 
 " Bolland. ' I mean not yet to be a papist ; for they and the 
 Anabaptists agree in this point not to submit themselves to any 
 other prince or magistrate, than those that must first be sworn 
 to maintain them and their doings. ' 
 
 " Ohedsey. ' Koger, remember what I have said, and also what my 
 lord hath promised he will perform with further friendship. Take 
 heed, Roger, for your ripeness of wit hath brought you into these 
 errors. ' 
 
 " Holland. ' Master doctor, I have yet your words in memory, 
 though they are of no such force as to prevail with me.' 
 
 " Then they whispered together again, and at the last said Bonner, 
 ' Roger, I perceive thou wilt be ruled \>j no good counsel, for any 
 thing that either I, or your friends, or any others can say.' 
 
 " Holland. ' I may say to you, my lord, as Paul said to Felix and 
 unto the Jews, as doth appear in Acts xxii, and in 1 Cor. xv. ' ' ' — 
 Ibid. 474. 
 
 After a good deal of discussion, Roger Holland seems to 
 have become somewhat excited. He exclaimed, " As for the 
 ' unity which is in your church, what is it else but treason, 
 ' murder, poisoning one another, idolatry, superstition, 
 ' wickedness ? "What unity was in your church, when there 
 ' were three popes at once ? Where was your head of unity, 
 ' when you had a woman pope ? Here he was interrupted, 
 ' and could not be suffered to proceed ; ' But,' saith the 
 ' bishop, ' Roger, these thy words are very blasphemy, and 
 ' by the means of thy friends thou hast been suffered to 
 ' speak, and art over malapert to teach any here. There- 
 ' fore. Keeper, take him away.' " 
 
 So the matter rested until his second examination ; the 
 account of which begins thus ; — 
 
 " The day that Henry Pond and the rest were brought forth to be 
 again examined, Dr. Chedsey said, 'Roger, I trust you have now 
 better considered of the Church than you did before.' 
 
 "Holland. ' I consider thus much : that out of the church there is 
 no salvation, as divers ancient doctors say. ' 
 
 "Bonner. 'That is well said. Master Egleston, I trust your 
 kinsman will be a good catholic man. But Roger, you mean, I 
 trust, the church of Rome ? ' 
 
 "Holland. ' I mean that Church which hath Christ for her head ; 
 which also hath his word, and his sacraments according to his word 
 and institution. ' 
 
 " Then Chedsey interrupted him, and said, ' Is that a Testament 
 you have in your hand 1 ' 
 
 " Holland. ' yea, master doctor, it is the New Testament. You 
 
Ai.j UUUJiJR, HOLLAND. 445 
 
 will find no fault with the translation, I think. It is of your own 
 translation, it is according to the great Bible.' 
 
 "Bonner. 'How say you? How do you know it is the Testament 
 of Christ, but only by the church ? for the church of Rome hath and 
 doth preserve it, and out of the same hath made decrees, ordi- 
 nances, and true expositions.' 
 
 "'No,' saith Roger, 'the church of Rome hath and doth suppress 
 the reading of the Testament. And what a true exposition (I pray 
 you) did the pope make thereof, when he set his foot on the 
 emperor's neck, and said, " Thou shalt walk upon the lion and the 
 asp : the young lion and the dragon shalt thou tread under thy foot 1 ' 
 
 " Then said the bishop, ' Such unlearned wild heads as thou and 
 others would be expositors of the Scripture. Would you then the 
 ancient learned (as there be some here, as well as I) should be 
 taught of you ? ' 
 
 " Solland. ' Youth delighteth in vanity. My wildness hath been 
 somewhat the more by your doctrine, than ever I learned out of this 
 book of God. But, my lord, I suppose some of the old doctors say, 
 If a poor layman bring his reason and argument out of the word of 
 God, he is to be credited afore the learned, though they be never so 
 great doctors : for the gift of knowledge was taken from the learned 
 doctors, and given to poor fishermen. Notwithstanding I am ready 
 to be instructed by the church. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' That is very well said, Roger : but you must under- 
 stand that the church of Rome is the catholic church. Roger, for 
 thy friends' sake (I promise thee) I wish thee well, and I mean to 
 do thee good. — Keeper I see he want nothing. Roger, if thou lack 
 any money to pleasure thee, I will see thou shalt not want. ' 
 
 "This he spake unto him alone, his fellows being apart, with 
 many other fair promises; and so he was sent to prison again." 
 —Ibid. p. 476. 
 
 The sequel of the story is as follows ; — 
 
 [" The last examination of Roger HoUand was, when he with his 
 fellow prisoners were brought into the Consistory, and there ex- 
 communicated all, saving Roger, and ready to have their sentence 
 of judgment given, with many threatening words to fear them 
 withal : the lord Strange, sir Thomas Jarret, master Egleston 
 esquire, and divers other of worship, both of Cheshire and Lanca- 
 shire, that were Roger Holland's kinsmen and friends, being there 
 present, which had been earnest suitors to the bishop in his favour, 
 hoping for his safety of life. Now the bishop, hoping yet to win 
 him with his fair and flattering words, began after this manner :] 
 
 " Bonner. ' Roger, I have divers times called thee before home to 
 my house, and have conferred with thee ; and being not learned in 
 the Latin tongue, it doth appear unto me thou art of a good 
 memory, and of a very sensible talk, but something over hasty, 
 which is a natural disease to some men. And surely they are not 
 the worst natured men : for I myself shall now and then be hasty, 
 but mine anger is soon past. So, Roger, surely I have a good 
 opinion of you, that you will not with these lewd fellows cast 
 
446 BISHOP BONNER AND [essay 
 
 yourself headlong from the church of your parents and your friends 
 that are here (very good catholics, as it is reported unto me). And 
 as I mean thee good, so, Roger, play the wise man's part, and come 
 home with the lost son, and say, I have run into the church of 
 schismatics and heretics, from the catholic church of Eome ; and 
 you shall, I warrant you, not only find favour at God's hands, but 
 the church, that hath authority, shall absolve you, and put new 
 garments upon you, and kill the fatling to make thee good cheer 
 withal ; that is, in so doing, as meat doth refresh and cherish the 
 mind, so shalt thou find as much quietness of conscience in coming 
 home to the church, as did the hungry son that had been fed afore 
 with the hogs, as you have done with these heretics that sever 
 themselves from the church. I give them a homely name, but they 
 be worse,' putting his hand to his cap for reverence sake, 'than 
 hogs : for they know the church, and will not follow it. If I should 
 say thus much to a Turk, he would (I think) believe me. But, 
 Roger, if I did not bear thee and thy friends good will, I would not 
 have said so much as I have done, but I would have let mine 
 ordinary alone with you.' 
 
 "At these words his friends that were there gave the bishop 
 thanks for his good wiU and pains that he had taken in his and 
 their behalf. 
 
 " Bonner. ' Well, Roger, how say you ? Do you not believe that 
 after the priest hath spoken the words of consecration, there 
 remaineth the body of Christ really and corporally under the forms 
 of bread and wine 1 I mean the self-same body that was born of 
 the Virgin Mary, that was crucified upon the cross, and rose again 
 the third day.' 
 
 "HoUand. ' Your lordship saith, the same body which was born 
 of the Virgin Mary, which was crucified upon the cross, which rose 
 again the third day: but you leave out, which ascended into 
 heaven ; and the Scripture saith, he shall there remain until he 
 come to judge the quick and the dead ! Then he is not contained 
 under the forms of bread and wine, by ' Hoc est corpus meum,' &c. 
 
 "Bonner. 'Roger, I perceive my pains and good will will not 
 prevail, and if I should argue with thee, thou art so wilful (as all 
 thy fellows be, standing in thine own singularity and foolish 
 conceit) that thou wouldst still talk to no purpose this seven years, 
 if thou mightest be suffered. Answer whether thou wilt confess 
 the real and corporal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament or 
 wilt not. ' 
 
 " HoUcmd. "My lord, although God by his suiierance hath here 
 placed you, to set forth his truth and glory in us his faithful 
 servants ; notwithstanding, your meaning is far from the zeal of 
 Christ : and for all your words, you have the same zeal that Annas 
 and Caiaphas had, trusting to their authority, traditions and 
 ceremonies, more than to the word of God. ' 
 
 " Bonner. ' If I should suffer him, he would fall from reasoning to 
 railing, as a frantic heretic' 
 
 " ' Roger 1 ' saith the Lord Strange, ' I perceive my lord would 
 have you tell him whether you will submit yourself to him or 
 no.' 
 
^"^•j KUUJiK UUliJLAJNi). 447 
 
 "'Yea,' saith Bonner, 'and confess this presence that I have 
 spoken of. ' 
 
 " With this, Roger, turning him to the Lord Strange and the rest 
 of his kinsmen and friends, very cheerfully kneeled down upon his 
 knees, and said, ' God, by the mouth of his servant St. Paul, hath 
 said, ' Let every soul submit himself unto the higher powers, and he 
 that resisteth receiveth his own damnation : ' and as you are a 
 magistrate appointed by the will of God, so do I submit myself 
 unto you, and to all such as are appointed for magistrates.' 
 
 " Bonner. ' That is well said ; I see you are no Anabaptist. How 
 say you then to the presence of Christ's body and blood in the 
 sacrament of the altar?' " — lUd. p. 477. 
 
 This led, as usual, to the plain demonstration that all 
 attempts at agreement and reconciliation were fruitless. 
 At length Holland said : — 
 
 "As for the mass, transubstantiation, and the worshipping of the 
 sacrament, they are mere impiety and horrible idolatry. 
 
 " ' I thought so much,' said Bonner, suffering him to speak no 
 more, 'how he would prove a very blasphemous heretic as ever I 
 heard. How unreverently doth he speak of the blessed mass I ' 
 And so read his bloody sentence of condemnation, adjudging him to 
 be burnt. 
 
 " All this while Roger was very patient and quiet ; and when he 
 should depart, he said, ' My lord, I beseech you suffer me to speak 
 two words. ' The bishop would not hear him, but bade him away. 
 Notwithstanding, being requested by one of his friends, he said, 
 ' Speak, what hast thou to say ? ' 
 
 "Holland. 'Even now I told you that your authority was from 
 Grod, and by his sufferance. And now I tell you, God hath heard 
 the prayer of his servants, which hath been poured forth with tears 
 for his afflicted saints, which daily you persecute, as now you do us. 
 But this I dare be bold in God to speak (which by his Spirit I am 
 moved to say), that God will shorten your hand of cruelty, that for 
 a time you shall not molest his church. And this shaU you in short 
 time well perceive, my dear brethren, to be most true ; for after this 
 day, in this place, shall there not be any by him put to the trial of 
 fire and faggot.' 
 
 "And after this day there was none that suffered in Smithfield 
 for the testimony of the gospel, God be thanked. 
 
 "After these words spoken, said Bonner, 'Roger, thou art, I 
 perceive, as mad in these thy heresies as ever was Joan Boucher. 
 In anger and fume thou wouldst become a railing prophet. Though 
 thou and all the sort of you would see me hanged, yet I shall live to 
 burn, yea I will bum all the sort of you that come in my hands, that 
 will not worship the blessed sacrament of the altar, for all thy 
 prattling.' And so he went his way." — Fox, viii. 478. 
 
 Although none suffered after that time in Smithfield, the 
 persecution continued ; but I do not know that it is needful 
 to notice, at present, the cases of any of the martyrs with 
 
448 LIST OF THE MAETYRS. [essay 
 
 whom Bonner subsequently had to do. I therefore pass 
 them over, not merely, as I have done others, to avoid pro- 
 lixity ; but under the impression that I have perhaps 
 already extracted more than enough from those cases which 
 seem to throw most light on the personal character and 
 conduct of Bishop Bonner ; and particularly as it regards 
 the charge of cruelty. I am not writing to set him up as a 
 model of wisdom, piety, and virtue ; but to examine a charge 
 of blood-thirstiness, which, if it be not true, has been so 
 made as not only to be a very unjust slander against an 
 individual, but a gross falsification of history, which every 
 man who loves truth better than party must wish to see 
 corrected. I have endeavoured to select the cases fairly ; 
 but I may probably have passed over, without observing, or 
 not understanding, them, matters which ought to have been 
 brought before the notice of the reader ; and which would 
 go to contradict, or qualify, statements of fact or opinion 
 which I have made. Such faults, if they exist, wiU I think 
 be more easily discovered by the reader, now that I have 
 taken the trouble of picking up, and putting together, some 
 points of history which may be clearly made out ; though 
 they do not at first shew themselves in the loose, rambling, 
 narrative of Fox. Indeed when it is considered how his 
 work was at first " hastily rashed up," how it has since been 
 printed, reprinted, and at length even edited, with omissions, 
 insertions, dislocations, and almost everything that could 
 make it puzzUng, I shall not wonder to find that I have 
 fallen into some mistakes in making so much use of such an 
 authority. I shall, however, be very happy to discuss any 
 case which I may be thought to have misrepresented or 
 improperly passed over. 
 
 To assist any reader, who is so disposed, in verifying or 
 correcting my statements — as well as the more general 
 reader of our ecclesiastical history, in understanding the 
 Times of Queen Mary, and particularly the very singular 
 historian to whom we are most indebted for what we know 
 of them — I here subjoin a List of the Martyrs who sufiered 
 in England under the Marian persecution, in which those 
 with whom I believe Bishop Bonner to have had any concern, 
 are distinguished by italics. I am afraid to vouch for its 
 perfect accuracy, though a good deal of trouble (more per- 
 haps than some readers might suppose requisite for such a 
 
XX.] 
 
 LIST OF THE MARTYRS. 
 
 449 
 
 matter) has been taken to make it as full and correct as 
 possible ; and, finding the number as I took them from Fox, 
 to coincide with that which had been long since given, on I 
 know not what original authority, I am induced to hope 
 that my List is not far wrong. The object being, as I have 
 already stated, to assist readers of Fox— that is, Fox him- 
 self, not Fox as cooked and served up by Strype or Burnet, 
 Fuller or ColHer, or more modern writers — the names of 
 the martyis are given in the order in which the martyrolo- 
 gist has related their histories ' This course, while it 
 avoids any difficulty which might arise in settling the pre- 
 cise date in any case, very seldom and very slightly violates 
 the order of chronology. For, though it may not be appa- 
 rent to some readers who dip into Fox, yet those who sttidy 
 his work will see that he not only professed to follow the 
 order of time, but (notwithstanding innumerable wander- 
 ings about, and surprising leaps backwards and forwards) he 
 actually did it to a much greater extent than is at first 
 apparent. 
 
 A LIST OF THE MARTYRS 
 
 M^HO SUFFERED IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF 
 QUEEN MARY. 
 
 1. John Rogers 
 
 RmithBeld 
 
 4 Feb. 1555. 
 
 Vol. vi. p 
 
 .591 
 
 2. Laurence Saunders 
 
 Coventry 
 
 8 „ 
 
 )) 
 
 612 
 
 3. John Hooper 
 
 Gloucester 
 
 9 ,. 
 
 )) 
 
 636 
 
 4. Bowland Taylor 
 
 Hadley 
 
 ,, ,, ,, 
 
 )> 
 
 676 
 
 5. Thomas Tomkins 
 
 Smithfield 
 
 17 Mar. „ 
 
 j^ 
 
 717 
 
 fi. WiUiam Hunter 
 
 Brentwood 
 
 26 „ 
 
 
 722 
 
 7. Thomas Cavston 
 
 Ealeigh 
 
 )) )i JJ 
 
 J) 
 
 
 8. Thomas Highed 
 
 Hcrtidon-on 
 the-hill 
 
 
 n 
 
 ■729 
 
 9. William Pygot 
 
 Brain tree 
 
 28 „ „ 
 
 )J 
 
 
 10. Stephen Knight 
 
 Maldon 
 
 O 3) 5) 
 
 )» 
 
 h737 
 
 11. John Laurence 
 
 Colchester 
 
 29 „ 
 
 n 
 
 
 ' For the reason mentioned at p. 862, the references are made to the 
 octavo edition of Messrs. Seeley. 
 
 2w 
 
450 
 
 LIST OF THE MARTYRS 
 
 12. 
 
 13. 
 
 U. 
 15. 
 
 16. 
 17. 
 
 Bp. Ferrar 
 
 Kawlins AVhite 
 
 George Mavsh 
 William Floioer 
 John Cardmaker 
 John Warne 
 
 Carmarthen 
 
 Cardiff 
 
 Chester 24 April 
 
 Westminster 
 
 30 Mar. 1555. Vol. vii. p. 3 
 
 f about 
 (30 Mar. I 
 
 18. John Simson 
 
 19. 
 
 20. 
 
 John Ardeley 
 Thomas JJauJces 
 
 Smithfield 
 do. 
 
 Rochford 
 
 Raleigh 
 Coggeshall 
 
 21. Thomas Wats 
 
 30 May 
 
 )) )) 
 f about 1 
 (10 Juno I 
 f about ) 
 1 10 June/ 
 
 22 May 
 
 22. 
 23. 
 
 24. 
 25. 
 26. 
 27. 
 28. 
 29. 
 30. 
 31. 
 82. 
 33. 
 34. 
 35. 
 36. 
 37. 
 
 38. 
 
 39. 
 40. 
 41. 
 42. 
 43. 
 44. 
 45. 
 46. 
 
 Thomas Osmond 
 
 William Bomford alias 1 tt ■ t, 
 Butler ^ Harwich 
 
 Chelmsford 
 
 9 June 
 Manniugtree 15 June 
 
 Nicolas Chamberlain 
 John Bradford 
 John Leaf 
 John Bland 
 Nicolas Sbeterden 
 John Frankish 
 Humphrey Middleton 
 Nicolas Hall 
 Christopher Wade 
 DiricJc Carver 
 John Launder 
 Thomas Iveson 
 James Abbes 
 John Lenlei/ 
 
 John Newman 
 
 Patrick Pachinghani 
 Kichard Hook. 
 William Coker 
 William Hopper 
 Henry Lawrance 
 Ki chard Collier 
 Richard Wright 
 AVilliam Stere 
 
 47. Elizabeth Warne 
 
 48. 
 49. 
 
 50. 
 
 51. 
 52. 
 63. 
 64. 
 55. 
 
 George Tankerfield 
 Bohert Smith 
 
 Stephen Harwood 
 
 Thomas Fust 
 WiUiam Hale 
 Joan Lashford 
 Robert Samuel 
 William Allen 
 
 Colchester 14 June 
 
 Smithfield 
 
 July 
 
 \ Canterbury 12 July 
 
 Rochester 
 Dartford 
 Lewes 
 Stenning 
 Chichester 
 Bury 
 Uxbridge 
 /Snffi-on ) 
 (AValdenf 
 Uxbridge 
 Chichester 
 
 Canterbury 
 
 19 
 
 22 
 23 
 
 2 Aug. 
 
 31 
 
 28 
 
 ' about 
 end ol 
 Aug. 
 
 (Stratford-) 
 
 I le-Bow f 
 St. Albans 
 Uxbridge 
 
 fStratford- 
 
 I le-Bow 
 Ware 
 Barnet 
 London 
 [Ipswich] 
 Walsingham 
 
 Jnly 
 
 26 Aug. 
 
 end of Aug. 
 27 Jan. 1556 
 31 Aug. 1555 
 
 39 
 68 
 
 77 
 
 87 
 
 87 
 97 
 
 118 
 
 hl39 
 
 fl43 
 1192 
 (287 
 J 306 
 ' ib. 
 ib. 
 
 318 
 
 Hi 
 [il 
 
 S321 
 327 
 
 339 
 
 „ ^341 
 
 371 
 381 
 
IN THE EEIGN OF QUEEN MARY. 451 
 
 56. Eoger Coo 
 
 57. Thomas Cobb 
 
 58. George Catmer 
 
 59. Eobert Streater 
 
 60. Anthony Burward 
 
 61. George Brodbridge 
 
 62. Jane Tutty 
 
 Yoxford 
 Thetford 
 
 Sept. 1555. Vol. vii. p. 381 
 
 Canterbury {gtj.} 
 
 63. Thomas Hayward 
 
 64. John Goreway 
 
 - Lichfield 
 
 about ] 
 
 mid. ■ „ 
 
 Sept. j } 
 
 about 1 „ „ 
 
 rOOO 
 
 65. Eobert Glover 
 
 - Coventry 
 
 384 
 
 66. Cornelius Bungay 
 
 20 Sept.),, 
 
 399 
 
 67. AVilliam Wolsey 
 
 68. Eobert Pygot 
 
 '-Ely 
 
 16 Oct. „ 
 
 402 
 
 69. Nicholas Ridley 
 
 70. Hugh Latimer 
 
 1 Oxford 
 
 J> n n n 
 
 406 
 
 71. William Dighel 
 
 Banbury 
 
 about ] 
 
 16 Oct. J " "« 
 end of ' 
 
 583 
 
 72. JohnWebbe 
 
 
 Oct. or 
 
 
 73. George Eoper 
 
 Canterbury - 
 
 begin- ■ „ ,, 
 
 604 
 
 74. Gregory Parke 
 
 
 ning 
 of Nov. 
 
 
 75. JolmPhilpot 
 
 Smithfield 
 
 18 Dec. „ 
 
 605 
 
 76. Thomas Whittle 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 77. JBartlet Gfreen 
 
 
 
 
 78. John Tudsou 
 
 79. John Went 
 
 -London 
 
 27 Jan. 1566 ,, 
 
 715 
 
 80. Thomas Brown 
 
 
 
 
 81. Isabel Forster 
 
 
 
 
 82. John Lomas " 
 
 ■ Canterbury 
 
 
 
 83. Agnes Snoth 
 
 
 
 84. Anne Albright 
 
 31 J, )) )» 
 
 750 
 
 85. Joan Sole 
 
 
 
 
 86. Joan Catmer 
 
 
 
 
 87. ArchbisJwp Oranmer 
 
 Oxford 
 
 21 Mar. „ viii. p. 
 
 3 
 
 88. Agnes Potten 
 
 j-lpswieh 1"^ 
 
 ad of Feb.] 
 
 101 
 
 89. Joan Frencbfield 
 
 or Mar. ) " 
 
 90. John Mauudrel 
 
 
 
 
 91. William Goberley 
 
 Salisbury 
 
 UMar. „ 
 
 102 
 
 92. John Spicer 
 
 
 
 
 93. Bobert Brakes 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 94. WiUiam Tyiiis 
 
 
 
 
 95. Richard Spurge 
 
 96. Thomas Spurge 
 
 -Smithfield 
 
 23 April „ 
 
 105 
 
 97. John Cavel 
 
 
 
 
 98. George Ambrose 
 
 
 
 
 99. John Harpole 
 
 100. Joan Beach 
 
 - Rochester 
 
 1 „ 
 
 130 
 
 101. John Hullier 
 
 Cambridge •< 
 
 about ) 
 2 April )■ " 
 
 131 
 
 102. Christopher Lyster 
 
 Colchester 28 „ >, „ 
 
 138 
 
452 
 
 LIST OF THE MARTYRS 
 
 103. John Mace 
 
 104. John Spencer 
 
 105. Simon Joyne 
 
 106. Richard Nichols 
 
 107. John Samond 
 
 108. Svgh Laveroch 
 
 109. John Apprice 
 "110. Catherine Hutt 
 
 111. Elizabeth Thachwel 
 
 112. Joan Horns 
 
 113. Thomas Drowry 
 
 114. Thomas Crocker 
 
 115. Thomas Spicer 
 
 116. John Denny 
 
 117. Edmund Poole 
 
 118. Thomas Harland 
 
 119. John Oswald 
 
 120. Tliomas Avingtoii 
 
 121. Thomas Bead 
 
 122. Thomas Whodd 
 
 123. Thomas Milles 
 
 124. A Merchant's Servant 
 ' 125. Henry Adlington 
 
 126. Lavirance Pernam. 
 
 127. Henry Wye 
 
 128. WiUiam Hallywell 
 
 129. Thomas Bowyer 
 
 130. George Searles 
 
 131. Edmund Hurst 
 
 132. I/yon Cawch 
 
 133. Ralph Jackson 
 
 134. John Derifall 
 
 135. Jb/m Routh 
 
 136. Elizabeth Pepper 
 _ 137. Agnes Oeorge 
 
 ' 138. Roger Bernard 
 
 139. Adam Forster 
 
 140. Eobert Lawson 
 141 Julius Palmer 
 
 142. John Gwin 
 
 143. Thomas Askin 
 
 144. Thomas Dangate 
 145 John Foreman 
 
 146. Mother Tree 
 
 147. Thomas Moor 
 
 148. Joan Waste 
 
 149. Edward Sharp 
 
 150. AnoDymoHs 
 
 - Colchester 28 April, 1556. Vol. viii. p. 138 
 
 f Stratford- 1 
 t le-Bow J 
 
 Smithfleld 
 Gloucester 
 • Beocles 
 
 Lewes 
 
 ■ Lewes 
 Leicester 
 
 15 May 
 
 16 „ 
 5 „ 
 
 21 „ 
 
 ( about I 
 16 June} 
 
 20 „ 
 26 „ 
 
 140 
 141 
 144 
 145 
 
 -151 
 
 Stratford- ) 
 le-Bow j 
 
 [Bury 
 
 27 
 
 151 
 
 I 
 
 \ Grinstead 
 
 Leicester 
 Derby 
 
 Bristol 
 
 Mayfield 
 
 Newbury 16 July 
 
 18 „ 
 
 about 
 
 26 June 
 
 1 Aug, 
 
 C about ' 
 
 I begin- 
 
 1 ning 
 
 (.of Sept. J 
 
 24 Sept. 
 
 167 
 201 
 
 241 
 
 242 
 247 
 
 I 
 250 
 
IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY. 453 
 
 151. Anonymous 
 
 162. John Hart 
 
 153. Thomas Ravensdale 
 
 154. A Young Man 
 
 155. John Horn 
 
 156. A Woman 
 
 [Mayfield 
 
 Bristol 
 Wotton- 
 under- 
 
 24 Sept. 1556. Vol. viii. p. 250 
 
 157. A Shoemaker 
 
 158. One called Hooke 
 
 159. John Philpot 
 
 160. William Waterer 
 
 161. Stephen Kempe 
 
 162. William Hay 
 
 163. Thomas Hudson 
 
 164. Matthew Bi-adbridge 
 
 165. Thomas Stevens 
 
 166. Nicholas Final 
 
 167. William Lowick 
 
 168. William Prowling 
 
 169. Thomas Loseby 
 
 170. Henry Ramsey 
 
 171. Thomas ThirteU 
 
 172. Margaret Hide 
 
 173. Agnes Stanley 
 
 174. Stephen Gratwick 
 
 175. William Morant 
 
 176. One King 
 
 177. Joan Bradbridge 
 
 178. Walter Appleby 
 
 179. Petronil his Wife 
 
 180. Edmund Allin 
 
 181. Catherine his Wife 
 
 182. John Manning's Wife 
 
 183. Elizabeth, a blind 
 
 maiden 
 
 184. John Pishoock 
 
 185. Nicolas White 
 
 186. Nicolas Pardue 
 
 187. Barbara Final 
 
 188. Bradbridge's Widow 
 
 189. Wilson's Wife 
 
 190. Bender's Wife 
 
 191. Eichard Woodman 
 
 192. George Stevens 
 
 193. William Mainard 
 
 194. Alexander Hosman 
 
 195. Thomasin a Wood 
 
 196. Margery Moris 
 
 197. James Moris 
 
 198. Denis Burgis 
 
 199. Ashden's Wife 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 251 
 
 Northampton Oct. „ 
 Wye about Jan. 1557 
 
 ^Canterbury 15 Jan. „ 
 
 Ashford 16 „ „ 
 
 -.IT f about ) 
 
 ^^y« 116 Jan. J" 
 
 AshforJ „ ,, „ 
 
 \ Canterbury „ „ „ 
 
 ^Smithfield 12 April „ 
 
 ) St. Geo.'s ( about 1 
 \ Fields, -^end of I- „ 
 j Southwark ( May 
 
 -Maidstone 18 June „ 
 
 ■253 
 
 " \ 
 
 , Vsoo 
 
 311) 
 
 315 
 
 32Q 
 
 -Canterbury 19 June „ 
 
 325 
 
 Lewes 
 
 22 June 
 
 332 
 
454 
 
 LIST OF THE MAETYRS 
 
 200. Grove'B Wife 
 
 201. Simon Miller 
 _202. Elizabeth Coopev 
 
 203. William Mount 
 
 204. his Wife 
 
 205. Hose Allin 
 
 206. John Johnson alias 
 
 AUleer 
 
 207. William Bongeor 
 
 208. Thomai Benold 
 
 209. William Purcas 
 
 210. Agnes Silverside alias 
 
 Smith 
 
 211. Helen Eivrinq 
 
 212. Elizabeth Polices 
 113. Richard Crashfleld 
 
 214. One Frier 
 
 215. A godly Woman 
 
 216. Mrs. Joyce Lewis 
 
 217. Baljph Allerton 
 
 218. James Au-stoo 
 
 219. Margery Austoo 
 2JI'. Bichard Both 
 
 "221. Agnes Bom/eor 
 
 222. Margaret Thurston 
 
 223. John Kurde 
 
 224. John Noyes 
 
 225. Cicely Ormes 
 
 226. Thomas Spurdance 
 
 227. John Hallingdale y 
 
 228. William Sparrow 
 
 229. Bichard Gibson 
 
 230. John Bough 
 
 231. Ifargaret Mering 
 
 232. Cutbert Symson 
 
 233. BughFoxe 
 
 234. John Devenish 
 
 Lewes 
 ■ Norwich 
 
 22 June, 1557. Vol. 
 13 July ., 
 
 Colchester 2 Aug. „ 
 
 235. William Nichol 
 
 236. 
 237. 
 238. 
 229. 
 240. 
 241. 
 242. 
 243. 
 244. 
 245. 
 246. 
 247. 
 248. 
 
 William Seaman 
 Thomas Carman 
 Thomas Hudson 
 William Harris 
 Eichard Day 
 Christian George 
 Henry Pond 
 Beinald Eastland 
 Bdbert Southam 
 3iattliew Bicarby 
 John Floyd 
 John Holiday 
 Soger Holland 
 
 Norwich 
 
 Rochester 
 
 Lichfield 
 
 Islington 
 
 5 Aufr. „ 
 f about [ 
 \5 Aug.) " 
 
 f about ) 
 1 17 Sept. I " 
 
 Colchester 
 
 Northampton 
 Laxfield 
 Norwich 
 Bury 
 
 :-Smithfield 
 
 ( Haverford \ 
 I AVest J 
 
 ^ Norwich 
 
 Norwich 
 
 y Colchester 
 
 20 „ 
 
 21 „ „ 
 23 „ „ 
 
 Not. „ 
 
 18 Nov. „ 
 
 22 Dec. „ 
 28 Mar. 1558 
 
 9 April „ 
 
 9 May „ 
 9 „ 
 
 26 „ 
 
 J-SmitbEeld | 
 
 about I 
 27 June] " 
 
 . p. 332 
 380 
 
 381 
 
 398 
 401 
 
 405 
 
 420 
 
 423 
 424 
 427 
 430 
 
 433 
 
 443 
 454 
 
 U61 
 
 -462 
 
 467 
 
 469 
 
IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY. 455 
 
 249. Robert MilU 
 
 250. Stephen Cotton 
 
 251. Bohert Dynes 
 
 252. Stephen Wright 
 
 253. JohnSlade 
 _^54. William Pikas or Fikes 
 
 255. Richard Yeoman 
 
 256. Thomas Benbridge 
 
 257. John Cooke 
 
 258. Rohert Miles alias 
 
 Plnmmer 
 
 259. Alexander Lane 
 
 260. James Ashley 
 
 261. Alexander Gouch 
 
 262. Alice Driver 
 
 263. Philip Humfrey 
 
 264. John David 
 
 265. Henry David 
 
 266. PreBt'sWife 
 
 267. Richard Sharp 
 •268. Thomas Benion 
 
 269. Thomas Hale 
 
 270. John Corneford 
 
 271. Christopher Brown 
 
 272. John Herat 
 
 273. Alice Snoth 
 
 274. Katherine Knight 
 
 275. William Sarton 
 
 276. John Snel 
 
 277. Richard Snel 
 
 VBrentford 
 Norwich 
 
 Bary 
 
 Ipswich 
 
 Bury 
 
 Exeter 
 Bristol 
 
 14 July, 1558. Vol. viii. p. 479 
 
 10 
 29 
 
 begin- 
 ning 
 of Aug. 
 
 4 Nov. 
 
 4 „ „ 
 
 ( 7 May 1557 
 ' 27 Aug. „ 
 7 May „ 
 
 ■Canterbury 10 Nov. 1558 
 
 Bristol 
 Bedale, 
 Yorkshire 
 
 18 Sept. 1556 
 f latter days | 
 ] of Q. Mary J 
 
 480 
 490 
 
 492 
 
 493 
 ■497 
 
 503 
 
 504 
 
 737 
 739 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Act of Six Articles, 196. 379 ; miti- 
 gated, 227. 
 AdamB, 203. 
 Aduct, Thomas, 213. 
 ./Epinus, Joannes, 295. 
 Alablaster, Edmund, 417. 
 Allen, 210 ; Francis, 346. 
 Allerton, Ealph, 430. 
 Ambswoi-th, 213. 
 Andrew, Philip, 409. 
 Andrews, St., Archbishop of, 436. 
 "Antichrist," the book so intituled, 
 
 16 ; extract from, 18. 
 Appleton, Roger, 401. 
 Ardeley, John, 382. 385. 
 Arran, Earl of, 486. 
 Arthur, Thomas, 2. 3. 6, 7. 
 Articles, Act of Six, 196. 379 ; 
 
 mitigated, 227. 
 , The Queen's, respecting 
 
 heretics, 335 ; Bonner's, 38. 
 Ascham, Roger, 59. 
 Ashwell, John, Prior of Newnham, 
 
 3 ; hia letter to the Bishop of 
 
 Lincoln, 4. 
 Askew, Ann, 203. 216. 379, 380. 
 
 , Henry, 336. 
 
 Atwell, one father, 366. 
 Audley, Lord, 212. 339. 
 Austins, St., Canterbury, monks of, 
 
 9. 
 Aylmer, Bp., 154 ; his Harborough, 
 
 156 ; tutor to Lady Jane Grey, 
 
 157. 
 , Brabazon, 156. 
 
 Bacon, Lord, Abp, Parker's letter 
 to, 79. 
 
 Baget, 388. 
 
 Baker, Sir John, his deposition 
 against Bp. Gardiner, 310. 
 
 Bale, Bp., his style, 32. 37 ; his 
 declaration of Bonner's Arti- 
 cles, 39. 54. 130 ; his doctrine of 
 toleration, 52 ; H. Wharton's 
 opinion of him, 41 ; chaplain to 
 Bp. Ponet, 38. 57 ; whether in 
 Wyatt's Eebellion, 73; of Jack 
 Spaniard, 130 ; his account of 
 Queen Katherine Parr, 249. 
 
 Barber, Anthony, 226. 
 
 Barckley, Bp. of Bath, 61. 
 
 Barlow, Bp. of Bath, 236. 337. 
 376. 
 
 Barnes, Dr., 9. 200, 205. 209, 213 ; 
 Bp. Gardiner's account of him, 
 267. 
 
 , Sheriff, 380. 
 
 Basil, Theodore, 84 
 
 Bath and Wells, Bp. of, 345. 347. 
 365. 
 
 Beane, John, 21. 
 
 Beaton, Cardinal, murder of, 438. 
 
 Beckwith, Sir Leonard, 217. 
 
 Becon, Thomas, 83. 113. 147. 151. 
 
 Bedford, the Earl of, 158. 239 ; his 
 deposition against Bishop Gar- 
 diner, 310. 
 
 Bedike's wife, 212. 
 
 Belenian, 203. 
 
 Benet, Thomas, 215. 
 
 Bernard College, monks of, 9. 
 
 Bernard, Thomas, 201. 
 
 Berthelet, Thomas, 276. 
 
 Bertrand of Dornick, his history, 
 191. 
 
458 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bets, of Cardinal's College, 9. 
 
 Bible, translated, 207. 
 
 Biggea, Richard, 213. 
 
 Bilney, Thomas, 2, 3, 6. 7. 
 
 Biographia Britannica, of Kathe- 
 rine Parr, 2i9. 
 
 Bird, Bp. of Chester, 336. 393. 
 
 Bishop, Martyn, 213. 
 
 Bocher, or Butcher, 396. 
 
 Bonner, Bishop, released from pri- 
 son, 332 ; on the Commission, 
 345; visitation, 38. 337 ; articles, 
 38 ; charge to the jury under 
 the Act of Six Articles, 210 ; 
 monition to his clergy, 335 ; in- 
 junctions to them, 183, 184, n. ; 
 declaration to the laity, 335 ; 
 his dealings with Thomas Green, 
 19; with Sir Thomas Smith, 
 351 ; with Anne Askew, 216 ; 
 with the martyrs condemned by 
 the Commission, 348 ; with his 
 own prisoners, 360. 384 ; with 
 the Court, 380 ; letter to him 
 from the Council, 409 ; charged 
 with cruelty, Essay XX., 315 ; 
 rage and fury, 329 ; tergiYCrsa- 
 tion, 267 ; illegitimacy, 45. 47. 
 56 ; attacked hy Ponet, 56, 57. 
 Ill ; by Traheron, 65 ; his pre- 
 face to Bp. Gardiner's book, 301. 
 306 ; burlesque life of, 286, n. ; 
 with John Rough, 439, 440 ; 
 with R. Holland, 443—448. 
 
 Bonner, Mrs. , 45. 
 
 Books, the number printed in the 
 first 36 years of the XVI. cen- 
 tury, 300 ; taken to church, 214 ; 
 seditious, 337. 
 
 Bourn, Secretary, 344. 421. 
 
 Bourn, Dr., preaching at Paul's 
 Cross, 332. 348. 355. 439. 
 
 Boxal, John, 347. 
 
 Bradford, 68. 83. 85, 86. 122. 
 124. 332. 336. 346, 347. 354. 
 355, 356, 357. 383. 403. 405. 
 
 Bret, 72. 
 
 Bridges, Sir John, 217. 
 
 Brindholme, Edmund, 200. 
 
 Brisley's wife, 213. 
 
 Bristol, Bp. of, 345. 
 
 Brook, 210. 
 
 Brown, Anthony, 332. 365. 401. 
 436, n. 
 
 , Edmund, 332. 
 
 , Dr., his reprint of Bp. 
 
 Gardiner's book, 279. 
 
 Bucer, M., 278. 
 
 BuUinger, 33, n. 
 
 Burnet, Bp., of the Spanish match, 
 119 ; his idea of the ludicrous, 
 186 ; of honesty, 197 ; on the 
 Act of Six Articles, 197 ; on the 
 martyrdom of Barnes and others, 
 200 ; of the martyrs at Salis- 
 bury, 201 ; of Lacels and others, 
 203 ; of Hen. VIII, 239 ; of Gar- 
 diner's opposition to Cranmer, 
 241 ; of the martyrs of the com- 
 mission, 357 ; of William Hun- 
 ter, 371; of Bonner's meddling 
 out of his own diocese, 404 ; of 
 Bonner's character, 336 ; of 
 Bonner's injunctions, 183. 
 
 Butler, Bp., 154, n. 
 
 Buttolph, Gregory, 200. 
 
 Bynneman, Henry, printer, 297. 
 
 Calais, the Chronicle of, edited by 
 
 Mr. Nichols, 203 ; troubles from 
 
 the Act of Six Articles, 210. 
 Caly, Robert, printer, 234, n. 
 Capito, W. F., 278. 
 Capon, Dr., 6. 
 Cardine, Sir Thomas, 338. 
 Cardmaker, John, 337. 346. 356. 
 
 376. 
 Careless, John, examination of, 22, 
 
 &o. 
 Carew, 200. 
 
 Carlisle, Bp. of, 344. 345. 347. 
 Carne, Sir Edward, 239. 241 ; his 
 
 deposition against Bp. Gardiner, 
 
 310. 
 Carver, Diriok, 404. 
 Castle, Mrs., 213. 
 Cat hanged in Chepe, 186. 336. 
 Cattley's edition of Fox, 22. 30. 
 
 182. 187, u. 202. 226, n. 283, n. 
 
 288. 339, u. 382. 384. 387. 404. 
 Causton, Thomas, 371. 
 Cavendish, George, 177. 
 Cawood, John, printer, 85. 
 Chamberlayn, Sir Leonard, 347. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 459 
 
 Chandler, Richard, 347. 
 
 Charing Cross, fray at, 408. 
 
 Chedsey, Dr., 350. 363; his de- 
 claration at Paul's Cross, 383 ; 
 his talk with Haukes, 394 ; 
 preaches in Bp. Bonner's chapel, 
 396 ; with Holland, 443 — i45. 
 
 Cheyney, Sir Thomas, 384. 
 
 Chichester, Bp., 344.346. 424, 436. 
 
 Chidley, 210. 
 
 Children, monstrous, 142. 
 
 Cholmley, Sir Roger, 210. 441. 
 
 Christopher, AVilliam, 224. 
 
 ChristophersoD, Bishop, 231. 426 ; 
 his hook on rebellion, 232. 324. 
 
 Churches profaned and robbed 
 193. 
 
 Clark, of Cardinal's College, 9. 
 
 , Baldwin, 24, n. 
 
 Clergy summoned to Lambeth, 337. 
 341. 
 
 Clerk, Bp. of Bath and Wells, 2. 
 
 Gierke, one, 203. 
 
 Clinch, Wm., 226. 
 
 Cluney, 420. 
 
 Cobham, Master, 334. 
 
 Cockes, John, 213. 
 
 Coggeshall, puritans at, 335. 
 
 Coke, William, 345. 
 
 Coldock, see Tyndale. 
 
 Cole of Magdalen College, 9. 
 
 Commission to six bishops to ex- 
 amine Bishops Taylor, Hooper, 
 and Harley, 335 ; at Southwark, 
 341. 
 
 Congregation, the Secret, 338. 437, 
 488. 440. 
 
 Convocation, 334. 
 
 Cooke, the Registrar, 71. 
 
 , Dr., 426. 
 
 , Robert, 213. 
 
 , William, 407. 
 
 Coren, Hugh, 346, 347. 
 
 Comet, John, 227. 
 
 Coronation of the Queen, 333. 
 
 Cottisforde, Dr., 11. 12. 
 
 Council, Letter from, to Bp. Bonner, 
 421. 
 
 Court, Bp. Bonner's dealings with, 
 380. 
 
 Coverdale, Bp., 22. 185, n. 333. 
 336. 
 
 Coventry and Lichfield, Bp., 345. 
 
 Cowper, of Bonner, 361. 
 
 Cox, of Cardinal's College, 9. 
 
 Cranmer, Abp., 208. 333. 336. 
 356. 362 ; Bonner's unhandsome 
 speech concerning him, 51. 
 
 Crispin, Edward, 313. 
 
 Crayford, 210. 
 
 Crome, Dr., 344, 344 n.; his preach- 
 ing at Paul's Cross, 334 ; signs 
 the declaration, 347. 
 
 Cromwell, Lord, 176. 179. 181, 
 182. 186, u. 198. 208, 209. 339, 
 n. 
 
 Crowley, 234. 
 
 Dalaber, or Delaber, Anthony, 9. 
 
 15. 
 Dale, Dr., 421, 422. 
 Damplip, Adam, 200. 202. 
 Darcy, Lord, of Chiche, 430. 
 David's, St., of, 345. 365. 
 Day, John, printer, 297. 
 Deane, Master, 421. 
 Debnam, Robert, 194. 
 Dee, Master, 421, 422. 
 Delaber, see Dalaber. 
 Denley, John, 407. 412. 
 Dictier, Thomas, 227. 
 DietofC.C. C._, Oxford, 9. 
 Diocesan jurisdiction regarded by 
 
 Bonner, 318. 
 Disputation at Oxford, 336. 
 Dixon, of Birohin Lane, 20. 
 Dobbes, Richard, 345, 346. 
 Dodd, a Scotchman, 203. 
 Dormer, Michael, 210. 
 DoeU, Sir Henry, 336. 
 Dover Court, the Rood at, 194. 
 
 338, n. 
 Draycott, Philip, 345. 
 Driander, Francis, his letter of Bp. 
 
 Gardiner, 313. 
 Drum, of Cardinal's College, 9. 
 Drury, Sir Robert, 347. 
 Dudley, Lord Robert, 158. 
 Dunstan, Anthony, 13. 
 Durham, Bp. of, 344. 345. 347. 
 
 B. (K.) Letters to, 22. 
 E. (T.) Tragical Blast of the Pa- 
 pistical Trompet, 87. 122. 
 
460 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Eagles, George, 435, 436, n. 
 
 Ebor, Nicholas, 439. 
 
 Edmonds, Dr., 6. 
 
 Education, 232. 235. 
 
 Edward "VI., Proclamation against 
 Contempt of the Sacrament, 193. 
 
 Eeden, of Magdalen Col., Oxford, 
 9. 
 
 Eglestone, Master, 443. 445, 446. 
 
 Elizabeth, the Lady, committed to 
 the Tower, 336. 
 
 , servant to Kempton, 442, 
 
 443. 
 
 Ely, Bp. of, 344, 345. 347. 421. 
 
 Englefield, Francis, 345. 
 
 Erasmus, 12. 
 
 Estelin, Richard, 24. 
 
 Everson, Thomas, or Iveson, 405. 
 
 Examinations of the Martyrs, how 
 far to be trusted, 268. 
 
 Exiles, English, 33 ; at Basil, 33 ; 
 at Frankfort, 59 ; questions be- 
 tween them and the government, 
 69. 77. 136 ; Bp. Gardiner's 
 letter to Somerset about them, 
 84. 
 
 Fantasie of Idolatrie, 182. 
 Fayrefaxe, Thomas, 15. 
 Fecknam, 350. 372. 392 ; his talk 
 
 with Haukes, 394. 
 Ferrar, Bp. of St. David's, 9. 331. 
 
 336. 347. 356. 
 Fetty, John, 316. 322. 
 Fiddee, life of Wolaey, 181. 
 Filiutius on intention, 15. 
 Filmer, 201. 240. 
 Fisher, Bp. of Rochester, 2. 
 Fitzgerald, one, 200. 
 Flower, Wm . , alias Branch, history 
 
 of, 192. 375. 
 Foster, Sir Humphrey, 240. 
 
 , one, 336. 
 
 Fowler, John, printer of Antwerp, 
 
 109. 
 Fox, Bp., Se vera Differentia, 
 
 276. 
 Fox, John, his martyrology, 2. 
 
 10. 17. 22 ; his spirit of mockery, 
 
 187 ; on the Six Articles, 209. 
 "FoxiiMSS,,"86. 119. 
 Frankfort, troubles of, 79, n. 82. 
 
 Prarin, Peter, his oration against 
 
 the Protestants, 109. 
 Frith, John, 9. 59. 217. 
 Fuller, his account of Bp. Bonner's 
 
 cruelty, 316. 
 
 Gage, SirEdw.,405. 427. 
 
 , Sir John, 425. 
 
 Galias, Master, 214. 
 
 Gardiner, Bp., 3 ; Ponet's descrip- 
 tion of, 56 ; his house plundered, 
 74 ; as to the Six Articles, 205 ; 
 his letter to the Protector, 228. 
 244 ; and the King, Essay XV.; 
 was he out of favour, 238 ; am- 
 bassador, 243 ; and Q. Kathe- 
 rine, 243 ; and Paget, 323 ; 
 letter to the King, 255 ; to Paget, 
 257. 259 ; the King'j answer to 
 him, 257 ; with Lord Oxford's 
 players,259 ; his "Long matter," 
 260. 308 ; his answer to Paget's 
 charges. 266 ; his book De vera 
 Obedientia, 266. 277. 281. 283. 
 285. 292 ; charged with ter- 
 giversation, 267 ; his Declara- 
 tion against George Joye, 267 ; 
 his popery, 308 ; his dealings 
 with Thos. Rose, 340 ; his dis- 
 couragement, 356, 357. 
 
 Gardiner, Germain, 55. 240. 
 
 , William, the history of, 
 
 189. 215. 
 
 Gardner, Robert, 194. 
 
 Garret, Thomas, 9. 200. 205. 
 213. 
 
 Gascoigne, Sir William, 6, 7, 8. 
 
 Gaudy, Justice, 401. 
 
 George's, St., Southwark, Session 
 of the bishops and others there, 
 427. 
 
 Germaine, Giles, 203. 
 
 Germyngham, John, 345. 
 
 Giles, St.,Cripplegate, parishioners 
 of, 214. 
 
 Gloucester, Bp. of, 345. 
 
 Goldastus, his reprint of Bp. Gar- 
 diner's books, 278. 
 
 Goodman, Christopher, 78, n. ; 
 his book, 80. 87. 91. 97. 
 98. 132. 137. 151 ; extracts, 
 98. 106; was he in Wyatt's 
 
INDEX. 
 
 461 
 
 rebellion, 96 ; liis recantation, 
 172, n. 
 
 Grangier, Thomas, 227. 
 
 Gray, Lord, 218. 
 
 Green, Bartlet, 78, n. 79, u. 420. 
 
 Greene, Thomas, history of, 15. 
 
 Gresham, John, 210. 
 
 , Richard, 210. 
 
 , Master, 414. 
 
 Grey, Lady Jane, 246. 254. 
 
 Grindall, Abp., 68 ; of filing Phil- 
 pot's examinations, 269, n. 
 
 Gualter, 10, n. 
 
 Gnnnings, Derby, 200. 
 
 Gjpson, 26. 
 
 Haddon, Master, 68. 
 
 Hall, Edward, 210. 
 
 Hamburgh, the story of, 288 ; 
 books printed there, 290. 293. 
 
 " Harborough for faithful Sub- 
 jects," 150, 156 
 
 Hardyman, John, 226. 
 
 Hare, Nicholas, 407, n. 
 
 Harold, Thomas, 410, n. 
 
 Harper, Master, 72. 
 
 , Sir George, 334. 
 
 Harpsfield, 346, 347. 350. 363. 392. 
 402. 412. 419. 421. 443. 
 
 Harrison, Giles, 227. 
 
 Hart, Henry, 23. 25. 30. 
 
 Hastings, Edward, 439. 
 
 Hastlen, Wm., 215. 217. 219. 
 
 Haukes, Thomas, 234. 357. 359. 
 386. 396. 410, n. 
 
 Haweis's Sketches of the Reforma- 
 tion, 83, n. 
 
 Hayward, William, 421. 
 
 Hedio, 0., 436. 
 
 Henry VIH., his protestantism, 
 206 ; his will, 238 ; letter to 
 Gardiner, 257. 
 
 Henry, one, and his servant burned, 
 203. 
 
 Hepinus, see ^pinus. 
 
 Herbert, Lord, of the Act of Six 
 Articles, 198. 206.223; of Gar- 
 diner's book, 275. 
 
 , Lady, 245. 247. 
 
 , Sir Wm., deposition 
 
 against Bp. Gardiner, 310. 
 
 Hertford, Earl of, see Somerset. 
 
 Hethe, Bp., 46. 
 
 Hewet, 201. 
 
 Heylin, of Bonner, 361. 405. 
 
 Higbed, Thomas, 371. 
 
 Higham, Clement, 346. 
 
 Hoggard Miles of Pudding Lane, 
 234 ; Strype's Account of him, 
 ibid. ; his ideas of education, 
 324 ; talk with Haukes, 398 ; 
 of Dirick Carver, 406, n. 
 
 Holinshed, of the Act of Six Ar- 
 ticles, 197. 223. 
 
 Holland, Roger, 440—449. 
 
 , Seth, 347. 
 
 Hooper, Bishop, 85 ; letter to 
 BuUinger, 207. 333. 336. 344, 
 n. 345, 346, 349. 351. 356. 
 357. 
 
 Horn, Dean of Durham, 59. 
 
 Howards, the jealousy of them in 
 the Somerset party, 250. 
 
 , Lord William, 344. 
 
 Hiick, Dr., or ^Epinus, 295. 
 
 Huggard, see Hoggard. 
 
 Hume, bis account of Wm. Hunter, 
 370. 
 
 Plumfrey, John, 212. 
 
 Humphry, Laurence, 234. 
 
 Hun, Master, 414 
 
 Hungate, Thomas, 346. 
 
 Hunter, Wm., 357. 359. 365. 366 
 400. 
 
 Huntingdon, Master, 218. 
 
 Hurleston, 345. 
 
 Hussey, Master, 20. 345. 347. 
 
 Jaok-a-Lent, ballads of, 231. 
 
 Jarret, Sir Thomas, 446. 
 
 Jane Grey, the Lady, 332. 
 
 Idolatry, Fantasie of, 182. 
 
 Jernegam, Henry, 439. 
 
 Jerome, Wm., 200, 205. 213. 
 
 Jesabel, the name applied to Queen 
 Mary by Knox, 105 ; by Good- 
 man, 106. 108. 
 
 lllegitima,cy charged against some 
 bishops by Puritans, 45. 
 
 Inquisition, Limborch's History of, 
 152, n. _ 
 
 John, a painter, 203. 
 
 Johnson, Robert, 345. 420. 
 
 , the Registrar, 444. 
 
462 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 JoUif, Henry, 346. 
 Joye, George, 3. 6. 15. 
 Iveson, Thomas, 405. 
 
 Kemp, John, 23. 26. 
 
 Kempe, Andrew, 217. 
 
 Kempton, Master, 442. 
 
 Kerby, 203. 
 
 Kethe,William, 83. 88. 130. 234. 
 
 King, Eobert, 194 
 
 , ConstableofIsliDgton,441. 
 
 King's Bench, prisoners in, 26. 
 
 Knevetts, the Master, 334. 
 
 Knight, Stephen, 357. 359. 374. 
 316. 392. 400. 
 
 Knox, John, his godly letter, 67. 
 144 ; his first blast of the trum- 
 pet, 79. 99. 131 ; his con- 
 fession, 145 ; repudiated by the 
 exiles, 152 ; mentioned, 156. 160. 
 438. 
 
 Lacels, 203. 
 
 Lambert, Francis, 12. 
 
 Lamentacyon against London, 207. 
 
 Lancaster, Mayor of, his decision 
 about a Eood, 187. 
 
 Lane, Lady, 245. 247. 
 
 Langdale, Dr., 430. 
 
 Lashford, Robert, 379. 
 
 Lathomus, Eichard, 314. 
 
 Latimer, Bp., 2. 24. 213. 333. 
 336, 356 ; of the blood of Hales, 
 207. 
 
 Launcelot, one of the King's guard, 
 203. 
 
 Launder, John, 404. 
 
 Laurence, Edmund, 336. 
 
 , John, 367. 359. 374. 392. 
 
 400. 
 
 , Master, of Barnhall, 359, u. 
 
 Lavater, 33, n. 
 
 Laverock, Hugh, 316. 322. 327. 
 
 Leaf, John, 403. 
 
 Lent, public defamation of, 229. 
 
 Letter from the King and Queen 
 to Bp. Bonner, 381 ; from the 
 Council to Bonner respecting 
 Rough, 439 ; of the Prior of 
 Newnham to the Bp. of Lincoln, 
 4 ; letters of the martyrs, 22 ; to 
 K. B., 22. 
 
 Lever, 68. 
 
 Lichfield, Bp. of, 347. 
 
 Limborch's History of the Inquisi- 
 tion, 152, u. 
 
 Lincoln, Bp. of, 345. 347. 
 
 Little-Base, 433. 
 
 Lock, John, 153, n. 
 
 LoUard's Tower, 18. 20. 
 
 London, Dr., 12, 13. 
 
 , the Archdeacon of, 210. 
 
 , Lamentacyon against, 207. 
 
 217. 
 
 , Troubles at, from the Act 
 
 of Six Articles, 209. 
 
 Longland, Bp., 2. 7, 8. 201._ 
 
 Louvain, Bp. Gardiner's disputa- 
 tion there, 309—315. 
 
 Lumley, the Lord, 347. 
 
 Lungport, monk of St. Austin's, 
 Canterbury, 9. 
 
 Luther, propagation of his opinions 
 in England, 2. 12. 
 
 Maohyn, Henry, his diary, edited 
 by Mr. Nichols, 332, n. ; of 
 the fray with the Spaniards, 
 408, n. 
 
 Mailer, John, grocer, 226. 
 
 Manerd, Eichard, 217. 
 
 Marbeck, John, 240. 
 
 Marsh, George, 306, n. 
 
 , Nicholas, 194. 
 
 Marshall, Mrs. Cicely, 212. 
 
 Martin, Dr., 23. 377. 379, n. 
 
 Martyn, Thomas, 345. 347. 
 
 Martyrs, letters of, 22. 
 
 Mary, St., Overy's, 340, 341. 344; 
 Bp. White preaching there, 427. 
 
 Mary, St., Woolchurch, eight pa- 
 rishioners of, 213. 
 
 Miiry, Queen, 254 ; her arrival in 
 London, 332 ; her oration to the 
 citizens of London, 116. 335 ; 
 occurrences in the first year and 
 a half of her reign, 331. 
 
 Mary's College, canons of, 9. 
 
 Mass, the two proclamations re- 
 specting, 334. 
 
 Matthew, John, 408. 
 
 Medows, Master of the Hospital of 
 Holy Cross, Winchester, his de- 
 position respecting Bp. Gardiner, 
 313. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 463 
 
 Mekins, 201. 
 
 Mildmay, Thomas, 401. 
 
 Mildred, St., Bread Street, pa- 
 
 riehioners of, 214. 
 Minge, William, 383. 
 Mirrour (a trewe), a Dialogue, 134. 
 Montague, Anthonr, Lord, 345. 
 
 439. 
 Mordant, Sir John, 323. 327. 4U. 
 
 416. 
 
 , l\raster George, 421. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, his style, 37. 
 
 , one Thomas, 420. 
 
 Morgan, 210. 
 
 , Philip, 346, 347. 
 
 Morris, Stephen, 859, n. 
 Morton, James, 201. 
 
 , a priest, 432. 
 
 Monnt, William, 431. 
 Mountayn, Thomas, 333. 
 Mullins, Dr., 59. 
 Mungey, Sirs., Bp. Bonner's sister, 
 
 46. 
 
 Newell, Nicholas, 227. 
 
 Newman, John, 407. 412. 
 
 "News out of London," a song 
 against the Mass, 228. 
 
 Nichols, Mr. , his edition of Machy n's 
 Diary, 332, n. 344. 
 
 Norfolk, Duke of, 345. 347; his 
 an-est, 264. See Howards. 
 
 Northampton, Marquis of, his de- 
 position agaiust Bp. Gardiner, 
 310. 
 
 Norwich, Bp. of, 241. 345. 347. 
 
 Oath of the Commissioners, under 
 the Act of Six Articles, 211. 
 
 Obedientia, Oratio de Vera, 271. 
 
 CEcolampadius, 12. 
 
 Origines Literarise, 152. 
 
 Osmond, Thomas, 403. 
 
 Owen, Dr., 246. _ 
 
 Oxford, disputation at, 336. 
 
 Oxford, Earl of, 387, 403; his 
 players, 259. 
 
 Packingham, Patrick, 407. 
 
 Paget, Sir William, or Lord, 55. 
 238. 249. 251. 254. 344; his 
 answers to the interrogatories 
 
 respecting Bp. Gardiner, 262. 
 264 ; his early life, 254, n. , his 
 letter to Gardiner, 259 ; his 
 boasting and disgrace, 260. 
 
 Pahen, William, 217. 
 
 Palinodia, the Puritan, Essay X., 
 150. 
 
 Palmer, John, 213. 
 
 , Mother, 213. 
 
 Pancras, St., the Crucifix and Pix 
 stolen at the Church, 336. 
 
 Paris, Sir Philip, 403. 
 
 Parker, Abp., of seditious books, 
 79. 
 
 Parkhurst, Bp., 33, n. 
 
 Parliament summoned, 337 ; ab- 
 solved, ibid. ; dissolved, 339. 
 
 Parnell, William, 417, n. 
 
 Parr, Katberine, 239. 243. 
 
 Parson's Three Conversions, 80. 
 
 Pascal on equivocation, 14. 
 
 Pates, Master, of David's Inn, 214. 
 
 Patinson, Henry, 226. 
 
 Peerson, Anthony, 201. 240. 
 
 Pembleton, 363. 
 
 Pembroke, Earl of, 384. 421. 
 
 Peter, Sir William, 384. 
 
 Philpot, Clement, 200. 
 
 , John, 316. 318. 334. 336. 
 
 416 ; his conflicts with Gardiner, 
 320 ; his difference with Bp. 
 Ponet, 71 ; examinations, 269, n. 
 
 Plaiue, AVilliam, 217. 225. 
 
 Plat, Robert, and his wife, 213. 
 
 Players, Printers, and Preachers, 
 alliance of, 228. 
 
 Plays and interludes, 183. 
 
 Plough, 234. 
 
 Pole, Cardinal, 200. 337. 
 
 , David, 346, 347. 
 
 Pond, Henry, 445. 
 
 Ponet, or Poynet, chaplain to Abp. 
 Cranmer and Henry "VIH., Bp. 
 Eochester and Winchester, 70 ; 
 Strype's account of him, 71 ; his 
 style, 54. 70 ; extracts from, 71. 
 75. 96, 97. 108. 111. 141 ; on 
 the Spaniards, 131 ; Bale, his 
 chaplain, 38. 
 
 Porter, John, story of, 220. 
 
 Pottinger, John, his deposition re- 
 specting Bp. Gardiner, 311. 
 
464 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Powell, William, printer, 22. 
 Preachers, must be no milk soppes, 
 
 166. 
 , Players, and Printers, 
 
 alliance of, 228. 
 
 the imprisoned called 
 
 before the commission, 340 ; 
 tlieir declaration, 341 ; sent into 
 Essex, 336. 
 
 Priests, bow treated by Puritans, 
 233. 237. 
 
 Printers, Players, and Preachers, 
 alliance of, 228. 
 
 Procession on the day of the Con- 
 version of St. Paul, 341. 
 
 Proclamation by Edward VI. 
 against contempt of the Sacra- 
 ment, 193. 
 
 Proctor, 122. 
 
 , John, history of Wyatt's 
 
 rebellion, 117, n. 
 
 Protestants, allowed to quit the 
 realm, 333. 
 
 Pnlline, or Pulleyn, John, 80. 
 
 Pulpit man, Aylmer's idea of, 166 
 
 Puritan Palinodia, Essay X., 160. 
 
 Politio8,Essay v., 66 ; VI., 
 
 77; VII., 98; VIII., 116; IX., 
 229 
 
 Style, No. 1. Essay III., 
 
 32. 
 
 54. 
 
 14. 
 
 , No. 2. Essay IV., 
 
 Veracity, Essay I., 1 ; II., 
 
 Pygot, William, 357. 359. 374. 
 '388. 392. 400. 
 
 Radley, of Cardinal's College, Ox- 
 ford, 10. 
 
 "Rage and Fury" of Bonner and 
 other prelates, 328. 
 
 Rains, Dr., 7. 
 
 Ramsey, 201. 
 
 Eede, Richard, 407, n. 
 
 Redman, Dr., 442. 
 
 Regius, Urbanus, 299. 
 
 Repse, Bp., 208. 
 
 Retort, spirit of, among the Re- 
 formers, 266. 
 
 Ribaldry, Cromwell patron of, 182. 
 
 Ribalds, the Essay XL, 173; 
 
 Essay XII., 188; distinct from 
 polemics and enthusiasts, 189 ; 
 Essay XIII., 204. 
 
 Riobe, Lord, 239. 335. 401. 403. 
 411, n. 
 
 , the Lord Chancellor, his de- 
 position against Bp. Gardiner, 
 310. 
 
 Ridley, Bp., 266. 336. 356; his 
 courtesie, 45 ; his pitevovs 
 lamentation, 22 ; his sermon on 
 the Sacrament at Paul's Cross, 
 185 ; preached afterwards at 
 Paul's Cross, 332. 
 
 Roche, 210. 
 
 Rochester, Bp. of, 427. 
 
 , Christopher [or Robert], 
 
 345. 
 
 Roe, George, 438. 
 
 Rofters, John, 332. 334, 336. 
 336. 344. 345, 346. 348. 356, 
 367; preached at Paul's Cros.'^, 
 332. 
 
 Rogers, one, 203. 
 
 Rome, the sacking of, 175. 
 
 Rood, a, newly set up in Paul's, 
 187. 
 
 , of Dover Court, 194. 
 
 Roper, Master, 421. 
 
 , William, 407, n. 
 
 Rose, Thomas, 209. 338. 438. 443. 
 
 Rough, John, 436. i 
 
 Kndstone, Master, 334. 
 
 Sacrament, contempt of, 193 ; songs 
 against, 227. 
 
 Sadler, Ralph, 182. 
 
 Salisbury, John, Bp. of Chartres, 
 41. 
 
 , of Bury, 10. 
 
 Sanchez on mental reservation, 14, 
 15. 
 
 Sandys, Abp., 33, n. 81. 
 
 Saunders, Laurence, brought be- 
 fore Bonner and Gardiner, 270 ; 
 Southey's account of the matter, 
 272, n. ; his preaching at All- 
 hallows, 334 ; excommunicated, 
 347 ; Bonner's dealings with 
 him, 348. 356 ; his going to the 
 Compter, 377. 
 
 Saxy, a priest, 203. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 465 
 
 Say, William, 345. 
 Scory, Master, 438. 
 Scourging, for the sake of the 
 
 Gospel, 423. 
 Seeker, A.bp., 153, n. 
 Sects, abundance of, 22. 
 Seeley's, Messrs., edition of Fox, 
 
 30. 182. 202, n. 255, n. 404, n. 
 
 449, n. 
 Sentences, Book of, 153, u. 
 Sergeant, Eoger, 439. 
 Seward, John, 196. 
 Seymour, see Somerset. 
 Shermons, Keeper of Carpenter's 
 
 Han, 227. 
 Shrewsbury, Lord, 384. 439. 
 Shypside, George, Bp. Kidley's 
 
 brother-in-law, 45, 46. 
 Simson,_John, 382. 385. 
 Six Articles, see Act. 
 Smith, Dr., his talk with Haukes, 
 
 398. 
 
 , Eobt. , account of, 408. 
 
 , Sir Thomas, 351. 408. 
 
 Smyth, William, 346. 
 
 Somerset, Protector, 238 ; jealousy 
 
 of the Howards, 250; Paget's 
 
 devotion to him, 252. 254 ; his 
 
 deposition against Bp. Gardiner, 
 
 309. 
 Songs against the Sacrament, 227. 
 Southampton, Earl of, 242. 
 Sonthey's Book of the Church, 
 
 272, n. 
 Southwell, Sir Richard, 344. 345. 
 
 384. 411, n. 
 Spaniards, the. Essay VIII., 116; 
 
 Bradford's letter, 86 ; Kethe's 
 
 verses, 88 ; fray with, 408 ; 
 
 Burnet on the Spanish match, 
 
 119. 
 Spencer, Dr., 154. 
 
 , a priest, 201. 
 
 Squire, Dr., 156. 
 Stafford's rebellion, 119. 
 Stafford, Mr., of St. John's, Cam- 
 bridge, 193. 
 Stage-plays and interludes, 183. 
 Standish, Bp.,3. 443. 
 State papers published under the 
 
 Commission, 257. 
 Statham, Mrs. Elizabeth, 213. 
 
 Stempe, Dr., 372 
 
 Stemhold, Thomas, 320. 
 
 Stevens, Mr., his edition of Bp. 
 Gardiner's book, 271. 
 
 Story, Dr., 15, 16. 379. 426. 
 
 Stowe, his account of AVy.itt's 
 rebellion, 72. 74. 
 
 Stowel, alias j ,„„ 
 
 Stretchley, \ ^'^'■• 
 
 Strange, Lord, 446, 447. 
 
 Strype, quoted as to sects, 22 ; of 
 Bp. Parkhurst, 33, n. ; of Bale, 
 50 ; of Ponet, 64. 71 ; of Paget, 
 55 ; of the exiles at Frankfort, 
 59 ; of Kethe's verses, 88 ; of 
 Stafford's rebellion, 119; life of 
 Aylmer, 154 ; of railers against 
 the Sacrament, 185 ; of the Six 
 Articles, 198. 210. 223 ; of Bp. 
 Christopherson's book, 231 ; of 
 Bp. Gardiner, 240. 254. 275; 
 of Germain Gardiner, 240 ; of 
 Henry VIII., 252 ; of the Com- 
 mission in Sonthwark, 345, n. ; 
 of Sir Thomas Smith, 351 ; of 
 Bp. Bonner, 364, n. 433 ; his 
 quotation of Machyn's Diary, 
 332, n. ; his character as a his- 
 torian, 17. 30, 31. 47. 122. 210. 
 
 Style of the age of the Reforma- 
 tion, 35. 
 
 Sumner, of Cardinal's College, Ox- 
 ford, 9. 
 
 Snpplicacyon to the Queue's Ma- 
 jesty, 85. 115. 133. 145, 146. 
 
 Sussex, letters to the Justices of, 
 336. 
 
 Symson, Cutbert, 439. 
 
 Tavern er, of Cardinal's College, 
 Oxford, 10. 
 
 , Master, 12. 
 
 Taylor, Y)x. Rowland, of Hadley, 
 836, 344. 346, 347. 352. 356, 
 357, 359. 
 
 , Thomas, 366. 
 
 Tenison, Abp., his copy of Bp. 
 Gardiner's book, 279, n. 
 
 Testwood, 201. 240. 
 
 Thirlby, Bp., his deposition re- 
 specting Bp. Gardiner, 311. 
 
 Thomas, St., of Acres, 413. 
 2g 
 
466 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Thomas, William, 80. 
 
 Thomson, Harold, 410, u. 
 
 TillotsoD, Abp., 153, n. 
 
 Tirrel, 336. 
 
 , Sir Henry, 332. 401. 
 
 Trinity College, Cambridge, Sta- 
 tutes of, 214. 
 
 Tomkins, Thomas, 357. 359. 362. 
 400. 412. 
 
 Tomson, Harold, 844, 345, n. 
 
 Tonstal, Bp., 2, 3. 10, 11 ; his de- 
 position respecting Bp. Gardi- 
 ner, 310. 
 
 Tooley, John, hanged, 409. 
 
 Tottle, Master, printer, 21. 
 
 Tracy, Richard, 59. 
 
 Traheron, Bartholomew, 58, 59. 
 151 ; his answer to a piivie 
 papist, 60 ; warning to England 
 64. 144. 
 
 Tregonwell, John, 345. 
 
 Trew, one, 26. 
 
 Troubles at London, 209. 
 
 Trudgeover, 436, n. 
 
 Turner, Master, 408. 
 
 Tye, Thomas, 431. 
 
 Tymms, 23. 25. 27. 
 
 Tjndale, 3. 9. 
 
 's, Testament, 294. 
 
 Tyrrel, see Tirrel. 
 
 Tyrwit, Lady, 245. 
 
 Tysdall, Jhon, and Fraunoys Col- 
 docke, printers, 53. 
 
 Tytler, Mr. Fraser, his England 
 under the reigns of Edward VI. 
 and Mary, 252, 253. 259, 260. 
 
 Vane, Lady, 339, n. 
 
 Vaughar, 72 ; John, 346, 347. 
 
 Udal, ofC. C. C, Oxford, 9. 
 
 Veron, 83. 
 
 Vervin, Monsieur, captain of Bo- 
 
 loigne, 111. 
 Unio dissidentium, 9, 10. 
 Voysey, John, Bp. of Exeter, 2. 
 
 Ward, friar, 209. 
 Warne, John, 378. 
 Warner, Dr. John, 347. 
 Warren, 210. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, 254 ; his deposi- 
 sition against Bp. Gardiner, 
 310. 
 
 Wats, Thomas, 401. 
 
 Watson the Scribe, 7. 
 
 , Thomas, 346, 347. 
 
 Wayland, John, printer, 16. 
 
 Welch, Master, 421, 422. 
 
 Wendy, Dr., 246, 247, 248, n. 
 
 Wentworth, Sir John, 335. 
 
 West, Nicholas, Bp. of Ely, 2. 
 
 Weston, Richard, 40/ ^ 
 
 Wharton, Henry, his opinion of 
 Bale, 41 ; his Protestantism, 
 ibid. 
 
 , Thomas, 345. 347. 384. 
 
 421. 
 
 White, Bp., preaching at St. Mary 
 Overy's, 427. 
 
 , Warden of Winctester Col- 
 lege, deposition respecting Bp. 
 Gardiner, 312. 
 
 Whitgift, Abp., his College ac- 
 counts, 34. 
 
 Whittingham, Wm., 151 ; his 
 Epistle prefixed to Goodman's 
 book, 81. 83. 
 
 Whittle, Thomas, 417. 
 
 Wilcocks, Thomas, 24. 
 
 Willerton, 363. 
 
 Wilmot, Richard, 15. 
 
 Wiltshire, Lord, 239 ; his deposi- 
 tion against Bp. Gardmer, 
 310. 
 
 Wimmeslowe, Archdeacon, 57. 
 
 Winchester, Bp. pf, 421. 426. 
 430 ; preached at Paul's Cross, 
 398. 
 
 , Marquis of, 405. 
 
 Windsor, Commission for searching 
 houses at, 201 ; the persecution 
 at, 239, 240. 
 
 Wiseman, John, 401. 
 
 Wolphius, 33, n. 
 
 Wolsey, Cardinal, 2, 6. 7, 8 ; 
 his disgrace, 176 ; his discourse 
 with Cromwell, 179 ; called 
 "Carnall" Wolsey, 55. 
 
 Women, Knox's ' Monstrovs Regi- 
 ment ' of, 79. 99. 
 
 Wood, Anthony a, of Traheron 
 58 ; of Bonner's Works, 275. 
 
INDEX. 467 
 
 Wood, Thomas, 366. his rebellion, 72. 110. 116 j 
 
 Woodman, Eichavd, 423. Proctor's history of, 117. 
 Worcester, Bp. of, 344. 345. 
 
 347. Young, Thomas, 438. 
 
 Wotton, R. [or Edward], 347. Ysseley, Sir Harry, 334. 
 Wriothesley, 55 ; Lord, 245. 
 
 Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 334, 335. 348 ; Zanchy, 33, u. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed by Ballahtyne, Hanson &= Co. 
 London &• Edinburgh