II ii!!!li!li!'!i'i!i|lii;i;iiillifi;ii^' '::M:^:^ m,\f '.mmt hiimll Slii muMm •■'itin '!:ii! .ii';i:!l |!!"i';!;|;- 'I iSi;'!: flip' Mi lliiitifi: ;lltl|, f li''l!t .:'^' h-il:''.: ')i i;!,:"^'' ill!V rr, ■ jliii . fliiiV' Cornell Unlvaralty Library PA 6074.S25 Costume in Roman corned' 3 1924 026 484 364 €iixu\\ Hmrmitg ^x\xm% THE GIFT OF .Oa?M-1(vjUflU..U*w^^*w*fc^^^ A.zit3.s3j. I :f,f/nr/fl.?.. 6896-2 DATE DUE QQU^^^ c^^lS/f ^EP'-TTS^a, Jjfi^ ^^l^ jm ' ^ f ^t SEE^f^dWr PR1NTED1NU.5.A. The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026484364 Columbia SSntbergits STUDIES nr CLASSICAL PHILOLO0T COSTUME IN ROMAN COMEDY COSTUME IlSr ROMAIC COMEDY BT CATHARINE SAUNDERS SUBUITTED IS FaSTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE BeQUIBE- KENTS FOE THE DeGBEB OF DOCTOB OF FhILOSOFHT m THE Faculty of FHiLOgopHT, Colukbia Univebsitt NEW YORK ic' >- CoPTBieHT, 1909, Bt the COLUMBIA UNIVEESITT PEE8B. Set up and electrotyped. Published June, Z909. yvS^ . V J. 8. Cashing Co. — Berwick 4 Smith Co. •\? aV' Horwood, M»9»., tJ.S.A. PREFATORY NOTE This monograph contains, in most convenient form, a mass of evidence concerning Costume in Eoman Comedy nowhere else accessible. Dr. Saunders has done a real service to the student of the Boman theatre in gathering together all that our extant comedies have to teach us on this sub- ject, in comparing or contrasting with this evidence that afforded by frescoes and reliefs at Pompeii and elsewhere, and in describing more minutely than has been done before, the costumes represented by the Terentian miniatures. Her work on the miniatures, aside from its direct relation to the immediate theme of her monograph, constitutes an important contribution to the discussion of the vexed question of the date of the miniatures, and goes far of itself to disprove the extravagant be- liefs once held in their extreme antiquity. HARBY THURSTON PECK. Columbia Unitebsitt, June 1, 1909. PREFACE The following study of Costume in Roman Comedy was suggested by the absence of any com- plete treatment of the subject, either in special dissertations or in those manuals of Roman life and customs which include an account of the Roman theatre. Further justification for such a study lies in the recent accession of certain mate- rial which had never before been available in reliable form, and, at the same time, in sufficient quantity. I refer to the photographic reproduc- tion of miniatures from seven manuscripts of Terence, published at Leyden in 1903.* The period for which I have sought to collect evidence is especially that of Plautus and Terence, but, for obvious reasons, I have also included much that may have belonged only to a later time. I have given to the term costume a broad mean- ing, including under it not only the actual dress of the actors, but also such other properties as have ' Terenti Codex Ambrosianus H 75 inf. phototypice editus. Fraefstus est Erictis Bethe. Accedunt 91 imagines ex aliis Terenti codicibus et libris impreasis nunc primum collectae et editae. Lugduni Batavorum (A. W. SijthofF), 1903. Tii viii Preface a particularly close connection with the characters under discussion. It was originally my intention to consider the problem of masks along with that of costume. However, a mere summary of the literature of this question was hardly justifiable ; on the other hand, it soon became evident that a thorough and independent investigation of the subject must be postponed, since the material involved is quite sufficient to form the basis of a separate mono- graph. I desire to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to those members of the Division of Classical Philology in Columbia University under whom I have studied — to Professors Perry, Wheeler, Egbert, McCrea, Lodge, Young, Knapp, and Olcott. In connection with this dissertation, my thanks are due to Professor Lodge for allowing me to consult the unpubUshed collections for his Lexicon Plautinum and, especially, to Professor Knapp, at whose suggestion this investigation was undertaken and under whose direction it was pursued, to whose wide knowledge of Roman comedy I have constantly appealed, and to whose scholarly criticism throughout the work I am deeply indebted. CATHARINE SAUNDERS. VaSSAR CoiiLEOE, AprU 17, 1909. CONTENTS PAOB 0HA7TXB I. SOUBCES 17 II. Tbkminologt ■" in. Peologus ^* IV. Stook-bSlbs Adulescens Ancilla ^^ Anus °" Cocus "'* Lena Leno "" Lorarius zl Matrona, Mulier, Uxor '" 72 Meretrix ' 78 Nutrix ^* Parasitus Senex ,^„ Virgo ^"* V. Unusual R6lb8 J*J Advooatus Caoula JJ° Captivus Choragus iz X Contents PAGK Danista 118 Di 119 Dux 122 EuDuchus .....•■■ 123 Fidicina 126 Gubernator 127 Medicus 128 Mercator 128 Obstetrix 129 Faedagogus 130 Piscator 131 Poena 132 Poenus 133 BusticuB 134 Sacerdos 136 Sycophanta 136 Tibioen 138 Tibioina 138 Tonstrix 139 Trapezita 140 Villous 140 ElBLIOOBAPHT 143 COSTUME IN EOMAN COMEDY CHAPTER I SOURCES In the detailed discussion of Costume in Roman Comedy I have taken into account the evidence furnished by two classes of material — the one literary, the other artistic. Under the literary evidence are included: (1) The comedies of Plautus and Terence.* (2) References to the stage in Donatus and Euanthius, including the commentary of Donatus on Terence and, more especially, the treatise known as De Comoedia. (3) References to the stage in the Onomasticon of Pollux, particularly those chapters from Book IV which deal with costume ' I have not considered the Fragmenta of Plautus and the other comic writers. Since fragments are notoriously difficult of interpretation, it seemed wiser to restrict my references to complete dramas. I have used, almost without exception, the Teubner texts of Plautus and Terence. B 1 Costume in Roman Comedy (115-120) and with the masks used ia comedy (143-154). (4) Scattered references, mainly from Roman literature. Under the artistic evidence are included: (1) The illustrated manuscripts of Terence.' (2) Pompeian wall-paintings.* (3) Campanian reliefs.' ' For the reproductions of miniatures which I have con- sulted see Bibliography, pp. 143-144. I have not had access to the following famous works, which contain more or less inaccurate reproductions of miniatures from one of the best illustrated MSS. of Terence (C) : Christoph. Henr. Nob. Dom. de Berger, Commentatio de personis, vulgo larvis seu mascheris. Frankfurt u. Leipzig, 1723. This volume contains the pictures in C in all six plays of Terence. N. Fortiguerra, Terenti Ck)moediae. Urbini, 1736. This work contains the same pictures as that of Berger, rather more accurately reproduced. Carolus Coquelines, Fubli Terenti Afri Comoediae. Rome, 1767. This book contains essentially what is found in the work of Fortiguerra. 'For examples see Wieseler, Denkmaler, XI, 2, 3, 4, 6; Helbig, Campanische Wandgemalde, nos. 1468-1476; Annali d. Inst. 1881, 109 B.; Mon. d. Inst. XI, tav. 30-32, nos. 2, 5, 10, 14, 16. For further bibliography see Hermann, Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitaten, III, 2, 258. ' For examples see Wieseler, I.e. XI, 1 ; Annali d. Inst. 1859, tav. d'agg. O and 393 ff. For further references see Hermann, I.e. Sources 3 (4) Statuettes and Roman terra-cottas.* Returning now to the literary evidence, I may say that I have endeavoured to use with special care the testimony of the comedies themselves, regard- ing them as particularly important because they represent the best period of the Roman theatre.* It is unfortunate that the late date of Donatus and Euanthius must always detract from the value of their testimony. Further, we should keep in mind the doubtful character of the text in the passages cited from Pollux and the uncer- tainty of our right to infer from them the usages of the Roman stage. Passing to the artistic evidence, I would state that I have examined minutely all the illustra- ' For examples see Wieseler, I.e. XI, 8—11; BuUetino d. Inst. 1870, 58; Archaol. Zeit. 31 (1874), Taf. 12. For additional bibliography see Hermann, I.e. ' It will appear presently that the costumes indicated by our extant Roman comedies are so simple that it would not have been difficult for the stage-managers, even in the earliest days of the Roman theatre, to be faithful to the indications and descriptions in the plays. The presence of Greek artifices acaenici from the very outset of the Roman theatrical pro- ductions must be postulated. The term fabidae paUiatae of itself suggests carefulness in the matter of costumes. In Elizabethan plays, though little emphasis was laid on stage- setting, much stress was laid on costume; see, e.g., H. T. Stephenson, Shakespeare's London (New York, 1906), pp. 320- 324. 4 Costume in Roman Comedy tions from the manuscripts of Terence which were accessible to me.' In many particulars their testimony is suflSciently clear and unanimous to command consideration; yet the danger of re- lying upon it in disputed points will, I think, become plain as this discussion proceeds. The evidence of the terra-cottas is questionable, be- cause there is no certainty that they actually represent the stock-characters of fabulae palliatae. The paintings and reliefs from Campania belong to a section of Italy where Greek influence was strong, if not dominant; they cannot, therefore, be regarded as furnishing, in themselves, any certain evidence for our problem — interesting and valuable though they are when taken in connection with other evidence. Of the above sources no further description is necessary, except in the case of the illustrated manuscripts of Terence. For the convenience of the reader who may not have access to Bethe's valuable preface to the photographic reproduction of Terenti Codex Ambrosianus H 75 inf. I shall summarize briefly the main facts concerning the miniatures. There have come to light up to this time twelve MSS. of Terence which are more or less fully 1 For the number and range of these illustrations see Bib- liography, pp. 143-144. SOUHCES 5 illustrated. They range in date from the ninth to the fifteenth century and come, for the most part, from northern France. Of these twelve MSS., three (C, P, F) show illustrations which are evidently rather careful, though indirect,* copies of a common original ; a fourth (0) repro- duces the composition and attitudes of the same original, though the buildings, the clothing, the masks, and the hair have evidently been modern- ized by the artist. B (Basilicanus Romae in Tabulario Capituli Basilicae Vaticanae 79 H, tenth century) contains only two illustrations, a portrait of Terence on the order of that in C, P, and 0, and the personarum armarium of the Andria. Q (Berolinensis Meermanianus Latin. 176, fifteenth century) contains a single illustra- tion, a portrait, presumably of Terence. Y (Parisinus Latinus 7900, tenth century) is in- complete and no reproductions of it are at hand. The pictures of the remaining five * illustrated ' It is supposed that there were three copies of the arche- type, from one of which were derived the miniatures of C, P, and O, from a second those of F, and from the third those of all the other illustrated MSS. ' These MSS. are L (Leidensis Lipsianus 26, tenth century) ; N (Leidensis Vossianus 38, tenth century) ; S (Vaticanus 3305, eleventh or twelfth century); T (Terentius Carol! VI Fran- corum regis nunc Parisiis asservatus in Bibliotheca Areenalis 25, early fifteenth century); Z (Parisinus Latinus 7903, eleventh century). 6 Costume in Roman Comedy MSS. have been so strongly modernized by the artist that they have little value for our pur- pose. Our interest centres, therefore, in the four MSS. first mentioned, of which a fuller account may now be given. C (Vaticanus 3868) contains a portrait of Terence, a personarum armarium before each play save the Eunuchus, a representation of the Pro- logus to each save the Eunuchus, and pictures before all scenes except And. V, 1 and 2. The illustrations are coloured, nine colours being used.* The MS. belongs to the ninth century. Since it is doubtless the most valuable of all the illustrated MSS. of Terence, its photographic reproduction, so long promised by Ehrle, is awaited with great interest. Meanwhile, we know it through frag- mentary reproductions by Wieseler, ' Harvard University, Weston, Bethe,* and through the un- ' Ego satis habeo adnotaase coloribus pictorem usum hisce: (1) carnoso qui facies et manus tegat, (2) nigro ad crines im- primis pingendos, (3) cano in veatimentis et pedibus omnium aervorum atque in palliis nonnuUis et aulaeis, (4) caeruleo in tunicis et pedibus iuvenum senumque, (5) Savo in palliis et ut lignum exprimeret, (6) albo in mulierum tunicis et aulaeis cet., (7) rubro, (8) viridi, (9) fusco. So Bethe, Fraefatio 10. It will be seen that the use of colours in the pictures of C does not agree, to any extent, with the statements of Bonatus and Pollux. » See Bibliography, pp. 143-144. SOUKCES 7 reliable reproductions of Berger, Fortiguerra, and Coquelines.* P (Parisinus Latinus 7899) contains the illustra- tions that are found in C, save that one is lacking at Haut. 954. They are entirely in brown ink, heavily shaded. The artist's work is thus de- scribed by Bethe (Praefatio 13) : Festinante manu ut videtur et sine accurata ilia Vaticani pluri- morumque ilhus aetatis pictorum diligentia et amore sed maiore arte et magis libera P exemplaris antiqui lineas repetivit ita ut picturarum quas imitatus est neque indolem speciemque commuta- ret, et in ipsis figuris et gestibus, vestibus et orna- mentis praestaret fidem omni laude dignam. The MS. is assigned to the ninth century by Chatelain, Traube, and Goldschmidt.' It is generally known through the works cited under Bibliography, pp. 143-144. F (Ambrosianus H 75 inf.) has lost the first leaves up to Eun. Ill, 2 and the last leaves from Ph. 832. The remainder is fully illustrated to es- sentially the same extent as C and P, except that the personarum armarium of the Hecyra is entirely lacking and that one extra picture is inserted at Haut. 592. The drawings were done in ink; then two colours were laid on — red for faces and hands, > See Sources, p. 2, n. 1. " See Bethe, Praefatio 13-14. 8 Costume in Roman Comedy violet for the hair of all figures and for the clothing and feet of slaves. With these general exceptions the two colours were used indiscriminately for the clothing of old men, young men, and women. Moreover, the garments of the same persons vary in colour in different scenes.' It is evident, then, that the testimony of F in this particular is of no value.'' The MS. is assigned to the early part of the tenth century by Traube and Goldschmidt and to the ninth century by Chatelain.' It is, of course, best known to us through the Leyden publication of 1903 ; * the other reliable repro- ductions of pictures in F may be found under Bibliography, pp. 143-144. O (Codex Oxoniensis, olim Dunelmensis, nunc Bibliothecae Bodleianae Auct. F 213) was more fully illustrated than C and P, for it contained the pictures before And. V, 1 and 2, and lacked only the masks and the Prologus of the Eunuchus. Several leaves are now lost. The drawings are in ink, shaded. Bethe (Praefatio 16) writes as follows of the artist : Diligenter O singulas arche- typi figuras repetivit, sed vestem et portas aedi- ficiaque suae aetatis moribus accommodare stu- > See Bethe, Praefatio 20. ' Cf. the remark on the value of the colour element in the miniatures of C, p. 6, n. 1. ' See Bethe, Praefatio 22. * See Preface, p. vii, n. 1. Sources 9 duit. Personae quid essent nescivit neque homines personas prae se ferre intellexit. Gold- schmidt assigns the MS. to the twelfth century.' It is generally known through the works cited under Bibliography, p. 144. For many years it was the opinion of scholars that the archetype of these four MSS. was exceed- ingly ancient. Thus Leo' placed it after the publication of Varro's Imagines ' and before the destruction of Pompeii.* Bethe,' however, con- cludes that the archetype could not have been earlier than the second century a.d. ; he bases his conclusions upon the following considerations : (1) The fact that at Ph. 348 Crito has a roll and Cratinus a codex; our first reli- able reference to the use of the codex is in Martial 14. 184, 186, 192, i.e., towards the end of the first century a.d. (2) The architectural peculiarities of the per- sonarum armaria; these would even per- ' See Bethe, Praefatio 16. » Rhein. Mus. 38 (1883), 341 ff. 'The first illustrated book at Rome; published about 39 B.C. See Teuffel, § 166. 5. * This terminus ante quern was suggested by the marked resemblances between the miniatures and the Fompeian wait scenes. » Praefatio 51-64. 10 Costume in Roman Comedy mit a date as late as the third or the fourth century a.d. (3) The pecuKarities of form and setting shown by the portrait of Terence at the beginning of the MSS. These point to a date not earlier than the end of the second century A.D. This tendency to push the date of the arche- type more and more in the direction of our own time is further seen in a recent dissertation' by Dr. Otto Engelhardt, whose arguments are briefly these : (1) The roll remained in use along with the codex down to a comparatively late time, as is shown by the mosaics of Christian churches, e.g., St. Apollinare nuovo in Ravenna and, in Rome, San Prassede, Sti Agnese, San Lorenzo, and Santa Maria in domnica (pp. 54-55). (2) The personarum armaria show architectural and ornamental forms that run from the second to the fifth century, and some in- dications point to the later limit (pp. 33^0). ' Die lUustrationen der Terenzhandschriften. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Buchschmucks, by Otto Engelhardt (Jena, 1905). 97 pp. Sources 11 (3) The form and ornamentation of the portrait of Terence point to a time not earlier than the fourth century — perhaps as late as the sixth (pp. 25-33). (4) While there is a large Greek element in the costumes of the miniatures, yet we find many of these same elements persisting until late in the Middle Ages. Cf. the mosaics of San Vitale and St. Apollinare nuovo in Ravenna (fifth and sixth cen- turies), and the paintings in the Cata- combs (pp. 40-57). (5) The figures are represented as standing on uneven ground, not on a level stage-floor. Some of the pictures depict scenes which, in view of the text, could not have taken place on the stage. In five of the plays the miniatures show the door of a particu- lar house placed now on one side of the stage, now on the other (pp. 58-83). In view of these reasons Dr. Engelhardt con- cludes (1) that the pictures are the work of an artist who was a mere illustrator of the text and not the work of a man who was recording an actual stage-presentation of the plays; (2) that the evidence points to the end of the fifth century or the beginning of the sixth ; and (3) that, there- 12 Costume in Roman Comedy fore, since the Calliopian recension of Terence was made not earlier than the end of the fifth century,' the originals of these pictures were probably made then for the Calliopian recension (pp. 83-92).' In reply it should be said that, although there are some strong resemblances between the cos- tumes of the miniatures and those seen in the paintings of the Catacombs,' there are also striking differences, and some of the elements which are most perplexing in the miniatures are not explained at all by those examples of Christian art which Dr. Engelhardt cites. Furthermore, not every one would agree with all of Engelhardt's views on the impossibility of certain scenes.* Yet, when we have made allowance for possible over-statement in some particulars, there still remains ample ground for questioning either the value of the archetype or the faithfulness of the descendants to that archetype. ' While Dziatzko, Schlee, and others assign Calliopius to the fifth century, still others {e.g., Leo) place him as early as the third century. See Fairclough, Andria, Appendix, p. 155. ' The illustrated MSS. of Terence all belong to that large class of Terentian MSS. which is connected with the name of Calliopius. The only representative of the other great class is the Bembinus (Vaticanus 3226: A). See Engelhardt, 3. ' See Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katakomben Roma (text and plates; Freiburg, 1903). ' See, e.g., the discussion of his criticism of the picture of the first scene of the Haut., Senex, p. 99, n. 3. Sources 13 As a result of my own study of the pictures, from the standpoint of costume only, I conclude that the artist of the archetype was really at- tempting to represent Greek costumes, such as were worn in fabulae palliatae, but that either he did not thoroughly understand the simplest principles of Greek dress or his illustrations have been copied by persons who were decidedly igno- rant of those principles. Signs of this ignorance run through the miniatures of all four of the prin- cipal illustrated MSS., so far as I have been able to examine them. Therefore, it is probable that part of the fault lies with the original artist — a fact which would tend to discredit the theory of a very early date for the archetype. On the other hand, the four MSS. differ sufficiently among themselves to make it exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to say how great were the inconsist- encies of the original; hence, the impossible cos- tumes found in some of our miniatures may be merely an evidence that ignorant artists were copying something which they did not under- stand — namely, an ancient original. Many of the difficulties and peculiarities con- nected with the costumes of the miniatures I shall note as they occur under the individual rdles * ; for ■ See p. 6, n. 1; p. 8, n. 2; pp. 47, 50, 52, 55, 57, 60, 72, u. 1 ; 82. 98, 125, etc. 14 Costume in Roman Comedy the present I shall summarize briefly the grounds of my general opinion as stated above. (A) While showing distinct Greek elements and being generally explicable if we suppose an igno- rant copyist, certain costumes are impossible as truly representing the everyday dress of the Greeks in the time of the New Comedy. It will be suflBcient to cite a few out of many examples. (1) Parallels to Antipho's garment, with its short, flowing sleeves, as seen in C in Ph. 179, 465, 485, and 841, are very familiar to us from P and F ; but the artist of C in Ph. 153, 534, and 606 has probably mis- interpreted a longitudinal fold in the under- garment as shown in his original and has carried the line of the sleeve almost or quite to the bottom of the tunic-skirt. His picture of Antipho at verse 682 shows a sleeve midway between the two extremes as seen at 179, 465, 485, and 841 on the one side and at 153, 534, and 606 on the other. (2) In P the overgarment of Simo Senex (And. 796) is impossible as a •pallium and yet it is clearly intended for a pallium, as we shall see if we compare this picture with that of the same person at line 404 and Sources 15 with the representation of Charinus Adulescens at 625. These latter repre- sentations of the pallium are not per- fectly intelligent, but they are, neverthe- less, easily derivable from a perfect pallium, and they form a transition from the latter to the anomalous garment of Simo at verse 796. (3) In F the overgarment of Antipho (Eun. 549) and of Laches Senex (Eun. 971) suggests the same difficulties as that of Simo Senex just described (in P, at And. 796). A confusion of chlamys and pal- lium seems to be the explanation of cases like that of Chremes (Eun. 739, in F) and that of Demea (And. 776, in F). This same error is carried over into the costume of a woman in the case of Bac- chis (Hec. 726, in F). (B) Certain costumes are unjustifiable in view of the text; e.g., the costume of Menedemus (Haut. 52-53),* that of Pamphilus (And., in P),» and that of Chremes, who at Eun. 739 (in F) wears one of those strange overgarments which in some ways resemble a pallium, in other ways a chlamys (see (A) above), while at the end of the > See Senex, p. 100. ' See Adulescens, p. 48, n. 1. 16 Costume in Roman Comedy same scene his •pallium is mentioned, and in the picture immediately following this reference the artist has drawn a cloak which is clearly a pallium. (C) There are, apparently, capricious changes in costume from scene to scene — changes which probably did not occur on the stage; e.g., in the Eunuchus at verse 540 Antipho wears a chlamys, but at 549 his mantle is evidently intended to be a pallium, though the probabilities are all against a change of costume here (for further cases of this kind of change see Adulescens, p. 47, n. 1) . Again, the presence or absence of the €yKo/ij3pvy°^ ' > ^^ ^^^> so far as we can see, merely a professional costumer. When a play was given under governmental super- vision, the officials contracted with such a person for the necessary costumes. In the Persa (157- 160), where Toxilus and Saturio are discussing the proposed disguise of the latter's daughter, Toxilus says Et tu gnatam tuam ornatam adduce leplde in peregrinum modutn. Whereupon Saturio inquires UoOev ornamentaf to which Toxilus answers • See, e.g.. Smith, Dictionary of Antiquities, ».». Choregui Cf. also below, p. 19, n. 2. 17 18 Costume in Roman Comedy Abs chorago Bumito. Dare debet : praebenda aediles locaverunt. This frank admission of Toxilus, that he is, after all, merely acting in a play, is crude and inartistic, but it has frequent parallels in Plautus,' though not in Terence.' Perhaps the Sycophanta is making such an admission in Tri. 857-858, when, in speaking of the man who has hired him to dis- guise himself for purposes of deception, he says, Ut ille me exornavit, ita sum omatus: argentum hoc facit. Ipse ornamenta a chorago haec sumpsit sue periculo. If, on the other hand, the remark is made in good faith by a real Sycophanta (i.e., not by a person merely acting a part on the stage), the inference is justifiable that the business of the Choragus was not confined to the theatre.' This inference would seem to be borne out by a scene in the Curculio (462-486), where a Choragus is one of the Dramatis Personae and speaks of letting his > See CS. 677, 782 ff.; Men. 880; Mi. 862; Poe. 650; Tri. 990. It is also conunon in Greek comedy; see, e.g., Aristoph- anes, Av. 30, 446; Eq. 30; Pax 43; Vesp. 54. ' See Euanthius de Fab. Ill, 8 illud quoque mirabile in eo . . . quod nihil ad populum facit actorem velut extra co- moediam loqui, quod vitium Flauti frequentissimum. ' Cf. Sonnenschein's Captivi (1880), note on verse 61, Terminology 19 omamenta^ to Phaedromus, another character in the play (cf. As. 68-72 for a case in which such a disguise may have been undertaken in real life).* The technical term for theatrical costumes seems, from the above cases, to have been omamenta. The word is apparently used in the same sense in several other places, though not in conjunction with the mention of the Choragus. In the Am- phitruo, pr. 85, it is used in connection with the actor as such: Qui sibi mandasset delegati ut plauderent, quive alter quo placeret fecisset minus, eius ornamenta et corium uti conciderent. The same use occurs in the Cistellaria (784), where at the end of the play, the Caterva, speaking of Demipho and others who have gone into Melaenis's house to see if Deinipho's lost daugh- ter is really there, says Ne expectetis, spectatores, dum illi hue ad vos exeant; nemo exibit, omnes intus conficient negotium. Ubi id erit factum, omamenta ponent: postidea loci, qui deliquit vapulabit, qui non deliquit bibet. ' Omamenta quae locavi metuo ut possim recipere. quamquam cum iatoc mihi negoti nil est — ipsi Phae- dromo credidi — tamen asservabo. — Cu. 464-466. 'On the Choragus see Dziatzko-Hauler, Fhormio* (1898), p. 34. According to Donatua on Eun. 967 the Choragus 20 Costume in Roman Comedy In Cap. 615 ornamenta seems to mean the ' con- ventional stage-costume ' of Ajax.* The remaining cases of ornamenta in Plautus (when used of ornamenta actually present on the stage) belong mainly* to one of two classes; they denote (1) The costume by which a person is disguised (Poe. 425-426; Ps. 756-757). (2) Ornaments, in the sense of trinkets, jewelry (Mo. 248,' 294). Terence has the word but once (Haut. 837); it is then used of something not actually on the stage and its meaning is not defined by the con- text. The word chora^ium might seem the natural one for denoting the things furnished by the Choragus ; yet it occurs only once in Plautus * (Cap., pr. 61), served also as stage-mamiger; of this, however, we have no hint from any other source. See Dziatzko-Hauler, I.e., n. 2. ' For the stock-costume of Ulysses, Achilles, and Neoptol- emus see Donatus, Exc.de Com. VIII, 4, 5. Cf. Pollux, Onom. IV, H6. ' Interesting is St. 172, where cum ornamentis omnibus seems to mean 'bag and baggage'; cf. with this Ps. 343, said of a person not present on the stage. The other cases of ornamenta used in connection with persons not present on the stage are Men. 804; Mi. ;106, 981, 1127, 1147, 1302; Tru. 318. ' Cf. Lorenz's note. * Neither choragus nor choragium is found in Terence. Terminology 21 where the Prologus, assuring the spectators that the mention of war does not imply that a tragedy is to be forced upon them though they Uke com- edy so much better, says Nam hoc paene iniquomst, comico choragio coaari desubito agere nos tragoediam. One feels that choragium here includes not only the costumes, but all the necessary properties and stage-apparatus for the production of a play; such an interpretation, further, is in line with Festus's definition of choragium as instrumentum scaenarum.^ In the time of the Empire we hear of a special building where all the imperial stage- apparatus was kept and the person in charge of this branch of the Emperor's service was styled procurator summi choragi. This procurator was himself a freedman of the imperial household, and there was associated with him a host of minor officials, partly freedmen, partly slaves, called adiutores, tabvlarii, dispensatores, contra scriptores, and medici rationis summi choragi. A subdivision of this ratio summi choragi seems to have been known as the ratio ornamentorum, whose chief care was the costumes of actors.' ' Cf. Vitruvius 5. 91 post ecenam porticus sunt constitu- endae uti . . . choragia laxamentum habeant ad comparan- dum. ' For further information on this period see Hirschfeld, Die 22 Costume m Roman Comedy Omamenta, then, is always the word used of costume in connection with the mention of the Choragus, but omatus often comes close to oma- menta in the general sense of costume. In only one passage does it seem to me at all to justify the interpretation 'stage-attire' — viz. in the first verse of the second prologue of the Hecyra — Orator ad vos venio omatu prologi — and this proves little because Terence's Prologus is 80 essentially a sto^e-character; he does not exist in real hfe. The substantive omatus • seems generally to be used by Plautus in the sense of ' garb,' ' attire.' ' In some cases the idea of ' disguise ' may be close at hand, notably in Poe. 801 (cf. Mi. 1286). Occasionally the substantive omatus seems to refer to some article carried, or in use, by the per- son described, as, possibly, to a bucket carried by Ampelisca (Ru. 431) ' or to a pick-axe used by Callicles Senex in digging for the buried treasure kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian,' 293- 297. ' Omatus dicitur et bonis artibus instnictua et bonores adeptus, appellatur quoque omatus cultus ipse quo quia omatus. ... So Festus, p. 205 (Thewrewk de Ponor). 'See Am., pr. 116, 1007; Mer. 910-912 ('attire,' 'eqmp- ment'); Mi. 899, 1177, 1282, 1286; Per. 463; Foe. 283; Ps. 935; Ru. 293; Tri. 840 b, 852. » Cf. Ru. 432. Terminology 23 (Tii. 1099). Sometimes the notion of properties that form no part of costume is perhaps the only one (Ba. 110, 125; Cu. 2). In Tru. 475 both costume and other properties seem to be included in ornatus. All these meanings lie very near the essential notion of the verb ornare, 'to equip' (Mo. 291; Poe. 306,307).! Not far to seek is the meaning of the word in Cas. 932, 974, Ru. 187, in which cases 'plight' is a fair translation. In Ep. 577 ornatus^ is used with vestitus, perhaps pleonastically, perhaps as a more inclusive word. Besides the case cited above (Hec, pr. II, 1) Terence shows three* examples of the substantive ornatus. In And. 365 it apparently does not refer to costume at all, but to the general holiday ap- pearance of a house prepared for a wedding. In Eun. 237 Gnatho tells about meeting a friend whose life had been less prosperous than his own; the man, who was dirty and ragged, to Gnatho's question, quid istuc ornatist f said ' Cf . Men. 146 and 709 ; in the former case Menaechmus I has put on his wife's palla, in 709 Menaechmiia II is probably carrying the same palla. ' The few cases of the substantive orruitus used by Flautus of persons not present on the stage at the time suggest no peculiar meanings for the word. * Of course I do not include in this number Eun., Per. 9. 24 Costume in Roman Comedy quoniam miser quod habui perdidi, em quo redactus sum. omnes me noti atque amici deserunt. In Eun. 546 the reference is to the costume of Chaerea gotten up as the Eunuchus. The participle ornatus is common in the sense of 'dressed,' 'attired,' 'adorned." The idea of 'pUght' referred to above (p. 23), in connection with the substantive ornatus, is in the participle in Ru. 187, 488, while the use of the substantive with reference to an article carried (Ru. 431 ; Tri. 1099) is paralleled by the use of the participle in Ru. 908, where the allusion is to the mdvlui which Gripus has fished up. In Ep, 194 the sentence is probably pleonastic and Epidicus se ornat ('equips,' 'prepares himself,' for running) by gathering up his pallium on his shoulder (see Servus, pp. 106-108). In the cases in which the verb ornare is used by Plautus in connection with scenes not present to the spectator the purpose of the 'equipment' often causes the idea of 'disguise' to lie near at hand (Mi. 791, 1195). The idea of giving a house a festive appearance for a wedding is in the verb in Cas. 546, as it was in the substantive ornatus in And. 365 (p. 23). The original idea of ' equipping' ■ See Am., pr. 119; Cap. 997; Cas. S40; Mi. 872, 897; Mo. 249; Per. 158; Ru. 573; etc. Terminology 25 comes to the fore in Poe. 214-215, perhaps wholly through the inclusion of a ship in the subject. In Cap. 447 ornatiis means 'attended' by a person whose presence is desired. In Ru. 730 the force is 'with such a dressing (beating) that you won't know yourself. ' In Cas. 578 and Ps. 676 it is used of things 'arranged,' 'made ready.' In Terence we find ornatus used in And. 176 in the same sense as in Ru. 730. In Haut. 288 it is merely 'dressed,' 'adorned.' In Eun. 213 the verb signifies to ' adorn,' in a transferred sense (of. Ph. 853). In Eun. 377 it suggests 'disguise.' The verb exornare is generally stronger than ornare^ and means to 'deck out,' 'adorn elabo- rately' (cf., e.g., Mo. 290, 293; St. 744), to ' get up' (cf., e.g., Per. 462; Tri. 767), to 'fit out' (cf., e.g., Ps. 751, 757), etc. Often the idea of 'disguise' is not far to seek (cf., e.gr., Cas. 769; Mi. 1184; Per. 335). Interesting in connection with the use of ornare in And. 365 and Cas. 546 (see p. 24) is that of exornare in Au. 784, where a wedding is being ' prepared for.' The two cases of the verb exornare in Terence ' Cases like As. 670-671; Poe. 283-285; Tri. 857 are only apparent exceptions to this statement, for tlie force of the compound verb is felt in the simple verb that follows (cf. also Euripides, Ale. 400 ; Medea 1252, with Earle's note). In Poe. 213-214, however, exornare is perhaps not especially strong. 26 Costume in Roman Comedy both contain the participle exornatus; of these, one (Eun. 683) shows the meaning 'dressed,' ' adorned,' the other (Haut. 950) is interesting as being parallel with ornatus of Ru. 730. Unique in Plautus and Terence is the diminutive exomatula shown in Ci. 306. Vestimentum, vestis, and vestitus are all used by Plautus and Terence. Festus says, Vestis ge- neraUter dicitur, ut stragula, forensis, muliebris: vestimentum pars aliqua, ut palUum, tunica, penula. The latter definition applies in Men. 167 and 659, where the vestimentum midiebre is the palla of the wife of Menaechmus I; but in most other cases in Plautus vestimentum is more general in force, equalling 'garments' (Ru. 528, 573) or, even more vaguely, 'clothing' (Per. 669). This seems also to be true of the word when used of something not actually on the stage at the time ; see, e.g., As. 92 ; Ba. 482; Cu. 415; Ep. 224; Gas. 258; Ep. 216; Ru. 383, 574; Tru. 137. Vestimentum occurs but once in Terence, in Haut. 141, where it appears in a set phrase, vas et vesti- mentum, furnishing no evidence of the exact meaning. The force of vestis, as defined by Festus (see above), is fairly well borne out by Plautine usage, but St. 350 presents an exception (so, too, per- Terminology 27 haps, Ep, 229 ff.). Common in both Plautus and Terence is the collocation aurum et {atque) vestem.^ In other respects, too, Terence's use of vestis is frequent and regular. Both Plautus and Terence use vestitus as a general word for clothing. Interesting is the combination petasum ac vestitum (Am. 443), as if vestitus were limited to garments. The verb vestire commonly occurs in the passive and means ' clothed.' ^ Worthy of note in connection with the frequent collocation aurum et (atque) vestem mentioned above is auratam et vestitam (Men. 801) and vestita, aurata, ornata (Ep. 222). I do not detect any stage-colouring in the use of vestimentum, vestis, vestitus, or vestire. Habitus, as ' clothing,' ' dress, ' is not much used before the Augustan period and, except for Poe. 238 and 288, is found in the texts under discussion only in Arg. II, 4 of the Amphitruo and in Per. 8 of the Hautontimorumenos. 'Cu. 348, 489; Ci. 487; Mi. 1099. Cf. aurum (alquey ornamenta, Mi. 981, 1127, 1147. ' Exceptional are St. 376 ('to furnish clothing for') and Haut. 130 ('to make garments for'). CHAPTER III PROLOGUS The question of the costume worn by the Pro- logus in Roman Comedy is complicated by the fact that a gradual development took place in his nature and function. Examining the twenty available plays of Plautus, we find that the opening lines of the Bacchides are lost, and that the opening scene of four other plays (Cu., Ep., Per., St.) is a dialogue that serves to set forth the situation, but that in «ach of the remaining fifteen plays there appears ■what is technically known as a prologue. Of these fifteen prologues, eight (Am., Mer., Mi., Mo., Au., Ru., Tri., Ci.) are of a Greek type, consisting of a monologue,' spoken in the case of the first four by ■a character in the play, in the case of the last four /by a god or allegorical character. The speakers of the former class obviously require no separate treatment as Prologi; for the discussion of the latter class see pp. 39 ff. The remaining seven ' The dialogue element in the prologue of Tri. (see p. 40) is hardly sufficient to place that prologue in a separate class. 28 Prologus 29 plays — or, more accurately, six, for we cannot speak with certainty of the scanty remains of the prologue to the Pseudolus — open with the dis- course of a person known as the Prologus, a char- acter who has no r61e in the play proper, but whose function is merely to introduce the play, generally by relating the plot. This Prologus, whom Fabia ' describes as a personification of the pro- logue itself, the ancients associated with the Roman, as opposed to the Greek, stage.' The prologues of Terence represent a still greater detachment from the plays, for no one of them concerns itself with narrating the plot; they are all defences of the poet against the accusations of his enemies.' ' Les Prologues de Terence, 84. ' Euanthius de Fabula 111,2 turn etiam Graeci prologos non habent more nostrorum, quos Latin! habent. Deinde Bcoit &irb /irixnnnis, id est deos argumentis narraadis machinatos, ceteri Latini ad instar Graecorum habent, Terentius non habet. ' Cf. And., pr. 1 ff. This element of literary polemic in his prologues had long been regarded as an innovation of Terence, but traces of it have been found in a fragmentary Greek pro- logue, discovered in a collection of papyri (Pap. Graec. 53) at Strassburg and published in 1899. It is, however, worthy of notice that, though the poet under the guise of a god seems in part of the Strassburg prologue to be justifying himself and his new technique against his rivals, he goes on to relate the argumentuTn. For a discussion of the subject see Reitzen- stein, Hermes 35 (1900), 622; Kroll, Bursian's Jahresber. 124 (1905, Supp.-Band), 22. 30 Costume in Roman Comedy (A) Roman Type The sole literary evidence for a special Prologus- costume is in the first line of the second prologue to Terence's Hecyra, Orator ad vos venio ornatu prologi. Wagner's assumption ' that Poe., pr. 127 Valete, adeste: ibo, aHua fieri nunc volo confirms the theory of such a costume is not in- evitable; indeed, even the contrary inference is possible, if one reads verse 123 Ego ibo, orndbor : vos aequo animo noscite with unprejudiced mind." Since, then, the ancients give no information concerning the costume of the Prologus, it be- comes necessary for those who maintain its exist- ence to consider what costume would have been suitable in view of the nature and function of the Prologus. The general argument of scholars pro- ceeds along the following lines. First, from Haut., pr. 1-2, Nequoi sit vostrum mirum, quor partes seni poeta dederit, quae sunt adulescentium, ' See Wagner's Terentii Comoediae, 344 ; also his Studien za Terentius, Jahrbiicher fur Class. Phil. 11 (1865), 282 ff. ' Lindsay would refuse to accept this evidence, for he says Prologus 31 we see that the rdle belonged to adulescentes. Next, from Cap. 61-62, Cas. 22, Ph. 30-33, Ad. 3, we may assume, and from Poe. 123,' 126, Haut. 5, 39 £f., we know, that the Prologus was one of the actors comprising the theatrical troupe. Finally, the Prologus of the Poenulus, at least, also played one of the rdles of the play proper (126). Very natural, therefore, is the common con- clusion that this r61e of Prologus was assigned to the young, inexperienced members of the grex, because it made no demand on histrionic powers ; what it did require was, first and foremost, good, sound lungs, in order that the speaker might silence and bring to order a noisy Roman audi- ence.* In an interesting chapter (II) of his Les Pro- logues de Terence Fabia attempts to determine the probable costume of the Terentian Prologus. We may summarize his argument as follows: The Prologus, being an outgrowth of a Dramatis Persona in Greek comedy, would, according to the practice of all other characters in fabulae palliatae, wear Greek costume. Furthermore, being an "121-123 retraotatori tribuo, alterum exitum (124-128) ipsi Plauto." • See p. 30, n. 2. ' See, e.g., the Poe. prologue and both prologues of the Heoyra. 32 Costume in Roman Comedy adidescens, he would wear the costume of adide- scentes; but, since it might easily happen that a bona fide Adulescens would come on the stage in the opening scene of the play proper,' this adule- sccns-Prologus needed some peculiar insignia by which the audience might immediately recognize him as Prologus. Now, since he was a sort of ambassador of the poet, a suppliant beseeching the favour of the audience for the play and for the poet, he might well have carried the insignia ■ As a matter of fact, in only one play of Terence, the Eun., is an Adulescens on the stage in the opening scene of the play, and there, since he is not alone but is accompanied by Farmeno Servus, there would be no danger of his being confused with a Prologus. In the seven Flautine plays with a 'Roman' Prologus the opening scenes show on the stage the following characters : As. — Servus and Senex. Poe. — Adulescens and Servus. Cap. — Parasitua. Ps. — Adulescens and Servus. Cas. — Two Servi. Tru. — Adulescens. Men. — Parasitua. The Parasitus would probably be in no danger of being con- fused with an adulescens-Prologus (see Stock-rdles, PABASiTns), the Senex and Servus would certainly be recognizable, the Adulescens of Scene 1 in Poe. and Ps. is not alone, so that the Truculentus is our only extant play with a ' Roman ' Prologus in which an Adulescens comes on the stage alone at the beginning of the first scene. Of all the other plays of Flautus only two show an Adulescens in Scene 1 : iii the Cur- culio he is accompanied by a Servus; in the Mercator Charinus Adulescens relates the arguTnentum in a, long monologue. Prologus 33 of suppliants and ambassadors — i.e., branches wound with fillets.* It will be simplest to examine the last part of this theory first — the conjecture regarding the peculiar insignia of the Prologus. Its support was, apart from its mere possibility, the evidence of three Terentian miniatures, — those of the Prologus Ad. (P) and of the Prologi Ad. and Ph. (C) .' In P, says Fabia, the Prologus Ad. carries a very long branch resembUng the palm ; in C his branch, which is much shorter and broader, it is impossible to identify.' The Prologus Ph. in C bears a branch whose narrow leaves suggest to Fabia the olive. In all three cases the branch is in the left hand, the right hand being left free for gesticulation. I have had access to six miniatures of Prologi not known to Fabia — the four shown in F * and two (And. and Ph.) from O. In these six only one Prologus (Ad., F) carries a branch. To put it ' For the supplex cf. Liv. 24. 30. 14; 29. 16.6; Tac. Hist. 1.66; fortheieffo/usseeVerg. Aen. 7. 154, 237; 8.116; 9.231. " Codices F and (apparently) O were not known to Fabia. P he knew at first hand. ' This is not entirely due to the fact that Fabia knew C not directly but only through the untrustworthy reproductions of Berger and Coquelines (p. 2, n. 1), for the branch of the Ph. Prologus (C) in the Harvard reproductions (see Weston in Bib- liography) is almost equally unrecognizable. * Prologi And. and Eun. are lacking in F. D 34 Costume in Roman Comedy briefly, then, in C, P, and F, our three * best illus- trated MSS., only four cases are found in which the Prologus carries a branch; of these, again, three represent the Prologus of a single play — the Adelphoe. Furthermore, in not a single one of the four cases does the branch show any trace of fillets. It is, therefore, clear that Fabia's conjecture, plausible and attractive as it seems, is supported by very slight evidence. One may, of course, say with him that in the archetype all Prologi carried branches, but that in the descendants, C, P, and F, only four miniatures of Prologi have been completed on the model furnished by the archetype. Such a supposition is, to be sure, possible, but it hardly commends itself to one's judgment as probable. In view of the comparatively small number (4) of cases of Prologi bearing branches, it seems reasonable to regard them as exceptions rather than as the norm, and, since three of the four represent the Prologus of a single play (Ad., C, P, and F *), one is tempted, in the case of that play at least, to seek the explanation of the branch in the peculiar circumstances of the production ' It is impossible to draw conclusions about the Prologi in O on the evidence of two miniatures. ' Prologus Ad. (O) is not at hand. Pbologus 35 of the play. Indeed, Mme. Dacier, who believed the branch in Ad. (C) to be of cypress, long ago suggested ' the special fitness of such an emblem, since the play was acted for the first time at the funeral games of Aemilius Paulus. Though the branch is probably not of cypress, but of palm, the latter would be even more appropriate at games held in honour of a great conqueror and conspicuous citizen. It remains to account for the branch carried by the Prologus of the Phormio in C. This alone of all Terence's plays was produced for the first time at the Ludi Romani. Now, the Ludi Ro- mani were instituted for the celebration of tri- umphs — Ludi Maximi they were called and Ludi Maximi they were in fact. In view of this, what is more natural than that the Prologus of a play to be given for the first time at this festival should bear a branch of palm or of olive ? ^ In accepting such an explanation we must admit the failure of the artist to add the original branch of the archetype in P, F, and O; but that objection applies with equal force to almost all possible theories. • Cf. Wieseler, Deukmaler, 71 ; also Fabia, 164, and the picture of Prologus Ad. (F). ' Weston, Harvard Studies, 14. 53, thinks the branch may- be of palm; Fabia, 164, holds that it is of olive. 36 Costume in Roman Comedy Having thus rejected the supposition that the Prologus, merely as Prologus, carried a fillet- wound branch, we must next examine Fabia's main contention that the ornatus Prologi of the second prologue of the Hecyra was, at bottom, the ornatus Adulescentis (in the technical sense of Adulescens, as a Stock-rdle ; see pp. 42-52). Immediately, the following facts concerning the miniatures of Prologi cast discredit upon such a contention : (1) In C, P, and F the Prologus of the Ph. is the only advlescens^-Prologas, and in O even this Prologus is not clearly young. (2) In C, P, and F the Prologi of Haut., Ad., and Hec. are Senes} (3) In C and P the Prologus of the And. is a Serous ' (in F he is lacking). (4) In C the Prologus of the Eun. seems to be a Servus (in P and F he is lacking). (5) In O the character of the only Prologi available is hard to identify; that the Prologus Ph. is an Adulescens (as in C, P, and F) and that the Prologus And. is a Servus (as in C and P) is by no means sure. > For the nmrks by which this character is recognizable ■ee under Stock-rdles, pp. 42-52, 92-100, 100-108. Prologus 37 One may say, as does Fabia, that the artist of the archetype represented all Prolog! as Adule- scentes, save the Prologus of the Haut.* and the second Prologus of the Hec.,' to whom he correctly gave the face of a Senex and then ignorantly gave the costume of a Senex, and that later scribes, finding both Adulescentes and Senes serving as Prologi, concluded that any male character might fill the r61e and so represented the Prologus now as Adulescens, now as Senex, now as Servus. Again, I admit that such a thing may have hap- pened ; but the miniatures of the other characters are by no means so capriciously done. I am inclined to believe that Fabia has inter- preted too narrowly the word advlescentium of Haut., pr. 2. and to hold that Ambivius Turpio did not use the term in its technical, stage sense, but rather that he used it loosely of any man young in years, whether bond or free.' Thus it is used by Plautus in addressing a slave (Ci. 597, 731; Ep. 1; Men. 1021, 1025, 1065; Per. 597; Ru. 416, 563), a cook (Men. 285), a parasite (Men. 498, 506), a fisherman (Ru. 1303), a soldier (Ep. ' These prologues were spoken by Ambivius Turpio, a Senex (Haut., pr. 1, 43 ; Hec, pr. II, 2), under whose auspices all of Terence's plays, as originally brought out in the lifetime of the poet, were produced. ' The Adulescens as a Stock-r61e is the young gentleman in the etymological sense. 38 Costume in Roman Comedy 440, 444, 459; Poe. 1307), a frapezita (Cu. 399), etc. Terence uses it in addressing a parasite (Ph. 378) ; in Hec. 661 a young woman is referred to as adolescens mulier (cf. And. 488). Further- more, that absolute identity and uniformity of make-up for the Roman Prologus may easily have been a matter of indifference is rendered probable by the fact that the function of the Pro- logus is always speedily made known by his lines without the aid of peculiar costume and insig- nia. Lastly, the marked lack of uniformity ex- hibited by his Greek prototype, if it has any weight in the matter, argues for variety rather than for uniformity in the case of the Roman Prologus. On such a supposition the var3ring representa- tions in C, P, and F are explicable, for the only troublesome miniature, that of the senex-Pro- logus of the Adelphoe, might easily have resulted from a misunderstanding on the part of the origi- nal artist, since this play was presented at the same time with the third presentation of the Hecyra, whose Prologus was Ambivius Turpio Senex. It is hardly conceivable that there should have been so great a variation as the miniatures show from a norm that was at all well supported by tradition. Thus, finally, we return to the interpretation of the Une from which we started (Hec, pr. II, 1) : Pbologus 39 Orator ad vos venio ornatu prologi. Here Ambivius Turpio was probably made up as a young man,' but in the other case where he spoke a prologue (Haut.), he was dressed as a Senex, since there he had to come on in the first scene of the play as a Senex.^ (B) Greek Type Of this t3T)e we need discuss only that class in which gods ' or allegorical characters serve as Prologi (cf. p. 28). (1) The prologue of the Amphitruo is spoken by Mercurius, who is at the same time a Dramatis Persona. Since he is to counterfeit Sosia, he appears cum servili schema (117). For discussion see Unusual R61es, Di, pp. 119-120. (2) The prologue of the Aulularia is spoken by ' For the r61e which he probably played in the Hecyra cf. Donatus, Hec, Fraef. 4: atque in hac primae partes sunt La- chetis, secundae Pamphili, tertiae Phidippi, quartae Par- menonis et deinceps alianun peraonanun, quae his adiunctae sunt. See also Haut., pr. 35-45. One may not agree with Donatus concerning the relative importance of the r61es of Laches and Famphilus; but whichever part Ambivius Turpio played, he did not appear in Act I. »Cf. Bentley, Haut., pr. 1-3; Flickinger, Class. Phil. 2. 2. 160 «f. ' That it was not imusual for gods to come on the stage in tragedy is seen in Am., pr. 41-42, 88-90. 40 Costume in Roman Comedy Lar Familiaris. His costume is not sufficiently distinctive to insure his recognition by the audi- ence, for he says (Au. 1-3) : Ne quis miretur qui sim, paucis eloquar. Ego Lar sum familiaris ex hac familia unde exeuntem me aspexistis. However, Fabia's conjecture that the Lar wore garlands is reasonable (Au. 25).' (3) The passage which is in effect the prologue of the Cistellaria is introduced after two scenes of the play have been presented. It is spoken by Auxilium Deus, who seems to fear, as did Lar Familiaris in the Aulularia, that he may not be recognized by the spectators (Ci. 149-155). He gives no clue to his make-up. (4) The prologue of the Rudens is appropri- ately spoken by Arcturus. Probably the god wore a star* on his brow (Ru., pr. 3-4). (5) The Trinummus is the only extant Roman Comedy in which we find a dialogue between alle- gorical characters. The speakers, Luxuria and • For confirmation of this conjecture see Helbig, Cam- panische Wandgemalde, p. 19, 60 b, and Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii, p. 270. The Lares here represented are crowned, carry drinlc- ing-horns and gitulae, wear high boots, high-girt tunics, and Bcarf-Iike mantles wound more or less closely about the shoulders and body. ' Cf . the star on the hehnets of Castor and Pollux as shown on Roman coins. Prologus 41 Inopia, give us no clue concerning their costume, but we may easily believe that it suited their characters, especially since the allegory and the dialogue element — slight though it is — render this an unusually dramatic prologue. CHAPTER IV STOCK-r6LE3 ADULESCEN3 The r61e of Adulescens is very common, occur- ring at least once in every play of Plautus, save the Amphitruo, Casina, Persa^ and Stichus, and from one to four times in each of Terence's plays. In spite of this fact, however, there is very little evidence in the comedies themselves about the costume of the Adulescens. From the following passages the pallium would seem to be the usual outer garment: (1) In the Mercator (911 £f.) Charinus Adule- scens, about to give up the expedition in search of his love, wishes to lay aside the chlamys of the soldier ' (see Stock-r61es, Miles) and calls for his pallium, as if it were his usual garment. (2) In Tri. 624 Lysiteles grasps Lesbonicus Adulescens by his pallium. (3) In Eun. 769 Thais calls to Chremes Adu- ' For the quasi-military nature of the expedition see Chari- jius's words, Mer. 851-854. See also below, pp. 79-80. 42 Adulescens 43 lescens, who is just leaving the stage, Attolle pallium. The plays give us no evidence about the tunic ' of the Adulescens. Concerning the colour of his garments we read in Donatus, De Com. VIII, 6 : comicis senibus candi- dus vestitus inducitur, quod is antiquissimus fuisse memoratur, adulescentibus discolor* at- tribuitur. Pollux,' writing of the costumes in comedy, says (Onom. IV, 119): <^oivtKts ^ iieXaii- woptfnipov l/JUXTUiv tl>6pr]iia vtiarfpuiv . . . koI irop^vp^ * iTjPoi is correct.* The difficulty lies in its ap- parently erratic and certainly inconsistent use in the miniatures.' The evidence of the miniatures of Adulescentes is overwhelmingly on the side of a rather close, longTsleeved undergarment.' In the examples of O available only this long sleeve is visible, but in C, P, and F there usually appears, over this long, close sleeve, a short, flowing sleeve reaching about to the elbow. The natural interpretation is that ' T4 Si Tuy iip^Puy 4)6p't]na, Triraaot xal xKaiiis, saya Pol- tux, Onom. X, 164. Chaerea Adulescens in the Eunuchus (824) was an iijniPoi. Pamphilus (And. 51) is referred to as one who excessit ex ephebia; the only miniatures of him at my dis- posal are from P, where he generally wears a paUium, though in three cases (301, 338, 412) his mantle is chlamys-^e. Wieseler is mistaken in identifying the figure of the young man in Tafel X, n. 4, with Pamphilus: the picture is from Eun. 207 and the youth is Phaedria. On the r]Pos in Plautus and Terence see also Knapp, Class. Phil. 2. 14. ' The only examples of Adulescentes which are accessible to me from O show the chlamya-]ike mantle. ' The only exceptions are: (a) Chremes (Eun. 910, F), who stands between two women, an aTtciUa and a nutrix, whose garments, like those of Chremes, show only the short, flowing sleeve. (6) Chaerea (Eun. 1031, F), with only the short, flowing sleeve, though in the next picture (1049) he has both kinds. The long sleeves of Antipho (Ad. 540, F) and of Phaedria (Ph. 485, O), while not very plainly indicated, are neverthe- less there, I believe. Adulescens 49 the long sleeves belong with an inner tunic and the short, flowing sleeves with an outer tunic, which ordinarily is long enough to conceal the skirt of the inner garment. Such an interpretation is sup- ported by a small number of miniatures, like those of Clinia at Haut. 679 (F) and of Aeschinus at Ad. 261 (F) ; in these cases the outer tunic is girt up high enough to show the skirt of the inner.* That the x"'o>i' x«p'8o>tos " was regarded by the ' It may be that the short oversleeve is the result of a misinterpretation of the paUium when worn over the right arm. Yet the colouring of the short sleeve, in the few coloured miniatures at my disposal, is like that of the tunic, not like that of the pallium. ' See Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities,' 2. 903 S., where we read of long sleeves "In art such sleeves form part of the typical Asiatic costume on vase-paintings and other monuments. Yet even in the monuments there are figures like the handmaid on the gravestone of Thrasiklea, under Stele, with quite tight sleeves. They also are some- times seen on old men; and, to judge by the inscriptions in which x«/Hiurif xiTwWffKoi is mentioned, were in common use among women. In later times a sleeved shirt formed part of the traditional costume of the comic actor." See also Smith, 1. 814, s.v. Exomis. Hermann, however, says (Lehr- buch, 231) the long-sleeved xiTiiy belonged to tragedy. Bau- meister, 2. 825 A, s.v. Lustapid, writes thus: "Die Gewandung der neuen Komodie entspricht im allgemeinen derjenigen des gewohnlichen Lebens. Die freien Manner und Jiinglinge besseren Standes trugen den mit zwei langen, bis zum Hand- gelenk reichenden Aermel versehenen Leibrock (xiTiii' x"/><- Sut6s). . . ." In support of this declaration he refers to a statement made by Hesychius (a very late authority), to the E 50 Costume in Roman Comedy Greeks as barbaric and the tunica manicata ' was considered effeminate by the Romans down to the later Empire is interesting as bearing on the date of the miniatures (see pp. 9 fif.). In C, the colour ' used for the tunics of young men and old men is bluish- or grayish-white (caerrdeus : Weston, 39) ; for the pallia yellow ' (flavus) is employed. In F, the colours of the gar- ments of young men, old men, and women vary. The foot-gear of the miniatures varies according to the MSS. in which it is found, rather than ac- cording to the characters represented, except that effect that the i/it^i/uiirxaXot xtTiii' x^'P''"^^' ^^^ worn by freemen, to certain ancient representations of comic scenes (Abb. 910-912), and to the article Chiton in Baumeister. The descrip- tion of the d/it0(yuia irepiKOupoi OepatraiviSiov ii'( /lovto inrc^(o(riJi,€vri Canthara^ the name of the AnUs in Adelphoe, perhaps conveys the same suggestion (cf. earitharus). "Haut. 614; Ad. 288, 299; Heo. S8, 76. 58 Costume in Roman Comedy 75) shows an old face. At verse 58 her hair is plainly done; at verse 75 it is less plainly dressed. The hair of Canthara in the Adelphoe (288 and 299, F) is puffed, as in the case of the Ancillae in F (p. 56). The remaining case, that of Canthara Anus' at Haut. 614, shows hair moderately puffed. This Canthara is slightly bent, and be- ing rather short, looks almost deformed. For the face and hair of the Anus cf. Pollux, Onom. IV, 150-151. cocus The Cocus appears twice in the Aulularia and once in the Casina, Curculio, Menaechmi, Mer- cator, Miles Gloriosus, Pseudolus, and Andria. Sometimes he is a slave (Au. 310; Men. 300), sometimes a freedman (And. 35). In the Aulularia we see that cooks were fre- quently hired for special occasions, as we hire caterers, and that they brought their vasa with them (445-446; cf. below, Mer. 781), » When Congrio Cocus has been beaten and is fleeing from Euclio's house, the old man calls after him, threatening to bring him before the tresviri (416- ' The picture is, however, designated simply Nvirix. 'Cf. Middleton and Mills, Student's Companion to Latin Authors, 14; Ranldn, The Rdle of the 'HiyapM in the Life of the Ancient Greeks, etc. (1907). Cocus 59 417); whereupon the cook asks quamobremf Euclio answers, quia cvltrum habes. To this Con- grio rejoins cocum decet. So Cario Cocus has a knife in Mi. 1397, 1406-1408. In the Menaechmi, as elsewhere, the ohsonium is associated with the cook. Erotium Meretrix is to entertain Menaechmus I and his parasite at dinner; so she sends Cylindrus Cocus to do the marketing (219 ff.) : (Er.) Sportulam cape atque argentum: eccos frets- nummos habes. (Cy.) Habeo. (Er.) Abi atque obsonium adfer. tribus vide quod sit satis. In verse 273 he returns from the market, bringing the obsonium (cf. 320, 326, 330). In the Mercator, Lysimachus Senex buys the provisions (754), but the cook and his assistants seem to deliver them (778-780). Presently (781) the vasa are referred to as if they belonged to the Cocus (cf. Au. 445-446). The Andria opens with directions from Simo- Senex to his slaves, apparently, and then to his. cook, the freedman, Sosia (1 fif.) : Vos istaec intro auferte : abite. Sosia, adesdum : paucis te vole. The answering words of Sosia suggest that istaec must be the obsonium. 60 Costume in Roman Comedy The cook's apron is referred to by Pollux, Onom. IV, 119: Tip Sk /myeipio, &irX^, iyvanros ^ TESTIMONY OF THE MINIATURES Especially interesting are the pictures of the scene of the Andria just alluded to. They are found in C, P, and O.' In all three miniatures the costume of Sosia, who is, by the way, a libertus, is not distinguishable from that of the two attending slaves. He wears a short tunic, girded at the waist, with long, close sleeves; in C and P there are small, dark, rectangular patches just above the knees, and in C similar patches are seen on the sleeves close to the shoulder (cf. Miles, p. 82). In O his tunic is striped horizon- iially and ornamented with a border ' around the bottom and the neck. He carries something which in C and O — and, less clearly, in P — is a spoon.' In all three MSS. the attendant nearest Sosia carries an amphora on his left shoulder; in C and P he has one large bird in the right hand, in O two birds on a stick over the right shoulder. In all three MSS., again, the second attendant has • The Andria is entirely lacking in F. * This border is not unusual in the garments shown by O. ^ Cf. Wieseler, Denkmaler, 71 b.- Lena 61 three fish hanging from a ring in the right hand, while over the left shoulder C and P show a branch, and O a large bunch of some vegetable growth. LENA In three of the five instances of the occurrence of this role ' one common feature is observable : the women are old, or, at least, no longer young. From Asinaria 539 we may fairly infer that Cleareta has gray hair, for she says : meum caput contemples, siquidem ex re consultas tua. The Lena of the CurcuUo — multibiba atque merobiba, an anus tremvla — has already been treated under Anus (pp. 56-57), as has Syra Anus Lena of the Hecyra, who wishes (74-75) that she had Philotis's youth and beauty, or that Philotis had her wisdom (p. 57). In Onomasticon IV, 120 Pollux writes: AI 8e fuurrpmroi, tj firiript^ iraipSiv, ToivtSiW tl iropi^vpavv irepl TT]v Kctfmkrjv i)(avcnv. Wieseler, in his Denkmaler (Taf. XI, 4), re- produces a wall-painting from Herculaneum which represents a scene from comedy, in which a slave is addressing two women, presumably a ' It occurs once in the Asinaria, Curculio, and Hecyra, and twice in the Cistellaria. 62 Costume m Roman Comedy meretrix and a lena. The latter is described by Helbig ' as follows : " mit rothem Kopf tuch, in hellgriinem Chiton, einen ziegelrothen Mantel liber dem linken Arme." TESTIMONY OF THE MINIATURES The sole miniatures of the Lena at my com- mand are the two of Syra Anus Lena already described under Anus (pp. 57-58). I there called attention to the fact that the only pictures of the Anus which really show an old face are the two of this woman (Hec. 58 and 75), who has the addi- tional designation, Lena. According to the evi- dence of the plays themselves, the idea of age seems to have been associated with lenae; was this idea, we may ask, so pronounced and so in- evitably connected with lenae (rather than with the anus, specifically so called) that it gained ex- pression in the miniatures in the case of Syra Anus Lena, but not in the case of Canth^ra Anus, either in the Hauton or the Phormio (if, indeed, Sophrona of the Phormio is to be considered among the Anus : see p. 85). Such a suggestion is hardly probable; a better reason for the older, less attractive, appearance of Canthara Anus Lena may be found in the fact that her somewhat > CampaniBche Waudgemalde, 354 ff. Leno 63 derogatory remark about her own appearance occurs in the very first scene (74-75), just before the second of the two miniatures in question, and only seventeen lines beyond the first. LENO The casual reader of Plautus will be surprised to find that the r61e of Leno * is not a very fre- quent one, so strong is his impression to the contrary. This impression is, doubtless, due to the fact that the poet has done some particularly good character-drawing in connection with his Lenones, and that the appearance of three of the five is quite fully described. The first Leno whom we meet is Cappadox, described as follows by a slave in the Curculio (230-233) : quis hie est homo cum collativo ventre atque ociUis herbeis f de forma novi: de colore non queo novisse. iamiam novi : lenost Cappodox. Only that part of the description which is de forma is of value to us, for the unusual color and the oculi herbei seem to have been due to an attack ' The Leno appears once in each of the following plays of Plautus, Cur., Per., Poe., Ps., Ru., once also in the Phonuio and the Adelphoe. 64 Costume in Roman Comedy of jaundice (cf. 216-222), and are, therefore, purely incidental. The Leno of the Persa is more briefly described, but we get here one or two points which are fairly typical. For example, Dordalus carries a scipio (816), which suggests the passage in Pollux, Onom. IV, 120,* where the straight staff, the attribute of the Leno, is mentioned along with his costume. Again, Dordalus has a crumina,^ as one might expect of a man who is always receiving money in the conventional New Comedy. Moreover, we see a similar use of the marsuppium by Lycus Leno (Poe. 782-784). That the typical Leno was ugly in appearance comes out particularly well in the case of this same Lycus. In Poe. 613, where an Advocatus and a Vilicus are talking together, Lycus appears, whereupon the Advocatus says (613) illic homost qui egreditur leno, and the steward retorts: bonus est, nam simUis tnalist. Of the three Lenones who are most fully de- ' JlopvoPojKol Si x'Twn ^airrif. Kal &v8av!f irepipoXalif ivSi- Swrat, Kal ^d^Sor eiBeiav aud meretricie ! Cf. Lorenz's * comments: "Acroteleutium, die hiibsche junge Klientin des Periplecomenes im ornatus matronarumi Ziichtig drapiert sie sich in das lange, weisse und faltenreiche Gewand der romischen Hausfrau, und das sonst wohl ganz anders kokett frisierte Haar ist bescheiden in die sechs schlichten Flechten geteilt, die in Rom das insigne pudoris der honestae feminae bildeten." We have here, then, a distinctly Roman touch. Contrast what was said above (p. 70) concerning the Matrona as one of the Dramatis Personae of the fabulae palliatae. Only a few times is mention made in the plays of the individual garments of the Meretrix. Se- lenium, about to leave the house, is told to hold up her amicvlum (Ci. 115), which is dragging; Adel- phasium, too, seems to be wearing an amiculum. In the Mostellaria, Philematium, who is adorning herself to please her lover, says to her maid (282) : agedum contempla aurum et paUam,' satin haec gentein oportet parasitum probe : ampullam, strigilem, scaphium, soccos, pallium, marsuppium habeat. In his note on Mo. 653 Lorenz, objecting to adulescens as applied to a Danista, includes in the same category parasites to whom the epithet is applied in the plays — as Peniculus (Men. 494) and Phormio (Ph. 378).' The idea of age seems to me by no means a necessary one in connection with a Parasitus ; furthermore, it is not without signifi- cance that Pollux, in describing the masks * of the New Comedy, places the irapdatTos not with the ycpovres, but with the vcovi'o-koi (Onom. IV, 146-148), and mentions more than one type of irapoo-iTos.* ' Interesting is Wieseler's treatment (Denkmaler, 79 b, 80 a) of the following passage from Ausonius, Epp. 23. 9-10 : Canus, comosus, hispidus, trux, attubus, Terentianus Phormio. ' Even before the introduction of masks, the make-up may have had the same general features which it had in the later period. ' Wieseler, Denkmaler, 75 b, cites in this connection a passage from Athenaeus (VI, p. 237 b): irapatrlruiv 5' eiyal Denkmaler, 63 b, 67 a. » Ibid., 70 b, 71 a. Cf. above, pp. 86-87. 90 Costume in Roman Comedy has referred to Phormio the action belonging to Antipho in verses 850-851, (Ge.) Vapula. (An.) Id quidem tibi iam fiet, nisi resistis, verbero. (Ge.) Familiorem oportet esse hunc : minitatur malum, and has therefore represented Phormio, not An- tipho, with an instrument * with which minitatur malum. PTJER This r6Ie is fairly common in Plautus*; in Terence, however, it occurs only once, in the Adelphoe. The Puer seems to be an ordinary slave. In the Bacchides he attends a Parasitus (573, etc.) ; in the Captivi he gives directions to the servi and starts to find his master (918) ; in the Miles Lurcio Puer has been sent on an errand by Philocomasium Mulier (864), while another Puer summons Pyrgo- polinices Miles to go to his love (1378 £f .) . Sphaerio Puer seems to be bearing messages to and from Tranio Servus in behalf of an Adulescens (Mo. 409-430). In the Persa Paegnium Puer carries tabellae and messages to a Meretrix at the bidding » See Scheffer, De Re Vehiculari, 1, ch. XIV, 196. The flagdla ex marmoribua veteribus litdorum Circensium expreasa resemble Phonnio's instrument very perceptibly. ' It occurs in the following plays: Ba., Cap., Mi. (twice). Mo. (twice), Per., Poe., Ps., St. PUEB 91 of Toxilus Servus; this Puer is small (231, 848), young and handsome (229-230; cf. 276). The Puer of the Poenulus is apparently a Carthaginian slave, who proves to be the son of Giddenis Nutrix (Poe. 1140, etc.). The Leno of the Pseudolus, on his way to market, seems by his address to the Puer (170) to imply that the latter carries his master's crumina. Again, a Puer of this Leno refers to himself as parvolus for a certain kind of punishment (783). In contrast with the general impression of the Puer as a subordinate slave-of-all-work, we find in the Stichus Pinacium Puer not merely working himself, but directing the other slaves in setting the house in order and preparing dinner for the re- turn of the master (347-360). Pinacium had been sent to the harbour that morning by his mistress to inquire about incoming ships from Asia. Seeing his master aboard one, he hurried home eagerly (274-288) to tell the good news to the faithful wife. Pinacium is dressed as a Piscator might be (289, 317, 319-321) — he has rod, basket, and hook, and may have intended to fish while he lingered at the harbour on the watch for his master (see Piscator, p. 131). The single Puer in Terence's Dramatis Personae is Dromo of the Adelphoe. In 375 ff. Syrus Servus; calls to Dromo, who is not on the stage, 92 Costume in Roman Comedy piscis ceteros purga, Dromo ; gongrum istum maxumum in aqua sinito ludere tantisper. A little farther on (380) Syrus calls to Stephanio (apparently another ' puer '), salsamenta haec, Stephanio, fac macerentur pulcre. From the text we get no further description of the Puer, but the miniatures are interesting. P was not at my disposal for this passage, but Bethe gives C, F, and for Ad. 364i and F for 775. At 364} all three MSS. show a male figure seated just inside a doorway, the other figures in the picture being outside. He wears a long-sleeved tunic, girt to the knee or higher, and a big-mouthed mask. He is dressing a fish, and one or two more lie close at hand. Near by is the eel (in O there are two eels) in a pot or bowl. At 775, where Dromo becomes one of the Dramatis Personae, F, the only MS. at my disposal for this passage, shows the grotesque-mouthed Dromo in a long- sleeved tunic, ankle-length, holding by the left hand the conventional scarf of the Servus (see Sekvus, pp. 106-108). SENEX This role is found in all but four of Plautus's plays; in the Eunuchus it occurs once, in the Senex 93 Andria and the Adelphoe three times, and in each of the other Terentian plays twice. Though the term senex^ may be appHed to a man from the age of forty years upwards, the ordinary Senex of Latin Comedy must have been considerably above the minor limit. Periple- comenes (Mi. 629), to be sure, is not more than fifty-four, but Demipho (Mer. 524) is beyond sixty, and Menedemus (Haut. 62-63) is sixty or more. Furthermore, nothing is more frequently said of the Senex than that he is cano capite (As. 934; Ba. 1101, 1207-1208; Cas. 518; Mer. 305), canus (Cas. 238; Mer. 639), capite candido (Mo. 1148), or albicapillus (Mi. 631); of. also ad istanc capitis alhitudinem (Tri. 874). Gray's' interpre- tation of defloccati (Ep. 616) as 'shorn,' 'fleeced" by the rascality of Epidicus seems more reason- able than the rendering ' bald ' ; but perhaps Epidicus is punning and intends to suggest both meanings. The father-in-law of Menaechmus I is barbatus * (Men. 854) and Nicobulus is alba barba (Ba. 1101). There are numerous other phrases which show that the Senex must have ' See Palmer's note on Am. 5. 1. 20= 1072. ' See his edition of the Epidicus, I.e. ' So the Senes of the Bacchides are represented as oves (1121-1139) driven to the house of the Meretrices. « Cf . Bethe, Praefatio, 53 fE. 94 Costume in Roman Comedy been made up so as to look old : istac aetate (Ba. 1163; Mer. 972, 981-983; Mo. 1148), istuc aetatis (Mi. 618, 622), senecta aetate (Cas. 240), haec mea senectiis (Tri. 381), decrepitus (Cas. 559; Mer. 291), vetvlus (Ep. 187, 666), edentulus (Cas. 500; cf. Mer. 541), tremidum^ (Men. 854), Acherunticus (Mer. 290; cf. Mi. 626), senex vetus (Mer. 291), vetus piier (Mer. 976). Especially interesting is the use of pater applied to a Senex by a stranger (Mo. 952; Ru. 103; Tri. 878); it suggests the colloquial use of uncle, grandfather, in some sections of our own country.^ From the plays we get some good pictures of Senes. (1) In the Casina we see Lysidamus, an old dandy, whose wife realizes his unfaithfulness and berates him thus (236-240) : unde hie, amabo, unguenta dent? (Ly.) Oh perii. manuf esto miser teneor. cesso caput pallio detergere ? ut te bonus Mercurius perdat, myropola, quia haec mihi dedisti. (Cleo.) Eho tu, nili, cana culex : vix teneor, quin quae decent te dicam. senecta aetate unguentatus ' per vias, ignave, incedis ? ' rremuiuTO Tithonum, though adopted by most editors, is not the reading of the MSS., which show instead tremulum Titanum. The latter reading is kept by Lindsay. ' CC. father. Merchant of Venice, II. 2 ; see also Hor. Ep. 1 . 6. 64 £f. • Cf. p. 64, n. 1. Senkx 95 He is, further, cano capite (518), edentvlus (550), and decrepitus (559). (2) The father-in-law of Menaechmus I is thus referred to (Men. 853-854): hunc impurissimum barbatum, tremulum Tithonum,' qui cluet Cyino patre. He has, too, a scipio (856). (3) The sixty-year old Demipho, cano capite, strikes Lysimachus as being Acherunticus, senex vetus, decrepitus (Mer. 290-291), for the latter says scornfully of him (540-541) : Puer est illequidem, stulta : nam illi quidem hau sane diust quom dentes exciderunt. (4) This Lysimachus is one of the most absurd- looking of all the Senes (Mer. 639-640) : canum, varum, ventriosum, bucculentum, breviculum, subnigris oculis, oblongis malis, pansam aliquantuium. The old miser, Euclio, is rather slovenly (Au. 540) ; Callicles comes on in his working-clothes after digging up the treasure (Tri. 1099) ; Demea, finally, was doubtless dressed plainly, probably carelessly and in country fashion (Ad. 866). In spite of the almost unanimous testimony of the miniatures, the plays themselves give us little information about the garments of the Senex. * For this reading, see p. 94, n. 1. 96 Costume in Roman Comedy Only in the Casina is he clearly wearing the pal- Hum (237, 637, 945, 974-975, 978, 1009: in 246 we have palliolum), and nowhere do we hear of his tunic. From Donatus (De Com. VIII, 6) we learn that the clothing of Senes was white: comicis senibus candidus vestis inducitur, quod is antiquissimus fuisse memoratur. The scipio is carried by Demaenetus (As. 124) and by the father-in-law of Menaechmus I (Men. 856). Lysidamus has lost his scipio (Cas. 975, 1009). The easy inference that Demea carries a staff (Ad. 571, 782) is not confirmed by the miniatures immediately preceding the respective scenes, not, at least^ by the F miniatures, which alone are at my disposal; but at 713 in F {de- fessus sum ambulando, etc.) the artist has put in the margin a figure of Demea with a straight, smooth staff. The fustes which Euclio seems to have in the Aulularia (42, 422, 425, 440-443, 454, 632) and the anulus of Periplecomenes in the Miles (771, 797, 800) are not significant in their r61es as Senes. That the Senex wore socci is a natural inference from Haut. 124, adsido : adcurrunt servi, soccos detrahunt. A Tnarsuppium is carried by Lysidamus (Cas. 490), and by Periphanes (Ep. 185); Charmides Senex 97 Senex has lost his at sea * (Ru . 547-548) . Some sort of money-bag Chremes (Haut. 831) and Demipho (Ph. 714-715) must have had, and so the minia- tures* at my command represent them ; similarly, Demea may have had a purse (Ad. 977), but the one miniature which I have examined shows none. The passage in Pollux (Onom. IV, 119) treating of the costume of old men in the New Comedy is corrupt ; their masks are fully described in Onom. IV, 143-145. TESTIMONY OF THE MINIATURES I have examined one hundred and fifty minia- tures of the Senex, seventy-one from F, thirty- seven from P, twenty-four from C, and eighteen from O. There is a great uniformity in the costume of Senes in C, P, and F. The general type consists of a straight undergarment, reaching almost to the ankle, with two kinds of sleeve, visible as they were described under Adulescens (p. 48), and of a mantle of the usual pallium-style. The greatest variation in the manner of wearing the pallium is in F.' In O, strangely enough,the chlamys seems > As a traveller, Channides needed some sort of purse. See p. 46, n. 2. ^ It is clear that in the miniatures of C preceding Ph. 714- 715 the names of Demipho and Chremea have been inter- changed. ' Some peculiar forms of the pallium may be seen in F at H 98 Costume in Roman Comedy to be the regular outer garment, though one or, possibly, two exceptions appear in the eighteen examples; the undergarment is girt up, or fastened up with a clasp, so as to be quite short on one side. In the coloured plate from C at Ph. 784, given by Weston,^ the undergarments of the Senes are a purplish-gray and their pallia yellow-brown ' (cf . the testimony of Donatus, cited on p. 96). In the two pictures of Crito contained in P* (And. 796 and 904) we see that he carries a straight staff on which the knots are so prominent that it looks as if it were budded ; at Ad. 718, in F, Demea has a plain stick. As Wieseler * has pointed out in the case of Demea, so in both pictures of Crito the stick is not the 'Krummstab' of the Senex, so often seen in reliefs ' and wall-paintings,* but the ' Wanderstab' of the traveller, easily sug- gested to the artist of F (and, indeed, of P) by the immediate context. After examining several representations of old men on Greek vases,* I am Haut. 593 (perhaps not genuine: see p. 106, n. 1), 749, 874, and at Ad. 776; in C and P at Ph. 894. ' Harvard Studies, 14. ' Cf. Bethe, 10, 20 (cited above under Abulebcens, p. 60, n. 2). ' The corresponding pictures in and O are not at my command; for F they do not exist. « Denkmaler, 70 b. • Wieseler, Tafeln XI u. XII; Bethe, 31. * Furtwangler u. Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalerei (Munchen, 1900-1901). Senex 99 inclined to believe that the form of the staff in the three examples cited above is not so suspicious as the fact that it occurs only in the immediate neighbourhood of a context which would remind the artist that the Senex has just returned from a journey, or from a long walk. In view of such a fact, I cannot share Bethe's sanguine ' beUef that, in the archetype, all Senes had staves. Worthy of notice are the pictures, one in C, the other in F, immediately preceding the first scene of the Hautontimorumenos, where Chremes is striving to draw the self-tormentor from his in- cessant labour. The artist has apparently chosen to represent the moment when Chremes tries the weight of the rastri and exclaims Hui ! tarn gravis hos, quaeso (92). In C, Chremes holds a two- pronged rake, in F, a double-headed pick. Mene- demus,' also, holds uplifted an implement which, in C, is like Chremes's rake, but, in F, is a single- headed pick. The corresponding figures in the two pictures agree remarkably well in costume, attitude, and relative position, but the two scenes differ considerably in details of setting, in spite of the fact that both represent a field.' The costumes ' Praefatio 31 ff. ' The commentatx}is, generally, assume a single implement in this passage. ' Engelhardt, Die Illustrationen der Terenzhandschriften, 100 Costume in Roman Comedy of the two men are such as Senes usually wear in the miniatures — quite unsuitable for the manual labour which Menedemus is bent on performing. Furthermore, there was a distinct tradition con- cerning Menedemus's dress which the artist has violated — a tradition handed down to us by Varro, when he is writing of goatskins used for clothing (De Re Rustica, 2. 11) : cuius usum apud antiques quoque Graecos fuisse apparet, quod in tragoediis senes ab hac pelle vocantur Si$epua, et in comoediis, qui in rustico opere morantur; ut apud Caecilium in Hyporbolimaeo habet adule- scens, apud Terentium in Heautontimorumeno Senex (see Rusticus, pp. 135-136). SERVUS This r61e occurs at least once in every play of Plautus and Terence. In numerous cases we get some hint of the costume and appearance of the Servus, but only a few deliberate descriptions occur. (1) In the Amphitruo Mercurius Deus and 67-68, believes that the scene took place in town before Chremes's house, as Menedelnus was hurrying by to his farm in the suburbs. If this be true, the picture does not represent the stage-tradition and is an argument against the antiquity of the miniatures. For evidence, however, that the scene is in the country see Knapp, Class. Phil. 2. 17. Cf., also, the Rudens of Flautus. Servus 101 Sosia Servus are quite fully described, because the plot turns in part on the fact that the god is dis- guised so as to be identical in appearance with the slave. Sosia's pallium (294) and tunicae (368- 369) are supplemented by a petasus (143, 146-147, 443), because he is returning from a journey.* He carries a lanterna, too (149, 341), since he is coming home from the harbour by night. His tonsus and barba ^ are referred to in 444; the men- tion of the tonsus would seem to indicate that his petasus was hanging down his back.' (2) The appearance of Leonida Servus is what is really given us under the pretended description of Saurea Atriensis in the As., 400-401 : macilentis malls, rufulus, aliquantum ventriosus, truculentis oculis, commoda statura, tristi fronte. (3) In Ep. 10 we again have a stout slave: corpvlentior videre atque habitior. This slave is addressed as adulescens in verse 1. (4) The appearance of Pseudolus (1218-1221) recalls that of Leonida, as quoted above under (2) : ' For the traveller's costume see p. 46, n. 2. ' Cf. Bethe, Fraefatio 53. The Terentian miniatures shonr some Servi with beards and moustaches. ' Frequent illustrations of this are seen in Greek vase- paintings. Cf. Furtwangler u. Reichhold, Griechische Vasen- malerei (Miinchen, 1900-1901). 102 Costume in Roman Comedy rufus quidam, ventriosiia, crassis suris, subniger, magno capite, acutis oculis, ore rubicundo, admodum magnis pedibus. The large feet are a vital part of the description, as is shown by Ballio's words (Ps. 1220-1221) : ferdidisti, ut nominavisti pedes. Pseudolus fuit ipsus. Thus, probably, a regular feature of the make- up of the Servus was grotesqueness.' From Diomedes ' we learn that wigs of different colours were early used to indicate the ages of the several Dramatis Personae : Antea galearibus, non personis utebantur, ut qualitas coloris indicium faceret aetatis cum essent aut albi aut nigri aut rufi. This passage is sometimes cited as authority for the statement that slaves always wore red wigs. So far as I know, we have no authority for so sweep- ing a statement. Pollux (Onoml IV, 149-150), writing Ilepi vpixronriov KOi/uKuv, Speaks of the masks and wigs worn by slaves in comedy: Ta 8e Sou- Au)v irpoaunra Kiafuxa, irainriK, fiyiiumi, Otpairtov, kolto) Tpi,y(Ca.%, If Koria TCTpij(pvi, awayti to ejrtO'Kwioi'. Totovrot cv rots SovXoK, oTot cv roTf ikcvdipoi^ Trpta/ivTrp ■qytixiov. O Sc Karoi rpi^tai rj k6.tu> TiTpi,)(aXavTitt.s C(7Tt, irvppaOpi,^, iTrrjpixivos Tai o^pvs. O 8c ovA.os Oipdvwv, ovkoi (liv rai rpi)(ai. lial Si irvppal, uxrirtp Ktu. TO )(pS>pja. kcu, ava^Aarruif iiTTi xat Stocrrpo- ot T^v mfiiv. O 8c 6ipdwmv p-iaiK ^oXaKpos, wvppoi icrriv. 'O 8c Oipairtov rlrrii p-iXai, tjxtXaKpbi, Stdtrrpo- ^S T^c o^iv, 8va t) rpta fiooTpv\ui jucXava cn-iKcijucvos, Kal o/biota cv ru yevtiuj. 'O 8c ciriO'ciaTos ^yc/itdv &tKC T<^ i^yejudn OepairovTif irXi/v ircpl ras rpi)(ai. It may well be that this Greek tradition of a red wig for most slaves was generally followed in the early Roman theatre. In Plautus, however, I find only the two* red-haired slaves already mentioned — Leonida (rufulus, As. 400) and Pseudolus (rufics, Ps. 1218) ; in Terence I note only one, Davus (rufus, Ph. 51). In the minia- tures the wigs show varieties of style ^ as numerous as those of which Pollux writes. As for the garments of the slave, reference is made to the tunicae of Sosia (Am. 368-369) and of Strobilus (Au. 647) . The mention of the pallium ' For discussion of Fhilocrates Captivua see Aditlescens, p. 45. ' I have no detailed information concerning the colaurt of the wigs in the miniatures. 104 Costume in Roman Comedy is not very frequent (Am. 294; Au. 646; Gas. 934 [Olympio vilicus]; Ep. 1, 194 [palliolum ^] Ps. 1275, 1279, 1281; Ph. 844, 863). Character- istic is the manner of wearing the pallium, which I shall discuss in connection with the miniatures of Servi (see pp. 106-108). In the Trinummus (720) the soccus seems to be Stasimus's regular shoe. He is the only slave who is mentioned as having a condalium (Tri. 1014, 1022). From the nature of the plots the Servi often carry money and so have a crumina (As. 590, 653 [Leonida Atriensis]; Ep. 360; Per. 265, 317), a marsuppium (carried by Messenio Servus, Men. 265, 272, 384-386), a mellina (Ep. 23). Wholly dependent upon the individual plot, and, there- fore, not an essential part of the slave-costume per se are many articles which slaves carry in special cases — obsonium, litterae, fustes, vasa, tabellae, ferramenta, etc. TESTIMONY OF THE MINIATURES I have examined about one hundred and fifty miniatures of Servi, approximately two-fifths of that number being from F, one-third from P, and the remaining four-fifteenths from C and O (with ' Apud Gellium 4. 17. 4, however, we have the reading paUium. Servus 105 a slight preponderance in favour of C). The results show a very general uniformity in the stock-costume and illustrate well Donatus's state- ment (De Com. VIII, 6) : servi comici amictu exiguo teguntur paupertatis antiquae gratia vel quo expeditiores agant.' The tunic varies in length, sometimes reaching nearly to the ankle, sometimes girt as high as the knee, or, as in O, even higher. Its sleeves are generally close * and reach regularly to the wrist.' ' In Ru. 573-575 Charmides begs Sceparnio to give him vestimenti aliqwid aridi. Sceparnio replies (576-577): Tegillum e(c)cillud, mihi unum id aret: id si vis, dabo. Eodem amictus, eodem tectus esse soleo, si pluit. We must, perhaps, discount these words, for (1) Sceparnio is purposely ungracious to Charmides as the comrade of Labrax the Leno, and (2) he is slave of a poor master (Ru., pr. 33-38). ' In F, three cases of Servi show, in addition to the long, close sleeve here mentioned, a wide oversleeve reaching almost to the elbow. At Eun. 923 and 1031 this flowing sleeve is seen on the right arm of Parmeno Servus; at Haut. 593 it appears on the left arm (probably, also, on the right arm) of Syrus Servus, his back being turned to the audience. For the validity of this picture see p. 106, n. 1. ' The long tunic sleeve is not what we should expect in the- case of a Servus (Simla disguised as a Cacula has a mamiUata. tunica (Ps. 738), but he is said to look Vike a, foreigner (Ps. 964)). Cf. Pollux, Onom. IV, 119, VII, 47 X'T"!"- ** * Z^" i-iu^iy^- VX"-^"^ i\fv6ipuv (rx^Mv iovXav i^oifiCSi Kol (/lariSioc rt wpoaKelrai XevKov, o iyKouPm/ia Xiytrtu, 17 iirlppriita. But, even without the aid of this passage, it is probable that many persons, examining the miniatures, have conjectured that the scarf was a conventionalized form of the pallium coUectum * of the servus currens. So nat- ural a conjecture is rendered especially easy by certain miniatures which show, besides this scarf, traces of the lower edge of a pallium running diagonally across the tunic skirt {e.g., And. 481, P; Haut. 512, 593, F; Ph. 606, F). Apparently some- what contradictory to this theory are the minia- tures of Geta Servus in C and P at Ph. 841, for, though Geta is clearly referring to the pallium collectum in 844-845,' the miniatures of both C and >Cf. Cap. 778-779: eodem pacto ut comici servi solent, coniciam in collum pallium, primo ex med hanc rem ut audiat; Cap. 789; Ep. 194: age nunciam oma te, Epidice, et palliolum in collum conice itaque adsimulato quasi per urbem totam hominem quaeei- veris. Ph. 844-845; etc. For discussion see Wieseler, Denlonaler, 73-75. ' Bed ego nunc mihi cesso, qui non umerum liimc onero pallio atque liominem propero invenire, ut liaec quae contigerint eciat. 108 Costume in Roman Comedy P show the pallium piled high on his back; how- ever, in C Geta's left hand grasps a short end of the pallium on the left shoulder, and in P this end amounts to quite a long scarf. The picture in F is lacking at this point, but that in O shows no pallium on the slave's back, while the scarf at the left is in more thoroughly conventionalized form than usual, having little or no connection with Geta's tunic. It is not always possible to see the means by which the tunic is girded, but it is often done by means of a string or a scarf. The point of fasten- ing varies, being at the side or sides, or at the back or front. In there are clear cases of a fibula in place of a string or scarf (see Ph. 713, 728, in 0). VIRGO This r61e is found once in the Aulularia,Curculio, Epidicus, Persa, Hautontimorumenos, and Adel- phoe, but we have very little information about the various Virgines. Planesium of the Curculio is lepida (167), nimis lepida (said sarcastically), bella (521). She probably had large, dark eyes, for the angry Palinurus says spitefully (190-192) : quid ais, propudium ? tun etiam cum noctuinis ocuKs ' odiuiji' me vocas, ebriola persolla, nugae ? Virgo 109 She wears an anidus, by which she proves to her brother her identity. Telestis is described in the following words (Ep. 623): usque ab unguiculo ad capillum summumst f estiyissuma. Lucris Virgo is forma lepida et liherali (Per. 130) . Her general appearance in her disguise as a pere- grina is quite fully described (130, 157-158, 335, 521, 546-548, 564), but we find mention of only one of the articles that she wears — the crepidula (464). Antiphila Virgo (Mulier) passes as an attendant of Bacchis Meretrix, servolae ftabitum gerens (Haut. Per. 7-8). Sostrata Matrona refers to her as quam Bacchis secum addu^t advlescentulain (654). TESTIMONY QF THE MINIATUBE3 I have examined three or four pictures of the Virgo. (1) In P ftt Eun. 454 the figures bear two sets of names, one above, the other below, the pic- ture. The second from the end, beginning at the right, is designated as Virgo above and as Pythias Ancilla below. She is doubtless the Ethiopian girl who is being led as a present to Thais. Her costume, except for the absence of every trace of a mantle, is hardly distinguishable 110 Costume in Roman Comedy from that of an Ancilla, though the long line ex- tending down the left side of her gown is unusual. (2) At Haut. 381, in P, we find Antiphila Virgo, designated in the picture, however, as Antiphila Mulier. The details of her costume are not clear because she is being embraced by Clinia Adulescens. She shows the long under- garment and traces of a pallium; probably she has the double set of sleeves so often found in the miniatures. Her hair is arranged low in her neck; the high knot or ornament on top of her head is askew. (3) At Haut. 381, in F, the designation is merely Antiphila. Her costume is essentially the same as in P at the same point, save that her mantle is drawn over her head and carefully arranged in folds. The drawing of the outer sleeve implies an impossible arrangement of the mantle. (4) Possibly we should include among the miniatures of the Virgo the picture of a woman found at Eun. 232, in P; she must be Pam- phila (Virgo? cf. 229, 440), whom Gnatho is leading to Thais as a present from Thraso Miles. The picture shows a long undergarment, probably the two sets of sleeves, and traces of a pallium. Her hair is rather elaborately dressed low in her neck, and she wears an ornamented head-band. CHAPTER V UNUSUAL r6lE8 ADVOCATUS Advocati appear in the Poenulus and the Phormio. (1) In the Poenulus (531, 723-727, 765-767) the Advocati are summoned by Agorastocles Adu- lescens, to serve as witnesses in a suit virhich he in- tends to bring against a dishonest Leno (800-807). The details of their costumes are in no way indi- cated, but some idea of their appearance may be gained from what is told of their origin and of certain physical peculiarities. The Advocati are not senes,^ for Agorastocles, in his eager haste, had deliberately avoided summoning certain friends of his who were old (508-509) ; but old men might as well have been summoned, for these Advocati are gouty (532) and bow-legged (510: see, however, Ussing's note), and seem to the impatient Adulescens to be coming at less than a snail's pace (506-507, 512-513, 532). They are evidently libertini (519-523), a fact of which > Poe. 783 does not necessarily imply that they are old. Ill 112 Costume in Roman Comedy Agorastocles takes advantage when he suggests that their slow gait is due to their having had to walk in fetters (513-514) ; later they refer to themselves as Aetoli cives (621)'. They admit that to a rich youth like Agorastocles they must seem plebeii et pauperes (515, 536). They are said by Milphio Servus to frequent the comitium even more than the praetor does (584-587), to be, in fact, men who live by lawsuits. (2) Concerning Terence's Advocati the text of the Phormio gives us no information, but the miniatures are particularly interesting. These occur at the beginning of the third and fourth scenes of Act II (348, 441). In all four MSS. (C, P, F, O) at verse 348 the three Advocati appear in the same order, and the attitude of each is essentially the same in the four representations; at 441 the order is changed, but the change occurs in all the MSS. (C, P, F: O is lacking). At 348 in C Hegio wears an undergarment reaching midway between the knees and the ankles, and a dark mantle fastened, chlamys-Mke, on the right shoulder and reaching to the bottom of the undergarment on the left side. The one visible sleeve of the undergarment seems to be long and close. The face is youthful. There are two ' The scene is laid in Calydon in Aetolia (pr. 94). Advocatus 113 dark patches on the undergarment, one over each knee; this is also true of Hegio in C at 441,' where his costume is essentially the same, but the face is perhaps older. In P, Hegio's costume is essentially the same (this MS. is not coloured), but no patches occur on the undergarment, nor, indeed, on any but the two in C, mentioned above. In both representations in P he holds something (a document?) in his left hand. In F, Hegio's outer garment is less chlamys-like at 348; at 441 it is a mantle pinned in front. In both places a long, close sleeve from an undergarment appears on the right arm. It is difficult to see how the effect of the loose, flowing oversleeve suggested by both of these drawings could actually have resulted from the garments worn.^ In O, at 348, Hegio wears a mantle that fastens, chlamys-like, on the right shoulder, as in C and P : this mantle is decorated with the border that is characteristic of garments in O (cf. pp. 60, 71). Cratinus wears an undergarment with short, flowing sleeves, beneath which long, close sleeves are seen in both pictures in C, P, and F. His overgarment is a pallium in all six cases; in C it is darker than the undergarment. In all six ' Cf. also Thraso Miles, Eun. 391 and 454 (P). ' In these two miniatures Weston's drawings are unusually inferior to Bethe's photographic reproductions. I 114 Costume in Roman Comedy cases he carries an open book in his left hand. is lacking at 441, but at 348 in O Cratinus wears a long-sleeved undergarment reaching to the right ankle, but caught up almost to the knee, and his outer garment is arranged like a chlamys. In all seven representations of him he has a big- mouthed mask. He is distinctly older than the other Advocati. Crito wears a straight, scant, long-sleeved undergarment in C at 348, and his dark mantle is fastened chlamys-like on the right shoulder; at 441 the folds of the undergarment and the loose, flowing oversleeve effect are troublesome. In P at 348 Crito is blurred and hardly visible, but at 441 he is young, wears a chlamys and short undergarment, and has two sets of sleeves beneath his chlamys. In F he is essentially the same as in C. The single representation of Crito in O shows a chlamys-like outer garment with border, while the roll which Crito carries at 348 ' in C and F (P is blurred and partly invisible) is so modified in O as to be unrecognizable. The youthful appearance of Hegio and Crito as contrasted with that of Cratinus is noticeable throughout; somewhat less marked is the contrast between their dress and that of Cratinus. It is, ' None of the MSS. shows this roU at 441. Cacula 115 however, worthy of notice that the main incon- sistency is in 0, where alone the chlamys-like garment is given to Cratinus. CACULA The Cacula' as a Dramatis Persona appears only in the Pseudolus. Soldiers are, however, at- tended by servi in other plays. (1) Such a servus is evidently addressed in Ep. 433. (2) In the Miles, Palestrio is a slave of Pyr- gopolinices Miles, and other slaves seem to be carrying out Philocomasium's baggage at the direction of the Miles and his servant (1388 ff.) ; but we get no information about the costume of these servi — perhaps they were ordinary house- slaves, not particularly soldier's slaves. (3) In the Eunuchus Thraso Miles directs his servi in a mock siege on the house of a meretrix. One carries a crowbar (Eun. 774), another a sponge (777-779). For description of the per- tinent miniatures see, under Stock-Ildles, Loka- Bius, p. 70. The Cacula of the Pseudolus is the slave (594, ' Cacvla servus militis. Plautus "video caculam mili- tarem." Dieitur autem a Oraeco KciXoy, quod fustibus cla- visque ligneis ad tutelam dominorum armari soliti sunt. So Festus, p. 32 (Thewrewk de Ponor). 116 Costume in Roman Comedy 718, 1150, 1152, 1210; cf. 1091) of a Macedonian soldier (616, 1090, 1152, 1210); he is young' (615, 1137, 1141; cf. 978). He is sent by his master to pay to the Leno the balance due on a girl whom the Miles loves. He looks like a stranger (foreigner?), as is indicated perhaps by ignobilis (592) ; moreover, Simla Sycophanta, who counterfeits Harpax Cacula, is described as peregrina facie and ignobilis (964). He wears a chlamys (1101, 1139, 1143, 1184) and a petasus (1186) and carries a machaera (593, 1185). In verse 735, where Pseudolus proposes to disguise Simla Sycophanta as Harpax, he says that he needs for the purpose a chlamys, a machaera, and a petasus, and he adds in 738 Manvleatam tunicam habere hominem addecet, which reminds us of the tunic of another peregrimis, Hanno Poenus (see under Unusual R61es, Poenus, p. 134). Harpax brings a symbolus and money, and may well be wearing a crumina (598, 718, etc., etc.). Perhaps there is in his bearing something that suggests the braggart soldier, for Simla, who counterfeits Harpax, bears himself magnifice (911), and Simla says in 917-918 : Quippe ego te ni contemnam, stratioticus homo qui cluear ? * Lorenz's objection to advZescens as applied to a cacula seems to me unjustifiable. See his note on Mo. 653. Cacula: Captivus 117 There is nothing in 603 to indicate that the Ca- cula's costume is pecuhar, for Pseudolus knows about the Miles (370-377) and has overheard 596- 599. Interesting and pertinent to the discussion of this role are the words of Stasimus Servus (Tri. 719-727), whose young master insists upon giving up his farm that his sister may not be obliged to go undowered to a husband: quid ego nunc agam nisi uti sarcinam constringam et clipeum ad dorsum accommodem, fulmentas iubeam suppingi soccis? non sisti potest. Video caculam militarem me futurum (h)aud longius. tAt aliquem ad regem in saginam erus sese coniecit meus, credo ad summos bellatores acrem — fugitorem fore, et capturum spolia ibi — iUum qui ero advorsus venerit. Egomet autem quom extempio arcum et pharetram et sagittas sumpsero, Cassidem in caput, — dormibo placide in tabernaculo. Ad forum ibo: nudius sextus quoi talentum mutuom dedi reposcam, ut habeam mecum quod feram viaticum. CAPTIVUS In the Captivi of Plautus Philocrates and Tyn- darus are captives in a strange land, as they suppose; but Philocrates is an Elean Adulescens 118 Costume in Roman Comedy and Tyndarus, his servus, is the lost son of Hegio Senex, into whose hands both youths have fallen. For the purposes of the plot they have changed names and clothing (pr. 37, 39). Their only distinctive mark as Captivi is that they are in chains {cum catenis sumus,'^ 203). That they are bound is also shown by the remarks concerning them addressed to the slaves (354-355). Tynda- rus wore a collare at first (357) ; in 659, after the escape of his comrade, the Lorarii are bidden to put manicae on him and bind his hands firmly (667). In 997 he comes in from his work in the stone-quarries, fettered (997) and carrying a pickax or crowbar (1004) ; he is wearing com- pedes (1025-1027). CHOBAGUS A Choragus appears as a Dramatis Persona in the Curculio. Nothing is suggested concerning his costume or make-up. He expresses his anxiety for his omamenta which have fallen into the hands of the tricky Parasitus, Curculio. DANISTA Only twice in all of Plautus and not once in Terence do we find the r61e of Danista, a fact which is rather surprising in view of the nature ' Morris emenda pr. 2 to luncti aatant. Danista: Di 119 of the conventional New Comedy plot (the Tra- pezita occurs only once, in the Curculio). In Ep. 620 the Danista is referred to as ille gravastellus ; in 631-632 he holds out his crumina for Stratippocles to put in the money that is due. In Mo. 653 the Danista, Mysargyrides, is ad- dressed as adulescens. This strikes us as unsuit- able, in view of the epithet just assigned to the Danista of the Epidicus and, also, in view of the traits commonly associated with the money- lender in literature. Lorenz, in his note on the passage, cites other uses of adidescens which he considers surprising and which I have mentioned under the individual r61es in question.' DI Besides Lar Familiaris (Au.), Auxilium Deus (Ci.), and Arcturus (Ru.), who have already been treated under Pbologus (pp. 39-40), Plautus introduces as Dramatis Personae in his unique Amphitruo two more important personages, the gods Mercurius and luppiter. The former serves as Prologus; but, even when speaking the pro- logue, he is already dressed for his r61e in the play (pr. 117-119, 121-123), the r61e of a Servus (q.v.). Since the plot turns on the perfect disguise of these gods, the one as Amphitruo Dux, the other ■ See pp. 87, 116 n. 1, 137. 120 Costume in Roman Comedy as Sosia Servus, their costumes must have borne a somewhat accurate resemblance to those of the mortals whom they were counterfeiting. Somewhat accurate, I say, for certain details, such as the lantern of Sosia (pr. 149, 341, 406), may have varied in the corresponding costumes. So strong was the resemblance between the gen- uine and the counterfeit in each case that none of the other Dramatis Personae detected the fraud, and even the counterfeited persons were con- pletely mystified (265-266, 441-446, 601, 864- 866; Acts IV and V; cf. Arg. I. 1. 4-5, 7, II. 1-2, 4-8; pr. 121-124, 129, 134-135, 141 and the refer- ences in the next paragraph to the prologue). For the convenience of the audience a single mark of distinction was allowed in the case of each pair: Mercury's costume differed from Sosia's in pennvlae worn in petaso (pr. 143) and luppiter's from Amphitruo's in a tondus aureus worn sub petaso (pr. 144-145). By a stage-con- vention both of these marks were invisible to the otherplayers (pr. 146-147). The doubtful Plautine origin of the- Amphitruo Prologue casts discredit on this evidence, but some such device would certainly have been natural, if not necessary.' ' Cf. the device used by Messrs. Robson and Crane when they played the Dromios in the Comedy of Errors; one wore a patch on one side of liis face, the other on the other. Di 121 Even a casual reader must ask himself in what guise luppiter appeared in the second scene of the last act (1131-1143). Palmer (Am. Int., p. xiv) assumes that the god " appears in his proper form amid peals of thunder." ^ Verses 1 130-1 131 lend colour to such an assumption, for luppiter at once hastens to reassure Amphitruo, who seems more terrified than mere thunder and lightning might warrant. In such a case, one would like to know what was considered the god's "proper form" in the Roman theatre of Plautus's time. If we may judge from the representations of the god in art, a very slight change from his former appearance would have been sufficient; in Greek vase-painting the common attributes of Zeus are a crown, sceptre, throne, and thunderbolt. It would obviously have been desirable for luppiter to keep as nearly as possible to his resemblance to Amphitruo, for thus the latter would have been able to recognize him (1) as the cause of all the confusion in Act IV, and (2) as the personage who had been able to deceive the innocent Alcumena. His divine nature could have been sufficiently attested by the mighty thunder which heralded his approach (1130) and by a blinding light (cf. Bromia's soliloquy in 1053-1070). We must ' The italics are my own. 122 Costume in Roman Comedy remember that Amphitruo has been prepared for some such miraculous denouement by Bromia's account of the birth of the twins, of the strange behaviour of one of them, and of the voice of lup- piter acknowledging this child as his son (1053- 1124). The scipio which luppiter carries at verse 520 would probably not suggest the god's sceptre, but was merely part of his disguise as Amphitruo, who might have carried a staff (1) as Dux, a posi- tion of dignity and honour, or (2) as Senex (1072 : see Senex, p, 96), or (3) as one just returned from a journey (see p. 98). For an interesting vase-painting showing Zeus and Hermes before the window of Alcmene see Wieseler, Denkmaler, IX, 11; the scene is pos- sibly from the Amphitruo of Rhinthon. DUX Amphitruo Dux is leader of an expedition sent out from Thebes against the Teleboae. He arrives home victorious at the opening of the play. Even if the prologue of the Amphitruo is not Plautine, the inference from verses 144-147 that Amphitruo wears a petasus is probably safe enough, since it is the regular hat of travellers (p. 46, n. 2). From 854 we conclude that he has Dux: EuNucHus 123 pedisegui, who probably entered with him at 654. In 1072 he is referred to as a senex,^ for whose traditional make-up see Senex (pp. 92-100). That a scipio would not have been unfitting is further shown by the fact that one was carried by luppiter, who so successfully counterfeited him. EUNUCHUS The real Eunuchus of Terence's play is de- scribed as decrepitus (231) and is referred to as Ulum . . . inhonestum hominem, . . . senem rmdierem (356-357). Chaerea, who counterfeits him, is young and fair to look upon. It is not necessary to make himself up to look like the real Eunuchus, for Thais and her household have never seen the latter. So, when Dorus, the genuine Eunuchus, is presented to them, Pythias Ancilla exclaims (680-682) : Au, ne comparandus quidem hie ad illumst ' : ille erat honesta facie ac liberali. To which Phaedria replies (682-684) : Ita visus est dudum, quia varia veste exornatus fuit ; nunc tibi videtur foedus, quia illam non habet. ' See p. 93, n. 1. ' lUum denotes the counterfeit Eunuchus. 124 Costume in Roman Comedy In 688-689 Pythias again maintains that this is not the youth who was brought to them: hie est vietus vetus vetemosus senex, colore mustelino.' Later, when Pythias's accusations are being con- firmed by the independent statements of the real Eunuchus, Phaedria himself exclaims in 704 ff., Age nunc, beluae credis huic quod dicat ? The varia vestis of the real Eunuchus must have been somewhat striking, for Antipho, seeing Chaerea disguised in it, exclaims (558 ff.) : Chaerea, quid est quod sic gestis ? quidve hie vestitua sibi quaerit ? and Phaedria, who has unexpectedly returned from the country and heard what has happened at Thais's home, finding Dorus Eunuchus, whom he supposes to be the guilty man, comments at once (670) on his change of dress and interprets it as meaning that the Eunuchus is preparing to flee (673). I have had access to five illustrations which show the costume of the Eunuchus — the pictures from P at 454 and 539, and from F at 539, 668, and 840. ' Proof of Dorua's foreign origin? EuNUCHus 125 The first is unsatisfactory on account of an evident confusion of r61es. Engelhardt ' declares that the figure designated ' Par ' in P is ' Chaerea ' in C ; since the costume of ' Par ' in P is impossible for a slave and very suitable for the Eunuchus, we may assume an error on the part of the illustrator of P and accept 'Par' as the disguised Chaerea. The probable pseudo-Eunuchus in P, then, wears a long-sleeved undergarment, girt above the knees, a mantle fastened squarely in front on the chest and thrown back over both shoulders and, most characteristic of all, a Phrygian cap, which marks his Oriental origin. In both illustrations at verse 539 Chaerea's costume corresponds almost exactly to that of the genuine Eunuchus at 454, P; the principal difference lies in the addition of the familiar short, flowing, oversleeve on the left arm in P and on both arms in F. The illustration from F at 668 is unsatisfactory, for, where it should represent an ugly, decrepit senex, we find (unless we suppose a rather doubt- ful confusion of names in this picture) a particu- larly youthful face and figure designated 'Eunuc ? ' . The costume answers fairly well to that of an Adulescens. It looks as if the original illustra- tor, not familiar with the plot, had suited the face * Die lUustrationen der Terenzhandschriften, 65. 126 Costume in Roman Comedy and figure to the youthful costume which the old Eunuchus had received in exchange for his own from Chaerea Adulescens. At 840 in F we are supposed to find Chaerea disguised as the Eunu- chus. The mantle is entirely lacking; the short undergarment is regular and two sets of sleeves are visible, as at verse 539, in F. FIDICINA In the Epidicus Fidicinae appear. They seem to belong to the class known as meretrices. Epidi- cus relates how the one beloved by Stratippocles went to meet him on his return from Thebes (Ep. 212-221) and was attended by four tibicinae (218) ; she was, furthermore, most elaborately bedecked and bejewelled (222 ff.). When the hired Fidicina is brought to his house, Periphanes gives careful directions to keep her away from his (supposed) daughter, for (403) divortunt mores virgini longe ac lupae, a sentiment applauded by his friend Apoecides, who says (404-405) : docte et sapienter dicis. num (quam) nimis potest pudicitiam quisquam suae servare filiae. This Fidicina has been hired under false pretences (411-418) ,• she brings heroes with her ( 411-418, 500), for, later in the play, when Epidicus's trick Fidicina: Gubeenatob 127 is discovered and Periphanes angrily bids the Fidicina be off, she says Fides non reddis ? (514- 516). Both Fidicinae seem to have been freed- women (496-498/ 505). Epidicus speaks of Acropolistis as having been an ancUla (131). The bearing of both was probably pert and free (399-404, 413, 577-678). GUBEBNATOB The Gubernator appears only once — in the Amphitruo of Plautus. He is Blepharo,' the pilot of the ship in which Amphitruo returned home from his expedition against the Teleboae (949- 951). He is summoned to arbitrate between the troubled Amphitruo and his counterfeit, luppiter (1035-1040). From the play we get no information about his costume, but an excellent description of the dress of a gubernator is given in the Miles (1177-1184), where the disguise of Pleusicles is planned : facito ut(i) venias ornatu hue ad nos nauclerico. causiam habeas fermgineam et scutidam ob oculos laneam: palliolum haheaBferrvgineum, nam is colos thalassicust ; id conexum in umero laevo, exfafiUato bracchio ' "The man who keeps a good look-out ahead" (cf. p\4ir€iy) : see Palmer's note on Amphitruo, Arg. II, 8. Cf. Schmidt, Griechische Personennamen bei Plautus, Hermes 37, 357. 128 Costume in Roman Comedy * if * Up * * * atque apud hunc senem omnia haec sunt : nam is pisca- tores' habet. For further references to some of the same par- ticulars of Pleusicles's disguise, see Mi. 1282, 1286, 1306-1309, 1430. MEDICU8 The Medicus appears among the Dramatis Personae of a single play, the Menaechmi. We find no reference to his costume, though his character and mannerisms are well delineated. To the father-in-law of Menaechmus II the Medicus is odiosus (884) ; he takes his time in answering the summons of the old man, and is full of boasts about his own skill (882-888). Verses 899-965 contain the picture of this character. MEBCATOB There are two plays from which we might ex- pect information regarding this r61e — the Asi- naria and the Mercator. In the former, some Arcadian asses having been sold to a Mercator from Fella (As. 333-337), a youth arrives bringing money in payment, in- tended for Demaenetus's steward, Saurea. This * In view of the implied similarity between the costume of a piscatOT and a gubemator see Fibcatob, pp. 131-132. Mebcatok: Obstetrix 129 Adulescens (337) seems to be the person who is styled in the scene-headings and in the list of Dramatis Personae ' Mercator Chlamydatus.' He refers to himself as a peregrinus (464) ' and he has just arrived after a journey; so the chlamys seems natural. He probably had some sort of purse — perhaps a crumina^ for the twenty minae which he brought (435-473, 487, 494, 503). In the Mercator, Charinus Adulescens has just returned from a long trading-journey; he tells us that he is on his way from the ship in the harbour (109), but nothing is indicated concerning his costume.' Later in the play, maddened by the loss of his arnica, he prepares to go on an ex- pedition in search of her (851-863). For the garb which he there proposes to assume see Miles, pp. 79-80. OBSTETKIX This r61e is found only in the Andria. The play itself suggests nothing concerning the cos- tume of Lesbia Obstetrix, but two pictures of her occur in P, one at verse 459, the other at 481. There is a confusion of names in the former il- lustration, but in the latter the dress of Lesbia is not to be distinguished from that of other » See p. 83, n. 1. 2 cf. Tni. 954-956. » See p. 46, n. 2. K 130 Costume in Roman Comedy women. She wears a long tunic, with short, flowing sleeve, and a mantle that follows the usual lines of a pallium. This, too, is the costume of the figure at verse 459 who probably ought to be identified with Lesbia. PAEDAGOGUS In the Bacchides we find Lydus Servus acting as the paedagogus of Pistoclerus Adulescens (see especially 138, 142, 148, 152 ff., 368-384). Lydus is the magister (148, 152, 404 ff., 440^48) and Pistoclerus the discipvlus (467, 484). The relation existing between the two is clear, but nothing is said concerning the costume of the paedagogus. As is the case in this play, the Greek paeda- gogv^ was usually a slave. It was the business of such a slave to attend his young master in public places, carrying to school and to the palaestra the boy's books, writing-materials, strigil, and oil- flask. Baumeister* says that in sculptures repre- senting mythological subjects the paedagogus is often portrayed as a barbarian in features and costume, wearing a short chiton with sleeves, a rough mantle and high boots, and carrying in his hand a knotty stick (cf. the paedagogus in the > Denkmaler, 2. 1125 ff. Paedagogus: Piscator 131 celebrated Niobe group* and the paedagogus of Medea's children*). In real life, however, from the fifth century on, the paedagogus was not dis- tinguishable as a foreign slave. He was gener- ally an old man who wore a himation or a chiton (cf. vase-paintings of the period). Of course it must have been this latter type of paedagogus who appeared in fabulae palliatae, and in the case of Lydus there was probably nothing to distinguish his dress from that of any elderly slave attending his master. piscator The only play in which a Piscator appears as a Dramatis Persona is the Rudens, though in the Stichus Pinacium Puer, who had been sent to the harbour to watch incoming ships in hope of his master's arrival, seems to have intended to while away his time there fishing, for on his return he carries a harundo, a sportvla, and a hamulus pi- scarius (St. 289, 319-321), and Gelasimus asks him, lam tu piscator factu's ? (St. 317).' In the Rudens the introduction of a group of Piscatores (Act II, 1) must have been rather effec- tive in furnishing local colour and in preparing the way for Gripus, on whose catch of the vidvlus (Ru. ' See Baumeister, Denkmaler, under Scopas, Abb. 1750. » See Mon. d. Inst. XI, 31, no. 11. » See p. 91. 132 Costume in Roman Comedy 908-913) the plot turns. These fishermen were poor creatures, living from hand to mouth and shabbily dressed* (295-305). They carried hami and harundines (294). Quintilian (11. 3. 112) groups piscatores with servi, ancillae, and parasiti, as follows: Itaque in fabulis iuvenum, senum, militum, matronarum gravior ingressus est : servi, ancillae, parasiti, piscatores citatius moventur. Gripus Piscator is a slave (Ru. 918, 928-930, etc.) who has chanced to bring up in his net (942-943, 1020, etc.) a vidvlus (987, etc., etc.) containing, among other things, the cistella caudea (1 109-1 110, 1142) in which are the crepundia (1081-1082, 1154-1171)^of the shipwrecked Palaestra. To the vididus is attached the rudens (938-939, 1015, 1031) from which the play takes its name. In verses 1299-1302 Gripus is polishing a rusty spit {veru). POENA In the Poenulus we are told that Giddenis Nutrix, with her two charges, the daughters of Hanno Poenus, was sold to a leno. She may not ' The following note from Sonnensohein's Ru., Act II, 1 (edit, minor), is plausible: "They are dressed in the ordinary costume of peasants on the stage — a white sleeveless chiton (iiufilt), perhaps with a covering of skins (SupSipai) — and carry their fishing apparatus on their backs." ' For the various articles comprising the crepundia of Palaestra see verses 1154-1171. Poena: Poenus 133 have been of Carthaginian blood, but the inference that she was is at least tempting. Her statura havd magna (1112) reminds us of Hanno Poenus (see p. 134) hallex viri (1310), and her dusky skin (1112) and black eyes (1113) suggest African origin; cf. 1111-1114: Sed earum nutrix qua sit fade, mi expedi : (Mi.) Statura baud magna, corpore aquilost — (Ha.) Ipsa east. (Mi.) Specie venusta, ore atque ocvlis pernigris. (Ha.) Formam quidem herele verbis depinxti probe. For the ordinary Nutrix see pp. 84-85. POENUS (hanno) Hanno, the Carthaginian, comes to Calydon in Aetolia to seek his lost daughters, who, as appears in the sequel, have fallen into the hands of Lycus Leno. Hanno is referred to in 1031 as pere- grinus and advena and in the post-Plautine pro- logue as a senex (83). Hanno is represented in this prologue as know- ing "all languages" (112-113). He enters at verse 930, speaking some unintelligible tongue, presumably that of a Poenus, but he soon falls into the vernacular of his audience and explains to them his mission. After the entrance (961) of Agorastocles and his slave, Milphio, he talks for a time in the Punic tongue, which the rascally 134 Costume in Roman Comedy serous pretends to interpret correctly to his young master. At last the angry foreigner breaks into Latin and explains the situation for himself. The costume of the Poenus is unusual. He wears no pallium (976), but his long tunics (1298) seem to be voluminous (975/ 1 121) and to be bound by no girdle (1008, 1303 *) ; hence Antamoenides's contemptuous words, genus hoc mulierosumst (1303). Verse 977 (fades quidem edepol Punicast : guggast homo) is a questionable line. Hanno is very short, a hallex viri (1310) ; the following lines are not clear, except as they suggest that the Carthaginian's breath smells of leeks and garlic. Hanno is attended by aged slaves,' who carry his baggage and wear rings in their ears (978-981). He brings a tessera hospitalis (958, 1047-1052). EUSTICUS Among the Dramatis Personae of the Trucu- lentus we find a character styled Strabax Adule- ' Has he long tunic sleeves, suggesting the wings of a bird 7 This would be Tnidierosum. Ussing thinks not; see his note on 973. 'Of. Ussing's note on tunicis demissidia, 1303: "usque ad talos demissis, quales mulieres gestabant et viri efFeminati"; cf. Hor. Serm. 1. 2. 25; Cic. Cat. 2.10. 22 manicatis et tala- ribus tunicis; Verr. 5. 13. 31 cum iste cum pallio purpureo talarique tunica versaretur in conviviis muliebribus. ' They are probably badly bent over. RusTicus 135 scens Rusticus. He is the son of a man who has a house in town and a farm in the country, but the atmosphere of the country surrounds both Strabax and his father's slave, Stratulax. The slave is a sour, ill-tempered fellow (251-254, 265, 308-317, 673) whose language and conversation smack of the farm (268 ff., 688 ff.), but we hear nothing of his costume. Strabax Adulescens Rusticus comes to town from the farm, wearing about his neck a crumina (655, 956), containing the money paid to his father by a sheep-buyer. His generally countrified ap- pearance and bearing are first suggested by his reference to his rivals for Phronesium's favour as urhanos istos mundvlos amasios (658). In 922 ff. his sensitiveness over his stupid bearing again appears. In 930 his rival, the Miles, says to Phronesium, Qui, malum, bella aut faceta's, quae ames hom,ine{m) isti modi ? and again in 933, Huncine hominem te amplexari tarn horridum ac to squalidum t Pollux, writing of costumes in comedy (Onom. IV, 119), says ir-fipa, Paicrijpla, 8i6ipa iirl tS>v aypoC- Ku>v. A little further on (120) he remarks tow Se vapas tois 136 Costume in Roman Comedy AypoLKOK XoymjSdXw. Interesting in connection with the former passage is the one already cited from Varro (De Re Rustica, 2. 11) under Senex, p. 100. Valuable, too, is the following sentence from Pol- lux's chapter on the Masks of the New Comedy (Onom. IV, 147) : tc3 St iypoUta to fuv xp^l"'' fieW- vcrat, ra Si xtiXij irXaren, mu ^ pU cn/i^ kou ore^dvi; Tpi)(Zv. SACERDOS The only priestess appearing among the Drama- tis Personae is in the Rudens — Ptolemocratia Sacerdos Veneris. Greeted as mater (263; cf. 289) by the shipwrecked Palaestra and Ampelisca, she returns their salutation with salvete, pudlae. Embracing her knees they beg for pity and assist- ance (274-280). No hint is given concerning her costume, but from Pollux (Onom. IV, 119) we learn what its colour probably was : 'H Se yuvowcaiv iv ypautv p.ri\Cvri t) ifpivrj, irX^v lepeilav. ravrait 8c Xcvktj. STCOPHANTA This role is found twice in Plautus (Ps. and Tri.), but not at all in Terence. (1) Simla Sycophanta is a slave from Carystos, in regard to whom Pseudolus, replying to the question Qua facie f says Malum, cailidum, doctum, etc. (Ps. 724-727). He is disguised for the pur- Sycophanta 137 poses of the plot as a foreigner/ a soldier's servus, i.e., as Harpax Cacula (see Cacula, pp. 115-117). He wears a long-sleeved tunic, a chlamys, and a petasits, and carries a machaera (735, 738, 756-757, 963-964). His haughty bearing (911, 917-918) may have been required by his r61e. (2) The Sycophanta of the Trinummus is ap- parently not a slave (815) ; because of the plot he is also disguised as a foreigner (767-768, 840).' He probably wore a chlamys, and his hat seems to have been very big (851-852). He is a trickster who hopes to cheat even the man who hired him out of the garments rented from the choragus (857- 859).' His character shows in his face. Lorenz's objection to adulescens as applied to a Cacula, a Danista, a Parasitus, has already been mentioned (pp. 116, n. 1; 119; 87); in the same class he includes * the Sycophanta. Both of our Sycophantae are addressed as advlescentes (Ps. 978; Tri. 871, 889, 892, 968). Under Cacula, I questioned the reasonableness of Lorenz's objec- tion in the case of Harpax; therefore, since Simla is counterfeiting Harpax, we cannot accept his ob- jection to the epithet as applied to Simla. There is no inherent reason why a Sycophanta should not be young. ■ Cf. p. 83, n. 1. » See p. 18. ' See Lorenx's note oa Mo. 653. 138 Costume in Roman Comedy TIBICEN In two plays — the Casina and the Stichus — a Tibicen is among the Dramatis Personae, but in both cases he is a persona muta. In the Casina, the Tibicen is exhorted to play a hymeneal song while the bride is being led out (798-799). In the Stichus, the Tibicen is present at a banquet and alternately pipes and drinks (715 ff.); he has his tibiae (718, 723-724, 767). Wieseler (Taf. IV, 10) reproduces an ancient relief showing a tragic actor in the costume of Dionysus, turning his face towards a woman, while close beside him stands a boy playing a flute. In connection with this relief and Taf el XI, 1, in which a maiden is playing double pipes, Wieseler remarks (p. 82 b) that neither flute-player is full grown. The boy wears no chiton, only a scant mantle. Cf. also the flute-player on a vase by Brygos (Taf. 50, representing a k5/xos, Furtwangler u. Reichhold, Series I, Miinchen, 1900). The flute- player wears a crown ornamented with leaves. TIBICINA In the Epidicus two Tibicinae, Phrygia and Eleusium, are among the Dramatis Personae. They are hired for a wedding celebration and are Tibicina: Tonstrix 139 only personae miUae. Probably they had their tibiae with them (cf. Fidicina, pp. 126-127). Wieseler (Taf. XI, 1) reproduces an ancient relief from the Museo Borbonico, depicting a most interesting scene from the stage. On the right a young man and a slave are engaged in some sort of struggle, which two old men on the left are excitedly discussing; in the centre a maiden^ plays the double pipes. She wears a long, loose undergarment, low-necked and sleeveless, and her mantle has fallen to her hips and is knotted together in front. Cf. a flute-player on a vase by Brygos (Taf. 50, representing a Koi/tos, Furtwangler u. Reichhold, Series I, Miinchen, 1900). The woman wears a long scarf bound crown-like about her head, with the long ends hanging down behind. TONSTRIX Archills Tonstrix, who has been employed by Phronesium Meretrix to help carry out the decep- tion practised on Stratophanes Miles, is an an- cilia (Tru. 771). She is suspected by Callicles Senex and, with another ancilla, her accomplice,, is bound (Tru. 771, 783-784, 837-838) and made ' Cf. Wieseler'a comment on the age of flute-players, under TiBICEN (p. 138). 140 Costume in Roman Comedt to confess the truth. No hint is given of her cos- tume (see Ancilla, pp. 52-55, for probable costume). TBAPEZITA This r61e occurs but once in Plautus and not at all in Terence (cf. Danista, p. 118). Lyco is the greedy Trapezita of the Curculio. We have only one line descriptive of his appear- ance (389) : Quia hie est qui operto cajyite Aesculapium salutat 7 This line, has, however, no significance in connec- tion with him as a Trapezita, for it merely de- scribes a man in an act of worship (cf. Verg. Aen. 3. 405).* VILICUS This role is found twice in Plautus ' and not at all in Terence. There is a considerable amount of description of Olympic Vilicus, who is a slave in the Casina. At verse 446 we read of him : At candidatus cedit hie mastigia stimulorum loculi, but this, as most of the references, deals with his > We have here, then, a Roman touch in Plautus. See Conington's note on Vergil, I.e. * In the Casina and the Poenulus. ViLICUS 141 appearance when dressed as a bridegroom; cf. lines 767 S., Vilicus is autem cum corona candide vestittia lavtus exomaivaque ambulat, and 796 (cf . 934) : Sed eccum progreditur cum corona et lampade. In a very corrupt scene we get a possible refer- ence to his beard, and at the end of the scene, where the text is much better, we hear that he has lost his palliolum (934) and gotten bruised in an encounter of which Casina was the apparent cause. For the value of hoc ornatu (932) see p. 23. Again, in the case of Collabiscus Vilicus our in- formation is concerning his disguise as a Spartan (Poe. 770, 780) soldier (801-802) — a peregrinus (600, 649 £f., 656, 675).* He is basUice exomatus (577; cf. 425-426), is chlamydatus (620, 644), and has three hundred nummi (594, 714-715), which would imply a crumina or a marsuppium. Es- pecially interesting is his use of the aurum comi- cum, or stage-money, consisting of lupines (Poe. 597-598) : ' Aurumst profecto hie, spectatores, comieum: macerato hoc pingues fiunt auro in barbaria boves. ' See p. 83, n. 1. ' For discussion see Class. Rev. 17, 160 B., A Roman Stage Convention, by R. H. Maiden. BIBLIOGRAPHY I have had access to the following works which con- tain reproductions of the illustrations from the MSS. of Terence : Seroux d'Agincourt, Histoire de I'art par les monuments. Paris, 1823. Vol. V, plates 35 and 36, contains seven pictures from C. Champollion, Pal6ographie des Classiques latins. Paris, 1837. Plate IV contains the picture for Eun. II, 2 from P. Silvestre, Pal^ographie universelle. Paris, 1841. Con- tains one picture from Parisinus 7899 and two from C. Wieseler, Theatergebaude und Denkmaler des Btthnen- wesens bei den Griechen und Romern. Gottingen, 1851. Plate X contains six pictures from C and one from F; there is explanatory text on pp. 63-81. Chatelain, Palfiographie des Classiques latins. Paris, 1884-1892. I. Plate VII contains two pictures from P and one from F. Baumeister, Denkmaler des klassischen Altertums. Milnchen u. Leipzig, 1884. In the article entitled Lustspiel are two pictures from C. Morgan and Greenough's Phormio. Harvard Univer- sity, Cambridge, 1900. Contains photographic reproductions of all the pictures of the Phormio from C. 143 144 Bibliography Terenti Codex Ambrosianus H 75 Inf. phototypice editus. Praefatus est Ericus Bethe. Accedunt 91 imagines ex aliis Terenti codicibus at libris impressis nunc primum'coUectae et editae. Lugduni Batavorum, 1903. A. W. Sijthoff. Karl E. Weston, The Illustrated Terence Manuscripts, with drawings of all the pictures of the Phormio extant in C, P, F, and O. Harvard Studies, 14 (1903). Album Terentianum picturas continens ex imagine pho- totypa Lugdunensi Terenti codd. Ambrosiani H 75 inf. et Parisini 7899 sumptas et lithographice expressas. Praefatus et picturas Latine inter- pretatus est lacobus van Wageningen. Groningen, 1907. Noordhoflf. Among the discussions bearing on the general subject of the illustrated MSS. of Terence and not included in the above volumes, the following have been especially useful : Leo, Die TJeberlieferungsgeschichte der terenzischen Ko- modien und der Kommentar des Donatus, Rheinisches Museum, 38 (1883), pp. 317-347. Sittl, Die Geb£lrden der Griechen u. Romer. Leipzig, 1890. Basore, The Scenic Value of the Miniatures in the Manu- scripts of Terence. Studies in honour of B. L. Gildersleeve. Baltimore, 1902. Engelhardt, Die lUustrationen der Terenzhandschriften. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Buchschmucks. Jena, 1905. Many manuals which treat of Roman life in general contain valuable detailed discussions of the Greek and Bibliography 145 Roman theatre. Among such discussions special men- tion should be made of: Die griechischen BQhnenaltertamer, by Dr. Albert Miiller, in Hermann's Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitaten, III, 2. Freiburg, 1886. Das Bahnenwesen der Griechen u. R3mer, by Dr. Gustav Oehmichen. Iwan MtiUer's Handbuch, V, 3. B. MUnchen, 1890. Of special interest in studying the costume of the Roman Prologus is Les Prologues de Terence, by Philippe Fabia, Paris, 1888. For a comparison of the miniatures of the Terence MSS. with other artistic remains the following works are especially important: Helbig, Wandgemalde der vom Vesuv verschatteten Stadte Campaniens. Leipzig, 1868. Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms. Mit 267 Tafeln u. 54 Abbildungen im Text. Freiburg, 1903. Springer's Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte. Das Mit- telalter, II'. Leipzig, 1904. VITA I WAS born at Belfast, N.Y., January 8, 1872. I prepared for College in the public High School of my native town and received the degree of A.B. from Elmira College in June, 1891. I taught Latin and Mathematics in the Belfast High School 1893- 1895 and was Principal of Park Place School, El- mira, N. Y., 1895-1898. As a graduate student at Bryn Mawr College, 1898-1900, I had courses in Latin and Greek under Professors Lodge, Laing, Radford, and Hamilton. In June, 1900, I was ap- pointed Instructor in Latin at Vassar College. In 1902-1903 I spent eighteen months abroad in travel and study, including one semester at the University of Munich, where I attended lectures by Professors Christ, Wolfflin, Traube, and Furtwan- gler. In 1904-1905 1 was again Instructor in Latin at Vassar College for one semester. In 1905-1907 I studied at Columbia University. 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