CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY !|!!!^ A Case of Federal Propaganda in our Public Schools ISome Criticisms of "Lessons in Community and National Life" issued by the United States Bur^u of [Education National Industrial Conference Board February, 1919 National Industrial Conference Board IS BEACON STREET, BOSTON, MASS. BRANCH OFFICE 724 SOUTHERN BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D. C. THE National Industrial Conference Board is a co-operative body composed of representatives of national industrial associations, and organized to provide a clearing house of information, a forum for constructive discussion, and machinery for co-operative action on matters that vitally affect the indus- trial development of the nation. Frederick P. Fish Chairman Frederic C. Hood Treasurer Magnus W. Alexander . . Managing Director ■MEMBERSHIP American Cotton Manufacturers' Association American Hardware Manufacturers' Association American Paper and Pulp Association Electrical Manufacturers' Club' Manufacturing Chemists' Association of the U. S. National Association of Cotton Manufacturers National Association of Manufacturers National Association of Wool Manufacturers National Automobile Chamber of Commerce National Boot and Shoe Manufacturers' Association National Council for Industrial Defense National Erectors' Association National Founders' Association National Metal Trades Association Rubber Association of America, Inc. Silk Association of America The Railway Car Manufacturers' Association United Typothet^ of America ijfr: ASSOCIATE MEMBERSHIP Associated Industries of Massachusetts Associated Manufacturers and Merchants or New York State > I A CASE OF FEDERAL PROPAGANDA IN OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS Some Criticisms of "Lessons in Community and National Life" ISSUED BY THE UniTED StaTES BuREAU OF EDUCATION February, 1919 Copyright 1919 National Industrial Conference Board 15 Beacon Street Boston, Mass. "* S] A3^Z3 A Case of Federal Propaganda in our Public Schools During the year 1918 the United States Bureau of Education, at the request of President Wilson, issued three pamphlets, entitled "Lessons in Community and National Life," for the Intermediate and Upper Grades of Elementary Schools and for High School use. The greater part of the material in the Lessons is of the elementary sort which one would naturally expect to find in textbooks, and is not open to criticism. There is, how- ever, considerable material of a distinctly propagandist character which has no proper place in a schoolbook. Ostensibly these Lessons are for use in the presen- tation of social and political economics in the public schools, but it is obvious from even a casual reading that they are also intended for older readers. In so far as they were prepared for public school children their issuance by a government department is highly objection- able, since some of the material contained in them gives to the growing youth at its most plastic age an impression which is extremely partisan, inexcusably incomplete, and frequently misleading. To the extent that they are in- tended for readers of voting age they represent an abuse of the function of governmental publicity almost as objectionable. The Lessons consistof a series of articles in three volumes of 264 pages each, prepared under the direction of Charles H. Judd, Director of the School of Education of the Uni- versity of Chicago, and Leon C. Marshall, Dean of the S'chool of Commerce and Administration of the University of Chicago.' The volumes are prefaced by a letter of 'Series A. For the Upper Classes of the High School. " B. For the First Class of the High School and the Upper Grades of the Elementary. " C. For the Intermediate Grades of the Elementary School. President Wilson, dated August 23, 1917, which states in part: When the war is over we must apply the wisdom which we have acquired in purging and ennobling the life of the world. In these vital tasks of acquiring a broader view of human possibilities the common school must have a large part. I urge that teachers and other school officers increase materially the time and attention devoted to instruction bearing directly on the problems of community and national life. Such a plea is in no way foreign to the spirit of American public education or of existing practices. Nor is it a plea for a temporary enlargement of the school program appropriate merely to the period of the war. It is a plea for a realiza- tion in public education of the new emphasis which the war has given to the ideals of democracy and to the broader con- ceptions of national life. In order that there may be definite material at hand with which the schools may at once expand their teaching I have asked Mr. Hoover and Commissioner Claxton to organize the proper agencies for the preparation and distribution of suitable lessons for the elementary grades and for the high school classes. The material in these volumes has all the unevenness which characterizes group-work where different chapters are written by different authors. The majority of the Lessons were prepared by members of the staff of the University of Chicago. Others are by special pleaders and naturally have a partisan bias. But in no case is there any indication that the variety of authorship was resorted to in order to present both sides of a case. Opinions on controversial subjects are frequently intro- duced into the Lessons by suggestion rather than by direct statement, and through the whole fabric is woven a thread of propaganda in favor of the eight-hour day, old age pen- sions, social insurance, trade-unionism, the minimum wage, and similar issues. Likewise there is an obvious effort to place before the scholar's mind a highly prejudiced picture of the hardships and hazards of factory life, in- justices of present wage systems, and the attitude of em- ployers in general toward their workers. This partisanship is well illustrated in the footnote questions which accom- pany each lesson. Here insidious suggestion in favor of certain theories is pervasive but is so subtly done that it cannot easily be challenged in specific cases. Thus, the following group of questions taken together leaves a quite definite impression though any one of them out of its context might apparently expect one answer no more than another: 1. Do you know any one in your community who has had to stop work because he had been injured in the factory? Did he get any money from his employer while he was sick? Did he get any from his trade-union? Did he get any from any other organization to which he belonged? Do you understand that benefits paid by a trade-union in such cases are to be called social insurance? 2. If a worker is hurt in a factory, why not have him merely sue his employer? Would the worker be able to pay his lawyer's fees? Would he be likely to get as good a lawyer as the employer? 3. Should the Government guard the worker's family against hardship by means of social insurance in order to increase production of goods or in order to have happy, con- tented citizens, or both? 4. "Social insurance is fairer than saving, because it puts part of the cost of not being able to work on the persons who are responsible instead of on the workers alone as saving does." Cannot a worker avoid getting hurt in a factory? . Can he not avoid being unemployed?'- These questions appear in Volume C of the Lessons, which are intended for the intermediate grades of the elementary schools; in other words, for children ten to fourteen years old. It is evident that intelligent discus- sion of such complex issues as social insurance requires experience and maturity. It is equally evident that the mind of the scholar just entering his teens and lacking corrective information is peculiarly susceptible to biased presentation. If it be granted that the subject is one which may properly be presented to children so early in life, it is at least imperative that the question be put before them in an unprejudiced manner. Such footnote questions as "Would the worker be able to pay his lawyer's fees.?" or, "Would he be able to get as good a lawyer as the employer.'"' clearly corroborate the criticism already made that these Lessons are also intended to influence older readers. ^Volume C, Lesson 30, p. 242. By John B. Andrews, Secretary American Association for Labor Legislation. See also Volume A, Lesson 28, p. 245, Question 5. 5 This questionnaire method is reminiscent of that famous contribution to partisan literature, Coin's Financial School. In that case the partisanship was obvious. In the Lessons under discussion it is cleverly concealed. As an illustration of the propagandist character of much of the material, the following paragraph from a lesson on "The Family and Social Control"' may be cited: The community is much concerned and pays a great deal of attention through its laws to the upbuilding of the family. The prohibition of night work, the eight-hour day, and the minimum wage for women are necessary to protect the healtk of the mothers of the next generation. Thus the dictum is laid down to the young scholar, with the sanction of the Federal Government, that the eight-hour day and the minimum wage ^^ are necessary'" to protect the mothers of the next generation. No evi- dence is presented to support this sweeping assertion; no suggestion is made that there may be other causes out- side the shop which may demoralize the family, or other or better methods of handling the problems involved. In the same paragraph is the statement that: Those in favor of the minimum wage for men say that men should receive a wage sufficient to marry and rear a family without the dangers that come from insufficient em- ployment and wages. To be sure, this excerpt states that "those in favor of the minimum wage for men say" instead of making a positive statement to that effect. But the impression left on the mind of a schoolboy in favor of the minimum wage would, in the absence of a statement of contrary argu- ments, be almost the same as a positive assertion, whereas the question still remains whether the minimum wage is a practicable method or the best method for insuring to the wage-earner a sufficient provision for his family. Incidentally such expressions as "they say," "we are told," and "it is said" occur over and over again in these volumes; where specific quotations are made, the exact reference is almost never cited, although frequently a reference list of publications on various subjects is given. Such evasive expressions are clearly unsuited to the 'Series C, Lesson 20, p. 167. By Ernest W. Burgess, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of Chicago. 6 purpose of a legitimate textbook, but admirably adapted to the purpose of insidious propaganda. A second illustration of this propagandist spirit is found in such general statements as the following:' And we must not overlook the part which society as a whole is playing. Minimum wage laws, factory-inspection laws, provisions for social insurance, workmen's compensa- tion acts, provisions for vocational education, laws restricting the number of immigrants who are admitted to the country, civil-service laws providing for stability of employment, make a fairly long list of the ways in which society is helping. The list is, however, only a part of the great protective codes which are being developed by a society which is becoming conscious of the need of safeguarding its workers. In the course of numerous endorsements of social in- surance the student is informed that:^ Social insurance helps to maintain normal family standards. Compensation for industrial accidents provides for the family of a workman killed or crippled by an accident. A campaign is now being waged for health insurance because it has been shown that sickness of the wage-earner often causes poverty in the family and consequent breaking down of family or- ganization. In a lesson entitled "Charity in the Community" the following paragraph appears :^ England has set us a very good example in this work of prevention. She has established within the past decade a national system of labor exchanges, national health insurance, national unemployment insurance, and a national minimum wage law. In many respects poor people are better off in America than in any other country in the world, and we can- not afford to let England take the lead in this important matter of social legislation that will prevent poverty and destitution. No mention is made of the fact that some eminent students of English social conditions sharply question the 'Series A, Lesson 28, p. 248, by L. S. Lyon, Instructor in the University High School and the School of Commerce and Administration, University of Chicago. "Series C, Lesson 20, p. 167, by Ernest W. Burgess. 'Series C, Lesson 26, p. 216, by Edith Abbott, Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy. success of such labor legislation. Instead, the British system, which is open to debate on many points, is here held up to the young scholar as a model. Still again, in a lesson' written by an active partisan advocate of health insurance, there is described the fate of a family of which the father first caught a cold in the " badly heated shop where he worked " which later "through lack of proper care" developed in^o a cough. Finally when "his weakened body fell a prey to the dreaded tuberculosis germ," he was forced to give up work. One boy, Johnny, had to leave school, while the mother had to go out by the day sewing, with the result that the "younger children ran wild." In con- clusion the lesson states:' The misfortune of this family could have been prevented if a law providing for social insurance against sickness, or health insurance, had been in effect. In the same lesson is the statement: The Government, in most industrial countries, has taken action to guard the worker's family against such hardships by means of social insurance. Let it be granted that the misfortunes of this family are not overdrawn. Let it further be conceded for the sake of argument that social insurance would afford a valuable measure of relief. This, however, does not justify teaching public school children that social insur- ance is the only remedy or the best remedy for these social ills. The effect of such presentation is to give the scholar the impression that the issue is closed, whereas it is one of the highly controversial questions of social economics. Such reasoning presents an example of a vicious and partial method of investigation. Moreover, it draws general conclusions from an individual case, obviously highly colored, and consequently violates one of the fundamental principles of sound thinking. The language in this case is another illustration of a disposition to prejudice the scholar's mind against conditions of industrial em- ployment. 'Series C, Lesson 30. By John B. Andrews. s The private publication of such views by their authors may be welcomed as a contribution to economic discussion. But the dissemination of such propagandist literature by the Federal Government at the public expense is a very different matter. It does not require much imagination to picture the resentment which would justly arise if another Administration were to inculcate in the minds of young school children the doctrine of protectionism through partisan textbooks similarly issued. These com- munity lessons contain material which tends to degrade the ideals of correct economic reasoning, instead of teach- ing the proper ways of ascertaining truth. A teacher who becomes a partisan or propagandist has lost his value as an instructor. A third illustration of partisan attitude is found in frequent statements advocating trade-unionism or ex- tolling its benefits. For instance, in one lesson on "The Workers in our Society" the following statements appear:' Inadequate wage and inadequate opportunity are unfor- tunately too frequent. The facts concerning this situation admit of no dispute. An investigation conducted a few years ago showed that in the industrial States of the Nation "probably as large as twenty per cent of the population are ordinarily below the poverty line. In this computation a purely physical standard, a sanitary dwelling, and sufficient food and clothing to keep the body in working order, defines the poverty line, with no monetary allowance for intellectual, aesthfetic, moral, or social requirements." The reasons for this situation are not hard to find. They all center about the fact that the worker is in a weak position in the bargaining relation. The propagandist tone of this is obvious. Here the scholar is told that "all" reasons for poverty center around the weak bargaining condition of the worker. Nothing is said as to such major causes of poverty as poor physical or mental inheritance, willful shiftlessness, ill- considered marriage, drunkenness, loss of the breadwinner and other causes. The weak bargaining position of labor is made the sole cause. •Series A, Lesson 28, pp. 233-247. By L. S. Lyon. 9 Proceeding from this unsound premise the sdaoiar is told that:' One of the most important agencies that the workers them- selves have developed for this purpose is the union. A union is simply a body of workers who agree to act as a unit in establishing relations with their employers. Working thus as a unit, they greatly improve their bargaining position and are thus able to some considerable extent to overcome many difficulties mentioned earlier in the lesson. In addition to this so-called collective bargaining work of unions, most of them promote the welfare of their members in other ways, such as the payment of benefits when their members are sick, out of work, on strike, or disabled by old age. They have also played their part in bringing about action by society as a whole. They have influenced legislation, combated child labor, fought excessive hours, and striven for safeguards against accident and for proper sanitation in factories. It has been said of them that they are impersonal devices to enable the worker to cope with the impersonal situation in which he finds himself in our modern society. That labor unions have accomplished much to better the position of the worker can be granted. An im- partial description of their activities, however, demands that certain abuses of union power and certain economic fallacies permeating their philosophy and action be stated with equal frankness. On these points the Lessons are either silent or evasive, as, for instance, when it is stated that the closed shop is "not necessarily harmful either to the employer or to the public"; it may result in "merely better control of workers by responsible union officials."" Such statements are not those of the teacher aiming to develop the interest and independent judgment of the scholar. They are a subtle method of presentation which, while apparently disclaiming responsibility for the state- ment, nevertheless produces the same effect as dogmatic assertion. Such a method of presenting a controversial subject to scholars would in any case be objectionable. It is vastly more so when endorsed by responsible officials of the Federal Government. A thread of prejudice against the employer runs through many of the lessons. It is stated or at least implied that industrial occupations are very dangerous; that industry 'Same citation. 'Series B, Lesson 29, p. 244. B)' F. S. Deibler, Professor of Economics, Northwestern University. 10 kills and maims, and that machinery is not properly safe- guarded. Little is said of accidents in the streets or in non-industrial pursuits, nor is attention fairly called to the great progress made in the way of protective devices for the worker in the factory. It is implied that long hours are weakening the constitutions of a generation yet un- born, while the great shortening of hours that has taken place in the last fifty years is passed by unmentioned. The worker, it is said, caught his cold in a "badly heated shop," never in a badly ventilated bedroom or poolroom or a moving picture theater. The slave-driving em- ployer is made to appear as typical and is not contrasted with the employer who spends much time, thought, and money on practical plans for improving the condition of his workers. Another illustration of a prejudiced point of view toward employment conditions is found in the use of industrial accident statistics. "We are told," say the Lessons,' "that in the United States somebody is injured while at work every 15 seconds, and somebody is killed every 15 minutes. We cannot wonder at this when we realize how many dangers there are in modern industry." Such a statement indicates a studied effort to present to the immature mind an exceedingly distorted picture of factory life. It suggests an almost constant maiming and mangling of industrial workers, whereas, as a matter of fact, most industrial accidents are of a minor character such as slight cuts, scratches, and slivers. Take, however, at its face value the statement that somebody is killed every fifteen minutes while at work. On the basis of a 54-hour work-week, approximately the average in this country, this means a total of 11,250 deaths in industry per year. Every such death is, of course, to be deplored. But the scholar should also be given an idea of the millions of workers to whom this total of deaths is related. He should in fairness also have pointed out to him the hazards of non-industrial pursuits which cause annually more fatal accidents than occur in industry.^ He would thus obtain a very different picture •Series C, Lesson 30, p. 242. By John B. Andrews. Thus, Dr. Frederick L. Hoffman estimated the total number of fatal industrial accidents in 1913 at 25,000, this covering approximately 38,000,000 employees. He estimated the total accidental deaths in the United States in 1914 at 82,520. Industrial Accident Statistics, Bulletin 157, tfnited States Bureau of Labor Statistics. 11 of industrial dangers from that presented by the loose statements above cited which, until related to the number of workers involved and compared with fatalities from other causes, give a very exaggerated impression of the hazards of industry. Another illustration of prejudice is found In a lengthy narrative entitled "The story of a glove factory," which appears in one of the lessons.'' The owner of this glove factory "left all questions of shop discipline and many questions of rates of pay entirely in the hands of his foremen." These foremen "treated the workers in an arbitrary fashion." The manager "hired fast workers from other factories to set the pace for his own workers." Few of his own workers "could make as many pieces as the 'pace setters' and bad matters were made worse by an unreasonable system of fines." At last the employees walked out and " the final outcome was that a union was formed"; then the employees came back to work " and from this time on most of them were members of the union." The author of this lesson states that the story of this glove factory is the story of an "extreme case," but that it is nevertheless worth studying since it shows "why so many workers believe so firmly in their unions." The saving phrase that this is an "extreme case," how- ever, is entirely inadequate to correct the prejudiced im- pression against employers in general which this story is evidently designed to make. The illustrations above given as to the use to which these publications have been put for the distribution of propagandist views could be greatly extended. Further evidence, however, should be unnecessary in order to illustrate the thread of partisanship thus woven into these Lessons. Apart from serving as an example of bad economic reasoning which ought not to be set before students, there is a much more important principle, fundamental to our system of education, which is herein violated. Scholars in our schools should be taught that the spirit of truth for its own sake is the aim of all education. The examples 'The Spirit of Caution, December, 1916, p. 9. Issued by "The Conference Board on Safety and Sanitation." Boston, Mass., 1916, p. 5. ^Series B, Lesson 29, p. 241. By F. S. Deibler. 12 herein given violate the first principle of sound teaching — the development of a scientific spirit and a desire to arrive impartially at the truth. Instead, a priori statements are made as if they were worthy of entire confidence. In short, the adoption of these lessons for use in our schools is an affront to the conscientious teacher and a blow at the integrity of education. The publication of propagandist material and partisan dicta by the Federal Government for use in the public schools does not admit of two opinions. If it be con- ceded that the dissemination of such material on these controversial issues of broad public policy is proper, there is practically no limit which can be set on Governmental activities In this direction. The Government might with equal justice undertake to Inculcate partisan views among school children as to religious belief, the single tax, or Federal ownership of railroads. It should require no argument to demonstrate that if controversial subjects are to be introduced into the public schools at all they should be presented to the scholar in such fashion as to stimulate independence of thought and an impartial judgment rather than to stultify and prejudice the growing mind by partisan and dogmatic assertion. Respect for the scientific method of treatment and the principles of true education alike de- mand the immediate withdrawal of these "Lessons in Community and National Life" from the public schools and their elimination from the literature of the Govern- ment. This critical review is in no way Intended to express judgment on the merits of any of the controversial sub- jects discussed In the Lessons. Criticism Is aimed solely at the impropriety of seeking to Implant in the minds of immature school children partisan views on highly con- troversial questions. Even more serious than the incul- cation of the views themselves is the development of incorrect and dogmatic habits of thought. 13 * ffi,A,ISte'..,RroR,a9anda in our pub olin 3 1924 030 256 691