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Cornell University Library 
 
 DS 135.E5M26 
 
 Menasseh ben Israel's mission to Oliver 
 
 3 1924 028 590 028 
 
MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL'S 
 
 MISSION TO 
 
 OLIV671 C^'MfTSLL 
 

I^^^^^p^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^g^^ 
 
 nar-iass.- h \rfin Joseph behT£.vc\e:\ . 
 
 MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL'S 
 
 MISSION TO 
 
 OLIVST^^ CT^gjUWSLL 
 
 Being a reprint of the Pamphlets published by 
 
 ^MENiASSEH mEN ISR^AEL to promote the 
 
 ^E^-admission of the yews to Sngland 
 
 1649-1656 
 
 Edited with an Introduction and 3^tes 
 'By LuciEN Wolf 
 
 Past- President and Vice-President of the Jeivish Historical Society of England 
 Co-Editor of the " Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica" isfc. ^c. 
 
 Published for the 
 
 Jewish Historical Society of Sngland 
 
 'By MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED, LONDON 
 
 1 90 1 
 
 i^g^g^g^^^g$^^e^is 
 
TO MY WIFE 
 
PREFACE 
 
 HE Jewish Historical Society of England, 
 soon after its establishment, resolved on 
 the publication of the present volume 
 as a memorial of Menasseh ben Israel, 
 whose name must always hold the chief 
 place on the first page of the history of 
 the present Anglo-Jewish community. 
 The Society did me the honour of entrusting me with 
 the preparation of the work. 
 
 Menasseh's tracts have been printed in facsimile. They 
 have not been reproduced by any photographic process, 
 but have been entirely reset in types similar to those em- 
 ployed in the original. Thanks to the resources of the 
 printing establishment of Messrs. Ballantyne, Hanson £5? 
 Co. of Edinburgh, and the taste and care they have de- 
 voted to the work, a much finer effect has been produced 
 than would have been possible had photography been em- 
 ployed, while exact fidelity to the originals has not been 
 sacrificed. 
 
 To me the preparation of this volume has been a labour 
 of love. Nothing in the whole course of a very varied 
 literary career, extending over nearly thirty years, has 
 fascinated " me so much as the story of the Return of the 
 Jews to England. Its mysteries belong to the highest 
 regions of historical romance, and it forms a page of history 
 which is a real acquisition both to the annals of the British 
 Empire and to that wider and more thrilling panorama 
 of human activities which depicts the fortunes of my 
 
 vii 
 
Preface 
 
 own co-religionists. I have not^ however, spoken the last 
 word on this subject in the present volume, which is chiefly 
 concerned with the transaction with Oliver Cromwell in 
 1655-56 and its proximate causes. I hope to tell the whole 
 story in detail in another volume, which I have long had 
 in preparation for the "Jewish Library." 
 
 The preliminary essay on the Return of the Jews to 
 England is in no sense a rdchauff^ of the papers on the 
 same subject contributed by me to various periodicals 
 during the last fifteen years. Those papers were written 
 at successive stages of an uncompleted investigation. The 
 present essay is a re-study in the light of all the facts, and 
 it will be found that some of my former judgments have 
 been modified, and a few even reversed. 
 
 I have to thank many friends for their assistance. Mr. 
 Israel Abrahams very kindly relieved me of the labour of 
 reading the proofs of the tracts, and made many valuable 
 suggestions which have added to the completeness and 
 beauty of the volume. Mr. B. L. Abrahams was good 
 enough to revise my introduction, and thus saved me from 
 not a few slips of style and memory. The Rev. S. Levy 
 has given me useful assistance in preparing the annota- 
 tions, and Dr. S. R. Gardiner was good enough to place 
 at my disposal his unrivalled knowledge of the politics 
 of the Commonwealth in solving some of the difficulties 
 in the negotiations of 1655. My acknowledgments are 
 also due to Miss S. R. Hirsch for the excellent index she 
 has compiled. Finally, Mme. de Novikoff kindly obtained 
 for me from the Hermitage Collection at St. Petersburg 
 an excellent photograph of the alleged portrait of Menasseh 
 ben Israel by Rembrandt, which I have reproduced, together 
 with two other better known and more authentic portraits. 
 
 L. W. 
 
 London, December 1900. 
 
 viii 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 VJ 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION ....... xi 
 
 THE RETURN OF THE JEWS TO ENGLAND : 
 
 I. DAYS OF EXILE .... xi 
 
 II. THE HOPE OF ISRAEL . . . xVlii 
 
 III. Cromwell's policy . . . xxviii 
 
 IV. THE appeal to THE NATION . XXXVU 
 
 V. Cromwell's action . . . Ivi 
 
 VI. the real "vindici^" . . Jxix 
 
 VII. documents ..... Ixxvii 
 
 "the hope of ISRAEL, WRITTEN BY MENASSEH 
 
 BEN Israel" (1652) ..... i 
 
 'to his highnesse the lord protector of 
 the common-wealth of england, scot- 
 land, and ireland, the humble addresses 
 of menasseh ben israel*' (1655) . . 73 
 'vindiciye jud/eorum, or a letter in answer 
 to certain questions propounded by a 
 noble and learned gentleman, wherein 
 all objections are candidly, and yet 
 fully cleared, by rabbi menasseh ben 
 
 ISRAEL" (1656) 105 
 
 NOTES ........ 149 
 
 INDEX ......... 171 
 
 PORTRAITS . . Frontispiece and facing pages i and 105 
 
 ix b 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE RETURN OF THE JEWS TO ENGLAND 
 
 I. Days of Exile 
 
 HROUDED in the fogs of the North Sea, 
 the British Isles were, for two centuries 
 after the Great Expulsion by Edward I., 
 little more than a bitter memory to the 
 Jewish people. In other lands they came 
 and went, but England was as securely closed 
 against them as was the Egypt of Danaus to the Greeks. 
 With the exception of a few adventurous pilgrims who 
 trickled into the country to enjoy the hospitality of the 
 Domus Conversorum, they ceased gradually to think of the 
 land which had been so signal a scene of their mediaeval 
 prosperity and sufferings. The Jewish chroniclers of this 
 period, while dealing with the politics of other European 
 countries, have scarcely a word to say of England. 
 
 Towards the beginning of the sixteenth century the fogs 
 began to lift, and England once again appeared as a possible 
 haven to the "tribe of the wandering foot and weary 
 breast." The gigantic expulsions from Spain by Ferdinand 
 and Isabella had created a new Jewish Diaspora under con- 
 ditions of the most thrilling romance. The Jewish martyrs 
 " trekked " in their thousands to all the points of the com- 
 pass, fringing the coasts of the Mediterranean with a new 
 industrious population, founding colonies all over the 
 
 xi 
 
Introduction 
 
 Levant as far as the Mesopotamian cradle of their race, 
 penetrating even to Hindostan in the East, and throwing 
 outposts on the track of Columbus towards the fabled west. 
 But this was only the beginning of a more remarkable dis- 
 persion. The men and women who took up the pilgrim's 
 staff at the bidding of Torquemada could only go where 
 Jews were tolerated, for they refused to bear false witness 
 to their ancient religion. They left behind them in Spain 
 and Portugal a less scrupulous contingent of their race — 
 wealthy Jews who were disinclined to make sacrifices for 
 the faith of their fathers, and who accepted the condi- 
 tions of the Inquisition rather than abandon their rich 
 plantations in Andalusia and their palaces in Saragossa, 
 Toledo, and Seville. They embraced Christianity, but their 
 conversion was only simulated, and for two centuries they 
 preserved in secret their allegiance to Judaism. These 
 Crypto- Jews, in their turn, gradually spread all over Europe, 
 penetrating in their disguise into countries and towns and 
 even guilds which the Church had jealously guarded against 
 all heretical intrusion. It was chiefly through them that 
 the modern Anglo-Jewish community was founded.^ 
 
 The Iberian Crypto-Jews, or Marranos,^ as they were 
 called, represented one of the strangest and most romantic 
 movements in the religious history of Europe. Marranism 
 was an attempt by the Jews to outwit the Jesuits with their 
 own weapons. Both sides acted on the principle that the 
 end justified the means, and each employed the most un- 
 scrupulous guile to defend itself against the other. The 
 Inquisition was ruthless in its methods to stamp out Judaism, 
 
 ' Wolf, "Crypto-Jews under the Commonwealth" {Trans. Jew. Hist. 
 Soc.,^io\. i. pp. 55 et seq); "The Middle Age of Anglo-Jewish History" 
 {Papers read at the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, pp. 53-79). 
 
 " The origin of this name is obscure. There seems to be little doubt 
 that it was originally a nickname, seeing that the classical name for the 
 converts was Nuevos Cristianos, or " New Christians." Graetz beheves that 
 Marrano is derived from Maran-atha, in allusion to I Cor. xvi. 22, " If any 
 man love not the Lord, let him be Anathema Maran-atha" {Geschichte der 
 Juden, vol. viii. p. 73). 
 
 xii 
 
Introduction 
 
 the Marranos were equally unprincipled in preserving their 
 allegiance to their proscribed religion. Abandoning their 
 ceremonial, abandoning even the racial limitation on mar- 
 riage, the Jewish tradition was maintained by secret con- 
 venticles chiefly composed of males, and thus Jewish blood 
 and the Jewish heresy became distributed all over the 
 peninsula, and crept into the highest ranks of the nation. 
 The Court, the Church, the army, even the dread tribunals 
 of the Holy Office itself were not free from the taint.^ A 
 secretary to the Spanish king, a vice-chancellor of Aragon, 
 nearly related to the Royal House, a Lord High Treasurer, 
 a Court Chamberlain, and an Archdeacon of Coimbra figure 
 in the lists of discovered Marranos preserved by the In- 
 quisition.^ At Rome the Crypto-Jews commissioned a 
 secret agent supplied with ample funds, who bribed the 
 Cardinals, intrigued against the Holy Office, and frequently 
 obtained the ear of the Pontiff.^ Some idea of the social 
 ramifications of the Marranos is affi^rded by the careers of 
 the early members of the Amsterdam Jewish community. 
 Many of them were men of high distinction who had 
 escaped from Spain and Portugal in order to throw off 
 the burden of their imposture. Such were the ex-monk 
 Vicente de Rocamora, who had been confessor to the Em- 
 press of Germany when she was the Infanta Maria ; the 
 ex-Jesuit father, Tomas de Pinedo, one of the leading 
 philologists of his day ; Enriquez de Paz, a captain in the 
 army, a Knight of San Miguel, and a famous dramatist ; 
 Colonel Nicolas de Oliver y Fullana, poet, strategist, and 
 royal cartographer ; Don Francesco de Silva, Marquis of 
 Montfort, who had fought against Marshal de Crequi under 
 the Emperor Leopold; and Balthasar Orobio de Castro, 
 physician to the Spanish Court, professor at the University 
 
 1 Kayserling, Juden in Portugal, p. 327. 
 
 2 Graetz, vol. viii. pp. 309-11 ; 'E.\vce.xi'CasA, Jiidisches Familien Buck, 
 p. 326. 
 
 3 Kayserling, p. 139- 
 
 xiii 
 
Introduction 
 
 of Salamanca, and a Privy Councillor.^ It was by Jews 
 of this class that the congregations of Amsterdam, Ham- 
 burg, and Antwerp were founded, and it was largely through 
 them that those towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
 turies were enabled to wrest from Spain her primacy in the 
 colonial trade. 
 
 At a very early epoch Marranos reached England. We 
 hear of them, almost immediataly after the expulsion from 
 Spain, figuring in a lawsuit in London.^ In 1550a Mar- 
 rano physician was discovered living in London. Another, 
 Roderigo Lopes, was court physician to Queen Elizabeth, 
 and the original of Shakespeare's Shylock.^ When the Earl 
 of Essex, after the sacking of Cadiz in 1596, brought the 
 Spanish Resident, Alonzo de Herrera, a prisoner to England, 
 he turned out to be a Marrano. After his liberation, this 
 descendant of the great Captain Gonsalvo de Cordova pro- 
 ceeded to Amsterdam, entered the synagogue, and spent 
 his old age in the compilation of cabalistical treatises.* 
 Amador de los Rios states that the Marranos founded secret 
 settlements in London, Dover, and York;° and it has been 
 shown that they possessed a secret synagogue in London 
 early in the seventeenth century, if not before.^ As in 
 Amsterdam and Antwerp, they were largely concerned in 
 the development of the Spanish trade, in the importation of 
 bullion, and in the promotion of commercial relations with 
 the Levant and the New World. 
 
 While the people of England were unconscious of this 
 immigration, it could not have been altogether unknown in 
 the continental Jewries. That no trace of this knowledge 
 
 ' Graetz, vol. x. pp. 195, 196, 200; Da Costa, Israel and the Gentiles, 
 p. 408 ; Kayserling, p. 302. 
 
 ^ Graetz, vol. viii. pp. 342-43 ; Colonial State Papers (Spanish), vol. i. 
 pp. 51, 164. 
 
 ^ Wolf, Middle Age, pp. 64, 67-70 ; S. L. Lee in Gentleman's Magazine, 
 Feb. 1880. 
 
 * Wolf, Middle Age, p. 68 ; Graetz, vol. ix. p. 494. 
 
 ' Historia de losjudios de Espaha, vol. iii. p. 357. 
 
 ' Wolf, Crypto-Jews, loc. cit. 
 
 xiv 
 
Introductio7i 
 
 is to be found in printed Hebrew literature is not strange, 
 since the keeping of the secret was a common Jewish interest. 
 It no doubt helped to stimulate Jewish hopes of a return to 
 England, which more public circumstances had already 
 founded. The Reformation in England first turned Jewish 
 eyes towards the land from which they had been so long 
 excluded. They were especially interested by Henry 
 VIII. 's appeal to Jewish scholars during his conflict with 
 the Papacy in regard to his divorce from Catherine of 
 Aragon.^ Still more deeply must their feelings have 
 been stirred by Elizabeth's struggle with Spain. AH over 
 Europe, indeed, Jewish sympathies were with Elizabeth. 
 The secret negotiations carried on by Roderigo Lopes, 
 through his influential Marrano relatives, with the Grand 
 Turk and with the Hebrew bankers of Antwerp and Leg- 
 horn, have yet to be made public ; but it is certain that 
 they played an important part in the story which culmi- 
 nated in the confusion of the Great Armada. But it was the 
 increasing Hebraism of English religious thought, as re- 
 presented by the Puritan movement, which chiefly attracted 
 the Jews. This movement sent not a few Englishmen and 
 Englishwomen to the continental ghettos to seek instruc- 
 tion at the feet of Hebrew Rabbis, and even to obtain 
 entrance to the synagogue as proselytes.^ When the Com- 
 monwealth, with its pronounced Judaical tendencies, emerged 
 from this movement, the Jews could not fail to be im- 
 pressed. The more mystical among them began to dream 
 of the Golden Age. Indeed the doctrines of the Fifth 
 Monarchy Men, carried to Smyrna by Puritan merchants, 
 paved the way for the rise of the pseudo-Messiah, Sab- 
 bethai Zevi.* The more practical saw that the time had 
 arrived when it might be reasonably hoped to obtain the 
 revocation of Edward I.'s edict of banishment. 
 
 1 Wolf, Middle Age, pp. 61-63. 
 
 - De Castro, AusT.vahl von Grabsteinen, Part I. p. 28. 
 ^ Rycaut, Histcr^' of the Turkish Empire (16S7), vol. ii. pp. 174, ft seq. 
 
 XV 
 
Introduction 
 
 Towards the end of 1655, the question of the readmis- 
 sion of the Jews to England was brought to a climax by 
 Menasseh ben Israel's famous mission to Oliver Cromwell. 
 The story of this mission has been briefly narrated by 
 Menasseh himself in the Vindicia Judaorum, one of the 
 tracts printed in the present volume.^ As my object in 
 this preliminary essay is to set forth the story more fully, 
 and to endeavour to elucidate its obscurities, I cannot do 
 better than take as my text this authoritative, though some- 
 what vague, statement by the chief actor in the events with 
 which I am dealing. Here is what Menasseh wrote under 
 date of April 10, 1656 : — 
 
 "The communication and correspondence I have held for 
 some years since, with some eminent persons of England, was 
 the first originall of my undertaking this design. For I alwayes 
 found by them, a great probability of obtaining what I now 
 request, whilst they affirmed that at this time the minds of men 
 stood very well affected towards us, and that our entrance into 
 this Island would be very acceptable and Well pleasing unto them. 
 And from this beginning sprang up in me a semblable affec- 
 tion, and desire of obtaining this purpose. For, for seven yeares 
 on this behalf, I have endeavoured and sollicited it, by letters 
 and other means, without any intervall. For I conceived that our 
 universall dispersion was a necessary circumstance, to be fulfilled 
 before all that shall be accomplished which the Lord hath pro- 
 mised to the people of the Jewes, concerning their restauration, 
 and their returning again into their own land, according to those 
 words, Dan. 12, 7 : When we shall have accomplished to scatter 
 the power of the holy people, all these things shall be finished. As 
 also, that this our scattering, by little, and little, should be amongst 
 all people, from the one end of the earth even unto the other, as it 
 is written Deut. 28, 64 : I conceived that by the end of the earth 
 might be understood this Island. And I knew not, but that the 
 Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have design'd 
 and made choice of me for the bringing about this work. With 
 these proposals therefore, I applyed my self, in all zealous affection 
 to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty which 
 at this day they enjoy ; together with their prosperous peace. 
 
 1 hrfra, pp. i43-'45- 
 xvi 
 
Introduction 
 
 And I entituled my book named The Hope of Israel, to the first 
 Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall declared my 
 intentions. In order to which they sent me a very favorable 
 passe-port. Afterwards I directed my self to the second, and 
 they also sent me another. But at that juncture of time my 
 coming was not presently performed, for that my kindred and 
 friends, considering the checquered, and interwoven vicissitudes, 
 and turns of things here below, embracing me, with pressing im- 
 portunity, earnestly requested me not to part from them, and 
 would not give over, till their love constrained me to promise, 
 that I would yet awhile stay with them. But notwithstanding all 
 this, I could not be at quiet in my mind (I know not but that it 
 might be through some particular divine providence) till I had 
 anew made my humble addresses to his Highnesse the Lord Pro- 
 tector (whom God preserve), and finding that my coming over 
 would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with those great hopes 
 which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my house, my friends, 
 my kindred, all my advantages there, and the country wherein I 
 have lived all my lifetime, under the benign protection, and favour 
 of the Lords, the States Generall, and Magistrates of Amsterdam ; 
 in fine (I say) I parted with them all, and took my voyage for 
 England. Where, after my arrivall, being very courteously re- 
 ceived, and treated with much respect, I presented to his most 
 Serene Highnesse a petition, and some desires, which for the 
 most part, were written to me by my brethren the Jewes, from 
 severall parts of Europe, as your worship may better understand 
 by former relations. Whereupon it pleased His Highnesse to 
 convene an Assembly at Whitehall, of Divines, Lawyers, and 
 Merchants, of different persuasions, and opinions. Whereby 
 men's judgements, and sentences were different. Insomuch, that 
 as yet, we have had no finall determination from his most Serene 
 Highnesse. Wherefore those few Jewes that were here, despair- 
 ing of our expected successe, departed hence. And others who 
 desired to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken 
 themselves some to Italy, some to Geneva, where that Common- 
 wealth hath at this time, most freely granted them many, and 
 great privileges." 
 
 xvu 
 
I?itroductio7i 
 
 II. The Hope of Israel 
 
 The first point in Menasseh's story which needs eluci- 
 dation is his statement that he was originally induced to 
 move in the question of the resettlement of the Jews by 
 the assurances of " some eminent persons of England," 
 that " the minds of men stood very well affected towards 
 us." How had this philo-Semitic sentiment arisen, and 
 who were the men who had communicated it to the Am- 
 sterdam Rabbi? 
 
 The evolution of English thought which rendered 
 Menasseh ben Israel's enterprise possible is of consider- 
 able complexity, but its main features are easily distin- 
 guishable. The idea of Religious Liberty in England was 
 due, in its broader aspects, to the struggle between the 
 Baptists and the Calvinists. The Reformation established 
 only a restricted form of Religious Liberty, and it was not 
 until the Baptists found themselves persecuted as the Re- 
 formers had been before them, that the cry arose for a 
 liberty of conscience which would embrace all religions. In 
 the Separatist Churches, founded by English refugees in 
 Amsterdam and Geneva, the idea grew and strengthened. 
 The earliest noteworthy tract on the subject — Leonard 
 Busher's " Religious Peace, or a Plea for Liberty of Con- 
 science," published in 1614 — was written under the influ- 
 ence of these exiles, and it is noteworthy that already in 
 that work, the extension of religious liberty to Jews was 
 specifically demanded.^ Amsterdam was at that time the 
 seat of a flourishing Jewish community, some of whose 
 members came into contact with the philo-Jewish refugees. 
 In this way they probably learnt to understand the political 
 significance of the successive rise of the Puritans and Inde- 
 pendents, for at the very beginning of the Civil War the 
 Royalist spies in Holland noted that the Jews sympathised 
 
 ' Tracts on Liberty of Conscience, 1614-1661 (Hanserd Knollys Sdc), 
 pp. 28, 30-31, 47, 71. 
 
 xviii 
 
Introduction 
 
 with the Republicans, and even alleged that they had offered 
 them " considerable sums of money to carry on their de- 
 signs." ^ 
 
 The progress of Religious Liberty in the seventeenth 
 century reached its highest point, when in 1 645 the Inde- 
 pendents captured the Army under the scheme known 
 as the "New Model." Meanwhile Roger Williams, the 
 famous Baptist, who had already founded in America a 
 community based on unrestricted Jiberty of conscience, had 
 published his " Bloudy Tenent of Persecution," in which 
 he generously pleaded for the Jews.^ In 1646 a reprint of 
 Leonard Busher's pamphlet was published in London, much 
 to the joy of the Separatists in Amsterdam,^ and a year 
 later Hugh Peters, one of Cromwell's Army Chaplains, 
 wrote his " Word for the Army and Two Words for the 
 Kingdom," in which he proposed that " strangers, even 
 Jews [be] admitted to trade and live with us." * The 
 question of the readmission of the Jews was, however, still 
 far from taking practical shape. Although frequently re- 
 ferred to, it had only been raised incidentally as an illustra- 
 tion of the advanced tendencies of the advocates of Religious 
 Liberty. 
 
 In December 1648, the Independents contrived the 
 famous " Pride's Purge," which put an end to the Presby- 
 terian domination of Parliament. The hopes of the advo- 
 cates of Religious Liberty ran high, and the Jewish question 
 at once came to the front. The Council of Mechanics, 
 meeting at Whitehall, marked their sense of the meaning 
 of the coup d'dtat by immediately voting " a toleration of 
 all religions whatsoever, not excepting Turkes, nor Papists, 
 
 > Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. VII., MSS. of Sir F. Graham, pp. 401-403.- 
 2 See reprint by Hanserd Knollys Soc, p. 141. For Roger Williams's 
 sei-vices to the cause of Jewish Toleration, see Wolf, " American Elements 
 in the Resettlement" {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc.,\o\. iii. pp. 77-78), and Straus, 
 " Roger Williams, the Pioneer of Religious Liberty," pp. 172-178. 
 i 3 Edwards, Gangrana, Part III. p. 103. 
 
 * Art. 10. See also his "Good Work for a Good Magistrate " (1651), pp.. 
 
 53t 90. 
 
 XIX 
 
Introduction 
 
 nor Jewes." ^ To this the Council of Army Officers re- 
 sponded with a resolution, the text of which has, unfortu- 
 nately, not been preserved, in which they favoured the 
 widest scheme of Religious Liberty. It was, indeed, 
 rumoured at the time that the Jews were specifically men- 
 tioned in the resolution.^ However that may be, it is 
 certain that in the following month two Baptists of Am- 
 sterdam, Johanna Cartwright and her son Ebenezer, were 
 encouraged to present a petition to Lord Fairfax and the 
 General Council of Officers, in which they asked that "the 
 statute of banishment " against the Jews might be repealed. 
 The petition, we are told, was " favourably received, with 
 a promise to take it into speedy consideration when the 
 present more public affairs are dispatched.^ 
 
 Unfortunately, the " more public affairs " obstructed the 
 triumph of Religious Liberty, and with it the Jewish cause, 
 for a good many years. In the same month that Mrs. Cart- 
 wright's petition was considered, Charles I. was beheaded, 
 and the chiefs of the Revolution, with a great work of 
 reconstruction before them, felt that they must proceed 
 cautiously. Toleration of the Jews meant unrestricted 
 liberty of conscience, and this was held by the extreme In- 
 dependents to imply not only the abolition of an Established 
 Church, but a licence to the multitude of sects — many of 
 them of the maddest and most blasphemous tendencies — 
 which had been hatched by Laudian persecution and the 
 reaction of the Civil War. Cromwell and his advisers were 
 resolved to pursue a more conservative policy, and the tole- 
 ration plans of the Independents were accordingly shelved. 
 For a hundred years — until, indeed, Pelham's " Jew Bill " 
 in 1753 — they were not heard of in this purely secular 
 shape again. 
 
 1 Mercurius Pragmatkus, Dec. 19-26, 1648. 
 
 2 Firth, " Notes on the History of the Jews in England, 1648-1660.'' 
 Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iv. 
 
 ^ " The Petition of the Jews for the Repealing of the Act of Parliament 
 for their Banishment out of England" (Lond., 1649). 
 
 XX 
 
Introduction 
 
 The cause of Religious Liberty was, however, not the 
 only force which was working in the country for the re- 
 admission of the Jews. The religious fervour of the nation 
 had been stirred to a high pitch, and there were few men 
 whose minds had not become influenced by Messianic and 
 other mystical beliefs. It is curious indeed to note that 
 this current of thought ran parallel with the evolution of 
 the secular idea of Toleration. Seven years after the first 
 publication of Leonard Busher's famous Toleration pam- 
 phlet, Mr. Sergeant Finch wrote anonymously a book 
 entitled "The Calling of the Jewes" (1621), with a pre- 
 fatory epistle in Hebrew, in which he invited the children 
 of Israel to realise the prophecies by asserting their national 
 existence in Palestine. At the same time he called upon 
 all Christian princes to do homage to the Jewish nation. 
 This early manifestation of Zionism did not meet with 
 much sympathy in high places, for James I. was so incensed 
 at it that he clapped its publisher into jail.^ The book, 
 however, was a symptom, and the movement it represented 
 only derived strength from persecution. The gloomier the 
 lot of the sectaries, the more intense became their reliance 
 on the Messianic prophecies. Even after the triumph of 
 the Puritan cause, the sanest Independents held to them 
 firmly side by side with their belief in Religious Liberty ; 
 and in the Cartwright petition we find both views expounded. 
 Extremists like the Fifth Monarchy Men made them the 
 pivots for fresh outbursts of Sectarianism. Judaical sects 
 arose, the members of which endeavoured to live according 
 to the Levitical Law, even practising circumcision. Pro- 
 secutions for such practices maybe traced back to 1624." 
 Some of the saints, like Everard the Leveller, publicly called 
 themselves Jews;* others went to Amsterdam, and were 
 formally received into the synagogue.^ Colchester was the 
 
 ' Fuller, "A Pisgah-sight of Palestine," Book A', p. 194. 
 - Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1623-25, p. 435. 
 ' A\'hitelock, " Memorials," p. 397. 
 * De Castro, AuswaliL, loc. cit. 
 xxi 
 
Introduction 
 
 headquarters of one of these Judaical sects, but there were 
 others in London an^ in Wales.^ The practical effect of 
 this movement was not only the production of a very wide- 
 spread philo-SemitIsm, but a strong conviction that, inas- 
 much as the conversion of the Jews was an indispensable 
 preliminary of the Millennium, their admission to England, 
 where they might meet the godliest people in the world, 
 was urgently necessary. 
 
 It was this feeling which, on the collapse of the Tolera- 
 tion movement in 1649, began to make itself most loudly 
 heard. Edward Nicholas, John Sadler, John Dury, Henry 
 Jessey, Roger Williams, and even Thomas Fuller, who was 
 far from being a mystic, urged this view on the public, and 
 an agitation for the Readmission of the Jews, as a religious 
 duty outside the problem of Religious Liberty, was set on 
 foot. This mystical agitation found a response in what to us 
 must at first sight appear a strangely inappropriate quarter. 
 It brought forth from Amsterdam a Latin pamphlet, 
 entitled " Spes Israelis," with a prefatory address " To the 
 Parliament, the Supreme Court of England," the author of 
 which was Menasseh ben Israel, one of the Rabbis of the 
 congregation. This pamphlet illustrates the inception of 
 the enterprise for the Resettlement of the Jews in England, 
 which its author endeavoured to carry out six years later. 
 
 Menasseh ben Israel was the son of a Marrano of Lisbon, 
 who had suffered at the hands of the Inquisition, and had, 
 as a result, taken up his abode in Amsterdam. Menasseh 
 was educated under the care of Rabbi Isaac Uziel, and, at 
 the age of eighteen, was ordained a Rabbi. He was an in- 
 defatigable student, became a mine of learning, an accom- 
 plished linguist, a fluent writer, and a voluble preacher. 
 His attainments made considerable noise in the world, at a 
 time when public attention was riveted on Biblical prophecy, 
 
 ' Edwards, Gangrana, i. p. 121 ; ii. pp. 26, 31 ; "Middlesex County 
 Records," vol. iii. pp. 186-87 '■> Anabaptisiicum Pantheon, p. 233 ; Hickes, 
 Pecidium Dei, pp. 19-26. There are many other scattered references in the 
 literature of the period to this curious movement. 
 
 xxii 
 
Introduction 
 
 and the question of its fulfilment through the Jews. 
 His voluminous writings obtained for him a high re- 
 putation as a scholar, and the readiness with which he 
 afforded information to all who corresponded with him 
 made him many influential friends, who spread his fame 
 far and wide. The secret of the distinction Menasseh 
 secured for himself, in spite of the weaknesses of his char- 
 acter and the eccentricity of his mental tendency, lies in the 
 fact that the world in which he lived was very largely given 
 over to philo-Semitism, and to the special form of mysticism 
 to which he had yielded himself. His alliance with a scion 
 of the Abarbanel family, in whose tradition of Davidic 
 descent he was a firm believer, inspired him with the idea 
 that he was destined to promote the coming of the Mes- 
 siah ; and hence the wild dreams of the English Millenarians 
 appealed to him with something of a personal force. It was 
 not, however, until the triumph of the Republican cause in 
 England that he resolved to throw in his lot with the 
 Puritan mystics, and even then he had some difficulty, as 
 we may readily believe, in adopting an attitude which would 
 at once conciliate the English Cohversionists, and harmonise 
 with his allegiance to the synagogue.^ 
 
 At first his sympathies, like those of most of the leading 
 members of the Amsterdam community, seem to have been 
 Royalist, for in 1642 we find him extolling the queen of 
 Charles I. in an oration.^ In 1 647 he was still far from 
 recognising in the Puritan revolt a movement calling for 
 his Messianic sympathy ; for, writing to an English friend 
 in that year, he described the Civil War, not, as he after- 
 wards believed it to be, as a struggle of the godly against the 
 
 * A good life of Menasseh ben Israel has yet to be written. Short bio- 
 graphies have been published by Kayserling (English translation in Mis- 
 cellany of Hebrew Literature, vol. ii.) ; the Rev. Dr. H. Adler, Chief Rabbi 
 of the British Empire {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i.) ; and Graetz {Ges- 
 chichte der Juden, vol. x.). None of these is exhaustive, or based on bed- 
 rock material. 
 
 ' "Gratulagao ao seren. Raynha Henri. Maria, dignissima corsorte ao 
 august ; Carlo, Rey da Grande Britannia, Francia e Hebernia" (Amst., 1642). 
 
 xxiii 
 
Introduction 
 
 ungodly, but as a Divine punishment for the expulsion of 
 his co-religionists from Britain in the thirteenth century.^ 
 This letter is interesting as showing that his mind was 
 then already beginning to be exercised by the Resettlement 
 question ; but he evidently had as yet no definite idea of 
 taking any practical action. In the autumn of 1649 a 
 method of action was suggested to him by a letter he re- 
 ceived from the well-known English Puritan, John Dury, 
 whose acquaintance he had made in Amsterdam five years 
 previously. 
 
 A friend of John Dury, one Thomas Thorowgood, was 
 deeply interested in the missionary labours of the famous 
 evangelist, John Eliot, among the American Indians ; and 
 in order to prevail upon the philo-Jewish public to provide 
 money for the support of the mission, had compiled a 
 treatise showing that the American Indians were the Lost 
 Tribes. This work was largely founded on the conjectures 
 of the early Spanish missionaries, who had up to that time 
 a monopoly of this solution of the Ten Tribes problem. 
 It was written in 1648, and dedicated to the King, but the 
 renewal of the Civil War in that year prevented its publi- 
 cation.* Thorowgood thereupon sent the proofs of the 
 first part of the work to John Dury to read. It hap- 
 pened that Dury, while at the Hague in 1644, had heard 
 some stories about the Ten Tribes which had very much 
 interested him. One was to the effect that a Jew, named 
 Antonio de Montezinos, or Aaron Levy, had, while travel- 
 ling in South America, met a race of savages in the Cor- 
 dilleras, who recited the Shema^ practised Jewish ceremonies, 
 and were, in short, Israelites of the Tribe of Reuben. 
 Montezinos had related his story to Menasseh ben Israel, 
 
 ' Harl. Misc., vol. vii. p. 623 ; infra, p. Ixxvii. 
 
 ^ Thorowgood, "Jews in America" (1660), Postscript to the "Epistle 
 Dedicatory." 
 
 ^ The Declaration of the Unity of God, the fundamental teaching of 
 Judaism (Deut. vi. 4-9). Shema means " Hear," and it is the first word of 
 verse 4 : " Hear, O Israel ; the Lord our God is one God." 
 
 xxiv 
 
Introduction 
 
 and had even embodied it in an affidavit executed under 
 oath before the chiefs of the Amsterdam Synagogue. As 
 soon as Dury received Thorowgood's treatise, he remem- 
 bered this story, and at once wrote to Menasseh ben Israel 
 for a copy of the affidavit. The courteous Rabbi sent it to 
 him by return of post,^ and it was printed for the first time 
 as an appendix to an instalment of Thorowgood's treatise, 
 which, at Dury's instance, was published in January 1650.^ 
 
 This incident, coupled with some letters he received 
 from the notorious Millenarian, Nathaniel Holmes, came 
 as a ray of light to Menasseh. For five years he had had 
 Montezinos's narrative by him, and had not regarded it as of 
 sufficient importance to publish. He had, perhaps, doubted 
 the wisdom of publishing it, seeing that it tended to sub- 
 stantiate a theory of purely Jesuitical origin, for which 
 no sanction could be found in Jewish records or legend. 
 Moreover, he had no strong views on the prophetical bearing 
 of the question, as we may see by a letter he addressed to 
 Holmes as late as the previous summer, in which he stated 
 that he had grave doubts as to the time and manner of the 
 coming of the Messiah.^ Now, however, the question began 
 to grow clear to him, and it dawned upon him that the long- 
 neglected narrative of Montezinos might be used for a 
 better purpose than the support of Christian missions in 
 New England. The story was, if true, a proof of the in- 
 creasing dispersion of Israel. Daniel had foretold that th^ 
 scattering of the Holy People would be the forerunner of 
 their Restoration, and a verse in Deuteronomy had ex- 
 plained that the scattering would be "from one end of 
 the earth even to the other end of the earth." It was clear 
 from Montezinos and other travellers that they had already 
 reached one end of the earth. Let them enter England 
 
 ' Dury, "Epistolary Discourse to Mr. Thomas Thorowgood" (1649). 
 
 » Thorowgood, " Jews in America" (1650), pp. 129 et seq. 
 
 » The text of the letter has not been preserved, but its contents are sum- 
 marised in Holmes's reply, printed in an appendix to Felgenhauet's Bonum 
 Nuncium Israeli. 
 
 XXV « 
 
Introduction 
 
 and the other end would be attained. Thus the promises 
 of the Almighty would be fulfilled, and the Golden Age 
 would dawn. " I knew not," he wrote later on, " but that 
 the Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have 
 design'd, and made choice of me, for bringing about this 
 work." ^ In this hope he wrote the famous ^xib'* nipo which 
 in 1650 burst on the British public under the title of the 
 " Hope of Israel." 
 
 The central idea of this booklet did not occur to 
 Menasseh immediately on receiving John Dury's letter. 
 His first intention, as he explained in a letter dated Novem- 
 ber 25, 1649, was to write a treatise on the Dispersion of 
 the Ten Tribes for the information of Dury and his friends. 
 The volume, however, grew under his pen, and a week later 
 he announced to Dury his larger plan. His letter gives a 
 complete synopsis of the work, and he finishes up by in- 
 forming Dury that " I prove at large that the day of the 
 promised Messiah unto us doth draw near." ^ Thus he had 
 already made up his mind on a question which, only a few 
 months before, he had assured Holmes was " uncertain," 
 and was intended to be uncertain. Holmes was at the 
 time unaware of his conversion, for, on December 24, he 
 wrote to him an expostulatory letter, in which, curiously 
 enough, he advised him to study the Danielle Prophecies.* 
 Still, Menasseh does not seem to have fully grasped the 
 application of his treatise to the Resettlement question, for 
 neither in the body of the work nor in the Spanish edition 
 does he refer to it. It was only when he composed the 
 Latin edition that his scheme reached maturity. To that 
 edition he prefixed a dedication to the English Parliament, 
 eulogising its stupendous achievements, and supplicating 
 " your favour and good-will to our nation now scattered 
 almost all over the earth." 
 
 * Vindicia Judaorum, infra, pp. 143-144. 
 
 ' Dury, "Epistolary Discourse." For text of the letters, see infra, 
 p.. Ixxviii. ' Bonum Nuncium, loc. cit. 
 
 xxvi 
 
Introduction 
 
 The tract prcxluced a profound impression throughout 
 England. That an eminent Jewish Rabbi should bless the 
 new Republican Government, and should bear testimony to 
 its having "done great things valiantly," was peculiarly 
 gratifying to the whole body of Puritans. To the Mil- 
 lenarians and other sectaries it was a source of still deeper 
 satisfaction, for their wild faith now received the sanction 
 of one of the Chosen People, a sage of Israel, of the Seed 
 of the Messiah. Besides the Latin edition which Dury dis- 
 tributed among all the leading Puritans, and which was 
 probably read in Parliament, two English editions issued 
 anonymously by Moses Wall were rapidly sold. Never- 
 theless, its effect proved transitory. Sober politicians, who 
 still recognised that the new-fledged Republic had, as Fair- 
 fax said, " more public aiFairs " to despatch than the Jewish 
 question, had begun to fear lest their hands might be forced 
 by Menasseh's coup. [This feeling was strikingly reflected 
 in a tract by Sir Edward Spencer, one of the members of 
 Parliament for Middlesex. Addressing himself with feline 
 affection " to my deare brother, Menasseh ben Israel, the 
 Hebrewe Philosopher," he expressed his readiness to agree 
 to the admission of the Jews on twelve conditions artfully 
 designed to strengthen the hands of the sectaries who be- 
 believed that, besides the dispersion of the Jews, their con-^ 
 version was also a necessary condition of the Millenniuni^j 
 Spencer's tract was the signal for a revulsion of feeling. 
 Sadler, afterwards one of Menasseh's firmest friends, threw 
 doubts on the authenticity of Montezinos's story,^ and Fuller 
 
 ^ This tract has been the source of a curious misunderstanding. Kayser- 
 ling, who apparently never examined more of it than the title-page, on which the 
 author is described as " E. S. Middlesex," ascribed it to " Lord Middlesex," 
 and regarded it as favourable to Menasseh {Misc. Heb. Lit, ii. p. 33). Had 
 he looked at the Latin translation at the end he would have found the name 
 of the author given in fiill. Moreover, the writer, so far from being philo- 
 Semitic, expressly states that the object of his pamphlet was the "taking off 
 the scandall of our too great desire of entertayning the unbeleeNnng Nation 
 of the Jewes." Kayserling's errors have been adopted without inquiry by 
 Graetz, Adler, and other writers. 
 
 ' "Rights of the Kingdom," p. 39. 
 
 xxvii 
 
Introduction 
 
 did not scruple to criticise the Zionist theory on practical 
 grounds.^ Even the faithful Jessey held his peace in tacit 
 sympathy with Spencer's scheme. As for Menasseh, he 
 showed no disposition to acquiesce in Spencer's proposals. 
 The result was that the sensation gradually died away, 
 though a few stalwart Tolerationists like Hugh Peters still 
 clamoured for unconditional Readmission.'' 
 
 Thus both the Toleration and Messianic movements 
 proved unavailing for the purposes of the Jewish Restora- 
 tion. There remained a third view of the question which 
 made less noise in the world, but which was destined to 
 bring about gradually and silently a real and lasting solu- 
 tion — the view of Political Expediency. 
 
 III. Cromwell's Policy 
 
 The statesmen of the Commonwealth, who knew so 
 well how to conjure with human enthusiasm, were essentially 
 practical men. To imagine that they were the slaves of 
 the great religious revival which had enabled them to over- 
 come the loyalist inspiration of the cavaliers is entirely to 
 misconceive their character and aims. The logical outcome 
 of that revival, and of the triumph of the Puritan arms, 
 would have been the Kingdom of Saints, but Cromwell's 
 ambition aimed at something much more conventional. 
 Imperial expansion and trade ascendency filled a larger 
 place in his mind than the Other-worldly inspirations which 
 had carried him to power. 
 
 With the unrestricted Toleration principles of the Bap- 
 tists he had no sympathy, and still less with the Messianic 
 phantasies of the Fifth Monarchy Men which Menasseh 
 hen Israel had virtually embraced. His ideas on Religious 
 Liberty were certainly large and far in advance of his 
 
 ■ " Pisgah-sight of Palestine," Book V. pp. 194 et seq. 
 2 " Good Work," &c., loc. cit. 
 
 xxviii 
 
Introduction 
 
 times,^ but they were essentially the ideas of a churchman. 
 Their limits are illustrated by his ostentatious patronage 
 in 1652 of Owens' scheme of a Toleration confined to 
 Christians.^ Still he was not the slave of these limits. 
 The ingenious distinction he drew between the Papistry of 
 France and that of Spain, when it became necessary for him 
 to choose between them, and his complete disregard of the 
 same principles in the case of the Portuguese alliance, show 
 how readily he subordinated his strongest religious pre- 
 judices to political exigencies. As for the mystics and 
 ultra-democrats, his views were set forth very clearly in 
 his speech to the new Parliament in September 1651, when 
 he opposed the Millenarians, the Judaisers, and the 
 Levellers by name.' It is impossible for any one reading 
 this speech side by side with Menasseh ben Israel's tracts 
 to believe that the author of it had any sympathy with the 
 wilder motives actuating the Jewish Rabbi. 
 
 What was it, then, that brought these two different 
 characters so closely together .? That the Readmission of 
 the Jews to England was one of Cromwell's own schemes 
 — part and parcel of that dream of Imperial expansion 
 which filled his latter days with its stupendous adumbra- 
 tion and vanished so tragically with his early death — it 
 is Impossible to doubt. We have no record of his views 
 on the subject, beyond a short and ambiguous abstract of 
 his speech at the Whitehall Conferences, but there is ample 
 evidence that he was the mainspring of the whole move- 
 ment, and that Menasseh was but a puppet in his hands. 
 His main motives are not difficult to guess. Cromwell's 
 statecraft was, as I have said, not entirely or even essentially 
 governed by religious policy. He desired to make England 
 
 1 Writing to Crawford in 1643, he says : "The State, in choosing men 
 to serve it, takes no notice of their opinions ; if they be willing faithfully to 
 serve it — that satisfies. . . . Bear with men of different minds from yourself." 
 Carlyle, "Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," i. p. 148. 
 
 ' Gardiner, " History of the Commonw^th," \ol. ii. 
 
 ' Carlyle, " Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," vol. iii. pp. 23, 25, 26. 
 
 xxix 
 
Introduction 
 
 great and prosperous, as well as pious and free, and for 
 these purposes he had to consider the utility of his subjects 
 even before he weighed their orthodoxy. Now the Jews 
 could not but appeal to him as very desirable instruments 
 of his colonial and commercial policy. They controlled 
 the Spanish and Portuguese trade; they had the Levant 
 trade largely in their hands ; they had helped to found the 
 Hamburg Bank, and they were deeply interested in the 
 Dutch East and West Indian companies. Their command 
 of bullion, too, was enormous, and their interest in shipping 
 was considerable.^ Moreover, he knew something per- 
 sonally of the Jews, for he was acquainted with some of the 
 members of the community of Marranos then established 
 in London, and they had proved exceedingly useful to him 
 as contractors and intelligencers.^ There is, indeed, reason 
 to believe that some of these Marranos had been brought 
 into the country by the Parliamentary Government as early 
 as 1643 with the specific object of supplying the pecuniary 
 necessities of the new administration.^ 
 
 Until the end of 165 1 the Readmission question pre- 
 sented no elements of urgency, because there was a chance of 
 its favourable solution without its being made the object of 
 a special effort on the part of the Government or the legis- 
 lature. By the treaty of coalition proposed to the Nether- 
 lands by the St. John mission early in 165 1, the Jewish 
 question would have solved itself, for the Hebrew merchants 
 of Amsterdam would have ipso facto acquired in England 
 the same rights as they enjoyed in Holland. That pro- 
 posal, however, broke down, and as a result the famous 
 Navigation Act was passed. The object of that measure 
 was to exclude foreign nations from the colonial trade, and 
 to dethrone the Dutch from their supremacy in the carrying 
 
 ' Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 73-74 ; vol. ii. pp. 17-18 ; Wolf, " Jewish 
 Emancipation in the City" {Jewish Chronicle, Nov. 30, 1894); Graetz, 
 Geschichte, vol. x. p. 19. 
 
 '^ Wolf, "Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers" (Lend., 1891). 
 
 ^ S. R. Gardiner in the Academy, March 4, 1882. 
 
 xxx 
 
Introduction 
 
 and distributing traffic of Europe. Consequently it sup- 
 plied a strong inducement to Jewish merchants — especially 
 those of Amsterdam who were then trading with Jamaica 
 and Barbados — to transfer their counting-houses to London. 
 As such an immigration would have well served the policy 
 embodied in the Navigation Act, it became desirable that 
 some means of legalising Jewish residence in England should 
 be found, and hence the question of Readmission was 
 brought within the field of practical politics. This was 
 the new form in which it presented itself. It was no 
 longer a question of Religious Toleration or of the hasten- 
 ing of the Millennium, but purely a question of political 
 expediency. 
 
 It appears that the St. John mission, when its failure 
 became probable, was instructed to study the Jewish ques- 
 tion, and probably to enter into negotiations with leading 
 Jews in Amsterdam. Certain it is that its members saw a 
 great deal of Menasseh ben Israel during their sojourn in 
 Holland, and that Cromwell's benevolent intentions were con- 
 veyed to him. Thurloe, who was secretary to the mission, 
 had several conferences with the Rabbi, and the Synagogue 
 entertained the members of the mission, notwithstanding 
 that public opinion ran high against them.^ Strickland, 
 the colleague of St. John, and formerly ambassador at the 
 Hague, was ever afterwards regarded as an authority on the 
 Jewish question, for he served on most of the Committees 
 appointed to consider Menasseh's petitions. Still more sig- 
 nificant is the fact that within a few weeks of the return of 
 the Embassy a letter, the text of which has not been pre- 
 served, was received from Menasseh by the Council of State, 
 and an influential committee, on which Cromwell himself 
 served, was at once appointed to peruse and answer it." 
 Towards the end of the following year two passes couched 
 
 1 Vindicia Judaorum, p. 5 ; infra, p. in ; "Humble Addresses," infra, 
 
 P- 77- 
 
 » Cal. State Papers, Dom. (1651), p. 472- 
 
 xxxi 
 
Introduction 
 
 in flattering terms were issued to the Rabbi to enable him 
 to come to England.^ 
 
 Meanwhile, the long-feared war broke out, and negotia- 
 tions were perforce suspended. From 1652 to 1654 the 
 popular agitation for the Readmission of the Jews spluttered 
 weakly in pamphlets and broadsheets. In 1653 there was a 
 debate in Parliament on the subject, but no conclusion was 
 arrived at.^ In the following year, shortly after the con- 
 clusion of peace, a new element was introduced into the 
 question by the appearance on the scene of a fresh petitioner 
 from Holland, one Manuel Martinez Dormido, a brother- 
 in-law of Menasseh ben Israel, and afterwards well known 
 in England as David Abarbanel Dormido. 
 
 The mission of Dormido was clearly a continuation of 
 Menasseh's enterprise, and it was probably undertaken on 
 the direct invitation of the Protector. With the restora- 
 tion of peace on terms which rendered persistence in the 
 policy of the Navigation Act indispensable, Cromwell must 
 have been anxious to take the Jewish question seriously in 
 hand. The negotiations opened by Thurloe with Menasseh 
 in 1651 were probably resumed, and an intimation was 
 conveyed to the Jewish Rabbi that the time was ripe for 
 him to come to England and lay his long-contemplated 
 prayer before the Government of the Commonwealth. 
 Menasseh's reasons for not accepting the invitation in 
 person are not difficult to understand. He doubtless refers 
 to them in the passage from the Vindiciie I have already 
 quoted, where he says he was entreated by his kindred and 
 friends, " considering the chequered and interwoven vicissi- 
 tudes and turns of things here below, not to part from 
 them." * His kindred and friends were wise. Owing to 
 his quarrels with his colleagues in the Amsterdam Rabbinate 
 his situation had become precarious, and it might have 
 
 • Cal. State Papers, Dom. (1651-52), p. 577 ; (1652-53), p. 38. 
 ^ Thurloe State Papers, vol. i. p. 387 ; Clarendon State Papers, vol. ii. 
 P- 233. 
 
 ' Supra, p. xvii. 
 
 xxxii 
 
Introductio7i 
 
 become hopelessly and disastrously compromised had he, in 
 the then incensed state of Dutch feeling against England — 
 a feeling in which the leading Jews of the Netherlands par- 
 ticipated — undertaken a mission to the Protector. Hence 
 the delegation of the work to his brother-in-law. An indi- 
 cation of Menasseh's interest in the new mission is afforded 
 by the fact that his only surviving son, Samuel ben Israel, 
 was associated with Dormido, and accompanied him to 
 London. 
 
 Unlike his distinguished relative, Dormido had nothing 
 to lose by approaching Cromwell. A Marrano by birth, a 
 native of Andalusia, where he had enjoyed great wealth and 
 held high public office, he had been persecuted by the In- 
 quisition, and compelled to fly to Holland. There he had 
 made a fortune in the Brazil trade, and had become a lead- 
 ing merchant of Amsterdam, and one of the chiefs of the 
 Synagogue. The conquest of Pernambuco by the Portu- 
 guese early in 1654 had ruined him, and he found himself 
 compelled to begin life afresh.^ He saw his opportunity 
 in the mission confided to him by Menasseh. It opened 
 to him the chance of a new career under the powerful pro- 
 tection of the greatest personality in Christendom. Unlike 
 his brother-in-law, he had no Millenarian delusions. The^ 
 Jewish question appealed to him in something of the same 
 practical fashion that it appealed to Cromwell. While the 
 Protector was seeking the commercial interests of the 
 Commonwealth, Dormido was anxious to repair his own.^ 
 shattered fortunes. 
 
 On the 1st September he arrived in London, and at 
 once set about drafting two petitions to Cromwell.^ In the 
 first of these documents he recited his personal history, the 
 story of his sufferings at the hands of the Inquisition, and 
 of the confiscation of his property by the Portuguese in 
 Pernambuco. He expressed his desire to become a resident 
 
 1 Wolf, " Resettlement of the Jews in England" (1888), p. 9. 
 ''■ For text of these petitions see Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 88-93. 
 
 xxxiii e 
 
Introduction 
 
 in England and a subject of the Commonwealth, and wound 
 up by praying the Pi-otector to use his good offices with the 
 King of Portugal for the restitution of his fortune. The 
 second petition was a prayer for the Readmission of the 
 Jewish people to England, " graunting them libertie to come 
 with theire famillies and estates, to bee dwellers here with 
 the same eaqualjnese and conveniences wch yr inland borne 
 subjects doe enjoy." The petition, after a violent tirade 
 against the Inquisition and the intolerance of the Apos- 
 tolical Roman Church, pointed out that the Readmission of 
 the Jews would be to the advantage of trade and industry, 
 and would vastly increase the public revenues. These adroit 
 appeals to the chief motives of the Protector's statecraft 
 were followed by a suggestion that in the event of the 
 prayer being granted the petitioner might be appointed to 
 the control and management of the new community, with, 
 of course, appropriate compensation for his services. 
 
 Despite their obviously selfish motives, Cromwell re- 
 ceived these petitions with significant graciousness. They 
 were at once sent to the Council, with an endorsement, 
 stating that " His Highnes is pleased in an especiall 
 manner to recommend these two annexed papers to the 
 speedy consideracion of the Councell, that the Peticion may 
 receive all due satisfacion and withall convenient speed." 
 It is impossible not to be struck by the pressing nature of 
 this recommendation, when it is considered that the chief 
 petition dealt with a very large and important political 
 question, and that its signatory was a man wholly unknown 
 ,in England. Cromwell's action can only be explained by 
 the theory that he was, as I have suggested, the instigator 
 of the whole movement. Whether the Council were aware 
 of this or not is impossible to say. They had as yet no 
 decided opinions on the subject, but they saw that it was a 
 large and difficult question, that its bearings were imper- 
 fectly known, and that its decision, either one way or the 
 other, involved a very serious responsibility at a time when 
 
 xxxiv 
 
Introduction 
 
 the religious element wielded so much power in the country, 
 and withal so capriciously. At the personal instigation of 
 the Protector, however, they consented to appoint a com- 
 mittee to consider the petitions. A month later, taking 
 advantage of a meeting at which Cromwell was not present, 
 the committee verbally reported, and the Council resolved, 
 that it '* saw no excuse to make any order." ^ 
 
 That Cromwell was disappointed by this result he 
 speedily made clear. In regard to the Resettlement peti- 
 tion, he did not care to take the responsibility of giving a 
 decision ; but on the other petition he took immediate 
 steps to afford satisfaction to Dormido, in spite of the re- 
 fusal of the Council to have anything to do with it. He 
 addressed an autograph letter to the King of Portugal, 
 asking him as a personal favour to restore Dormido's pro- 
 perty, or to make him full compensation for his losses.^ 
 Seeing that Dormido was an alien, and had absolutely no 
 claim on the British Government, this personal intervention 
 by Cromwell on his behalf affords a further strong pre- 
 sumption of his privity to the Jewish mission. It is also 
 not a little significant that a few months later the Pro- 
 tector granted a patent of denization to Antonio Fernandez 
 Carvajal, the chief of the little Marrano community in 
 London, and his two sons.^ 
 
 The question was, however, not allowed to rest here. 
 Cromwell wanted an authoritative decision, which would 
 enable him to do more than merely protect individual Jews, 
 and it was clear that this could not be obtained imless a more 
 important person than Dormido were induced to take the 
 matter in hand. The question had to be raised to a higher 
 level, and for this purpose it was necessary that it should 
 make some noise in the country. Only one European Jew 
 had sufficient influence in England to stimulate the popular 
 
 1 State Papers, Dom. Interregnum, i. 75 (1654), pp. 596, 620. 
 ^ Rawl. MSS., A 260, fol. 57. Text of this letter is given in Trans. Jew. 
 Hist. Soc, vol. iii. p. 93. 
 
 * Trans. Jew. Hisf. Soc, vol. ii. pp. 18, 43--!f- 
 
 XXXV 
 
Introduction 
 
 imagination, and to justify the Government in taking serious 
 steps for the solution of the question. That man was 
 the author of the " Hope of Israel." In May 1655 it was 
 decided to send Samuel ben Israel back to Amsterdam to 
 lay the case before his father, and persuade him to come to 
 London.^ There is no mystery as to who suggested this 
 step. Menasseh in his diplomatic way merely tells us he 
 was informed that his " coming over would not be altogether 
 unwelcome to His Highness the Lord Protector." "' There 
 is, however, a letter extant from John Sadler to Richard 
 Cromwell, written shortly after Oliver's death, in which it 
 is definitely stated that Menasseh was invited "by some 
 letters of your late royall father." ^ Sadler no doubt spoke 
 from personal knowledge, for in 1654 he was acting as 
 private secretary to the Protector, and the endorsement on 
 Dormido's petitions recommending them to the Council 
 bears his signature.* Under these circumstances we can 
 well understand that Menasseh was induced, as he says, to 
 " conceive great hopes," and that he resolved to undertake 
 the journey. In October he arrived in London with the 
 MS. of his famous " Humble Addresses " in his pocket. 
 
 During the five months that Menasseh was preparing 
 for his journey, Cromwell was not idle. Colonial questions 
 were occupying his mind very largely, and on these ques- 
 tions he was in the habit of receiving advice from one at 
 least of the London Marranos, Simon de Caceres, a relative 
 of Spinoza, and an eminent merchant who had large interests 
 in the West Indies, and had enjoyed the special favour of 
 the King of Denmark and the Queen of Sweden.^ It was 
 no doubt at the instigation of De Caceres that in April 
 1655 Cromwell sent a Jewish physician, Abraham de 
 
 ' Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1655, p. 5S5. 
 
 ^ Supra, p. xvii. ' hifra, p. Ixxxxii. 
 
 * Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. p. Qo. 
 
 'Wolf, "American Elements in the Resettlement" {Trans. Jeiu. Hist. 
 SoC;\o\. iii. pp. 95-100); Wolf, " Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers," 1891, 
 pp. 1 1-12. 
 
 xxxvi 
 
Introductioji 
 
 Mercado, with his son Raphael to Barbados.' Later in the 
 year he was deep in consultation with De Caceres in regard 
 to the defences of the newly acquired island of Jamaica, and 
 a plan for the conquest of Chili.^ The most important 
 result of these confabulations was a scheme for colonising 
 Surinam (which since 1650 had been a British colony) with 
 the Jewish fugitives from Brazil, who had been obliged to 
 leave Pernambuco and Recife through the Portuguese 
 reoccupation of those towns. The idea was, no doubt, 
 suggested by Dormido, himself one of the victims of the 
 Portuguese conquest. In order to attract the Jews, they 
 were granted a charter in which full liberty of conscience was 
 secured to them, together with civil rights, a large measure 
 of communal autonomy, and important land grants.^ 
 
 Thus a beginning was made in the solution of the Jewish 
 question by their admission as citizens to one of the colonial 
 dependencies of Great Britain. This was the first im- 
 portant step achieved by Cromwell, and it illustrates at 
 once his deep interest in the Jewish question, and the prac- 
 tical considerations which actuated him in seeking its 
 solution. 
 
 IV. The Appeal to the Nation 
 
 On his arrival in London, Menasseh, with his retinue of 
 three Rabbis,* was lodged with much ceremony in one 
 of the houses opposite the New Exchange, in the then 
 
 1 Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1655, p. 583. 
 
 ^ " Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers," loc. cit. 
 
 ^ Tra?ts. Jezv. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 82-86. 
 
 * Jacob Sasportas, who had acted as a "corrector" in Menasseh's printing- 
 office in Amsterdam, and was afterwards elected Chief Rabbi in London, 
 was a member of the mission (Graetz, vol. x. notes, p. xix). Raguenet 
 states {Histoire d'Oliver Cromwell, p. 290) that two other Rabbis accom- 
 panied it, " Rabbi Jacob ben Azahel " and " David ben Eliezer of Prague." 
 I have not been able to identify these persons, but tentatively I am disposed 
 to think that "Azahel" is a corruption of " Heschel," and that the person 
 referred to is Rabbi Josua ben Jacob Heschel of Lublin. Menasseh's 
 elder son lived for some time in Lublin, and it is quite possible that Heschel 
 came to London to lay the case of the persecuted Polish Jews before 
 Cromwell. 
 
 xxxvii 
 
Introduction 
 
 fashionable Strand, the Piccadilly of its day. These houses 
 were frequented by distinguished strangers who desired to 
 be near the centre of official life at Whitehall, and the fact 
 that Menasseh with his slender purse took up his abode 
 in one of them, instead of seeking hospitality with his 
 brother-in-law or his Marrano co-religionists in the city, 
 shows at once the importance with which his mission was 
 invested.^ He was the guest of the Protector, bidden to 
 London to discuss high affairs of state, and as such it was 
 obviously inadmissible that he should be hidden away in 
 some obscure address in an East-End Alsatia. 
 
 His first task after he had settled down in his " study " 
 in the Strand was to print his " Humble Addresses," in 
 which he appealed to the Protector and the Commonwealth 
 to readmit the Jews, and stated the grounds of his petition. 
 This tract was written and translated into English long 
 before he left Amsterdam. It had probably been prepared 
 three years before, when he first received his passes for 
 England. That it was in existence at a time when his 
 final mission was uncontemplated is proved by its mention 
 in a list of his works he sent to Felgenhauer in February 
 1655 (n.s.).^ The title is there given as T>e Fidelitate 
 et Utilitate Judaic^ Gentis, and it is described as Libellus 
 Anglicus. This was nine months before he arrived in 
 London, and three and a half months before his brother- 
 in-law sent for him. My impression is that the tract was 
 prepared at the time of the St. John mission in 165 1, and 
 that Menasseh had drafted it in accordance with the advice 
 of Thurloe, who had pointed out that the faithfulness and 
 profitableness of the Jewish people were likely to weigh 
 more with Cromwell than the relation of their dispersion 
 to the Messianic Age. 
 
 At any rate, the style and matter of the pamphlet 
 
 1 Wolf, "Menasseh ben Israel's Study in London," Trails. Jew. Hist. 
 Soc, vol. iii. pp. 144 et seq. 
 
 ^ Felgenhauer, Bonutn Nuncium Israeli, p. no. 
 
 xxxviii 
 
Introduction 
 
 are in welcome contrast to the fantastical theories of the 
 " Hope of Israel," resembling more the matter-of-fact 
 petition of Dormido. The Danielic prophecy is, it is true, 
 still asserted, but only as an aside, the case for the Re- 
 admission being argued almost exclusively on grounds of 
 political expediency. Incidentally certain floating calumnies 
 against the Jews — such as their alleged usury, the slaying 
 of infants for the Passover, and their conversion of Chris- 
 tians — are discussed and refuted. In regard to the con- 
 version of Christians, Menasseh had completely changed 
 his attitude since writing the " Hope of Israel," for in that 
 work he had boasted of the conversions made by the Jews 
 in Spain.^ The prudent restraints Menasseh had imposed 
 upon himself in the composition of this pamphlet are the 
 more marked, since we know that he had in no way 
 modified his original views as expounded in the "Hope 
 of Israel." This is shown by a letter he wrote to Felgen- 
 hauer early in the year, thanking him for dedicating to him 
 the Bonum JSIuncium Israeli, one of the maddest rhapsodies 
 ever written.^ In this letter he reiterated all his former 
 views, with the exception of his belief in the imminence 
 of the Millennium. Nor had he adopted any idea of com- 
 promising the question of the Readmlssion to meet the 
 prejudices or fears of the various political and religious 
 factions in England. His demand was for absolute freedom 
 of ingress and settlement for all Jews and the unfettered 
 exercise of their religion, " whiles we expect with you the 
 Hope of Israel to be revealed." The necessity of such a 
 privilege had been the more impressed upon him by the 
 renewal of the persecutions of his co-religionists in Poland, 
 which had sent a great wave of destitute Jews westward. 
 It was primarily for them and for the Marranos of Spain 
 and Portugal that he hoped to find an unrestricted asylum 
 in England.' 
 
 1 Infra, p. 47- ^ ■^'?A''^> P- '''^'='- 
 
 3 Graetz, Geschichte, vol. x. pp. 52-82; Mercicrius Pohttcus, Dec. 17, 
 1655 ; Thurloe State Papers, vol. iv. p. 333. 
 
 xxxlx 
 
Introduction 
 
 Until the publication of the " Humble Addresses," 
 there are but scanty clues in the printed literature of 
 the time to the frame of mind in which Menasseh's mission 
 found the English public. It would seem, from the silence 
 of the printing-presses, that the nearer the people approached 
 the Readmission question as a problem of practical politics, 
 the less enthusiastic they became for its solution. This is 
 not difficult to understand. The secular Tolerationists 
 were unable to make headway against the dangers of un- 
 limited sectarianism, to which their doctrines seemed calcu- 
 lated to open the door. Of their chief exponents, Roger 
 Williams was in America, John Sadler was muzzled by the 
 responsibilities of office, and Hugh Peters was without 
 an influential following. Moreover, the prosecutions of 
 James Naylor and Biddle were then prominently before 
 the public as a lesson that Toleration had yet to triumph 
 within the Christian pale. The Conversionists and Millen- 
 arians, who formed the great majority of the Judeophils, 
 and who included all Menasseh's own friends except 
 Sadler, attached no importance to the terms on which the 
 Jews might be admitted, and were quite willing to acquiesce 
 in legislative restrictions provided only they were admitted. 
 The Economists and Political Opportunists, represented 
 by Cromwell, Thurloe, Blake, and Monk,^ did not dare to 
 confess their true motives, since their worldly aims would 
 on the one hand have been condemned by all the religious 
 partisans of the Readmission, and on the other, would 
 have alarmed the merchants of London, who had no desire 
 for the commercial competition of a privileged colony of 
 Hebrew traders. 
 
 This discouraging state of affairs was aggravated by 
 foreign and Royalist intrigues. From the moment Menas- 
 seh's mission was thought of, the Embassies in London and 
 the Royalist agents set to work to defeat it. The Embassies, 
 especially that of Holland, opposed it on its true grounds, 
 
 ' "Annals of England" (1655), vol. iii. p. 31. 
 
Introductio7i 
 
 as a development of the policy of the Navigation Act.^ 
 The Royalists were anxious to defeat it because, as White- 
 lock says, " it was a business of much importance to the 
 Commonwealth, and the Protector wa's earnestly set upon 
 it." ^ Moreover, they had hoped to attract the Jews to 
 their own cause, and they had been encouraged in this 
 hope by the substantial assistance already rendered to them 
 by wealthy Hebrews, like the Da Costas and Coronels.^ 
 An intercepted letter from Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary 
 to the exiled King, shows that the highest Royalist circles 
 took a profound interest in the Jewish question, and made 
 it their business to be well informed as to its progress. 
 Nicholas, indeed, seerris to have known all about the nego- 
 tiations which preceded Menasseh's journey to England.* 
 
 As soon as Menasseh reached London, he found him- 
 self the object of a host of calumnious legends, clearly 
 designed by the Royalists and foreign agents to disturb the 
 public mind. The story that the Jews had offered to buy 
 St. Paul's Cathedral and the Bodleian Library, which had 
 been circulated unheeded in 1649, was revived.^ One of 
 Menasseh's retinue was accused of wishing to identify 
 Cromwell as the Jewish Messiah, and it was circumstantially 
 stated that he had investigated the Protector's pedigree in 
 order to prove his Davidic descent.® It was declared that 
 Cromwell harboured a design to hand over to the Jews the 
 
 ' The interest of the Embassies in the question is illustrated by the fre- 
 quent reference made to it in the despatches of Chanut (Thurloe, vol. ii. p. 
 652), Nieupoort {Ibid., vol. iv. pp. 333, 338; "New York Colonial MSS.," 
 vol. i. pp. 579, 583), Sagredo and Salvetti {Revue des Etudes Juives, No. t r, 
 pp. 103-104). Nieupoort's view is shown by the assurance he extracted 
 from Menasseh that there was no intention to invite Dutch Jews to Eng- 
 land (Thurloe, vol. iv. p. 333). 
 
 2 " Memorials," p. 618. 
 
 3 Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 70-71. 75- 
 
 * Ibid., p. 44. 
 
 ' Infra, p. 118. London A'ews Letter, April 2, 1649 (Cartes Letters, vol. i. 
 p. 275). 
 
 * Jesse, "England under the Stuarts," vol. u. p. 297; Tovey, Angba 
 Judaica, p. 275. 
 
 xli / 
 
I?itroduction 
 
 farming of the customs.^ At the same time their character 
 was painted in the darkest colours.^ One of the most insi- 
 dious forms that this campaign took was an attempt to show 
 that the hope of converting the Jews, by which the larger 
 number of the friends of the Readmission were actuated, was 
 illusory, and that so far from becoming Christians, the Jews 
 'would "stone Christ to death." For this purpose the pen 
 of a converted Jew, named Paul Isaiah, who had served as 
 a trooper in Rupert's Horse, was requisitioned.^ It was a 
 hazardous experiment to employ Isaiah, for he might easily 
 have been hailed by the Conversionists as a proof of the 
 convertibility of the Jews. It was, however, notorious that 
 he had learnt the ethics of the wilder Cavalier swashbucklers 
 only too well,* and he was consequently regarded rather 
 as an " awful example " of the sort of Jew who might be 
 expected to listen to the Gospel than as an encouragement 
 to hope for the salvation of the whole people. 
 
 The publication of the "Humble Addresses" only 
 aggravated these popular misgivings. While the clerical 
 and commercial Anti-Semites disputed all the propositions 
 of Menasseh's pamphlet, the visionaries and friends of 
 Israel strongly resented the " sinfulness " of its insistence 
 on the profitableness of the Jews. ''^The bias of public 
 feeling, as revealed by the tracts to which the " Humble 
 Addresses" gave rise, was distinctly less favourable than 
 in 1649, and was overwhelmingly hostile to an unre- 
 served acquiescence in the terms of the Jewish petition. * 
 In 1649 an honest attempt to understand Judaism was 
 made, as we may see by the publication of Chilmead's 
 translation of Leo de Modena's Historia dei riti ebraici. 
 There is no trace of an appeal to this or any similarly 
 
 1 Violet, " Petition against the Jews," p. 2. 
 
 2 The violence of such tracts as Prynne's " Demurrer," Ross's " View of 
 the Jewish Religion," and the anonymous " Case of the Jews Stated," has 
 no parallel in the literature of the time. 
 
 ^ Paul Isaiah, "The Messias of the Christians and the Jews." 
 * Prynne, " Demurrer," Part I. p. 73. 
 
 xlii 
 
Introduction 
 
 authoritative work in 1655-56, except in a stray passage 
 of an isolated protest against the calumnies heaped on the 
 Jews.^ On the contrary, the efforts of the new students 
 of Judaism, like Alexander Ross, were devoted to proving 
 that the Jews had nothing in common with Christians, 
 and that their religion " is not founded on Moses and the 
 Law, but on idle and foolish traditions of the Rabbins" — 
 that it was, in fact, a sort of Paganism.^ The historical 
 attacks on the Jews were the most powerful that had yet 
 been made, while the replies to them were few and by 
 obscure writers.^ What is most significant, however, is that 
 the chief friends of the Jews — the men who had encouraged 
 Menasseh six years before — were now either silent or openly 
 in favour of restrictions which would have rendered the 
 Readmission a barren privilege. Sadler did not reiterate 
 the Judeophil teachings of his " Rights of the Kingdom " ; 
 there was no echo of Hugh Peters's "Good Work for a 
 Good Magistrate," with its uncompromising demand for 
 liberty of conscience ; and the pseudonymous author of 
 " An Apology for the Honourable Nation of Jews," which 
 had so strongly impressed the public in 1648, was dumb. 
 John Dury, who had practically started the first agitation 
 in favour of the Jews, was now studying Jewish disabilities 
 at Cassel, with a view to their introduction into England ; * 
 and Henry Jessey, the author of " The Glory of Judah and 
 Israel," to the testimonies of which Menasseh confidently 
 appealed in the closing paragraph of his " Humble Ad- 
 dresses," had been won over to the necessity of restrictions.' 
 Not a single influential voice was raised in England in 
 support of Menasseh's proposals, either on the ground of 
 
 ' Copley, " Case of the Jews is Altered," p. 4. 
 
 2 " View of the Jewish Religion." 
 
 3 See especially Prynne's " Demurrers," and " Anglo-Judasus," by W. H. 
 Only three ungrudging defences of the Jews were published — Copley's 
 "Case of the Jews," D. L.'s "Israel's Condition and Cause Pleaded" (a 
 very feeble reply to Prynne), and Collier's " Brief Answer." 
 
 * Dury, " A Case of Conscience." Harl. Misc., vol. vii. p. 256. 
 s " Life of Henry Jessey," pp. 67-68. _ 
 
 xliii 
 
Introduction 
 
 love for the Jews or religious liberty. The temper of the 
 unlettered people, especially the mercantile classes, is suffi- 
 ciently illustrated by the fact that only a few months before 
 a Jewish beggar had been mobbed in the city, owing to 
 the inflammatory conduct of a merchant, who had followed 
 the poor stranger about the Poultry shouting, " Give him 
 nothing ; he is a cursed Jew." ^ 
 
 Undeterred by the inhospitable attitude of the public, 
 Menasseh formally opened his negotiations with the Govern- 
 ment of the Commonwealth. His first step was to pay a 
 visit to Whitehall, and present copies of his " Humble 
 Addresses" to the Council of State. He was unfortunate 
 in the day he selected for this visit, for it happened to be 
 one of the rare occasions when Cromwell was not present at 
 the Council's deliberations. The result was that, as on 
 the similar occasion of the consideration of the report on 
 Dormido's petition, the Council felt itself free to take no 
 action. It contented itself with instructing its clerk, Mr. 
 Jessop, " to go forth and receive the said books," and then 
 proceeded with other business.^ 
 
 That the Council had no desire to assume the responsi- 
 bility of deciding the thorny Jewish question soon became 
 manifest. A fortnight after Menasseh's abortive visit to 
 Whitehall, Cromwell brought down to the Council a peti- 
 tion which had been handed to him by the Jewish Rabbi, 
 in which were set forth categorically the several "graces 
 and favours " by which it was proposed that the Readmis- 
 sion of the Jews should be effected.^ The Protector evi- 
 dently felt none of the misgivings of his advisers. It is 
 probable, indeed, that in his masterful way he misunder- 
 stood the trend of public feeling. He had convinced him- 
 self that, as an act of policy, some concession to the Jews 
 was desirable. His strong instinct for religious liberty 
 
 ' Philo-Judceus, "The Resurrection of Dead Bones,' p. 102. 
 ^ State Papers, Domestic. Interregnum, vol. i. 76, p. 353. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 374. For text of petition, see infra, pp. Ixxxii-lxxxiv. 
 xliv 
 
Introduction 
 
 inclined him favourably to the more academic aspects of 
 the question, and his profound sympathy with persecuted 
 peoples had been stirred by the accounts Menasseh had 
 personally given him of the dire straits of the Jews in 
 Poland, Sweden, and the Holy Land, and of the cruelties 
 inflicted on them in Spain and Portugal.^ Moreover, his 
 patriotism revolted at the idea that Protestant England 
 should be particeps criminis in a policy of oppression which 
 was so peculiarly identified with Papistical error. Thus 
 impressed, he cared little for the outcries of the pamphleteers 
 or the nervous scruples of his councillors, and he set him- 
 self to force on a prompt solution. At his instance a 
 motion was made " That the Jews deserving it may be 
 admitted into this nation to trade and traffic and dwell 
 amongst us as Providence shall give occasion," ^ and this, 
 together with the petition of Menasseh and his " Humble 
 Addresses," was at once referred to a Committee. At the 
 same time it was made clear to that body that the Pro- 
 tector expected an early report.^ 
 
 \ So much is evident from the fact that the Committee 
 rn^festhe same afternoon and reported the next morning. 
 Its task was not an easy one. The feeling of the Council 
 was by\io means hostile to the Jews, but it had no 
 enthusiasnKfor their cause, and it probably felt that an ex- 
 tension of official toleration beyond the limits of Christi- 
 anity was a hazardous experiment. On the other hand, 
 it was no longer possible for it to express this feeling in 
 the same unceremonious fashion as had been done in the 
 case of Dormido. The Jewish question had become the 
 question of the day owing to Menasseh's visit. Public 
 feeling had been deeply stirred by it, and Cromwell had 
 placed it in the forefront of his personal solicitude. Some 
 action was necessary. The Committee seems to have dis- 
 creetly resolved that the wisest course to pursue was one 
 
 ' Harl. Miscellany, vol. vii. p. 6i8. 
 2 Infra, p. Ixxxiv. ^ State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 374. 
 
 xlv 
 
Introduction 
 
 which would absolve it of responsibility, and leave Cromwell 
 and the outside public to fight it out between them. Ac- 
 cordingly it reported that it felt itself incompetent to offer 
 any advice to the Council, and it suggested that the views 
 of the nation should be ascertained by the summoning of a 
 Conference of representative Englishmen who might assist 
 it in framing a report. 
 
 This resolution was duly reported to the Council on 
 the following day, when Cromwell was again present. How 
 little the Protector estimated the difficulties in his path is 
 shown by the fact that the Committee's recommendation 
 was at once acted upon. John Lisle, Sir Charles Wolseley, 
 and Sir Gilbert Pickering, three members of the Com- 
 mittee notoriously devoted to Cromwell, were instructed 
 to meet the Lord President the same afternoon, and draw 
 up a list of the personages to be summoned to the proposed 
 Conference.^ The list was duly presented to the Council 
 on the following morning, and, under the vigilant eye of 
 the Protector, approved. At the same time the terms of a 
 circular convening the Conference were agreed upon, and 
 the 4th December was fixed for the meeting.^ 
 
 Nothing is more significant than the rapidity with which 
 these steps were taken. On Tuesday the 13 th November 
 Menasseh's petition was sprung on the reluctant Council. 
 On the following Thursday summonses to a National Confer- 
 ence were being sent out from Whitehall, the Council having 
 meanwhile held three meetings, at all of which the Jewish 
 question was discussed, and a Committee specially charged 
 with the question having held two further meetings. In all this 
 we may clearly trace the personal insistence of the Protector. 
 
 Bruited abroad through the congregations of the divines 
 and the constituents of the politicians and merchants to 
 Avhom the summonses to the Conference had been addressed, 
 the question of the Readmission of the Jews now came to 
 
 ' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 375. 
 
 ^ Ibid., pp. 378-379. For text of Circular see infra, p. Ixxxiv. 
 
 xlvi 
 
Introduction 
 
 the forefront of national politics. Amid considerable 
 popular excitement, the Conference met in the Council 
 Chamber at Whitehall ^ on the first Tuesday in December. 
 
 It was a notable gathering — one of the most notable in 
 the whole history of the Commonwealth. The statesmen 
 present were the most eminent on the active list of the 
 moment. There was Henry Lawrence, the Lord President, 
 with four of his civilian colleagues on the Council, Sir 
 Gilbert Pickering, Sir Charles Wolseley, Lisle the regicide, 
 and Francis Rous. Close by was Walter Strickland, the 
 diplomatist, who had represented the Commonwealth at 
 the Hague, and had shared with Oliver St. John the 
 honours and mortifications of the famous mission of 1651. 
 In the same inner circle were John Lambert, " the army's 
 darling," and one of the most brilliant of Cromwell's 
 veterans, and William Sydenham, one of the founders of 
 the Protectorate. The law was represented by Sir John 
 Giynne, Chief Justice of the Upper Bench, and William 
 Steele, Chief Baron of the Exchequer. Lord Chief Justice 
 St. John had also been invited, but he astutely stayed away. 
 Those who knew St. John must have regarded his absence 
 as ominous. On behalf of the mercantile community there 
 appeared Alderman Dethick, the Lord Mayor of London, 
 Alderman Cressett of the Charterhouse, Alderman Riccards, 
 and Sheriff Thompson. These men were official nonen- 
 tities, for the real representatives of Commerce were Sir 
 Christopher Pack, the late Lord Mayor and the leading 
 mercantile authority in the country, William KifFen, the 
 wealthy merchant-parson, and the regicide Owen Rowe, 
 now deputy-governor of the Bermuda Company. 
 
 It was, however, on the religious side that the Conference 
 was strongest. Sixteen theologians and divines, the flower 
 of Puritan piety and learning, responded to Cromwell's 
 invitation. There was Dr. Cudworth, Regius Professor 
 of Hebrew, the philosophic opponent of atheism, whose 
 
 1 Publick Intelligencer, December 10, 1655. 
 xlvii 
 
Introduction 
 
 " Intellectual System " is an English classic. There, too, 
 were Dr. Owen, most famous of Independent divines and 
 most fearless of the champions of religious liberty, and 
 John Caryll, the great Puritan Bible commentator. Oxford 
 University sent Dr. Goodwin, President of Magdalen 
 College, and Henry Wilkinson, Canon of Christ Church. 
 Cambridge appeared in the person of the learned Dr. 
 Whitchcote, Provost of King's. Among the preachers 
 were William Bridge of Yarmouth ; Daniel Dyke, one of 
 Cromwell's chaplains in ordinary ; Henry Jessey, the Baptist 
 Judeophil and friend of Menasseh ; Thomas Manton, 
 mildest and most genial of Presbyterians, " the prelate of 
 the Commonwealth," as Wood calls him ; Dr. Newcomen, 
 one of the authors of " Smectymnuus " ; Philip Nye, the 
 sturdy Independent and champion of toleration ; Anthony 
 Tuckney, one of the most prominent divines of the West- 
 minster Assembly, and three lesser lights, William Benn of 
 Dorchester, Walter Craddock of All Hallows the Great, 
 London, and Samuel Fairclough. John Carter, the vehement 
 enemy of Presbyterianism and monarchy, could not attend, 
 for he was on his deathbed at Norwich when the invitation 
 reached him.^ 
 
 It is not difficult to see that the Conference had been 
 carefully organised with a view to a decision favourable to 
 the Jews. The great majority of the members were con- 
 spicuous for their attachment to the cause of religious 
 toleration, while not a few of the laymen were equally 
 notorious for their devotion — some for their subservience 
 — to Cromwell. And yet its upshot proved very different 
 from what the Protector anticipated.^ 
 
 The first meeting was chiefly concerned with the legal 
 problem. After the proposals of Menasseh ben Israel had 
 been read, Cromwell himself laid down the programme of 
 the proceedings in two questions. 
 
 ' The list of members is given in State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 378. 
 ''■ Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit. 
 
 xlviii 
 
Introductio7t 
 
 ( 1 ) Whether it be lawful to receive the Jews ? 
 
 (2) If it be lawful, then upon what terms is it meet to 
 receive them ? * 
 
 The first question was purely technical, and only the 
 lawyers were competent to pronounce an opinion on it. 
 Accordingly, the two Judges present, Glynne and Steele, 
 were called upon to speak. After an elaborate review of 
 the status of the Jews in the pre-expulsion period, and 
 the circumstances under which they were banished in 1290, 
 both expressed the opinion that "there was no law which 
 forbad the Jews' return into England." ^ The grounds of 
 this decision are nowhere stated. It was probably based 
 on the fact that the banishment in 1290 was an exercise of 
 the royal prerogative in regard to the personal " chattels " 
 of the King and not an Act of Parliament, and that the 
 force of the decree expired with the death of Edward I. 
 At any rate, Cromwell had gained his first point,' and he 
 joyfully adjourned the Conference to the following Friday, 
 adjuring the divines meanwhile to ponder well the second 
 question.* 
 
 What happened at the two following meetings, which 
 were held on the 7 th and 1 2 th December,^ we do not know 
 in detail. The records of the time only afford us scanty 
 glimpses of the opinions expressed, without any indication 
 of the days on which they were respectively uttered. It is 
 clear, however, that the feeling of the clergy turned out to 
 be on the whole unfavourable to Menasseh's petition. The 
 calumnies of the pamphleteers had done their work. The 
 idea of public religious services at which Christ might be 
 blasphemed stayed the hands of the most tolerant. Others 
 
 1 [Henry Jessey.] " A Narrative of the late Proceedings at Whitehall 
 Concerning the Jews, &c.," Harl. Misc., vii. p. 623. See also Burton {pseud. 
 i.e. Nathaniel Cronch), Judceorufn Memorabilia. ^ Ibid. 
 
 2 That the Judges' decision was given at the first meeting of the Con- 
 ference is clear from a statement made by Nye to Prynne on the morning 
 of the second meeting (" Short Demurrer," p. 4). 
 
 * Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit. _ ' Ibid. - 
 
 xlix g 
 
hitroductio?! 
 
 feared that unrestricted liberty of Jewish worship would 
 create in the Synagogue a nucleus round which the Judaical 
 sectaries would rally. Dr. Newcomen drew a harrowing 
 picture of English converts to Judaism joining the immi- 
 grants in offering cliildren to Moloch.^ The moderate 
 majority, impressed, probably, by a weighty and elaborate 
 opinion drawn up by Dr. Barlow, librarian of the Bodleian, 
 and presented to the Conference by Dr. Goodwin,^ were 
 strongly in favour of an admission under severe restrictions. 
 Even the level-headed Nye, who was ready to tolerate all 
 religious follies so long as they were peaceable, asked for 
 " due cautions warranted by Holy Scripture." ^ It was in 
 vain that Lawrence and Lambert, supported by the learned 
 commentator Caryll, combated these opinions.* 
 
 On the eve of the third meeting Cromwell sought to 
 strengthen the Judeophils by adding to the Conference 
 Hugh Peters, the oldest of the advocates of unrestricted 
 Readmission, together with his favourite chaplain, Peter 
 Sterry, and Mr. Bulkeley, the Provost of Eton.^ This, 
 however, did not improve matters, for Peters had mean- 
 while heard something of the Marranos in London and 
 their papistical dissimulation of their religion, and he 
 vigorously denounced the Jews as "a self-seeking gene- 
 ration " who " made but little conscience of their own 
 principles." ° This discourse seems to have produced a con- 
 
 ' Judaorum Memorabilia, p. 1 70. 
 
 '•^ Barlow, "Several Miscellaneous and Weighty Cases of Conscience" 
 (1692), Fifth Treatise. See also p. i of the Bookseller's Preface. Rev. 
 S. Levy believes {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, iii. p. 152) that this opinion was 
 drawn up at the request of Robert Boyle. This is improbable, as it is clear 
 from the resemblances between Barlow's recommendations and the report 
 ultimately drawn up by the Committee of the Council {infra, p. Ixxxiv), that 
 the opinion was submitted to the Whitehall Conference, and Boyle was not a 
 member of that body. Goodwin, who was President of Magdalen College, 
 is much more likely to have asked Barlow for the opinion, especially as we 
 know that he was in favour of "due cautions" {Jud.Mem., p. 174). 
 
 ^ Jud. Mem., p. 174. * Ibid., pp. 170, 175. 
 
 ' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76 (1655), p. 412. 
 
 * This is shown by two letters in the Domestic State Papers (see Trans. 
 Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 46). 
 
 1 
 
Introduction 
 
 siderable impression on the Conference, for Thurloe, 
 writing to Henry Cromwell on the 17 th, expressed the 
 shrewd opinion that " nothing will be done." ^ 
 
 So far, however, the essential point for which Cromwell 
 had been striving had not been jeopardised. He was desir- 
 ous of securing the admission of the Jews on liberal terms, 
 but at a pinch he would no doubt have agreed to religious 
 and civil restrictions, provided the commercial activity of 
 the immigrants was not unduly fettered. Hence the terms 
 favoured by the majority of the clergy did not trouble him 
 very seriously. 
 
 At the final meeting, which was held on the i8th 
 December,^ the commercial question was broached. On 
 this occasion the doors of the Council Chamber were, for some 
 sinister reason, thrown open to the public,^ and an excited 
 crowd, armed with copies of Prynne's newly published tract 
 on the Jewish question,* collected to hear the debate. The 
 proceedings were tempestuous from the beginning, and 
 gradually they took the form of a vehement demonstra- 
 tion against the Jews. Merchant after merchant rose and 
 violently protested against any concessions, declaring that 
 the Hebrews were a mean and vicious people, and that 
 their admission would enrich foreigners and impoverish the 
 natives.' Even strangers took part in these tirades, and a 
 Mr. Lloyd, who was not a member of the Conference, 
 distinguished himself by a " fierce " harangue.^ The climax 
 was reached when Sir Christopher Pack, the most eminent 
 citizen of his day, and a devoted adherent of the Protector, 
 ranged himself with the opponents of Menasseh, in an 
 
 ' Thurloe State Papers, voL iv. p. 321. 
 - Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit. 
 3 Spence's "Anecdotes," p. 77. 
 
 * "A Short Demurrer," Part I. The publication of the pamphlet was 
 hurried to be in time for the Conference. It was written in seven days, 
 and the preface is dated December 14, four days before the last meeting {cf. 
 Preface to " Second Demurrer," 1656). 
 
 5 Jud. Manor., p. 175 ; Burton, "Diaiy," p. 309. 
 
 • Burton, loc. cit. 
 
 li 
 
Introduction 
 
 address which is said to have been the most impressive 
 delivered during the whole course of the Conference.^ 
 
 The advocates of out-and-out exclusion were, however, 
 as little likely to carry the day as the champions of unre- 
 stricted admission, for the majority of the members of the 
 Conference were divines who were anxious that the Jews 
 should be converted, and for that reason desired that they 
 should be somehow or other brought into the country. 
 Moreover, since the decision of the Judges, the question was 
 no longer whether exclusion should be persisted in, but 
 only on what terms admission should be sanctioned. This 
 was probably pointed out to the merchants, and an attempt 
 to arrive at a compromise was made. After some private 
 confabulations, Henry Jessey rose to announce the terms 
 that had been agreed upon. The appearance of Jessey, the 
 profound Rabbinical student, the friend of Menasseh, and 
 one of the veterans of the Readmission cause, seemed to 
 betoken a Jewish victory. What must have been the 
 astonishment of his friends when he stated, with naive 
 satisfaction, that the basis of the compromise was that the 
 Jews should only be admitted to decayed ports and towns, 
 and that they should pay double customs duties on their 
 imports and exports ! " 
 
 Cromwell now saw his whole scheme crumbling to 
 pieces. That, if put to the vote, Jessey's compromise 
 would be adopted by an overwhelming majority was patent 
 to everybody. In that case not only would the commercial 
 design which Cromwell had at heart be defeated, but the 
 Marranos in London, who had served him so well, would be 
 practically banished. At all hazards a vote had to be pre- 
 vented.' Cromwell acted with characteristic promptness 
 and audacity. Rising from the chair of state, he addressed 
 
 ' Burton, loc. cit. 
 
 "^ " Life of Henry Jessey," pp. 67-68. 
 
 ^ That CromweH's interposition took place under these circumstances is 
 an inference of the present writer's. The statements in Jessey's " Life " 
 clearly point to this conclusion. 
 
 Hi 
 
Introduction 
 
 the Assembly. Ingeniously ignoring the proposed com- 
 promise, he began his speech with a review of the differences 
 of opinion revealed by the various speakers. They were, he 
 scornfully declared, a babel of discordances. He had hoped 
 that the Preachers would have given him some clear and 
 practical advice, but they had only multiplied his doubts. 
 Protesting that he had no engagements to the Jews but 
 what the Scriptures held forth, he insisted that "since there 
 was a promise of their conversion, means must be used to 
 that end, which was the preaching of the Gospel, and that 
 could not be done unless they were permitted to dwell 
 where the Gospel was preached." Then, turning to the 
 merchants, he harped sarcastically on the accusations they had 
 brought against the Jews. " You say they are the meanest 
 and most despised of all people. So be it. But in that 
 case what becomes of your fears ? Can you really be afraid 
 that this contemptible and despised people should be able 
 to prevail in trade and credit over the merchants of Eng- 
 land, the noblest and most esteemed merchants of the whole 
 world ? " It was clear, he added sharply, that no help was 
 to be expected from the Conference, and that he and the 
 Council would have to take their own course. He hoped 
 he should do nothing foolishly or rashly, and he asked now 
 only that the Conference would give him the benefit of 
 their prayers, so that he might be directed to act for the 
 glory of God and the good of the nation.^ So saying, he 
 vacated the chair in token that the proceedings were at 
 an end. 
 
 The speech was a fighting speech, delivered with great 
 animation, and is said to have been one of the best Crom- 
 well ever made." It achieved its object, for the Conference 
 broke up without a word of protest, and the crowds dis- 
 
 * These fragments of Cromwell's speech are gathered from Jessey's 
 "Narrative," Crouch's Judaorum Memorabilicu,-^^. 175-176, and Spence's 
 '• Anecdotes," p. 77- 
 
 * Testimony by Rycaut, who was present in the crowd (Spence's " Anec- 
 dotes," p. 77)- 
 
 hn 
 
Litroduction 
 
 persed in cowed silence. Cromwell left the Council Chamber 
 in a towering passion, and it was some days before he 
 recovered his equanimity.^ 
 
 The battle was, however, not yet over. Cromwell had 
 dismissed the Conference, but the Committee of the 
 Council of State had yet to report. It could not well, in 
 sober writing, take the view of the Protector's strategic 
 speech, nor could it ignore the instruction of the Council 
 to which it owed its existence. Accordingly it set itself to 
 the drafting of a report which should express the obvious 
 views of the Conference without conflicting too violently 
 with Cromwell's equally obvious design. The report 
 accepted the view of the Judges that there was no law 
 against the Readmission, and then proceeded to set forth 
 under six heads the views urged by the Conference, including 
 the view of the merchants, that "great prejudice is likely 
 to arise to the natives of this Commonwealth in matters of 
 trade." Finally, it laid down seven conditions, apparently 
 borrowed from Barlow's opinion,^ by which the Readmis- 
 sion should be governed. The Jews should have no 
 autonomous jurisdiction ; they should be forbidden from 
 blaspheming Christ ; they should not profane the Christian 
 Sabbath ; they should have no Christian servants ; they 
 should be ineligible for public office ; they should print 
 nothing against Christianity, and they should not discour- 
 age those who might attempt to convert them, while the 
 making of converts by them should be prohibited. No 
 restriction on their trading was suggested.^ 
 
 What became of this document is not clear. A clean 
 copy of it, undated and unendorsed, is preserved in the 
 
 ' Writing to Henry Cromwell about the Conference a week later, 
 Thurloe says, " I doe assure you that his highness is put to exercise every 
 day with the peevishness and wroth of some persons heere " (State Papers, 
 vo). iv. p. 343). 
 
 ^ Cf. Conditions, ii., iii., iv., v., ix., xi., and xvii., in Barlow, "The Care 
 of the Jews," pp. 67, 68, 70, 71, and 73. 
 
 •^ Infra, p. Ixxxiv-lxxxv. 
 
 liv 
 
Introduction 
 
 State Papers, but there is no reference to it in the Order 
 Book of the Council of State.^ And yet it is certain that the 
 Committee presented it to the Council, for the Conference 
 was only a means of enlightening the Committee, and the 
 Council still looked to it for advice. It is probable that 
 it was never formally accepted by the Council. When 
 it was in due course brought up, Cromwell most likely 
 objected to its presentation. After his experience of the 
 Conference, it was clear to him that whatever was done 
 would have to be done more or less unofficially. The 
 acceptance of the report would have involved legislation, in 
 which case the proceedings of the Conference would have 
 been repeated in a form far more difficult to control, and 
 perhaps impossible to defeat. Gratified by the omission 
 of trade restrictions from the report, and feeling the neces- 
 sity of retaining the support of the Council in the further 
 steps he might take, the Protector probably assured them 
 that he was in agreement with them on most points, and 
 that he would do nothing unwarranted by the views they 
 had expressed. At the same time he doubtless pointed 
 out that many other important questions claimed the 
 attention of Parliament, and that it would be well if men's 
 minds were not further disturbed by the Jewish question. 
 Accordingly he advised that the report should be ignored 
 and the matter allowed to drop." 
 
 Here the question rested at the end of 1655. The 
 result was not encouraging, but at any rate one important 
 point had been gained. The prevailing idea that the in- 
 coming of Jews and their sojourn in the land were illegal 
 
 1 In the Calendar of State Papers, Dom. (1655-1656), p. 15, it is hypotheti- 
 cally dated November 13, the day on which Menasseh's proposals were 
 referred to the Committee. This date is absolutely impossible, as the Com- 
 mittee could not have ascertained the views it reported to the Council in the 
 course of a single afternoon. If it was not drawn up on the 15th, it could 
 not have been drawn up until the Conference was over, as the Conference 
 was specifically summoned to advise the Committee. 
 
 - I have to thank Dr. Gardiner for this ingenious conjecture. It entirely 
 accords vnih. all the known facts. 
 
 Iv 
 
Introduction 
 
 had been completely and finally shattered. This was the 
 thin end of the wedge, and it had been so securely driven 
 in, that John Evelyn entered in his Diary under date of 
 December 14th : " Now were the Jews admitted." ^ 
 
 V. Cromwell's Action 
 
 Had the Diarist waited until the close of the Whitehall 
 Conferences he would probably have modified his opinion. 
 Although the technical question of the right of incoming 
 had been decided, the cause of the Readmission had not 
 been materially advanced. The universal demand for re- 
 strictions rendered it impossible for the Jews to avail them- 
 selves of their legal right without an assurance of protection 
 from the Government. As late as the following April no 
 complete settlement on this point had been reached, for in 
 the passage from the Vindicia already quoted, Menasseh 
 wrote on the loth of that month, "As yet we have had 
 no finall determination from his most Serene Highnesse." ^ 
 
 What happened after the Conferences is somewhat 
 obscure, owing to the reticence of the public records on 
 the Jewish question. It is certain, however, that before 
 Cromwell's death a favourable decision was arrived at, 
 and that an organised Jewish community came into the 
 light of day in London, protected by definite rights of 
 residence, worship, and trade. This is proved by the 
 petitions for the re-expulsion of the Jews presented to 
 Charles II. on his arrival in London in 1660, and especially 
 by a statement in a petition of the Lord Mayor and 
 Aldermen of the City of London, that "in that grand 
 Complicacon of mischeifs brought on yo' Ma'"'" good 
 subjects by y^ corrupt interest of the late usurper f admis- 
 sion of "Jews to a free cohabition and trade in these dominions 
 was found to be a most heavy pressure on yo' Peticon"^'" ^ 
 
 1 Edit. Bohn, vol. i. p. 327. ^ Supra, p. xvii. 
 
 ' Guildhall Archives. Remembrancia, vol. ix. No. 44, pp. 1-18. I 
 printed the text of this petition in full in the Jewish Chronicle, November 
 15, 1899. 
 
 Ivi 
 
Introduction 
 
 How had this free settlement been brought about ? It 
 is not altogether impossible to reconstruct the story, although 
 the materials are scanty and vague. 
 
 Cromwell's parting speech to the Whitehall Assembly, 
 and the continued residence of Menasseh in London, must 
 have excited apprehension among the extreme Judeophobes. 
 The decision of the Judges and the Protector's threat that 
 he and the Council would take their own course rendered a 
 formal proclamation of Readmission by no means improb- 
 able. On the other hand, the great bulk of the nation had 
 shown itself unfavourable to the scheme, and there was 
 just a chance that this might stay Cromwell's hand. This 
 popular ill-feeling the anti-Semitic pamphleteers now set 
 themselves to inflame. It was probably hoped by this 
 means, if not to intimidate the Protector, at any rate to 
 strengthen the Council in their resistance to his original 
 programme. 
 
 The new year had scarcely dawned when the inde- 
 fatigable pen of Prynne was again at work on an enlarged 
 edition of his "Demurrer." In this work he especially 
 devoted himself to the legal question, amplifying by some 
 twenty pages his argument that the expulsion by Edward I. 
 remained valid, and could only be reversed by an Act of 
 Parliament. In February he published Part II. of the 
 *' Demurrer," containing a further instalment of documents 
 relating to the history of the Jews in England in the twelfth 
 and thirteenth centuries. The object of this work, which is 
 a monument of research, and which until a generation ago 
 was the chief printed source of our knowledge of the 
 mediaeval history of the English Jews, was to show that 
 the Jews had never lived in England except under severe 
 disabilities, and that they were a people of phenomenal 
 viciousness, clippers of coin, crucifiers of children, and 
 the blaspheming devotees of a ghastly blood cultus. Less 
 learned, but not less virulent, was Alexander Ross, whose 
 calumnious " View of the Jewish Religion " was published 
 
 Ivii h 
 
hitroduction 
 
 about the same time. Several anonymous pamphleteers 
 followed suit. The campaign does not seem to have ex- 
 cited much agitation, but it probably had the effect of 
 deciding Cromwell not to attempt a public solution of 
 the question in the sense of his own private wishes and 
 of Menasseh's petition. 
 
 'All that was urgent he had, indeed, already done. 
 Shortly after the termination of the Whitehall Conferences 
 he had verbally assured the London Marranos of his per- 
 sonal protection, and had given them permission to cele- 
 brate divine worship after the Jewish fashion, on condition 
 that the services were held in private houses.^ These 
 favours were conveyed through John Sadler, no doubt in 
 order to avoid any further apprehensions of a reopening of 
 the Jewish question that might be aroused by granting an 
 audience to Menasseh. The restriction in regard to the 
 privacy of the services shows that Cromwell had definitely 
 resolved to adhere to his compromise with the Council and 
 to respect the spirit of their report. Legally the Jews were 
 entitled to celebrate divine worship in public, for, by the 
 repeal of the Recusancy Acts by the Long Parliament in 
 1650, the practice of every kind of religious duty, "either 
 of prayer, preaching, reading or expounding the Scriptures," 
 had been legalised, the celebration of mass being alone ex- 
 cepted.^ It would, however, have been dangerous for the 
 Jews to claim this right, and Cromwell no doubt pointed 
 out to them that, in that case, it would be necessary to 
 apply to Parliament for legislation, which could only have 
 taken the form of enacting the oppressive recommendations 
 of the Whitehall Conferences. Under these circumstances 
 the Marranos could not but acquiesce. That their desire 
 for synagogue services was entirely due to their Jewish 
 piety, or was animated by a craving for martyrdom, is, 
 
 ' These grants are mentioned in a Jewish petition subsequently pre- 
 sented to Cromwell {infra, pp. Ixxxv-lxxxvi). 
 
 ''■ Gardiner, " Hist, of the Commonwealth," vol. i. pp. 396-97. 
 
 Iviij 
 
Introduction 
 
 moreover, very unlikely. The outbreak of war with Spain 
 had rendered it impossible for them to continue, in their 
 guise of Nuevos Cristianos, to attend the services in the 
 Spanish Ambassador's chapel, and as they were bound by 
 the Act of 1650 to resort to some place "where the service 
 or worship of God is exercised," they were confronted by 
 the necessity of either posing as pseudo-Protestants or 
 frankly practising Judaism. The former course was out of 
 the question, especially after Hugh Peters's condemnation 
 of their hypocrisy at Whitehall. Hence their request to 
 be permitted to worship as Jews. By Cromwell's ac- 
 quiescence in this request and his promise of protection 
 a secret beginning in the way of Readmission had been 
 informally accomplished. 
 
 This arrangement was, however, not destined to endure. 
 It was an evasion of the will of the Whitehall Conferences 
 — an attempt, as Graetz has well said, to readmit the Jews 
 "nicht durch das grosse Portal sondern durch eine Hin- 
 terthiir."^ It was condemned to failure, too, because its 
 secret could not be kept. Even before the end of 1655 
 Cromwell's intentions were known. In a scrap of a 
 Royalist letter of intelligence, dated December 31, and 
 preserved in the State Papers, the writer says, " The Jews, 
 we hear, will be admitted by way of connivancy, though 
 the generality oppose." ^ The secret arrangement with 
 regard to divine worship was also soon bruited abroad. In 
 a despatch dated January 28, 1656, Salvetti, the diplomatic 
 agent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, informed his master 
 that " the affair of the Jews continues in the state I have 
 already described ; meanwhile they may meet privately in 
 their houses, but they have not yet established a syna- 
 gogue."* In a later despatch (February 4) he confirms 
 
 ' Graetz, Geschichte derjuden, vol. x. p. 122. 
 
 2 Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1655-56, p. 82. 
 
 3 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 27962. In a despatch dated January 14, Salvetti 
 refers to the Jewish question, but makes no mention of the arrangement 
 respecting divine worship. On the same date, too, the well-informed Dutch 
 
 lix 
 
Ifttroduction 
 
 this information and amplifies it. "It is thought," he 
 writes, " that the Protector will not make any declaration in 
 their favour, but tacitly he will connive at their holding 
 private conventicles, which they already do, in their houses 
 in order to avoid public scandal." ^ 
 
 From the Royalist spies and the diplomatists the news 
 was quickly conveyed to the anti-Semites in the City. 
 Although the dangers of a Jewish immigration en masse 
 and the scandal of a public synagogue had been averted, 
 the enemies of the Jews — especially their competitors in 
 trade — were not inclined to acquiesce without a struggle in 
 the tacit toleration of even a small community of Hebrew 
 merchants. But what could be done } As Jews the posi- 
 tion of the intruders was legal, and any attempt to perse- 
 cute them in that capacity would probably be resented in a 
 disagreeable fashion by the masterful Protector. Moreover, 
 as the most serious evils of the Jewish problem had been 
 provided against, and the public mind was preoccupied 
 with the war with Spain, it might be difficult to enlist 
 a large measure of support in an agitation against the 
 strangers. An opportunity for showing their teeth soon 
 presented itself to the City merchants, and they were not 
 slow to avail themselves of it. 
 
 Early in March 1656 a proclamation was issued by the 
 Privy Council declaring all Spanish monies, merchandise, 
 and shipping to be lawful prize. The ink of this docu- 
 ment was scarcely dry — indeed it had not been formally 
 published — when, on the denunciation of an informer, the 
 house of Don Antonio Rodrigues Robles, a wealthy 
 Spanish merchant and Marrano of Duke's Place, City, was 
 entered by bailifFs armed with a Privy Council warrant 
 instructing them to "seize, secure, and keep under safe 
 
 ambassador, Nieupoort, informed the States-General that it was generally 
 understood that the Lord Protector would take no further steps (Thurloe 
 State Papers, vol. iv. p. 328). It would seem, then, that the transaction 
 took place between the 14th and the 28th January. 
 > Ibid. 
 
 Ix 
 
Introduction 
 
 custody all the goods and papers therein found." On the 
 same day the Commissioners of Customs, acting under a 
 similar warrant, took possession of two ships in the Thames, 
 the Two Brothers and the Tobias, which were believed 
 to be Robles's property.^ On the face of it, this action 
 seemed to have no connection with the Jewish question. 
 The fact that the information on which the warrants were 
 based was presented to the Council by so staunch a friend 
 of the Jews as Thurloe suffices to show that its Jewish 
 bearing was at first quite unsuspected. It was apparently 
 the private enterprise of a perfidious scrivener named 
 Francis Knevett, who, after obtaining the confidence of 
 several members of the Marrano community in his profes- 
 sional capacity, had discovered that under the new procla- 
 mation he might betray them with advantage to himself.' 
 This seems also to have been the view of Robles, for in 
 a petition he immediately addressed to the Protector he 
 disputed the validity of the seizures on the purely legal 
 ground that he was a Portuguese and not a Spaniard, and 
 that his rights as a Merchant Stranger, which were con- 
 sequently unaffected by the war with Spain, had been 
 unjustly invaded.^ On this point the Council, to whom the 
 petition was referred, ordered an inquiry, and one of its 
 members. Colonel Jones, was deputed to take evidence. 
 
 Meanwhile some suspicion that the case was aimed at the 
 newly acquired privileges of the Marranos seems to have got 
 abroad. Many of the Jews in London were of Spanish 
 birth, and others, though natives of Portugal, were probably 
 endenizened Spaniards, since in their guise of Nuevos 
 Cristianos they had held high office under the King of Spain.* 
 It was clear, then, that if the case against Robles was estab- 
 lished other prosecutions would follow, and in that way the 
 
 ' State Papers, Domestic. Interregnum, cxxv., No. 38, i. 76, p. 604 ; 
 i. 1 12, p. 289 ; cxxvi., No. 105. 
 ' Ibid., cxxvi.. No. 105, iv. 
 ' Ibi<L, cxxvi., No. 105. 
 ♦ Trans. J<r,v. Hist. Sec, vol. i. p. 63. 
 
 Ixi 
 
Introduction 
 
 small Jewish community would be broken up. The danger 
 was all the greater since the protection and privileges so re- 
 cently acquired by the Jews had only been granted verbally, 
 and might easily be repudiated if public opinion proved too 
 strong for the Protector. There was, however, no imme- 
 diate reason why the leading Marranos, who had hitherto 
 been in negotiation with Cromwell, should take up Robles's 
 cudgels, for he belonged to a party in the Synagogue which 
 had imbibed strong Royalist sympathies in Holland and 
 France, and which, consequently, had kept itself aloof from 
 Menasseh's Readmission campaign. They accordingly con- 
 fined themselves to the presentation of a petition to the 
 Protector, in which they asked that the " favours and pro- 
 tection " accorded to them, including the right of worship, 
 might be confirmed in writing. At the same time they 
 prayed for a license to acquire ground for a Jewish cemetery. 
 This document was signed by Menasseh ben Israel, Antonio 
 Fernandez Carvajal, and five other Marranos, but Robles 
 was not among it signatories.^ 
 
 Cromwell at once referred this petition to the Council, 
 but the Lord President, apparently recognising that the 
 Jewish question was coming up in a new form, held it 
 back until the Robles case had been dealt with.^ The 
 fact that Robles was a Jew had, indeed, already been 
 ascertained, and the belief that the prosecution was 
 aimed at all his co-religionists was gaining ground owing 
 to a new outburst of activity on the part of the anti- 
 Semites. The anxiety of the Marranos at the shelving 
 of their petition became accentuated by this agitation, 
 and especially by the doubts which it seemed to be pro- 
 ducing in the minds of some of their best friends. The 
 wavering feeling in high places was made disagreeably 
 manifest to them by a letter addressed to Menasseh ben 
 Israel by John Sadler, in which that friend of the Jews 
 
 ' State Papers, Dom. Interregnum, cxxv., 58. Infra, p. Ixxxv. 
 2 See endorsement of the petition. Infra, p. Ixxxvi. 
 
 Ixii 
 
Introductio7i 
 
 pointed out that the charges of ritual murder and quasi 
 idolatry preferred by Prynne and Ross were being widely 
 discussed, and that a public answer to them was urgently 
 necessary.^ Before Menasseh's reply was written Colonel 
 Jones presented an interim report to the Council, from 
 which it appeared inter alia that Knevett had filed a further 
 information denouncing other Marranos as Spanish subjects.^ 
 It was now no longer possible to ignore the existence of 
 an anti-Jewish conspiracy. The first action of the Jews was 
 to hurry forward the publication of Menasseh's reply to 
 Prynne and Ross. This took the form of the famous 
 Vindicits fudaorum — the third tract printed in the present 
 volume. It was described merely as "A Letter in Answer 
 to certain Questions propounded by a Noble and Learned 
 Gentleman touching the reproaches cast on the Nation of 
 the Jewes." The date of its appearance, however, fixes its 
 relation to the Robles crisis, for it was published ten days 
 after Colonel Jones's report, while the seriousness of that 
 crisis is strikingly illustrated by the urgent and earnest tone 
 of the pamphlet. Menasseh evidently felt that not only 
 his own grandiose idea of a new asylum for Israel was at 
 stake, but that even the small progress that had been 
 achieved towards that end was threatened by a more rigid 
 exclusion of the Hebrew nation. He threw his whole 
 soul into this fresh vindication of his people and their 
 claims. Nothing, indeed, that had come from his facile 
 pen had been more dignified, more impressive, more con- 
 vincing. The vanity, the superficiality, the pretentious 
 mysticism of his former works had gone. He was no 
 longer playing a part even to himself. He was merely 
 
 ' Infra, p. 107. The h^TJOthesis that John Sadler was the author of the 
 letter which gave rise to the ViTidicia Judaorum is based on the facts that 
 he was at the time the go-between in the negotiations with Cromwell, that 
 he was an intimate friend of Menasseh, and that he had already given some 
 thought to the blood accusation and other charges against the Jews (" Rights 
 of the Kingdom," p. 74). 
 
 2 State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 77, April i, 1656 ; cxxvi., No. 105, xi. 
 
 Ixiii 
 
hitroductmi 
 
 the champion of his people in a moment of their sore 
 trial, writing from a heart whose every throb was for 
 their welfare and their honour. The simple eloquence of 
 this essay, its naive garrulousness, the glimpses it yields of 
 a pious, gentle, self-denying character, made it one of the 
 most effective vindications of the Jews ever written. The 
 best tribute to its value is afforded by the fact that it has 
 since been frequently reprinted in all parts of Europe when 
 the calumnies it denounced have been revived. 
 
 The Vindicite Judaorum was a fitting prelude to the 
 denouement that followed. With this certificate in their 
 hands the Marranos felt that they might risk claiming their 
 legal rights as Jews, and thus at once repudiate their Spanish 
 nationality and challenge a settlement of their status in the 
 country. The decision was a bold one, but there was shrewd 
 method in its apparent rashness. If the Marranos were 
 technically Spanish subjects, they were in reality testimonies 
 to the intolerance of Spain which made that country, in 
 Cromwell's words, " the natural, the providential enemy of 
 England," ^ and which was one of the grounds of the war. 
 Like the Protestant traders whose liberty of conscience had 
 been trampled on in Spain they also had been persecuted, 
 though in a worse form. They were fugitives from the 
 Inquisition, and consequently had a peculiar claim on the 
 indulgence and consistency of the English people, who at 
 that moment were filled with righteous horror at the reli- 
 gious policy of the " Popish enemy." 
 
 In pursuance of this idea Robles now addressed a fresh 
 petition to the Protector, which reached the Council of State 
 on the 15th April," five days after the publication of the 
 Vindicia. In this document the purely legal question of 
 nationality was dropped, and Robles confined himself to 
 reciting how he and his kindred had been persecuted by the 
 Inquisition in Portugal and Spain, how his father had died 
 
 ' Carlyle, " Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," vol. ii. p. 161. 
 2 State Papers, Dom. Inter., cxxvi., No. 105, i. ; i. 77, No. 11. 
 
 Ixiv 
 
Introduction 
 
 under torture, how his mother had been crippled for life, 
 and other members of his family burnt or sent to the galleys 
 because they were Jews. He related that he had sought 
 refuge in England, " intending therein to shelter himselfe 
 from those tiranicall Proceedings and injoy those Beneffitts 
 and Kindnesse which this Comonw'*' ever aforded to aflicted 
 strangers." He appealed to Cromwell's notorious sym- 
 pathy for " afflicted ones," and especially " owr nation the 
 Jews," and skilfully suggested that a continuance of his 
 prosecution would be tantamount to the introduction of the 
 Inquisition into England. A week later affidavits confirm- 
 ing the statements in this petition were signed by all the 
 leading Marranos and handed to Colonel Jones.-^ Thus the 
 Crypto-Jews threw ofF their disguise. In the investiga- 
 tions which followed, the existence of over twenty Jewish 
 families in London was revealed, and it was given in 
 evidence that many of them had resided for years in the 
 country. 
 
 These tactics produced dismay in the ranks of the anti- 
 Semites. Knevett made a last despairing effort to con- 
 struct a fresh case against the Jews by trying to bribe 
 Robles's servants to assist him in framing a new informa- 
 tion. In this he failed.^ The case was now quickly dis- 
 posed of. On April 25 th the Council of State, still anxious 
 to avoid responsibility for a decision, sent all the papers to 
 the Admiralty Commissioners, with a request for a prompt 
 report. On May nth the Commissioners summoned the 
 witnesses before them, but extracted little else from them 
 than that Robles was believed to be Portuguese, and that 
 they were all victims of the Inquisition. On May 1 4th the 
 Commissioners reported that they were unable to give a 
 definite opinion on the question of nationality. Two days 
 later the Council screwed up their courage to a decision, 
 
 ' State Papers, Dom. Inter., cxxvi., No. 105, ii. and iii. Most of the 
 documents in the Robles case have been printed as an appendix to my paper 
 on "Crypto-Jews under the Commonwealth" (Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. 
 pp. 76-86). ^ Jl>i(f., cxxvi.. No. 105, vi. 
 
 Ixv / 
 
Introduction 
 
 and, without giving any reasons, ordered all the warrants to 
 be discharged, and reinstated Robles in the possession of his 
 goods, premises, and ships.^ 
 
 The Jewish battle was won, and nothing now remained 
 but to secure the fruits of victory in an inexpugnable form. 
 What followed is, in detail, a matter of conjecture, but 
 the broad lines of the settlement we know from the 
 petition of the Corporation of the City of London, already 
 quoted. Rights of " cohabitation and trade in these 
 dominions" were formally accorded to the Jews in writing.^ 
 That this happened before the end of 1656 we may 
 gather from a statement of Cromwell's intimate friend, 
 Samuel Richardson, who, in his " Plain Dealing," pub- 
 lished in that year, says of the Protector, " He hath 
 owned the poor despised people of God, and advanced many 
 of them to a better way and means of living." ^ The first 
 steps were probably taken on the 26th June, when the long- 
 deferred petition of the Marranos for a license to acquire a 
 burial-ground and for a confirmation in writing of their 
 rights of residence and worship came up for consideration.* 
 The Council, still reluctant to engage their responsibility, 
 made no entry of the discussion in their Order Book, and 
 it was probably arranged that Cromwell should personally 
 confirm the Jewish right of residence, subject to an under- 
 standing that the spirit of the recommendations presented 
 to the Council after the Whitehall Conferences should be 
 
 ' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 77, pp. 44, 78; cxxvii., 21,40; i. 77, No. 19. 
 
 ^ There is a tradition in the synagogues that written privileges were 
 granted, and this conforms with all the other evidence relating to the cam- 
 paign. The disappearance of these documents is not surprising, as many of 
 the older documents belonging to the Sephardi congregation in London 
 passed into private hands. Moreover, after the Restoration the congrega- 
 tions would naturally wish to destroy all evidence of their negotiations with 
 the Protector. It is probable that these documents are referred to in the 
 State Papers, where mention is made of " a Jew living in London who has 
 produced great testimonies under the hand of the late Lord Protector." 
 (Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1659-60, p. 291.) 
 
 2 "Tracts on Liberty of Conscience " (Hanserd Knollys Soc), p. 240. 
 
 * See Endorsement of Petition, infra, p. Ixxxvi. 
 
 Ixvi 
 
Introduction 
 
 observed. The right to acquire a cemetery was certainly 
 granted. Cromwell probably further engaged himself to 
 instruct the London city authorities to place no impedi- 
 ments in the way of the Jews trading on an equality with 
 other citizens.^ On their side, the Marranos must have 4r~ 
 agreed not to assist in an indiscriminate immigration of their 
 co-religionists, not to obtrude their worship and ceremonies 
 on the public, not to engage in religious controversy, and 
 not to make converts.^ The restriction with regard to wor- 
 shipping in private houses was also probably revised, and 
 the maintenance of a synagogue, subject to the other con- 
 ditions, sanctioned.^ In February 1657 Antonio de 
 Carvajal and another leading Marrano, Simon de Caceres, 
 signed the lease for a Jewish cemetery in Mile End.* 
 Shortly afterwards another result of the settlement was 
 made public. Solomon Dormido, a son of David Abar- 
 banel Dormido and nephew of Menasseh ben Israel, was 
 admitted to the Royal Exchange as a duly licensed broker 
 of the City of London, the authorities waiving in his 
 favour the Christological oath essential to the induction 
 of all brokers.' As wholesale trading in the City was 
 
 ' A similar course had been taken with regard to Protestant refugees in 
 the city on November 13, 1655. (Guildhall Archives : Rep. Ixiv. fol. S''.) 
 
 ^ Some of these restrictions are clearly indicated by Menasseh's disap- 
 pointment at the settlement. The prohibition of proselytising has always 
 been remembered as one of the conditions of the Readmission, and it was 
 religiously observed until the Rabbinate of the present ecclesiastical chief of 
 the Anglo-Jewish community. In 1752, when certain Ashkenazi Jews were 
 making proselytes in London, the Parnassim of the Portuguese synagogue 
 wrote to the authorities of the German congregation, calling their attention 
 to this condition, and the proselytisers were ordered to desist from "pur- 
 suing such unlawful practices." In 1760 a Jew was expelled from the 
 synagogue and deprived of his burial rights for this offence. (Minute Books 
 of the Duke's Place Synagogue, 1752, 1760.) 
 
 3 Violet, "The Petition Against the Jews" (1661), p. 2: "Cromwell 
 and his Council did give a toleration and dispensation to a great number of 
 Jews to come and live here in London, and to this day they do keep public 
 ■worship in the City of London, to the great dishonour of Christianity and 
 public scandal of the true Protestant religion." 
 
 * Abstract of lease in Jewish Chronicle, November 26, i8£o, comm.uni- 
 cated by Mr. Israel Davis. 
 
 * Guildhall Archives, Rep. Ixxiii. fol. 213. 
 
 Ixvii 
 
Introduction 
 
 transacted exclusively through brokers, the admission of a 
 Jew to that limited fraternity is a substantial proof of the 
 acquisition of untrammelled trading rights by the new 
 community. 
 
 The victory, it will be observed, secured to the local 
 Marranos all they required, and in a measure realised the 
 aims of Cromwell's own policy. To Menasseh ben Israel, 
 however, it was no victory : it was a compromise of a 
 purely selfish nature, which left his idea of a proclamation 
 of a free asylum to the persecuted and scattered remnants 
 of Israel as remote as ever. We may be certain that he did 
 not hide his grief or his indignation. There is indeed 
 abundant reason for believing that he quarrelled over it 
 with the new Jewish community. His hopes of returning 
 to his old position in Amsterdam were shattered, for the 
 Dutch Jews, who had always shared the Stuart sympathies 
 of their Christian compatriots, had formally abandoned 
 him when they found they had nothing to gain from his 
 mission, and had opened negotiations on their own behalf 
 with the exiled king at Bruges.^ He might, perhaps, have 
 secured his future by becoming Rabbi of the London com- 
 munity had he been content to abide by the terms of the 
 new settlement. This, however, he sturdily refused, and 
 although he was deserted by all his friends, and his monetary 
 resources were exhausted, he continued from his lodging in 
 the Strand to urge on Cromwell the issue of the proclama- 
 tion on which he had set his heart. 
 
 That he must have quarrelled with the London Mar- 
 ranos immediately after the settlement is shown by a letter 
 he addressed to Cromwell towards the end of 1656, in 
 which he asked for pecuniary help, and stated that he (the 
 Protector) was "the alone succourer of my life in this land 
 of strangers."^ Cromwell responded with a gift of ;!{^25, 
 
 ' Menasseh had assured Nieupoort that he did "not desire anything for 
 the Jews in Holland" (Thurloe, iv. p. 333). The negotiations with Charles 
 II. are recorded in Brit. i\Ius. Add. MSS. 4106, fol. 253. 
 
 '' Infra, p. lxxx%'i. 
 
 Jxviii 
 
Introduction 
 
 and in the following March granted him a pension of ;^ioo 
 a year, dating from February, and payable quarterly.^ Un- 
 fortunately this pension was never paid, and Menasseh be- 
 came overwhelmed with cares.^ Nevertheless, for six months 
 longer he doggedly pursued his mission. In September 
 1657 his only surviving son, Samuel ben Israel, who had 
 remained with him in England, died.^ Then his spirit 
 broke. Begging a few pounds from the Protector* he 
 turned his steps homewards, carrying with him the corpse 
 of his son. 
 
 A broken and beggared man he met his family at 
 Middelburg, in Zeeland. He was now bent with pre- 
 mature age. The comely, good-tempered face, with its 
 quizzing eyes and dandyish moustache, so familiar to 
 us in Rembrandt's etching, had become hollow-cheeked 
 and hollow-eyed. From the crow's-feet under the temples 
 the whiskers had grown wildly until they formed a white 
 patriarchal beard.* It was the wintering touch of the 
 hand of death. Two months later Menasseh died of a 
 broken heart at the house of his brother-in-law, Ephraim 
 Abarbanel, in the fifty-third year of his age.^ 
 
 VI. The Real "Vindici^" 
 
 One more question remains to be elucidated. How 
 did the seemingly precarious settlement of the London 
 Jews manage to survive the wreck of the Commonwealth .-' 
 
 Both Menasseh and Cromwell had builded more solidly 
 than they knew. If the solution of the Jewish question 
 arrived at towards the end of 1656 was not wholly satis- 
 
 1 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., viii. pp. 94-95. Fifth Rep. of Dep. Keeper of 
 Public Records, App. ii. p. 253. 
 
 ^ Infra, p. Ixxxviii. 
 
 •* Ibid., p. Ixxxvii. 
 
 * Ibid. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., viii. p. 95. 
 
 ^ Compare frontispiece with portrait at p. 105. 
 
 ^ Kayserling, " Menasseh ben Israel." (Misc. of Hebrew Literature, 
 Series ii. pp. 68, 93.) 
 
 Ixix 
 
hitroductiofi 
 
 factory, it was precisely in that fact that its real strength 
 
 lay. Experimental compromise is the law of English 
 
 political progress. From the strife of wills represented 
 
 in its extremer forms by Cromwell's lofty conception of 
 
 religious liberty on the one hand, and by the intolerance 
 
 of the sectaries on the other, had emerged a compromise 
 
 which conformed to this law, and which consequently made 
 
 the final solution of the question an integral part of English 
 
 ^.political evolution. The great merit of the settlement was 
 
 that while it disturbed little, it gave the Jews a future in 
 
 ' the country on the condition that they were fitted to 
 
 ^possess it. 
 
 The fact that in its initial stage it disturbed so little 
 rendered it easy for Charles II. to connive at it. Had 
 Menasseh ben Israel's idea been realised in its entirety, the 
 task of the restored Monarchy would have been more diffi- 
 cult. London would have been overrun by destitute Polish 
 and Bohemian Jews driven westward by persecution, some 
 fanaticised by their sufferings, others plying the parasitic 
 trades into which commercial and industrial disabilities 
 had driven the denizens of the Central European Jewries.^ 
 Many of them would have become identified with the wild 
 Judaical sectaries who were the bitterest enemies of the 
 Stuarts, while the others would have given new life to 
 the tradition of Jewish usury, which for nearly four hun- 
 dred years had been only an historical reminiscence in the 
 country. Under these circumstances, we can well conceive 
 that a re-expulsion of the Jews might have been one of the 
 first tasks of the Restoration. 
 
 From this calamity England and the Jews were saved 
 by the restricted character of the compromise of 1656. 
 When the Commonwealth fell to pieces the Jewish com- 
 munity of London consisted only of some forty or fifty 
 families of wealthy and enterprising merchants, scarcely 
 
 • For the condition of the Ashkenazi Jews at this epoch see Graetz's 
 Geschichte, vol. x. pp. 52-82. 
 
 Ixx 
 
Introduction 
 
 distinguishable in their bearing and mode of life from the 
 best kinds of merchant-strangers hailing from Amsterdam, 
 Bordeaux, Lisbon, Cadiz, and Leghorn. 
 
 Nevertheless, efforts to procure their expulsion were 
 not wanting. Royalists who recognised in them a relic 
 of the hated Commonwealth, merchants whose restricted 
 economic science resented their activity and success, and 
 informers who imagined that their toleration was a viola- 
 tion of English law, set to work early to denounce them. 
 These manoeuvres began, indeed, as soon as the breath was 
 out of Cromwell's body. Only a few weeks after the 
 Protector's death a petition was presented to Richard 
 Cromwell demanding the expulsion of the Jews and the 
 confiscation of their property.^ At the same time, Thomas 
 Violet, the notorious informer and pamphleteer, made a 
 collection of documents bearing on the illegality of the 
 Jewish settlement, which he submitted to Mr. Justice 
 Tyril, together with an application that the law should 
 be set in motion against the intrusive community. The 
 worthy Justice shrewdly suggested to Mr. Violet that in 
 the then confused political situation he would do well to 
 take no action. It would, he opined, be only prudent to 
 await the establishment of a stable Government before 
 moving in so serious a matter. 
 
 A few months later Charles II. re-entered London, and 
 the Commonwealth was at an end. Naturally, everybody 
 looked to the new regime to redress the particular grievance 
 or grievances he harboured against "the late execrable 
 Usurper," and the anti-Jewish party was particularly prompt 
 in its representations under this head. Scarcely had CHarles 
 arrived in the Metropolis when the Lord Mayor and Alder- 
 men of the City of London presented to him a humble 
 petition, bitterly complaining of the action of Cromwell in 
 permitting the Jews to re-enter the land, and asking the 
 
 1 [Richard Baker], "The Marchants Humble Petition and Remon- 
 strance" (London, 1659), p. 17. 
 
 Ixxi 
 
Lntrociuction 
 
 King "to cause the former laws made against the Jews to 
 be put in execution, and to recommend to your two Houses 
 of Parliament to enact such new ones for the expulsion of 
 all professed Jews out of your Majesty's dominions, and to 
 bar the door after them with such provisions and penalties, 
 as in your Majesty's wisdom should be found most agree- 
 able to the benefits of religion, the honour of your Majesty, 
 and the good and welfare of your subjects." ^ The long 
 pent-up wrath of the City found full expression in this 
 petition, which must be read in its entirety to be appreci- 
 ated. Thomas Violet followed with another petition, which 
 was equally violent.^ He declared that by law it was a 
 felony for any Jew to be found in England. He did not, 
 however, propose their expulsion, as he did not think that 
 would be the best way of turning them to profitable 
 account. His suggestion was in the first place that all 
 their estates and properties should be confiscated, and then 
 that they should be cast into prison and kept there until 
 ransomed by their wealthy brethren abroad. A third peti- 
 tion, dated November 30, 1660, is preserved among the 
 Domestic State Papers, but the names of the authors are 
 not given. It runs very much on the lines of the City 
 petition, but it admits the hypothesis of Jews residing in 
 England under license, provided they were heavily taxed.^ 
 
 No direct reply to any of these petitions is recorded. 
 The views of the new Government are, however, no mystery. 
 In the first place, there was no real Jewish question in the 
 country, inasmuch as the Jews were very few, their character 
 was above reproach, and the practice of their religion was 
 conducted with so much tact and prudence that it was 
 impossible in sober truth to be moved by Violet's impas- 
 sioned complaint of " a great dishonour of Christianity and 
 public scandal of the true Protestant religion." * Conse- 
 
 ■ Guildhall Archives : Remembrancia, vol. ix. No. 44, pp. 1-18. 
 ^ Violet, "A Petition against the Jews" (London, 1661). 
 ^ State Papers, Dom., Charles II., vol. xxi. p. 140. /> ■ "ii^ 
 * " Petition," p. 2. — ' 
 
 Ixxii 
 
httroductioJi 
 
 quently the Government were free to consider the question 
 exclusively from the point of view of secular politics. 
 Once regarded in this light the conclusion could not be 
 long in doubt. Cromwell's maritime and commercial 
 policy had been adopted by the statesmen of the Restora- 
 tion, and the success of this policy — represented by the 
 re-enacted Navigation Act — depended to no inconsiderable 
 extent on toleration of the Jews. 
 
 Moreover, Charles was under personal obligations to the 
 Jews, and had assured them of his protection even before 
 he came by his own. The Jews of Amsterdam, and some 
 of the wealthier Jews in London, had assisted him during 
 his exile, especially the great family of Mendez da Costa 
 and Augustin Coronel, the agent for Portugal and a personal 
 friend of Monk.^ Shortly after the mission of Menasseh 
 ben Israel to Cromwell these Jews had approached Charles II. 
 at Bruges and had assured him that they had neither assisted 
 nor approved the Rabbi's negotiations. Thereupon General 
 Middleton had been instructed to treat with them for their 
 support to the Royalist cause, and Charles had promised 
 that " they shall find when God shall restore his Majesty 
 that he would extend that protection to them which they 
 could reasonably expect, and abate that rigour of the law 
 which was against them in his several dominions." ^ That 
 these negotiations were not without practical result is beyond 
 question, for the Da Costas and Coronels, as well as several 
 other Jewish families, were exceedingly active on Charles's 
 behalf during the last few years of the Commonwealth. 
 
 It must not be imagined that this Royalist activity repre- 
 sented any double-dealing on the part of the Jews. Those 
 who, like Carvajal and De Caceres, had fled direct from 
 the Inquisition to England, were faithful to Cromwell to 
 the end. The Royalist Jews were men who had acquired 
 their Cavalier sympathies in France and Holland, and shared 
 
 ' Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 71, 74-75- 
 2 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS_._4lo6, f. 253. 
 
 Ixxiii k 
 
Introduction 
 
 them with their Christian fellow-citizens in those countries. 
 None of them were parties to the negotiations with Crom- 
 well in 1655-56, and none had ever affected Puritan 
 sympathies. They probably had conscientious objections 
 to Republicanism, for they were of the aristocratic Sephardi 
 branch of Israel, with some of the bluest blood of Spain in 
 their veins and immense wealth in their strong-boxes. Their 
 dissent from their Puritan brethren was an early illustration 
 of the falsity of the hypothesis of Jewish political solidarity, 
 which is to this day a cherished delusion of the anti-Semites. 
 
 Charles II. did not confine himself to ignoring the anti- 
 Semitic petitions. Having made up his mind that the Jews 
 should be protected, he sought, like Cromwell, to throw the 
 responsibility for his decision on the Constitutional Govern- 
 ment. Before the end of 1660 an Order of the Lords in 
 Council was sent to the House of Commons, recommending 
 that measures should be taken for the protection of the 
 Jews.^ There is no record of any such measures having 
 been adopted. It was probably felt that the most conveni- 
 ent course to pursue was to continue the policy of personal 
 connivance inaugurated by Cromwell, as by that means men's 
 minds would be least disturbed, and an experiment which was 
 likely to produce good results would not be hampered. More- 
 over, should the experiment fail, it would be all the easier to 
 deal with it if it had not received any legislative sanction. 
 
 Accordingly, the Jews passed from the personal protec- 
 tion of Cromwell to that of Charles. In 1664, when an 
 attempt was made by the Earl of Berkshire and Mr. Ricaut 
 to obtain their expulsion, the King in Council disavowed 
 the scheme, and assured the Jews " that they may promise 
 themselves the effects of the same favour as formerly they 
 have had so long as they demean themselves peaceably an,d 
 quietly with due obedience to his Majesty's laws and with- 
 out scandal to his Government.^ A similar course was 
 
 1 Journal of the House of Commons, December 17, 1660. 
 ^ State Papers, Dom., Chas. II., Entry Book xviii. (1664), fol. 79. 
 
 Ixxiv 
 
Introduction 
 
 taken by the Privy Council in 1673 and 1685, when 
 attempts were made by informers to prosecute the Jews for 
 the exercise of their religion.^ i^inally the King marked his 
 personal gratitude to the Jews by knighting Coronel soon 
 after the Restoration, and by a generous distribution of 
 patents of denization among the members of the Synagogue.^ 
 
 Thus the Cromwellian settlement was confirmed, and 
 the path was definitely opened by which the Jews might 
 win their way to the citizenship of the United Kingdom. 
 
 How that path was successfully trodden is a story which 
 caunot be told in detail here. Its main feature, how- 
 ever, must be briefly referred to, for it supplies the justi- 
 fication for the campaign which Menasseh ben Israel 
 and Oliver Cromwell waged so gallantly on behalf of the 
 Hebrew people in the first half of the seventeenth century. 
 
 The Jews won their way to English citizenship not 
 because they remained the servi camera, which had been 
 their status under the Norman and Angevin kings, and 
 which they had practically resumed under the Protectorate 
 and the Restoration, but because they literally realised the 
 portraiture of the Hebrew citizen which Menasseh ben 
 Israel vainly placed before the British nation in 1655 in 
 his tract, De Fidelitate et utilitate Judaic^ Gentis. In this 
 way they gradually substituted for the personal protection 
 of the Crown the sympathy and confidence of the nation. 
 
 Their old enemies in the City of London were their 
 first converts. The wealth they brought into the country, 
 and their fruitful commercial activity, especially in the 
 colonial trade, soon revealed them as an indispensable 
 element of the prosperity of the City.^ As early as 1668 
 Sir Josiah Child, the millionaire governor of the East 
 
 ' The text of these orders in Council has been printed by Webb, " The 
 Question whether a Jew may hold Lands" (Lond., 1753), PP- 38-4°- 
 
 * Some of these patents are printed by Webb in an appendix to " The 
 Question," pp. 17-19. For Coronel's knighthood see Le Neve's " Pedigrees 
 of Knights," Harl. Soc. Pub. (1869). 
 
 ^ Wolf, "Jewish Emancipation in the City" (Je-u: CJirot!., November 30, 
 1894). 
 
 Ixxv 
 
Introduction 
 
 India Company, pleaded for their naturalisation on the 
 score of their commercial utility.-' For the same reason 
 the City found itself compelled at first to connive 
 at their illegal representation on 'Change, and then to 
 violate its own rules by permitting them to act as brokers 
 without previously taking up the Freedom.^ At this period 
 they controlled more of the foreign and colonial trade than 
 all the other alien merchants in London put together. The 
 momentum of their commercial enterprise and stalwart 
 patriotism proved irresistible. From the Exchange to the 
 City Council Chamber, thence to the Aldermanic Court, 
 and' eventually to the Mayoralty itself, were inevitable 
 stages of an emancipation to which their large interests 
 in the City and their high character entitled them. Finally 
 the City of London — not only as the converted champion 
 of religious liberty but as the convinced apologist of the 
 Jews — sent Baron Lionel de Rothschild to knock at the 
 doors of the unconverted House of Commons as parlia- 
 mentary representative of the first city in the world. 
 
 Jewish emancipation in England was, in short, the work 
 of the English democracy — almost of the same democracy 
 which in the thirteenth century had spued the Hebrews 
 forth, when their kingly protectors had made their residence 
 in the land conditional on their acting as the usurious instru- 
 ments of the Royal Exchequer, and which in the seventeenth 
 had resented their readmission under the influence of deeply 
 rooted prejudices, inherited from that dark age. It was no 
 mere homage to the abstract principle of Religious Liberty 
 like the emancipations on the Continent which, in the name 
 of the Rights of Man, suddenly called forth the oppressed 
 Jews from their Ghettos and bade them take up a new life, 
 from which they were sundered by centuries of mediaeval 
 seclusion. Religious Liberty in England broadened on 
 more cautious lines. Dissenters, Roman Catholics, and 
 
 1 Child, "A New Discourse of Trade" (Lond., 1668), p. 5. 
 ^ Wolf, "Jewish Emancipation," loc. cit. 
 Ixxvi 
 
hitroduction 
 
 Jews have each been taken into the bosom of the nation 
 by separate legislative action, and as the result of practical 
 demonstrations of the futility, nay, the disadvantage, of their 
 exclusion. The gradual emancipation of the English Jews, 
 first socially and then in the municipalities, enabled them 
 to show that their civic qualities entitled them to the fullest 
 rights of citizenship ; and it was the realisation of this 
 fact — not by statesmen or philosophers, but by their neigh- 
 bours and fellow-citizens themselves — that eventually gave 
 them the position they now enjoy. 
 
 The story of Jewish emancipation in England is the true 
 Vindici^ Judteorum — the avenging of Menasseh's broken 
 heart and the vindication of his touching trust in his 
 people. It is something more. It is one of many justi- 
 fications of that fine conception of statecraft, deeply 
 rooted in infinite sympathy with human freedom, which 
 is the secret of Britain's greatness, and of which Oliver 
 Cromwell must ever be regarded as the typical exponent 
 in English history. 
 
 VII. Documents 
 
 The following is a selection of the documents referred 
 to in the foregoing narrative. They have been selected 
 chiefly on account of their personal bearing on Menasseh's 
 efforts : — 
 
 I. Fragment of a letter from Menasseh ben Israel to an 
 unknown correspondent in London (Harl. Miscel., vol. vii. 
 p. 623). The original was probably in French or Latin : — 
 
 "Amsterdam, September 5407 [1647 J. 
 
 " Sen/ior, no pueda enar ! that is, sir, I cannot express the joy that 
 I have when I read your letters, full of desires to see your country 
 prosperous, which is heavily afflicted w^ith civil wars, without doubt 
 by the just judgment of God. And it should not be in vain to 
 attribute it to the punishment of your predecessor's faults, committed 
 against ours ; when ours being deprived of their liberty under deceit- 
 
 Ixxvii 
 
hitroduction 
 
 fulness, so many men were slain only because they kept close under 
 the tenets of Moses, their legislator." 
 
 2. Abstract of a letter relating to the " Hope of Israel " 
 from Menasseh ben Israel to John Dury (Thorowgood, 
 "Jews in America," 1650, p. xvii). The original seems 
 to have been in French : — 
 
 "Amsterdam, November 25, [1649]. 
 
 " By the occasion of the questions you propose unto me concern- 
 ing this adjoyned Narrative of Mr. Antonio Montezinos, I, to give 
 you satisfaction, have written instead of a Letter a Treatise, which 
 I shortly will publish & whereof you shall receive so many copies 
 as you desire. In this Treatise I handle of the first inhabitants of 
 America which I believe were of the ten Tribes ; moreover that 
 they are scattered also in other Countries, & that they keep their 
 true Religion, as hoping to returne againe into the Holy Land in 
 due time." 
 
 3. Portion of a letter on the same subject from Menasseh 
 ben Israel to John Dury (Thorowgood, ibid.). Like the 
 foregoing, the original was in French : — 
 
 "Amsterdam, December 23, 1649. 
 
 " [In my Treatise] I declare how that our Israelites were the first 
 finders out of America ; not regarding the opinions of other men, 
 which I thought good to refute in few words onely ; and I thinke 
 that the ten Tribes live not onely there, but also in other lands 
 scattered every where ; these never did come backe to the second 
 Temple, & they keep till this day still the Jewish Religion, seeing 
 all the Prophecies which speake of their bringing backe unto their 
 native soile must be fulfilled : So then at their appointed time, all 
 the Tribes shall meet from all the parts of the world into two pro- 
 vinces, namely Assyria and Egypt, nor shall their kingdome be any 
 more divided, but they shall have one Prince the Messiah the Sonne 
 of David. I do also set forth the Inquisition of Spaine, and rehearse 
 diuers of our Nation, & also of Christians, Martyrs, who in our 
 times have suffered seuerall sorts of torments, & then having 
 shewed with what great honours our Jews have been graced also by 
 severall Princes who professe Christianity. I proue at large, that 
 the day of the promised Messiah unto us doth draw neer, upon 
 which occasion I explaine many Prophecies." 
 
 Ixxviii 
 
Introduction 
 
 4. Letter from Menasseh ben Israel to Paul Felgenhauer 
 {Bonum Nuncium Israeli, pp. 87 f/ seq.) :— 
 
 " D. Paulo Felgenhauer, 
 
 Salutem & Benedictionem, k 
 Deo Israelis reprecatur, 
 Menasseh Ben Israel. 
 
 " Bonum istud, in novissimis & afflictissimis hisce temporibus 
 populo Israeli a te, Vir spectatissime, allatum Nuncium, tan to fuit 
 animo meo gratius, quo, post tot seculorum aerumnas & tarn diu 
 protractas spes nostras, flagrantius idipsum exoptare non desino ; 
 modo prse rei magnitudine verbis tuis fides constare possit. Siccine, 
 Bonarum rerum Nuncie bone, in procinctune jam est, ut adveniat 
 Deus noster, Miserator Nostrum, utque nobis Desiderium tot secu- 
 lorum, Messiam caput nostrum, tarn brevi sit missurus r Siccine 
 tempus illud imminere ais, quo Deus ; hactenus oiFensus & aversus 
 a nobis, iterum Populum suum consolabitur, & redimet non solum 
 ^ Captivitate hac plusquam BabylonicS, k servitute plusquam 
 j^^gyptiaci in qua jam elanguit prs morS, sed & ab iniquitatibus 
 suis, in quibus quasi consumptus est ! Vtinam tarn Verum esset, 
 quam Bonum Nuncium tuum, tibique, tarn Credere possem quam 
 vellem ! Utcunque quae ad gaudii nostri confirmationem ex scriptis 
 Propheticis Signa adfers Adventus Messiae (ut fatear quod res est) 
 lubens amplector ; & quo plus animo meo volvuntur ea, hoc magis 
 spes mihi inde aliqua affulgere videtur. 
 
 " Ad Primum quod attinet, apud nostros Rabbinos id signum in 
 confesso est : quum enim necesse sit Imperia hujus mundi omnia 
 corruere, antequam Regnum & Potestas & Magnitudo Regni detur 
 Populo sanctorum Altissimi,cui omnes Reges servire & obedire oportet, 
 inde non obscure sequitur, immediate ante adventum ilium Messise & 
 Instaurationem Regni ipsius, magnas Conturbationes, Tumultus, sedi- 
 tiones,intestina&crudelissimaBella,Regnorum& Populorum hinc inde 
 devastationes praecedere debere ; Quires quod brevi sit eflFectum sorti- 
 tura, ex prassenti Imperiorum Mundi facie vero baud dissimile videtur. 
 
 " De Elia, secundo Adventus Messiae nostri signo, quod ais, non 
 diffitemur, quin & gaudemus maxime, quod in eo nos Judsei cum 
 selectissimis Christian! Nominis Viris, in unam eandemque sententiam 
 concurrimus, fore ilium ex nostra Gente oriundum. Verum enim 
 vero Elias ille cum nondum comparuerit nobis, eo usque saltem 
 suspendatur spes nostra necesse est : adeo ut, donee ilium Deus nobis 
 revelaverit, certi & indubitati quicquam de Messise Adventu statuere 
 minus tuum videatur. 
 
 Ixxix 
 
Introduction 
 
 " De Tcrtio isto Adventus Messias signo quod ais, nempe de hac 
 Regni Israelis per totum Terrarum orbem praedicatione, id mihi non 
 solum verisimile videtur, sed & tale quid jam in lucem prorumpere 
 & efFectum sortiri baud obscure videmus : quin & Praedicatorem 
 istorum baud contemnendus numerus mibi ipsi per literas innotuit, 
 qui ex diversis mundi partibus ad consolandum Sionem prodierunt ; 
 inter alios Viros Nobilitate & Doctrin^ insignes, qui ad manum 
 jam sunt. En ex Silesia babemus Ahrahamum a Frankenberg, ex 
 BorussiA Joh. Mochingerum, ex Gallia Autorem Libelli Gallico 
 idiomate editi, Du rappel des Ju'ifs. Ex Anglia quos non ? Nuper 
 auctoritate public^. Nathanael Homerius, SS. Tbeol. Doctor, librum 
 in folio edidit anglico idiomate, de bac ipsa materii; & D. Henricus 
 Jesse, nobis librum Belgico idiomate de Glorid Jehudte & Israelis ; 
 publice dedicavit. Plures allegare possem, qui instar Nubeculae istius 
 I Reg. 1 8 (quam Elias ascendentem de mari vidit, & subito in tantam 
 molem excrevit ut totum Coeli expansum contegeret) Indies numero 
 & virtute accrescunt, donee tandem totum Terrarum ambitum 
 praedicatione sua sint completuri : Vt aute aliquod bajus rei specimen, 
 ad testimonium tuum confirmandum tibi, mi Paule prebeam ; selegi 
 tibi aliquot Virorum istorum ad me literas, quae jam prae manibus 
 habebam, quas legere poteris, & mecum gaudere, de ijs qui dicunt 
 nobis, Ibimus in domum Domini, stabunt adhuc pedes nostri in atriis 
 tuis lerusalem ; qui ad cor lerusalem loquuntur, prsedicantes salutem 
 & dicentes Sioni, Dens tuus Regnabit. 
 
 " Sed praeter baec mitto quoque ad Te, Vir Doctissime, auto- 
 graphum Panegyrici cujusdam quern meo Nomini inscripsit D. 
 Immanuel Bocarus Frances y Rosales alias Jacobus Rosales tJebr^EUS, 
 Mathematicus & Medicinae Doctor eximius, quern Imperator Nobi- 
 litatis Insignibus & Comitis Palatini dignitate donavit ; idque e;l 
 potissimum intentione mitto, ut videat Dominus exstare adhuc & 
 discerni ad hunc usque diem surculos ex stirpe Davidici ortum 
 ducentes. Denique ut desiderio tuo faciam satis, en quoque Cata- 
 logum librorum, quos vel in lucem edidi jam, vel edendos penes me 
 in parato habeo, sive Latino sive Hispanico idiomate. Hisce te 
 Deo Patrum nostrorum ejusque gratiae & benignitati animitus com- 
 mendo, Datum Amsterodami An. i655j die i Febr." 
 
 5. Enclosures in the foregoing, being a letter from 
 Nathaniel Holmes, with a postscript by Henry Jessey [Bonum 
 Nuncium Israeli, pp. 103-106): — 
 
 " Nunc sequitur Clarissimi Viri, Nathanaelis Hpmesii SS. Theol. 
 
 Ixxx 
 
Introduction 
 
 Doctoris Anglici ad me Epistolium, datum 24 Decemb. An. 1649. 
 cum Subscriptione Reverendi D. Henrici Jesse ei annexA. 
 
 "Decemb. 24, 1649. 
 
 "Animus mihi fuit, citius adte scribendi, Vir egregie, otium 
 non fuit, Nee hodie ita mihi vacat, ut menti meae, tantisque tuis 
 scriptis (quamvis expectatione paucioribus) satisfaciam. Nondum 
 de loco decern Tribuum, ex tuis literis responsum accepi ; quod in 
 meis desideratum fuit ; non astu, vel curiositate. Veritatem inse- 
 quor, ne Impostores pro Ebraeis nobis obstrudantur. Scripsit quidam 
 nuperime, Innodos Novas Angliae decem Tribubus esse prognatos. 
 Alii Tartyros esse contendunt. Alii alios. Discrucior animi, ne 
 fallar, usque dum literas tuae me fecerint certiorem. Delectari 
 videris D. Nicolai Apologia. Spero (ne glorier) te plura (ne dicam 
 majora) visurum, meo de Mille Annis prodeunte tractatu. Quod 
 opus ita me tenet occupatum, ut meae ad te iturae morentur litera;. 
 Martyres in tuis literis vox est ; quae, ni fallor, veteri Testamento 
 baud innotuit. Verum sub Novo, viri celebres, Christum, ejusque 
 Evangelium, ad mortem asserentes, primi illud nomen obtinuerunt. 
 Facile tamen concede, quoslibet veritatis alicujus testes, Martyres 
 Graece dictos fuisse. Sed (parcatur nostrae libertati Conscientiae, quam 
 lubentissime tibi inter scribendum indulsero) nee pontificii jam post 
 Concilium Tridentinum ullatenus habeantur propria Christiani : nee 
 Martyrium esse mihi videatur, pro hodiern^ Legis Mosaicx observa- 
 tione animam deponere. Quippe Lex ilia quoad usum, ex plurimis 
 veteris Testamenti sufFragiis, ante hoc abolenda esset. Deut. 18, 
 V. 18, 19. Psal. 50. V. 6-15, 23. lesaiae 66, v. 1-3. Vt olim 
 multis jam annis transactis, ludei ubi maxima indulgetur libertas 
 non sacrificantes, vosmetipsos tamen vere Deum colere arbitramini, 
 Libet tamen, non obstanti h^c dieendi libertate nos edoeeri, dedoce- 
 rique, qui in re a veritate subsidimus, vel hallucinamur. Tractatum 
 itaque quem nominas De debito Christianorutn erga Ebraos affectu, 
 mittas ; ut quantum in me est, typis mandetur, & in publicum 
 promoveamus. De tempore adventus Messia quod incertum pro- 
 nuncias, idque incertum comprobares experientii ; in promptu est 
 responsio ; Illud Danieli prius ignoranti, tandem revelatum est ; 
 idque ex libris illius, nobis. Et quamvis nonnulli (quos nominas) 
 computando hallucinantes, in errorum gyris, & labyrintho sunt in- 
 voluti ; non tamen hae ratione deponendx sunt de ea re (tanquam 
 nullius usus) Prophetiae. Quippe quod expectamus, Danielis more 
 cap. 9. v. 2 & v. 21. ut jam Vesperi setatem, quo propius accedunt 
 
 Ixxxi / 
 
Introduction 
 
 liberationum periodi, eo clarius elucescant revelationes ad easdem 
 spectantes. iEgyptii Ethnicorum barbariores (te teste Egregie Vir) 
 nascendum Mosen praesentiscebant, nescientibus tunc Israelitis 
 natum Liberatorem. Quidni etiam Christiani Scripturas amplexi, 
 adventum vestrae Messirt; secundum praeviderent ? In cujus ad- 
 ventu, (pace eruditionis vestrae asserentis, quod stupens mirabar, 
 Vestram salutem in ejus Adventu non esse sitam) fundatur nostra, prae- 
 sertim vestra aeterna salus. Si enim verum foret, eum nondum 
 venisse, & postha;c ilium venturum ambigitur, labitur omnis pro- 
 phetiarum Compages, totumque veteris Testamenti Systema ruit. 
 Et ita de Scripturarum veritate actum est ; ut de salute turn nostra, 
 turn vestr4 actum est. Quae si quippiam asserere videantur, Christi 
 Messije passionem (Psal. 22. Isa. 53) resurrcctionem (Psal. 16) 
 ascensionem (Psal. 68) sesslonem ad dextram Patr'ts (Psal. 1 10) 
 potestatein super omnia regnantem^ more Adami novissime creati 
 (Psal. 2. Psal. 8) omnino asserunt. Quae omnia acurate comparata, 
 Messia Filii Davidis adventum, abitumque, reditumque, elenchic^ 
 satis demonstrant. Non novum urgeo Testamentum, quod acquis 
 miraculorum portentis nobis commendatum fuit, ut vetus Israeli. 
 Vobis tamen Hebraeis libentissimi favemus, utinamque plus multo 
 favere possemus ; quamvis nee Meritum, nee pro merito (vox Bibliis 
 ignota) quicquam expeetamus. Merces ex gratis datur non merito. 
 Malum possumus, qui perfeete peccamus, merer! ; bonum in quo 
 omnimodo deficimus. Malum itaque pro nostro, bonum pro Christi 
 merito (si voce utar) nobis compensatur. Hominum (fateor) alter 
 de altero merer! dicatur, ut egomet tibi (vir Candidissime) pro tuis 
 Uteris me multum debere agnosco. Quin & universa vestrae Nation!, 
 flexis genibus servire molior, ut sive Nos Vobis, Vosvd: Nobis fact! 
 Proselytae utrique juxta Isaiam, & Ezechielem, caeterosque Prophetas, 
 in unam coeamus ecelesiam. Nee non (confido) dilectissimus noster 
 lesseus idem meditatur ; cui literas communicavi tuas, ad me missas. 
 Pudet multum me tamdiu siluisse, verum tibi rescribenti, dupl^ 
 quoad possim diligent!^ compensabitur. 
 
 " A Tui Observantissimo, 
 
 "Nathanaele Homesio. 
 
 " Tuis hisce ex animo attestatur, assentitur, negociis i scribendo 
 jam detentus, qui Sionis pulverem commiseratur, qui hasc propria 
 manu subscripsi H. Iesse." 
 
 6. Original French text of Menasseh ben Israel's de- 
 
 Ixxxii 
 
Introduction 
 
 mands on behalf of the Jews presented to Oliver Cromwell 
 (S. P., Dom. Inter., ci. 115). 
 
 " Ce sont icy les graces et les faveurs qu'au nom de ma nation 
 hebreue moy, Menasseh ben Israel, requiers a vostre serenissime altesse 
 que dieu fasse prosperer et donne heureux succez en toutes ses entre- 
 prises comme son hiimble serviteur lui souhaitte et desire. 
 
 " I. La premiere chose que je demande a vostre Altesse est que 
 nostre nation hebreue sont re5eue et admise en cestee puissant repub- 
 lique sous la protection et garde de vostre altesse comme les cittoiens 
 mesmes et pour plus grande security au temps advenir je supplie votre 
 altesse de faire jurer (si elle I'a pour aggr&ble) k tous ses chefs et gene- 
 raux d'armes de nous defFendre en toutes occasions. 
 
 " II. Quil plaise a vostre altesse nous permettre s\-nagogues pub- 
 liques non seulement en Angleterre, mais aussi en touts austres lieux 
 de conqueste qui sont sous la puissance de Vostre Altesse et d'observer 
 en tout nostre religion comme nous devons. 
 
 " III. Que nous puissions avoir un lieu ou cimetiere hors la ville 
 pour enterrer nos morts sans estre molestes d''aucun. 
 
 " IV. Qu'il nos soit permis de trafiquer librement en toute sorte 
 de marchandise comme les autres. 
 
 "V. Que (afin que ceux qui vendront soyent pour Tutilite des 
 citoyens et viven san porter prejudice a aucun ni donner scandale) 
 vostre serenissime Altesse elise im personne de quality pour informer 
 et recevoir passeport de ceux qui entreront, les quels estant arrivez le 
 faira scavoir et les obligera de jurer et garder fid^lite a vostre Altesse 
 en ce peix. 
 
 " VI. Et pour n'estre point a charge aux juges du peix touchaut 
 les contestations et differents qui peuvent arriver entre ceux de nostre 
 nation que nostre serenissime Altesse donne licence aux chef de la 
 synagogue de prendre avec soy deux ausmoniers de sa nation pour 
 accorder et juger tous les differents de procez conforme a la lo}- 
 Mosayque avec libert^ toutefois d'appeler de leur sentence aux juges 
 civils deposant premierement la somme a laquelle la partye aurait este 
 condamnfe. 
 
 " Vn. Que si paradventure il y avait quelques loix contraires a 
 nostre nation juifsx que premierement et avant toutes choses elles 
 soient revoquees affin que par ce moien la nous puissons demeurer avec 
 plus grande securite sous la sauvegarde et protecdon de vostre serenis- 
 sime Altesse. 
 
 " LesqueUes choses nous concedant vostre serenissime Altesse nous 
 demeurerons toujours les tres affectionnes et obligez a prier Dieu pour 
 
 Ixxxiii 
 
Ititroductioii 
 
 la prosperity de vostre Altesse et de vostre illustre et tr^s sage conseil. 
 Qu'il luy plaise donner heureux succez a toutes \ks, enterprises de vostre 
 Serenissime Altesse Amen.'" 
 
 7. Circular issued by Cromwell's Council convening the 
 Whitehall Conference (S.P. Dom. Inter., i. 76, 1655, pp. 
 378-79)- 
 
 "Sir, — His Highness the Lord Protector and the Council having 
 determined of a certain number of persons (whereof yourself is one) 
 to meet with a Committee of the Council on Tuesday the fourth of 
 December next in ye afternoon neare the Council Chambers in 
 Whitehall to the intent some proposalls made to his Highness in 
 reference to the nation of the Jewes may be considered of you are 
 therefore desired by his Highness & the Council to take notice 
 thereof & so meet at the said time and place for the purpose afore- 
 said. 
 
 Signed in the name & 
 
 by order of the Council 
 He. Lawrence 
 Whitehall, Presidt 
 
 16 Novem. 1655." 
 
 8. Report of the Sub-Committee of the Council of 
 State after the Conferences at Whitehall (S. P., iDom. 
 Inter., ci. 118). 
 
 " That the Jewes deservinge it may be admitted into this nation to 
 trade and trafficke anddwel amongst us as providence shall give occasion} 
 
 " That as to poynt of conscience we judge lawfull for the magis- 
 trate to admit in case such materiall and weighty considerations as 
 hereafter follow be provided for, about which till we are satisfyed we 
 cannot but in conscience suspend our resolution in this case. 
 
 " I. That the motives and grounds upon which Menasseh ben 
 Israel in behalfe of the rest of his nation in his booke lately printed 
 in this English tongue desireth their admission in this common- 
 wealth are such as we conceave to be very sinfull for this or any 
 Christian state to receave them upon. 
 
 ' Dr. Gardiner has suggested to me, and I agree, that this paragraph is 
 not a recommendation, but the thesis of the report. It is the text of the 
 " reference " to the Sub-Committee by the Council, and the succeeding para- 
 graphs constitute the report upon it. See supra, p, xlv. 
 
 Ixxxiv 
 
hitroduction 
 
 " 2. That the danger of seducinge the people of this nation by 
 their admission in matters of religion is very great. 
 
 " 3. That their havinge of synagogues or any publicke meetings 
 for the exercise of their worship or religion is not only evill in itselfe, 
 but likewise very scandalous to other Christian churches. 
 
 " 4. That their customes and practices concerninge marriage and 
 divorce are unlawful! and will be of very evill exemple amongst us. 
 
 " 5. That principles of not makinge concience of oathes made and 
 injuryes done to Christians in life, chastity, goods or good name have 
 bin very notoriously charged upon them by valuable testimony. 
 
 " 6. That great prejudice is like to arise to the natives of this com- 
 monwealth in matter of trade, which besides other dangers here men- 
 tioned we find very commonly suggested by the inhabitants of the 
 city of London. 
 
 " 7. We humbly represent. 
 
 "I. That they be not admitted to have any publicke Judica- 
 toryes, whether civill or ecclesiasticall, which were to grant them 
 terms beyond the condition of strangers. 
 
 "II. That they be not admitted eyther to speake or doe any- 
 thinge to the defamation or dishonour of the name of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ or of the Christian religion. 
 
 "III. That they be not permitted to doe any worke or any- 
 thinge to the prophanation of the Lord's Day or Christian sabbath. 
 
 "IV. That they be not admitted to have Christians to dwell 
 with them as their servants. 
 
 "V. That they bear no publicke office or trust in this com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 " VI. That they be not allowed to print anything which in the 
 least opposeth the Christian religion in our language. 
 
 " VII. That so farre as may be not suffered to discourage any of 
 their owne from uisnge or applyinge themselves to any which may 
 tend to convince them of their error and turn them to Christianity. 
 And that some severe penalty be imposed upon them who shall 
 apostatize from Christianity to Judaisme." 
 
 9. Petition of the London Marranos to Oliver Crom- 
 well (S. P., Dom. Inter., cxxv. 58) : — • 
 
 " To His Highnesse Oliver Lord Protector of the Comon- 
 welth of England, Scotland & Ireland & the Dominions thereof. 
 
 " The Humble Petition of The Hebrews at Present Residing in 
 this citty of London whose names ar vnderwritten 
 
 Ixxxv 
 
Introduction 
 
 " Humbly shewcth 
 
 " That Acknolledging The manyfold favours and Protection yor 
 Highnesse hath bin pleased to graunt vs in order that wee may with 
 security meete priuatley in owr particular houses to our Deuosions, 
 And being desirous to be favoured more by yo^ Highnesse wee pray 
 with all Humblenesse y"" by the best meanes which may be such 
 Protection may be graunted vs in Writting as that wee may therew''' 
 meete at owr said priuate deuosions in owr Particular houses without 
 feere of Molestation cither to owr persons famillys or estates, owr 
 desires Being to Liue Peacebly under yo Highnes Gouernement, And 
 being wee ar all mortall wee allsoe Humbly pray yo"" Highnesse to 
 graunt vs License that those which may dey of owr nation may be 
 buryed in such place out of the cittye as wee shall thineke conuenient 
 with the Proprietors Leaue in whose Land this place shall be, and 
 soe wee shall as well in owr Lifetyme, as at owr death be highly 
 fauoured by yo'' Highnesse for whose Long Lyfe and Prosperity wee 
 shall continually pray To the allmighty God. 
 
 Menasseh Ben Israel. 
 David Abrabanel. 
 Abraham Israel Caruajal. 
 Abraham Coen Gonzales. 
 Jahacob De Caceres. 
 Abraham Israel De Brito. 
 IsAK Lopes Chillon. 
 Oliver P. 
 
 Wee doe referr this Peticon 
 
 to the Consideracon of y"" Councill. 
 March ye 24th 
 
 i6-'y^. (Endorsement) 
 
 Hebrews 
 
 ye 25 March 1656 
 
 dd by the Lord Presid' 
 
 Gentlemen ye 26 
 
 June 1656." 
 
 10. Petition of Menasseh ben Israel to Oliver Crom- 
 well, probably written at the end of 1656 (S. P., Dom. 
 Inter., cliii. 122) : — 
 
 "To his Highness the Lord Protector. 
 
 " May it please your Highnesse, what modestie forbidds neccs- 
 sitie (that ingens telum) compells ; that having bene long time very 
 
 Ixxxvi 
 
Introduction 
 
 sickly (an expensive condition) I make my moan to your Highnesse, 
 as the alone succourer of my life, in this land of strangers, to help in 
 this present exigence. I shall not presume to prescribe to your High- 
 nesse but havinge had great experience of your greatnesse in compas- 
 sions as well as in majestic, I lay myselfe at your feet, that am your 
 infinit obliged supplicant & servant 
 
 "Menasseh Ben Israel." 
 
 1 1. Further petition from Menasseh ben Israel to Oliver 
 Cromwell. It is endorsed "17 Sep. 1657" (S. P., Dom. 
 Inter., clvi. 89) :— 
 
 "To his Highnesse, the Lord Protector, the humble petition of 
 Menasseh Ben Israel. 
 
 " May it please your Highnesse, my only sonne, being now dead 
 in my house, who before his departure, engaged me to accompany 
 his corps to Holland, & I indebted here, I know not which way to 
 turn mee but (under God) to your Highnesse for help in this con- 
 dition, emploring your bowells of compassion (which I know are 
 great & tender) to supply me with three hundred pounds, & I shall 
 surrender my pension seal & never trouble or charge your Highnesse 
 any more, I am very sensible considering your great past kindnesse 
 (which with all thankfullnesse I acknowledge) how highly-bold this 
 my petition is, but the necessitie of my present exigence & my 
 experience of your admirable graciousnesse to mee have layd mee 
 prostrat at your feet, crying. Help, most noble prince, for God's sake, 
 your most humble supplicant Menasseh Ben Israel." 
 
 12. Petition on behalf of the widow of Menasseh ben 
 Israel, addressed to Richard Cromwell by John Sadler 
 (S. P., Dom. Inter., cc. 8) :— 
 
 "To his Highness the Lord Protector the humble petition of 
 John Sadler. 
 
 "Sheweth that although your petitioner being often pressed to 
 present petitions in behalf of the Jewes did rather dissuade their 
 comming hither, yet by some letters of your late royall father & 
 others of note in this nation some of their synagogs were encouraged 
 to send hither one of their cheife rabbines, Menasseh Ben Israel, for 
 admittance & some freedome of trade in some of these ilands. And 
 when he had stayed heere so long, that he was allmost ashamed to 
 
 Ixxxvii 
 
Introduction 
 
 returne to those that sent him or to exact their maintenance heere 
 where they found so Httle success after so many hopes, it pleased his 
 Highnes & the councell to setle on the said Menasseh a pension of 
 100;^ a yeare which ere long he offered to resigne for 300^^ for 
 present satisfaction of debts & other pressures which lay so heavy on 
 him that at length he submitted to resigne his former pension for a 
 new grant of loo£^ to be presently paid as the councell ordered. 
 
 "But notwithstanding his stay & expense in procuring several 
 seales, he never gott one penny of the said 200^^ but at length with 
 his heart ever broken with griefe on losing heer his only Sonne and 
 his presious time with all his hopes in this iland he got away with 
 so much breath as lasted, till he came to Midleburg & then he dyed. 
 Leaving a poore desolate widow (with other relations) who solemnly 
 professed she had not money enough to lay him in the sepulchres of 
 his fathers, but for the charity of some that lent or gave them money. 
 It pleased allso your Highess late father to receive one or 2 of the 
 same poore widowes letters to your petitioner (whom they both 
 trusted in that business) & with his owne hands to commit them to 
 the especiall care of Mr. secretary Thurloe who hath also divers 
 times minded the same, but your Highness exchequer is so charged 
 that there is little hope of obteining it there. 
 
 " May it please your Highnesse in compassion to the said poore 
 widow & relations of a man so eminent & famous in his owne & 
 meny other nations & for the honour of Christian religion with 
 many other reasons, to order the said 200^^ out of the contingencies 
 for the councell or some other treasure where it may be speedily 
 had and without fees allso if it may be according to former orders. 
 
 " And your petitioner shall desire to pray." 
 
 Ixxxviii 
 
TJocfrithi /lie I'olnif, uoliiitj ACodeyfrn jmmi . p^~^^ 
 ^4i7 uo1er/-f i>///tus c/iarta rc-f'Tri' i'/i/L->sl g J^" 
 
 Hos oni'/os, /Tirr ora I'u/r. Coniiciut utri/icji/c:S^^ f^ 
 
 I lid /'//Of L'/lIfl/^S. J/.Xlf. A' ll/i/ J'/U 
 
n 
 
 HOPEoTsRAEL 
 
 Written 
 
 An Hebrew Divine, and 
 
 Philofopher. 
 
 Newly extant, and Printed at ^tAm- 
 
 Jierdam^ and Dedicated by the Author, to 
 
 the High Court, the Parliament oi England, 
 and to the Councell of State, 
 
 The fecond Edition correded and amended. 
 Whereunto are added, 
 
 In this fecond Edition ^fome ^ifcourfes 
 
 upon the point of the QonDerJion of the 
 JEWES. 
 
 ^y Moses Wall. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 !Printed by !?^. /. for Livewell Chapman at the 
 Crowne in !Popes-Head Alley, 1652. 
 
TO THE 
 
 Parliament, The Supream Court of 
 
 England, 
 
 zAndto the "^ight Honourable the Coun- 
 
 cellofState^ Menaffeh Ben \{r2i&\^ prayes 
 God to give Health, and all HappineJJe : 
 
 T is not one caufe alone (moft renowned Fa- 
 thers) which ufeth to move thofe, who defire 
 by their Meditations to benefit Mankind, and 
 to make them come forth in publique, to de- 
 dicate their Books to great Men ; for fome, 
 and thofe the moft, are incited by Covetoufneffe, that 
 they may get money by fo doing, or fome peece of 
 Plate of gold, or Silver ; fometimes alfo that they may 
 obtaine their Votes, and fuffrages to get fome place for 
 themfelves, or their friends. But fome are moved thereto 
 by meere and pure friendfhip, that fo they may publick- 
 ly teflifie that love and affe6lion, which they bear them, 
 whofe names they prefixe to their Books ; let the one, and 
 the other, pleafe themfelves, according as they delight in 
 the reafon of the Dedication, whether it be good or bad; 
 for my part, I beft like them, who do it upon this ground, 
 that they may not commend themfelves, or theirs, but 
 what is for publick good. 
 
 As for me (mofl renowned Fathers) in my dedicating 
 
 A 2 this 
 
 (3) 
 
The Epijlle Dedicatory. 
 this Difcourfe to you, I can truly affirm, that I am indu- 
 ced to it upon no other ground then this, that I may gain 
 your favour and good will to our Nation, now fcattered— - 
 almoft all over the earth ; neither think that I do this, as if 
 I were ignorant how much you have hitherto favored our 
 Nation ; for it is made known to me, and to others of our 
 Nation, by them who are fo happy as near at hand, to 
 obferve your apprehenfions, that you do vouchfafe to help 
 us, not onely by your prayers ; yea, this hath compelled 
 me to fpeak to you publickly, and to give you thanks for 
 that your charitable affedlion towards us, and not fuch 
 thanks which come only from the tongue, but as are con- 
 ceived by a grateful mind. 
 
 Give me leave therefore (mofl renowned Fathers) to 
 fupplicate you, that you would flil favor our good, and far- 
 ther love us. Truly, we men doe draw fo much the near- 
 er to Divine nature, when by how much we increafe, by 
 fo much we cherifh, and defend the fmall, and weak ones; 
 and with how much diligence doe you performe this, mofl 
 renowned Fathers ? who though you feem to be arrived 
 to the higheft top of felicity, yet you do not only not de- 
 fpife inferior men, but you fo wifh well to them, that you 
 feem fenfible of their calamity ; you knowing how accep- 
 table to God you are by fo doing, who loves to do good to 
 them who doe good. And truly it is from hence, that of 
 late you have done fo great things valiantly, and by an un- 
 ufuall attempt, and things much to be obferved among 
 the Nations. The whole world ftands amazed at thefe 
 things, and the eies of all are turned upon you, that they 
 may fee whither all thefe things do tend, which the great 
 Governour of all things feems to bring upon the world by 
 fo great changes, fo famoufly remarkable, of fo many Na- 
 tions ; and fo all thofe things which God is pleafed to 
 
 have 
 (4) 
 
The Epi/lle Dedicatory. 
 have fore-told by the Prophets, do, and fhall obtain their 
 accompHfhment. All which things of neceffity muft bee 
 fulfilled, that fo Ifrael at laft being brought back to his 
 owne place ; peace which is promifed under the Meffiah, 
 may be reftored to the world ; and concord, which is the 
 only Mother of algood things. Thefe things I handle more 
 largely in this Treatife, which I dedicate to you (moft re- 
 nowned Fathers) you cannot be ignorant, that it is not on- 
 ly not unprofitable, but very ufeful for States and Statef- 
 men, to fore-fee the iffue (which yet is ever in Gods 
 hand) of humaine Councells, that fo they may obferve, 
 and underftand from Divine truth, the events of things to 
 come, which God hath determined by his Spirit in his 
 holy Prophets. I know that this my labour will not be 
 unacceptable to you, how mean foever it be, which I trufl 
 you will chearfuUy receive, becaufe that you love our Na- 
 tion, and as part of it, the Author of this Difcourfe. But 
 I intreat you be certain, that I pour out continual prayers 
 to God for your happineffe. Farewell, moft renowned 
 Fathers, and flourifh moft profperoufly. 
 
 Menajfeh 'Ben Ifrael. 
 
 A 3 Me- 
 
 (s) 
 
Menaffeh Ben Ifrael, 
 To the Courteous Reader. 
 
 ' Here are as many minds as men, about the originall of' 
 the people o/America andofthejirjilnhalitantsofthe 
 new World, andoJ^theWeH \-aAye.%; for how many men 
 foever ihey were or are,theycame oj" thofe two, Adam, 
 andKve; andconfequently of Noah, after theFlood,lut 
 thatnew IVorlddothfeemwhollyfeparatedfroru theold, 
 therefore it muji he that fame didpqffe thither out of one [at leqft) of 
 the three parts of the world fc.E.uTope, Aiia,and Africa; but the doubt 
 is, what people were thofe, and out of what place they went. /Truly, 
 the truth of that miift he gathered, partly out of the ancient Hyfio- 
 ries, and partly from conjediures ; as their Habit, their Lan- 
 guage, their Manners, which yet doe vary according to mens dif- 
 poftions ; fo that it is hard tofinde out the certainty. Almqji all 
 who have veiwed thofe Countryes, with great diligence, have been 
 of different judgements : Some would have the praife of finding out 
 America, to he due to the Carthaginians, others to i^ePhenicians, or 
 the Canaanites ; others to the Indians, or people of China ; others 
 to them of Norway ,otherstothe Inhahitantsof the At\antickl{lands, 
 others to the Tartarians, others to the ten Tribes. Indeed, every one 
 grounds his opinion not upon probable arguments, but high conje- 
 Siures, as will appear e farther by this Booke. But I having curi- 
 ou/ly examined what ever hath hitherto been writ upon thisfub- 
 jeSi doefinde no opinion more probable, nor agreeable to reafon, then 
 that of our Montezinus, who faith, that thefirfl inhabitants of A- 
 merica, were the ten Tribes of the Ifraelites, whom <Ae Tartarians 
 conquered, and drove away; who after that {as God would have it) 
 hid themfelves behind the Mountaines Cordillerae. I alfo fhew, 
 that as they were not driven out at once from their Country, fo 
 alfo they were fcattered into divers Provinces, fc. into America, 
 into Tartary, into China, into Media, to the Sahbaticall River, and 
 into ^Ethiopia. I prove that the ten Tribes never returned to the 
 fecond Temple, that they yet keepe the Law of Mofes, and our fa- 
 
 cred 
 (6) 
 
To the Reader. 
 
 /cred Rites; and at Iqfl Jhall return into their Land, with the 
 two Tribes, Judah, and Benjamin; and Jhall he governed by one 
 Prince, who is Mefliah the Son of David ; and without doubt that 
 time is near, which I make appear by divers things ; where. Rea- 
 der, thou Jhalt Jlnde divers Hi/lories worthy of memory, and ma- 
 ny Prophefes of the old Prophets opened with muchjiudy, and care. 
 I willingly leave it to the judgement of the godly, and learned, what 
 happy worth there is in this my Book, and what my own Nation owes 
 me for my paines : It is called, The Hope of Ifrael ; which name 
 is taken from Jerem. 14. 8. the hope of Ifrael, the Saviour there- 
 of. For thefcope of this Difcourfe is, tojhow, that the hope in which 
 we live, of the camming of the Mejjiah is of a future, difficult, but in- 
 fallible good, becaufe it is grounded upon the abjolute Promife of the 
 blejfed God. 
 
 And becaufe I intend a continuation of Jofephus his Hi/iory of 
 the Jewes, our famous Hi/iorian ; I intreat, and befeech all Lear- 
 ned men, in what part of the world foever they live {to whom I 
 hope that Jhortly this Difcourfe will come) that if they have any 
 thingworthy ofpq/ierity,that they would give me notice of it in time; 
 
 for though I have colleSied many ASis of the Jewes, and many 
 HyJioriesoutqfthe}iebTev/es,theAra.hians,theGTe.cia.ns,theLa.tines, 
 and other Authors of other Nations ; yet I want many things for 
 this my enterprize, all which I am willing to performe, that I may 
 pleafe my Nation; but rather to the glory of the bleffed God, whofe 
 Kingdome is everlqfting, and his Word infallible. 
 
 The 
 
 (7) 
 
T^he Tranjlator to the "Reader. 
 
 His difcourfe of a Jew comming to my hand, and 
 having perufed it, I thought it not inconvenient 
 to make it fpeake Engli/h ; for the benefit of my 
 Country-men, who wait for the redemption of If- 
 rael; and at the fame time of the Gentiles alfo. That 
 the Author is a yew, ought to be no fcandall to us (though 
 fome of us Chriftian Gentiles are ignorant of, and fcandalized at 
 thejiotion of the converfion of the yewes, as the yewes of old 
 were, concerning our being converted, and grafted into the true 
 Stock, as in A6ls ii. 3.) for though God hath rejefted them, 
 yet not for ever : jRo/?;. 11. 25, 26, And alfo the many prophefies 
 both in the Old, and New Teftament, which concern their be- 
 ing received againe to grace, gathered from their difperfion, 
 and fettled in their own Land ; and their flourifhing efi:ate un- 
 der, now our, and then their and our Prince, Jefus Chrift the 
 Meffiah, who will then triumph glorioufly, and all his people 
 with him ; thefe and many more Promifes would want a ful- 
 filling (which the God of Truth wil never fufFer) if there fhould 
 not be the revolution of a time, in which they fhall be conver- 
 ted, and grace and peace be poured out upon yewes and Gentiles; 
 though firft upon the yeiv, then the Gentile. But befides this, the 
 Author exprefleth fo much learning that he deferveth honour 
 of all ; fo much ingenuity, and (fo far as his light reacheth) fo 
 great a meafure of the knowledge and fear of God, that he may 
 wel be fet for a pattern to us Chriftians, who profefs much better 
 than he, but live much worfe. One thing is very remarkable in 
 him, that wheras many of us (like them who canot fee Wood for 
 Trees) though inviorned with mercies in thefe late revolutions, 
 (I fpeake not to them who meafure mercies only, or chiefly, by 
 plentiful tables, ful purfes, rich accoutrements, and the like; that 
 wretched Generation is unworthy of the name of Men, much 
 more of Chrijlians) yet will unthankfully cry out. What have 
 we got by all thefe troubles? and what hath been done? fure- 
 
 ly 
 
 (8) 
 
ly this yew fhall rife up in judgement againft fuch unchriftian 
 Chriftians; for he in his Epiftle Dedicatory fays. The whole world 
 Jlands amazed at what the Parliament hath dime; befides he cordially 
 and openly owns the Parliament, who as far as I know never did 
 him nor his Nation any further good then to pray for them ; 
 [thoughwehope, andpray, that their favourmayextendtorealities, to- 
 wards that people, to whom certainly Godhath made many, and great 
 Promifes, and Jhortly will give anfweralle performances : ) but 
 many among us who injoy peace under them, and many other 
 bleffings, (too many for an unthankfuU Generation) doe re- 
 fufe to acknowledge them, doe curfe them whom God hath 
 blefled, and even in their prayers to that God who cannot be 
 deceived, or impofed upon ; doe vent themfelves againft this 
 prefent Government, in expreffions fo wilde and falfe, that 
 fuch Language would be accounted moft unworthy, in our 
 addrefle to any confiderable perfon, much more then to the 
 great God. I fhall only adde this,/c. Do not think that I aime' 
 by this Tranflation, to propagate or commend ludaifme (which 
 its no wonder if the Author doth fo much favour, efpecially in \ 
 his thirtieth Seftion) no, through Grace I have better learned the 
 truth, as it is in Jefus, but to give fome difcovery of what appre- ,' 
 henfions, and workings there are at this day in the hearts of the / 
 Jewes; and to remove our finfull hatred from off that people, ; 
 whofe are the Promifes, and who are beloved for their Fathers 
 fakes; and^ho of Jewes, we fliall hear to be, ere long, reall Chri- 
 ftians. 
 
 B The 
 
 (9) 
 
The Authors of other Nations, which are quoted in 
 this Treatife. 
 
 ABrahamus Orte- 
 lim 
 Agathias 
 AugiLftinus 
 Alexis Vanegas 
 Alfonfiis Cemedro 
 Alonfus Augitflianus 
 Alovfiis de Erzilla 
 Alonfus Fena'iis 
 Arias Montanus. 
 
 B 
 Baronius 
 Berofus 
 Boterus 
 Bozius. C 
 Conftantinus 
 
 D 
 Diodorus Siei/lus 
 Dion 
 
 Duretus. E 
 Efelius Geradus 
 EufeUus Cefarienfis. 
 
 F 
 Famianus Strada 
 Francifcus de Rihera 
 Francifcus lopex de 
 Gomara. 
 
 G 
 Garcilajfus dela Fega 
 
 Genelrardus 
 Goropius 
 Guil. Pojiellus 
 Guilielmus Blawius 
 Guil. Schilkardus. 
 
 H 
 Henricus Alangre 
 Hugo Grotius 
 
 J 
 
 yacohus Ferus 
 Joan, de cqftillanos 
 Joan, de Bairos 
 Joan. Roman 
 Joan, de Lael 
 Joan. Huarte 
 Jofephus d' Acojia 
 Joan. Linfchoten. 
 
 L 
 Lefcarhotus 
 Lucanus. 
 
 M 
 Manuel Sa. 
 Marcilius Facinus 
 Marinus. 
 
 N 
 Nicolaus Trigautius. 
 
 O 
 Origines 
 Orqfius 
 Oforius Lujltanus. 
 
 de 
 
 Petrus de Cleza 
 Plancius 
 Petrus Simon 
 Petrus Hernandes 
 
 Quires 
 Petrus Teixera 
 Pineda 
 Plato 
 Plinius 
 Pomarius 
 Proclus. 
 Porphyrins 
 PoJJevinus 
 Plutarchus 
 Picus Mirandulanus 
 Ptolomceus. 
 
 S 
 Semuel Bochardus 
 Solinus 
 Strabo 
 Suetonius Tranquillus. 
 
 T 
 Tacitus 
 Thomas Malvenda 
 
 X 
 Xenophon. 
 
 Z 
 Zarate, 
 
 The Hebrew Bookes, and Authors. 
 
 'T'AlmudHierofolymi 
 
 tanum 
 Talmud Babylonicum 
 Paraphrafis Chaldaica 
 R. Simhon ben Johay 
 Seder holam 
 Rabot 
 Jalkot 
 Tanhuma 
 
 Jofeph ben Gurion 
 R. Sehadia Gaon 
 R. Mofeh de Egypto 
 R. Abraham Aben Ezra 
 R. Selomoh Jarhi 
 Eldad Danita 
 R. David Kimhi 
 R.Benj amin Tudelenlis 
 R. Mofeh Gerundenfis 
 (lo) 
 
 R. Abraham bar R. Hiya 
 Don Shac Abarbanel 
 R. Jofeph Coen. 
 R. Abraham Frifcoll 
 R. Mordechay Japhe 
 R. Mordechay reato 
 R. Hazarya a-Adomi. 
 
 The 
 
(I) 
 
 nn TT -p 
 
 RELATION 
 
 O F 
 
 A^ro:]\(T Moij^Ezinxps. 
 
 \JS[ the lith. of the Month of EIul: the 5404 year 
 from the Worlds creation, and according to com- 
 mon compute, in 1644. Aaron Levi, other wife 
 called Antonius Montezinus came into this City 
 Amfterdam, and related to the Sieur Menafleh ben 
 Ifrael, and other cheifetains of the Portugal Na- 
 tion, Inhabitants of the fame City, thefe things which follow. 
 
 That it was two years and a halfe, fince that he going from 
 the Port Honda in the Weft-Indies, to the PuplanjurifdiSiion, he 
 condu6ied fome Mules of a certaine Indian, whofe name was Fran- 
 cifcus Caftellanus, into the Province of Quity, and that there was 
 one in company with him and other Indians, whofe name was Fran- 
 cis, who was called by all Cazicus. That it happened that as they 
 went over the Mountaines Cordillerse, a great tempe/i arofe, which 
 threw the loaden Mules to the ground. The Indians being af- 
 fliSied by the fore tempejl, every one began to count his loffes ; 
 yet confefjing that all that and more grievous punifhments were but 
 juft, in regard of their many fins. Bui Francis bad them take it pati- 
 ently, for that they fhouldfhortlyinjoy refi: the others anfwered,that 
 they were unworthy of it; yea that the notorious cruelty ifed by the 
 Spaniards towards them,wasfentofGod,becaufe they hadfo ill trea- 
 ted his holy people, who wer ofal others the mqjl innocent: now then, 
 they determined to fiay all night upon the top of the Mountain. 
 And Montezinus tooke out of a Box fome Bread, and Cheefe, 
 and yonkels, and gave them to Francis, upbraiding him, that he 
 had spoken difgracefully of the Spaniards; who anfwered, that he 
 had not told one halfe of the miferies and calamities in/li6ied by a 
 
 B 2 cruell 
 
 (") 
 
(a) 
 
 cruell, and inhumane people ; hut they Jliould not goe unrevenged, 
 looking Jor helpe from an unknown people. 
 
 After this Conference, Montezinus went to Carthagenia, a City 
 of the Indians, luhere he being examined, was put in Prifon; and 
 while he prayed to God,fuch words fell from him ; BlefJ'ed he the 
 name of the Lord, that hath not made me an Idolater, a Barbarian, 
 a Black-a-Moore, or an Indian ; but as he 7iamed Indian, he was 
 angry with himfelfe, and/aid, The Hebrewes are Indians ; then he 
 camming to himfelfe againe, confeJJ'ed that he doted, and added, 
 Can the Hebrewes be Indians? which hee alfo repeated a fecond, and 
 a third time; and he thought that it was not by chance that he had 
 fo much miftaken himfelfe. 
 
 He thinking farther, of what he had heard from the Indian, and 
 hoping that he fhould find out the whole truth; therefore as foon as 
 he ivas let out of Prifon, he fought out Francifcus heleeving that hee 
 would repeat to him againe what he hadfpoken; he therefore be- 
 ing fet at liberty, throiigh Gods mercy went to the Port 
 Honda, and according to his defire, found him, who faid; He 
 rememhred all that he had spoken, when he was upon the Moun- 
 taine ; whom Montezinus asked, that he would take ajourny with 
 him, offering him all courtefies, giving him three peeces of Eight, 
 that he might buy himfelfe neceffaries. 
 
 Now ivhen they were got out of the Cily, Montezinus confej/ed 
 himfelfe to be an Hebrew, of the Tribe of Levi, and that the Lord 
 was his God ; and he told the Indian, that all other gods were but 
 mockeries; the Indian being amazed, asked him the name of his 
 Parents; who anfivered AhTa.ha.m, Ifaac, a«£^ Jacob ,• but faid he, 
 have you no other Father ? who anfwered, yes, his Fathers name 
 was Ludovicus Montezinus; but he not being yetfatisfied, I am 
 glad {faith he) to heare you tell this, for I was in doubt to beleeve 
 you, while you feemed ignorant of your Parents : Montezinusyk/ea- 
 ring, that hefpoke the truth, the Indian asked him, if he were not 
 the Son of Ifrael, and thereupon began a long difcourfe ; who when 
 he knew that he wasfo, he defred him to profecute what he had 
 begun, and added, that he fhould viore fully explaine himfelfe, for 
 that formerly he had left things fo doubtfull, that he did not feem 
 at all affured of any thing. After that both had fate downe 
 together, and refrefhed themfelves, the Indian thus began : If you 
 have a minde to follow me your Leader, youfhall know what ever 
 
 you 
 
 (12) 
 
(3) 
 
 yotc dejire to know, only let me tell you this, whatfoever the journey 
 is, you miiftfoot it, and you muft eate nothing hut parched Mayz, 
 and you mu/i omit nothing that I tell you ; Montezinus anfwered 
 that he would doe all. 
 
 The next day being Mtinday, Cazicus came againe, and lid 
 him throw away what he had in his Knapfack to put onjhooes made 
 of linnen packthred, and to follow him, with hisjlaffe ; whereupon 
 Montezinus leaving his Cloake, and his Sword, and other things 
 which he had alout him, they began the journey, the Indian carry- 
 ing upon his back three meafures of Mayz, two ropes, one of which 
 was full of knots, to climbe up the Mountaine, with an hooked fork ; 
 the other was fo loofe,for to paffe over Marfhes, and Rivers, with 
 a little Axe, and fhooes made of linnen pack-thred. They being 
 thus accoutred, travelled the whole weeke, unto the Sabbath Day ; 
 on which day they re/ling, the day after they went on, till Tuefday, 
 on which day alout eight a clock in the morning, they came to a Ri- 
 ver as ligge as Duerus ; then the lndia.i\faid, Here youfhallfee your 
 Brethren, and making afgne with the fine linnen of Xylus, which 
 they had about them inftead of a Girdle ; thereupon on the other 
 fide of the River they faw a great fmoke, and immediately after, 
 fuch another figne made as they had made before ; a little after 
 that, three men, with a woman, in a little Boat came to them, which 
 being come neare, the woman went ajhore, the reji fiaying in the 
 Boat ; who talking a good while with the Indian, in a Language 
 which Montezinus underftood not;fhe returned to the Boat, and told 
 to the three men whalfhe had learned of the Indian ; who alwayes 
 eying him, came prefently out of the Boat, and embraced Montezi- 
 nus, the woman after their example doing the like ; after which, one 
 of them went lack to the Boat, and when the Indian lowed downe to 
 the feet of the other two, and of the woman, they embraced him 
 courteoiifly, and talked a good while with him. After that, the 
 Indian bid Montezinus to be of good coui'age, and not to looke that 
 they fhould come afecond time to him, till he had fully learned the 
 things which were told him at thefirfi time. 
 
 Then thofe two men comming on each fide of Montezinus, they 
 _//)oieiwHei'rew,</«e4fA.z'er.q/"Deut.6.SeniahIfrael,adonaiElohenu 
 adonai chad; that is, Heare O Ifrael, the Lord our God is one God. 
 Then the Indian Interpreter being asked, how it was in Spanifh, 
 they fpoke what follow es to Montezinus, making afhort paufe be- 
 tween every particular. B 3 i Our 
 
 (13) 
 
(4) 
 
 I Our Fatliers are Abraham, Ifaac, Jacob, and Ifrael, and 
 they fignified thefe foure by the three fingers lifted up ; then they 
 joyned Reuben, adding another finger to the former three. 
 
 3 We will beftow feverall places on them who have a minde to 
 live with us. 
 
 3 Jofeph dwels in the midft of the Sea, they making a figne by 
 two fingers put together, and then parted them. 
 
 4 They faid (fpeaking faft) (hortly fome of us will goe forth to 
 fee, and to tread under foot; at which word they winked, and ftam- 
 ped with their feet. 
 
 5 One day we fliall all of us talke together, they faying, Ba, ba, 
 ba; and we fliall come forth as iffuing out of our Mother the earth. 
 
 6 A certaine Meflenger fhall goe forth. 
 
 7 Francifms fliall tell you fomewhat more of thefe things, they 
 making a figne with their finger, that much muft not be fpoken. 
 
 8 Suffer us thatwemay prepare ourfelves; and they turningtheir 
 hands and faces every way, thus prayed to God, DO NOT STAY 
 LONG. 
 
 9 Send twelve men, they making a figne, that they would have 
 men that had beards, and who are skilfuU in writing. 
 
 The Conference being ended, which lafied a whole day, the fame 
 men returned on Wednefday, and Thurfday, and fpake the fame 
 things againe, luithout adding a word ; at Iqfi Montezinus being 
 weary that they did not anfwer what he asked them, nor would 
 fuffer him to goe over the river, he cq/l himfelfe into their Boat ; 
 but he being forced out againe, fell into the River, and was in dan- 
 ger to be drowned, for he could not fwim ; but being got out of the 
 water, the reft being angry, faid to him ; attempt not to paffe the 
 River, nor to enquire after more then ive tel you ; which the Indian 
 interpreted to him, the reft declaring the fame things both by figns, 
 and words. 
 
 You mvfi obferve, that all thofe three dayes the Boat flayed not 
 in the fame place, but when thofe foure who came went away, other 
 foure came, who all as with one moiith, repeated all the fore-men- 
 tioned nine particulars, there came and went about three hundred. 
 
 Thofe men are fomewhat fcorched by the Sun, fome of them 
 weare their haire long, downe to their knees, other ofthemfliorter, 
 and others of them much as we commonly cut it. They were come- 
 ly of body, well accoutred, having ornaments on their feet, and 
 
 (14) 
 
(5) , 
 leggs, and their heads were compqffed about with a linnen cloath. 
 
 MontezinusyazVA, that when he was about to be gone, on Thurf- 
 day evening, they Jhewed him very much courtejie, and brought 
 him whatever they thought Jit Jor him in his journey, and they 
 /aid, that themfelves were well provided with all fuch things, (fc. 
 meats, garments, flocks, and other things) which the Spaniards iii 
 India call their owne. 
 
 The fame day, when they came to the place where they had 
 re/ied, the night before they came to the River, Montezinus_/aid to 
 the Indian ; You remember Francis, that my Brethren told me, that 
 you fliould tell me fomething, therefore I entreat you, that you 
 would not thinke much to relate it. The Indian anfwered, I will 
 tell you what I know, only doe not trouble me, and youfliall know 
 the truth, as I have received it from my fore-fathers ; hut if you 
 preJJ'e me too much, as youfeeme to doe, you will make me tell you 
 lyes ; attend therefore I pray, to what IJhall tell you. 
 
 Thy Brethren are the Sons of Ifrael, and brought thither by the 
 providence of God, who for their fake wrought many Miracles, 
 which you will not beleeve, if Ifhould tell you what I have learned 
 from my Fathers; we Indians made war upon them in that place, 
 andufed them more hardly then we now are by the Spaniards; then 
 by the infiigation of our Magicians (whom we call Mohanes) we 
 went armed to that place where you faw your Brethren, with an 
 intent to deflroy them ; but not one of all thofe who went thither, 
 came back againe ; whereupon we raifed a great yirmy, and fet 
 upon them, but with the fame fucceffe, for againe none efcaped; 
 which hapned alfo the third time, fo that India was almoft bereft 
 of all inhabitants, but old men, and women, the old men therefore: 
 and the reft who furvived, beleeving that the Magicians ufed 
 falfe dealing, confulted to deflroy them all, and many of them be- 
 ing killed thofe who remained promifed to difcover fomewhat that 
 was not knowne ; upon that they defifled from cruelty, and they 
 declared fuch things as follow : 
 
 That the God of thofe Children oi Ifrael is the true God, that all 
 that which is engraven upon their ftones is true; that about the end 
 of the World they fhall be Lords of the world ; that fome fhall 
 come who (hall bring you much good, and after that they have 
 enriched the earth with all good things, thofe Children oi Ifrael go- 
 ing forth out of their Country, fhall fubdue the whole World to 
 
 them, 
 (15) 
 
them, as it was fubjeft to them formerly ; you fhall be happy if you 
 make a League with them. 
 
 Then Jive, of the chief e Indians {whom they call Cazici who 
 were my Ancejlors, having underjlood the Prophefe of the Ma- 
 gicians, which they had learned of the Wife men of the Hebrewes, 
 went thither, and after much entreaty, obtained their defre, ha- 
 ving frji made knowne their minde to that woman, ivhom you f aw 
 to be for an Interpreter, {for your Brethren will have no com- 
 merce ivith our Indians) and whofoever of ours doth enter the 
 Country of your Brethren, they prefently kill him ; and none of your 
 Brethren doe pqffe into our Coiintry. Now ly the help of that 
 Woman we made this agreement with them. 
 
 I That our five Cazici (hould come to them, and that alone at 
 every feventy moneths end. 
 
 a That he to whom fecrets fhould be imparted, fliould be above 
 the age of three hundred Moones, or Months. 
 
 3 And thatfuch things fhould bedifcovered tononeinanyplace 
 where people are, but only in a Defart, and in the prefence of the 
 Cazici; and fo (faid the Indian) we keep that fecret among our 
 felves, becaufe that we promife our felves great favour from them, 
 for the good offices which we have done to our Brethren, it is not 
 lawfull for us to vifite them, unleffe at the feventy months end : Or 
 if there happens any thing new, and this fell out but thrice in my 
 time ; Firft, when the Spaniards came into this Land ; alfo, when 
 Ships came into the Southerne Sea; and thirdly, when you came, 
 whom they long wiflied for, and expected. They did much rejoyce 
 for thofe three new things, becaufe that they faid, the Prophefies were 
 fulfilled. 
 
 j4nd Montezinus alfo faid, that three other Cazici werefent to 
 him by Francifcus, to Honda, yet not telling their names, till he had 
 faid, you may fpeake to them freely, they are my fellowes in my 
 Fun6tion of whom I have told you, the fifth could not come for 
 age, hut thofe three did heartily embrace him; and Montezinus 
 being asked of what Nation he was, he anfwered, an Hebrew, of 
 the Tribe of Levi, and that God was his God, &c. which when 
 they had heard, they embraced him againe, and faid : Upon a time 
 youjhallfee us, andjhall not know us; We are all your Brethren, ly 
 Gods fingular favour ; and againe, they both of them bidding fare- 
 well, departed, every one faying, I goe about my biifine[fe ; there- 
 fore 
 (i6) 
 
(7) 
 fore none hut Francifciis being left, who fainting Montezinus as a 
 Brother, then bade him farewell, faying, farewell my Brother, I 
 have other things to doe, and I goe to vifte thy Brethren, with o- 
 ther Hebrew Cazici. As far the Country, befeaire,for we rule all 
 the Indians ; after we have finifhed a bitfineffe which we have with 
 the wicked Spaniards, we will bring you out of your bondage, by Gods 
 help; not doubting, but he who cannot lye, xuill help us; according to 
 his JVord ; endeavour you in the meane while that thofe men may 
 come. 
 
 The Hope of I s r a e l. 
 
 Sect, i, 
 
 
 Tishard to fay whatiscertaineamong the fo ma- 
 ny, and fo uncertaine opinions concerning the 
 originall of the Indians of the new World. If 
 you aske, what is my opinion upon the relation 
 of Montezinus, I muft fay, it is fcarce poffible 
 to know it by any Art,fince there is no demon- 
 ftration, which can manifeft the truth of it ; 
 much lefle can you gather it from Divine, or humaneWritings; for 
 the Scriptures doe not tell what people firft inhabited thofe Coun- 
 tries j neitherwas there mention of them by any, til Chriftop. Colum- 
 bus, Americus, Vefpacius, Ferdinandus, Cortex, the Marquefle 
 Del Falle, and Prancifcus Pizarrus went thither ; and though hi- 
 therto I have been of this minde, that I would fpeake only of folid, 
 and infallible things, (as thofe things are which concerne our Law) 
 and the obfcurity of the matter, making me doubt, whether it would 
 be worth awhile for me to attempt it; yet at laftlwas content to be 
 perfwaded to it, not that I looke to get credit by it, but that my 
 friends, and all who feeke for truth, that have put me upon this 
 work, may fee how very defirous I am to pleafe them. 
 
 I Ihall fpeake fomewhat in this Difcourfe, of the divers opinions 
 which have been, and (hall declare in what Countries it is thought 
 
 C the 
 
 (17) 
 
(8) 
 the ten Tribes are; and I fliall close, after that I have brought them 
 into their owne Country, which I fhail prove by good reafons, fol- 
 lowing the Revelations of the holy Prophets, who I belee ve cannot be 
 expounded otherwife,whatever fome thinke; yet I intend nottodif- 
 pute thefethings,butaccordingtomycuftome,{hall lay down fairly, 
 and faithfully, the opinions of the J ewes only. 
 
 SECT. 2. 
 
 YOu muft know therefore, that Alexis Fanegas faith, that the 
 firftColoniesof the West-Indieswere of the Carthaginians,v;ho 
 firft of all inhabited New-Spaine, and as they encreafed, fpread to 
 the Ifland Cuba; from thence to the continent oi America; and af- 
 ter that towards Panama, New-Spaine, and the Ifle of Peru, And 
 he grounds himfelfe on that reafon, that as the Carthaginians (who 
 of old did moft ufe the Seas ) fo thofe of Peru, and the Inhabitants of 
 New-Spaine, did make ufe oC Piftures inftead of Letters. 
 
 But this opinion doth not satisfie, becaufe they anciently were 
 white men, bearded, and civill in converfe; but contrarily thofe of 
 Panama, St. Martha, and the Ifles in Cuba, and Barlovent, went 
 naked. Further-more, who can thinke that the language which he 
 faith, they firft fpoke, fhould be fo foone changed, that it fliould be 
 wholly another; and there isnoagreement between the oneand the 
 other. The learned Arias Montanus thinkes, that the Indians of 
 New-Spaine, and Peru, are the OfF-fpring of Ophir the fonne of 
 yokton, the nephew of Heber. And he backes his opinion, by the 
 name Ophir, which by transpofition of letters, is the fame with Peru ; 
 and he adds, that the name Parvaimia the duall number, doth fig- 
 nifie the IJtmus between New-Spaine and Peru, which firft was 
 called Ophir, then Peru ; and that thefe Countries are that Peru, 
 from whence King Solomon brought Gold, precious Stones, &c. as 
 in I King. chap. 9. v. 10. & 2 Chron. 9. 21. This opinion feems 
 more probable than the other, and may be backed by another name of 
 the River Piru, which according to Gomoras, lyes in the fecond de- 
 gree from the Equiuoftiall line, from Panama 'i'i%. miles; as alfo 
 by the name of the Province Jucatan, which may be derived from 
 Joktan the father of Ophir. But befides that this notation is fome- 
 what farre fetcht, it crofles what Jofephus Acojia affirmes in I. Hi- 
 Jior. of Jud. c. 13. who faith, that the name Peru was unknowne to 
 the /ra(^iawi- themfelves before thofe Spaniards ga.ve thatname. Add 
 
 to 
 
 (18) 
 
(9). 
 to this what Garcillajfo de la Vega in the firft part of his Commen- 
 tary on Peru, c. 4. faith, that when a certaine Spanyard,Bafco Nun- 
 nez de Balboa, lived in that Country, and asked a Fifher-man, what 
 was the name of that Province, he anfwered Bern; ( which was the 
 Fifher-mans owne name, he thinicing that was the queftion) and he 
 farther faid, that the name of the River where he fiftied, was called 
 Pelu. Hence you may fee, that Peru is made of both thofe words; 
 which also many Spanyards befides him, we have mentioned, doe 
 teftifie. Befides, who can thinke that Solomon negledling the Eq/i- 
 Indies, a place fo rich, and abounding with all things, fliould fend a 
 Fleet fo farre off as to the JVeJi-Indies. Alfo we read in i King, 9. 
 that Solomon made ships in Ezion- Geher on the fhoare of the red 
 Sea, which alfo yehofaphat did, with Ahaziah, as Ezra faith, in 
 2 CArora. ao. and it is certaine that thofeof thofe Countries went that 
 ordinary way to India. And it will not follow, that becaufe the holy 
 Scripture fometimes faith, that they went to Tarjis,a.nd fonietimes; 
 thatthey wenttoO/)/i«V, that therefore both thofe places are thefame; 
 fince that Tarsis is not,as fome thinke Carthage, or Tunes in Africa 
 for that the Navieof Solomon did not fet fayle ixomyoppa,a port of 
 the Mediterranean, but from Ezion-Geher, a Port of the red Sea, 
 from whence they could not fayle to Caj-^Aage, but to the £a5<-/raiie5. 
 The anfwer oi Ifaac Alarhanel to that argument, cannot be admit- 
 ted, who faith, that an arme of Nilus did run into the red Sea, and 
 another arme ran intotheMediterranean, by^/ea;awd»7'a injEgypt; 
 fince it was never heard, that fhipsof great burden, did fwim in thofe 
 rivers; and would not he then have built hisNavie in the Portof^- 
 lexandria? It is more true that Tarfis is the Ocean,or Indian Sea; 
 and becaufe they cameinto the Ocean, after that they had fayled over 
 the red Sea, which is but narrow, therefore the Scripture faith, TAey 
 Sayled to Tarfis. Rahhi Jonathan ben Uziel followes this opinion, 
 who in his Paraphrafe, for Tarfis, puts ( the Sea.) The fame faith 
 Francijcus de Ribera,m his Comment. on yo7iah,and a.\{oRabbinus 
 yofephus Coen, in his Chronology; who afcribe the word Tarfis, to 
 the Indian Sea; becaufe that Ophir is the fame Country, which of 
 old is called. The Golden Cherfonefus ; and by Josephus, The Gol- 
 den Land ; and at this day Malacca ; from whence they brought 
 Ivory, for the great number of Elephants which are there; none of 
 which are in the Wefi-Indies, and Solomons Navie flayed in thofe 
 Ports of India three yeares, becaufe they traded with the Inhabi- 
 
 C 2 tants 1 
 
 (19) 
 
(lO) 
 
 tants 1 I know that learned Grotius, and famous de Laet thinke 
 differently; as alfo thofe quoted by them; but I fhall not infift 
 in confuting their opinions becaufe I ftudybrevity. I doe like of,in 
 part, the opinion of the Spaniards who dwell in the Indies, who 
 by common consent doe affirme that the Indians come of the 
 ten Tribes. And truly they are not altogether miftaken, becaufe in 
 my opinion, they were the first planters of the Indies; as also other 
 people of the East-Indies came by that Streight which is between 
 India, and the Kingdome of Anian. But that people, according to 
 our Montezinus, made warre upon thofe Inhabitants the Ifraelites, 
 whom they forced up unto the mountaines, and the in-land Coun- 
 tries, as formerly the Brittaines were driven by the Saxons into 
 Wales. 
 
 SECT. 3. 
 
 '"P'He firft ground of that opinion is taken from 2 Efdra. 13. v. 
 -*• 40. &c. (which we quote as ancient, though it be Apocrj'- 
 phall ) where it's faid, that the ten Tribes which Salmanqfter car- 
 ried captive in the reigne of Hofeas, beyond Euphrates, determi- 
 ned togoe into Countries farre remote, in which none dwelt, where- 
 bythey might the better obferve their Law. Andasthey pafled over 
 fome branches of Euphrates, God wrought Miracles, flopping the 
 course of the Floud, till they had pafled over; and that Country is 
 called Arfareth, From whence we may gather, that the ten Tribes 
 went to New-Spaine, and Peru, and poflefl"ed thofe two Kingdoms, 
 till then withoutlnhabitants. Genebrardus, quoting Efdras concer- 
 ning that wandring of the ten Tribes, faith, that Arfareth is Tar- 
 taria the greater, and from thence they went to Greenland, for that 
 America is lately found to be on that fide farther from Sea, than it is 
 upon other fides, being almofl an Ifland, and they might pafl^e from 
 Greenland by the ftreight of Davis into the Country Labrador, 
 which is now called India, being fifty miles diftant from thence, as 
 GoOTora^ faith in hisHiflory. Thefamejournyingof the ten Tribes 
 into India, is confirmed by that which P. Malvenda reports. That 
 Arfareth is that Promontory which is neare to Scythia, or Tartary, 
 neare the Sea, called by Pliny, Talis, where America is parted 
 from the Countryof^wiara bya narrowSea; which alfo on that fide 
 parts China, or Tartary from America ; fo that there might be an 
 eafie paflage for the ten Tribes through Arfareth, or Tartary into 
 
 the 
 
 (20) 
 
the Kingdomes oi Anian, and Qtdvira; which in time might plant 
 the new world, and firme land ; which in bigneffe equals Europe, 
 Afia, and Africa put together ; Alonftis Auguslinianus counting 
 from the flioare of the North Sea, from the Country of Labrador 
 3928 miles, and from Sur ^000. miles; but Go7na»'a5 counts from 
 India by the South, and Sur, 9300. miles ; which fpace is bigge e- 
 nough for the ten Tribes, that they may there fpread in places hitherto 
 unknowne. 
 
 SECT. 4. 
 
 HE ftrengthens this opinion, that in the Ifle St. Michael, which 
 belongs to the Azores, the Spaniards found Sepulchres under 
 ground, with very ancient Hebrew letters, which Geweirar^Mj hath 
 Printed, i« lib. i.chro. p. 159. From whence we gather, that in that 
 infcription there is a miftake of the letter (T.) fo that the fenfe of it 
 is. How perfect is God. Sehalbin is dead. Know God. Unlefle you 
 will have them to be proper Names, and to fignifie him that is dead, 
 and his Father, in which fenfe for (M) you muft read (B) and then 
 the fenfe will be, Meetabel feal, the Son of Matadel ; such names 
 ending in (el) are common in Scripture, as Raphael,Immanuel,a.nd 
 the like. Let it suffice him who is pleafed with neither of thofe con- 
 jectures, that Hebrew Letters were found there. And though that 
 Ifland is remote from the Wejl-Indies, yet it might be by accident 
 that they might put in thither. 
 
 SECT. 5. 
 
 THat feemes to be to the purpofe which Garcillaffos de la Foga 
 faith in his Comment, on Peru, lib. 3. c. i. That in Tiahuanacu 
 a Province of Collai, among other Antiquities, this is worthy of 
 memory, ( being fcitualed at the Lake which the Spaniards call 
 Chutuytu ) That among the great buildings which are there, one 
 was to he feene of a very great pile, which hath a Court 15. fa- 
 thoms broad ; a wall that compqffeth it, 3 furlongs high ; on one 
 fde of the Court is a Chamber 45 foot long, and %% broad ; and 
 the Court, the IVall, the Pavement, the Chamber, the Roofe of it, 
 the entrance, the pojis of the % gates of the Chamber, and of the en- 
 trance, are made only of one Jlone; the three fides of the Wall are an 
 ell thick ; the Indians fay, that that House is dedicated to the 
 Maker of the World. I conjefture that building to be a Synagogue, 
 
 C 3 built 
 
 (21) 
 
built by the Ifraelites; for the Authors who writ about the Indies, 
 tell us, that the Indians never ufe Iron, or Iron weapons. Alfo the 
 Jwc?/a?«5were Idolaters, and therefore itcouldnot be that they fhould 
 build an house to God. P. Acojla in lib. 6. hid. Iiiftor. c. 14. 
 mentions fuch buildings as are in that place; and hereports that he 
 measured a ftone which was 38. foot long, 18 foot broad, and fixe 
 foot thick. PelrusCiezain hisfirft part of his Chronicles of PfrM,c. 
 87. relates. That in the City Gtiamanga,v/hich is fcituated by the ri- 
 ver Finaque, there is a vaft building, which becaufe then it feemed 
 almoft ruined by time, it therefore had lafted many yeares. Heask- 
 ingthe neighbouring /7ic!iaM5,Who built that great Pile? He learnt, 
 that it was made by a people (who were bearded, and white as the 
 Spaniards) who came thither a long time before (and ftaid fome 
 time after) the Indians raigned there; and the Indians faid, that 
 they had received it from theirFathers by Tradition. ThefameCfe- 
 za, cap. 10. 5. of the Antiquity of Tiguanac, faith, that what the 
 Indiansho3& to beveryancient,can by nomeanes be compared with 
 that Ancient building, and other things. From all which you may 
 well gather, that the firft Inhabitants of that place were the Ifrae- 
 lites of the ten Tribes, becaufe they were white, and bearded. 
 
 SECT. 6. 
 
 TO this opinion adde an argument taken from what Logicians 
 call ajimili; for he that will compare theLawes and Cuftomes 
 of the Indians and Hehrewes together, fhall finde them agree 
 in many things ; whence you may eafily gather. That the Indians 
 borrowed thofe of the Hehrewes (who lived among them) before, 
 or after they went to the unknowne Mountaines. The Indians of 
 Jucalan, and the Jlcuzainilenfes doe circumcife themselves. The 
 Totones of New Spaine, and Mexicans (as Roman and Gomaza 
 in thegenerall Hiftoryof the/w^zaw^ teftifie) rend their garments,if 
 there happen any fudden misfortune or thedeathof any, Gregorius 
 Gracias in MoJiarchia Ingafonum, an Ifle of Peru, faith, that 
 Guainacapacus hearing that liis fonne Atagualpa fled for feare of 
 the Army of his enemy, he rent his garments. The Mexicans, and 
 Totones, or the Totonacazenfes kept continually fire upon their Al- 
 tars, as God commands in Leviticus. Thofe of Peru doe the fame, 
 in their Temples dedicated to the Sun. The Nicaraguazenfes doe 
 forbid their women who were lately brought a bed, to enter their 
 
 Tem- 
 (22) 
 
(13) 
 Temples, till they are purified. TheinhabitantsofHi/pawioZathinke 
 thofe doe fin, who lye with a woman a little after her childe-birth. 
 And the Indians oinew Spaine doe feverely punish Sodomie. Many 
 of the Indians doe bury their dead on the Mountaines; which alfo 
 is iheyewi/h cuftomt; and Garcias faith, the name Chanan isfound 
 in thofe Countries. You may wonder at this, that the Indians doe 
 every fifty yeares celebrate a Jubilee,with great pomTp,mMexico,tht 
 Metropolis of the whole Province. Alfo that on the Sabbath day all 
 are bound to be prefent in the Temple, to performe their Sacrifices, 
 and Ceremonies. Theyalfo were divorced from their wives, if they 
 were not honefl:. The Indians of Peru, New-Spaine, and Guate- 
 malaAiA marry the Widdowes of their dead Brethren. May not you 
 judge from thefethings, that the^eifeilived inthofeplaces,and that 
 the Gentiles learned fuch things of them ? Adde alfo to what hath 
 been faid,that the knowledge which the Indians had, of the Creati- 
 on of theworld,and of the univerfall Flood, they borrowed from the 
 Ifraelites, 
 
 ^ 
 
 SECT. 7. 
 
 THe fourth ground of this opinion is, that the Indians are of a 
 browne colour, and without beards ; but in the new world, 
 white, and bearded men were found, who had never com- 
 merce with the Spaniards; and whom you cannot affirme to be any 
 other than Ifraelites; becaufe alfo as they could never be overcome, 
 fo fhall they never be fully knowne, as appeares by what foliowes. 
 Petrus Simon a Francifcan, in his Hiftory of finding out the firme 
 Land,faith,that in thereigneof CAarZe5thefifth,hecommandedone 
 called Philippus de litre thither, to difcover, and plant thofe Coun- 
 tries; that he found them unknowne toward the North oi America 
 about five degrees, in the Province of Omeguas, which is neare the 
 Province oi Venezuela, z.nA now is called Garracas. And he having 
 learned of their neighbours, the greatnefle of that people both in 
 wealth, and in war, he determined to war upon them. Who when 
 they had marched agood way, at laft found arich City, full of people, 
 and faire buildings; and not farre oflFtwo Husband-men tilling the 
 ground; whom they would have made Prifoners, that they might 
 be their interpreters. Butwhen theyfawthemfelves fet on,theyfled 
 apace towards the City; but Philippus d'Ufre and his Souidiers 
 followed them hard on Horse-back, and had almoft taken them ; 
 
 where- 
 (23) 
 
(14) 
 whereupon the Hufband-men flood ftill, and with their Speares 
 wounded PAiZi/) in the breaft, piercing through hisBreft-plate made 
 of wooll tokeepofFArrowes. Hewondering at the dexterity of that 
 people, judged it a wifer courfe, not to make war upon that Pro- 
 vince, and people fo expert in warre, and who dared to refift armed 
 men. Therefore he retreated with his Company. And to this day 
 none goe to that people, neither is it knowne which way to goe to 
 them. It is probable that they are Ifraelites whom God preferves 
 in that place againfl the day of redemption. Alonfus de Erzilla 
 teftifies the fame thing, in 2,. part, fua Araucanicz. Cant. %-]. where 
 defcribing thofe places, he thus fpeakes in Spanish. 
 
 Some Countries there, Jo populous are seen, 
 
 As one continued City; which have been 
 
 Never as yet difcovered ; but unknowne 
 
 To other Nations ; have laine hid alone ; 
 
 Not found by forreigne sword, nor forreigne trade 
 
 Doe either fe eke, nor fuffer to he made, 
 
 But unacquainted live, till Godjhall pleafe 
 
 To manifeft his fecrets : shew us thefe. 
 
 SECT. 8. 
 
 TOannes Cq/iilianus Vicarius living in the City Pampelona of 
 ■*■ Nova Granada in Peru, faith, that when Gonzalus Pifarrus had 
 revolted from his people, he fent fome to fearch out new Countries . 
 of the Indians who lived East-ward, whofe number could never be 
 knowne, becaufe that ( as fome fay ) their Country is above two 
 thoufand miles in length, if you compute from the head of the river 
 Maragnon, which runs neare Andes of Cufco, unto the place where 
 it runs into the Sea, wheretherefore the River began to benavigable, 
 Petrus d' Orfna being a Captaine, went by water, and his Souldiers 
 with him, in Vessels called Canows; which when they were too 
 fmallfortheforceoftheftreame,hebuiItBrigandines,onthebankeof 
 the River Gwana^a, which wafhing the Province CAac^apoyas, runs 
 into Maragnon. He was fcarce gone aboard his Brigandines, when 
 oneof his own Souldiersnamed^^wirre, aftout man, killed him, who 
 by common confent fucceeded the flaine. When they had gone a 
 little way, they found a plaine without a mountaine, where many 
 houfes flood on each fide of the banke of Maragnon, being built by 
 
 the 
 (24) 
 
<^5) 
 
 the Indians. They ftill went on for forty eight houres together^and 
 fawnothingbuttall,andwhitehoufes, which they feared togoeinto, 
 becaufe the Inhabitants were numerous, and becaufe they heard the 
 noyfe of Hammers; forwhichcaufetheythought the Inhabitants to 
 be Gold-smiths. They went on ftill, and now fayled in the North 
 Sea, but alwayes neare to the fhoare of the Province of Margareta, 
 where^quirre was catcht by the Inhabitants and hanged; for they 
 heard that he had killed his Captaine Petriis de Orfua. 
 
 SECT. 9. 
 
 CAfpar Bergarenjis ( whom I have oft fpoke with ) went from 
 the City Laxa, which is in the Province of Qidti in Peru, and 
 accompanied theColonell Don Diego Facade la Vega going tofeeke 
 a new Country. 
 
 In the yeare 1633. they came to the Province ^ arguafongo,v/hich 
 had beendifcovered by Captaine SaZmei; and theypafledtheMoun- 
 taines Cordillerce, where the River Maragnon is not above a ftones 
 caft over. In the Province of the Inde Mainenfes they built a City, 
 whofe namewas St.Francifcus deBorja,a.tEfquilache. In his com- 
 pany were one hundred SpawfardiinCanows.Havingconqueredthofe 
 Indians,?inA compelling them to fwearefealty totheKingof Spctiwe; 
 the Colonell being inftructed by the Mainenfes, went to other pla- 
 ces, after he had putaGarrisonintohisnewCity. Having failed fifty 
 leagues in the River ( he found fome Cottages of the Indians which 
 there hid themfelves)byfavourof many Riverswhich there run into 
 Maragnon. When they had fayled into the River Guariaga,wheTe 
 Petrus de Orfua had built his Brigandines, and was killed by A- 
 quirre ; they asked the Indians whom they had taken ( who were 
 called Guariaga,iTom the Rivers name) what people doe live on the 
 Rivers side? they told the Colonell, that five dayesjourneyoff,there 
 live men of tall ftature, comely in prefence,and have as great beards 
 as the Spa7iiards have, valiant, and warlike, who are not fkilled in 
 Canowes, though the rest of the Indians ufe no other ; he prefently 
 returned the fame way he came, 
 
 SECT. 10. 
 
 IN Farnambuc about forty yeares fince, eight Tabaiares had a 
 minde to looke out new Countries, and to fee whether the Land 
 that was beyond, and unknowne, wereinhabited. They having fpent 
 
 D foure 
 
 (25) 
 
fouremonethsin travelIingWeftward,theycatne to mountaines,to 
 whofe top they got with difficulty, and found a plaine which a plea- 
 fant river doth compafle, by whofe banke fide dwelt a people who 
 loved commerce, they were white, and bearded; and this five of the 
 Talaires (for three perished by the way, and only five returned) 
 told to the Brafilians after nine moneths. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 IN our time, under King Philip the third, Captaine Ferdinades 
 de Queiros being returned out of India (where he had fpent mofl: 
 of his life) to Rome, he fhewed a Table of Lands yet undifcovered. 
 From thence he went to Madrid, and five (hips were given him by 
 the Governour of Panama ( to whom he was fent) to perfeft his 
 defigne. He began hisjourney,and was fcarcelyentred the South Sea, 
 but he found Land, which he called, The IJle of Solomon, and Hie- 
 rz(/a/em,forreafons which he told me. He in his courfeof fayling al- 
 wayes kept clofe to the fhoare of thofe Iflandsj he faw thofe Iflan- 
 ders of a browne colour, and took many; others dwelt in greater If- 
 lands,and more fruitful!; thefewerewhite,andwore long garments 
 of filk ; and the Pilot beingbid to bring his Ship neare the fhoare, he 
 fplit his Ship upon a Rock, (and the Iflanders running greedily to the 
 fight) which being funke,theCaptainewentthence,looking for the 
 firmeLand, which he found to be forty degrees beyond; and he went 
 three hundred miles neare the fhoare ; aud when he perceived the 
 Country to be inhabited by the fmoke which he faw, and would put 
 intoaPort on the fide of the River, there ran tohimmany whitemen, 
 of yellow haire, tall like Giants, richly cloathed, and of long beards. 
 But one of the Vefl^els being wracked in the Havens mouth, he was 
 forced to put out to Sea; whereupon the Iflanders fent two Cha- 
 loffi of a browne colour, (as the inhabitants were of the firfl: Ifland) 
 with fheep,and other provifions,and fruits,butdefiring,and threat- 
 ningthem,if they did notdepart: The Captaine brought thofe Cha- 
 loffi into Spaine, from whom the Spaniards could learne nothing but 
 by fignes ; and infliead of anfwers, ( when they were asked ) would 
 (hew their beards, as if fuch thofe were, who were their Lords, and 
 had fent them, and if they were asked about Religion, they would 
 hold up their fingers to Heaven,implying, that they worftiipped but 
 oneGod. A little while after, they dyed in S/Jame. The Captaine re- 
 turned to Panama, having left his two Ships which were wracked ; 
 
 and 
 (26) 
 
(17) 
 and when theGovernourfuedhim^by meanesof the Senators, who 
 are over the Indian affaires, he was difinifled, and returned with his 
 Shipsinto Spame, where heabode two yeares before his matters were 
 difpatched. But the King created him Marquefle of the Countries 
 found out by him, and commanded to give him a good Army, 
 where-with to compafle his defignes. But he scarce got to Panama, 
 when he dyed, not without fufpition of being poyfoned by the Go- 
 vernour. 
 
 SECT. 12,. 
 
 'T'Hat which I am about to tell, fhall ferve for a proofe of that 
 ■*• which I faid of the Wejl-Indians. A Dutch Mariner told 
 me, that not long fince he was with his fhip in America, feven de- 
 grees towards the North between Maragnon, and great Para, and 
 he put into an Harbour in a pleafant River, where he found fomelra- 
 dians who underftood Spanijh, of whom he bought Meats, and Dy- 
 woodj after he had flayed there fix moneths, he underftood that that 
 River extended eighteen leagues towards the Carybes Indians, as far 
 as the {hip could goe; and that the River is divided there into three 
 branches, and they fayling two months on the left hand, there met 
 them white men, and bearded, well bred, well cloathed, and aboun- 
 ding with gold and filver; they dwelt in Cities enclofed with wals, 
 and full of people ; and that some Indians of Oronoch went thither, 
 and brought home much gold, filver, and many precious ftones. 
 Which he having underftood, fent thither fome Sea-men; but the 
 Indian dyed by the way, who was their guide, and fo they did not 
 proceedjbut ftayed there two months,and trucked with the Indians 
 whowerefixty leagues from Sea. That ProvinceiscalledywZ'ia,and 
 is subject to Zealand; they have no commerce with the Spaniards, 
 and the inhabitants travell fecurely every way. I heard that flory 
 by accident from that Dutch Mafter of the Ship ; whence fome of 
 us gueflRng them to be Ifraelites, had purpofed to fend him againe 
 to enquire more fully. But he dyed fuddenly the laft yeare,whence 
 it feemes that God doth not permit that thofe purpofes ftiould take 
 any effect till the end of dayes. 
 
 Y 
 
 SECT. 13. 
 Et I give more credit to our Montezinus, being a Portingal, 
 and a Jew of our Order; borne in a City of Portingal, called 
 
 D a Fille- 
 
 (27) 
 
(i8) 
 Fillefleur, of honeft and known Parents, a man about forty yeares 
 olcl,honeft,and not ambitious. Hewentto the 7Mt^jf5,where hewas 
 put into the Inquif]tion,as thefucceflfor of man v who were borne in 
 Portingal, and defcended from them, whom the King of Portingal, 
 Don Manuel forced to turne Chriflians : (0 wicked, and wijust 
 aSiion, faith Oforius; and a little after, Tliis was done neither ac- 
 cording to Law, nor Religion,) and yet to this day they privately 
 keep their Religion, which they had changed, being forced. thereto. 
 Hebeing freed from the Tnquifition, very diligently fought out thefe 
 things, and oft fpoke with thofe men, and then was not quiet till he 
 came hither,and had told us that good newes. Heendured much in 
 that journey, and was driven to great want, fo that no houfe would 
 give him food, or give him money for his worke. I my felfew^as well 
 acquainted with him forfixmonthstogetherthat he lived here; and 
 fometimes I made him take an Oath in the prefence of honeft men, 
 thatwhat he had told, was true. Then hewent toFarwamtMc,where 
 two yeares after he dyed, taking the same Oath at hisdeath. Which 
 if itbefo,whyfhould noti beleeveaman thatwasvertuous,and ha- 
 vingall thatwhichmencall gaine. And whoknowesbut that (hortly 
 the truth of that Prognofiick may appeare, which our Montezinus 
 learned from th&Mohanes; answerable to that which yacohusVerus 
 an Aflrologer oi Prague writ after the apparition of the Comet in 
 Ann. 1618. and dedicated to his Highnefle the Prince Palatine, 
 where he thus difcourfeth : The Comet going towards the South, 
 doth intimate thattheCi ties andProvinceswhichGod doth threaten, 
 are those of the Wejl-Indies, which fhall revolt from the King of 
 Spafwe,who will finde that lofTe greater then heimagined, not that the 
 Indians rebel! againft himofthemfelves, but that they are provoked 
 toitbeingftirred upbyothers. Neitherdid the Comet only fore-tell 
 that, but the eclipfe of the Sun, which was in that Country the yeare 
 before. Thusfar the Aflrologer. Our ancient Rabbins fay, though 
 we doe not beleeve the Aftrologers in ail things, yet we doe not 
 wholly rejeft them, who fometimes tell truth. 
 
 SECT. 14. 
 
 THus farre of the WeJl-Indies, of which Ifaiah may be under- 
 ftood ( becaufe it lyes in the midfl: of the Sea, and alfo hath 
 many Iflands ) in Ifa. 60. 9. The ifles fhall waitefor me, and I 
 thejhips of Tarjhijhjirji, to bring their Sons from far, their fiver 
 
 and 
 (28) 
 
(19) 
 and their gold with them, Jer. 31. 10. Heare the Word of the 
 Lord ye Nations, and declare it in the ifles afar off, and fay, He 
 that fcattereth Ifrael will gather him, Pfal. 97. i. The Lord reign- 
 eth, let the earth rejoyce, and the multitude of ifles he glad. 
 Where part of the ten Tribes doe dwell unknown to this day. 
 
 SECT. 15. 
 
 YOu muft know that all the ten Tribes were not carried awav at 
 the fame time. Pul the King of Jffyria ( as I fhew in the fe- 
 cond part of my Reconciler) conquered, and carriedaway theTribes 
 of Reuben, Gad, and halfe Manaffeh, in the reigne of Peka, as you 
 may fee in i Chron. 5. 26. and fosephus in li. 9. c. 11. Tiglah- 
 pilefer eight yeares after took Ijon, Ahel-leth-maachah, Hazor- 
 Gilead, Galilee, all the land of Naphtali, and he carryed away all 
 the Captives into Assyria, in 3 King. 15. 29. At lafl: Shalmanefer 
 King oiAj/yria, nine yeares after, in the reign of Hofhea the Son of 
 £/aA, befieged Samaria three yeares; which being taken, he carried 
 away. Hq/^ea, with the reft of the Tribes, in 3 King.i'j. 6. Of thofe 
 three times the Prophet Ifaiah fpeakes, Ifa. 9. i. faying, the firft 
 captivity was gentle, if you compare it with the lafl:, which was 
 grievous, and unfiifTerable, when the Kingdome and Monarchy of 
 Ifrael ceafed. 
 
 SECT. 16. 
 
 THe ten Tribes being conquered at feverall times, we muft 
 thinke they were carried into severall places. As we beleeve 
 they went to the IVefl-Indies by the ftrait of Anian, fo we 
 thinke that out of Tarto-y they went to China, by that famous wall 
 in the confines of both. Our argument to prove it, is taken from the 
 authority of two Jefuites, who erefted their Colledgesin thofe Coun- 
 tries. Nicholaus Trigantius a Dutch-man in his difcourfe of the 
 Chrifl:ian expedition under-taken by the Jefuites to Sz'wa, faith, We 
 findethat informertimetheyewf^cameintothefeKingdomes. And 
 when that fociety had for fome yeares feated it felfe in the Court of 
 the Pequinenfes, a certaine few came to P. Matthceus Riccius; he 
 was borne in Chamfamfu the metropolis of the Province Ho«a«,and 
 was furnamed Ogay; and now being licenfed to the degree of a Do- 
 6i:or,he wenttoPe^MJw. But when he read in a certaine Booke writ 
 by a Dodlor of China, concerning the European affaires, That our 
 
 D 3 fathers 
 
 (29) 
 
(20) 
 
 fathers are not Sai-azens, a.nd know no God but the Lord of Heaven 
 and Earth ; and would perfwade hinifelfe that ours did profefle the 
 Law of Mofes, he went into the Church with P. Matthaas Ricci- 
 us. On an Altar there was the effigies of the Virgin Mary, and the 
 childe Jefus, whom St. John his fore-runner worfliipped with ben- 
 ded knees; nowthatday wastheHoly-dayofyoAra theBaptift. The 
 y^it'thinkingitwas the effigies oi Rehecca,as\A her two Sons,y acoh 
 and Efau, he bowed also to the Image, but with this Apology, that 
 he worfhipped no Images, but that he could not but honour thefe 
 who were the Parents of our Nation. And he aflcing if the foure E- 
 vangelifts on both fides of the Altar, were not foure of the twelve 
 fons of Jacob; the Jefuite anfwered. Yes, thinking he had afked of 
 the twelve Apoftles. But afterward the Jew acknowledged to the 
 Jefuite that he was an Ifraelite; and he found the Kings Bible, and 
 acknowledged the Hebrew Letters, though he could not read them. 
 By this occafion our peoplelearntjthat ten or twelve familiesofi/rae- 
 lites were there, and had built a very neat Synagogue which coft 
 ten thoufand Crownes, in which they have kept the five Bookes of 
 Mofes with great veneration for fix hundred yeares. He alfo affir- 
 med, that in Hamcheu the Metropolis of the Province Chequiona, 
 there are farre more Families,with a Synagogue; and elfe-where that 
 many Families live without a Synagogue, becaufe that by little and 
 little they are extinguiflied. He relating many things out of the Old 
 Teftamentjhe differed but little in pronouncing thofe names. He 
 faid, that fome among them were not ignorant of the Hebrew 
 Tongue, but that himfelfehad neglefted it,havingfl:udied the China 
 Tongue from a Childe. For which caufe he was counted almoft un- 
 worthy of their fociety, by the Ruler of the Synagogue. B ut he chiefly 
 looked after this, that hemight get to beDoftor. Three yeares after 
 P. Matth(Bus Riccius fent one of our brethren to that Metropolis, 
 who found all thofe things true. He compared the beginnings, and 
 endings of the Bookes which the J ewes keep in their Synagogue, 
 with our Pentateuch, and fawnodifrerence,thisonly, that thofe had 
 no pricks. The other Jefuite is Alfonfus Cimedro, who likewife 
 faith, that there is a great numberof^^ewei in theProvince of Oroera- 
 fis, on the Wefl: part of China, who know nothing of the comming, 
 and fuifering of Jefus. ^nd he from thence gathers, that they are of 
 the ten Tribes, (which opinion I alfo am of) becaufe thofe Chinefes 
 obferve many yezfj/^RiteSjwhich you may feeinamanufcript,which 
 
 the 
 (30) 
 
thenoh]ey aockimus Wicqfortius hath. And whymight not fomeof 
 them faile homCkina to iVew-SpaJree, through the ftreight between 
 China, and j4nian, and Quivira, which doe border upon New- 
 Spaine ; and from thence they went to the Ifles of Panama, Peru, 
 and thofe thereabouts. Thefeinmyjudgement are thoi&Chinefesoi 
 whom Ifaiah fpeakes, Chap, 49. verf. la. ( treating about Ifraels 
 returne to his Country.) Behold, thefejhall come from afarre, and 
 thefe from the North, and from the Weft, and thefe from the 
 Land of Sinim, -^nd fo Ptolomy in lih. 7. c. 3. tab, 11. cais it The 
 country of Sinim, or Sina ; and this is the true fenfe of the words; 
 Ahen Ezra therefore is miftaken, who derives it of Sene, a bufli or 
 wood, which he placeth in jTlgypt. 
 
 / SECT. 17. 
 
 I Could eafily beleeve,that thetenTribesastheyincreafed in num- 
 ber, fo theyfpread into more Provinces before-mentioned, and 
 into Tartary. For Abraham Ortelius in his Geography of the 
 World,and Mapof Tartary,hs notes the placeof the£)am<eiwhich 
 he cals the Hord,w,hich is the fame which the Hebrewymrfa,figni- 
 fying^ defcent. And lower, he mentions the Hord of Naphtali, 
 pofleffed by Peroza. in the yeare 476. Schikhardus in his Tarich or 
 feries of the Kingsof Per^a,amp]ifies the Hiftory of this War, where 
 ex lib. 4. of Agathias, he thus faith, A little after, whe?i they 
 were eafed of that Plague, {fc. 7. yeares drought) in the time of 
 the Emperour Zeno, Firuz made a double warre with Naphtali, in 
 which at loft he was dejiroyed. For first of all he was brought to the 
 ftreights of places unknowne ; who then fought for peace upon this 
 condition ( and obtained it ) that he fhould fweare that he would 
 never after provoke them ; and that he Oiould doe reverence to this 
 Conquerour in token of fubj eSiion : which afterward by the coun- 
 fell of the Magicians he performed craftily, for he bowed towards 
 the Eqftem Sun, that his owne people might thinke that he bowed 
 rather to the Sun ( after his Country cii/iom ) then to honour his 
 Enemy. But he did not truly performe thatfirjl agreement, though 
 confirmed by Letters Patents ; who becaufe he could not digeft the 
 difgrace of bowing to his Enemy, he prepared a new Army and 
 went agairifi them; but afecond time he being entrapped by the 
 badnej/'e of the Country, he lofi his life ; and many with him, in a 
 Gulf which the Naphthalites had prepared for him, having dref^ed 
 
 it 
 (31) 
 
it over with reeds, and fome earth throwne a top; they having left 
 in the middle fome high grounds, and trees where their Scouts 
 were, that their Jiratagem might not be found, and that the Perfi- 
 ans might more confidently attempt the ditch. Thus a rajh King 
 paid for his perfidy, he excelling more in daring, then in counfell, 
 as Agathias/ai//i. The patent by which peace had been agreed, was 
 hung upon a speare, and might be feene of him at diftance, that he 
 might remember his Oath, repent, and defifi from his enterprife ; 
 but he cared little for that. But when by his zinexpected fall he 
 faw he Ihould dye, it is f aid that he pulled off from his right eare a 
 pearle of huge bignefj'e, and whitenef/'e, and leaf any after him 
 fhouldfinde it [more likely that his corps Jhould not be knowne) he 
 threw it a great way off. The fame Author aflces, who thofe Naph- 
 thalitesweve, a.nd by many arguments he provesthat they are there- 
 licks of the fewes; faith he, / doe ivholly thinke that they are the 
 relicks of the Je wes of the Tribe q/Naphtali, whom Triglath Pileffer 
 the Affyrian carried into thofe places, in 2 King. 15. 39. For i. The 
 name, zre the befl copies of Agathias, ivhich Lewenclavius hath 
 mended, is the fame fully; in other Bookes it wants nothing but an 
 {h) now it is fcarce pqffible that in a word of many fyllables that 
 Jhould fall out by chance. 2. Their countenance difcovers it, for 
 as Procopious I. C. faith, they are not blacke, or foule in their 
 countenance, as the Auns are among ivhom they live, but the only 
 white men of that Country ; that it may evidently appear e that 
 they came frovi fome other place thither. 3. Their manners a- 
 gree, for the fame Author faith, that they are not Nomades, as 
 the Huns wAo are unconstant in their dwelling, and eate up one place 
 after another ; but they inhabite one certaine place. Befides, theij 
 obferve Law and equity, as the Romans ; and have pollicy, being 
 well governed by their Prince: both which is rare among their 
 neighbour Nations. Alfo they doe not lay abroad their dead, as 
 the Barbarians doe, but they decently cover them with earth. Lqfi- 
 ly, their j ornalls doe teftifie that many Jewes live there, efpecially 
 in the mountaines, who have fearched to the mid-land countries of 
 Eqjl-Afia., R. Benjamin, f 23. From thence ( the coqft of Perfia ) 
 is 28. dayes journey to the mountaines Nifebor, which are neare the 
 river Gozan. The Ifraelites which come from thence into Perfia, 
 fay, that there in the Cities o/" Nifebor, are four Tribes (fc. Dan, 
 Zebulon, Afor, Naphtali,) ofthefirft captivity, which Shalmanefer 
 
 the 
 (32) 
 
the Aflyrian carried thither, as in 2 King. 17. 6. he brought them 
 to Habor, and Halah, the river Gozaxi and the Mountaines of 
 Media. The compaJJ'e of that Country is twenty day es journey; and 
 they pojfeffe Cities, and Caftles upon the Mountaines, by one fide 
 of which, runs the river Gozan ; neither are they suhjeSi to the 
 Nations, but have a Governour over them, by name R. Jofeph 
 Amarkela a Levite, and there are among them fame who Jiudy 
 wifdome. They fow, and reap ; yea they wage war to the Coun- 
 try ofCuth. In the fame place Ortelius adds, in the Coi«i!;ry_T'a- 
 bor^oZ-HburJ^ which Solinus commends, in c. 49. ) they dwell a 
 people, who though they have loft the holy writings, they obey 
 one King, who came into France, in Ann. 1530. and fpoke with 
 Francis the first, was burnt at Mantua by the command of the 
 Emperour Charles the fifth, because that he did privately teach 
 Judaifm to Chriftian Princes,and to theEmperour himfelfe. Bote- 
 rus faith the fame in his relations of the fartheft part of Tartary. 
 But both these were deceived ; for Rabbinus Jofephus Cohon, a 
 man worthy to be beleeved, relates this more truly in his Chrono- 
 logy, faying, that the yew who came out of that Country, was the 
 brother of the King of the Ifraelites, was called David the Reube- 
 nite ; and having feene India in his paflage, he came to Portugal, 
 where he converted the Kings Secretary to Judaifm, who fled from 
 thence with him, taking the name of Selomoh Molho ; he in 
 fliort time was fo well verfed in the Law, yea in the Cabala it felfe, 
 that he made all Italy admire him. The Secretary together with the 
 Reubenite, endevoured to draw the Pope, Charles the fifth, and 
 Francis the firft to Judaifm. Selomoh Molho was taken at Man- 
 tua, and burnt alivCjin the yearei540. He yet was offered his life,if 
 he would turne Chriftian. The Reubenite was by Charles the fifth 
 carried prisoner into Spairae, where he fhortly after dyed. Abraham 
 FrifolOrchotolamTememherstheReubenite,{aying,FoTty five years 
 agone David Reubenita, a Prince of the Ifraelites, came from Ta- 
 bor, a Province of Tartary, into Europe, who faid that two Tribes 
 are there; and other Tribes a little farther, under their Kings, and 
 Princes,andalfoanunfpeakablenumberof people. Perhaps the Pro- 
 vince labor is the fame that Habor; which is mentioned in 2 King. 
 17. 6. that the ten Tribes were brought by Salmanefer to Habor, 
 and Halah; now the Hebrew letters [h) and [t) are neere in fa- 
 fhion. Eldad Danita of the Tribe of Dan,cavae out of thofe Coun- 
 
 E tries 
 
 (33) 
 
(34) 
 tries five hundred yearesagone (a letter from whom, which we call 
 Sephar Eldad Danita, is kept to this day ) and being examined by 
 theRabbinSjWasfoundanapprovedman. The learned Kahhi David 
 Kimhi, who lived 450. veares fince, in etymol. fuo in the word Se- 
 giah, he faith, Rabbi Jonah writes of the name oi Rabbi JudaAben 
 Karis, that he heard Eldad Danita fay, &c. And fo what I faid is 
 true, as appeares by the teflimonies produced. 
 
 SECT. 18. 
 
 PArt of the ten Tribes alfo live in Ethiopia, in thtHabyJJin King- 
 dome; as divers HaZijr^wi reported at florree. Bo^erwj in his re- 
 lations fpeakes the same thing,that two potent Nations doeliveneare 
 Nilus, and that one of them is that of the Ifraelites, who are gover- 
 ned by a mighty King. A Cofmographer who hath added notes to 
 Ptolomyes tables, faith thus in his table of New Africa ; that part 
 of New Africk was unknowne of old, the head of Nilus not being 
 knowne, which is in the Mountaines of the Moone,as the Ancients 
 call them ; where there dwels a great number of Ifraelites, paying 
 tribute toPreJlerJohn. Rabbi Abraham Fr if ol in the Book already 
 quoted, faith, that in his time fome who had been in thofe Countries, 
 reported the fame to Hercules the Duke of Ferraria. And without 
 queftion from hence the Haij{^wjlearnedCircumcifion,theobferva- 
 tion of the Sabbath, and many more fewifh ritS. Of these Ifaiah 
 feemes to fpeake, in Ifa, 18. i, a. JVoe to the Land which under 
 thefhadow of fails doth faile beyond the rivers of Ethiopia, by 
 whom ( the Prophet faith ) are sent Ambafj'adors infhips of Bul- 
 ru/hes, ( fuch as the Ethiopians ufe, commonly called Almadice.) 
 Bring back a people driven out of their Country, and torn, and 
 more miferable then any among us. Gifts fhal be brought to the Lord 
 of Sebaoth, in the place where the name of the Lord of Sebaoth is 
 worfhipped,in themount Sion. The ProphetZepAawy faith the fame, 
 in Zeph. 3. 9, 10. Then will I give to the people that they speak- 
 ing a pure language, may all call upon the name of God, whom they 
 fhallferve with reverence ; from beyond the rivers q/" Ethiopia they 
 Jhall bring to me for a gift, Hatray the daughter of my difperfed 
 ones, ( that is, the Nations oi Ethiopia.) Which agrees with that 
 of Ifa. And your Brethren, ( which are the ten Tribes ) /hall bring 
 gifts to the Lord. 
 
 SECT. 
 
 (34) 
 
(25) 
 
 SECT. 19. 
 
 ANd without doubt theyalfo dwell in Media; from thence they 
 pafled EupkrateSj'whitheT they were firft brought,as in 2 King. 
 17. 24 and in the book of Tobit. Josephus alfo fpeakes of them in 
 the Preface of his Book of the War of they ewe^, that thtJewesAxd 
 think that their brethren,who dwelt beyond Euphrates, unA farther, 
 would rebell againft; the Romans. Agrippa in his Oration to the 
 people oiy erufalem,t\ia.t they would not rebell againft the Romans, 
 fpeakes thus; What qjjociates doe ye expeSi to joyne with yozi in 
 your rebellion, and war? doth not all the knowne world pay tribute 
 to the Romans ? Perhaps fome of ye hope to have help from them, 
 beyond Euphrates. And in lib. 2. Antiqidt. c. 5. fpeaking of those 
 who in the time of Ezra returned from Babylon to j^erufalem, he 
 faith. All Ifrael dwelt in Media ; for two Tribes only dwelt in A- 
 fia, and Europe, and lived subject to the Romans ; as the other ten 
 on the other fide Euphrates, where they are fo many, that they can- 
 not be counted. It is not therefore to be doubted, the people encrea- 
 fing aftertheir firft tranfportation, they fought out new places,which 
 we have formerly mentioned. 
 
 SECT. 20. 
 
 LAftly,all thinke,that part of the tenTribesdwell beyond the ri- 
 ver Sabbathian, or fabbaticall. Rabbi jfohanan the Author of 
 the ferufalem Talmud, who lived 160. yeares after the deftruftion 
 of the fecond Temple, faith in his treatifeof the Sanhedrim,cap.i'j . 
 That the ten Tribes were carryed intothreeplaces,yc.totheSabbati- 
 call river, to Daphne the suburbs oi Antioch, and thither where a 
 cloud comes downe and covers them: And that they fhall be redee- 
 med from thofe three places; for fo he opens that place oilfa. Cha. 
 49. 9. That they may fay to the Captives, Goe forth, (fc. to them 
 who are at the Sabbaticall river) to them that are in darknejfe, Ihew 
 yourfelves, {fc. to them who are compafled with the cloud ) and to 
 all, they fhall be refrefhed in the wayes, {fc. to them who live in 
 Daphne oi Antioch which is in Syria.) Whence you may obferve, 
 that the learned man P Empereur tranflated it ill, at the fides of 
 ^niioc/jjWhereas Dap^weis the proper nameof a pleafant Grove near 
 Antioch. Sedar olam makes mention of that cloud, and calls them 
 mountaines of obfcurity. And in Talmud tractat. Sanhedr. c. 11. 
 
 E 2 R Jonathan 
 
 (35) 
 
(26) 
 R. yonathan hen Uziel, who lived a hundred yeares before the de- 
 ftruftion of the fecond Temple, in Exod. 34. 10, where the Lord 
 faith, / will doe wonders before all thy people, fuch as was never 
 done in the whole earth, or in any Nation, &c. and he refers all thofe 
 things to the tranfportation of the people. Hejhall draw them to 
 the rivers of Babylon: andjhall carry them to the Sahlaticall ri- 
 ver, andjhall teach them, that thofe miracles were never performed 
 to any Nation of the known world. 
 
 Our ancient Kak)\nsmBereftRalha{novat&n\>odky\nPerafach, 
 do fay that Tornunfus asking how it fliould appeare that the day 
 which we keep.is the feventh day, on which God refted after the cre- 
 ation of the world ; Rabbi Aquebah ( who lived 52 yeares after the 
 defi:ru6l;ionofthefecondTemple)anfweredbyanargumenttakenfroin 
 the ftones of the Sabbatical River, which in the fix dayes are toflfed 
 up and down with acontinuall motion,but do refi: on the Sabbath day 
 and move not. The fame is faid in the Babylonian Talmud, traSiat. 
 Sanhed. c,y.& in Tanuh Perafach. e.g. In eodem Bereft Raba, in 
 Perafach 37. Rabbi Simon faith. The ten Tribes were carried to the 
 Sabbaticall river but fuda andBenjamin are difperfed inioall Coun- 
 trys. In Afrim Raba, the laft verfe of the Song, its faid. Our bed 
 is flourifhing; that it is meant the ten Tribes, which were carryed 
 to the Sabbaticall river; and that river running all the week, doth 
 caufethetenTribes there remaining to be fliut up; for though on the 
 feventh day the riverdoth reft, yet it is forbidden byourLawto take 
 ajourney then; and for that reafon they remained theremiraculoufly, 
 as loft, and concealed from us. So that of Ifa. 49. That they fay to 
 the prifoners, go forth, is interpreted of them in Jalcut. R.Aque- 
 bahz-hex the fame mannerexplains that oi Levit.^6.^8.Andye/hal 
 perifh among the h-eathen. And that of Ifa. 37. ult. And they fhall 
 come, who were ready to perifh in Affyria. Becaufe they are re- 
 mote from the reft, therefore another Rabbi in Bamibar Raba 
 Parafa 16. applyes to them that of Ifaiah 49. 12. Behold them 
 who come from farre : that fo all thofe Authors mention that 
 River. 
 
 The teftimony of Jofephus is famous, lib. 7. de Bel. Jud. cap. 24. 
 faying. The Emperour Titus pqjjing between Area, and Raphanea, 
 Cities of King Agrippa, hefaw the wonderfull river, which though 
 it be fwift, yet it is dry on every feventh day ; and that day being 
 pqft, it refumes its ordinary courfe, as if it had no change ; and it 
 
 always 
 
 (36) 
 
always olferves this order. It is called Sahbaticall ; from the 
 folemne feq/l of the Jews, lecaufe it imitates their reft every 
 feventh day. I knowfome do otherwife expound thofewords of 5^o- 
 fephus,hat they hit not his meaning, as appears by this, that he calls 
 the River^SabbathiOjOrfabbaticall: which word cannot be derived 
 but from Sabbath; and who doth not fee that it ceafeth to flow, or 
 move, on the Sabbath day; and fo Jofephus muft be underftood ac- 
 cording torn yfenfe. PZirayalfo confirms this opinion, ^ii.i.A^a<./jz/?. 
 c. a. he faith, In Judea a River lies dry every Sabbath; yet I think 
 PZmyisdeceivedand ill informed, when hefaith it isaRiverin Judea; 
 neither is to be found in Judea, but in another place, where many 
 Jewes live. R. SelomohJ-archi who lived 540. years since mentions 
 that River in Comment. Talm. faying. The flones, and fand of 
 thatRiverdocontinually moveall the fixdayesof theweek,until the 
 feventh. R. Mardochus Japhe in his learned book Jephe Thoar 
 faith, The Arabians derive Sabbathion from the Sabbath, who ufe 
 to adde the patteter(ion) to adjectives. The fame faith, that it was 
 told him of an hour-glafle filled with the fand of Sabbathion, which 
 ranne all the weeke till the Sabbath. And I heard the fame from 
 my father; which teflimony laccount asgood,asif Ifawit myfelfe; 
 (for fathers do not ufe to impofe upon their fons.) He told me that 
 there was an Arabian at Lisborn, who had fuch an hour-glaffe; and 
 thatevery Friday atevening he would walkintheftreet called thenew 
 fl;reet,and fliew this glaffe to Jewes who counterfeited Chriflianity, 
 and fay. Ye 'Jewes,fhut up your JJiops, for now the Sabbath comes. 
 Another worthy of credit, told me of another hour-glafle, which he 
 had fome yearsbefore, before the VorlMysketa. The Cadi,or Judge 
 of that place, faw him by chance paffing that way, and asked him, 
 whatitwas? hecommanded ittobetakenaway; rebuking the Ma- 
 homitans, that by this, they did confirme the Jewifh Sabbath. I 
 fhould not fpeak of thefeglafl^es, if the authority of fuch a man whom 
 I have alledged, did not move me ; though I beleeve that God did 
 not only work that miracle, that hemight keeppartoftheten Tribes 
 there, but other alfo,as you may fee in Efdras. R.Mofes Gerunden- 
 _^i a learned Cabalifl:, and Interpreter of the Law in ParafaAazinu, 
 thinks theRiverSabbathion to be thefame with Gozan, of GM»;,which 
 fignifies to fnatch away, becaufe except the feventh day, on all the 
 other, it carryes with it, by its fwiftnefl!e, the very ftones. Of this 
 there is mention in 2 King, whither the King olAffyria led his cap- 
 
 E 3 tives 
 
 (37) 
 
 "-A 
 
tives ; and fo relates Benjamin Tudelenfis in his journall, that part 
 of the ten Tribes dwelt at the bank of that River. But I know not 
 where the River Gozan is. In the year 5394, that is,i5 years agon in 
 theCityLMim,twoPoZowiawjafterthey had travelled long,they wrot 
 inDutchabookoftheoriginiali of theSabbaticall River, but the Se- 
 nate commandedit to be burnt at the Mart of Breflaw,by the perfwa- 
 fion of the Jefuites. Alraham Frifal in his Orchot 01am. c, 2,6. 
 will have this river to be in India, he faith, The head of the Sah- 
 baticall river is in the country of Upper India, among the rivers 
 of Ganges. And a little after, The Sahhaticall river hath its origi- 
 nallfrom the other Jide of Kalikout {which lyes far above the bound 
 of Lawiz^, which heplaceth beyond thefnusBarbaricus)a?id it parts 
 the Indians from the Kingdome of the J ewes, which river you may 
 certainly find there, Though he takes Gozan for Ganges, for fome 
 nearnefleof writing; yetitsnottobedoubted thatinthatplacethere 
 are many Jewes, witxi&fftf ohannes deBairos in his Decads. Eldad 
 Dawz^afpeaking of the four Tribes: which heplacethat Goxawfaith, 
 The SaJjbaticall river is among them. Jofephus faith^ that Titus 
 faw the Sabbathion between ^rcaandi?apAawea. Whichteftimony 
 feems thetruer,becaufeitsnot to bethoughtthatyo/epAtw would tela 
 lie of him, by whom he might be rebuked. I think that ye muft look 
 for it not far from the Cafpian Sea: and I am notalonein this opini- 
 on. What ever it be it appeares that this river is fomewhere, and 
 that part of the ten Tribes are hid there; and I may fay with Mofes 
 in Deut. 39. 28, 29. And the Lord cq/i them out of their Land in 
 anger, and in wrath ; Secret things belong to the Lord our God. 
 For it is not known when they fliall return to their Countrey; neither 
 can it perfectly befhewed where they are, God fufFering it,as its faid 
 in Deut. 3a. 2,6. I determined to cqft them forth unto the ends of 
 the earth, and to make their remembrance ceafe from among men. 
 Asifhe{houldfay,Iwilcafl;them unto thefurtheftplacesof the world 
 thatnonemayrememberthem; and thereforethey are truly in Scrip- 
 ture called imprifoned, and lofi. 
 
 SECT. %i. 
 
 N Either is there weight in the Argument which fome have 
 brought to me, if they be in the world, why doe we not know 
 them better?There are many things which we knoWjand yet know not 
 their original j are we not to this day ignoran tof the heads of thefour 
 
 Rivers 
 (38) 
 
(39) 
 B.iveTs,Nilus, Ganges, Euphrates, and Tegris? alfo there are many 
 unknownCountryes.BefideSjthoughfomelive in knowneand neigh- 
 bour Countrys, yet they are unknown by being behind Mountains; 
 fo it happened under the reign of Ferdinand, and Ifahel, that fome 
 Spaniards were found out by accident,atjBatoeca, belonging to the 
 Duke oiAlva, which place is diftant but ten miles from Salamanca, 
 and near to Placentia, whither fomeSpaniards fledj when the Moor^ 
 poflefled Spaine, and dwelt there 800 years. If therefore a people 
 could lie hid fo long in the middle of Spaine, why may we not fay 
 that thofe are hid, whom God will not have any perfectly to know, 
 before the end of days ? 
 
 And thefethings we have gathered concerningthe habitations of 
 the ten Tribes, who, we beleeve, do ftill keep the Jewifli Rites, as in 
 2 King. 17. a6. when the Ifraelites were carryed captive by Salma- 
 nefer, and thofe of Cuthah came in their ftead, an Ifraelitifti Prieft 
 wasfent by theKing,toteachthem,becaufeLyons infefted them,for 
 that they were ignorant that there was another worfhip ufed in the 
 land : but when the Prieftfaw that it wasimpoffible to take that people 
 wholly off from Idolatry, he permitted them to worfhip diversgods,fo 
 that theywouldackpowIedgeone,tobethemoverof all things. The 
 fame is alfo fufficiently proved out of all theHiftorieswhichwehave 
 alledged. And our brethren do keep thelawmorezealoufly out of their 
 land, then in it, as being neither ambitious, nor contentious (which 
 hath fometimes happened withthefamilyofZ)a2'irf)bywhichmeans 
 they might eafily erre in the true Religion, not acknowledge Jeru- 
 falem, and withdraw that obedience, which is due to the Lord, and 
 to his Temple. 
 
 SECT. 2a. 
 
 WEE learne out of the firfi: of E»ira,that none of the ten Tribes 
 entred the fecond Temple; for it is faid that only fome of the 
 Tribe oiyudah, and fome oi Benjamin did returne. Ezra alfo faith 
 the fame in the first of Chronicles, that Salmanefer carryed the ten 
 Tribes to Hala, Hahor, and Hara,and to the river Goxaw to this day: 
 fothat youmaygatherthatatthattimethey were there. Solikewife 
 J-ofephus in Antiq; Ind. lib. 11. c. 5- 
 
 Perhaps fome will fay, fince Media and Perjia, are near to Ba- 
 bylon, why did they not return tojertifalem with the two Tribes? I 
 anfwer,becaufe fo few of the two neighbouringTribes did return from 
 
 thence 
 (39) 
 
(3°) 
 thence toyen{/a^em,forthattheywerewel {ea.ted'n\ Babylon; orelfe 
 becaufe they heard the Prophets fay, that they muft not look for any 
 redemption butthatwhichwas to beattheendof dayes. How then 
 can wethinke that they who were more remote, and alfo had learnt 
 the fame things of the Prophets, fliould leave their place, perhaps to 
 fufFer new miferies, and calamities ? Befides, we doe not read that 
 Cyrus gave leave to any to return, butonlyto the twoTribesofywofa 
 and Benjamin. And alfo it is probable ( as fome Authors affirme ) 
 thattheycould notgoeupfromthence,becaufethey had continually 
 Wars with the neighbour people. 
 
 SECT. 23. 
 
 Hitherto we have Ihewed that the tenTribes are in divers places, 
 as in the fVe/i-Indies, in Sina ; in the confines of Tartary, be- 
 vond the river Sabhathion, and Euphrates, in Media, in the King- 
 dome of the Habyffins ; of all which the Prophet Ifaiah is to be 
 underftood, in Ifa. 11. 11. Itjhall come to paJJ'e in that day, that 
 the Lord Jhall Jet his hand thefecond time to recover the remnant 
 of his people, which Jhall be left from KSynn, from Ysgy^t, from 
 Pathros,yroTOEthiopia,_/ro?wElam,yroraSinear,yromHamath,an(i 
 from the I/lands of the Sea. From whence you may gather, that it 
 is meant of thofe places where the ten Tribes dwell. Syria and ^- 
 gypt fhail be the two places of their generall meeting; as more fully 
 hereafter. 
 
 Pathros, is not Pelnfium, nor Petra, but Parthia, neare to the 
 Cafpian Sea, wherelthinke, with manyothers, the Sabbaticall river 
 is. Although there is a Pathros in yEgypt, as the learned Samuel 
 Bochardus faith in his holy Geography. 
 
 Chiis, according to common opinion, is ^S^Aiopia, as is proved 
 outof ^er, 13. 33. and in this place of ye?ew?/ are meant the Ifrae- 
 lites, who live in the Country of the AbyJJins. 
 
 Elam, is a Province in Perfa, as it appeares in Dan. 8, a. 
 where are defert places, in which, perhaps, the remnant of the ten 
 Tribes is. 
 
 Shinar, is a Province about Babylon, as in Gen. 10. 10. where 
 Babel is faid to be in Shinar; and Dan. i. 3. it is faid, that Nebu- 
 chadnezzar carryed the holy Veflels to the Land of Shinar. 
 
 Hama^Ajthereareman yHamaths mentioned in the Scripture,ma- 
 ny underftand itoiAntioch; but becaufe Geographers reckon upia. 
 
 places 
 (40) 
 
(30 
 places named ^rah'ocA, therefore we can affirme nothing for certain; 
 
 but I thinke, that that is meant, which is placed in Sythia. The fe- 
 venty Interpreters by Hamath, underftand the Sun, from Hamath 
 the Sun; and they tranflate it, From the rifing of the Sun; and I 
 thinke it is no ill tranflation ; for hereby all th&Ifraelitesvfho are in 
 greater Afia, India, and Sina, may be underftood. 
 
 The I/lands of the Sea; fo almoft all tranflate it; but I thinke it 
 is to be rendred The Iflands of the Weft, for (jam) in holy Scripture 
 fignifies The IVeJi, a.s in Gen. a8. 14. and in many other places; and 
 upon this account thofe Ifraelites are implyed, who are Weftward 
 from the Holy Land, among whom the Americans are. 
 
 SECT. 24. 
 'TpHe Prophet adds in Ifa. 11. i3. And hejhallfet up afignefor 
 -'■ the Nations, and hejhall affemble the out-cqjis of Ifrael, and 
 gather together the difperfed of ^ud,ah. from thefoure quarters of 
 the earth. Where he notes two things; i. That he cals the i/rae- 
 lites out-cafl:s, but the lewes fcattered; and the reafon is, becaufe 
 the ten Tribes are not only farre off from the Holy Lan d, but alfo they 
 live in the extremities and ends of Countries; from whence the Pro- 
 phet cals them cqft-out. But he doth not fay, that the Ifraelites are 
 to be gathered from the fourequartersoftheEarth, becaufe theyare 
 not fo difperfed through the World, as the Tribe oiludah is, which 
 now hath Synagogues, not only in three partsof the World,butalfo in 
 America. The Prophet adds in ver. 13, The envy alfo of Ephraim 
 fhall depart, and the adverfaries of }\xAahJhall he cut off. For then 
 therefhall be no contention between Iudah,axi d the ten Tribes,which 
 are comprehended under the name of £/)Aram,becaufe their fi rftKing 
 feroloam was of that Tribe. And then, as it is in Kzek. 37. aa. 
 One King fhall he King over them all, and they fhall he no more two 
 Nations, neither fhall they he divided any more i?ito two Kingdoms. 
 There (hall be one King to them both, of the ia.mi\yoi David. Alfo 
 the Lord at that redemption will dry up Nilus, and Euphrates, and 
 will divide it into feven ftreames ( anfwerable to his drying up the 
 red Sea when they came out of jEgypt ) perhaps that the feven 
 Tribes, which are in thofe parts, may goe over it; as they pafle into 
 their Country, as Ifaiah laith in ch.ay. la, 13. ^rarf it fhall be in that 
 day,andheJhallJhakeqff'fromthehankoftheriver,{{ome:andeT{isind 
 Euphrates ) unto the river of Egypt ( Nilus ) and ye, children of 
 Ifrael,7%aZi he gatheredonehyone. Which was neverdonein the cap- 
 tivity of Bahylon. F The 
 
 (40 
 
(32) 
 The Prophet Ifaiah faith in chap. 1 1. 1 1. that he will return them 
 the second time, &c. Now the redemption from Babilon, cannot be 
 called fuch anone,becaufeallof them were not brought back to their 
 Country. Buttheredemption{hallbeuniverfalltoalltheTribes,asit 
 waswhentheywentoutof^g-y/3ijwhichredemptionfhall belikethe 
 firftin many things,as I fhewed in the third part of my2?^corac27er ; and 
 fo it maybe called the fecond,in reference to that firfi: irom^gypt. 
 Whence^ eremiaA faith, Cha. 33.7,8. TAai thenitjhallnot hefaid,He 
 that brought Ifrael out of Egypt, but from the North, and from all 
 Countries, whither he had driven them. That they {hall not mention 
 their departure from ^gypt, for the cause fore-mentioned. 
 
 SECT. as. 
 ''T^He fame Prophet, /e. Ifa. 43. 5, 6. faith, I will bring thy feed 
 "*■ from the Eqft, and will gather thee from the JVeJi: I will fay 
 to the North, Give up ; and to the South, Keep not back ; bring 
 my Sons from farre, and my Daughters from the ends of the earth. 
 For Media, Perfa, and China, lye on the Eaft; Tartary and 
 Scythia on the North; the Kingdome of theyibyjftns on the South; 
 Europe on theWeft,from theHoly Land. But when he faith,jBrmg 
 ye my fons from farre, he underflands America; fo that in thofe 
 verfes he underftands all thofe places, in which the Tribes are detai- 
 ned. Alfo in Chap. 49. from ver. 7. to the end of the Chapter, he 
 faith, that that returne fhall be moft happy. And in ch. 56. verf, 8. 
 God faith. He that gathers the out-cqfts of Ifrael. And the Pro- 
 phet Jeremiah, in ch. 33. ver. 16. In thofe dayes fhall Juda befa- 
 ved,and JerufalemT^aZZ dwell fafely. It is certaine,and J eromesS- 
 fents to all our Authors, that when fudah is joyned with Ifrael, by 
 Ifrael the ten Tribes are meant The fame adds in chap. 3 1 . ver. 15. 
 inthecomfortingofi?acAeZ,whowept forthecarryingawayherfonSj 
 Jofeph, and Benjamin, the firft by Salmanefer into Affyria, the laft 
 by Nebuchadnezzar into Babilon, he faith, in verf. 16. Refraine thy 
 voyce from weeping, and thine eyes from teares,for thy work fhall 
 he rewarded. And it followcs in Chap. 33. ver. 7. And I will caufe 
 the captivity 0/" Judah, and the captivity of Ifrael to returne, and I 
 will build them up as at the firft. Ezekiel faith the fame in Chap. 
 34. 13. and in Chap. 37. 16. under the figure of two flicks, on 
 which were written the names oifudah,&ni Ephraim,hy which he 
 proves the gathering together of the twelve Tribes to be subje6t to 
 
 MeJJiah 
 (43) 
 
(33) 
 MeJJiak the Son oi David, in ver. 2%. he faith, And one Kingjhall 
 
 he King to them all ; according as Hofea faith in Chap. a. So 
 alfo faith Amos, in chap. 9. verf 14, 15. And I will bring againe 
 the captivity of my people Ifrael, and they Jhall luild thewqfl Ci- 
 ties, and inhabite them ; and they Jhall plant vine-yards, and 
 drink the wine thereof: they Jhall make gar dens, and eate the fruit of 
 them. And they Jhall Lena more pulled up out of their hand, which 
 I have given them, faith the Lord thy God. So alfo Mica, in cha. 
 a. 1 3. 7 willfurely ajfemhle, O Jacob, all of thee, I will gather the 
 remnant of Ifrael, I will alfo place him as the flock in the sheep-fold. 
 For that in the captivity oi Babilon all were not gathered together. 
 The Prophet Zechariah in chap. 8. 7. and in chap. 10. 6. and all the 
 reft of the Prophets do witnefle the fame thing. 
 
 SECT. 26. 
 
 DUtwhichwaythatredemptionfliall be,nomancantell; but only 
 ■^^fo farre aswe may gather out of the Prophets. That at that time 
 theten Tribes fhall cometo^erii/aZemundertheleadingof aPrince, 
 whom fome Rabbins in the Talmud, and in some places of the 
 Chaldy Paraphrafe, doe call MeJJiah the Son of Jofeph; and elfe- 
 where MeJJiah the Son of Epkraim ; who being flaine in the laft 
 War of Gog and Magog, fhall fhew himfelfe to be MeJJiah the 
 fonne of David, who (hall be, as Ekekiel, and Hofea fay. The ever- 
 Iqjling Prince of all the twelve Tribes. Our wife men doe, in many 
 places, efpecially in the BabilonianYa\Tand, in traSi.fuca. c. 5. make 
 mention of thatMe^aA the forme of Ephraim; where theyfay,that 
 he fhall dye in the laft war of Gog, and Magog ; and they fo ex- 
 pound that of Zach. 12. 10. And they Jhall looke upon me whom 
 they have pierced, and they Jhall mournefor him, as one mourneth 
 for his only fonne. They adde alfo, that the foure Captaines, of 
 whom the fame Prophet fpeakes in chap. 1 1 . are, MeJJiah the fon of 
 David, MeJJiah the fon of Jofeph, the Prophet Elias, and the high 
 Prieft; which foure are thofe dignities, which fhall fhew their power 
 in that blefTed age, Obferve, that fometinie they call MeJJiah the 
 fon of Ephraim, fometime of fofeph ; for he fhall come out of the 
 Tribe of Ephraim, and fhall be Captaine of all the ten Tribes, who 
 gave their name to£/)Arai7n,becaufe that their firft King yeroioam 
 was of that Tribe. Not without caufe doe they call him the fon of 
 Jofeph, for he was the true type of the houfe of Ifrael, in his impri- 
 
 F 2 fonment, 
 
 (43) 
 
(34) 
 fonment,and future happineffe. Adde to this, that he was fo long hid 
 from his brethren, that they did not know him: as inHke manner the 
 ten Tribes are at this day, who are led captive, but hereafter fhall 
 come to the top of feHcity.in the fame manner a.s fofeph did. That 
 MeJJiah of Jofeph fhall dye in the battel of Gog, and Magog, and 
 afterward fhall rife againe, that he may enjoy the dignity, not of a 
 Kingly Scepter, but the office only of a Vice-roy, as Jofeph in yS- 
 gypt; for that theEmpireofthehoufeofi/raeZ fell under the reigne 
 of Hofea the fon ofElah; as the Prophet Amos faith in chap. 5. a. 
 Therefore the Kingdome of the ten Tribes fliall not be reflored, as 
 Ezekiel faith in Chap. 37. under the reigne of MeJ/iah the fon of 
 David, who fliall be everlafting ; and by the death of MeJJiah the 
 fon of Jofeph, the ten Tribes fhall fee, that God will not that they 
 fhould have more Kings then one. As its already fpoken. 
 
 SECT. 27. 
 
 ^TpHofeTribes then fliall be gathered fromall quarters of the earth, 
 "*■ intoCountriesnearetotheHolyLand; namely,into^^?/na,and 
 ^gypt; and from thence they fhall goe into their Country; of 
 which Ifaiah fpeakes, in chap. 27. 13. And itjhall he in that day, 
 that the great trumpet Jhall he hloivn, and they who were loJi,Jhall 
 come into the Land of Affyria ; and they who were cqft out, into 
 Egypt; and Jhall worjhip the Lord in the holy mount at Jerufalem. 
 As if he fhould fay, as trumpets found, to call any army together: 
 fo they fhall come together, who were dead ( that is, difperfed 
 through all AJia) into AJfyria; and the out-cafts (that is, which 
 are in America ) fhall come by the Mediterranean Sea to Alex- 
 andria oi^gypt; and in the like manner thofe who are in Africa, 
 when Nilus fliall be dried up, and Euphrates {ha.\\ be divided; as 
 we have alreadyfaid. Andbecaufethegatheringtogetherof thecap- 
 tivity, fhall begin at thofe who are in America, therefore Ifaiah 
 faith. The IJlands Jhall trijt in me, and thejhips q/'Tarfis ( that is of 
 the Ocean) Jirjt of all, that they may hring thy fans from far re, and 
 with them, their fiver, and gold. They fhall then come with fpeed 
 from thofe Countries, profl:rating themfelvesatthe mountaine of the 
 Lord in Jerufalem, as the Prophet Hofea faith of that redemption 
 in chap. 11. 11. They Jhall come as hirds out of Egypt, and as 
 Doves out o/Aflyria; fo faith Ifaiah in Chap. 60. 8. IVho are 
 thofe that fly as a cloud, and as Doves to their nejis? They which 
 
 come 
 (44) 
 
(35) 
 come firftjfhall alfo partakeofthisjoy,tofee others to come to them 
 every moment; for which caufe the fame Prophet faith, L?/i!Mp<Airae 
 eyes round abozil, and lehold them who gather them/elves to thee. 
 And because the two Countrys of ^ITy'^"' ^n<^ ^Syp^i ^1^11 first 
 of all kindly receive the people oi Ifrael, and fhall know the truth, 
 firft of all imbracing the Religion of thejewes,facrificingand pray- 
 ing to God, therefore the prophet i/aia/j faith, in c.ig. 2,^.BleJjed be 
 Egypt my people, and AJJyria the worke of my hands; hut Ifrael 
 is my inheritance. For fo thofe words are to be underftood. 
 
 SECT. 38. 
 
 ALL thofe are the fayings of the holy Prophets, from whence 
 doth appeare the returne of Ifrael into their Country. It is 
 given tonone to know the time thereof, neither is it revealed toRab- 
 by Simeon ben Johay, the Author of the Zoar j becaufe that God 
 hathreferved thatmyftery tohimfelf, as Mq/^ifaith. J< w Aic^tf i<A jwe. 
 And Ifaiah in ch. 63. 4. For the day of vengeance is in my heart, 
 and the year in which the redemption Jhall come. Which the Rab- 
 bins thus interpret, / have revelled it to my heart and not to An- 
 gells : and elfewhere, If any man tell you when MeJJiah fhall 
 come, beleeve him not. So alfo the Angel faith to Daniel ch. 12. 
 9. All things are clofed up andfealed to the time of the end. There- 
 fore all thofe, who fearch after that time, as Rabbi Seadiah, Mofes 
 Egyptius, Mofes Gerundenjis, Selomoh Jarchi; Abraham bar 
 Ribi Hi/ah, Abraham Zacculo, Mordehai Reato, and Ifaac A- 
 barbanel, have been miftaken; for that they would go beyond hu- 
 mane capacity, and reveale that, which God concealed. And even 
 to Daniel himfelfe ( to whom was made knowne the fecret of the 
 change of the four Monarchies ) it was fo revealed to him, that hee 
 confeffed he did not underftand it. Our Ancients did point at this 
 from the Letter (m) in Ifa. 9. 7. where he faith, Of the increase of 
 his government : which(m)in the Hebrew, being fuch an (m)which 
 they write onely in the end of words, and a clofe letter, yet is put in 
 the middle of the word, againfi; common praftife: becaufe that the 
 time of the fifth Monarchy fhall be hid, till the time when it fliall 
 begin. 
 
 F 3 SECT. 
 
 (45) 
 
(36) 
 
 SECT. 29. 
 
 'VT'E^ this lean affirm, that itjhall he almit the end of this age; 
 -1 and fotheProphetfpeaksof thatageaiozif f/ierado/tfaye^.-and 
 that aftermanylabours,anda longcaptivity. SojBa/aawprophefies, 
 Numb. 24. 17. I fee, but not now; I behold, but not near; a Star 
 Jhall come out of Jacob. Ifa. 24. aa. They Jhall be cqft into prifon, 
 and they Jhall be vifted after many dales. And Ifa. 49. 14. And 
 Sion faid, The Lord hath forfaken me, and my Lord hath for- 
 gotten me. Hof. 3. 4j 5. The children of Ifrael Jhall be many days 
 without a King, and without a Prince: And after that they Jhall 
 feek the Lord their God, and David their King. The King and 
 Prophet complains of that delayjinP/a.44. P/a.69.P/a. 74. P/a. 77. 
 Pfal. 83. And after that in Pfal. 89. 50. 51. he thus concludes, Re- 
 member, God, the reproach of thy fervants, who fiiffer fo many 
 injuries of fo many people : wherewith they have reproached the 
 Jteps ofthyMeJfiah. As yet at this day it is faid, that ALTHOUGH 
 THE MESSIAH WERE LAME, HE MIGHT HAVE COME 
 BY THIS TIME. Though we cannot exaftly (hew the time of 
 our redemption, yet we judge it to be near. For, 
 ■■ I Wefeemanyprophefiesfulfilled,and othersalfowhicharefub- 
 fervient to a preparation for the fame redemption; and it appears by 
 this, that during that long and fore captivity, many calamities are 
 fore-told us under the four Monarchies. David faith in Pfal. 120. 
 7. Lord when I fpeake of peace, they fpeake of war. And elfe- 
 where, IVe areflaine all the day for thy name, and are accounted 
 forjheep which are Jlain. In Ifa. 53. 7. He Jhall be led as ajheep to 
 the /laughter, and as a lamb before hisjiiearers : he Jhall be dumb, 
 andjhall not open his mouth. O howhavewefeenthefe things in the 
 banifhments oi England, France and Spaine 1 and how have they 
 proved thofe crimes, which mofi: falfe men have faid that ours did 
 commit! Behold theyhave flaine them, not for wickednefles,which 
 they did not commit, but for their riches which they had. O how 
 have wefeenall thofethingsdoneby divineprovidence,forthat thofe 
 misfortunesforthemoft part happened on theninth day of the month 
 Ab, an ominous, and unhappy day, on which the firfl, and fe- 
 cond Temple were burnt, and the fpies wept without a caufe. 
 
 SECT. 
 
 (46) 
 
(37) 
 
 SECT. 30. 
 
 WHat fhall we fay of that horrible monfter, the Spanifli Inqui- 
 fition, what cruelty hath not daily been ufed againft a com- 
 pany of miferable ones, innocents, old men, and children, of every 
 fex and age, who were flaine,becaufe they could not divine who was 
 theirfecretaccufer? Butletusfee, why in althofe places (in which that 
 Spanifli tyrannicall Empire rules,)they were flain,who would obferve 
 the law of Mofes; and by how many, and how great miracles hath 
 that law been confirmed; and what unrighteousnefle is there in it? 
 We dailyfee examples of conftancyin ours,worthy of all praife,who 
 for the fanftifying of Gods name, have been burnt alive. Truly ma- 
 ny whoareftill living,canwitnefleall thofe things. In the year 1603. 
 At Lishone, Diogo d'Affiimean, a Monk of 34. years, was burnt 
 alive, who defended himfelfe in the Inquifition againft fome, who 
 would have reduced him toChriftianity,who was born a Chriftian, 
 and made ajew; which all wonder at; thelnquifitorsbeinggrieved 
 that they had publiflied the reafons which he had alledged, would 
 have recalled their fentence; but it was then too late; for it was di- 
 vulged through the world, which I my felfe have by me. Alfo the 
 LiOrdLopede FerayMacrondeierves the praiseof Martyrdome,who 
 being born of a noble, and eminent Family,and very learned in the 
 Hebrew, and Latine tongues, did imbrace our Religion; neither 
 thought it fufficient to be fuch himfelfe, but difcovered himfelfe to 
 many others ; thereupon in Ann. 1644 in the twentieth of this age, 
 he being imprifonedat Falladolid,tho\igh he lived in thedarke, yet 
 hedifcovered light tomany; neither could the great numberof Do- 
 lors, nor the greater affliction of his parents, move him from his 
 enterprife, either by tears or by promifes. He circumcifed himfelf 
 inprifon(Oftrangea£t,and worthy of all praife!) and named him- 
 felfe heleeving Judas ; and at laft, as a fecond Ifaac, oflered him- 
 felfe to the flames, contemning life, goods, and honours, that bee 
 might obtain immortall life, and good things that cannot perifti; in 
 the 2^^' yeer of his age. Now though thofe were not of the family 
 of Ifrael, yet they obtained an immortall glory, which is better then 
 this life. 
 
 Alfowe have many examples of ourown,whichdid equalize them, 
 of which that is one, which is done in our time, and is worthy to be 
 remembred ; Ifaac Cqftrenfis Tartas { whom I knew, and fpoke 
 
 with) 
 (47) 
 
(38) 
 with ) a learned young man, and verfed in the Greek, and Latine; 
 he being but newly come to Fernambuc, was taken by the Portu- 
 gefe, and carryed to Lishone, and burnt alive; he was a young man 
 of 34. years old ; fcorning riches, and honours, which were offered 
 to him, if he would turneChriftian. They who fay he was a tray tor, 
 do lye egregioufly; for he did defend that place where he wasGover- 
 nour, moft valiantly; as ours do deport themfelves in thofe fortified 
 places which are committed to their charge. The fame Martyrdom 
 was undergone atLima, hy Eli Nazarenus, in Ann. i6^g.J^ami,2^. 
 who after he had lived 14 whole years in prifon, all which time bee 
 eat no flefh, left he (hould defile his mouth ; he called himfelfe by 
 that name, after he had circumcifed himfelfe. Such a Martyr alfo, 
 this year, was Thomas Terbinon in the City of Mexico. 
 
 SECT. 31. 
 
 IF the Lord fulfilled his word in calamities, he will fulfill it alfo in 
 felicities. Therefore Rabbi Aquibah laughed, when bee faw a 
 Fox run outof theTemple being deftroyed, though his companions 
 wept ; he faying. Now is fulfilled that prophecy of Jeremiah, 
 Lament. 5. 18. And the foxes Jhall run therein; and he added, and 
 thofe bleflings alfo fhall follow, which theLord hath promifed. We 
 fee all the curfes of God come to pafle, which are mentioned in Le- 
 viticus and Deuteronomy ; as well as thofe, which concerne our 
 beingfcattered totheendsof theearth(whichisPoriMgaZZ)and thofe 
 concerning the calamities of the Inquifition; and thofe of our ba- 
 nifliments, as I have opened in my booke, De termino vitce; from 
 whence it appears, that all the happy prophefies fhall be fulfilled. 
 And as we have perifhed, fo alfo fhall Bozra (that is, Rome) perifh. 
 See Ifa. 34. 6. 
 
 SECT. 3a. 
 
 SEcondly; Theargumentwhichwe bring from our Conftancy un- 
 der fo many evills, cannot be eluded, that therefore God doth 
 referve us for better things. Mofes in Levit. 26. 44. faith. Though 
 they be in the land of their enemies, yet I will not cqft them away, 
 neither will I abhor them to de/lroy them utterly, and to breake 
 my covenant with them, for I am the Lord their God. And tru- 
 ly thefe things are now fulfilled, for that in this captivity, and among 
 the many reproaches which we Jewes fuffer, yet manv of ours are 
 
 ho- 
 (48 ) 
 
honourably entertained by Princes, with a Angular affeftion. SoD. 
 IJhac Aharlanel, who comes of Davids line, is Counfellor to the 
 King of SpazW, and Portugall. By thisalfo he hath got agreatname, 
 for that he compofed the differences,which arofe beene the King of 
 Portugall, and the Republique of Venice. And from that Family of 
 Abarbanel ( which I note by the by ) doe proceed my Children, by 
 my wives fide. And in the houfe of his fonne,D. Samttel Abarbanel, 
 and oi his wife Benuenida, the L,a.dy Leonorade Toledo,was brought 
 up at Naples, who is the Daughter of D. Peter de Toledo, the 
 Vice-roy of Naples; who afterwards was married to the mofl; emi- 
 nent Duke Cofmus de Medicis, and having obtained the Dukedome 
 of Tofcani, fhe honoured Benuenida with as much honour, as if fhe 
 were her mother. 
 
 That peace, which the Venetians made with the Emperour Sul- 
 tan Selim, 75. yeares agone, was made, and ratified by a certaine 
 Jew Don Selomo Rophe, who was fent Ambafladour to Venice, and 
 received with great pomp, by the Venetians. At Conftantinople D. 
 Ben Jaefe, Anaucas, and Sonfinos are of great authority with the 
 Turk. In jEgypt the J ewes were alwayes Saraph baxas, and alfo 
 at this day is D. Abraham Alholn. Who knowes not that D. Jofe- 
 phus Nci/Ji, otherwife called Joamies Michejius, about the 66. yeare 
 of the former age, was Duke of Naccia, Lord of Milum, and of the 
 feven Iflands, of whom fee Famian. Strada in Hi/ior. Belgic. part, 
 i.lib.^. He was raifed to thefe honours by Sw^^ara iSeZim. As alfo. 
 by Sultan Amurat, Jacob Aben Jaes, otherwife called Alvoro 
 Mendez, was made Governour of Tyberias; witnefl^e Boierus in 
 Relation, part. 3. lib. 2. in Barbary, the Lords Rates were always 
 Governours of Sekes, Phes, and Taradanta. In Ann. 1609. D. Sa- 
 muel Palaxe was fent Ambafladour to the States, by Mulai Zidan 
 the King oi Maracco. But he dyed at the Haghe in Anno. 1616. 
 And the mofb eminent Prince Maurice, and the Nobles, were at his 
 Funerall. InPer/iawhoknowesnotofwhataccounttheyare.' There, 
 thirty years fin ce,EZAax;a7- was fecond to theKing,and as it were Go- 
 vernour. Now David Jan fucceeds him, to whom others alfo being 
 joyned, they live in the Court. And that muft not be forgot, that 
 when the mofl: eminent Duke of Holftein fent Otto Burchmannus 
 Ambaflladour to Perjia, in Ann. 1635. he defired commendatory 
 letters from our J ewes at Hamburgh, to them, who (as we have 
 already told you ) doe live there in the Court, that they would 
 
 G make 
 
 (49) 
 
(40) 
 make way there,for him that was a ftranger: that he mightdifpatch 
 his affaires: Which was alfo performed. By which means ours, who 
 are in Perjia, difmifled Burchmannus, with rich gifts, and with 
 Letters to the moft eminent Duke of Holftem, which the twelve 
 Chuzae^orPrinceSjhad subfigned. Acopyof whichLetters themoft 
 excellent D. Benjamin Mujfapha, one familiar with the Prince hel- 
 ped me to. Alfo Claudius Duretu enfon threfor des langues,fol. 
 30a. faith, that there are almoft an infinite nnmhtv oiy ewes'm Afia, 
 efpecially in India, and that King Cochini is their great favourer. 
 Yea Linfchotes faith ( where he treats of Cochini ) that they have 
 Synagogues there, and thatfome of them are of the Kings Counfell. 
 At Prague, Mordocheas Maifel had Armes given him by the Em- 
 perour Matthias, who alfo knighted him. Which honour lacol 
 Bathfehah alfo had, under the Reigne of Ferdinand; and many o- 
 ther Families are graced with other honours. And inthisvery capti- 
 vity ( who could thinke it ) they are fo wealthy, that ( Gods provi- 
 dence favouring them ) they may challenge to themfelves a place a- 
 mong the mofl Noble. 
 
 SECT. i^. 
 
 WHo can enumerate the number of ours, who are renowned 
 by fame, and learning? The learned R. Mofes liar Mai- 
 mon was Phifician to Saladin the King oi^gypt. Mofes Amon to 
 the Emperour Sultan Bajafeth. ^lias Montalto to the moft emi- 
 nent Queen of France, Loyjia de Medicis; and was alfo her Coun- 
 fellor. At Padua Klias Cretenfis read Philofophy; and R. Alra- 
 Aomrfei?aZma5, the Hebrew Grammer. And how much honour had 
 YLlias Grammaticus at Rome? And almoft all the Princes of Italy 
 honoured him with all kinde of honour, Abraham Kolorni; as ap- 
 peares by a Letter writ to him by Thomas Garzoni nellafua piazza 
 univerfale del mundo. Picus Mirandula ( who ufeth to fay. That 
 he had hut fmall under/landing, who only looked after his owne 
 things, and not after other mens ) and others, had Hebrew teachers. 
 David de Pomis dedicated his Book to Pope Sextus the fifth, who 
 lovingly,and courteoufly received both the Author, and work. So at 
 this day we fee many defirous to learne the Hebrew tongue of our 
 men. HencemaybefeenethatGod hath not leftus; for if one perfe- 
 cute us,another receives us civilly,and courteoufly ; and if this Prince 
 treats us ill, another treats us well ; if one banifheth us out of his coun- 
 
 . . try, 
 
 (S°) 
 
(41) 
 try,anotherinvitesus byathoufand priviledges; as divers Princes of 
 Jia/yhavedonejthemoft eminent KingofDewOTarie, and themighty 
 Duke of Savoy in ISIiJfa. And doe we not fee, that thoje Repih- 
 liques doe flourijh, and much increafe in Trade, which admit 
 the Ifraelites ' 
 
 SECT. 34. 
 
 MOfes faith in his lafl fong, that God would revenge the blond 
 of his people who are fcattered. And leremiah faith, in chap. 
 '2. 3. Ifrael is the Lords holy thing, the Jirjl fruits of his increafe ; 
 all who devoure himfhall be found guilty ; evill fhall come upon 
 them, faith the Lord. And that the Hiftories of divers times, even 
 from Nebuchadnezzar to thefe very times, doe teflifie. Have not 
 the Monarchies of great Princes been deflroyed ? Confiderwith me 
 the miferable ends of Antiochus, of Pompey, of Sifibuthus, of Phi- 
 liptheKingoi France, oiAlonfus the fonne oilohnthe. fecond. And 
 we mayremember,how King Sebq/iian with his fourth Generation, 
 and with all his Nobles, was flaine in a battell oi Africa,m that fame 
 place, in which he had caufed the lews to be banifhed. Ferdinand, 
 and If abelwere thegreatPerfecutorsofourNation,but howdidboth 
 he, and fhe dye? as for him his Son-in-law, and his owne Subjects 
 did perfecutehim; and hisonlyfonne dyed (leaving no ifrue)on his 
 Wedding-day, beingfeventeenyeares old. Hisdaughter being Heire 
 of the Kingdome,and of her Fathershatred, would not marry to^'ma- 
 nuel King of Portugal, unlefle he would compell us to be banifhed, 
 and change our Religion. But fhe dyed in Child-birth of her Sonne 
 <Sarag^oc«,andalfo her Son, before he was haifeayeareold; and the 
 fucceffionwasdevolvedupc^theKingdomeof Spame. Itis not long 
 fince, that the Spaniards exercifeu upon us^t ^'^antua, what ever 
 cruelties they could invent ; what fhall we fay of that a^ j.r±adrid 
 in the yeare 1633, wasdone bytheInquifition,theKing,and Princes 
 of the Kingdome concurring; but in the very fame month dyed the 
 Infant Charles,a.nd theirKingdome declined. What wonder is it if 
 God hathchaftifed divers Kingdomes byfundrywayes: but of this I 
 treat farther in my HiRovy of the lewes. Let us conclude therefore, 
 that thatgood, which God hath promifed, will {hortlycome,fincewe 
 feethatwehavefuflPered thofe evils, which hehaththreatned us with, 
 by the Prophets. 
 
 Ga SECT. 
 
 (SO 
 
(42 
 
 SECT, zs- 
 S'y^ 'T^Hefliortneffe of time ( when we beleeve our redemption 
 _|_ {hall appeare ) is confirmed by this, that the Lord hath 
 promifed that he will gather the two 'I'ribes, ludah, and 
 Benjamin, out of the foure quarters of the World, calling them 
 Nephii/Jim. From whence you may gather, that for the fulfilling of 
 that, they muftbefcattered through all the corners of the World; as 
 Daniel faith, Dan. 12. 7. And when the fcattering of the holy peo- 
 ple Jhall have an end, all thofe things Jhall hefulfilled. And this ap- 
 peares now to be done, when as our Synagogues are found in ' 
 America. 
 
 SECT. 36. 
 ^ly, ' I ''O thefe,let us addethat, which the fame Prophet fpeakes, 
 JL in ch. 12. ver. 4. That knowledge Jhall he encreafed; for 
 then the propheciesfhall better be underfl:ood,the meaning 
 of which we can fcarce attaine to, till they be fulfilled. So after the 
 Otteman race began to flourifh, we underftood the prophefie of the 
 two leggs of the Image of Nebuchadnezzar, which is to be over- 
 throwneby thefifthMonarchy,which fliall beintheWorld. So^e- 
 remiah after he had handled in Chap. 30. the redemption oi Ifrael, 
 and J-udah, and of the war of Gog, and Magog (of which Daniel 
 alfo fpeakes in ch. 1 2. ) when he treats of the Scepter of the Meffiah 
 the fon oi David, of the ruine of the Nations, of the reftoration of 
 Judah, of holy yerufalem, and of the third Temple, he adds in ver. 
 24. Thejlerce anger of the Lord Jhall not returne, till he hath exe- 
 cuted it, and till he hath performed the intents of his heart ; in 
 the latter dayesyfi.O'^li, underjland it. From whence followes what 
 we navt, faid, niat the time of redemption is at hand. And becaufe 
 Jeremiah in that Chapter makes an abridgement of all things that 
 fliall be, therefore it is faid in ver. 2. Write thee all the words which 
 Ihavefpoken to thee in a hook. By this meane making the Prophe- 
 cie clearer, by relating in a cleare ftyle, whatever the Prophets had 
 fore-told; imitating Mo/e*, the laft words of whofe fong a,Te,Sing,0 
 ye Nations, with his people, in Deut. 32. 43. Alfo the laft words 
 which he fpake,after that he had blefled theTribes,are thek,Happy 
 art thou, Ifrael: who is like to thee, people? faved hy the Lord, 
 who is thejheild of thy help, and the fword of thy excellency ; and 
 
 thine 
 (52) 
 
(43) 
 thine enemies Jhall hefoimd lyars to thee, and thoujhalt tread up- 
 on their high places, in Deut. 33. 29. From whence it appeares, 
 that God will revenge the bloud of Ifrael, which had been fhed. 
 yoel confirmes the fame in ch, 3, 19. ^gypt Jhall he a defolation, 
 and Kdom Jhall he ajilthy defert,for the violence, and injury offe- 
 red to the Jewes, and hecaufe they havejhed innocent lloud in their 
 Land. And as they fhall be punifhed by the jufi: judgement of God, 
 who wifh us evill : fo alfo God will give bleffings upon them who fa- 
 vour us. And thofe are the trees of the field which then fhall re- 
 joyce. So God faith to Abraham, in Gen. 12. 3. 1 will hlejfe them 
 who llejje thee, and curfe them that ciirfe thee. 
 
 SECT. 37. 
 TPHefearethethingswhichlcouldgatherconcerningthismatter, 
 ■^ which hath not been heretofore handled j from whence thefe 
 confequences may be deduced. 
 
 1. That the Weji-Indies, were anciently inhabited by a part of 
 the ten Tribes, which paffed thither out of Tartary, by the Straight 
 of Anian. 
 
 2. That theTribes are not inany one placCjbutinmany; becaufe 
 theProphets have fore-told their return {hall be into theirCountry, 
 out of divers places; Ifaiah efpecially faith it fhall be out of eight. 
 
 3. That they did not returne to the fecond Temple. 
 
 4. That at this day they keep the Jewijh Religion. 
 
 5. That the prophecies concerning their returne to their Cou ntry, 
 are of neceffity to be fulfilled. 
 
 6. That from all coafts of the World they fhall meet in thofe two 
 Yt\diccs, fc. Ajfyria, and jEgypt; God preparing an eafie, pleafant 
 way,and abounding with all things,as l/aiaA faith, ch. 49. and from 
 thence they fhall flie to yerufalem, as birds to their nefls. 
 
 7. That their Kingdome fhall be no more divided; but the twelve 
 Tribesfhall be joyned together under one Prince, that is under JWi?/'- 
 
 Jiahth&Sonoi David; and that they fhall neverbedriven out of their 
 Land. 
 
 I 
 
 SECT. 38. 
 
 Returne to the relation of our Montezinus, which I prefer before 
 theopinionsof all others as mofl true ForthatPerafhouldbederi- 
 ved from the name Ophir, as Ghdielmus Pojielluj, Goropius in Orte- 
 
 G 3 litis, 
 
 (S3) 
 
(44) 
 lius, Bozius dejignis Ecclef. lib. % c. 3. Marinus in area Noah, P. 
 Sa. in ^. Reg. Pomarius in his Lexicon,aLnd Poffevimis lih. i.Bihlith. 
 c.S.do think, cannot be proved; asPz7zec?ahath welobferved,inyoJj 
 c. 28. p. 500. for we have faid out of Garcilajfo de la Vega, that that 
 name was unknown to themofPer?^. OpkirthenisEq/i-India,iivfe 
 beleeve Jofephus, lih. 8. Antiquit. Judaic, c. 6. & Acojia in HI. i. 
 Hi/ior. Ind.irom whence Solomon fetched gold, and precious flrones. 
 Bvit\!vha.tGomarai?ipart 1. hi/i.Ind.fol. 120. and Zarate inprocem. 
 ki/i.Peru,v/ou\d have,that oursdid pafle over that famous,and much 
 praifed Ifland ( by Plato in Critia, and Timceus ) oi Atlantis, and fo 
 went into theneighbour \i\?Md&o{Barlovent,a.nd from thenceto the 
 firm Iand,aiid at laflto the Kingdom of PerMjandATew- Spam; itisde- 
 fervedly exploded as fabulous; and Acojia laughs at it, in lih. i.hi/i. 
 Ind. c. 23. But Marcilius Ficinus in comment, in Timeum, c. 4. £tf 
 Critia, that he might defend PZa^o, thinkes ( and his Difciples,Por- 
 phiry, Origen, and Proclus doe follow him ) that all that which is in 
 Critia, and in Timceus, is to be underflood allegorically. And who 
 will beleeve Lefcarhotus, who faith that they are the Canaanites, 
 whofled thither for feare of 5^ q/'Awa? Forlcannotbeperfwaded that 
 they fought out Countries fo far remote. Theywhowill have them 
 of Peru to have come out of Norivey, or Spain, may be confuted by 
 their very form, manilersand the unlikeneffe of theirLanguages.But 
 that is more falfe, that they are i/raeZ« to, who have forgot circumci- 
 fion, and their rites. For they areofacomly body, and of agoodwit,as 
 {aiit\\'Dodi.JohannesHuarte,in his bookwhich iscalled,Ea;amere in- 
 genior.c.14.. But contrarily all men know that the/«(:?iara5aredefor- 
 
 )) med,dul,and altogether rude. And we have abundantlyfhoWn, with 
 "^1 I ho w great fl:udy,and ZQa\,theIfraelites have kept their Language,and 
 
 I \. Religion, out of their Country. 
 
 SECT. 39. 
 
 MOntezinus then fpeaks mofl: likely; thatas other people forced 
 the Ifraelites to betake them to the mountains: io America be- 
 ing firft of all inhabited by the perfecuting Tar/ari, they weredriven 
 to the mountains of Cordillere, where at lafl they were hid, as God 
 would have it. Truly, comparing the Ifraelites themfelves,or their 
 Laws,withother people, I fee notanything that comes nearertruth. 
 Perhaps alfo America was not of old contiguous to AJia on the 
 Northfide. Itdothnot feemetomefuch an abfurdity,tofay,thatthe 
 
 Ifraelites 
 (54) ' 
 
Ifraelites wentoutof Tariaryinto^/ner/caby land; and afterward, 
 thatGod,topreferve his,among other miracles, alfo wrought this, to 
 make that aSea,wherenowis the ftreightof^maw. Yea that might 
 be don without amiracle,byaccident,asweknowthat more than once, 
 the Sea byaviolent ftorra hath carryed away the Land, and made I- 
 {iiLnds.Xeiiophoni/iJuisi:eqtiivoc.mentioQsihemunda.tionso{^gypt, 
 which happened in the days of Prometheiis, a.ni\ Hercules. Alfo Be- 
 rofus in lih.^. and Diodorus li. 6. mentions the inundation oi Attica, 
 in which^^AeTW ftands. Pliny in lib. a. c. 85. & lib. 13. c. 11. Strabo 
 in l.i.&l. 13. and Plutarch inAlexandr. relate the drowning of the 
 Ifle Pharaonica; of which Luther fpeaks fo elegantly in lib. ultimo. 
 Befides,who knows not howmany,and how great Cities have at di- 
 vers times beenalmoft wholly ruined by feveral earthquakes? Sueton, 
 in Tiberio, c. 48. writes, that under Tiberius, twelve Cities in u4Jia 
 havebeenbythismeansruined. Orq/iuslib.'j .c.4.a.ndDionCciffitislib. 
 57. do afBrm the fame, though they differ about the time. Tacitzis 
 in lib. 14, and Eufebius in Chron. relate the deftruftion of that 
 famous and rich City of Laodicea. Origen toJ7i. 28. in Joan and £a- 
 roniiis torn. 2. Annal, Ecclefiq/l, Ann. 340: do fpeak of other earth- 
 quakeSjWhich have deftroyed divers,andverymany men, and Cities. 
 And P. Alonfus in fuo manual, tempor. relates, that the fame 
 hath happened in our dayes; faith he. In the year 1638. A great 
 Earthquake happened in the Iflands of the Te^xerce, but efped- 
 ally in St. Michael, where the Governour dwells; for that un- 
 heard of Jhaking of the earth, and houjes, /truck fo great terror into 
 the Inhabitants, that aljled out of their houfes & lived in thefelds, 
 a little after, two miles from thence, they Jaw the Sea vomit up a- 
 bundance of fiery matter, which made a very thicke fmoake, 
 which covered the very clouds; and it cq/i up many great Jiones 
 which feemed like rocks; part whereof falling downe againe, made 
 an IJland in the Sea which was halfe a mile over, and fxty fathom 
 high, &an hundred & fifty fathom deep. That hot exhalation which 
 that fiery mountain Jent forth, pierced the very waters, andjlifledfo 
 many fifhes, that two Indiana/hips could not cany them. The fame 
 Ifland two years after, was fwallowed up again of the Sea. 
 
 SECT. 40. 
 
 HEE that doth ferioufly weigh thofe things, may (I think) well 
 gather, that the Sea of the Streight oiAnian was an inundati- 
 on. By affirming which, this doubt may be anfwered, fc. That af- 
 ter 
 (55) 
 
(46) 
 ter the univerfall Flood, man-kinde encreafed againe,and all beafts, 
 whichhad beenpreferved inthe Arke. But howcould fomany kinds 
 of beaftSj ( which come by propagation, and are not bred out of the 
 earth ) be found in thofe Countries? Some did fwim thither, fome 
 were brought thither by fome huutfmen, fome were bred out of 
 the earth, as Aiiftin thinks it happened in the firfl: Creation. But 
 what Land-beaft can fwim over fo great a Sea? And would Huntf- 
 men carry Lyonsthither,andotherfuch kind of beafts,oftentimes to 
 the great hazzard of theirlives? And ifGod would have created thofe 
 beafts out of the earth, he would not have commanded Noah to have 
 kept them in the Ark. I am fully perfwaded, that the beafts which 
 arefound there pafled thatwayinto^mmca; unlefleany thinksthat 
 this newworld is joyned to the old,onfomeotherfide,asHCTTerabe- 
 leeves Dec. 3, lil. 11. c. 10. 
 
 SECT. 41. 
 
 AS for the other things in the relation of our Montezinus, they 
 fay nothing which favours of falfliood, Fortheirfayingthatthe 
 SemaA,truly it is the cuftom of our people, in what part foever of the 
 world theylive; anditistheabridgementoftheconfeffionand religion 
 of theJewes. That revelation of theMagicians whom theycallMo- 
 hanes, it agrees with thofe things which in 2 Efdras you may fee, 
 concerningtheMiracleswhichGodwroughtfortheIfraelites,asthey 
 pafled over Euphrates, concerningthofe conditions of not revealing 
 fecrets to any,but fuch an onewho hath feen three hundredMoons, 
 ( which make twenty five years ) it appeares to be true, by what 
 the famous De Laet tells in many parts of America, that the Indi- 
 ans do compute their years by Moones. That a fecret muft be told 
 in the Field,dothnotthatargueayewiy^cuftome, which theancients 
 have obferved in J acohl who being about to depart from Lalian,he 
 called his Wives into the field. 
 
 I now conclude this difcourfe,inwhich this only was in myinten- 
 tion, that I might briefly, and compendioufly declare mine, and the 
 Rabbles opinion, concerning thofe things which I have handled. I 
 hope that this my indeavor will not be unacceptable,beingdefired by 
 many men famous both forBirth,andforLearning; not unprofitable, 
 havingtherein explained therelcitionof Montezinus, with what bre- 
 vity I could. The Name of God be bleflled for ever. Amen, 
 
 CONSI- 
 
 (56) 
 
47 
 
 CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 Upon the Point of the 
 
 coj^fet{sio:h^ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 J E W E S: 
 
 ►OD hath promifed to doe great things in thefe laft 
 days, as namely, to fubdue all his Enemies, to re- 
 leive his people, to deftroy all Tyranny and Op- 
 preflion both civil and ecclefiafticall, and to ampliate 
 the Bounds of Chrifts Kingdom, by a plentiful! pou- 
 ring forth of his fpirit,and by convertingthemultitudesbothof Jews 
 and Gentiles. Herein he doth what the Ruler of the Feaft faid to the 
 Bridegroome in John a. lo. he keepes the heji wine till the laji; 
 he makes the laft Aft, the beft part of the Comedy. Whereas the 
 method of the Devill, and the World, is contrary; reprefented by 
 Nehuchadnexzars image, whofe head, or beginning, was of gold; 
 butthefeet,orending,wasof iron,and clay. And of thefe great good 
 things (we being now upon the borders of the long-looked-f or- Ca- 
 naan) God hath given us feme earneft (which is a fmall proportion, 
 with the whole for kind) a bunch of grapes; Og, and the Amorites 
 fubdued. For he hath in our days arretted the Turks greatnefle; a- 
 bated the formidablenefle of the German- Aufirian Beaft ; revealed 
 ingoodmeafurethehypocrifieandliesofthefalfeProphet,whohath 
 his feat at Rome; and hath brought to light the fubtilties of Satan, 
 whohadfhiftedhimfeifeintofeveralldrefles of pretended Reforma- 
 tion. Hee is rifen up like a mighty Gyant, againft his enemies a- 
 
 H mong 
 
 (57) 
 
48 Conjiderations Jipon the point, 
 
 inongus,and elfewhere^and hath pleaded his peoples caufe fo fignally, 
 that all but thofe whofe judgement it is to be wilfully blind, will 
 fay, The Lord is on ourjide. He hath alfo fcattered Light,sind Truth 
 in an unwonted meafure, among all forts of people; he hath given 
 forth his owne good Spirit more plentifully than formerly (except in 
 thofe extraordinary primitive times ofChriftianifm;) and hath infla- 
 ted us intolibertyfor our fpirits; which though too many abufe,and 
 turneintolicentioufnefle, or a liberty tofinnCj yet that isnodispraife, 
 but a commendation to the thing; for it is a figne that liberty is ex- 
 ceeding good initfelfe,feeingthe corruption orabufeof it,isathing 
 fo bad, but fo hedged in by feverali Fences,as it hath pleafed God in 
 much mercy to direft the wifdome of our State to, it is a choyfe 
 mercy, and fuch as is fuitable to our Principles both Humane, and 
 Chriftian; Thus we have a Day-ftar to tell us that day is at hand; 
 fomethingprodromousconcerningalmoftall thegreat things promi- 
 fed,and looked for,as might be more largelyfhowne,if thatweremy 
 properwork. But yet nothing concerning the returningofthe Shu- 
 lamite, in Cant. 6. ult. which Mr. Brightman interprets to be the 
 y^wei turning Chriftian,theclock of their con verfion hath not yetgi- 
 ven warning; it is as midnight with them ftill, as it was a thoufand 
 yearesagone. Uponwhich,fomeground thehopelefnefleof theirre- 
 pentance,butldare not owne that Logick,but rather conclude thus; 
 That therefore their Converfion fhall be the work of God (of which 
 more anon) withwhomalldifficultiesarenohinderance; andthough 
 Ifrael be bond-men in ^gypt, and fealed up to it by the darkneffe 
 of a midnight, yet let but God fpeake, and they are immediately at 
 liberty,and fent away without waiting for the comming of the day. 
 
 Now we ought much to minde their Converfion, exercifing there- 
 uponour faith,our prayers, and alfo our enquiries,and that forthefe 
 following reafons : 
 
 Firji, becaufe they have the fame Humane nature with us; from 
 this ground we fhould wifh well to all men, whether Jew, or Gen- 
 tile; which is the precept of the Apoftle, in a Pet. i. 7. To adde 
 love to brotherly kindneJJ'e; that is, not only to love Saints, but to 
 loveMen(though the Saints with a choyfe, and peculiarlove.) Yea 
 it is Gods owne praftife, in Mat. 5. 45. There is a ^iXavdpmiria in 
 God (as Paul faith to Titus) a love to Man-kinde. Plutarch 
 could obferve that God is not called (ftlXnnroi, he bearesanother man- 
 ner 
 
 (58 ) 
 
Of the converjion of the lewes. 49 
 
 ner of love tomen^than to horfes; fo oughtweto doe, and even upon 
 this general! account, to love the Jewijh Nation. 
 
 Secondly, becaufe of their extraftion; Their root is holy, though 
 now the Branches be degenerate and wilde; fo in Rom. 11. verf. 16, 
 17' Some good turnes are due to the bad children of good Parents 
 for the Parents fake; and this PawZ exprefly urgeth, ihi?om.ii.38. 
 that they are helovedfor the Fathers fake; yea the chief root, or head 
 of their l^i&Uon, Abraham is myftically our subftituted Father, as 
 in Gal. 4 laft; If ys he Chri/is, then are ye Abrahams /eerf, and 
 heires according to the promife. The Jewes are children, and 
 heires of the flefli of Abraham, but we of his faith ; they by the 
 Bond-woman, but we by the Free; but not^ith&a.nAmg, Abraham 
 is our common Father, and therefore we fhould love as brethren. 
 
 Thirdly, becaufe Gods covenant with th^Jeives is not nulled, or 
 broken, but only fufpended. It is with them as it was with Nehu- 
 chadnezzars tree, the leaves, fruit, and boughes were all fcattered 
 and broken,yet therewasachaine of braffe upon theroot,to referve 
 that for future hopes; fo though all true fruitfulnefle, beauty, and 
 fymptoms of life are long fince gone, yet thereis a root,afeed,which 
 fhall bring forth in Godstime; and thisfeemesamainefcopeof P(Z2/Z 
 in Rom. 11. To this purpofe may that be alledged of Mat. 24. 2%. 
 Except thofe dayes Jhould be Jhortned, no flejh Jhould be faved, 
 hut for the EleSis fake thofe dayes Jhall be Jhortned; that is, fo great 
 fhall theflaughter oit\\e.Jeweshe.,a.t the deftru6tion oijerufalem, 
 that if thofe deftroying dayes fhould laft a little longer, their whole 
 Nation would faiie, and be cut off; which fhall not be, becaufe God 
 hatheleftonestobeborneof thatPeople infuture times. Hence you 
 fee, that in their lowefi; ebbe, that is, in the midft of their greateft 
 guilt,and foreft puni{hments,God hath flill aneyeupon a numberof "( 
 elecSt ones of that Nation; and Gods Covenant was never fo with ; 
 them, or with any People, as to take the whole of them for his in- \ 
 heritance. In Jer. 31. 36, 37. Gods Covenant with Ifrael is furer - 
 than the Lawes of Nature ( which wekno w,remaine un violable to the 
 Worlds end ) and he faith, that mufl; come to paffe, before he will 
 caft off the Seed of Ifrael, for all that they have done; yea in Ifa. 
 54. 9, 10. God confirmes it to Ifrael, not only by the firmeneffe of 
 the Lawes of Nature, but alfo by an Oath ; now what God ratifies 
 with anOath,is his abfolute and pofitiveWil, that which makes the 
 conclufion immutable; asinHei.6. 18. And in this cafe God is ever 
 
 H % too 
 
 (59) 
 
50 Confiderations upon the point, 
 
 tooftrongforallhardneffeof heartjdifobediencejunbeleefe^andany 
 impediments that can be. See alfo that full place of Levii. 2,6. 42. 
 44. and ver. 45. for I beleeve that place Propheticall, of times, and 
 things not yet fulfilled. 
 
 Fourthly, We Gentiles were gainers by their calling away, the 
 whirlwind of Gods wrath that threw them downe, brought us 
 much profit, even falvation itfelfe, Rom. 11.12. The fall of them be- 
 comes the riches of the World, ver. 15. The cqfting away of them 
 is the reconciling of the JVorld; implying, that we Gentiles were 
 poore,and miferable, till made rich, and happy by the. J ewes {^oy\zi, 
 whobythismeanesareaswretchedasweformerlyhad been. Which 
 confideration muft needs move an ingenuous fpirit,to pitty thofe fo 
 undone. Our Lord faith to a Gentile, in Mark, 7. 47. Let the 
 Children firfi he filled, for it is not meet to take the Childrens 
 bread and to cajlit to the Doggs: They were Children, and we were 
 Doggs,and we Doggs have got the Childrens meat before their bel- 
 lies were full ; which, as it fliould make us not to be high-minded ; 
 fo alfo to pitty them, whofe bread being taken away, and given to us, 
 are brought to a ftarving condition. 
 
 Fifthly, We fhall be gainers by their receiving againe; it fliould 
 be motive sufficient to us, that God (hall be gainer by it, and that 
 not only by the acceflion of a whole Nation to him, and alfo of that 
 Nation,whichis asthelofl; Sheep, thefinding of which is a matter of 
 great joy, Luke 15. But alfo becaufe as it is faid in Pfal. 103. 16. 
 JVhen the Lord fhall build up Zion, he fhall appear e in his glory. 
 Now glory is a manifeftation of excellency, and at that time Gods 
 excellency fhall fhine forth, which is now much hid, and vailed; the 
 excellency of his mercy, of his truth and faithfulnefi^e, to remember 
 anancient Covenant madeaboutfourethoufandyearesfince.and his 
 old friend Abraham, and the Patriarks ; all which have feemed to 
 be afleepfor many Generations together. So alfo in Ifa. chap. 13. 
 compared with chap. 11, But not only God ( which might have 
 been a diftindt reafon) but we alfo fhall receive great advantages 
 thereby; forthen there (hall benotonlyanenlargement of good to us 
 GentileSj^s a concomitant and fynchronifm with the^ ewes conver- 
 fion( the miftakeabout which, hath, and doth caufe black thoughtsin 
 fome ) as in Apoc. 7. 9. after the fealing of the hundred, and forty, 
 and foure thoufand ( which relates to the time of the forty two 
 moneths) a great multitude, and innumerable, of all Nations, 
 
 Kindred, 
 (60) 
 
Of the converfion of the lewes. 51 
 
 Kindred, Tongues, and people flood before the Lambe, and were 
 cloathed with white Robes; nowthefe numbers of all Gentile-Nati- 
 ons are to be converted at that time 'whe.nthtf ewes are to be brought 
 home; for it is to be at the founding of the feventh Trumpet. But 
 befide, the J ewes converfion fhall in fome fort be the caufe of it, 
 elfe what meanesthe Apoftle ini^om. 11. la,. How muchmorejhall 
 their fulneJJ'e lie the riches of the Gentiles? and in verf. 15, What 
 Jhall the receiving of the Jewes le ( to the Gentiles) but life from 
 the dead? The Apoftle heightens the expreffion of the benefit by 
 their receiving, to an higher degree than what we got by their fall. 
 It is obfervable, that the Gofpel did in fome fenfe, firft goe out of 
 Sion, for the Spirit who enabled the Disciples to preach and propa- 
 gate it was there given j and Micah speaking of the times yet looked 
 for, faith in Mic. 4. 2,. The Law Jhall goe forth out q/Sion, and the 
 Word of the Lord out of f erufalem ; that is, the fulnefle of the 
 Spirit, and knowledge of Chrifl; fhall ftreame through the Jewes to 
 the Gentiles. So that as itwasin the firft givingoftheholy Spirit, he 
 was firft given to the^ew e5,then to the Gentiles; yea by Xh^Jewes 
 to the Gentiles ; fo fhall it be in the laft dayes, fulfilling what Taul 
 faith in i?om.2.to \!a&few firft, and alfo to the Gentile, When God 
 fhall be reconciled toi/raeZ,theircondition wil be greatly changedjfor 
 they who are now actually the moft accurfed people, then as in Mz'c. 
 5. 7. The remnant of ^diCoh Jhall he in the midft of many people as 
 dew from the Lord; as the Jhowres upon the graJJ'e, that tarry not 
 for man, nor waitefor thefons of men. Dew, and Showers in thofe 
 hot Countries are Heavens hoxinty , a. cornucopia of all good things; 
 fuch fhall the Jewes be to the places where they fhall be, when they 
 fhall owne the Lord Jefus. 
 
 Sixthly, They were Gods firft Wife ( as I may fay) for a confi- 
 derable time they were a faithfull people; and many of them have 
 beenMartyrs forGod. And thefe things God will thinkeon, though 
 we may fleight them. 
 
 They were Gods firft Wife, Did God ever aflay to take any Na- 
 tion before them, to be his owne people ? Yea, did he take any be- 
 fide them, for two thoufand yeares together ? In Ifa. 54. 6. 1 have 
 called thee as a woman, forfaken,and grieved in fpirit, and a wife of 
 youth, ivhen thou waji refufed, faith the Lord; and what follows, 
 verf. 7. For afmall moment have I forfaken thee, hut with great 
 mercies will I gather thee. And in verfe 8. With everlqfting kind- 
 
 H 3 nefe 
 
 (61) 
 
5a ConJideratio7is upon the point, 
 
 neffe will I have mercy upon thee. We fee God forgets not, though 
 men may, and doe. 
 
 They were a faithfiill people. As great was their unfaithfulnefle; 
 fo there were times when great was their faithfulnefle. In Jer.l.i. 
 I remember thee, the kindnejfe of thyyouth, the love of thy efpoti- 
 fals, when thou wentefi after me in the Wildernejfe, in a Land that 
 was notfowne. It was fomething to follow God in fuch a Country 
 forty years; and for fo long a time to expofe themfelves, wives, and 
 childrendailytoalmoftalforts of deaths; and youfee,God remembers 
 it in after times; and if he did inj eremiahsi\n\e.,^h&w thofewhoin 
 perfonhad beenfofaithfuli,had been long dead; and that raceof the 
 J ewes then were very provoking, and corrupt; why not alfo now, in 
 this prefent fucceeding generation of them : 
 
 They were Martyrs for God. To prove this, read the Hiftory of 
 the Maccahees, and if we like not fo farre to owne what is Apocry- 
 phall, turne to Heb. ii. which is a booke of the Jewijh Martyrs, a 
 Catalogue of them that fufTered under Antiochus, and thofe Syrian 
 Tyrants. And they were not few that fuffered,but many; nor light 
 puni{hments,butunfpeakeab1etorments. NowGod takesitfo kind- 
 ly that we give up our lives to torments, and to death for his Name, 
 that commonly heowes that perfonagoodturnein his pofterity. And 
 if upon thefe accounts God hath an eyeuponthem,wealfo(hould be 
 like minded, and love them too. 
 
 Seventhly, It is a duty which we owe to Gods expreffe command, 
 for fo I take that in the literal] fence, in Ifa. 6a. 6, 7. Ye that make 
 mention of the Lord, keep not Jilence, and give him no re/i, till he 
 e/iablifh, and till he make Jerufalem a praife in the earth. This 
 duty the Prophet himfelfe performed in verf.i. For Sions fake I will 
 not hold my peace, and for Jerufalems/a^e I will not reft, till the 
 right eoufneff'e thereof go e forth as brightneU'e, &c. And alfo the 
 Church in her affliftion, P/a/. 137.5,6. And now that Sion is in the 
 duft, if we that beleeve among the Gentiles, did pitty her, and com- 
 pafTionateherin her ruines,itwere an argument that God is aboutto 
 arife, and have mercy upon her; as may be urged from Pfalme loa. 
 
 Lqftly, They minded our converfion to God. This appeares in 
 the writings of almoft all their Prophets, efpecially in the Pfalmes, 
 Ifaiah, Jeremiah, Hofeah, Malachi. Now then for us to love 
 the notion, and in what we may, help forward their returne, 
 
 what 
 (62) 
 
Of the converfion of the lewes. 53 
 
 what is it but an honeft and juft retaliation? 
 
 Having difpatched theReafons,two things yet remaine about their 
 Converfion, which I muft fpeake fomewhat to, and thofe are the 
 Time, and the Manner; as for the time when, the determining of 
 thatishard, though notimpofsible. I beleevethatitispunftuallyfet 
 downein Scripture, and God wil be as critical! inlooking after times 
 as things; but all the difficulty of knowing it is from the darknelTe, 
 and defe<Stsofourunderfl:anding,andnot from afuppofed uncertainty 
 in the thing. So that I am equally adverfe as to the common praftife 
 oi they ewes, who becaufe they are unwilling to owneGodsaccom- 
 plifhments, doe therefore dif-allow his computations, and exprefly 
 hold that man accurfed who bufieth himfelfeinthatftudy. So to the 
 too common opinion of thofe who fay. That oft in fuch computati- 
 ons God puts a certainenumberforanuncertaine. NOjthereisanin- 
 fallibility in the fet times of Scripture; only the Well is deep, and 
 the cord to our Bucket is but fhort 1 yet this difficulty fhould not 
 caufe defpondency, but quicken our induflry. All that I fhall now 
 fay to it is this, I judge the time not farre off; this prefent age will 
 fee thofe things fulfilled which we have waited and prayed for. R. 
 Maimonides faith of Jefus Chrifl:, That fince Mofes his time none 
 fo like to the Mefsiah as the Chrifl: of the Chriflians; fo I fay, fince 
 Chrifl:, no period of time fo like to be that, in which the ^ ewes {ha.\\ 
 be called, as this in which we live. And perhaps it is nearer than we 
 are aware of, being the more comfortably perfwaded of it, by that 
 excellent Treatife called. The Revelation revealed, newly pnhMihed 
 by a Gentleman of an indefatigable Spirit for God and publick good, 
 Mr.S. HarfZii, in which Apocalypticall computationsareexplained 
 the mofl: harmonioufly,and clearly, that I have read in any difcourfe 
 of thatnature. Hefaithpofitively,thatattheendingofthelaft yeare 
 of 1655. the feventh Trumpet Ihall found; whofe effeft will be as 
 much good to Gods elefiled ones, whether Jewes, or Gentiles, as 
 our hearts can wifli for. I fhall adde this. The age in which we live, 
 hath been eyed by many Generations pafl:, for the time wherein the 
 lewes (hall be received to mercy; many of their owne Writers, and 
 alfo of Chrifl:ian Authors have pitched upon it; And I beleeve that 
 God will be as gracious to them in this their laft,andgreateft refl:au- 
 ration,as he was to them in that of their returne out oi Baby Ion ; now 
 concerning that therewere three computations andepochaesof the 
 beginning(and confequentlyof the ending) of the feventy yeares of 
 
 cap- 
 (63) 
 
54 Confiderations upon the point, 
 
 captivity ; and obferve, that thofe feventy yeares ended, and the 
 lewes returned, not at the lateft computation, but with the firft, for 
 there were but feventy yeares iromj echoniahs carrying to Balylon, 
 (which was the firft Captivity) to the releafe by the Proclamation of 
 Cyrils. And as God ended that Captivity with the fooneft, fo I 
 hope that he will doe this; efpecially confidering, that fpeaking of 
 thefe mercies to them, in Ifa. 60. in verfe laft, he faith, I the Lord 
 will hajlen it in its time ; which he fhould not doe, if he fhould 
 ftay the longeft calculation, and utmoft period of time. O let us be 
 Gods Remembrancers to put him in minde of this his promife. 
 
 For the manner how, and meanes whereby their converfion (hall 
 becompaffed; this alfo is a depth equall to the former. And as it is 
 in things Prophetical!, the event will beftdetermineit; yetlfliall fay 
 fomething to it, according to what I have attained. That of the or- 
 dinary way ofChriftianizinga perfon,or people,feemes to me not of 
 ufe here; which hath been by Difcourfes, written or printed Books, 
 Preachers, or the will and command of a Conquerour; for all thefe 
 havehad their efficacy in (at leaft a feeming and out-fide)converfion 
 of many Nations. Butafterthe application oithtktothty ewes, iov 
 manyages together, yetwemuftfayas Gehazi did toEZJ/Xa,when he 
 had laid his ftaffe on the Shunamite her Son, thereby to bring him 
 to life ; The childe is not awaked. I then conclude, that their con- 
 verfion fhall be in an extraordinary way, it (hall be the workeof our 
 Lord Jefus, and of his good Spirit. As Paz^Z was turned by the ap- 
 pearing of Chrift to him; foftiall they. Hewill manifeft himfelfe to 
 them eminently, powerfully, and gracioufly, to forme them to be a 
 people to himfelfe. Whether this his prefence to them fhall be per- 
 fonall,or only in the Spirit, I will not now fay, but leave the Reader 
 to make a judgement, as he fees moft caufe, out of the Scriptures 
 which I bring. Confider that of Mat. 23. 38, 39. Beholdyour houfe 
 is left unto you defolate, for I fay unto you, ye fhall not fee me 
 hence-forth, till ye fhall fay, Bleffed is he that comes in the name 
 of the Lord. Here you have their doome fore-told, their houfefhall 
 be defolate, the Temple and J erufalem fhall he deflroyed; alfo 
 their converfion, in thofe words, their faying, Bleffed is he that 
 comes, &c. the medium to compafl^e it, fc. their feeing lefus 
 Chri/i;yeJhallnotfeeme,&cc. Intheorderof caufes.Chriftsdifcove- 
 ring himfelfe to them (hall be firft, and fhall produce their relenting 
 towardshim. And for afurtherproofe,let thofetwoplacesbejoyned 
 
 toge- 
 (64) ^ 
 
Of the converfion of the J ewes. ^^ 
 
 together, as bearing the fame fence ; that of Mat. 34. 30, 31. and 
 oi Apoc. I. 7. both which are taken out oi Zechar. 12. 10. And 
 all three not to be underftood of Chrifts appearing to Judgement; 
 for here, faving repentance is the effeft of hisappearance; butrepen- 
 tance will be then too late when the Judge is come ; that fliall be a 
 night to all finners, in which no worke can be done. Againe, there are 
 but three grand periods mentioned in Mat. 34. namely, the deftru- 
 ftion of Jemfalem, Chrifts comming ( when, and whereby the 
 y ewes {ha.\\ be con verted, who though they haverefifted him, when 
 he came in the flefli, yet they (hall not, they cannot, when he comes 
 in the Spirit) and theend of theWorld. Nowthefignesof thefirft 
 of thefe are in verf 1^,15.21,22. Of thefecond in verf. 29,30,31, 
 &c. And of the laft, in verf. 36, Sec. So that this of ver. 30/3 i.muft 
 concerne fome otherthingthanthe endof theWorld. And that the 
 three fore-named Scriptures are properly to be underftood of the 
 yews, the texts doe fhow; for that of Zechariak, (from whence the 
 other two places are taken ) exprefly faith, / will poure upon the 
 houfe of David, and the inhabitants of Jerufalem, &c. and other 
 paflages to the fame purpofe in verf. 1 1, 1 2, 13. of Z'^cAar. 12. And in 
 the two places oiMat. 34. and Apoc. i. it is exprefly applyed to the 
 fewes; for in Mat. it is. All the Tribes of the earth Jhall mourn, 
 and fee him; that is, All the twelve Tribes fcattered upon the face 
 of the whole earth, and thefe fhall be gathered by the Angels from 
 the foure winds. And that of^^poc. i.7.is clearly to be applyed alfo 
 to them, for it is faid, They that pierced him,fhall fee him; that is, 
 th& f ewes; and All the Tribes (for fo the word ^vXal ought to be 
 rendred) of the earth JhalL^aile ; that is, the twelve Tribes fcatte- 
 red throughoutall places, ^^owthtmeane'fih&xthy thtkj ewes(ha\\ 
 be converted, is, And they Jhall fee him; that is, Jefus Chrift, 
 forthofe words arein all the threeScriptures. It fliall be fuchafight, 
 as the Ifraeliteshud of theBrazen Serpent in the Wildernefle, it was 
 healing to them. Such a fightas Paul had of Chrift in Heaven, upon 
 which he faith, that he had feene the Lord. For particularities 
 about this fight. I fliall leave them, knowing thiLtfecret things doe 
 belong to God. 
 
 And becaufe after that I had publiflied in Englijh, about laft 
 Autumne, the Booke of Menajfeh Ben Ifrael, called. The Hope 
 oflfrael, I received a Letter from an Honourable Perfon, concer- 
 ning that Booke, to which I wrote an Anfwer, and both containe 
 
 I fome 
 
 (6S) 
 
56 CoTifiderations upon the point, 
 
 fome further difcourfe about the Jewes, and their Converfion ; 
 therefore I thought good to give you them, and they are thefe 
 which follow. 
 
 To the Tranflator oi Menajjeh ; Ben Ifraels 
 fpes Ifraelis. 
 
 SIR: 
 
 IDeJire to he acquainted luith you, hecaufe we have loth fallen 
 upon one Booke, with the fame intentions to convert the Jewes, 
 though we take not one way; Idefre therefore to conferre with you, 
 to fee who taketh the right e/i way. You by your Tranflation feeme 
 to me to prize the learned Jewes writing too much, which will be- 
 get pride, and not humility in him, without which he will not turne, 
 repent, and hefaved. Therefore for his good, and alfofor the Chri- 
 Jiians, and for the credit of us who are Parliamentarians, I would 
 not fee them too much yeelded unto. You jiiftly perfringe him in 
 his thirtieth SeSiion, wherein he talkes fo wildly of his goodly 
 Martyrs, and truly if you marke him in his Difcourfe upon the 
 Sabatticall River, which where it is he knownes not, you willflnde 
 him as faidty and dangerous, if we have any of the race of the 
 Thraskytes left among us; but Sir, in that you thinke that the 
 Jev/esjhall now be called as a Nation, and not only by particulars, 
 and would have them have an earthly Kingdome againe ; you doe 
 more for the ten Tribes then he would have himfelfe, Se6l. 25. 
 p. 79. 80. and for the other two, q/"Judah, and Benjamin, it is notfo 
 likely they Jhould have a fecond Call, feeing that Chrijl and his 
 Apojiles preached to them, and all that were of the Ele6iion were 
 then converted, as you may fee by many texts, and after their re- 
 jeSiion of the Gofpell, their Country-men, Paul, and Peter turned 
 to the Gentiles. Therefore thofe two Tribes who Crucified our 
 Lord, and perfecuted his Jpoflles, are not fo likely to be called 
 againe as the ten Tribes who did neither, except fome few who re- 
 turned into the holy Land ; neither did many of them fo much as 
 heare of it, you might fee your owne fentence fulfilled then. Firfi, 
 
 the 
 (66) 
 
Of the converfion of the J ewes. ^^ 
 
 the Jew was called, and then the Gentile. But now looke not for it, 
 hut for their fugle converfons, though numbers may he called upon 
 one day, one Sermon as they were heretofore ; hut they mtift not ex- 
 alt themf elves as a Nation, for they mti/i he ingrafted againe upon 
 that hranch, or Vine, Chri/i Jefus, and we mti/i have one 
 Shepheard, and he one flock. See Rom. ii. ver. 31. which you cite. 
 Through yourmercytheymayalfoobtainmercy; Ihadwrit it{iha.]\) 
 hut it is only ( may : )fee the place to which this relates, Ifa. 59- v. 
 19, 30, 2,1. where youjhallfinde that all their hope is in eternalls, 
 not in temporalis ; and looke upon Rom, 11. 34. concerning the en- 
 grafting, and clearly, [unlej/e you he a Millenarian) you willfnde 
 no fuch Nationall glory of the Jewes ; therefore I pray you take 
 heed you fall 7iot into the fame fnare wherein the Jewes are, to looke 
 for a temporall reigne, which youfeeme to intimate, and too many 
 were, and are of that opinion. Affure your f elf e that Chriji will 
 come to fuch as a theife in the night, though his comming will he 
 very glorious, yet it will hefuddaine; the learned Jew canfinde no 
 text punSiuall in all his Booke, hut whatfoever he citeth, the fame 
 Chapter makes agairift him, and fpeakes not of temporallity, hut of 
 eternity, and the new J erufalem. I reji, defrous of your friend/hip. 
 
 Oaob. 5. 1650. E. S. 
 
 Poftfcript. 
 
 I Have it from a good hand, that Mqfier Jo. Dury is the 
 Tranflator of that Booke, and I havefome Arguments to heleeve 
 it to hefo, hecaufe he fe ernes to he of the fame minde in his Epi/io- 
 licall Difcourfe hefore Mr: Thorowgoods pious Booke, which I 
 have gained f nee I wrote this Letter. But truly if it hefo, Imujl 
 move Mr. Dury hoth to amend his Tranjlation from groffe faults, 
 and to make fame retraSiions upon that Epi/ile, which upon confe- 
 rence Ifhall mofi plainely Jhew him, and in the meane time I de- 
 fire him, that he will read a Booke of a mofl reverend and pious 
 man, called. The Revelation unrevealed ; and therehy I heleeve he 
 will he convinced, and not looke for a fifth generall Monarchy up- 
 on earth ; for Chri/i reignes now, and hath fo done ever fince his 
 Jfcenfion, andfo (hall to the end of the World, untill he deliver 
 the Kingdome to the Father. 
 
 Oiftob. 35. 1650. 
 I 3 SIR: 
 
 (67) 
 
58 Conjiderations upon the point, 
 
 SIR : The anjwer to the Letter. 
 
 I Received a Letter direfted, To the Tranjlator of Spes Ifraelis, 
 which worke thus correfted^as I here-with prefent to you, I con- 
 feffemine. I left itwith a friend to feeit printed, my felfe going into 
 theCountryj but his occafions called him from the Cityalfo,when 
 it fhould have been reviewed; which is the reafon that though there 
 be many£?Ta;a'5 in theBooke,that they are not gathered up at the 
 end. At my owne reading of it, I found many, and mended thofe I 
 found ; and now I know that it hath farre fewer then it had, and may 
 pafletoJlerably; though neither I, nor what I doe,can befaid fault- 
 lefle.<{^Concerning your defire of converting the J ewes, it is truly 
 Chrifi:ian,and a worke thatfhall not loofeits reward. But you fay. 
 We difagree about the way, that is very poffible, for apprehenfions 
 are various, and men mufl: thinke, not as others doe, but as them- 
 felves can, taking what is truth to them, to be their guide. But the 
 queer e is, Who lights on the beft way. For my part, I pretend not 
 toany way to convert them, for Iverilythinke that when it dial] be 
 done, it will be Gods work^ and not mans; as much as Pauls con- 
 verfion was wholly of God;/which himfelfe makes the type, or pat- 
 terne of the converfio«-of"Ris Country-men; as Mr. Mede faith up- 
 on I Tim. I. 16. in his Fragmenta facra, which I know not whe- 
 ther they be in print, or no. You fay, I prize the learned lewes writ- 
 ingtoo much, and that itwill begetpridein them ) Sir, pardon me,if 
 I doe not recant till I fee myerrour; but then I fhall freely doe it. I 
 confeffe, I doe prize the Learned, whether lew, or Gentile, for 
 though I am not croi^o';, yet I am <^CK6ao<^o'; and I doe beleeve the 
 Avithov o{ Spes Ifraelis to be a very learned man; and I haveitfrom 
 thofe who are acquainted with him, that he is a very ingenuous and 
 civill man; and others there are, and have been among them, not 
 wanting a nameforgood learning. Asforthefomentingtheirpride) 
 truly that vice isfo evill,thatIwouldnotcheri{hit,neitherinmyfelf, 
 nor in others. But Sir, whether is a more likely way to gaine upon 
 men, to ufe them civilly, and with the fpirit of meeknefle, or to be 
 fupercilious and tart towards them ? What got Auftine the Monke 
 by ufing theBrittainesof 5aw^or fo Lordly as he did? and (to come 
 to latter dayes) did Mr. Brovghton gaine upon a learned Rabbi, in a 
 Conference at Dort, where Mr. Forbes was Moderator, by his high 
 and peremptory language? This he reaped, to fet the Jew at a grea- 
 ter diflance from Chriftianifme,andanabatingofhisowneefl:eeme,in 
 
 the 
 (68) 
 
Of the converfion of the J ewes. 59 
 
 the judgement of wife men. As for Menajfeh's Sabbaticall river, I 
 know many Authors have faid it, but whether true, or falfe, that is 
 nothingtotheTranflator;andIamasfarrefrombeleevingthatftory, 
 aslam from thewildeopinionsof Mr. Thrask. But thefe are of lefle 
 concernment; you fall upon the maineofyour judgement which re- 
 lates to them,and pardonme if Ideale as roundlyin myanfwer ; for 
 I defire to have refpefl: to Truth, and not to man. I doe firmly be- 
 leeve,and feare not to profefle it; That t\\e.Jewes fliall be called as a 
 Nation, both Judaha-ni i/raeZ, and fliali returnetotheir owneLand, 
 and have an earthly Kingdome againe. For the proofe of which, I 
 could fay much, but fhall now but little; and if poffibly I cite any 
 thing whichiVfe«q^A Sera T/j-aeZbrings for himfelfe, beleeve me that 
 I have it not from him, but frommyowneobfervations outof Scrip- 
 ture, fome yeares fince. There is weight in that place of Mic. 4. 8. 
 Thefirjl dominion, the Kingdome Jhall come to the daughter offe- 
 rufalem ; and this is fpoken of times after Chrifts incarnation, and 
 not yet performed. See that of Zech. 10. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. there is 
 JtidahsLudEphraimfore-told tobebrought toGilead,a.nA Lebanon, 
 and they fhall fo encreafe, that they fhall want room. Say not this 
 wasdoneinthereturne of thofefewfromtheCaptivityofSaiy/ora; 
 forthofeof the ten Tribesthatthen returned, were but fomegleanings 
 of them; and ofjudah it felfe, there returned but about one halfe: 
 now God doth not promife Mountaines, and performe butMole-hils; 
 yea in verf. 6. God luillfave andjlrengthen the houfe q/"Judah, and 
 of Jofeph, and they fhall he as though I had not caft them off. 
 Which,if fince thatProphefie,it hath been madegoodofy2<(faA,yet be 
 {avenotoij ofeph. And inv.7. They of Ephraim Jhall helikeamigh- 
 ty man, but fince the captivity of Salmanqffar to this day, what 
 might hath Ephraim fhown ? yea is he not poore, weak, fcattered, 
 and unknowne.' And in ver. 8. 1 will gather them, and they Jhall 
 encreafe as they have encreafed; hath this been fulfilled of Ephra- 
 im? Where is his fruitfulnefle, which his nameimports.' much lefl"e 
 hath there been a time fincetheirgreat captivity, in which they have 
 encreafed to their numbers and ftrength, mentioned in the dayes of 
 Mofes, Jq/hua,David, Solomon, and under their owne Kings, after 
 the defeftion from the houfe of David. See that noted place of 
 Ezek. 37. 16, 17. 22. 34, 25. Sir, in good earnefl:, hath this Scrip- 
 ture been fulfilled ? hath fudah and Ephraim been hut onejlick 
 in Gods hand, hut one Nation, fo that they fhall he no more two Na- 
 
 I 3 tions, 
 
 (69) 
 
6o Confideralions upon the point, 
 
 tions,&smvtr.'i2. Surely to this day they have been from their laft 
 difperfionnotonly two, but many Nations. Neitherwill itbeanan- 
 fwertofay,ThatnowtheyarenoNation, therefore they are not two; 
 yes,HiftoriansreportthemmanyNations; though perhapsfcarceaf- 
 terthejuftrulesof Nations. And that phrafe hath not anegative, but 
 apofitive fence,notthattheyfliould benothing, but thattheyfliould 
 be one Nation. 'M.o':t-ovc^v,\\\ve.r.i^.Judaha.nAEphraim\Ne.rt fo to 
 be one Nation, that Davie? ( that is Jefus Chrift ) was to be King over 
 them: And when did ^z^daA and T/raeZever to this day, as a Nation 
 acknowledge the Soveraignty of Jefus Chrift? and he to be their 
 Prince for ever, as in ver. 35. But I muft not too much enlarge. I 
 fliall only adde this; That as many places of the 01d,fo many in the 
 
 ^^NewTeftament agree thereto, as Rom. 11, ver. 12. 15. 25, a6. a8. 
 
 /Though this of thei?07Kaw5,£hiefly proves one point,/c. their gene- 
 rail or Nationall converfion^Give me leave briefly to anfwer your 
 objeftions. Youfay,Th'ecallofyzfda/tandBe«;'awmis not fo likely, 
 becaufeChriftand the Apoftlespreached to them already. I anfwer; 
 that by their preaching,all of thofe living, who were elefted, were con- 
 verted; but after-ages have anew race,and God hath his number a- 
 mong them too; yea the words run high, then All Ifraeljhall lefa- 
 ved. You fay,thofe twoTribes who crucified Chrift,not fo likelyto 
 be converted. I anfwer, by how much their fin is greater, by fo much 
 the greater will Gods mercy be; Et Dei novijjima erunt optima, & 
 maxima. You fay,Their converfionfhall befingle, thatisanfwered 
 already ; but I adde, that Ifaiak is contrary to it, in Ifa. 66. 7, 8. 
 which Chapter I doubt not but it points to times afterour Saviour. As 
 for their being engraffed upon the Vine Chrifl:, or being brought to 
 onefheep-fold, what doth thathinder but that they may beaNation 
 of Converts brought to their owne Land? You objeft that oiRom. 
 II. 31. That through your mercy they may ohtaine mercy. I an- 
 fwer,that I beleeve the maine of their con verfion will be fromHeaven, 
 and extraordinary; though the Ge«/i/e^ by provoking them to emu- 
 lation, and alfo by their gifts and graces, may fome way be auxiliary 
 to them. After this youarepleafed to put the term Millenarian up- 
 on me; which, though for what I have writ, I need not owne, yet I 
 will not difclaime; theyare notNamesthatafFrightme,butreall fal- 
 fities. The term Chiliq/i, as it congregates the many odde,and falfe 
 opinions of them of old, I explode; though to beleeve thofe thoufand 
 yeares in jipoc. 20. to be yet unfulfilled, that, I willingly owne. To 
 
 put 
 (70) 
 
Of the converfion of the Reives. 6i 
 
 put that fenfe upon them, as that they imply the thoufand yeares of 
 etemitVjIcan thinke little lefle of it then to be a contradiftion . Againe, 
 if the thoufand yeares be the eternity in Heaven, what meanes that in 
 ver. 3. Till the thoufand yeares be fulfilled, and after that he muft 
 be loafed for a little feaf on ; I pray, what little feafon is that that is 
 after eternity? neither doth Chrifts comming fuddenly in the night 
 a^a /Aej/(?,hinder,but that when he doth come, he may ftay a thou- 
 fand yeares. Butwhether that time he.ante,in,0T pq/i diemjudicii,is 
 notmytasketo determine,ormaintaine. As forwhatyouaddeinthe 
 Poft-fcript,nottolookeforafifthMonarchy,becaufeChriftreignes 
 now. I anfwer,that though he reignes dejure, yet not defaSto; for 
 exprefly in Scripture the Devill is called Koa/jLOKpaTap he is the grand 
 Tyrant, and great Ufurper, and the whole world Kelrai iv -jrh Trovrjpm 
 yet lam farre from denying toChrifl: a Kingdome now in being, /c. 
 Spiritual!, andlnvifible,butl looke foravifible one to come. In the 
 clofe(as alfo at the beginning) you are pleafed todefire myacquain- 
 tance; but Sir, I look not upon my felf as a Star of fo confiderable a 
 magnitude, as to prefent my felfe to your eyes; but if I might be fo 
 happy as to be capable toferveyou really, none fhould bemoredefi- 
 rous of it (both as you are a Gentleman of Learning, by which you 
 haveobligedthepublick; and alfo a Member of that Houfe which I fo 
 much honour ) than Sir, 
 
 Novemb. 5. 1650. Yojir moji humble Servant 
 
 M. W. 
 
 SIR: 
 
 I Doe now very highly efieeme of my interefi in your converfation, 
 and thanke you very much for your kinde viftations, which I 
 Jhal endeavour to repay, and defre by thefe you will tell me where, if 
 you be in town; IJhall continue in town till monday noone be pqffed, 
 and will meet you at the Stationers, or any where elfe youfhall ap- 
 point; very necejfary, and too urgent occafions hindred my comming 
 to — untill Iqft night. I havefomewhat thought with my felf of the 
 faire propqfition of re-printing what concernes Ben Ifrael, the con- 
 verfion and generall call of the Jewijh Nation, to which I now more 
 perceive our ferious endeavours and hopes doe encline. But I mji/i 
 needs fay, that Ben Ifraels Booke gives very f mall hopes of his con- 
 verfion; Of which notwithftanding neither you nor my felfe ought 
 
 to 
 (71) 
 
62 Confiderations upon the point, &c. 
 
 to defpaire,for Saul the learned ^tw from a fever e Perfectitor be- 
 came a Paul, a holy and remarkable Saint ; IJhall not at prefent 
 enlarge my felfe unto you, leajl IJhould prove troublefome, or im- 
 pertinent till things be ripened between us by a conference, but if it 
 be neceffary youjhould print againe before I fee you, lonly defire this 
 Letter ofminefhould be printed. For I embrace your candor and 
 ingenuity as much as you doe mine, and I hope love and knowledge 
 will Jiill encreafe between us, and I fhall fay with the Pfalmtfi, 
 Let therighteousfmiteme friendly^and reprove me,but let not their 
 precious balme breake my head; I have no defire to gaine applaufe 
 of thofe who are without, or hazard their cenfure in that which 
 more learned men, but not fo loving, may fay, that I write flight 
 things, but I had rather firfi fhew them that I can write ferious 
 things as well as fight, by tran/latio?t of fame part of Peter Gala- 
 tine & Reuchlin, which is now my travaile, as I in part fhewed 
 you ; I remaine, 
 
 Febr. ai. Your friend in the trueft intereft of 
 
 1650, Chriftian love. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 Errata maxlmi momentl. 
 
 JN the fecond Epift. p. 2.1. 8. dele happy,in the 3 Epift. p. i . 1. 2 8.r.invironed,p. 
 2.1.3.r.Carthagena,p.3.1.i2.delefo,p.6,1.2i.r.thy,p.i8.1. ig.r.hatingjp.ig.l. 
 i6.r.awayHofhea,p.22.1.23.r.Hunni,p.23.1.io.r.there,p.26.1.3.r.were,p.40. 
 1.27.1. honouredj^^rfl^fl»iA'o/i5r«!,withp.44.1.24.r.forthefe,p.46.1. 1 6.delethe, 
 p. 49. 1. 34. & he faith, thofe muft be nulled before. 
 
 (72) 
 
TO 
 
 HIS HIGHNESSE 
 
 THE 
 
 LORD PROTECTOR 
 
 O F THE 
 
 QO MMO ^jVTEALT H OF 
 England, Scotland, ^;?^ Ireland. 
 
 HUMBLE ADDRESSES 
 
 O F 
 
 Menasseh Ben Ifrael, a T)ivine^ and 
 
 T>oaor of THTSICF^, in behalf e 
 
 of the yewijh !?(ation. 
 
 (73) 
 
TO 
 
 His HighnefTe the Lord Protector 
 
 O F THE 
 
 Common-wealth of England, 
 Scotland, and Ireland. 
 
 The Humble Addrejjes of Menaffeh Ben Ifrael, a Divine 
 and Do£lor of Phyjick, in behalf of the lewifh Nation. 
 
 Ive me leave, at fuch a jun6lure of time, to 
 fpeak to your Highneffe, in a ftyle and 
 manner fitting to us J ewes and our condi- 
 tion. It is a thing moll certaine, that the 
 great God of Ifrael, Creator of Heaven 
 and Earth, doth give and take away Do- 
 minions and Empires, according to his owne pleafure; ex- 
 alting fome, and overthrowing others : who, feeing he 
 hath the hearts of Kings in his hand, he eafily moves them 
 whitherfoever himfelfe pleafeth, to put in execution his 
 Divine Commands. This, my Lord, appeares moft evi- 
 dently out of thofe words of Daniel, where he, rendring 
 thanks unto God, for revealing unto him that prodigious 
 Dreame of Nebuchadnezar, doth fay : Thou that remo- 
 vefl Kings, and fets up Kings. And elfe-where. To the 
 end the living might know, that the Highefl hath domi- 
 nion in Mans Kingdome, and giveth the fame to whom he 
 pleafe. Of the very fame-minde are the Thalmudi/ls like- 
 wife, affirming that a good Government, or Governor,"? 
 is a Heavenly Gift, and that there is no Governor, but j 
 is firft called by God unto that dignity : and this they 
 prove from that paffage oi Exodtis : Behold I have called 
 Bazalel by name, &c. all things being governed by 
 Divine Providence, God difpenfing rewards unto Ver- 
 tues, and punifhment unto Vices, according to his owne 
 
 A 2 . ■ good 
 
 (7S) 
 
 { 
 
good Will. This the Examples of great Monarchs make 
 good ; efpecially of fuch, who have afflifted the people 
 of Ifrael : For none hath ever afiflidled them, who hath 
 not been by fome ominous Exit, moft heavily punifh- 
 ed of God Almighty ; as is manifeft from the Hiftories 
 of thofe Kings, Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezar, Antiochus, 
 ' Epipkanius,Pompey,dLndoi\\&YS. Andonthecontrary,none 
 ever was a Benefa6lor to that people, and cherifhed them 
 in their Countries, who thereupon hath not prefently be- 
 gun very much to flourifh. In fo much that the Oracle 
 to Abraham (I will blej/e them that bleffe thee, and curfe 
 them that curfe thee) feemeth yet daily to have its accom- 
 plifhment. Hence I, one of the leaft among the Hebrews, 
 fince by experience I have found, that through Gods great 
 bounty toward us, many confiderable and eminent per- 
 fons both for Piety and Power, are moved with fmcere 
 and inward pitty and compaffion towards us, and do com- 
 fort us concerning the approaching deliverance oi Ifrael, 
 could not but for my felf, and in the behalf of my Coun- 
 trey men, make this my humble addreffe to your Highnefs, 
 and befeech you for Gods fake, that ye would, according 
 to that Piety and Power wherein you are eminent beyond 
 others, vouchfafe to grant, that the Great and Glorious 
 Name of the Lord our God may be extolled, and folemn- 
 ly worfhiped and praifed by us through all the bounds of 
 this Common-wealth ; and to grant us place in your Coun- 
 trey, that we may have our Synagogues, and free exercife 
 of our Religion. I nothing doubting, but that yourClemen- 
 cy will eafily grant this moft equitable Petition of ours. Pa- 
 gans have of old, out of reverence to the God of Ifrael; 
 &the efteem they had to his people, granted moft willingly 
 free liberty, even to apoftated J ewes ; as Onias the High 
 Prieft, to build another Temple in their Countrey, like 
 unto that at Jerufalem : how much more then may we, 
 that are not Apoftate or runagate lewes, hope it from your 
 
 Highneffe 
 (76) 
 
Highneffe and your Chriftian Councill, fince you have fo 
 great knowledge of, and adore the fame one onely God of 
 Ifrael, together with us. Befides, it increafes our confidence 
 of your bounty towards us, in that fo foon as ever the ru- 
 mour of that moft wifhed-for liberty, that ye were a think- 
 ing to grant us, was made known unto our Countrey-men ; 
 I, in the name of my Nation, the lewes, that live in Hol- 
 land, did congratulate and entertaine their Excellencies, 
 the Ambaffadors of England; who were received in our. 
 Synagogue with as great pomp and applaufe, Hymns and 
 cheerfulneffeof minde,as ever any Soveraigne Prince was. 
 For our people did in their owne mindes prefage, that the 
 Kingly Government being now changed into that of a 
 Common-wealth, the antient hatred towards them, would 
 alfo be changed into good-will : that thofe rigorous Laws 
 (if any there be yet extant, made under the Kings) againft 
 fo innocent a people, would happily be repealed. So that 
 we hope now for better from your gentlenefs, & goodnefs, 
 fince, from the beginning of your Government of this 
 Common-wealth, your Highneffe hath profeffed much re- 
 fpeft, and favour towards us. Wherefore I humblyentreat 
 your Highneffe, that you would with a gracious eye have 
 regard unto us, and our Petition, and grant unto us, as you 
 have done unto others, free exercife of our Religion, that 
 we may have our Synagogues, and keep our own publick 
 worftiip, as our brethren doe in Italy, Germany, Poland, 
 and many other places, and we fhall pray for the happi- 
 neffe and Peace of this your much renowned and puiffant 
 Common-wealth. 
 
 A 'X A 
 
 (77) 
 
i 
 
 "S^Qlfe 
 
 1 
 
 A DECLA RATION 
 
 TO THE 
 
 Common-wealth of England, 
 
 BY 
 
 "^bbi Menajfeh "Ben Israel, {hewing 
 the Motives of his coming into England. 
 
 Avingfome yeares Jince often perceived that 
 in this Nation, God hath a People, that is 
 very tender-hearted, andwell-wijhing to our 
 fore-affliBed Nation ; Yea, I my felfe ha- 
 ving fome Experience thereof, in divers 
 Eminent perfons, excelling both in Piety and 
 Learning: I thoughtwithmy-felf Ifhoulddonofmallfervice 
 to my owne Nation, as alfo to the People and Inhabitants oj 
 this Common-wealth, if by humble addreffes to the late Ho- 
 nourable Parliament,! might obtaine afafe-Condufl once to 
 tranfport my felfe thither. WhichI having done, and accor- 
 ding to my defire, received a mofl kinde andfatisfaBory An- 
 fwer, I now am come. And to the end all Men m,ay know the 
 true Motives and Intent of this my coming, I fhall briefly 
 comprehend and deliver them in thefe partictilars. 
 
 Firfl and formoft, my Intention is to try, if by Gods 
 good hand overme, I m,ay obtaine here for m,y Nationthe Li- 
 bertyof afreeandpublickSynagogue,whereinwe may daily 
 callupon the Lord our God,that once he may be pleafed to re- 
 member his Mercies and Promifes done to our Forefathers, 
 
 forgiving 
 (78) 
 
forgiving our tre/paffes, and rejloring us once againe into 
 our fathers Inheritance; andbefides tofue alfo for a bleffing 
 upon this Nation, and People <7/'England,yi?;' receiving us 
 into their bofomes, and comforting Sion in her d^ref/e. 
 
 My fecond Motive is, becaufe the opinion of manyj 
 Chriflians and mine doe concurre herein, that we both be- \' 
 lieve that the refloringtimeofour Nation into their Native 
 Countrey, is 'very neer at hand; I believing more par-' 
 ticularly, that this rejlauration cannot be, beforethefe words 
 ^Daniel, Chap. 12. ver. 7. be firfl accomplifhed, when he 
 faith, And when the difperfion of the Holy people fhall 
 be compleated in all places, then fhall all thefe things be 
 compleated -.fignifyingtherewith, that before allbefulfilled, \ 
 thePeopleofGodm,uJlbefirfidifperfedintoallplaces &Coun- 
 treyes of the World. Now we know, how our Nation at the 
 prefent is fpread all about, and hath its feat and dwelling in 
 them,oftflourifhingpartsofalltheKingdomes,andCountreys 
 of the World, as well in America, as in the other three parts 
 thereof; except onely in this confiderable and mighty Ifland. ; 
 And therefore this remains onely in my judgement, before j 
 the Messia come andreftore our Nation, thatfirjl we muH' 
 have our feat here likewife. 
 
 My third Motive is grounded on the profit that I conceive 
 this Common wealth is to reap, if it fhall vouchfafe to receive j 
 us; for thence,! hope, there will follow a great blefjing from | 
 God upon them, and a very abundant trading into, and from \ 
 all parts of the World, not onely without prejudice to the En- j 
 glifh Nation, but for their profit, both in Importation, and ' 
 Exportation of goods. Yet if any fhall doubt hereof, Itruft , 
 their Charity towards the people of God, willfatisfie them, 
 efpecially when they fhall reade the enfuing Treatife. - 
 The fourth Motive of my coming hither, is, myfincereaf- 
 fe^lion to this Common wealth, by reafonoffomany Worthy, 
 Learned, and Pious men in this Nation, whofe loving kind- 
 nefie and Piety I have experience of: hoping tofinde the like 
 
 affe£lion 
 (79) 
 
affe£lion in all the People generally ; the more, becaufe I al- 
 wayes have, both by writing and deeds, prof ejfed much incli- 
 nation to this Common-wealth; and that I per/wade myfelfe 
 they will be mindfullof that Command of the Lord our God, 
 whofo highly recommends unto allmen the love of ftrangers; 
 much more to thofe that profeffe their good affeBion to them. 
 For thisi defire all may be confident of, that I am not come to 
 make any di/lurbance, or to move any difputes about matters 
 of Religion ; but onely to live with my Nation tn thefeare 
 of the Lord, under the fhadow of your protection, whiles we 
 expert with you the hope of Ifrael to be revealed. 
 
 (80) 
 
Fol. I 
 
 How Profitable 
 
 The Nation of the lewes are. 
 
 Hree things, if it pleafe your Highneffe, there 
 are that make a ftrange Nation wel-beloved a- 
 mongfl the Natives of a land where they dwell : 
 (as the defedl of thofe three things make them 
 hatefull.) viz. Profit, they may receive from' 
 them ; Fidelity they hold towards their Princes; 
 and the Noblenes and purity of their blood. 
 
 1 
 
 Now when I fhall have made good, that all thefe three things are 
 found in the lewijh Nation, I fhall certainly perfuade your High- 
 neffe, that with a favorable eye, (Monarchy being changed into a 
 Republicq) you fhall be pleafed to receive again the Nation of the 
 lews, who in time paft lived in that Ifland : but, I know not by 
 what falfe Informations, were cruelly handled and banifhed. 
 
 Profit is a mofl powerfull motive, and which all the World pre- 
 ferres before all other things : and therefore we fhall handle that 
 point firft. 
 
 It is a thing confirmed, that merchandizing is, as it were, the pro- 
 per profeffion of the Nation of the lews. I attribute this in the firft 
 place, to the particular Providence and mercy of God towards his 
 people: for having banifhed them from their own Country, yet not 
 from his Proteftion, he hath given them, as it were, a naturall in- 
 ftin6l, by which they might not onely gain what was neceffary for 
 their need, but that they fhould alfo thrive in Riches and poffef- 
 fions; whereby they fhould not onely become gracious to their 
 Princes and Lords, but that they fhould be invited by others to 
 come and dwell in their Lands. 
 
 Moreover, it cannot be denyed,but that neceffity flirrs up a mans 
 ability and induftry ; and that it gives him great incitement, by all 
 means to trie the favour of Providence. 
 
 A Befides, 
 
 (8i) 
 
Befides, feeing it is no wifedome for them to endeavour the 
 gaining of Lands and other immovable goods, and fo to impri- 
 fon their poffeffions here, where their perfons are fubje6l to fo ma- 
 ny cafualities, banifhments and peregrinations ; they are forced to 
 ufe marchandizing untill that time, when they fhall returne to their 
 own Country, that then as God hath promifed by the Prophet Za- 
 chary, Their Jhall be found no more any mar chant am-ong/l them in 
 the Houfe of the Lord. 
 
 From that very thing we have faid, there rifeth an infallible Pro- 
 fit, commodity and gain to all thofe Princes in whofe Lands they 
 dwell above all other ftrange Nations whatfoever, as experience 
 by divers Reafons doth confirme. 
 
 I. The lews, have no oportunity to live in their own Country, 
 to till the Lands or other like employments, give themfelves wholy 
 unto merchandizing, and for contriving new Inventions, no Na- 
 tion almoft going beyond them. And fo 't is obferved, that where- 
 foever they go to dwell, there prefently the Traficq begins to flo- 
 rifti. Which may be feen in divers places, efpecially in Ligorne, 
 which having been but a very ignoble and inconfiderable City, is 
 at this time, by the great concourfe of people, one of the mofl fa- 
 mous places of Trafique of whole Italy. 
 
 Furthermore, the Inventor of the famous Scala de Spalatro (the 
 moft firme and folid Traficq of Venice^ was a lew, who by this his 
 Invention tranfported the Negotiation from a great part of the Le- 
 vant into that City. 
 
 Even that very fame is feene likewife at this day in Nizza and in 
 other innumerable places more, both in Europe and Afia. 
 
 II. The Nation of the lews is difperfed throughout the whole 
 World, it being a chaftifement that God hath layd upon them for 
 their Idolatries, Deut. 28,69. Ezech. 20,23. Nehem. 1,8. Pf. 107,27. 
 and by other their finnes their families fuffer the fame fhipwrack. 
 
 Now in this difperfion our Fore-fathers flying from the Spanifh 
 Inquifition, fome of them came in Holland, others got into Ita- 
 ly, and others betooke themfelves into Afia; and fo eafily they cre- 
 dit 
 (82) 
 
3 
 dit one another ; and by that meanes they draw the Negotiation 
 where-ever they are, where with all of them marchandifing and 
 having perfe6l knowledge of all the kinds of Moneys, Diamants, 
 Cochinil, Indigo, Wines, Oyle, and other Commodities, that 
 ferve from place to place ; efpecially holding corfefpondence with 
 their friends and kinds-folk, whofe language they underfland; they 
 do abundantly enrich the Lands and Countrys of ftrangers, where 
 they live, not onely with what is requifite and neceffary for the life 
 of man ; but alfo what may ferve for ornament to his civill condi- 
 tion. 'Df which Traficq, there arifeth ordinarily Five important be- 
 nefits. 
 
 1 . The augmentation of the Publiq Tolls and Cuflomes, at their 
 coming and going out of the place. 
 
 2. The tranfporting and bringing in of marchandifes from re- 
 mote Countries. 
 
 3. The affording of Materials in great plenty for all Mechaniqs ; 
 as Wooll, Leather, Wines; Jewels, as Diamants, Pearles, andfuch 
 like Merchandize. 
 
 4. The venting and exportation of fo many kinds of Mani- 
 fa6lures. 
 
 5. The Commerce and reciprocall Negotiation at Sea, which 
 is the ground of Peace between neighbour Nations, and of great 
 profit to their own Fellow-cittizens. 
 
 III. This reafon is the more ftrengthened, when we fee, that 
 not onely the lewifh Nation dwellingin Holland and Italy, trafificqs 
 with their own flock, but alfo with the riches of many others of 
 their own Nation, friends, kinds-men and acquaintance, which not- 
 withftanding live in Spaine, and fend unto them their moneys and 
 goods, which they hold in their hands, and content themfelves with 
 a very fmall portion of their eftate, to the end they may be fecure 
 and free from danger that might happen unto them, in cafe they 
 fhould fall under the yoke of the Inquifition ; whence not onely 
 their goods, but oftentimes alfo their lives are endangered. 
 
 IV. The love that men ordinarily beare to their own Country 
 
 A 2 and 
 
 (83) 
 
4 
 
 and the defire they have to end their lives, where they had their be- 
 gining, is the caufe, that moft ftrangers having gotten riches where 
 they are in a forain land, are commonly taken in a defire to returne 
 to their native foil, and there peaceably to enjoy their eftate; fo that 
 as they were a help to the places where they lived, and negotiated 
 while they remained there; fo when they depart from thence, they 
 carry all away, and fpoile them of their wealth : tranfporting all into 
 their own native Country : But with the lews the cafe is farre diffe- 
 rent ; for where the lews are once kindly receaved, they make a 
 firm refolution never to depart from thence, feeing they have no 
 proper place of their own : and fo they are alwayes with their goods 
 in the Cities where they live, a perpetuall benefit to all payments. 
 Which reafons do clearly proove, that it being the property of Cit- 
 tizens in populous and rich countries, to feeke their reft and eafe 
 with buying lands and faire poffeffion of which they live; many of 
 them hating commerce, afpire to Titles and Dignities : therefore 
 of all ftrangers, in whofe hands ordinarily Trafique is found, there 
 are none fo profitable and beneficiall to the place where they trade 
 and live, as is the Nation of the lews. And feeing amongft the peo- 
 ple of Europ, the chiefeft riches they poffeffe, fom from Spain, thofe 
 neighbour Nations, where the lews ftiall finde liberty to live accor- 
 ding to their own ludaicall Laws, they fhall moft eafily draw that 
 benefit to themfelves by means of the induftry of our Nation, and 
 their mutuall correfpondance. 
 
 From hence (if it pleafe your Highnes) it refults, that the lewifh 
 Nation, though fcattered through the whole World, are not there- 
 fore a defpifable people, but as a Plant worthy to be planted in the 
 whole world, and received into Populous Cities : who ought to 
 plant them in thofe places, which are moft fecure from danger ; 
 being trees of moft favory fruit and profit, to be alwayes moft fa- 
 voured with Laws and Priviledges, or Prerogatives, fecured and 
 defended by Armes\ AnExampleof this we havein our times. His 
 Majefty, the Illuftrious King of Denmark, invited them with fpe- 
 ciall Priviledges into Geluckftadt : the Duke of Savoy into Nifa of 
 
 Pro- 
 (84) 
 
5 
 Provence ; and the Duke of Modina in Retio, allowing them fuch 
 conditions and benefices, as like never were prefented unto them 
 by any other Prince, as appeareth by the copy of thofe Priviledges, 
 which I have in my hands. But fuppofing it would be a matter of 
 too large extention, if I fhould make a relation of all the places un- 
 der whofe Princes the lews live, I will onely fpeake briefly of the 
 two Tribes ludah and Benjamin. Thefe in India in Cochin have 
 4 Synagogues, one part of thefe lews being there of a white co- 
 lour, and three of a tawny; thefe being mofl favoured by the King. 
 In the year 1640. dyed Samuel Caftoel, Governour of the City, 
 and Agent for the King, and David Cafloel his fonne fucceeded 
 in his place. In Perfia there is a great number of lews, and they live 
 indifferent freely : there are alfo amongfl them that are in favour 
 and great refpe6l by the King, and who live there very bravely. 
 Some years paft, there was Elhazar Huza, the Viceroy, and now 
 there is David Ian; if yet he be living. In the year 1636. the Saltan 
 Amarat took in Bagdad, and puting all to the fword, he command- 
 ed that they fhould not touch the lews, nor their houfes, and befides 
 that, he freed them from one half of the tribuit they were wont to 
 pay to the Perfian. 
 
 But the chiefeft placewhere the lews life, is the Turkifh Empire, 
 where fome of them live in great eftate, even in the Court of the 
 Grand Turke at Conftantinople, by reafon there is no Viceroy, or 
 Governour, or Baffa, which hath not a lew to manage his affaires, 
 and to take care for his efhate : Hence it cometh that in fhort time 
 they grow up to be Lords of great revenues, and they moft frequent- 
 ly bend the minds of Great ones to moft weighty affaires in go- 
 vernment. 
 
 The greateft Viceroy of whole Europe is the Baffaof Egypt; this 
 Baffa always takes to him, by order of the Kingdome, a lew with 
 the title of Zaraf- Baffa ( Threfurer) viz. of all the Revenues of that 
 government, who receaves purfes full of money, feals them, and 
 then fends them to the King. This man in a fhort time grows very 
 rich, for that by his hands as being next to the Baffa, the 24 Go- 
 
 vern- 
 
 (8s) 
 
vernments of that Empire are lould and given, and all other bu- 
 fineffes managed. At prefent he that poffeffeth this place, is cal- 
 led S"'. Abraham Alhula. The number of the lews living in this 
 Kingdome of the Great Turke, is very great, and amounts to ma- 
 ny Millions. In Conftantinople alone there are 48 Synagogues, 
 and in Salaminque 36, and more then fourefcore thoufand foules 
 in thefe two Cities alone. 
 
 The firft King gave them great priviledges which they enjoy 
 untill this day : for befides the liberty, they have every-where, of 
 trading with open fhops, of bearing any Office and poffeffing of 
 any goods, both mooveable and immooveable, he yet graunted 
 them power to judge all Civill caufes according to their own Laws 
 amongfl themfelves. Moreover they are exempted from going to 
 Warres, and that fouldiers Ihould be quartered in their houfes, and 
 that Juflice fhould take no place upon the death of any one that left 
 no heir to his Eftate. 
 
 "Tn all which they are preferred before the naturall Turks them- 
 felves. For which caufe they pay in fome Cittys to the King three 
 Patacons, and in others two and a half by the pole. 
 
 In this eflate fome of the lews have grown to great fortunes; as 
 Jofeph Nafino, unto whom Amatus Lufitanus dedicated his fifth 
 and fixth Centuriae, was by Sultan Solime made Duke of Maccia, 
 Earleof Andro, Seignorof Millo, and thefeaven Iflands: And Ja- 
 cob Ben-Iaes by Sultan Amurat, was made Governour of the Ti- 
 beriades : fo likewife otherswere exalted to very great and Eminent 
 Dignities : as was that Selomo Rofe, that was fent for Ambaffador 
 at Venice, where he confirmed the laft Peace with Amurat. In Ger- 
 many, there lives alfo a great multitude of Jews, efpecially at Prague, 
 Vienna and Franckfurt, very much favoured by the moft mild and 
 moft gracious Emperours, but defpifed of the people, being a Na- 
 tion not very finely garnifhed by reafon of their vile cloathing : yet 
 notwithflanding there is not wanting amongft them perfons of 
 great quality. The Emperour Matthias made Noble both Mardo- 
 chai Mairel, and Ferdinando Jacob Bar Seba. 
 
 But 
 
 (86) 
 
7 
 But yet a greater number of lews are found in the Kingdome of 
 Poland, Pruffia and Lethuania, under which Monarchy they have 
 the Jurifdi(5lion to judge amongfl themfelves all caufes, both Cri- 
 minal and Civil; andalfo great and famous Academiesof theirown. 
 The chief Cities where the Nation liveth, are Lublin and Cracow, 
 where there is a lew, called Ifaac lecells, who built a Synagogue, 
 which flood him in one hundred thoufand Francs, and is worth ma- 
 ny tonsof gold. There is in this placefuch infinite numberof lews; 
 that although the Cofaques in the late warres have killed of them 
 above one hundred and fourefcore thoufand ; yet it is fuflained that 
 they are yet at this day as innumerable as thofe were that came out 
 of Egypt. In that Kingdome the whole Negotiation is in the hand 
 of the lews, the refl of the Chriftians are either all Noble-men, or 
 Ruftiques and kept as flaves. 
 
 In Italy they aregenerally protected by all the Princes: their prin- 
 cipall refidence is in the mofl famous City of Venice ; fo that in that 
 fame City alone they poffeffe about 1400 Houfes; and are ufed 
 there with much courtefy and clemency. Many alfo live in Padoa 
 and Verona ; others in Mantua, and alfo many in Rome it felf. Fi- 
 nally they are fcattered here and there in the chief places of Italy, and 
 do live there with many fpeciall priviledges. 
 
 In the Government of the great Duke of Tufcany, they are by 
 that Prince moft gracioufly & bountifully dealt with, having power 
 from him graunted, to have their Judicatory by themfelves, and 
 to judge in all matters, both Civill and Criminall ; befides many 
 other Priviledges, whereof I my felf have the Copies in hand. The 
 rich and illuflrious families that flourifhed in thefe Countries are 
 many, viz. The Thoraces, who being three Brethren, fhared betwixt 
 them above7oo thoufand Crpwns. In Ferrarawere theViles,whofe 
 flock was above 200 thmjfand Crowns. The Lord Jofeph de Fano, 
 Marquis de Villepefldf; was a man much refpe6led of all the Prin- 
 ces in Italy, and was called by them. The Peace-maker and ap- 
 peafer of all troubles ; becaufe he, by his authority and entremife, 
 was ufed to appeafe all troubles and flrife rifmg amongfl them. 
 
 Don 
 (87) 
 
8 
 
 Don Daniel Rodrigues, becaufe of his prudency and other good 
 qualities, was fent in the year 1589 from the mofl Excellent Senat 
 of Venice into Dalmatia, to appeafe thofe tumults and fcandals 
 given by the Vfquoquibs in Cliffa : which he moft manly effefted, 
 and caufed all the women and children, that were kept|cloofe pri- 
 foners, to be fet at liberty, brought alfo to an happy iffue many 
 other things of great moment, for which he was fent. Alphonfo 1 1, 
 the Duke of Ferrara, fent alfo for his Ambaffador to the Imperiall 
 Majefly, one Abraham de Bondi, to pay and difcharge Invefli- 
 ture of the States of Modena and Reggio. The Prince of Safol and 
 the Marquis of Scandia likewife, had to their Fa6lors men of our 
 Nation. 
 
 In the Kingdome of Barbary, their lives alfo a great number of 
 lews, who-ever cruelly and bafely ufed by that Barbarous Nation, 
 except at Marrocco, the Court and Kings houfe, where they have 
 their Naguid or Prince that governs them, and is their fudge, 
 and is called at this day, Seignor Mofeh Palache: and before him 
 was in the fame Court, that Noble family Ruthes, that had power 
 and lurifdiftion of all kinde of punifhment, onely life and death 
 excepted. 
 
 - In the Low-Countries alfo, the lews are received with great Cha- 
 rity and Benevolency, and efpecially in this moft renowned City 
 of Amfterdam, where there are no leffe then 400 Families ; and 
 how great a trading and Negotiation they draw to that City, ex- 
 perience doth fufficiently witnefs. They have there no leffe then 
 three hundred houfes of their own, enjoy a good part of the Wefl 
 andEafl-IndianCompagnies; and befides have yet tofetforth their 
 Trafiq fuch a ftock. that for fetting a fide, onely one duit of every 
 pound Flemifh for all kind of commodities that enter, and again as 
 much for all what goes out of this town, and what befides we pay 
 yearly of the rents we get from the Eaft-Indian Compagnie to the 
 reliefe and fuftenance of the poore of our Synagogue, that very 
 money amounts ordinarily every year, unto the fumme very neare 
 of 1 2000 Franks; whereby you may eafely conceive what a migh- 
 ty 
 (88) 
 
9 
 ty flock it is they trade with, and what a profit they needs muft 
 bring into this City. 
 
 In Hambourg likewife, a moft famous City of Holface in Ger- 
 many, there lives alfo a hundred families, protedled by the Magi- 
 flrat, though molefled by the people. There refides Sir DuarteNu- 
 nes d'Acofla, Refident for his Majefty the King of Portugal : Ga- 
 briel Gomes, Agentfor his Majefty the Kingof Danemarck.- David 
 de Lima,aIeweller,forthefamehisMajefty; and Emanuel Boccaro 
 Rofales, created by the Emperour a Noble-man and a Count Pala- 
 tin. 
 
 In all thefe places the lews live (in a manner) all of them Mer- 
 chants, and that without any prejudice at all to the Natives: For the 
 Natives, and thofe efpecially that are moft rich, they build them- 
 felves houfes and Palaces, buy Lands and firme goods, aime at 
 Titles and Dignities, and fo feek their reft and contentment that 
 way : But as for the lews, they afpire at nothing, but to preferre 
 themfelves in their way of Marchandize; and fo employing their 
 Capitals, they fend forth the benefit of their labour amongft many 
 and fundry of the Natives, which they, by the trafick of their Ne- 
 gotiation, do enrich. From whence it's eafy to judge of the profit 
 that Princes and Common-wealths do reap, by giving liberty of 
 Religion to the lews, and gathering them by fome fpeciall privi- 
 ledges into their Countries: as Trees that bring forth fuch excellent 
 fruits. 
 
 So that if one Prince, ill advifed, driveth them out of his Land, 
 
 yet another invites them to his; & fhews them favour: Wherein we 
 
 may fee the prophecy of lacob fulfilled in the letter : Thejlaffe {to 
 
 fupport him) Jhall not depart from Jacob, untill Meffias Jhall come. 
 
 And this fhall fufifice concerning the Profit of the lewifh Nation. 
 
 B How 
 
 (89) 
 
lO 
 
 How Faithfull 
 The Nation of the lewes are. 
 
 f^^SHe Fidelity of Vaffals and Subje6ls, is a thing that Princes 
 |moft efteem off: for there-on, both in Peace and Warre, 
 I depends the prefervation of their eftates. And as for this 
 point, in my opinion, they owe much to the Nation of the 
 lews, by reafon of the faithfulneffe and loyalty they fhow to all Po- 
 tentates that receive and protefl them in their Countries. For fet- 
 ting afide the Hiftories of the Ptolomies, Kings of Egypt, who did 
 not trufl the Guard of their perfons, nor the keeping of their Forts, 
 nor the mofh important affairs of their Kingdome to any other Na- 
 tion with greater fatisfa6lion then to the lews; the Wounds of An- 
 tipaterfhewed to luliusCaefar in token of his loyalty, and the brafen 
 Tables of our Anceftours amongft the Romans, are evident wit- 
 neffes enough of their fidelity fhewed unto them. 
 
 In Spaine the lewsof Burgos; as the Chronicles do declare, moft 
 generoufly fhewed the very fame fidelity in the times of Don Hen- 
 rique; who having killed his Brother, the King, Don Pedro de 
 Cruel, made himfelf Lord of all his Kingdomes, and brought un- 
 der his obedience all the Grandees and people of Spaine: Only the 
 lews of Burgos denyed to obey him, and fortified themfelves with- 
 in the City, faying, That God would never have it, that theyjhould 
 deny obedience to theirNaturallLordDonPedrofirto his rightfullfuc- 
 cejfours. A confhancy that the prudent King, Don Henriques, very 
 much efteemed of, faying, that fuch Vaffals as thofe were, by Kings 
 and great men, worthy of much account, feeing they held greater 
 refpe6l to the fidelity they ought to their King, although conquered 
 anddead, thantothe prefent fortune of the Conquerour: And a while 
 3.{t&r,r:tc&WmgveYy honourable conditions,tkey gavethemfelves over. 
 InSpainalfo(as5'oumayfeein Mariana) many lewes forthefame 
 fidelity were appointed Governours of the Kingdome, and Tu- 
 tors 
 (90) 
 
1 1 
 tors of Noble-mens children, jointly to others of the Nobility up- 
 on the death of their Parents. 
 
 The Chronicles of the Xarifes, dedicated to King Philip the fe- 
 cond, King of Spaine, alleagues for an example of great fidelity and 
 vertue, how the rifing of the Xarifes againft the Morines, their kil- 
 ling and fpoyling them of the Kingdome, was fuch a great grief un- 
 to Samuel Alvalenfi, one of thofe banifhed out of Spaine, and much 
 favoured by the King of Fez, defcended from the houfe of the Mo- 
 rines; that joyninghimfelf with other Magiftrates,andfubje6i;sof the 
 Morines, arming fome fhips and going himfelf Captain over all, he 
 came fuddenly with 400. men, and fell by night upon the Army of 
 the Xarifes, that were more then 3000. men, befieging Copta, and 
 without lofmg one man, killed of them above 500. and caufed 
 them to raife the (lege. 
 
 Many the like Examples may be brought of times paft; but for 
 our prefent; and modern times there is noExemple fo evident, as in 
 the befieging of Mantua for the Emperour in the year 1 630, where 
 the lews fought moft valiantly, and refcued it from the Natives. As 
 likewife in the Seignory of Brafil, where the fame thing was done: 
 for oneof the fame Nation, a Dutchman, having delivered the Cape 
 unto the Portugals, there was found in our Nation there not only 
 loyalty, but alfo fuch difcretion, that had they taken their advife,the 
 bufinefs had not fo proceeded. 
 
 This may be feen more clearly yet in their being banifhed out of 
 Caflile, in the dayesof Ferdinand & Ifabella. Their number at that 
 time was fuppofed to have been half a Milion of men, amongfl 
 whom were many of great valour, & courage (as Don Ifaac Abar- 
 banel, a Counfellor of State, doth relate) & yet amongft fo great a 
 number, there was not found any one man, that undertook to raife 
 a party to free themfelvesfrom that moft miferable banifhment. An 
 evident fign of the proper and naturall refolution of this Nation, 
 and their conflant obedience to their Princes. 
 
 The fame affe(5lion is confirmed by the inviolable cuflome of 
 all the lews wherefoever they live : for on every Sabbath or fefli- 
 
 B 2 vail 
 
 (91) 
 
12 
 
 ( vail Day, they every where are ufed to pray for the fafety of all 
 
 1 Kings, Princes and Common-wealths, under whofe jurifdidlion 
 
 [they live, of what profeffion-foever : unto which duty they are 
 
 bound by the Prophets and the Talmudifts ; from the Law, as by 
 
 leremie chap. 29. verf. 7. Seek the peace of the City unto which I have 
 
 made you to wander : and pray for her unto the Lord, for in her Peace 
 
 youfhall enjoy peace. H e fpeaks of Babylon, where the I ews at that 
 
 time were captives. From the Talmud ord. 4. traft. 4. Abodazara 
 
 pereq. i . Pray for the peace of the Kingdome,for unleffe there were 
 
 feare of the Kingdome, men would fwallow one the other alive, &c. 
 
 From the continuall and never broken Cuftome of the lews 
 wherefoever they are, on the Sabbath-Day, or other folemn Feafts; 
 at which time all the lews from all places come together to the Sy- 
 nagogue, after the benedi6lion of the Holy Law, before the Mini- 
 fler of the Synagogue bleffeth the people of the lews; with aloud 
 voice he bleffeth the Prince of the Country under whom they live, 
 that all the lews may hear it, and fay, Amen. The words he ufeth 
 are thefe, as in the printed book of the lews may be feen : He that 
 givethfalvation unto Kings, and dominionunto Lords, he that delive- 
 red his fervant David from thefwordoftheEnemy, he that made a way 
 intheSea,andapathintheflrangewaters,bleffeandkeep,preferveand 
 refcue, exalt and magnify, and lift up higher and higher, our Lord. 
 [And then he names, the Pope, the Emperour, King, Duke, or any 
 other Prince under whom the lews live, and add's : ] The King of 
 kings defend him in his mercy, making him joy full, &free him from all 
 dangers anddiflreffe. The Kingof kings, f or hisgoodnefsfake, raifeup 
 and exalt his planetary fiar, & multiply hisdayesover his Kingdome. 
 The King of kings forhismercies fake, put into his heart, andinto the 
 heart of his Counfellers, (^thofethatattendandadminifiertohim, that 
 he may fiew mercy unto us, & unto allthe people oflfrael. Inhisdayes 
 and in our dayes, letludah befafe, andlfrael dwell fecurely, and let the 
 Redeemer come to \frael, andfo mayitpleafeGod. A men. Thefeare the 
 very formalities fet down word for word, which the lewes, by the 
 command of God, received from the Talmud, do ufe in their pra- 
 yers 
 (92) 
 
13 
 yers for Princes, under whofe government they refide. And there- 
 fore wife Princes are wont to banifh from their Courts falfe re- 
 ports. And moft wife i?. Simon Ben-lochai, inhis excellent book cal- 
 ledZoarin Sarafa Pecudi, relates, thatzVwa Traditionreceivedfrom 
 Heaven, that the Kings of the Nations of the world. Princes, Gover- 
 nours, that protect the lews in thisworld, ordothem any good, that the 
 fame fhall enjoy certain degrees of glory, or eternall reward; as on the 
 other fide, they that do to the Nation of the lews any harm, that they 
 fhallbe punifhedwith fame particular eternal punifhment. As ap- 
 peareth alfo out of Efa. the laft chapter. 
 
 Thus you fee the Fidelity of the lews to wards their Gover- 
 nours clearly proved. Now, that no man may think that their ba- 
 nifhment out of Spaign & Portugal, proceeded from any fufpition 
 or faults of theirs, I fhall clearly rehearfe the reafon of fo fudden a 
 determination, and what the thoughts of many Chriftian Princes 
 have been there-upon. The bufmefs was thus : Ferdinand and Ifa- 
 bella, Governours of Caflile, having gained the Kingdome of Gra- 
 nada, of which they took poffeffion on the fifth of lanuary, they re- 
 folved to thruft out all the lews that lived in their Kingdomes, and 
 fo on the laft of March, they made an Edi6l in the fariie City, in 
 which they expreffed : That feeing the lews in their Countries drew 
 manyChriflians to turn lews, and efpeciallyfome Noble-men of their 
 Kingdome of Andaluzia,that for this caufetheybanifhedthemunder 
 mofi heavy penalties, &c. So that the caufe of their banifhment was 
 not any difloyalty at all. 
 
 Now what amongft many others in all Chriflendom, one famous 
 Lawyer in Rome, and Oforius an excellent and moft eloquent Hi- 
 florian have thought, I fhall here relate. I n the year 1 49 2 ('faith the 
 Lawyer^ Ferdinand, called the Catholick, being King of Spain, 
 drove out of his Country all the lews that were living there from 
 the time of the Babylonian and Roman Captivity, and were very 
 rich in houfes and goods : and that upon pain, if they went not a- 
 way within the term of fix moneths, that all their houfes and 
 goods fliould be confifcated unto the Exchequer, which as 
 
 B 3 we 
 
 (93) 
 
14 
 
 we have faid, were very great. Whereupon they leaving the King- 
 dome of Caftile, they went over many of them into Portugal, as be- 
 ing the neareft place. Inthe year 1497, there being an Alliance con- 
 tradled between the Kings of Caftile and Portugal; the Jews at the 
 requeft of the faid King Ferdinand, were banifhed out of Portugal; 
 but it being againft the will of Emanuel, King of Portugal, to have 
 them banifhed out of his Country, he refolved to oblidge them to 
 become Chriftians, promifing never to moleft them, neither in 
 Criminall matters, nor in the loffe of their goods; and exempted 
 them from many burdens, and Tributs of the Kingdome. This E- 
 manuel being dead, John III, fucceeded in his place in the King- 
 dome of Portugal, who beingexcitedby others, faid, That what his 
 Father Emanuel had done, concerning the not-troubling them, was 
 of no valew, becaufe they lived not as was convenient, & that with- 
 out the authority of the Pope of Rome, his father could not graunt 
 any fuch thing : for which caufe he would that for thofe that lived 
 amiffe, they ftiould be proceeded againft, as againft the Mores in 
 Caftile: And fending to Rome to difanull the faid promifes, it was 
 not onely not graunted to him, but moreover they reprooved his 
 appearance there, and praifed and approoved the promifes made 
 by his Father Emanuel to the Jewes,publiftiingagenerall pardon to 
 all that were taken, which were about 1 500, and they all were fet 
 free. Which Bull was graunted by Clement VII. by the interven- 
 tion of all the Confiftory of Cardinals. Afterwards the faid king 
 John fent once again to defire the former Licence with fo many re- 
 plications and triplications, that at length the Pope granted it: But 
 a few dales after it was revoked again with a generall Pardon to all 
 that were taken, which were 12000, with fuch a determination, 
 that thefame Licence fhould never be graunted, as being againft all 
 right and reafon. This troubled Don John the King very much, 
 and withall the Cardinal his brother, who came in thefe laft dayes 
 to be King of Portugal himfelf. Great Paul III, of the houfe of 
 Farnefia, fucceeding to Clement the VII. there was a requeft ren- 
 dred to the Pope for power to bring in the Inquifition into this 
 
 King- 
 (94) 
 
15 
 Kingdome. The Pope would not graunt it, faying : He could not, 
 and that it was a thing againft reafon and luflice, but on the con- 
 trary confirmed the promifes made by the King Don Emanuel, his 
 Father ; and pardoned all the delinquents fmce the time of vio- 
 lence unto that day. Don lohn feeing this, fent an Embaffadour 
 meerly for that bufineffe to the Pope, but could obtain nothing at 
 all : for which caufe King lohn refolved to entreat the Emperour 
 Charles the V. then paffmg for Rome, as Conquerour over the 
 Turks, having wonn Tunis and Goleta, that in this his Triumph 
 he would take occafion to defire this favour from the Pope, that 
 the King of Portugal might fet up the Inquifition in his Kingdome, 
 it being an old cuftome that thofe that triumphed, fhould aske 
 fomethingof the Pope that they moft defired. The Emperour than 
 having defired this, the Pope anfwered him, that he could not do 
 it by reafon of the agreement made, and the promifes of the King 
 Don Emanuel ; which he had found by an Apoftolicall Nuntio in 
 Portugal in the year 1497, at which time the lewes were forced 
 and compelled to become Chriftians. The Emperour replyed. Let 
 that finne fall on him, and the Prince his fonne, the Apoftolicall 
 feat fhall be free from it. So the Pope graunted it ; becaufe the Em- 
 perour Charles the V. was brother in law to King Don lohn of 
 Portugal; andbefides they treated atthat time to enterfurther inaf- 
 finity, and to marry their children, which fince was effefted. After 
 Paul the III. graunted this, there was a new Pardon given in gene- 
 rail to all that were taken unto that time, amounting the Number 
 unto 1800. But the King refufing to obey the Pardon, and to 
 free the Prifonners, the Pope tooke it very ill, and fent for this 
 onely bufineffe for his Nuntio, one Monfegnor Monte Palici- 
 ano, who fince was Cardinal of the Church of Rome. And 
 the King for all this not obeying, the Pope made the Nuntio to 
 fix the Pardon upon the doores of the Cathedrall Churches, 
 and the Nuntio caufed the Prifons to be opened, and there were 
 fet free about 1800 prifoners. He that follicited this bufineffe 
 at Rome was one Seignor Duarte de Paz, a Cavallier of the Order 
 
 of 
 (95) 
 
i6 
 
 of St, lohn: whom to fearch out there were appointed at Rome ten 
 men difguifed ; thefe having found him, gave him fifteen wounds, 
 and left him for dead : thus wounded, he was carried to the houfe 
 of Seignor PhiHp Eftrozi : This being reported to the Pope, 
 Paul the III. he caufed him to be carried to the Caftle of S. Ange- 
 lo, where he gave order to have him nobly cured. That fame Sei- 
 gnor was by the Pope, by all the Cardinals and the whole Court in 
 great refpe6l. At the fame time that this man was hurt, the Empe- 
 rour Charles the V. was at Rome with his Army, On the time 
 when he began to treat of this bufineffe with Clement the VII, fee- 
 ing the Kings importunity, he made a Bull and gave licence to all 
 the Portugals of that Nation of the lews; that they might go and 
 live in the Church- Dominions, & whofoever will come in the faid 
 Dominions, that he fhall have freedom to live, as at the firft, in his 
 lewifh profeffion, and that at no time they fhould be enquired into, 
 but after the fame manner as they were wont to live in Portugal, fo 
 they fhould live there. The faid Bull paffed all the Confiflory ; and 
 being confirmed and received by the faid Portugals, they began 
 fome of them to depart to live in Ancona, being a fea-port more 
 commodious then others: which being known by the King and 
 Cardinal of Portugal, they caufed to be proclaimed in all the King- 
 dome, that upon paine of death, and loffe of all their goods, no 
 man fhould dare depart the Kingdome. Clement being dead, in his 
 place fucceeded (as we havejaid) Pope Paul the III. who confir- 
 med the fame Privil edges: Afterwards in the year 1550. Paul the 
 III. died, and Julius the III. fucceeded, who ratified the fore-men- 
 tioned Priviledges given by his Predeceffours,and the whole Apo- 
 flolikeSeatinviolably. Inthofetimes therewere many Dodlors that 
 wrote on this matter, amongft whom the chiefefl were Alciat, and 
 the Cardinal Parifius in 2&2iP^^^^ ConJiliorumproChriftianis no- 
 viter converjis; fhewing by reafon and law, that confidering they 
 were forced and not converted willingly, that they had not fallen 
 nor do fall under any Cenfure. Thefe reafons being confidered of 
 by the Princes of Italy, they graunted likewife thefame Priviledges: 
 
 viz. 
 (96) 
 
viz. Cofmo the Great, Duke of Florence, and Hercules, Duke of 
 Ferrare,and within few years Emanuel Felibert, Duke of Savoye; 
 and were by all his fucceffours confirmed. In the year 1492, when 
 they were baniflied from Caftile, we read in the Chronicles of that 
 Kingdome, that the Lords of that place did complain that their Ci- 
 ties and Towns were deftroyed and dis-inhabitated ; and had they 
 believed any fuch thing, that they would have oppofed the Kings 
 decree, and would never have given their confent to it. That 
 was the caufe, that Don Emanuel of Portugal, feeing on the one 
 fide apparent dammage, fhould he let them depart his King- 
 dome ; and on the otherfide, not being able to break his pro- 
 mife made to the King of Caftile, he caufed them to be com- 
 pelled to the Faith, upon paine of Death, that they fhould not 
 depart out of his Dominions. The Catholiq King was blamed 
 of all Chriftian Princes, and efpecially by the Senate of Ve- 
 nice, (as Marcus Antonius Sabellicus doth write) for having bani- 
 flied a Nation fo profitable to the Publicq and Particular good, 
 without any kind of pretence. And fo the Parliament of Paris like- 
 wife did extreamly wonder at fuch a determination. And truely 
 good reafon there was to wonder; for we fee fince, what the Senat 
 of Venice hath done, who never deliberats or puts into execution 
 any thing, without great judgement >^aving the advantage of all 
 Republicqs in their Government and leaving behind them 
 the Romans, Carthagenians, Athenians, and moft learned La- 
 cedemonians, and that Parliament of Paris, which in the Go- 
 vernment of affaires was alwayes moft prudent. Moft of thofe 
 that were baniflied paffed to the Levant, who were embraced by 
 the Ottoman-family! all the fucceeding Kings wondring at it, that 
 the Spanjards, who make profeffion to be a politiq Nation, fhould 
 drive out of their kingdomes fuch a people.X. Moreover Sultan 
 Bajazet, and Sultan Soliman, received them exceeding well, the 
 coming of the lews to them being very acceptable: and fo did like- 
 wife all their fucceffours, confidering of how great a profit and be- 
 nefit their refiding in their Dominions was. /And in the year 1555. 
 
 C Paul 
 
 (97) 
 
i8 
 
 Paul the IV. being chofen Pope of Rome, who before was called 
 Cardinal de Chiefi, an intimate to the Cardinal of Portugal, cau- 
 fed the lewes to be held in Ancona, & other places of the Church, 
 according to the Priviledges graunted to them by the Popes, his 
 Predeceffours in the name of the Apoftolical Roman feat. Licur- 
 gus, Solon and Draco, and all Founders of Commonwealths, gave 
 counfell that ftfangers ought to be loved and much made of, as in 
 the Difcourfes of Se. in 7 deLegibusdeRep. is amply to be feen. And 
 by the Divine Law (as Mofes commanded us) we ought not to 
 trouble a flranger, but he fayes. Remember you werejlrangers in the 
 Land of Egypt. 
 
 In fumme, to the fame purpofe might be brought many other 
 and more powerfull reafons, but becaufe they are out of our confi- 
 deration, we paffe them over. And here to declare fome particu- 
 lars, worthy to be known for advife and example, that befell our 
 Nation in thofe bitter banifhments; part whereof Hieronymus O- 
 forius recites more at large, in the firfl of his elegant two Books de 
 Rebus Emanuelis. The firfl title he giveth to thofe miferable fuc- 
 ceffes, is this, which he puts for a Poflil in the margent of his booke, 
 ludcBorum L iberipervim. adChristianifmumpertraSii: and than re- 
 hearfes, how that in the year 1496 the King decreed, that all the 
 lewes and Mores, that dwelt in his Kingdome, and would not be- 
 come Chriftians, fhould depart his Dominions in a fhort time ; 
 which being pafl, all that fhould be found in his Kingdome, fhould 
 loofe their liberty, and become flaves to the King. The time being 
 now at hand (as Oforius proceeds) in which the lewes, that would 
 not turne Chriftians, were to depart the Kingdome, and all of them 
 as many as they were, had with all their power provided, and taken 
 a firme refolution to be gone: which the King feeing, and not able 
 to endure it, thought upon a bufineffe (as he iaxxki) fa£lo quidem i- 
 niquam & injujiam, which to do was really wicked and unjuft, and 
 that was to command that all the children of the Ifraelites, that 
 were not above 14 years old, fhould be taken out of the power of 
 their own Parents ; & when they had them, they fhould force them 
 
 to 
 
 (98) 
 
19 
 to become Chriftians; a new thing that could not be done without 
 a wonderfull alteration of their minds : for it was (as Oforius fpeaks) 
 a horrid and miferable fpeftacle, to fee the tender Infants wreftled 
 out of the arms and brefts of their lamenting mothers, to dragge a- 
 long their poore fathers that held them faft, and to give them 
 many wounds and blows to draw them out of their handes ; to hear 
 their cryes that afcend to heaven, their groanes, lamentations, and 
 complaints every-where, fo that this cruelty was the caufe, that 
 many of thofe diftreffed Fathers threw their children into wells, 
 and others killed themfelves with their own hands, that they might 
 notfee fo bitter a thing with their eyes. Thecruelty of Emanuel en- 
 ded not here, but going on with compulfion and revilings, gave 
 caufe to his owne Chronographer to make the fecond title or po- 
 flil, with thefe words ; Vis& Dolus\udcBisillata : That is, The force 
 and deceit ufed towards the I ewes. And fo he goes on, declaring 
 how he had promifed in the condition they had made, that he 
 would affigne them three Ports in his Kingdome to embarque at, 
 viz. Lisbon, Setuval, and Puerto : and nevertheleffe he forbad them 
 afterwards to embarque themfelves in any place but Lisbon : for 
 which caufe all the I ewes of the Kingdome came to that City, from 
 whence befides a thoufand moleftations and extortions, he drove 
 them (as Vafquo faith) as fheep in the ftalls, and there forced 
 their afBifted bodies to counterfeit, that which their foules and 
 thoughts never meant nor approoved of Works, of which his 
 own Chronologer faith, Fuit hoc quidem neque ex Lege, neque ex 
 religionefaSlum. That is. This was done neither according to Law, 
 nor Religion. Let men of clear mind, and free from paffion con- 
 fider for Gods fake, if fuch violences can work any good impref- 
 fion or chara6ler in men : or what Law, either Humain or Divine, 
 National or Modern, can bear, that the fouls of men f'which the 
 Moft High hath created free^ be forced to believe what they be- 
 lieve not, and to love what they hate ? This cruelty was reproved 
 and cenfure of many Princes of the world and learned men. And 
 his own Chronologer reprehends it with a new poftil, and fpeaks 
 
 C 2 freely ; 
 
 (99) 
 
20 
 
 freely ; Regis in Xudceos facinorum reprehenjio. That is, A cenfure 
 of the Kings wickedneffe againft the lews. Truely with juft reafon 
 doth Oforius call the works, which the King did unto us, Iniqui- 
 ties andinjujlices, deceitfull violences, and wicked attempts : and fo 
 goes on, reproving them with moft elegant Reafons, 
 
 Further what happened to the lews under other Princes in other 
 Kingdomes and Countries, is notorious and enough known to 
 all the world, and therefore not neceffary here to relate. So farre 
 concerning their Bannifhment. 
 
 Now, I will not conceale to fay, but that alwayes there 
 have bene found fome calumniators, that endeavouring to 
 make the Nation infamous, laid upon them tAree mojl falfe re- 
 ports, as \{they were dangerous to the Goods, the Lives, and withall 
 to the very Souls of the Natives. They urge againfl them their ufu- 
 ries, ^& flaying of infants to celebrate their Paffe-over, and the 
 inducing Chriflians to become lews. To all which I ftiall anfwer 
 briefly. 
 
 I. As for ufury, fuch dealing is not the effential property of the 
 lews, for though in Germany there be fome indeed that praflife 
 ufury; yet the moft part of them that live in Turky, Italy, Holland 
 and Hamburg, being come out of Spaigne, they hold it infamous 
 to ufe it ; and fo with a very fmall profit of 4. or 5, per Cent, as Chri- 
 ftians themfelves do, they put their money ordinarily in Banco : 
 for to lay out their money without any profit, was commanded on- 
 ly toward their brethren of the fame N ation of the I ews ; but not to 
 any other Nation. And however by this Charity is not hurt : for 
 it flands in good reafon, that every on fhould gain and get fome 
 advantage with his money, to fuftaine his own life : and when any 
 one to fupply his own wants, doth take fome courfe of Marchan- 
 dife, by which he hopes to gaine by other mens moneys taken up 
 on trufl, 'tis no inhumanity to reckon and take from him 
 ufe : For as no man is bound to give his goods to an other; fo is 
 he not bound to let it out, but for his own occafions and profit, 
 and not to leave himfelf deftitute of the profit he could make 
 
 of 
 
 (100) 
 
21 
 
 of the monyes. Onely this rnuft be done with moderation, that the 
 ufury be not biting and exorbitant, which theChriftians themfelves 
 ufe, amongft themfelves; as even in the Mounts of Piety at Padua, 
 Vicenza and Verona is to be feen, where they take 6 par Cent, and 
 elfewhere yet much more. This in no manner can be called Robbe- 
 ry, but is with confent and will of the Contra6ler; and the fame Sa- 
 cred Scripture, which allows ufury with him that is not of the fame 
 Religion, forbids abfolutely the robbing of all men, whatfoever 
 Religion they be of. In our Law it is a greater fmne to rob or de- 
 fraud a ftranger, than if I did it to one of my own profeffion : be- 
 caufe a Jew is bound to fhew his charity to all men: for he hath a 
 precept, not to abhorre an Idumean, nor an Egyptian; and that he 
 fhall loveandprote6laftranger that comes to live in his land. If not- 
 withftanding there be fome that do contrary to this, they do it not 
 as lewes limply, but as wicked lewes, as amongft all nations there 
 are found generally fome Ufurers. 
 
 2. Asior killingofiheyoungckildrenofChri^ians;i\.isa.mniaX[ih\Q 
 truth what is reported of the Negros of Guinea and Brazil, that if 
 theyfee anymiferable man that hath efcapedfrom the dangerof the 
 fea, or hath fallen or fuffered any kind of ill-fortune, or Shipwrake, 
 theyperfecute and vex himfo much the more, faying, Godcurfethee. 
 And wee that live not amongft the Blacke-moors and wild-men,^ 
 but amongft the white and civilized people of the world, yet wee 
 find this an ordinary courfe, that men are very prone to hate and 
 defpife him that hath ill fortune; and on the other fide, to make 
 much of thofe whom fortune doth favour. Hereof the Chriftians 
 themfelves have good experience ; for during the timesof their fup- 
 preffion and perfecution under the Roman Empire, they were falfe- 
 ly flandred of divers Emperours and tyrannicall Princes. Nero 
 accufed them, that they had fet Rome on fire ; Others, that 
 they were Witches and Conjurers ; and others againe that 
 they flew their children to celebrate their Ceremonies, as wee 
 find in divers Authors. Even fo likewife it is with the Jewifti 
 Nation, that now is difperfed and afflidled, though they have 
 
 C 3 mo- 
 
 (101) 
 
22 
 
 moneys : There is no flander nor calumny that is not call upon 
 them, even the very fame ancient fcandall that was call of old upon 
 the innocent Chriftians, is now laid upon the Jews. Whereas the 
 whole world may eafely perceive, it is but a meer flander, feeing 
 it is known that at this day, out of Jerufalem, no facrifice nor blood 
 is in any ufe by them, even that blood which is found in an Egg is 
 forbidden them, how much more mans blood ? Moreover I could 
 produce divers memorable examples which out in our own times 
 in Araguza to a Jew : how he was accufed of this fame wickednefs, 
 and not confeffing it, how they imprifoned him betwixt to walls, 
 and being in that dillreffe, how he cited before God all the Judges, 
 to anfwer there for what they did ; and how within a year after, 
 many of the ludges died.and thofe that lived, fearing the like might 
 befall them, and loofe their lives, fet him free : But I mufl not be too 
 prolix ; it may fuffice to fay, that by the Pope himfelf it was defined 
 in full Counfell the accufation to be falfe; and fo likewife judged 
 all the Princes of Italy; as alfo Alphonfo the Wife, King of Spain, 
 and that it was onely a meer invention to drink the blood, and to 
 fwallow up the goods of the harmleffe lews. 
 
 3. As for the third Point, I fay, that although Ferdinand & I fa- 
 bell, giving colour to fo indifcreet a determination, faid, that they 
 induced the Nobles to become lews, yet truely this cannot be faid, 
 but by fome falfe informations. For if fo be, amongft thofe diffi- 
 culties and impoffibilities, it may happen, that fome of the Se6l of 
 the Papifts, of a better mind, embrace the lewifh Religion; it can- 
 not therefore be prefumed, that they were induced thereunto by 
 the lews ; feeing the lews do not entice any man to profeffe their 
 Law : But if any man of his own free-will come to them, they by 
 their rites & Ceremonies are obliged to make proof of them, whe- 
 ther they come for any temporall intereft, and to perfuade them to 
 look well to themfelves what they do : that the Law unto which 
 they are to fubmit themfelves, is of many precepts ; and doth ob- 
 lige the tranfgreffor to many fore punilhments. And fo we follow 
 the example of Nahomi, cited in the Sacred Scripture, who did 
 
 not 
 (102) 
 
23 
 
 not perfuade Ruth to go along with her; but faid firft to her: Orpa 
 thyjyierreturnedto her Nation and her Gods ; go thou and follow her. 
 But Ruth continuing conftant, then at length {he received her. 
 
 Befides this, the lews indeed have reafon to take care for their 
 own prefervation ; and therefore will not go about by fuch wayes 
 to make themfelves odious to Princes and Common-wealths, un- 
 der whofe Dominions they live. 
 
 Now, becaufe I beleive, that with a good confcience I have dif- 
 charged our Nation of the lews of thofe three flanders or calum- 
 nies, as elfewhere I have more at large written about it; I conceive 
 I may from thofe two qualities, of Profitableneffe and Fidelity con- 
 clude, that fuch a Nation ought to be well entertained, and alfo be- 
 loved and protected generally of all. The more, confidering they 
 are called in the Sacred Scriptures, the Sons of God; and 'tis faid 
 by all the Prophets, that they who fhall wrong them, fhall be mofl 
 feverely punifhed ; and that he that toucheth them, toucheth the 
 apple of Gods eye. And at leaf!;, it was alwayes the opinion of Au- 
 guftine, as he made it appear in his works Libr. de DoSlrina Chri- 
 Jiianacap. 28. where he faith. Quod omnes homines ceque diligendi 
 funt. That all men are equally to be beloved. 
 
 Now,having proved the two former Points. I could adde a third, 
 viz. of the Nobility of the lews : but becaufe that Point is enough 
 known amongfl all Chriflians, as lately yet it hath been moft 
 worthily and excellently fhewed and defcribed in a certain Book, 
 called, The Glory of lehudah andlfrael,dedica.ted to our Nation by 
 that worthy Chriftian Minifter Mr. Henry lejjey, f'1653. in Duch) 
 where this matter is fet out at large : And by Mr. Edw. Nicholas 
 Genleman, in his Book, called. An Apologiefor the Honorable Na- 
 tion of the lews, and all theSonsof Ifraeli^ 1 648. in Englifh.) There- 
 fore I will here forbeare, and reft on their faying of our King Salo- 
 mon, the wifeft on earth. Let another mans mouth praife thee, and 
 not thine own. Which is the clofe of Rabbi Meneffe Ben-lfrael, 
 a Divine, and Dodlor in Phylick, in the Strand over againfl the 
 New-Exchange in London. 
 
 FINIS. 
 (103) 
 

V I N D I C I tE 
 
 JUDiEORUM, 
 
 O R A 
 
 LETTER 
 
 In Anfwer to certain Queftions propounded by 
 
 a Noble and Learned Gentleman, touching 
 
 the reproaches caft on the Nation of the 
 
 Jewes; wherein all objections are 
 
 candidly, and yet fully cleared. 
 
 'By Rabbi Menafleh Ben Ifrael a Divine 
 and a ^hyjicyan. 
 
 Printed by !?^. Z). in the year 1656. 
 
 (i°S) 
 
(1) 
 
 Moji Nolle, and Learned Sir, 
 
 Have received a letter from your worfhipj which 
 was welcome to me ; and I read it, becaufe yours, 
 with great delight ; if you will pleafe to allow for 
 the unpleafantnefle of the fubjeft. For I do af- 
 fure your worfhip, I never met with any thing in 
 my life which I did more deeply refent, for that it 
 reflefteth upon the credit of a nation, which amongft fo many 
 calumnies, fo manifeft, (and therefore fhamefull) I dare to pro- 
 nounce innocent. Yet I am afraid, that whilft I anfwer to them, 
 I (hall offend fome, whofe zeal will not permit them to confider, 
 that felf vindication, as defenfive armes, is naturall to all ; but to 
 be wholly filent, were to acknowledge what is fo falfly objefted. 
 Wherefore that I may juftifie my felf to my own confcience, I 
 have obeyed your worfhips commands : for your requeft muft 
 not be accounted leffe, at leafl: by me. I prefume your worfhip 
 cannot expeft either prolix, or polite difcourfes upon fo fad a 
 fubjeft ; for who can be ambitious in his own calamity ? I have 
 therefore difpatcht onely fome concife, and brief relations, bare- 
 ly exceeding the bounds of a letter; yet fuch as may fuffice you, 
 to inform the Rulers of the English nation, of a truth mofl: reall, 
 and fincere ; which I hope they will accept in good part, according 
 to their noble, and Angular prudence and piety. For innocencie 
 being alwayes mofl: free from fufpefting evil, I cannot be per- 
 fwaded, that any one hath either fpoken, or written againfl; us, 
 out of any particular hatred that they bare us, but that they ra- 
 ther fuppofed our coming might prove prejudiciall to their e- 
 fliates, and intereftsj charity alwayes beginning at home. Yet 
 notwithfl:anding I propounded this matter under an argument of 
 profit (for this hath made us welcome in other countries) and 
 
 A a there- 
 
 (107) 
 
(a) 
 therefore I hope I may prove what I undertake. However, I have 
 but fmall encouragement to expedi: the happy attainment of any 
 other defign, but onely that truth may be juftified of her 
 children. I fhall anfwer in order to what your worfliip hath pro- 
 pofed. 
 
 THE FIRST SECTION. 
 
 ANd in the firft place, I cannot but weep bitterly, and with 
 much anguifh of foul lament that ftrange and horrid ac- 
 cufation of fome Chriftians againft the difperfed, and affli- 
 &ed lewes that dwell among them, when they fay (what I tremble 
 to write) that the lewes are wont to celebrate the feaft of unlea- 
 vened bread, fermenting it with the bloud of fome Chriftians, 
 whom they have for this purpofe killed : when the calumniators 
 themfelves have moft barbaroufly and cruelly butchered fome 
 of them. Or to fpeak more mildly, have found one dead, 
 and caft the corps, as if it had been murdered by the lewes, into 
 their houfes or yards, as lamentable experience hath proved in 
 fundry places: and then with unbridled rage and tumult, they ac- 
 cufe the innocent lews, as the committers of this mofl: execrable 
 fa6l. Which deteftable wickedneife hath been fometimes perpe- 
 trated, that they might thereby take advantage to exercife their 
 cruelty upon them ; and fometimes to juftifie, and patronize their 
 maflacres already executed. But how farre this accufation is 
 from any femblable appearance of truth, your worfliip may judge 
 by thefe following arguments. 
 
 I. It is utterly forbid the lewes to eat any manner of bloud 
 whatfoever, Levit. Chapter 7. 2,6. and Deuter. la. where it is ex- 
 prefly faid DT b'2^, Avd ye shall eat no manner of bloud, and in obe- 
 dience to this command the lewes eat not the bloud of any ani- 
 mal. And more then this, if they find one drop of bloud in an 
 egge, they caft it away as prohibited. And if in eating a piece of 
 bread, it happens to touch any bloud drawn from the teeth, or 
 gummes, it muft be pared, and cleanfed from the faid bloud, as 
 it evidenely appeares in Sulhan Haruck and our rituall book. 
 Since then it is thus, how can it enter into any mans heart to be- 
 lieve 
 (108) 
 
(3) 
 lieve that they fhould eat humane bloud, which is yet more de- 
 teftable, there being fcarce any nation now remaining upon 
 earth fo barbarous, as to commit fuch wickednefle ? 
 
 a. The precept in the Decalogue Thou shalt not kill is of gene- 
 rail extent ; it is a morall command. So that the lewes are bound 
 not onely, not to kill one of thofe nations where they live, but 
 they are alfo oblig'd by the law of gratitude, to love them. They 
 are the very words of R. Mofes of Egypt in lad a Razaka, in his 
 treatife of Kings, the tenth Chapter, in the end. Concerning the na- 
 tions, the ancientshave commanded us tovijit their Jick and to hury their 
 dead, as the dead of Ifrael,and to relieve, and maintain their poor,aswe 
 do the poor of Ifrael, iecaufe of the wayes of peace, as it is written, 
 God is good to all, and his tender mercies are over all his works. Pfal. 
 145. 9. And in conformity hereto, I witneffe before God blef- 
 fed for ever, that I have continually feen in Arnfierdam where I re- 
 fide, abundance of good correfpondency, many interchanges of 
 brotherly affeftion, and fundry things of reciprocall love. I 
 have thrice feen when fome Flemine Chriftians have fallen into 
 the river in our ward, called Flemhurgh, our nation caft them- 
 felves into the river to them, to help them out, and to deliver 
 their lives from death. And certainly he that will thus hazard 
 himfelf to fave another, cannot harbour fo much cruell malice, 
 as to kill the innocent, whom he ought out of the duty of huma- 
 nity to defend and proteft. 
 
 3. It is forbidden Exodus 31. ao. to kill a ftranger; If a man 
 fmite hisfervant, or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he 
 shall fur ely be punished,notwith/ianding, if he continue aday or two, he 
 shall not l>e punished, for he is hismoney. The text fpeaks of a fervant 
 that is one of the Gentile nations, becaufe that he onely is faid to 
 be the money of the lew, who is his mafter, as Ahen Ezra well notes 
 upon the place. And the Lord commands, that if he die under 
 the hand of his mafler, his mafter fliall be put to death, for that as 
 it feems, he flruck him with a murderous intent. But it is otherwife 
 if the fervant dies afterwards, for then it appeares, that he did not 
 ftrike him with a purpofe to kill him ; for if fo, he would have killed 
 him Out of hand, wherefore he fhall be free, and it may fuffice for 
 punifliment that he hath loft his money. If therefore a lew cannot 
 
 A 3 kill 
 
 (109) 
 
(4) 
 kill his fervant, or (lave that is one of the nations, according to 
 the law, how much lefle fhall he be impowred to murder him 
 that is not his enemy, and with whom he leads a quiet and a pea- 
 ceable life? and therefore how can any good man believe that 
 againfi: his holy law, a lew (in a flrange countrey efpecially) 
 fhould make himfelf guilty of fo execrable a fa£i: ? 
 
 4. Admit that it were lawfull (which God forbid) why fliould 
 they eat the bloud ? And fuppofing they fhould eat the bloud, 
 why fhould they eat it on the Paffeover ? Here at this feaft, eve- 
 ry confeftion ought to be fo pure, as not to admit of any leaven, 
 or any thing that may fermentate, which certainly bloud doth. 
 
 5. If the leives did repute, and hold this aftion (which is never 
 to be named without an epethite of horrour) neceflary, they 
 would not expofe themfelves to fo eminent a danger, to fo cru- 
 ell and more deferved punifhment, unlefle they were moved to 
 it by fome divine precept; or at leaf!:, fome conftitution of their 
 wife men. Now we challenge all thofe men who entertain this 
 dreadfull opinion of us, as obliged in point of juflice, to cite the 
 place of Scripture, or of the Rabbins, where any fuch precept, or 
 doftrine is delivered. And untill they do fo, we will aflume fo 
 much liberty, as to conclude it to be no better then a malicious 
 flander. 
 
 6. If a man, to fave his life, may break the Sabbath, and tranf- 
 grefle many of the other commands of the law, as hath been 
 determined in the Talmud ; as alfo confirmed by R. Mofes of E- 
 gypt, in the fifth Chapter of his treatife of the fundamentalls of 
 the law ; yet three are excepted, which are, idolatry, murther, and 
 adultery ; life not being to be purchafed at fo dear a rate, as the com- 
 mitting of thefe heinous fins : an innocent death being infinitely 
 to be preferred before it. Wherefore if the killing of a Chrifl:ian, 
 as they objeft, were a divine precept, and inflitution, (which far 
 be it from me to conceive) it were certainly to be null'd and ren- 
 dred void, fince a man cannot perform it, without indangering 
 his own life ; and not onely fo, but the life of the whole congre- 
 gation of an entire people; and yet more, fince it is dire£tly a vi- 
 olation of one of thefe three precepts, Thou shall do no murder : 
 which is intended univerfally of all men, as we have faid before. 
 
 7. The 
 
 (no) 
 
(s) 
 
 *]. The Lord, blefled for ever, by his prophet leremiak Chap. 
 39. 7. gives it in command to the captive Ifraelites that were di- 
 fperfed among the heathens, that they fliould continually pray 
 for, and endeavour the peace, welfare and profperity of the city 
 wherein they dwelt, and the inhabitants thereof. This the lewes 
 have alwayes done, and continue to this day in all their Syna- 
 gogues, with a particular bleffing of the Prince or Magiftrate, un- 
 der whofe proteftion they live. And this the Right Honourable 
 my Lord St. lohn can teftifie ; who when he was Embafladour to 
 the Lords the States of the united Provinces, was pleafed to ho- 
 nour our Synagogue at Arn/ierdam with his prefence, where our 
 nation entertained him with mufick, and all expreffions of joy and 
 gladneffe, and alfo pronounced a bleffing, not onely upon his 
 honour, then prefent, but upon the whole Common-wealth of 
 England, for that they were a people in league and amity ; and be- 
 caufe we conceived fome hopes that they would manifeft towards ^ 
 us, what we ever bare towards them, viz. all love and aifeftion. 
 But to return again to our argument, if we are bound to ftudy, 
 endeavour, and follicite, the good and flourifliing eflate of the 
 city where we live, and the inhabitants thereof, how fhall we then 
 murder their children, who are the greateft good, and the moft 
 flourifliing bleffing that this life doth indulge to them, 
 
 8. The children of Ifrael are naturally mercifull, and full of 
 compaffion. This was acknowledged by their enemies. Kings i, 
 20, 31. when Benhadad King of Affyria was difcomfited in the 
 battel, and fled away, he became a petitioner for his life to King 
 Ahal, who had conquered him ; for he underftood that the Kings 
 of the houfe of Ifrael were mercifull Kings ; and his own experience 
 confirmed it, when for a little affeftion that he pretended in a 
 complement, he obtained again his life and fortunes, from which 
 the event of the warre had difentitled him. And when the 
 Giheonites made that cruell requeft to David, that feven of Sauls 
 fons who were innocent, fliould be delivered unto them, the pro- 
 phet faies, now the Giheonites were not of the children of Ifrael, Sam, 
 a. ai, a. as if he had faid, in this cruelty, the piety of the Ifra- 
 elites is not fo much fet forth, as the tyranny, and implacable rage 
 of the Gentiles, the Giheonites. Which being fo, and experience 
 
 with all 
 (III) 
 
(6) 
 
 withall declares itj viz. the fidelity which our nation hath invio- 
 lably preferved towards their fuperiours, then mod certainly it 
 is wholly incompatible, and inconfiftent with the murdering of 
 their children. 
 
 9. There are fome Chriftians, that ufe to infult againft the lewes, 
 as Chriftian homicides, that will venter to give a reafon of thefe 
 pretended murtherous praftifes. As if the accufation were then 
 moft infallibly true, if they can find any femblance of a reafon 
 why it might be fo. As they fay, that this is praftifed by them in 
 hatred and deteftation of Jefus of Nazareth. And that therefore 
 they Ileal Chriftian Children, buffeting them in the fame manner 
 that he was buffetted ; thereby to rub up, and revive the memo- 
 ry of the aforefaid death. And likewife they imagine that the 
 lewes fecretly fteal away erofles, crucifixes, and fuch like graven 
 images, which Papifts privately and carefully retein in their hou- 
 fes, and every day the lewes mainly ftrike, and buffet, fhamefully 
 fpitting on them, with fuch like ceremonies of defpight, and all 
 this in hatred of Jefus. But I admire what they really think, when 
 they objeft fuch things as thefe, laying them to our charge. For 
 furely we cannot believe, that a people, otherwife of fufficient pru- 
 dence, and judgement, can perfwade themfelves into an opinion 
 that the lewes fhould commit fuch praftifes, unlefTe they 
 could conceive they did them in honour and obedience to the 
 God whom they worfhip. And what kind of obedience is this 
 they perform to God blefTed for ever, when they direftly fin a- 
 gainft that fpeciall command Thou shall not kill ? Befides, this can- 
 not be committed without the imminent, and manifeft peril! of 
 their lives aud fortunes, and the necefTary expofing themfelves to 
 a juft revenge. Moreover, it is an Anathema to a lew to have any 
 graven images in his houfe, or any thing of an idol, which any of 
 the nations figuratively worfhip, Deut. 7. 36. 
 
 10. Matthew Paris p. 53a. writes, how that in the year 1340. 
 the lewes circumcifed a Chriftian child at Norwich, and gave him 
 the name lurnin, and referved him to be crucified, for which caufe 
 many of them were moft cruelly put to death. The truth of this 
 ftory will evidently appear upon the confideration of its circum- 
 ftances. He was first circumcifed, and this perfeftly conftitutes 
 
 him 
 
 (112) 
 
(7) 
 him a letv. Now for a lew to embrace a Chriftian in his armes, 
 and fofter him in his bofome, is a teftimoiiy of great love and 
 affeftion. But if it was intended that fhortly after this child 
 fhould be crucified, to what end was he firft circumcifed ? If it 
 fhall be faid it was out of hatred to the Chriftians, it appears ra- 
 ther to the contrary, that it proceeded from deteftation of 
 the lewes, or of them who had newly become profelytes, to em- 
 brace the lewes religion. Surely this fuppofed pranck (ftoried 
 to be done in popifh times) looks more like a piece of the reall 
 fcene of the Popifh Spaniards piety, who firft baptiz'd the poor 
 Indians, and afterwards out of cruel pity to their fouls, inhumane- 
 ly butchered them ; then of ftrict-law-obferving lewes, who dare 
 not make a fport of one of the feales of their covenant. 
 
 II. Our captivity under the Mahumetans is farre more bur- 
 denfome, and grievous then under the Chriftians, and fo our an- 
 cients have faid, itisletter to inhabit under Edom thenIfmael,{oT they 
 are a people more civill, and rationall, and of a better policie, as 
 our nation have found experimentally. For, excepting the no- 
 bler, and better fort of lewes, fuch as live in the Court of Con/ian- 
 tinople, the vulgar people of the lewes that are difperfed in other 
 countries of the Mahumetan Empire, in .d/ia and Africa, are treat- 
 ed with abundance of contempt and fcorn. It would therefore 
 follow, that if this facrificing of children be the produft and re- 
 fult of hatred, that they fhould execute and difgorge it much 
 more upon the Mahumetans, who have reduced them to fo great 
 calamity and miferv. So that if it be neceflary to the celebration of 
 the Pafleover, why do they not as well kill a Mahumetan ? But al- 
 though the lewes are fcattered, and difperfed throughout all 
 thofe vaft territories, notwithflanding all their defpite againft us, 
 they never yet to this day forged fuch a calumnious accufation. 
 AVherefore it appeares plainly, that it is nothing elfe but a flander, 
 and fuch a one, that confidering how the fcene is laid, I cannot ea- 
 fily determine whether it fpeak more of malice, or of folly^ cer- 
 tainly Sultan Selim made himfelf very merry with it, when the 
 ftory was related him by Mofes Amon his chief Phyficyan. 
 
 13. If all that which hath been faid is not of fuflScient force to 
 wipe off this accufation, becaufe the matter on our part is 
 
 B purely 
 
 ("3) 
 
(8) 
 purely negative, and fo cannot be cleared by evidence of wit- 
 nefles, I am conftrained to ufe another way of argument, which 
 the Lord, blefled for ever, hath prefcribed Exod. aa. which is an 
 oath ; wherefore I fwear, without any deceit or fraud, by the moft 
 high God, the creatour of heaven and earth, who promulged his 
 law to the people of Ifrael, upon mount Sinai, that I never yet to 
 this day faw any fuch cuflome among the people of Ifrael, and 
 that they doe not hold any fuch thing by divine precept of the 
 law, or any ordinance or inftitution of their wife men, and that 
 they never committed or endeavoured fuch wickednefle, (that I 
 know, or have credibly heard, or read in any Jewifh Authours) 
 and if I lie in this matter, then let all the curfes mentioned in Le- 
 viticus and Deuteronomy come upon me, let me never fee the blef- 
 fings and confolations of Zion, nor attain to the refurreftion of 
 the dead. By this I hope I may have proved what I did intend, and 
 certainly this may fuffice all the friends of truth, and all faithfull 
 Chriftians to give credit to what I have here averred. And in- 
 deed our adverfaries who have been a little more learned, and 
 confequently a little more civill then the vulgar, have made a halt 
 at this imputation. lohn Hoornheek in that book which he lately 
 writ againfl: our nation, wherein he hath objefted againfl: us, right 
 or wrong, all that he could any wayes fcrape together, was not- 
 withftanding afliamed to lay this at our door, in his Prolegomena 
 pag. 26. where he fayes, An autem verumjitquod vulgbinhiftoriislega- 
 tur, &c. i.e. whether that be true which is commonly read in hiflio- 
 ries, to agsravate the lewes hatred againfl: the Chrifl;ians, or ra- 
 ther the Chrifl:ians againfl: the lewes, that they fhould annually 
 upon the preparation of the Pafleover, after a cruell manner fa- 
 crifice a Chriflian child, privily ftollen, in difgrace, and contempt 
 of Chrifl:, whofe paflion, and crucifixion the Chrifl:ians celebrate, 
 I will not afl^ert for truth; as well knowing, how eafy it was for 
 thofe times wherein thefe things are mentioned, to have hap- 
 pen'd, (efpecially after the Inquifition was fet up in the Pope- 
 dome) to forge, and fain ; and how the hiftories of thofe ages, ac- 
 cording to the afleftion of the writers, were too too much addi- 
 61:ed, and given unto fables and figments. Indeed I have never 
 yet feen any of all thofe relations that hath by any certain ex- 
 periment 
 (114) 
 
(9) 
 periment proved this faft, for they are all founded ; either upon 
 the uncertain report of the vulgar, or elfe upon the fecret accufa- 
 tion of the Monks belonging to the inquifition, not to mention 
 the avarice of the informers, wickedly hanquering after the Jeives 
 wealth, and fo with eafe forging any wickednefle. For in the firft 
 book of the Sicilian conftitutions tit. 7. we fee the Emperour 
 Frederick faving, Sivero hideeus, vel Saracenus Jit, in quihusproutcertb 
 perpendimtis Chriftianorum perfecutio minus ahundat adprcefens, but 
 if he be a lew or a Saracen, againfl: whom, as we have weighed, 
 the perfecution of the Chriftians do much abound, ^c. thus 
 taxing the violence of certain Chriftians agaiiift the \ewes. Or if 
 perhaps it hath fometimes happenetl, that a Chriftian was kill'd 
 by a lew, we muft not therefore fay that in all places where they 
 inhabit, they annually kill a Chriftian Child. And for that which 
 Thomas Cantipratenjis lib. a. cap. 23. affirms, vi%. that it is certainly 
 known, that the \eujes every vear, in every province, caft lots w hat 
 city or town fhall afford Chriftian bloud to the other cities. I can 
 give it no more credit then his other fictions and lies where- 
 with he hath ftufFed his book. Thus farre \ohn Hoornbeek. 
 
 13. Notwithftanding all this, there are not wanting fome hi- 
 ftories, that relate thefe and the like calumnies againft an afflifted 
 people. For which caufe the Lord faith, He that toucheth you touch- 
 eth the apple of my eye, Zach. a. 6. I fhall curfoiarily mention fome 
 paflages that have occurred in my time, whereof, I fay not that I 
 was an eye witneiTe, but onely that they were of generall report 
 and credence, without the leaft contradiction. I have faithfully 
 noted both the names of the perfons, the places where, and the 
 time when they happened, in my continuation of Flavins ]ofephus, 
 I (hall be the lefTe curious therefore in reciting them here. In (Vi- 
 enna the Metropolis oi Auftria, Frederick being Emperour, there 
 was a pond frozen, according to the cold of thofe parts, wherein 
 three boyes (as it too frequently happens) were drowned, when 
 they were miffed, the imputation is caft upon the ^ewes, and 
 they are incontinently indifted, for murthering of them, to cele- 
 brate their Paffeover. And being imprifoned, after infinite pray- 
 ers and fupplications made to no effeft, three hundred of them 
 were burnt, when the pond thawd, thefe three boyes were found, 
 
 B 2 and 
 
(lO) 
 
 and then their innocency was clearly evinc'd although too late, 
 after the execution of this cruelty. 
 
 In Araguza about thirty yeares ago, there was a Chriftian wo- 
 man, into whofe houfe there came a little girle (of eleven yeares 
 of age, daughter to a neighbouring gentleman) richly adorned 
 with jewels : this wretched woman, not thinking of a fafer way to 
 rob her, then by killing her, cut her throat, and hid her under 
 her bed, the girle was prefently mift, and by information they 
 underftood that fhe was feen to go into that houfe, they call a 
 Magiflrate to fearch the houfe, and find the girle dead, flie con- 
 fefl: the faft, and as if fhe fhould have expiated her own guilt by 
 deftroying a lew, though never fo innocent, fhe faid, flie did it 
 at the inftigation and perfwafion of one Ifaac Jeshurun, for that 
 the Jewes wanted bloud to celebrate their feafi: : (he was hang'd, 
 and the Jew was apprehended, who being fix times cruelly tor- 
 tur'd, they employing their wits in inventing unheard of, and in- 
 fufFerable torments, fuch as might gain Perillous the efl:imation 
 of mercifull and compaffionate, ftill cryes out of the falfhood of 
 the accufation, faying, that that wickedneffe which he never com- 
 mitted, no not fo much as in his dreams, was malicioufly imputed 
 to him, yet notwithflanding he was condemned to remain clofe 
 prifoner for twenty yeares, ( though he continued there onely 
 three, ) and to be fed there through a trough, upon the bread 
 and water of affliction, being clofe manacled, and naked, within 
 a four fquare wall, built for that purpofe, that he might there 
 perifh in his own dung. This mans brother Jofeph Jejhtirun is now 
 living at this time in Hamlorough. This miferable man calling up- 
 on God, befeeching him to fhew fome fignall teflimony of his 
 innocencie, and citing before his divine tribunal! the Senatours 
 who had with no more mercy, then juflice, thus grievoufly and 
 inhumanely afflicted him ; the blefl!ed God was a juft Judge, 
 for the Prince died fuddenly at a banquet, the Sunday next en- 
 fuing the giving of the fentence, and during the time of his im- 
 prifonment, the aforefaid Senatours by little and little dropt a- 
 way, and died, which was prudently obferved by thofe few that 
 yet remain'd, wherefore they refolved to deliver themfelves by 
 reftoring him to his liberty, accounting it as a particular di- 
 vine 
 (ii6) 
 
(II) 
 
 vine providence: this man came out well, pafled throughout all 
 Italy, where he was feen, to the admiration of all that had cog- 
 nizance of his sufferings, and died a few yeares fince at Jerw- 
 falem. 
 
 14. The aft of the faith (which is ordinarily done at Toledo) 
 was done at Madrid, Artno 1632, in the prefence of the King of 
 Spain, where the Inquifitors did then take an oath of the King 
 and queen, that thev fhould maintain and conferve the Catho- 
 lick faith in their dominions. In this aft it is found printed, how 
 that a family of our nation was burnt, for confefling upon the 
 wrack the truth of a certain accufation of a maid fervant, who, 
 ( provoked out of fome difguft ) faid, that they had fcourged, 
 and whip't an image, which by the frequent lafhes, ifflied forth a 
 great deal of bloud, and crving with an out ftretched voice, faid 
 unto theiti, why do vou thus cruelly fcourge me? the whole no- 
 bility well underftood that it was all falfe, but things of the in- 
 quifition all muft hufh. 
 
 15. A very true ftory happened at Lislon, Anno 1631. A certain 
 Church miffed one night a filver pixe or box, wherein was the 
 popifli hofts. And forafmuch as they had feen a young youth of 
 our nation, whofe name was Simao pires folis, fufficiently noble, 
 to pafl!e by the fame night, not farre from thence, who went to vi- 
 fit a Lady, he was apprehended, imprifoned, and terribly tortured. 
 They cut off his hands, and after they had dragged him along the 
 ftreets, burnt him. one year pafled over, and a thief at the foot 
 of the gallowes confefled how he himfelf had rifled and plunder- 
 ed the fhrine of the hoft, and not that poor innocent whom they 
 had burnt. This young mans brother was a Frier, a great Theo- 
 logift, and a preacher, he lives now a Jew in Arn/ierdam, and calls 
 himfelf Eliazar de folis. 
 
 16. Some perhaps will fay, that men are not blame worthy for 
 imputing to the ]ewes, that which they themfelves with their own 
 mouthes have confeft. But furely he hath little underftanding of 
 wracks, and tortures that fpeaks thus. An Earle oi Portugal, when 
 his Phvficvan was imprifoned for being a }ew, requefled one of the 
 inquifitors, by letter, that he would caufe him to be fet at liberty, 
 for that he knew for certain that he was a very good Chriftian, but 
 
 B3 he 
 
 (117) 
 
(la) 
 
 he not being able to undergo the tortures inflifted on him, con- 
 fefled himfelf a lew, and became a penitentiary. At which the 
 Earl being much incenft, feins himfelf fick, and defires the in- 
 quifitor by one of his fervants, that he would be pleafed to come 
 and vifit him. when he came, he commanded him that he fhould 
 conleffe that himfelf was a lew, and further, that he fhould put it 
 down in writing with his own hand, which when he refufed to do, 
 he charges fome of his fervants to put a helmet that was red hot 
 in the fire, (provided for this purpofe) upon his head; at which, 
 he not being able to endure this threatned torment, takes him 
 afide to confeffe, and alfo he writ with his own hand that he was a 
 lew: whereupon the Earl takes occafion to reprove his iiijuftice, 
 crueltv, and inhumanity, faying, in like manner as you have con- 
 fefl:, did my Phvficyan confeffe. Befides that, you have prefently, 
 onely out of fear, not fence of torment, confefi; more. For 
 this caufe in the Ifraelitifh Senate, no torture was ever infli- 
 cted, but onely every perfon was convifted at the teflimony of 
 two witnefles. That fuch like inflruments of cruelty mav enforce 
 children that have been tenderly educated, and fathers that have 
 lived delicioufly to confeffe that they have whipt an image, and 
 been guilty of fuch like criminall offences, daily experience may 
 demonflrate. 
 
 17. Others will perchance alledge, thefe are hiflories indeed, 
 but they are not facred, nor canonicall. I answer. Love and ha- 
 tred fayes Plutarch, corrupt the truth of everv thing, as experi- 
 ence fufficiently declares it ; when we fee that which comes to 
 paffe, that one and the fame thing, in one and the fame citv, at 
 one and the fame time, is related in different manners. I my felf 
 in my own Negotiation here have found it. For it hath been ru- 
 moured abroad, that our nation had purchafed S. Pauls Church 
 for to make it their Synagogue, notwithflanding that it was for- 
 merly a temple confecrated to the worfhip of Diana. And many 
 other things have been reported of us that never entred into the 
 thoughts of our nation ; as I have feen a fabulous Narrative of 
 the proceedings of a great Council of the lewes, afTembled in 
 the plain oi Ageda in Hungaria, to determine whether the MefKah 
 were come or no. 
 
 18. And 
 (118) 
 
(13) 
 
 i8. And now, fince that it is evident that it is forbidden the 
 lewes to eat any manner of bloud, and that to kill a man is direft- 
 ly prohibited bv our law, and the reafons before given are con- 
 fentaneous and agreeable to every ones underftanding, I know it 
 will be inquired by many, but efpecially by thofe who are more 
 pious, and the friends of truth, how this calumnie did arife, and 
 from whence it derived its firft original!. I may anfwer, that 
 this wickednefle is laid to their charge for divers reafons. 
 
 Firft, Ruffinus the familiar friend of S. Hierome in his verfion of 
 lofephu^ his fecond book that he writ againft Apion the Gramma- 
 rian ( for the Greek text is there wanting ) tells us how Apion in- 
 vented this flander to gratifie Antiochus, to e.xcufe his facriledge, 
 and juftifie his perfidious dealing with the lewes, making their 
 eftates fupply his wants. Propheta vero aliorum est Apion &c. Apion 
 is become a Prophet, and faid th&t Antiockus found in the temple, 
 a bed, with a man lying upon it, and a table fet before him, fur- 
 uiflied with all dainties both of fea and land, and fowles, and that 
 this man was aftonifhed at them, and prefently adores the en- 
 trance of the King, as coming to fuccour and relieve him, and 
 proftrating himfelf at his knees, & ftretching out his right hand, 
 he implores liberty; whereat the King commanding him to fit down 
 and declare who he was, whv he dwelt there, and what was the caufe 
 of this his plentifuU provifion ? the man with fighs and tears, la- 
 mentably weeps out his neceiBty : and tells him that he 
 is a Grecian, and whilft he travelled about the province to get 
 food, he was fuddenly apprehended, and caught up by fome 
 flrange men, and brought to the temple, and there fliut up, that 
 he misht be feen bv no man, but be there fatted with all man- 
 ner of dainties, and that thefe unexpefted benefits wrought in 
 him at the firft joy, then fufpicion, after that aftonifhment, and 
 laft of all, advifing with ihe Minifter that came unto him, he un- 
 derftood that the lewes every year, at a certain time appointed 
 according to their fecret and ineffable law, take up fome Greek 
 ftranger, and after he hath been fed delicately for the fpace of a 
 whole year, they bring him into a certain wood, and kill him. 
 Then according to their folem rites and ceremonies, they facri- 
 fice his body, and every one tafting of his intrails, in the offer- 
 ing 
 ("9) 
 
(H) 
 ing up of this Greek, they enter into a folemn oath, that they 
 will bear an immortall feude and hatred to the Greeks. And then 
 they caft the reliqiies of this perifhing man into a certain pit. Af- 
 ter this Apion makes him to fay, that onely fome few dayes remain- 
 ed to him, before his execution, &; to defire the King that he, fear- 
 ing and worfhipping the Grecian gods, would revenge the bloud 
 of his fubjefts upon the lewes, and deliver him from his ap- 
 proaching death. This fable ( faith lofephus ) as it is moft full of 
 all tragedy, fo it abounds with cruel! impudence, I had rather 
 you fhould read the confutation of this flander there, then I to 
 write it in this place, you will find it in the Geneva edition of lo- 
 fephus, pag. 1066. 
 
 Secondly, The very fame accufation and horrid wickednefle 
 of killing children, and eating their bloud, was of old by the an- 
 cient heathens, charg'd upon the Chriflians, that thereby they 
 might make them odious, and incenfe the common people a- 
 gainfi; them, as appeares by Tertullian in his Apologia contra gentes, 
 lu/iin Martyr in apologia %. ad Anton. Euf eh ius Ccefareerifis 1. 5. cap. i. 
 &4. Pineda in his Monarchia Ecclejiaftica 1. 11. c. 53. and many 
 others, as is known sufficiently. So that the imputation of this 
 cruelty, which as to them continues onely in memory, is to the 
 very fame purpofe, at this day charged upon the lewes. And as 
 they deny this faft, as being falfly charged upon them, fo in like 
 manner do we deny it, and I may fay perhaps with a little more 
 reafon, forafmuch as we eat not any manner of bloud, wherein 
 they do not think themfelves obliged. 
 
 Now the reafon of this flander was alwaves the covetous ambition 
 of fome, who defiring to gain their wealth, and pofleffe them- 
 felves of their eftates, have forg'd and introduc'd this enormous 
 accufation, to colour their wickedneffe, under a fpecious pretence 
 of revenging their own bloud. And to this purpofe, I remember 
 that when I reproved a Rabbi (who came out of Poland to Am- 
 Jierdam) for the excefle of ufurie in Germany, and Poland, which 
 they exafted of the Chriftians, and told him how moderate they 
 in Holland and in Italy were, he replyed, we are of neceffity con- 
 fl:rained to do fo, becaufe they fo often raife up faife witnefles 
 againft us, and levie more from us at once, then we are able to 
 
 get 
 (lao) 
 
(15) 
 get again by them in many yeares. And fo, as experience 
 (hews, it ufually fucceeds with our poor people under this 
 pretext and colour. 
 
 19. And fo it hath been divers times; men mifchieving the 
 lewes to excufe their own wickedneffe ; as to inftance one pre- 
 cedent in the time of a certain King of Portugal. The Lord, 
 bleffed for ever, took away his fleep one night, (as he did from 
 King Ahashuerus ) and he went up into a belcony in the palace, 
 from whence he could difcover the whole city, and from thence 
 { the moon fliining clear ) he efpyed two men carrying a dead 
 corps, which they caft into a lew's yard. He prefently difpatches a 
 couple of fervants, and commands them, yet with a feeming care- 
 lefnefle, they (hould trace and follow thofe men, and take notice 
 of their houfe; which they accordingly did. The next day there 
 is a hnrly burly and a tumult in the city, accufing the lewes of 
 murder. Thereupon the King apprehends thefe rogues, and they 
 confefle the truth ; and confidering that this bufmeffe was guided 
 by a particular divine providence, calls fome of the wife men of 
 the lewes, and asks them how they tranflate the 4. verfe of the 
 121 Pfalm, and they anfwered. Behold, he that keepeth Ifrael will 
 neither Jlumher norjleep. The King replied, if he will not {lumber 
 then much lefle will he fleep, you do not fay well, for the true 
 tranflation is,Behold,the Lord doth notjlumler, neither will hejuffer 
 him that keepeth Ifrael to fleep. God who hath yet a care over you, 
 hath taken away my fleep, that I might be an eye witnefle of that 
 wickednefle which is this day laid to your charge. This with 
 many fuch like relations we may read in the book called Scehet 
 lehuda, how fundry times, when our nation was at the very brink 
 of defliruAion, for fuch forged flanders, the truth hath difcover- 
 td k felf for their deliverance. 
 
 ^o. This matter of bloud hath been heretofore difcufled and 
 difputed before one of the Popes, at a full councell ; where it 
 was determined to be nothing elfe but a mere calumnie: and 
 hereupon gave liberty to the lewes to dwell in his countryes, 
 and s;ave the princes of Italy to underfland the fame, as alio 
 Alfonfo the wife King of Spain. And fuppofe any one man had 
 done fuch a thing, as I believe never any lew did fo, yet this 
 
 C were 
 
 (121) 
 
(i6) 
 
 were great cruelty to punifh a whole nation for one mans 
 wickediiefle. 
 
 ai. But why fliould I ufe more words about this matter, fee- 
 ing all that is come upon us, was foretold by all the prophets? 
 Mofes, Deut. 28. 6i. Moreover, every Jicknejfe and every plague which 
 is not written in the book of this law, them will the Lord bring upon 
 thee, S^c. becaufe thou hq/i not hearkned to the voice of the Lord thy 
 God. David in the 44. Pfalm make a dolefull complaint of thofe 
 evils, and ignominious reproaches, wherewith we are invironed 
 round about in this captivity, as if we were the proper center of 
 mifery, faying. For thy fake are we killed all the day long, we are 
 counted asfheepfor the /laughter. The fame he fpeaks Pfalm 74. and 
 in other Pfalms. 
 
 Ezekiel more particularly mentions this calumnie; God, blefled 
 for ever, promifing Chap. 36. 13. that in time to come the de- 
 vouring of men, or the eating of mans bloud fhall be no more 
 imputed to them, according to the true and proper expofition of 
 the learned Don Ifaac j4barbanel. The blefled God, according to 
 the multitude of his mercies, will have compaflion upon his peo- 
 ple, and will take away the reproach of Ifrael from off the earth, 
 that it may be no^more heard, as is prop.hefied by Ifaiah, and let 
 this fuffice to have fpoken as to this point. 
 
 THE SECOND SECTION. 
 
 YOur worfhip defired joyntly, to know what ceremony, or 
 humiliation the lewes ufe in their Synagogues, toward 
 the book of the Law ; for which they are by fome igno- 
 rantly reputed to be idolaters, I Ihall anfwer it in Order. 
 
 Firft, the lewes hold themfelves bound to ftand up when the 
 book of the Law written upon parchment, is taken out of the 
 desk, untill it is opened on the pulpit, to fliew it to the people, 
 and afterwards to be read. We fee that obferved in Nehemias, 
 cap. 8. 6. where it is faid, And when he had opened it, all the people 
 food up. and this they do in reverence to the word of God, and 
 that facred Book. 
 
 For 
 (122) 
 
(17) 
 
 For the lame caufe^ when it pafleth from the desk toward the 
 pulpit, ail that it palTeth by, bow down their heads a little, with 
 reverence j which can be no idolatry for thefe following 
 reafons. 
 
 Firft, it is one thing adorare, viz. to adore, and another venerari, 
 viz. to worjhip. For Adoration is forbidden to any creature, whe- 
 ther Angelicall, or Earthly; but JVorJhip may be given to either 
 of them, as to men of a higher rank, commonly ftiled worjhip- 
 full. And fo Alraham, who in his time rooted out vain idolatry, 
 humbled himfelf, and alfo proftrated himfelf before thofe three 
 guefts, which then he entertained for Men. As alfo lofuah the holy 
 Captain of the people, did proftrate himfelf to another Angel, 
 which with a fword in his hand, made him afraid, at the gates of 
 lericho. Wherefore if thofe were juft men, and if we are obliged 
 to follow their example, and they were not reprehended for it, 
 it is clear, that to worfhip the Law in this manner as we do, can be 
 no idplatry. 
 
 Secondly, The \ewes are very fcrupulous in fuch things, and 
 fear in the leaft, to appear to give any honour or reverence to 
 images. And fo it is to be feen in the Talmud, and in R. Mofes of 
 Egypt in his Treatife of idolatry: That if by chance any Ifraelite 
 fhould paffe by a Church, that had images on the outfide, and at 
 that time a thorn fhould run into his foot, he may not ftoop to 
 pull it out, becaufe he that fliould fee him, might fufpeft he bow- 
 ed to fuch an image. Therefore according to this ftriftnefle, if 
 that were any appearance of idolatry to bow to the Law, the lewes 
 would utterly abhorre it; and fince they do it, it is an evident 
 fign that it is none. 
 
 Thirdly, to kiffe images is the principall worfhip of idolatry, 
 as God faith, in the i of Kings 19. 19. Yet I have left me /even thou- 
 fand in Ifrael, all the knees that have not bowed unto Baal, and every 
 mouth that hath not kijfed him. But if that were fo, it would follow, 
 that all men, who kifle the Teftament after they are fworn, fliould 
 be idolaters. But becaufe that is not fo, fince that aft is but a fim- 
 ple worfliip, by the fame reafon it will follow, that to bow the 
 head, cannot be reputed for idolatry. 
 
 Fourthly, Experience flieweth, that in all Nations the cere- 
 
 C 2 monies 
 
 (123) 
 
(i8) 
 
 monies that men ufe mutually one towards another, is to bow 
 the head; And alfo there are degrees thereof, according to the 
 quality of the perfon with whom they fpeak ; which fhew that in 
 the opinion of all nations, it is no idolatry, and therefore much 
 leffe, to reverence the Law with bowing of the body. 
 
 Fifthly, In AJia ( and it is the fame almoft in all the world ) the 
 people receiving a decree, or order of the king, they take it, and 
 kifTe it, and fet it upon the head. We owe much more to Gods 
 word, and to his divine Commandments. 
 
 Sixthly, Ptolomeus Philadelphus, receiving the 7a Interpreters 
 with the book of the Law, into his prefence, he rofe from his feat, 
 and proftrating himfelf feven times, worfliipped it, ( as ArificBUS 
 affures us.) If a Gentile did this to a law which he thought did 
 not oblige him, much more do we owe reverence to that Law 
 which was particularly given unto us. 
 
 Seventhly, The Ifraelites hold for the Articles of their Faith, that 
 there is a God ; who is one in moft fimple unity; eternall, incorpo- 
 real!; who gave the written Law unto his people Ifrael, by the hand 
 oi Mofes, the Prince, and chief of all the Prophets; whofe Provi- 
 dence takes care for the world which he created ; who takes no- 
 tice of all mens works, and rewardeth or punifheth them, Laft- 
 ly, that one day Mefsias fliall come to gather together the fcat- 
 tered Ifraelites, and fhortly after fliall be the refurreftion of the 
 dead. 
 
 Thefe are their Doftrines, which I believe contain not any idola- 
 try; nor yet in the opinion of thofe that are of other judgements ; 
 For, as a moft learned Chrifl:ian of our time hath written, in a 
 French book, which he calleth the Rappel of the lewes ( in which 
 he makes the King of France to be their leader, when they fliall 
 return to their country, ) the \ewes, faith he, fliall be faved, for 
 yet we expeft a.fecond coming of the fame Mefsias; and the lewes 
 believe that that coming is the first, and not the fecond, and by 
 that faith they fliall be faved ; for the difference confifts onely 
 in the circumftance of the time. 
 
 THE 
 
 (124) 
 
(19) 
 THE THIRD SECTION. 
 
 Sir, I hope I have given fatisfadlion to your worfhip, touching 
 thofe points. I {hall yet further inform you with the fame 
 fincerity, concerning the reft. Sixtus Senenjis in his Billio- 
 tliceca, lib. a. Titulo contra Talmud, and others, as Biatenfis, Ordine 
 I. TraSi. i. Titulo Perachot. averre out of the Talmud, cap. 4. 
 "that every lew, thrice a day, curfeth all Chriftians, and prayeth 
 " to God to confound, and root them out, with their Kings and 
 " Princes. And this is efpecially done in the Synagogue, by the 
 " lewes Priefts, thrice a day. I pray let fuch as love the truth, 
 fee the Talmud, in the quoted place ; and they fliall find nothing 
 of that which is objefted : onely there is recited in the faid fourth 
 Chapter, the daily prayer, which fpeaks of Minim, that is, Here- 
 ticks, ordained in Table, ( that is a town not farre from lerufa- 
 lem, between Gath and Gazim, &c. ) the Talmud hath no more. 
 Hence Sixtus Senen/is by diftillation, draws forth the forefaid ca- 
 lumnie, whenas, what the Talmud rehearfeth briefly, to be made 
 onely by the wife men in the faid Town, he faith, was a confliitu- 
 tion in the Talmud long after. 
 
 Now let us fee what was done by thofe wife men in the faid 
 Town; and let us examine, whether that may juftly offend the 
 Chriftians. 
 
 There is in the daily prayers a certain Chapter where it is thus 
 written, la-Mumarim, &c. that is, For apostates, let there 
 he no hope, let all Hereticks he dejiroyed, and all thine enemies, 
 and all that hate thee, let them perish. And thou shalt root out the 
 kingdome of pride forthwith, weaken, and put it out, and in our dayes. 
 This whole Chapter fpeaketh nothing of Chriftians originally, 
 but of the lewes, who fell in thofe times, to the Zaduces, and Epi- 
 cureans, and to the Gentiles, as Mofes of Egypt faith, Traft. Tephi- 
 la. cap. a. For by Apoftates and Hereticks are not to be under- 
 ftood all men, that are of a diverfe religion, or heathens, or 
 Gentiles, but thofe renegado lewes, who did abrogate the whole 
 
 C 3 Law 
 
(20) 
 
 Law of Mofes, or any Articles received thence; and fuch are pro- 
 perly by us called Hereticks. For according to the Law of Chri- 
 ftians, he is not properly an Apoftate, or Heritick, who is origi- 
 nally bred a fcholler and a candid follower from his youth of a 
 diverfe law, and fo continueth : otherwife native lewes and Haga- 
 rens, and other Nations that are no Chriftians, nor ever were, 
 fhould be properly called Apoftates, and Hereticks in refpeft 
 of Chriftians, which is abfurd, as it is abfurd for the lewes to 
 call the Chriftians Apoftates, or Hereticks. Wherefore it fpeak- 
 eth nothing of Chriftians, but of the fugitive lewes, that is, fuch 
 as have deferted tlie ftandard, or the facred Law. 
 
 2. Laftly, neither the kingdomes, nor kings that are Chrifti- 
 ans, or Hagarens, or followers of other Sefts are curfed here, but 
 namely the kingdome of Pride. Certain it is that in that time 
 ( wherein, our wife men added to the daily Prayers the forefaid 
 Chapter ) there was no kingdome of Chriftians. what therefore 
 that kingdome of pride was, ftiould any man ask, who can plainly 
 ly fhew it."" So much as we can conjecture by it, it is the king- 
 dome of the Romans which then flouriftied, which did rule over 
 all Nations tyrannically and proudly, efpecially over the lewes. 
 For, after that, Vefpqfian, with his fon Titus, had diffipated all lu- 
 dea. And though fom Roman Emperours after that became Chri- 
 ftians, or had a good opinion of Chriftianity, yet the kingdome 
 of the Romans was heathenifli, and without diftinftion, was proud, 
 and tyrannical!. And however the lewes repeated the fame words 
 of the prayer when the Prince was very good, and they lived un- 
 der a juft government, that they did, onely of an ancient cu- 
 ftome, without any malice to the prefent government. And now 
 truly in all their books printed again, the forefaid words are want- 
 ing, left they fliould now be unjuftly objedled againft the lewes; 
 and fo for Apoftates and Hereticks, they fay, fecret accufers,or betray- 
 ers of the lewes. And for the kingdome of pride, they fubftitute 
 all Zedim, that is, proud men. 
 
 3. After this manner, to avoid fcandall, did the 73 Inter- 
 preters, who coming in Leviticus, to unclean beafts ; in the place 
 of Arneleth which fignifies the Hare, they put SaaviroBa, that is, 
 rough foot ; leaving the Name, and keeping the fenfe. They would 
 
 not 
 (126) 
 
(21) 
 not retein the Hebrew word Arneleth, as they have done in fome 
 other appellatives, left the wife of Ptolomy whofe name was Jrjie- 
 let, ftiould think that the lewes had mocked her, if they fhould 
 have placed her name amongft the unclean beafts. Neither would 
 they render it \a7a)oj//a^oow,or\a7w /ago7z, which in the Greek lan- 
 guage fignifies a Hare, left Ptolomij himfelf who was the fon, and 
 nephew of the Lagi, fhould be offended, to fee the name of his 
 family regiftred among the creatures that were unclean. Befides, 
 Plutarch records, how that it was deeply refented, as a very 
 high affront, and contempt, when one asked Ptolomy, who was 
 Lagus his father, as if it fcoffingly reflefted upon his obfcure ex- 
 traftion and defcent. 
 
 4. The very like calumnie fell out concerning the very fame 
 Chapter of our Prayer, when Mulet Zidan reigned in Morocco. 
 A certain fugive lew, to fhew himfelf conftant in the Mahume- 
 tan Religion, and an enemy to his own Nation, accufed the lewes 
 before this king, faying, that they prayed to God for his deftru- 
 (Stion, when they mention in their prayers all Zedim, as though 
 they would have all the Family of Zidan deftroyed. They excu- 
 fed themfelves with the truth, and affirmed, in praying againft 
 Zedim, that they prayed onely againft prowd men, (as that word in 
 their Hebrew language properly fignifieth ) and not againft his 
 Majefty. The King admitted of their excufe; but faid unto 
 them, that becaufe of the equivocation of the word, they fhould 
 change it for another. 
 
 5. For certain, the lewes give no occafion, that any Prince, 
 or Magiftrate fhould be offended with them ; but contrariwife, 
 as it feems to me, they are bound to love them, to defend, and 
 proteft them. For, by their Law, and Talmud, and the inviolable 
 cujiome of the difperfed lewes, every where, upon every Sabbath 
 day, and in all yearly folemnities, they have prayers for Kings 
 and Princes, under whofe Government the lewes live, be they 
 Chriftians, or of other Religions, I fay by their haw, as lere- 
 miah ch. 39. commandeth, viz. Seek ye the peace of the city, whi- 
 ther I have caufedyou to he carried away captives, and pray for them, 
 unto the Lord, &c. By the Talmud ord. 4. Tra6t. 4. Abodazara. 
 cap. I . there is a prayer for the peace of the Kingdome, from ai/iome, 
 
 never 
 (127) 
 
(aa) 
 
 never intermitted of the lewes. Wherefoever they are on the 
 Sabbath day, and their annuall folemnities, the Minifter of the 
 Synagogue before he blefleth the people of the lewes, doth with 
 a loud voice, blefle the Prince of the country under whom they 
 live, that all the lewes may hear it; and they fay Amen. You 
 have feen the Form of the prayer in the book entitled The hum- 
 ble Addrefles. 
 
 6. In like manner the ancients obferve, that whereas God com- 
 mands in Numbers 29. 13. that feventy bullocks fhould be fa- 
 crificed upon the feven dayes of the feaft of tabernacles, that this 
 was in refpeft of the feventy nations (who fhall one day come up 
 to lerufalem, year after year, to keep this feaft of tabernacles, 
 Zechar. 14. 16. ) for whofe confervation they alfo facrificed. For 
 they fay, that all the nations of the earth shall he llejjed in Abraham, 
 and inhisfeed, notonelyfpiritually, and in the knowledge of the onefirji 
 caufe, but alfo that at this time theyjhall enjoy temporall, and earthly 
 blefsings, by vertue of that promife. And fo in the time of the fecond 
 temple, they offered up facrifice for their confederate nations, as 
 may appear by thefe enfuing ihftances. 
 
 In Megilat Tahanit. cap. 9. it is reported, that when Alexander 
 the great, at the inftigation of the Samaritans, that inhabited 
 mount Gerizim, went with a refolution to deftroy the temple, 
 Simeon the jufl: met him in the way, and amongfl: divers reafons 
 that he urged to divert him from his purpofe, told him, this is the 
 place,where we pray unto God for the welfare of your f elf , and of your 
 kingdome, that it may not be defroyed, and fhall thefe men perfwade 
 you to de/iroy this place ? 
 
 The like we find in the firft book of the Maccabees, cap. 7. 33. 
 and in lofephus his Antiq. lib. 1%. cap. 17. when Demetrius had fent 
 Nicanor the Generall of his army a-gainU ^erufal em, the Priefts, with 
 the Elders of the people went forth to falute him, and to fhew 
 him the facrifice which they offered up to God for the welfare of 
 the King. 
 
 In the fame hiftory lib. 2. 3. and in }ofephus Gorionides lib. 3. 
 cap. 16. we may read, that Heliodorus Generall to Selencus, came to 
 lerufalem with the fame intent, Onias the High-prieft, befought 
 him, not to deftroy that place, where they prayed to God for 
 
 the 
 
 (128) 
 
(23) 
 the profperity of the King, and his iflue, and for the conferva- 
 tion of his kingdome. 
 
 In the firft Chapter of Baruch, the difciple of 'Jeremiah, we 
 find that the lewes, who were firft carried captive into Babylon 
 with \echonias, made a colleftion of money, according to every 
 ones power, and feut it to Jemfalem, faying, Behold, we havefent 
 you money, wherewith ye shall buy offerings, and pray for the life of 
 Neluchadnezzar, and for the life of Baltafar his fonne, thai their dayes 
 may he upon earth as the dayes of heaven, and that God would give us 
 Jirength,'and lighten our eyes, that we may live under their shadow, 
 that we may long do them,fervice, and find favour in their fight. 
 
 The lewes in ^fia did the fame, as is reported by Jofephtis Gori- 
 onides, lib. 3. cap. 4. they fent letters, with a prefent to Hircanus 
 the High-prieft, defiring that prayers might be made for the life 
 of Augit/ius Ccefar, and his companion Marcus Antonius. 
 
 Philo Judcmis, in the book of his Embaflage to Cuius, making 
 mention of a letter which Caius fent, requiring his ftatue to be fet 
 up in the facred temple, and Agrippa's anfwer thereupon, unto 
 the faid Emperour, reports, that there were thefe words in it, viz. 
 The lewes facrifice for the profperity of your Empire, and that not 
 onely upon their folemn feq/is, but alfo every day. 
 
 The like is recorded by Jofephtis, (lib. 3. cap. 9. De hello Judaico) 
 the lewes faid to Petronius General! to the Emperour Caius, we 
 daily offer up burnt offerings unto God, for the peace of the Emperour, 
 and the whole people of Rome. And in his fecond book againft Api- 
 on, he fa yes, we Hebrews have allwayes acciiftomed to honour Empe- 
 rour s with particular facrifices. 
 
 Neither was this fervice ever entertained unthankfully, as ap- 
 pears by the decree of Cyrus, Ezra 6. 3. where alfo Darius com- 
 mands, that of the Kings goods, even of the tribute, expences should be 
 forth-with given unto the Elders of the lewes &c. and that which they 
 had need of, both young bullocks, and rammes, and lambs for the burnt- 
 offerings of the Lord of heaven, and wheat, fait, wine, and oyl, &c. that 
 they might offer facrifices of afweet favour, unto the God of heaven, 
 and pray for the life of the King, and of his foiines. 
 
 The fame alfo was commanded afterwards by Artaxerxes, who 
 alfo conferred liberally many large gifts, as well towards the 
 
 D build- 
 
 (129) 
 
(34) 
 building of the temple, as the maintaining of the facrifices. As 
 for Mexander the great, he lighted down out of his chariotj and 
 bowed himfelf at the feet of the High-prieft, defiring him to offer 
 up facrifice to God on his behalf. And who can be ignorant of 
 Ptolomy Philadelphus, how richly he endowed the temple, as is re- 
 corded by Arijleas ? Nor did Antiochus king of the Greeks unlike 
 this, when by a publick edidt, he forbid that any fir anger should 
 enter the temple, to prophane that place, which the Hebrews had con- 
 fecraled to religion, and divine worfiiip. (Jofephus lih. la. cap. 3.) 
 Demetrius did the like, {jofephus lib. 13. cap. 5. 6.) To which may 
 be added, that when they of lerufalem contended with them of 
 Samaria, about the honour and dignity of the temple, before 
 Alexander the great, the lerufalem Priefl in his plea, urged, that 
 this templewas ever had in great reverence by all the Kings of AG^a, and 
 by them enrichtwithfundryfplendid and magnificent gifts. In the fe- 
 cond book of lofephus againft Apion, we read, that Ptolomy Euerge- 
 ^^5, when he had conquered Syria, offered up Eucharifiicall facri- 
 fices, not to idols, and falfe Gods, but to the true God, at lerufa- 
 lem, according to the manner of the lewes. Pompey the great, as 
 is mentioned by lofephus de bello ludaico ( lib. i. cap. 5- ) durfi: not 
 fpoyl, no nor fo much as touch the treafures of the temple, not 
 becaufe ( as Tully in his Oration for Plancius fuppofeth, to whom 
 Augiiftine in his book de civitale Dei aJJ'entos ) he feared lefl: he 
 might be thought too avaritious; for this feems in comparifon, 
 very ridiculous, and childifh ; for military law would foon have 
 acquitted him for this; but becaufe of the reverence to the place 
 with which his mind was fo affefted. Philo ludceus, (p. loa. 6.) 
 relates a letter oiAgrippa's, where he writes, that Augifius Cafar had 
 the temple in fo great reverence, that he commanded a facrifice 
 of one bullock, and two lambs, to be offered up every day out 
 of his own revenues. And his wife lulia Augufia, adorn'd it with 
 golden cups, and bafons, and many other coftly gifts. Neither 
 did Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, fall fhort of her liberallity. Ti- 
 berius throughout the aa years of his Empire, commanded fa- 
 crifices to be offered up unto God, out of his own tribute. The 
 like did Nero, till the unadvifed rafhneffe of Eleazar in refufing 
 his facrifice, alienated the mind of the Emperour, that he became 
 the caufe of a bloudy perfecution. And 
 
 (130) 
 
(25) 
 And by all this, we may the better interpret that ii verfe of the 
 I. chap, of Malachy) who flourifht in the fecond temple,) The 
 words are, From the rifing of the fun, even unto the going down of the 
 fame,myname shall he greatamongthe Gentiles, arid in every placein- 
 cenfe shall be offered unto my name, andapure offering; for my name 
 shall he great among the heathen, faith the Lord ofhqfis. For befides 
 that the heathens termed the temple the houfe of the great God, 
 {Ezra 5. 8.) they and their Monarchs, and Emperours, both of 
 Perfia, Grece, and Rome, deiired, as we have heard, to have facrifi- 
 ces, and incenfe, offered for them in Gods name. 
 
 9. And let the reader, be pleafed further to obferve, that the 
 leives were accuflomed, not onely to offer up facrifices, and pray- 
 ers to God, for the Emperours, their friends, confederates, and 
 allyes, but alfo generally for the whole world. It is the cuftome 
 { iaith Agrippa to Caius according to Philo p. 1035.) for the High- 
 prieft, at the day of attonement, to make a prayer unto God, for 
 all mankind ; befeeching him to adde unto them another year, 
 with blefling and peace. The fame Philo ludceus in his fecond book 
 of ikfowarcAy faith, Thepriefls of other nations pray unto Godonelyfor 
 the welfare of their own particular natioiis, hut our High-prie/ipr ayes 
 
 for the happineffe and profperity of the whole world. And in his book 
 of facrifices, p. 836. he faith. Some facrifices ar e_offeredup for our 
 nation, andfome for all mankind^ For the daily facrifices, twice a day, 
 viz. at morning, and evening, are for the obtaining ofthofe good things, 
 which God the chief good, grants unto them, at thofe two times of the 
 day. 
 
 And in like manner, lofephus in his fecond book againft Apion 
 faith, IVefacrifice, and pray unto the Lord, in thefrji place, for the 
 whole world, for their profperity, and peace, andafterwards more par- 
 ticularlyfor our f elves, forafmuch{as we conceive) that prayer which 
 isfirflextendeduniverfally,andisafterwardsputupmoreparticiilarly, 
 is very much acceptable unto God. Which words are alfo related by 
 Eifehius Ccefareerifis, in his Prceparatio Evangelica, lib. 8. cap. 2. 
 
 10. 'Tis true, that no outward materiall glories are perpetu- 
 all ; and fo the temple had its period, and with the pafchall lamb, all 
 other facrifices ceafed : But in their fl:ead, we have at this day 
 prayer, and as Hofeah fpeaks Cap. 14. a. For bullocks, we render 
 
 D a the 
 
 (131) 
 
{26) 
 
 the calves of our lips. And tliree times every dny, this is our hum- 
 ble fupplication, and requeft to God, Fill the whole world, Lord, 
 with thy lleJJiiigs;Jor all creatures are the works of thy hands; as it is 
 written, the Lord is good to all, and his tender mercies are over all his 
 works Pfal. 145. 9. 
 
 II. Yea further, we pray for the coiiverfion of the nations, 
 and fo we fay in thefe moft excellent prayers, upon Rof a fana 
 and the day of attonement, Otir God, and the God of our Fathers, 
 rei<rn thou over the whole world in thy glory; and be thou exalted over 
 all the earth,inthine excellency; caufe thy influence to defcend upon all 
 the inhabitants of the world, in the glorious majefiy of thy ftrength; 
 and let every a'eature know that thou haft created him; and let every 
 thing that is formed, underftand that thou hqfl formed it; and let all 
 that have breath in their nq/irillsfay, the Lord God oflfrael reigneth, 
 a7id his kingdome is over all dominions. And again. Let all theinhabi- 
 tants of the earthknow, and fee,thatunto thee every knee shall bow, and 
 every tongue fw ear; before thee, Lord our God, let them bow, and 
 proftrate themf elves; let them give honour to the honour of thy name, 
 arid let them all take upon them the yoak of thy kingdome, &c. And 
 ao-ain, Piit thy fear, Lord, our God, upon all thy works, and thy 
 dread upon all that thou haft created; let all thy works fear thee, and 
 let allcreaturesbow downbefore thee and let them all make themf elves 
 one handfull, (that is, with joynt confent) to do thy will with aper- 
 feSi heart, Sec. A mofl worthy imitation of the wife King Solo- 
 mon, who after he had finiflied the building of the Temple, in 
 that long prayer King. i. 8. was not unmindfull of the Gentiles, 
 but V. 41. he faith. Moreover, concerning aftr anger, that is not of thy 
 people oflfrael, but cometh out ofafarre country, for thy names fake, 
 for theyfhall hear of thy great name,andofthyftrong hand,andofthy 
 Jlretched-out arm, when hefhall come, and pray towards this houfe, 
 hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place, anddo accordingto all that the 
 ftranger calleth to thee for, that all people of the earth may know thy 
 name, to fear thee, as do the people oflfrael, and that they may know 
 that thy name is called upon this hotife which I have builded. Where 
 it may be obferved, that when the Ifraelite comes to pray, he 
 faith, ag. and give every man accordijig to his wayes; but upon the 
 prayer of a ftranger, he faith, and do according to all that the ftran- 
 ger 
 (132) 
 
(27) 
 
 Jlranger calleth to thee for. And this diftinftion is made to this 
 end, that by the evident, and apparent return, and anfwer of their 
 prayers, all Gentiles might efFeftuaily be brought in to the 
 truth, and knowledge, and fear of God, as well as the Ifra- 
 elites. 
 
 12. Moreover, fince the holy prophets made prayers, and fup- 
 plications for all men, as well for the nations, as the Ifraelites, 
 how fhould not we do the fame, for the nations, among whom we 
 inhabit, as ingaged by a more efpeciall obligation, for that we 
 live under their favour and proteftion? In Deuteronomy 23. 7. 
 God commands Thou shalt not abhorre an Egyptian, notwithftand- 
 ing the heavy burthens they afflicSted us with, onely lecaufe thou 
 waft a Jlranger in his land, becaufe that at the firfi:, they entertain- 
 ed, and received us into their country. 
 
 As on the- other fide, Ezek. 23. 11. he faith, ^s I live, faith the 
 Lord God, I have no pleafure in the death of the wicked, lut that the 
 wicked turn from his way and live. We ought therefore to imi- 
 tate his aftions, and not to hate any man, upon the mere account 
 of religion, but onely to pray to the Lord for his converfion ; 
 and this alfo, without giving offence, or any kind of moleftation. 
 
 rTo deleft, or abhorre thofe, to whom we owe that profperity 
 which we enjoy, or who endeavour their own falvation, is a thing 
 
 .very unworthy, and ill becoming; but to abhorre their vices, 
 and fins, is not fo. It was a very excellent obfervation, of a moft 
 wife, and vertuous Lady, Beruria, who (as it is recorded in the 
 Talmud, Berachot cap. i. when her husband R. Meir was about to 
 pray to God, to deftroy fome of his perverfe, and froward neigh- 
 bours, that had no lefl"e grievoufly, then malicioufly vexed, and 
 molefted him, gave him this feafonable admonition, that fuch a 
 thing ought not to he done inlfrael; hut that he should rather make his 
 prayer, that they might return, and Ireak off their finnes hy repentance, 
 alledging that text, Pfal. 104. 35. hetfin he confumed out of the earth; 
 it is not faid finners, but finnes ; and then the wicked shall he no 
 more. 
 
 13. We have now in this Seftion fhewn, that it is a mere calum- 
 nie to imagine, that we lewes fhould pray to God, fo as to give an 
 offence to the Chriftians, or caufe fcandall, by any thing in 
 
 D 3 our 
 
 (133) 
 
(28) 
 
 our prayers, unlefle it be that we are not Chriftians, we have de- 
 clared to the contrary, how we daily pray for them. As alfo that 
 during the temple, we offered up facrifices, for nations confede- 
 rate with us, and how all Emperours defired this. Yea, and we 
 offered facrifices, not onely for particular princes, but for all 
 mankind in general!. How, fince facrifices ceafed, with the tem- 
 ple, we at this day, do the fame in our prayers, and how we be- 
 feech God for their falvation, without giving any fcandall, or 
 offence in refpeft of religion; and how we think our felves obli- 
 ged to perform all this, by the facred Scripture. By all which 
 layed together, I hope I have fufficiently evidenced the truth, 
 of that I have afferted. 
 
 THE FOURTH SECTION. 
 
 BY confequence, the accufation of Buxtorphius, in his Biblio- 
 theca Rabbinorum, can have no appearance of truth, concer- 
 ning that which he puts upon us, viz. that we are blafphe- 
 mers. I will fet down the Prayer it felf. 
 
 "We are bound to praife the Lord of all things; to magnifie 
 " him, who made the world, for that he hath not made us, as the 
 " Nations of the earth ; nor hath he placed us as the families of 
 " the earth ; nor hath he made our condition like unto theirs, nor 
 "our lot, according to all their multitude. For they humble 
 "themfelves to things of no worth, and vanity, and make their 
 " prayers to gods that cannot fave them ; but we worfhip before 
 "the King of kings, that is holy, and bleffed ; that ftretch- 
 "ed forth the Heavens, and framed the Earth; the feat of his glo- 
 " ry is in heaven above, and his divine ftrength in the higheft of 
 "the Heavens; He is our God, and there is no other; He is tru- 
 "ly, our King, and befides him, there is no other; as it is writ- 
 "ten in the Law. And know this day, and return into thine own 
 " heart, becaufe the Lord is God, in Heaven above, and upon the 
 " Earth beneath, there is no other. 
 
 Truly, in my opinion, it is a very fhort, and moft excellent 
 
 prayer, 
 (134) 
 
(29) 
 
 prayer, and worthy of commendation. The Sultan Selim, 
 that famous conquerour, and Emperour of the Mahumetans, 
 made fo much account of it, that he commanded his Doftor Mo- 
 fes Amon, (who tranflated the Pentateuch into the Jrahian and Per- 
 Jian languages) that he fhould tranflate our prayers. And when 
 he had delivered them to him in the Turkish Tongue, he faid to 
 him, what need is there of fo long prayers ? truly this one might 
 fuffice, he did fo highly efteem and value it. This is like an other 
 prayer which was made at that time, viz. 
 
 "Blefled be our God, who created us for his honour, and fe- 
 " parated us from thofe that are in errours, and gave unto us a 
 "Law of truth, and planted amongfl; us eternall life. Let him 
 " open our hearts in his law, and put his love in our hearts, and 
 "his fear, to do his will, and to ferve him with a perfeft heart, 
 "that we may not labour in vain, nor be^et children of perdi- 
 "tion. Let it be thy will, O Lord our God, and God of our Fa- 
 " thers, that we may keep thy ftatutes, and thy laws in this world, 
 "and may deferve, and live, and inherit well, and that we mavat- 
 " tain the bleffing of the world to come, that fo we may fing 
 " to thy honour, without ceaGng. O Lord my God, I will praife 
 " thee for ever. 
 
 But neither the one, uor the other is a llajphemy, or maledi- 
 6lion againft any other Gods, for thefe reafons following. 
 
 I. It is not the manner of the lewes by their law to curfe other 
 gods by name, though they be of the Gentiles. So in Exod. 
 cap. 22. 27. Thou, shalt not revile the Gods. Heb. mH^N, that is 
 Gods, or God, as Philo \udcetis in lihro de Mo/iarchid,doth interpret, 
 and not Judges, as Ojikeltis and Jonathan tranflate in their Chald. 
 Paraphr. Where Philo addes this reafon, which is, lefl: they hearing 
 their own Gods blafphemed, fhould in a revengefull way of reta- 
 liation, blafpheme the true God of Ifrael. And we have examples 
 enough, how the idolatrous heathen ufed to revile, and defame 
 each others Gods, both in Cicero, and Juvenal. 
 
 And in that fenfe Flavins Jofephus in his book written againft 
 Apion, faith thefe words : " As it is our praAife to obferve our 
 " own, and not to accufe, or revile others ; fo neither may we de- 
 "ride, or blafpeeme thofe, which others account to be Gods. 
 
 " Our 
 (135) 
 
(3°) 
 " Our Law-giver plainly forbad us thatj by reafon of that com- 
 "pellation, Gods. According to this, by our own religion, 
 we dare not do that which Buxtorjius chargeth us with. And upon 
 this account the Talmudifts tell us, that we ought to honour, and 
 reverence, not onely the Kings of Ifrael, but all kings, princes, 
 and governours, in generall, forafmuch as the holy Scripture gives 
 them the ftile of gods, in refpedl of the dignity of their 
 office. 
 
 2. The time wherein thefe, as alfo the other prayers were com- 
 pofed, and ordered, was in the dayes of Ezras, who, with i2o 
 men, amongft whom were three Prophets, Haggai, Zechary, Mala- 
 chy, compofed them, as we have it in the Talmud. Wherefore he 
 cannot fay, that there is any thing intended againft honour, or 
 reverence of Chrift, who was not born till many yeares after. 
 
 Moreover, the lewes, fince that calumny was firft raifed, (thouh 
 that was fpoken of the Gentiles, and their vain gods, humMing 
 themf elves to things ofjio worth, and vanity) becaufe they defire to 
 decline, and avoid the leafl: occafion of fcandall, and offence, have 
 left off to print that line, and do not in fome books print any 
 part thereof. As ]ohi Hoornheek alfo witnefTes, in his fore-men- 
 tioned Prolegomena, and William Dorjiius, in his obfervations upon 
 R. David Gawz, p. 269. and Buxtorf in his book oi Ahhreviatures. 
 And perhaps it will be worthy our obfervation, that all thefe three 
 witnefTes fay, that it was firfl made known to them, by one. Ant 0- 
 nius Margarita, who was a lew, converted to the Chriftian faith. 
 That this part of the prayer was intended Contra idola Papains, 
 againft the Popish idols, which they therefore, as by a necefTary 
 confequence, interpret, as againft Chrift; but how juftly, let the 
 unprejudiced and unbiafed reader judge. 
 
 3. If this be fo, how can it be thought, that in their Synagogues, 
 they name him with fcornfull fpitting, ( farre be it from us.) 
 The Nation of the lewes is wife, and ingenius. So faid the Lord, 
 Deut. cap. 4. 6. The Nations Jhall fay, fur ely this is a wife, and an un- 
 derjlanding people. Therefore, how can it be fuppofed, that they 
 ftiould be fo bruitifh in a ftrange land, when their Religion de- 
 pendeth not upon it? Certainly, it is much contrary to the pre- 
 cept we fpake of, to fhew any refemblance of fcorn. There was 
 
 never 
 (136) 
 
(30 
 never any fuch thing done, (as it is well known) in Italy, and 
 Holland, where ordinarily the Synagogues are full of Ckrijiians ; 
 which with great attention, fland confidering, and weighing all 
 their afitions, and motions. And truly they fhould have found 
 great occafion to find fault withall, if that were fo. But never was 
 any man heard thus to calumniate us, where ever we dwell and in- 
 habite, which is a reafon fufficiently valid, to clear us. Where- 
 fore, I fuppofe, that I have fufficiently informed you, concerning 
 our prayers, in which we purpofe nothing, but to praife God, and 
 to ask fpirituall, and temporall bleffings, and by our fervice, 
 and worftiip, implore the divine benevolence, protection, and 
 defence. 
 
 THE FIFTH SECTION, 
 
 BUt forafmuch as it is reported, that we draw, and feduce o- 
 thers to our religion, ^c. 
 
 I. Never unto this day, in any part hath this been fuf- 
 pefted, where the \ewes are difperfed ; nor can it find place here. 
 Truly, I have held friendfliip with many great men, and the wi- 
 feft, and moft eminent of all Europe; and alfo they came to fee 
 me, from many places, at my houfe, and I had many friendly dif- 
 courfes with them, yet did not this give occafion to make us fuf- 
 pefted of any fuch things. Yea, Gafpar Barleus, the Virgill of our 
 time, and many others, have written many verfes in my commen- 
 dations, which I mention not, for vain glory (farre be it) but for 
 vindication of my innocent repute. 
 
 a. By our rituall books we are clear of this feducing. For if any 
 man offer to become a \ew, of what Nation foever he be, before we 
 receive him, and admit him as a member of our Synagogue, we are 
 bound to confider, whether he be moved by neceflity to do it, or 
 if it be not for that he is in love with fome of our nation, or for 
 any other worldly refpeft. And when we find no reafon to fufpeft 
 him, we have yet another obligation upon us, which is, to let him 
 know the penalties he fubjefts himfelf unto, if he breaketh the 
 
 E Sab- 
 
 (137) 
 
(33) 
 
 Sabbath, or eateth bloudj or fat, which is forbidden Levil. 3. I'J. 
 or difannulleth any precept of the Law, as may be feen in the 
 Targum upon Ruth. And if he (hew himfelf conftant, and zealous, 
 then is he admitted and protefted. Wherefore we do not feduce 
 any one, but contrarily, avoid difputing with men, concerning 
 rehgion, not for want of charity, but that we may as farre as it is 
 poffible, avoid fcandall, and hate ; and for this caufe we refufe to 
 circumcife them that come to us, becaufe we will give no offence. 
 Yea, I have known fome, that for this caufe have circumcifed 
 themfelves. And \i Ferdinand and Ifabella, King and Queen of Ca- 
 ftile did make an order to expell the lewes, becaufe they feduced 
 many Chriftians, and fome of the Nobility to become lewes, this 
 was but a pretence, and colour for their tyrannyAnd onely, as it 
 is well known, having no other thing to objeft againft us. Truly, 
 I do much commend that opinion, not onely of Oforius, de rebus 
 Immanuelis, but of our Flavins lofephus, the mofl: famous of all 
 Hiftorians, which he relates in his hiftory of his own Life. 
 
 " At that time ( faith he ) there came unto me, two Noble men, 
 "of the Trachomiles, fubjefts of the king; bringing with them 
 " horfemen, with arms, and money. Thefe, when the lewes would 
 "compell to be circumcifed, if they would live amongft them; 
 " I would not fuffer them to trouble them ; maintaining that eve- 
 "ry man ought to ferve God, of his own freewill, and not be for- 
 " ced thereto by others. For, fhould we do this thing ( faith he ) 
 " it might make them repent, that ever they fled unto us. And fo 
 " perfwading the multitude, I did abundantly afford unto thefe 
 "men, their food, according to their diet. 
 
 Truly, this was an aftion worthy of a noble, and wife man, and 
 worthy of imitation, for defending common liberty, leaving the 
 judgement, and determination to God alone. The Spanish In- 
 quijitions, with all their torments, and cruelties, cannot make any 
 lew, that falls into their power, become a Chri/lian. For unrea- 
 fonable beafts are taught by blowes, but men are taught by rea- 
 fon. Nor are men perfwaded to other opinions, by torments, but 
 rather, on the contrary, they become more firm, and conftant in 
 their Tenet. 
 
 THE 
 (138) 
 
(33) 
 
 THE SIXTH SECTION. 
 
 HAving thus difcufled the main exceptions, I will now pro- 
 ceed to fmaller matters, though leffe pertaining to my fa- 
 culty, that is to bufinefle of Merchandife. Some fay, that 
 if the lewes come to dwell here, they will draw unto themfelves 
 the whole Negotiation, to the great damage of the naturall Inha- 
 bitants. I anfvver, that it hath been my opinion alwayes, ( with 
 fubmiffion to better judgements) that it can be no prejudice at 
 all to the Englifli Nation : becaufe, principally in tranfporting 
 their goods, they would gain much, by reafon of the publick pay- 
 ments of cuflomes, excife, <5'c. 
 
 Moreover, they would alwayes bring profit to the people of the 
 land, as well in buying of commodities, which they would tranf- 
 port to other places, as in thofe they would trade in here. 
 And if by accident, any particular perfon fhould lofe by it, by 
 bringing down the price of fuch a commodity, being difperfed 
 into many hands; yet by that means the Commonwealth would 
 gain in buying cheaper, and procuring it at a lefler rate. 
 
 Yea, great emolument would grow to the naturall Inhabitants, 
 as well in the fale of all provifion, as in all things elfe that con- 
 cern the ornaments of the body. Yea, and the native Mecha- 
 nicks alfo would gain by it, ( there being rarely found among us, 
 any man that ufeth any fuch art.) 
 
 2. Adde to this, that as our nation hath failed into almoft all 
 parts of the world, fo they are alwayes herein profitable to a na- 
 tion, in a readinefle to give their opinions, in favour of the peo- 
 ple amongft whom they live. Befide that, all ftrangers do bring 
 in new merchandifes, together with the knowledge of thofe for- 
 -reign Countries wherein they were born. 
 
 And this is fo farre from damnifying the natives, that it con- 
 duces much to their advantage; becaufe they bring from their 
 countryes new commodities, with new knowledge. For the great 
 Work-Mafter, and Creatour of all things, to the end, to make 
 
 E 2 com- 
 
 (139) 
 
(34) 
 
 commerce in the earth, gave not to every place all things, but 
 hath parted his benefits amongft them ; by which way, he hath 
 made them all wanting the help of others. This may be feen in 
 England, which being one of the moft plentifull countries that are 
 in the world, yet wanteth divers things for shipping ; as alfo, wine, 
 oy], figs, almonds, raifins, and all the drougs of India, things 
 fo neceflary for the life of man. And befides, they want many o- 
 ther commodities, which are abundant in other countries, with 
 more knowledge of them ; though it be true, that in my opinion, 
 there is not in the world, a more underftanding people, for moft 
 Navigations, and more capable of all Negotiation, then the En- 
 glish Nation are. 
 
 3. Farther, there may be companies made of the natives, and 
 ftrangers, (where they are more acquainted) or elfe Faftors. All 
 which, if I be not deceived, will amount to the profit of the na- 
 tives. For which, many reafons may be brought, though I can- 
 not comprehend them, having alwayes lived a fedentary life, ap- 
 plying my felf to my ftudies, which are farre remote from things 
 of that nature. 
 
 4. Nor can it be juftly objeAed againft our Nation, that they 
 are deceivers ; becaufe the generality cannot in any rationall way, 
 be condemned for fome particulars. I cannot excufe them all, 
 nor do I think, but there may be fome deceivers amongft them, 
 as well as amongft ail other nations and people, becaufe poverty 
 bringeth bafenefle along with it. 
 
 5. But if we look to that which we ought by our Religi- 
 on, the morall precept of the Decalogue, Thou shall notjleal, it 
 belongs in common to all lewes, towards all Gentiles. As may be 
 feen in Rab. Mofes of Egypt, Tra6t, Geneha, cap. i. and Gazela. 
 cap. I. It is ajinne, (faith he) to rob any man, though he he a Gentile. 
 Nor can that be alledged out of the facred Hiftory, concerning 
 the Jewells and houfhold ftuff, of which the Israelites fpoiled the 
 Egyptians, as I have heard it fometimes alledged by fome, to fome 
 men; becaufe that was a particular difpenfation, and a divine pre- 
 cept for that time. So it is recorded in the Talmud, in the Tra6i of 
 the Sanhedrim, cap. 11. that in the time oi Alexander the great, 
 thofe of Alexandria accufed the lewes for being thieves, and they 
 
 de- 
 (140) 
 
(35) 
 demanded reftitutioii of their goods. But Guebia Ben Pefria an- 
 fwered them, our Fathers went down into Egypt but feventy fouls, 
 there they grew a numerous nation, above 60000. and ferved 
 them in bafe offices, for the fpace of aio yeares, according to 
 this, pay us for our labour, and make the accounts even, and you 
 fhall fee you are yet much in our debt. The reafon fatisfied Alex- 
 ander, and he acquitted them. 
 
 6. By confequence, the lewes are bound not to defraud, nor 
 abufe in their accounts, negotiation, or reckonings, any man 
 whatfoever, as it may be feen exprefly in R. Mofes of Egypt, and 
 R. Mofeh de Kofi in Samag. 
 
 7. Yea, they farther fay, that by reftitutions, there is a refult 
 to the praife of God, and the facred Law. whence that holy, and 
 wife man, R. Simeon Ben Satah, having bought an afle of a Gentile, 
 the head flail whereof was a Jewell of great value, which the owner 
 knew not of, afterwards he found it, and freely, and for nothing, 
 he reflored it to the feller, that knew not of it, faying, I bought 
 the afle, but not the Jewell. Whence there did accrue honour to 
 God, and his Law, and to the nation of the lewes, as Midras Raha 
 reports in Parafot Hekel. 
 
 8. After the fame manner they command, that the oath which 
 they fhall make to any other nation, mufl: be with truth, and ju- 
 flice, and muft be kept in every particular. And for proof there- 
 of, they quote the hiftory of Zedekias, whom God puniflied, and 
 deprived of his kingdome, becaufe he kept not his word, and 
 oath, made to Neluchadnezzar, in the name of God, though he were a 
 Gentile, as it is faid, 2, of Chronicles, cup. ^6.1^. And he alfo rebelled 
 againfi Nebuchadnezzar, who made himfwear by God. 
 
 9. Thefe are the laws and obligations which the lewes hold. 
 So that the Law that forbids the lewes to kill any Gentiles, forbids 
 them alfo tofteal from them. Yet every one mufl: look to it, for 
 the world is full of fraud in all Nations. I remember a pretty fto- 
 ry of what pafled in Morocco, in the Court of the king of Mauri- 
 tania. There was a lew that had a fort of falfe ftones, &c. — He 
 making a truck with a Portugal Chriflian, for fome Verdigreafe 
 that he had, which was much fofifticated, ( as they are wont to 
 do there) being all falfified with Earth; one of the Portugals friends 
 
 E 3 laughed 
 
 (141) 
 
(36) 
 laughed at him, faying, the lew fitted thee well ; he anfwered, If 
 the lew hath ftoned me, I have buried him. And fo they ordina- 
 rily mock one another. 
 
 This I can affirm, that many of the \ewes, becaufe they would 
 not break with other mens goods, were very poor at Amfterdam, 
 lived very poorly, and thofe that did break with other mens goods 
 by neceflity, became fo much the more miferable, that they were 
 forced to live on almes. 
 
 And whereas in the time of K. Edward i. the lewes were accu- 
 fed of clipping the Kings coin ; it appears that this accufation 
 drew its original! mainly from the fufpicion and hatred the Chri- 
 ftians bare againft the \ewes, as appeares in the ftory, as it is fet 
 forth by Mr. Prynne, \n his fecond part of a Short Demurrer to the 
 lewes &c. p. 82. where quoting Clauf. 7. E. i. n. 7. Define recipi- 
 endo a ludceis, brings in the King, writing to his Judges in Latine, 
 in thefewords. Rexdile6iis,&JidelibusfuisSttpha.nodePentece{ieT, 
 Waltero de Helyn. (S'Th. de Cobham liifticiariis ad placita traiif- 
 grejjionis monetcB audienda, falutem. Quia omnes Judaei nuper rec- 
 tati, & per certamfufpicionem indiSiati de retonfura monetcB nqjlrce, 
 &■ inde conviSli aim ultimo fupplicio puniuntur ; & quidam eorum 
 eadem occajione, omnia bona, & catalla fua fatisfecerunt, &• inprij- 
 ona nq/ira liberalantur, in eadem ad voluntatem nqfiram detiiiendi. 
 Et cum accepimus, quod plures Chrijiiani ob ODIFM Judseorum, 
 propter difcrepantiamjidei Chri/iiance, & ritus Judaeorum, &• diverfa 
 gratia minus per ipfosjudseos Chri/iianis haSienus illata,poJlquam]\i- 
 dceos nondum reSialos in indiSiatos de tranfgrefsione monetcz, per 
 levas, & voluntarias accufationes accufare, & indiSiare de die in diem 
 nituntur, & proponunt, imponendas eis ad terrorem ipforum, quod 
 de ejufmodi tranfgrejjione culpabiles exi/iimt fuper ipfos Judaeos 
 faciendiE, &Jic per minas hujufmodi accufationis, ipjis Judaeos metu 
 incutiant, & pecuniam extorqueant ab eijdem; Ita quod ipji Judaei 
 fuper hoc, ad legem fuamfcspe ponu?itur in vitee face periculum mani- 
 feflum. Folumusquod omreei Judaei qui ante primum diem Mali proxi- 
 mo prceterit, indiSiati, vel per certamfufpicionem re6lati nonfuerunt 
 de tranfgrefsione monetce prediSies, & qui facer e voluerintjinemjuxta 
 difcretionem Fejiram,ad opusnofirumfacere pro fie, quod nonoccafior- 
 entur, &c. hujufmodi tranfgrefsionibusfaSiis ante primum diem Maii 
 
 prop- 
 (142) 
 
(37) 
 propternovas accufationes Chriftianorum pq/i eundem diem indefaBas 
 71071 molestentur, fed pacem inde haheant infuturum. Provijo, quod 
 Judaei iiidictati,velpercertamfufpicionem,re&:ati delmjufmodi tranf- 
 grefsione ante prcBdi&um diem Maii, ludicium fuleant coram vobis, 
 juxtaformam prius inde ordiTiatam & provijam. Et idea volts mane- 
 amus, quod fines hujufmodi capiatis, & pramiffa Heri, & olfervari 
 faciatis 171 forma pmdiSio. Teste Rege apud Cantuar. 8. die Maii. 
 
 THE SEVENTH SECTION. 
 
 ANd now by this time, I prefume (moft noble Sir) I may have 
 given abundant satisfaftion, (fo farre as the nature of an 
 epiftle will permit) to all your objeftions, without gi- 
 ving juft ground of offence, or fcandall to any. And forafmuch 
 as you are further defirous to know fomewhat, concerning the 
 ftate of this my expedition, and negotiation at prefent, I fhall 
 now onely fay, and that briefly, that the communication and cor- 
 refpondence I have held, for fome yeares fince, with fome eminent 
 perfons of England, was the firft originall of my undertaking this 
 defign. For I alwayes found by them, a great probability of ob- 
 taining what I now requefi: ; whiift they affirmed, that at this time 
 the minds of men flood very well affefted towards us; and that 
 our entrance into this Ifland, would be very acceptable, and well- 
 pleafing unto them. And from this beginning fprang up in me a 
 iiemblable affeftion, and defire of obtaining this purpofe. For, 
 for feven yeares on this behalf, I have endeavoured, and follici- 
 ted it, by letters, and other means, without any intervall. For I 
 conceived, that our univerfall difperfion was a neceffary circum- 
 ftance, to be fulfilled, before all that fhall be accompliflied which 
 the Lord hath promifed to the people of the lewes, concerning 
 their reftauration, and their returning again into their own land, 
 according to thofe words Daw.i a. 7. When he shall have accomplished 
 tofcatterthepowerofthe holy people, all thefe things shall be finished. 
 As alfo, that this our fcattering, by little, and little, fliould be a- 
 mongft all people, from iheoneend of the earth even unto the other; as 
 it is written Deut. 38. 64. 1 conceived that by the end of the earth 
 might be underftood this I/land. And I knew not, but that the 
 
 Lord 
 (143) 
 
(38) 
 Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have defign'd, 
 and made choice of me, for the bringing about this work. With 
 thefe propofalis therefore, I applyed my felf, in all zealous afFe- 
 ftion to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty 
 which at this day they enjoy, together with their profperous 
 peace. And I entituled my book named The hope of Ifrael, to the 
 firft Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall decla- 
 red my intentions. In order to which they fent me a very favour- 
 able paffe-port. Afterwards I directed my felf to the fecond, and 
 they alfo fent me another. But at that junfture of time my co- 
 ming was not prefently performed, for that my kindred and 
 friends, confidering the checquered, and interwoven viciffitudes, 
 and turns of things here below, embracing me, with preffing im- 
 portunity, earneftly requefted me not to part from them, and 
 would not give over, till their love conftrained me to promife, 
 that I would yet a while ftay with them. But notwithftanding all 
 this, I could not be at quiet in my mind, ( I know not but that it 
 /" might be through fome particular divine providence) till I had 
 anew made my humble addrefles to his Highnefle the Lord Pro- 
 testor (whom God preferve.) And finding that my coming over 
 would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with thofe great 
 hopes which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my houfe, 
 my friends, my kindred, all my advantages there, and the coun- 
 try wherein I have lived all my life time, under the benign prote- 
 £tion, and favour of the Lords, >the States Generall, and Magi- 
 ftrates oi Am/ierdam ; in fine (I fay) I parted with them all, and 
 took my voyage for England. Where, after my arrivall, being ve- 
 ry courteoufly received, and treated with much refpeft, I prefent- 
 ed to his moft Serene Highnefle, a petition, and fome defires, 
 which for the mofl; part, were written to me by my brethren the 
 letues, from feverall parts of Europe, as your worlhip may better 
 underflrand by former relations. Whereupon it pleafed his High- 
 nefl^e to convene an Aflembly at Whitehall, of Divines, Lawyers, 
 and Merchants, of different perfwafions, and opinions. Whereby 
 mens judgements, and fentences were different. Infomuch, that 
 as yet, we have had no finall determination from his mofl Serene 
 Highneffe. Wherefore thofe few Zetfes that were here, defpairing 
 
 of 
 
 (144) 
 
(39) 
 of our expefted fuccefle, departed hence. And others who defi- 
 red to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken them- 
 felves fome to Italy, forae to Geneva, where that Commonwealth 
 hath at this time, moft freely granted them many, and great pri- 
 vlledges. 
 
 Now, O moft high God, to thee I make my prayer, even to 
 thee, the God of our Fathers, Thou who haft been pleafed to ftile 
 thy felf the keeper of Ifrael; Thou who haft gracioufly promifed, 
 by thy holy Prophet /eremiaA, ( cap. 31. ) that thou wilt not caji off 
 all the feed of Ifrael, for all the evill that they have done ; thou who 
 by fo many ftupendious miracles, didft bring thy people out of £- 
 gypt, the land of bondage, and didft lead them into the holy land; 
 gracioufly caufe thy holy influence to defcend down into the 
 mind of the Prince, ( who for no private intereft, or refpefl: at all, 
 but onely out of commiferation .l Q_aat_afflictiQn. hath inclined 
 himfelf to proteft, and flielter us, for which extraordinary hu- 
 manity, neither I my felf, nor my nation, can ever expeft to be a- 
 ble to render him anfwerable, and fufficient thanks,) and alfo into 
 the minds of his moft illuftrious and prudent Council, that they 
 may determine that, which according to thine infinite wifdome, 
 may be beft, and moft expedient for us. For men ( O Lord ) fee 
 that which is prefent, but thou in thy omnifciencie feeft that 
 which is afarre off". 
 
 And to the highly honoured nation of England, I make my moft 
 humble requeft, that they would read over my arguments impar- 
 tially, without prejudice, and devoid of all paflion, effeftually 
 recommending me to their grace and favour, and earneftly be- 
 feeching God that he would be pleafed to haften the time promi- 
 fed by Zephaniah, wherein we ftiall all ferve him with one confent, 
 after the fame manner, and fliall be all of the fame judgement, that 
 as his name is one, fo his fear may be alfo one, and that we may all 
 fee the goodnefle of the Lord, blefled for ever, and the confolatir 
 ons of Zion. Amen, and Amen. 
 
 From my ftudy, in London, April the 10, in the year from the cre- 
 ation 5416, and in the year, according to the vulgar ac- 
 count, 1656. 
 
 F As 
 
 (145) 
 
(4°) 
 
 As to give fatisfaftion to your worfliip, being defirous to 
 know what books have been written, and printed by me, or elfe 
 are almoft ready for the prefle, may you pleafe to take the names 
 of them in this Catalogue. 
 
 A Catalogue offuch looks as have been published by Menafleh Ben 
 Ifrael, in Hebrew. 
 
 Nlfmachaim, four Books, concerning the Immortality of the 
 foul, wherein many notable, and pleafant Queflions are 
 difcuffed, and handled, as may be feen by the Arguments 
 of the particular Chapters, prefixed to the book, in Latine, dedi- 
 cated to the then Emperour Ferdinand the third. 
 
 Pene Rahba, upon Rabot, of the Ancient Rabbins, in Latine and 
 Spanish. 
 
 Conciliatoris pars prima in Pentateuchum. 
 De RefurreSiione mortuorum libri tres. 
 Problemata de creatione. 
 De termino vitce. 
 
 Defragilitate Humana, ex lapfu Adami, deque divino in bono opere 
 auxilio. 
 
 Spes Ifraelis. This is alfo in Englifh. 
 
 Orationes panegyricce, quarum una ad Illuftrifsimum princi- 
 pem, Aurantium, altera ad ferenifsimam reginam Sueciorum, in 
 Spanish onely. 
 
 C the fecond part, upon the firft Prophets. 
 Conciliator -l the third part, upon the later Prophets, 
 (.the fourth part upon the Hagiographa. 
 Humas, or the Pentateuch, with the feverall precepts in the mar- 
 gin- 
 
 Theforo de los dirim five books of the rites and ceremonies of 
 the lewes, in two Volumes. 
 
 Humas the Pentateuch, with a commentarie. 
 Piedra pretiofa, of Nebuchadnezzar's image, or the fifth Monar- 
 chy. 
 
 Laus orationes del anno, the lewes prayers for the whole year, 
 tranflated out of the originall. 
 
 Books 
 (146) 
 
(-11) 
 
 Books ready for the Prefle. 
 
 De cultu Imaginum contra Pontificios Latine, 
 
 Sermois, Sermons in the Portugal tongue. 
 
 Loci communes Omnium Midrafim, which contains the divinity of 
 the ancient Rabbins, in Hebrew. 
 
 Bihliotkeca Rahhinica, together with the arguments of their 
 books, and my judgement upon their feverall editions. 
 
 Phocylides in Spanish verfe ciim Notis. 
 
 Hippocratis Aphorifmi in Hebrew. 
 
 Flaviuslofephus adverfus Apionem,m Hebrew, ejufdemMonarchia 
 rationis in Hebrew. 
 
 Refutatio libri cut titulus Pr<eadainitce, 
 
 Hiftoriafive continuatio Flavii Jofephi ad hcec ufque tempora. 
 
 De divinitate legis Mofaicce, 
 
 De fcientia Talmudi/iarum, in Jlngulis facultatibus. 
 
 Philofophia Rabbinica. 
 
 De disciplinis Rabbinorum. 
 
 Nomenclator Hebraius & Arabiais. 
 
 I have alfo publiftied, and printed, wfith my own preffe, above 
 60 other books, amongft which are many bibles in Hebrew, and 
 Spanish, with all our Hebrew prayers correfted, and difpofed in 
 Kood order. 
 
 F I U^I S. 
 
 (147) 
 
NOTES 
 
 (P=page; l=lme) 
 
 PORTRAITS OF MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL 
 (Frontispiece, and pp. i and 105) 
 
 PococK, in his biographical introduction to the English translation of 
 Menasseh ben Israel's "De Termino Vitas" (Lond., 1700), gives the 
 following pen-picture of the author derived from the recollections of 
 English Jews who remembered the days of the Whitehall Conferences : — 
 
 " He was of middle stature and inclining to fatness. He always used his 
 own hair, which (many years before his death) was very grey ; so that his 
 complexion being pretty fresh, his demeanour graceful and comely, his habit 
 plain and decent, he commanded an awful reverence which was partly due to 
 so venerable a deportment. In short, he was un iomme sans passion, sans 
 legierete, mats helas ! sans opulence" (p. viii). 
 
 This description agrees with the portraits of Menasseh. Three of 
 these portraits are extant. Two of them are by Rembrandt, and one is 
 by a Jewish line-engraver, Salom Italia. Curiously enough, although far 
 inferior in artistic merit to the Rembrandts as a portrait, Menasseh prized 
 the Italia engraving highest. He sent a copy to the Silesian mystic 
 Frankenberg in 1643, and he writes in the Bonum Nuncium Israeli : — 
 
 " Abr. a Frankenberg. . . . effigiem meam, aeri incisam raisissem, ubi 
 ad symbolum meum Perigrinando Quarimus, cui ab uno latere Hominis 
 Peregrinantis, ab altero candelse embleraa adscriptum cum hoc dicterio 
 TOrt ■'hi-b -1: sic praefatur" (p. 92). 
 
 The shield in the left-hand comer of this portrait was used by Men- 
 asseh as a trade-mark in his printing-office. It has for this reason been 
 reproduced on the title-page of the present work. Salom Italia's portrait is 
 often found bound up with the first Latin version of the "Hope of Israel," 
 and was roughly copied in the Spanish edition published at Madrid in 1881. 
 
 Rembrandt belonged to the distinguished circle of Menasseh' s personal 
 friends. He illustrated the Piedra Gloriosa published by Menasseh in 1655, 
 and he etched one portrait of the Rabbi, and painted another. The 
 etching, of which a mezzotinted reproduction is presented on the frontis- 
 piece of the present work, was produced in 1636 when Menasseh was 
 
 (149) G 
 
Notes 
 
 thirty-two years old. Tiie painted portrait which is in the Hermitage at 
 St. Petersburg is of doubtful authenticity as relating to Menasseh, but I am 
 inclined to regard it as genuine. It represents the Rabbi at a much more 
 advanced age than the etching. The grey hair agrees with Pocock's de- 
 scription of his appearance in 1656, while the sorrowful expression and full 
 beard may be accounted for by his troubled experiences in London, and 
 especially by the death of his son. When he returned to Middleburg in 
 1657, he was mourning for his son, and hence his beard would be unshaved. 
 It is not at all improbable that Rembrandt, his old friend of twenty years, 
 saw him at this tragical moment, and that the portrait is a reminiscence of 
 the prematurely aged and broken-hearted Rabbi, then tottering on the verge 
 of the grave. 
 
 THE HOPE OF ISRAEL 
 
 (pp. 1-72) 
 
 Bibliographical Note 
 The title is taken from Jeremiah xiv. 8 (see p. 7). 
 
 The first edition (pp. xiii, 126, izmo) was in Spanish, and bore the 
 following title : — 
 
 ^XX'* rTipIO / ^^'^ ^'' / Esperanga / de Israel./ Obra con suma 
 curiosidad conpuesta / por / Menasseh Ben Israel / Theologo, y Philosopho 
 Hebreo./ Trata del admirable esparzimiento de los diez / Tribus, y su 
 infalible reduccion con los de / mas, a la patria : con muchos puntos, / y 
 Historias curiosas, y declara- / cion de varias Prophecias, / por el Author 
 rectamen- / te interpretadas./ Dirigido a los senores Parnassim del K.K. / 
 de Talmvd Tora./ En Amsterdam./ En la Imprension de / Semvel Ben 
 Israel Soeiro./ Ano. 5 410. 
 
 It was dedicated to the Wardens of the Theological School (Talmud 
 Torah), Josseph Da Costa, Ishak Jessurun, Michael Espinosa, Abraham 
 Enriques Faro, Gabriel de Rivas Altas, Ishak Belmonte, and Abraham 
 Franco. The dedication is dated Shebat 13, 5410 [ = Jan. 15, 1650], 
 and is headed with the significant quotation in Hebrew of part of verse i 
 of Isaiah Ixi. : " To preach good tidings unto the meek ; he hath sent me 
 to bind up the broken-hearted." This dedicatory epistle is only to be 
 found in the Spanish edition. In the Latin and English translations it 
 is replaced by an address " To the Parliament, the Supream Court of 
 England." 
 
 The Latin edition (pp. xii, ill, 12 mo), which was printed very shortly 
 after the Spanish, bore the following title : — 
 
 ^KltJ''' nipD / Hoc est, / Spes / Israelis / Authore / Menasseh Ben 
 Israel / Theologo ?c Philosopho Hebraeo / Amstelodami / Anno 1650. 
 
 (•50) 
 
Notes 
 
 It is doubtful whether Kayserling (Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. i6 and 
 note 76), following Castro, is correct in his conjecture that this translation 
 is the work of Menasseh himself. There are too many misunderstandings 
 of the Hebrew names and quotations to admit of this viev/. The de- 
 viations from the original suggest that it was hurriedly executed from a 
 first draft of the Spanish version, which was afterwards revised by the 
 author, who omitted to perform the same service for tlie Latin text. 
 
 The English version (pp. xiv, 90, i2mo) was based on the Latin, and 
 reproduced all its faults. It appeared in London towards the end of 1650. 
 The title-page runs as follows : — 
 
 The / Hope of Israel : / Written / By Menasseh Ben Israel, / an 
 Hebrew Divine, and Philosopher./ Newly extant, and Printed in / 
 Amsterdam, and Dedicated by the / Author to the High Court, the / 
 Parliament of England, and to the / Councell of State./ Translated into 
 English, and / published by Authority./ In this treatise is shewed the 
 place where the ten / Tribes at this present are, proved, partly by / the 
 strange relation of one Antony Monte- / zinus, a Jew, of what befell him 
 as he tra- / veiled over the Mountaines Cordillasre, with / divers other 
 particulars about the restoration of / the_ Jewes, and the time when./ 
 Printed at London by R. I. for Hannah Allen, / at the Crown in Popes- 
 head / Alley, 1650. 
 
 The only respect in which this version differs from the Latin is that it 
 contains on pp. xi-xiv an address from " The Translator to the Reader. 
 The name of the translator is not given, but the work was subsequently 
 acknowledged by Moses Wall in a correspondence with E. S. (Sir Edward 
 Spencer) ; see pp. 66-72. 
 
 A second edition, " corrected and amended," sm. 4to, was published 
 in 165 1 and reprinted in 1652. It is the latter which is reproduced in the 
 present volume on account of its convenient format, and of the Appendices 
 which throw light on the motives by which the publication in England 
 was actuated. 
 
 The following is a list of other editions and translations : — 
 
 1659. Spanish by Jedidjah Ibn Gabbai (Smyrna). 
 
 1666. Dutch by Jan Bara (Amsterdam). 
 
 1 69 1. Judeo- German by Mardochai ben Moses Drucker (Amster- 
 dam). 
 
 1697. Hebrew by Eljakim ben Jacob (Amsterdam). 
 
 1703. Ibid. 
 
 1712. Judeo-German (Frankfort) reprint of 169 1 edition. 
 
 1723. Spanish (Amsterdam) reprint of original edition. 
 
 1792. English by Robert Ingram (Colchester). 
 
 1836. Hebrew (Wilna) reprint of 1703 edition. 
 
 1850. English (London) reprint of 1650 edition. 
 
 1 88 1. Spanish, by Santiago Perez Junquera (Madrid), reprint of 
 original edition. 
 
 {'50 
 
Notes 
 
 The Epistle Dedicatory 
 
 P. 4, 1. 9. " Not onely by your prayers." This, no doubt, refers to the 
 protection extended by the Government to the Marranos in 
 London. (See Introduction, p. xxx.) 
 
 To THE Courteous Reader 
 
 P. 6, 1. 21. ^'Others to the Ten Tribes." There is a very voluminous 
 literature of the Ten Tribes, a bibliography of which has long been 
 promised by Mr. Joseph Jacobs. Bancroft in his " Native Races of 
 the Pacific States of North America " discusses the theory of the 
 Hebrew origin of the Americans (vol. v. pp. 77-95). Santiago 
 Perez Junquera in his Spanish reprint of " Esperanza de Israel " 
 gives a bibliography of Spanish writers who have dealt with the 
 problem of the Ten Tribes. The Jewish legends on the subject, 
 none of which admit the American theory, have been summarised 
 by Dr. A. Neubauer in the Jewish Quarterly Revietu (vol. i. pp. 14, 
 95, 185, 408). See also M. Lewin, "Wo waren die Zehn Stiimme 
 Israels zu suchen " (1901). 
 
 The following selections from the vast literature of the Ten Tribes, 
 especially in its relation to Menasseh ben Israel, may be recommended to 
 investigators of this curious craze : — 
 
 Enquiries touching the Diversity of Languages and Religions through the 
 
 chief parts of the world, written by Edw. Brerewood. London, 1635. 
 Thos. Thorowgood — Jews in America, &c. 1650. 
 John Dury — Epistolary Discourse to Mr. Thomas Thorowgood. 1650. 
 Sir Hamon L'Estrange — Aniericans no Jews. 1652. 
 Thos. Thorowgood— Jews in America [^with] an accurate discourse 
 
 [by] Mr. John Eliot. t66o. 
 Theophili Spizelii — Elevatio Relationis Montezinianas de repertis in 
 
 America tribubus Israeliticis. Basle, 1661. 
 Account of the Ten Tribes of Israel being in America, originally 
 
 published by Menasseh Ben Israel, with observations thereon. By 
 
 Robert Ingram, M.A. Colchester, 1792. 
 The Ten Tribes of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of 
 
 the Western Hemisphere. By Mrs. Simon. London, 1826. 
 The Hope of Israel, presumptive evidence that the aborigines of the 
 
 Western Hemisphere are descended from the ten missing tribes of 
 
 Israel. By Barbara Anne Simon. London, 1829. 
 The Remnant Found, or the place of Israel's hiding discovered, being 
 
 a summary of proofs showing that the Jews of Daghistan on the 
 
 Caspian Sea are the remnant of the Ten Tribes. By the Rev. 
 
 Jacob Samuel. London, 1841. 
 
 (152) 
 
Notes 
 
 The Thorn Tree, being a history of thorn worship of the Twelve 
 Tribes of Israel, but more especially of the Lost Tribes and House 
 of David. By Theta. London, 1863. 
 
 Falaorama. Oceanisch-Amerikanische Untersuchungen und Aufklarun- 
 gen. Erlangen, 1868. 
 
 Ireland, Ur of the Chaldees. By Anna Wilkes. London, 1873. 
 
 Ueber die Abstammung der Englischen Nation. Von D. Paulus 
 Cassel. Berlin, 1880. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 29. " Cordillerit," Spanish. A mountain chain, sometimes, as 
 here, applied in a specific sense to the Andes. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 32. "The Sabbatkall River," or Sambation, a river mentioned 
 in the Midrash as flowing during the first six days of every week and 
 drying up on the Sabbath. (Neubauer, " G6ographie du Talmud," 
 pp. 33-34> 299; Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie des Juden- 
 thums," vol. H. p. 1071 ; see also "Hope of Israel," infra, p. 35.) 
 
 P. 7, 1. 15. "/ intend a continuation of Josephus." No trace of this 
 work has been found. From a passage in the Vindiciie there is 
 reason to believe that it it was completed in MS. (see p. 115 and 
 note thereon, infra, p. 167). 
 
 The Relation of Antony Montezinus 
 
 P. 1 1 . An earlier translation of this affidavit was published by Thomas 
 Thorowgood in "Jewes in America," pp. 129, 130. (See Intro- 
 duction to present work, p. xxv. ) 
 
 P. 1 1, 1. 13. " Port Honda," now Bahia Honda, an inlet at the north- 
 eastern extremity of Colombia, in 12° 20' N. and 50° W. It was 
 first visited by Ojeda in 1502, and named by him Puerto de Santa 
 Cruz. There is a town named Honda in the interior, and a bay of the 
 same name on the northern coast of Cuba, 60 miles west of Havana. 
 
 P. 11,1. 15. "Province of Quity," modern Quito, originally a presi- 
 dency of the Spanish viceroyalty of Peru, afterwards a division of the 
 Republic of Colombia, and in 1831 organised with thedistrictsof Asuay 
 and Guayaquil into a new republic, under the name of Ecuador. 
 
 P. 11,1. 17. " Cazicus," modern Cacique or Cazique, used in Spanish to 
 designate an Indian chief. The word is of Haytian origin. An 
 early Spanish writer derives it from the Hebrew. (Kayserling, 
 " Christopher Columbus," p. 154.) 
 
 P. II, 1. 29. " Joniets," junket, from Italian giuncata, a cream-cheese, 
 so called because served on rushes [giuncoa — a rush): 
 
 " And beare with you, both wine aai jumates fit 
 And bid him eat." 
 
 — Spenser, F. Q,., V. iv. 49. 
 " With stories told of many a feat, 
 How faery Mab thejuniets eat." 
 
 — Milton, L' Allegro, jyz. 
 
 (153) 
 
Notes 
 
 p. 12, 1. 3. " Carthagenia" : modern Cartagena, a fortified maritime 
 city of the United States of Colombia, on the Caribbean Sea. 
 
 P. 12, 1. 5. " Blessed be the name of the Lord that hath not made me an 
 Idolator, a Barbarian, a Black-a- Moore, or an Indian." This is an 
 extension of a blessing said in the Hebrew morning service. The 
 original blessing, however, only speaks of " idolator." There is 
 another blessing said on seeing "negroes and redskins," and this, 
 curiously enough, is discussed in the same section of the Talmud as 
 that in which the recital of the blessing in regard to heathens is 
 enjoined (see Schwab, " Le Talmud," vol. i. p. 158). 
 
 P. 13,1. 17. '■' Duerus" : the river Douro or Duero in Spain. Mr. 
 Wall does not seem to have taken the trouble to delatinise the 
 name. In the Spanish edition it appears, of course, " Duero." 
 
 P. 13, 1.18. " Making a sign luith the Jine linen of Xylus." This is a 
 misunderstanding of the original Latin, which says, "factoque ex 
 duabus Xyli syndonibus." The word "Xyli" here is intended for 
 the genitive of Xylon = cotton. The passage should read, "and 
 making out of two pieces of cotton cloth." The original Spanish 
 says, " y haziendo vandera de dos panos de algodon." What 
 Montezinos and his companion did was to construct a flag out of 
 their two cotton waistbands. 
 
 P, 14, 1. I. Curious mistake overlooking the identity of Jacob and 
 Israel. 
 
 P. 14, 1. 22. " Mohanes ": American-Indian medicine men. (See 
 infra, p. 56.) 
 
 The Hope of Israel 
 
 P. 17, 1. 21. For Jewish aspects of the early voyages to America see 
 Kayserling, " Christopher Columbus, and the participation of the 
 Jews in the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries" (Lond., 1894); 
 also the same author's " The First Jew in America," in the John 
 Hopkins University Studies for 1892. 
 
 P. 18, 1. 32. " Gomoras" = Francisco Lopez de Gomara. 
 
 P. 18, 1. 18. "Tunes" = Tnms. 
 
 P. 18, 1. 22. "Isaac Abarbanel," Jewish statesman and theologian 
 (1437-1509), served Alphonso V. of Portugal, Isabella of Spain, 
 and Ferdinand of Naples ; author of numerous Bible commentaries 
 and philosophical essays. Headed the emigration of the Spanish 
 Jews at the time of the expulsion (Graetz, Geschichte d. Juden, 
 vol. viii. pp. 316 et seq. ; Kayserling, Juden in Portugal, pp. 72, 
 100). The Abarbanels, whose descendants are numerous in 
 Europe, claimed descent from King David. Menasseh ben Israel's 
 wife was an Abarbanel (see "Hope of Israel," p. 39). Mr. 
 Coningsby Disraeli is a descendant on his mother's side. 
 (154) 
 
Notes 
 
 p. 19, 1. 30. "Rabbi Jonathan ben U%ieL" The author of a free 
 Aramaic paraphrase (Targum) to the Hebrew Prophetical Books. 
 His date is about the beginning of the Christian era. A Targum to 
 the Pentateuch is wrongly ascribed to him; this is properly the 
 Targum Yerushalmi or Jerusalem Targum (see Zunz, "Die Got- 
 tesdienstlichen Vortrage der Juden," pp. 66 seq.). 
 
 ■f- I9> '• 33- '■'■ Ralb'mus Josephus Coen in his Chronology'" (see Bial- 
 loblotzky, " The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Meir the Sphardi," 
 Lond., 1835). Joseph Cohen was born 1496 and died 1575. 
 
 P. 2 1, Sect. 4. The Hebrew in the first case is ^^ y^ p^ n^^j;,^, ^^ ^^ ^y, 
 the t3 in the second word being regarded as a mistake for n- In 
 the second case the Hebrew is ^xV^nD p W^' ^X2DnD (see 
 " Esperanga de Israel," pp. 26, 27). 
 
 P. 21, 1. 32. " Co&; " = Callao. 
 
 P. 22, 1. 7. " Petrus Ciexa" = ?ti:o Ciega de Leon. 
 
 P. 22, 1. 8. " Guamanga" : modern Ayacucho. 
 
 P. 23, 1. 30. " Garracaj " = Caracas. 
 
 P. 24, ]. 9. " Alonsus de Erzilla " = Alonzo d'Ercilla y Zuiiiga 
 (1530-1595). The quotation is from "La Araucana," the 
 most famous of Spanish Epics. 
 
 P. 24, 1. 27. " Maragnon " = Maranon, another name for the Amazon. 
 
 P. 24, 1. 35. " /arnijm^ac " = Pernambuco. 
 
 P. 26, 1. 14. "The Isle of Solomon and Hierusalem" — Mendaiia landed 
 on Isabel Island in 1 568, and named the group Solomon, and Bougain- 
 ville rediscovered the islands in 1768. H. B. Guppy, "The 
 Solomon Islands and their Natives" (Lond. 1887). C. M. Wood 
 in "Proceedings R. Geog. Soc," 1888, pp. 351-76, and 1890, 
 pp. 394-418, with map (p. 444), on which are given the original 
 Spanish as well as the modern names of the islands. 
 
 P. 28, 1. 7. " To this day they privately keep their Religion." The Mar- 
 ranos. See supra, pp. xii— xiv. 
 
 P. 29, 1. 9. " My Reconciler." " Conciliador " Segda Parte. Amster- 
 dam, 1641. This work was translated into Latin by Vossius 
 (1687), and into English by Lindo (1842). 
 
 P. 29, Sect. 16. A bibliography of the Jews in China has been published 
 in French by Henri Cordier. A useful summary of our know- 
 ledge of the Hebrew Settlements in China, brought down to the 
 most recent date, has been written by Mr. Marcus Adler (Jeiv. 
 Quart. Rev., vol. xiii. pp. 18-41). 
 
 P. 33, 1. 20. "David the Reubenite." David Reubeni, an Oriental 
 Jew, who visited Europe in 1524, alleging himself to be an envoy 
 from the Ten Tribes. He was received with distinction by the 
 Pope and the King of Portugal, and made a great commotion among 
 the Marranos and Jews (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 244 
 et sea. ) . 
 
 (155) 
 
Notes 
 
 p. 33, 1. 23. "Selomoh Mohho." A Mairano disciple of David 
 Reubeni. His name was originally Diogo Pires. He migrated to 
 the East and became a learned Cabbalist. He died a martyr's death 
 in 1532 (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 251 et seq.). 
 
 P. 33, 1. 30. "Abraham Frisol Orchotolam." A mistranslation for 
 Abraham Frisol in his book entitled, " Orhat Olam." Abraham 
 Farisol or Peretsol (1451-1525) was a Hebrew geographer, author 
 of "Orchat Olam" (The Path of the Universe), which was edited 
 with a Latin translation by Thomas Hyde (Oxford, 1691). For 
 life of Farisol see Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 46 et seq. 
 
 P. 33, 1. 38. "The Hebreiu letter (A) and (/) are neere in fashion." 
 The letters referred to are H and H. 
 
 P- 33> '• 39- " EUad Danita." Eldad the Danite lived in the ninth 
 century. His career was similar to that of David Reubeni ( Epstein, 
 " Eldad Ha-Dani," Pressburg, 1891). 
 
 P. 34, 1. 2. " Sephar Eldad Danita," ty^-^ ll^K 11BD* -^^ edition with 
 a French> translation was published by Carmoly (" Relation 
 d'Eldad le Danite." Paris, 1838). The best editions are those 
 of Epstein and D. H. Miiller. 
 
 P. 34, 1. 3. " Rabbi David Kimhi." Famous Hebrew exegete, gram- 
 marian, and lexicographer (d. 1232). The work referred to as 
 " etymol sua " is " The Book of Roots " (oitj^iKTl "IBd)- 
 
 P. 34, 1. 5. " Of the name of Rabbi Juda Aben Karis." Should be, "in 
 the name of Rabbi Judah ben Koraisch." Rabbi Judah (fl. circa 
 870-900) was a Karaite philologist ; lived in North-West Africa. 
 He met Eldad in Morocco (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. v. p. 261). 
 
 P. 34, 1. 9. '■^ Part of the Ten Tribes also live in Ethiopia." The 
 Falashas of Abyssinia are here referred to (Halevy, " Travels in 
 Abyssinia"; Mis. Heb. Lit., yo\. ii. pp. 175 et seq. There are 
 also reports on the Falashas in the Annual Reports of the Alliance 
 Israelite and Anglo- Jewish Association). 
 
 P. 35, 1. 22. "Rabbi Johanan, the Author of the Jerusalem Talmud.^' 
 Rabbi Jochanan, son of the Smith, was a disciple of Rabbi Judah 
 the Prince, compiler of the Mishna. He was one of the most famous 
 Hebrew teachers of the third century. The tradition that he was 
 author of the Jerusalem Talmud rests only on the assertion of 
 Maimonides. Modern critics reject it, and date the Jerusalem Tal- 
 mud in the seventh century. (Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie," 
 sub voc. " Jochanan " and " Talmud.") 
 
 P. 35, 1. 34. " The learned man V Empereur." Constantine I'Empereur, 
 an Hebraist of the seventeenth century (d. 1648), who translated 
 into Latin some tractates of the Mishna and other Hebrew works, 
 including the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela. 
 
 P. 35, 1. 36. " Sedar Olam." The name of two Hebrew Chronologies 
 (see Hamburger, "Real-Encyclopadie," sup. vol., pp. 132, 133). 
 ('56) 
 
Notes 
 
 P- 35> '• 37' "•^'' Talmud tractat, Sanhedr." " Sanhedrin " is the 
 name of a treatise of the Talmud, the fourth in the fourth book of 
 the Jerushalmi, and the fifth in the fourth book of the Babli. 
 Excerpts have been translated into Latin with elaborate notes by 
 Job. Coccejus (Amsterdam 1629). 
 P. 36, 1. 9. «' Bereslt Rabba." The first part of the " Midrash Rabboth," 
 the chief collection of Hagadic or homiletic expositions of the 
 Scriptures. As its name implies, it deals with Genesis (Zunz, 
 " Gottesdienstlichen Vortrage," pp. 184 et seq., 1892.) 
 
 P. 36, 1. 9. " In Perasach" should be " in Parashah 11" (see original 
 Spanish "Esperanga," p. 66). The misprint occurs in the Latin. 
 " Parasha" means section. There are 100 sections in the Bereshith 
 Rabba. 
 
 P. 36, 1. 10. " 7ornan/"Hj " = Turnus Rufiis. 
 
 P. 36, 1. 12. "Rabbi Aquebah." One of the greatest of the Tanaim or 
 compilers of the Mishna. He became an adherent of the Pseudo- 
 Messiah Bar Cochba, who rebelled against the Romans during the 
 reign of Hadrian, and was put to death after the fall of Bethar. 
 His career has passed into legend (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. iv. 
 pp. 53 etseq.). 
 
 P. 36,1. 20. "Asirim Rabba" = Shir Ha-Shlrim Rabba. Midrashic 
 exposition of the Song of Songs {^supra, " Beresit Rabba "). 
 
 P. 36, 1. 27. " Jalcut." A collection of Midrashim covering the 
 whole of the Scriptures, and compiled in the eleventh century by R. 
 Simeon b. Chelbo, whence it is called the Yalkut Shimeoni (Zunz, 
 " Gottesdienst," pp. 183 and 3C9). 
 
 P. 36, 1. 31. " Bamibar Rabba": misprint for Bamidbar Rabba, the 
 Midrashic exposition of Numbers. 
 
 P. 37, 1. 12. " R. Selomoh Jarchi." Solomon b. Isaac of Troyes, 
 called Rashi (1040-1 105), the most eminent Hebrew Bible com- 
 mentator of the Middle Ages. The name Jarchi was erroneously 
 given to Rashi by Raymund Martini, Munster, and Buxtorf, who 
 imagined that he was a native of Lunel {■^■yi = luna). Menasseh ben 
 Israel was the first Jewish scholar to adopt this blunder (Wolf, 
 "Biblio. Heb." vol. i. 1057, &c. ; Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. vi. 
 pp. 77 rf leq. ; Wolf, "The Treves Family in England"). 
 
 P. 37, 1. 15. " R. Mardochus Japhe." Bohemian Rabbi (1530-1612) 
 (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 465-467). 
 
 P. 37, 1. 26. "Another worthy of credit." In the original Spanish, 
 Menasseh gives his name as Senor H. Meyr Rophe. This is 
 omitted from both the Latin and English editions. 
 
 P. 37, 1. 34. " R. Moses Gerundensis." Moses ben Nachman (1200- 
 
 1272), also called Nachmanides, and Ramban. Christian scholars 
 
 sometimes speak of him as Gerundensis from his birthplace, 
 
 Gerona. The greatest Talmudic authority of his day, author of a 
 
 {157) " 
 
Notes 
 
 Bible commentary. His public disputation at Barcelona with Pablo 
 Christiani in 1263 is famous (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. vii. pp. 
 131-136, Schechter "Studies in Judaism," art. " Nachmanides "). 
 
 P. 38,1. I. "^sn/aminTudi'/fnjij-," Benjamin b. Jonah of Tudela, famous 
 Jewish traveller (see Itinerary by, translated by A. Asher. Lond., 
 1840). 
 
 P. 38, 1. 4. " The City Luh'in " : misprint for Lublin. 
 
 P. 45, 1. 14. " Raiiy Simeon ben Johay, the author of the Zo/ir." 
 Rabbi Simeon was a famous doctor of the Mishna and disciple of 
 Akiba. He laid the foundation of the Sifre, the Halachic, or legal 
 exposition of Numbers and Deuteronomy. He figures in Jewish 
 legend as the greatest master of the Cabbala. He was not the 
 author of the Zohar. Internal evidence stamps that work as a 
 product of the thirteenth century, and its authorship is now ascribed to 
 Moses ben Shemtob de Leon (Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie," 
 arts. Simon b. Jochai, Sifre, and Sohar). 
 
 P. 45, 1. 22. "Rabbi Seadiah" = QAad]a. ben Joseph or Saadja Gaon 
 (892-942). The most celebrated of the Geonim, who were the 
 chiefs of the schools of Sura and Pumbaditha, and the ecclesiastical 
 counterparts of the Exilarchs. Saadja was one of the most prolific 
 and versatile writers Judaism has produced (Graetz, "Geschichte," 
 vol. V. pp. 302 et seq.'j. 
 
 P. 45, 1. 23. " Moses Egyptius" = Moses Maimonides. 
 
 P. 45, 1. 24, " Abraham bar Ribi Hijah " = Abraham ben Chijah ha-Nasi 
 of Barcelona (1065-1136), Jewish astronomical and geometrical 
 writer ; was Minister of Police during the Moorish domination in 
 Spain (Graetz, "History," vol. iii. p. 320). 
 
 P. 45, 1. 24. "Abraham Zacculo" : misprint for Zaccuto (d. f. 1515). 
 He was a Jewish astronomer employed at the Court of Manuel of 
 Portugal. His works influenced Columbus (Kayserling, "Christo- 
 pher Columbus," pp. 9, 13, 14, 46-51, 112, 113). 
 
 P. 45,1. 30. "The le.ter (m) in Isa. ix. 7." The reference is 
 to the sixth verse of Isaiah ix., in the first word of which, 
 n^ICi?, the second letter, which should be 0, is written in its final 
 form C3. 
 
 P. 47,1. 13. ^' Diogo d^Assumean" ; misprint for Diogo da Asuntjao 
 (Graetz, "History," vol. iv. p. 711; Kayserling, "Juden in 
 Portugal," pp. 282, 292). 
 
 P. 47, 1. 20. " The Lord Lope de Veray Alacron " = Don Lope de 
 Vera y Alarcon. His martyrdom is the subject of a poem by 
 Antonio Enriquez Gomez, " Romance al diuin Martir Juda Crey- 
 ente" (Kayserling, " Biblioteca Espanola," p. 50; Graetz, 
 "Geschichte," vol. x. pp. loi, 197). 
 
 P. 47, 1. 38. " haac Castrensis Tartas " = Is3a.c de Castro Tartas 
 (Graetz, "History," vol. v. p. 33). 
 
 ('58) 
 
Notes 
 
 p. 48, ]. 9. "Eli Nazarenus." His real name was Francisco Mel- 
 donado de Silva ("Publications of the American Jew. Hist. Soc," 
 vol. iv. p. 113). 
 
 P. 48, 1. 13. "Thomas Terblnon." Doctor Thomas (Isaac) Trebino de 
 Sobremente ("Pub. Amer. Jew. Hist. Soc," vol. iy. pp. 124-161). 
 
 P. 48, 1. 25. "My booke, De Termino Vitx" (English edition by 
 P. T. (^Thomas Pocock]]. Lond., 1700). 
 
 P. 49, 1. 8. "His viife Benuenida " = BienTienidii Abravanela (Kayser- 
 ling, "Die Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 77 ei seg., ui). 
 
 P. 49, 1. 16. "Don Selomo Raphe." Rabbi Solomon ben Nathan 
 Aschkenazi, surnamed Rophe, or the Physician, was a diplomatist in 
 the Turkish service who secured the election of Henry of Anjou to 
 the throne of Poland. (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 396, 
 399' 438, 580; Levy, "Don Joseph Nasi," pp. 8 et seq.). 
 
 P. 49, 1. 1 8. " D. Ben Jaese, Anancus, and Sonsinos, are of great 
 authority with the Turk." These are the names of Jewish families 
 who played an important part in Turkey in the sixteenth century. 
 This is a chapter of Jewish history on which the historians have as 
 yet shed little light. The materials are chiefly in manuscript, and 
 the present author proposes dealing with them in a communication to 
 the Jewish Historical Society. On the Ben Jaese (Ibn Jachya) 
 family, the reader may provisionally consult Carmoly, " Chronica 
 Familix Jachya," and on the Soncinos, Mortara, " Indice Alfa- 
 betico." 
 
 P. 49, 1. 20. " Abraham Alholn " : misprint for Alhulu, treasurer to 
 the Pasha of Egypt. (See infra, p. 86.) 
 
 P. 49,1. 21. "Don Josephus Nassi." A wealthy Jew, nephew and 
 son-in-law of Donna Gracia Nasi (see note, infra, p. 163). He 
 was in the service of the Sultan, and conquered Cyprus for the Turks. 
 In addition to the sources indicated by Menasseh, see Levy, " Don 
 Joseph Nasi, Herzog Von Naxos" (Breslau, 1859), and Graetz, 
 " Geschichte," vol. ix. passim. 
 
 P. 49, 1. 25. "Jacob Aben Jaes." He is sometimes referred to as Don 
 Solomon. He was of the Ibn Jachya family, and was uncle to 
 Joseph Nasi. For a time he was in the service of Queen Elizabeth, 
 and corresponded with her physician Rodrigo Lopez, to whom he 
 was related. The Sultan created him Duke of Mytilene. (MS. 
 materials.) 
 
 P. 49, 1. 29. " D. Samuel Palaxe." (See Henriques de Castro, " Keur 
 Van Grafsteenen," pp. 91, 94.) 
 
 P. 50, 1. 6. " D. Benjamin Mussaphia." Dionysius Mussaphia (1605- 
 1674), physician and philologist, court physician to Christian IV. of 
 Denmark, afterwards Rabbi in Amsterdam (Graetz, " Geschichte," 
 vol. X. pp. 24, 26, 202, 227, 243, 244; Kayserling, "Juden in 
 Portugal," p. 298.) 
 
 (159) 
 
Notes 
 
 p. 50, ]. 9. " K\ng Cochm'i." A mistranslation ; should be " King of 
 Cochin." The Jews of the Malabar coast settled there in the 
 fifth century. Local tradition gives the colony a much greater 
 antiquity. Menasseh gives further particulars of them in his 
 "Humbler Addresses," infra, p. 85 (Graetz, " Geschichte," 
 vol. iv. pp. 470-472 ; Satthianadhan in the Church Missionary 
 Intelligencer, 1 87 1, pp. 365 <?/ -f^y.) 
 
 P. 50,1. 12. " Mardocheas Maisel." Mordecai Meisel (1528-1601). 
 The first Hebrew capitalist in Germany. Created an Imperial 
 Councillor by the Emperor Rudolph. His charities were on a 
 princely scale. He built two synagogues at Prague (Graetz, 
 "Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 477, 478.) 
 
 P. 50, 1. 14. " Jacob JBathsebah." Jacob Basevi Schraieles (1580- 
 1634), an influential Bohemian Jew, ennobled by the Emperor 
 Ferdinand, receiving the title of Von Treuenburg and a grant of 
 arms. (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 41-47 ; Wolf, "Jewish 
 Coats of Arms.") 
 
 P. 50,1. 22. "Moses Avion" (1490-1565). Physician to Solymon 
 n. Translated the Bible and Hebrew Prayer-Book into Arabic, 
 and was employed by the Sultan on diplomatic missions (Levy, 
 "Don Joseph Nasi," pp. 6-8). 
 
 P. 50, 1. 23. " Elias Montalto." Felipe Montalto, or Eliahu de Luna 
 Montalto, brother of Amato Lusitano. Portuguese physician. Prac- 
 tised in Italy, and afterwards was appointed physician-in-ordinary 
 to Maria de Medicis ; died at Tours 1616, and buried in the Jewish 
 Cemetery at Amsterdam (Kayserling, "Biblioteca Espanola," pp. 
 72, 73). Montalto was also known as Don Philipe Rodrigues. 
 Among his descendants is Prof. Raphael Meldola (MS. materials). 
 
 P. 50, 1. 25. "Elias Cretensis." Better known as Elia del Medigo 
 (1463-1498). Lectured publicly on philosophy in Padua, and 
 arbitrated in a dispute between the professors and students of the 
 university at the request of the Venetian Senate. Pico di Mirandola 
 was one of his pupils. He was a prolific writer (Graetz, "Ge- 
 schichte," vol. viii. pp. 240-247). 
 
 P. 50, 1. 26. " R. Abraham de Balmas" (d. 1521). Physician, 
 philosopher, and grammarian. Like Del Medigo, he lectured in Padua, 
 and was one of the Hebraists whose teaching influenced the Refor- 
 mation. Daniel Bomberg, the famous Venetian printer, was one of 
 his pupils, and translated his poems into Latin (Graetz, "Ge- 
 schichte," vol. ix. p. 215). 
 
 P. 50, 1. 27. "Elias Grammaticus." Better known as Elia Levita 
 ( 1498-1 549). A German Rabbi who taught in Padua, Venice, and 
 Rome, and who exercised a strong influence on the Hebrew studies 
 which produced the Reformation. Scaliger describes him as " the 
 greatest Hebrew scholar of his age." Among his pupils were the 
 (160) 
 
Notes 
 
 Cardinal Egidio de Viterbe, the French bishop and ambassador 
 George de Selve, and the theologians Munster and Fagius (Giinsburg, 
 " Masoreth Hamasoreth " ; Karpeles, " Geschichte d. JUd. Lit.," 
 pp. 855 j/jf^.). 
 P- S0> !• 33- "I^avidtlePomis." Physician, lexicographer, and theo- 
 logian (1525-1588), translated Koheleth into Italian. Author 
 of "De Medico Hebraeo" (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. ix. p. 483 ; 
 Karpeles, " Gesch. Jiid. Lit.," pp. 880-881). There is a curious 
 tradition that De Pomis was residing in Hull in 1599 (Symons, 
 "Hull in ye Olden Times," Hull, 1886, pp. 82, 83). 
 
 Considerations upon the Point of the Conversion 
 OF THE Jewes 
 
 ■Pp- 5 7-7 2- This Appendix is, as will be seen, by the English translator, 
 Moses Wall. It does not appear in the first edition, and it is printed 
 here as throwing light on the motives of the English supporters of 
 Menasseh ben Israel. 
 
 P. 67, 1. 21. "E. S." Sir Edward Spenser, M.P. for Middlesex. 
 See Introduction, p. xxvii. 
 
 P. 68, 1. 36. " Did Mr. Broughton galne upon a learned Rahbi." See 
 Broughton, " Ovr Lordes Famile" (Amst., 1608), and "A 
 Reqvire of Agreement " ( 1 6 11 ) . 
 
 THE HUMBLE ADDRESSES 
 
 (pp. 73-103) 
 
 Bibliographical Note 
 
 jFor the origin of this tract, and the probable date and circumstances of 
 its preparation, see Introduction, pp. xxxviii-xxxix. 
 
 There are two editions, neither of which bears any imprint or date. 
 Both are 4to, but one has 26 pp. and the other 23 pp. It is difficult to say 
 whether, and which, one of these two versions is a revision of the other, as 
 the only difference between them is that the following sentence is added at 
 the end of the 23 pp. text: "Which is the close of Rabbi Menesse Ben- 
 Israel, a Divine, and Doctor in Physick in the Strand over against the New- 
 Exchange in London." The British Museum copy of this edition is dated 
 in MS. "Novemb. 5th (London), 1655." This edition must have been 
 printed after Menasseh's arrival in London, and it is probable that the other 
 is the Libellus Angl'icus of which he speaks in his letter to Felgenhauer in 
 February 1655, and which, consequently, we may assume was printed in 
 Amsterdam. 
 
 (161) 
 
Notes 
 
 The latter was reprinted in Mi;lbourne in 1868, with an introduction by 
 the late Rev. A. F. Ornstien : — 
 
 "To / His Highnesse / the / Lord Protector / of the / Commonwealth 
 of / England, Scotland and Ireland / the Humble Addresses / of / Menasseh 
 Ben Israel, a Divine, and / Doctor of Physic, in behalfe / of the Jewish 
 Nation / 1655. / Reprinted by H. T. Dwight, / Bookseller and Pub- 
 lisher, Bourke Street East, Melbourne. / 1868. 
 
 English reprints of the 2 3 pp. text have been published in the Jewish 
 Chronicle, Nov.-Dec. 1859, and in Kayserling's "Lite of Menasseh ben 
 Israel," with annotations in 1877 [Miscellany of Hebrew Literalure, Second 
 Series, pp. 35-63). According to Barbosa Machado ("Biblioteca Lusi- 
 tana," vol. iii. p. 457), a Spanish translation was published in London simul- 
 taneously with the first English edition. Its title is given as follows : — 
 
 " Las Humildes suplicaciones En nombre de la Nacion de los Judios a 
 su Alteza el Senor Protector Oliver Cromwell de la Republica de Inglaten a, 
 Scocia, y Yrlandia. Traduzido del Original Ingles. En Londres, 1655." 
 
 A copy of this translation in MS. existed in the library of Isaac da 
 Costa of Amsterdam (Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. 84). Kayserling first 
 translated the tract into German, and published it in his " Menasse ben 
 Israel, sein Leben und Wirken " (Berlin, 1861). 
 
 A very large number of the historical references in this tract are taken 
 without acknowledgment from Iraanuel Aboab's "Nomologia" (Amst., 
 1629) and Daniel Levy de Barrios's "Historia Universal Judayca." 
 Kayserling has given many of the original passages in his notes to his " Life 
 of Menasseh ben Israel" (Misc. Heb. Lit., Series II.). 
 
 To His Highnesse, &c. 
 
 P. 77,1. 9. "The Ambassadors of England." The St. John Mission 
 (see Introduction, pp. xxx-xxxi, and Vindicia, p. III). 
 
 P. 81,1. 19. " Merchandizing is . . . the proper profession of the Nation 
 of the Jews." In so far as this implies that the Jews have an inborn 
 genius for commerce this is a vulgar error (see Loeb, " Le Juif 
 de I'Histoire et le Juif de la Legende," pp. 7-14). 
 
 P. 85, 1. 7. " These in India in Cochin." See note, supra, ^^. 159-160. 
 
 P. 85,1. 21. "In the Turkish Empire." See Nicolas de Nicolay, 
 " Navigations, Peregrinations et Voyages faicts en la Turquie," 
 Anvers, 1576, pp. 243 et seq. 
 
 P. 86, 1. 20. " In this estate some of the Jews have grown to great 
 fortunes." The Jewish notabilities referred to in this paragraph are 
 also mentioned in the " Hope of Israel." See note,'supra, p. 1 59. 
 
 P. 87, 1. 6. " Isaac lecells." Jessel or Joesel is a diminutive of Joseph. 
 The person referred to is probably Asher ben Joseph of Cracow 
 (see Steinschneider, " Bibl. Bodl.," p. 751). 
 
 P. 87, 1. 9. " The Cosaques in the late warres." The rising of Chmiel- 
 nicki, i64a-i('i49. (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 52-82.) 
 (162) 
 
Notes 
 
 p. 87, 11. 22 el scq. The references to Jewish families in this paragraph 
 are taken from Aboab and De Barrios. See notes 201-204 'o 
 Kayserling's " Menasseh ben Israel" [Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. 88). 
 
 P. 88, 1. 17. "Seignor Moseh Palache." See De Castro, " Keur 
 Van Graafsteenen," p. 93; " Cal. State Papers, Dom.," 1654, 
 p. 91. On the Jews of Morocco, see Jew. Quart. Rev., vol. iv. 
 pp. 369 et seq. 
 
 P. 89, 1. 5. " Sir Duarte Nmes a' Jcosta." See Da Costa, " Adellijke 
 Geslachten onder de Israelieten." 
 
 P. 89, 1. 8. "Emanuel Boccaro Rosales," See p. Ixxx (Menasseh's 
 letter fo Felgenhauer) ; Kayserling, " Sephardim," p. 209 ; " Bib- 
 lioteca Espanola-Portugueza-Judaica," pp. 95-96. 
 
 P. 90, 1. 16. " As the Chronicles do declare.^' This paragraph is 
 almost literally translated from Aboab's " Nomologia," p. 290. The 
 story does not appear in the earlier Jewish chronicles, such as Schevet 
 Jehuda, Emek Habacha, and Zemach David, although the events of 
 the reign of Pedro the Cruel and Don Enrique so far as they affect 
 the Jew are fully dealt with in them. The "Chronicle" referred 
 to by Menasseh is probably that of Pedro Lopez d'Ayala, which is 
 the original authority for the story. 
 
 P. 91, 1. 27. "Don Isaac Abarbanel." See note, supra, p. 154. 
 
 P. 92, 1. I. "They e-uerywhere are used to pray." See Singer, "The 
 Earliest Jewish Prayers for the Sovereign " [Jewish Chronicle, Feb. 
 22, 1901 ). 
 
 P. 92, 1. 18. ^^ He that giveth salvation unto Kings." This is the first 
 English translation of the Prayer for the Sovereign. See Singer, 
 preceding note. 
 
 P. 93, 1. 3. " R. Simon Ben-Iochai in his excellent book called Zoar." 
 See note, supra, p. 158. 
 
 P. 93, 1. 26. "One famous lawyer in Rome, and Osorius." The whole 
 of this, and the following paragraphs relating to the expulsion from 
 Spain, is taken from Aboab's "Nomologia." Osorius (Hieronymo 
 Osorio, 1 506-1 580) was author of a history of the reign of King 
 Emanuel, which was translated into English by Gibbs (Lend., 
 1752). See notes to Kayserling's "Menasseh" for parallel 
 passages from Aboab. 
 
 P. 99, 1. 22. "As Vasquo saith." For Vasquo read Usque. Menasseh is 
 quoting from the " Consolacam as Tribvlacoens de Ysrael," by Samuel 
 Usque (Ferrara, 1552), see pp. 198-200. Samuel Usque was one 
 of three brothers, all distinguished Marranos. He fled from the 
 Portuguese Inquisition and settled at Ferrara, whence he emigrated 
 to the Holy Land. He was a protege of Donna Gracia Nasi (see 
 Note on "Don Josephus Nassi," supra, p. 159; also Kayserling, 
 "Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 80-86). 
 
 P 100,1. 5. The narrative as pirated from Aboab's "Nomologia" 
 
 ('63) 
 
Notes 
 
 ends here. For fuller details of the Portuguese persecutions, see 
 Kayserling, " Juden in Portugal," pp. 1 20 et seq. 
 
 P. 101,1. 17. " As for klUing of the young children of Christians." See 
 infra, notes on " Vindicise Judseoruni," pp. 165-167. 
 
 P. 102,1. 9. "In ^raf aza " = Ragusa. For a fuller version of this 
 story see infra, " Vindiciae Judseorum," pp. 116-117. 
 
 P. 102, 1. 20. "As for the third point." Menasseh himself was largely 
 responsible for the charge of proselytising, inasmuch as in the " Hope 
 of Israel " (^supra, p. 47) he had boasted of the converts made by 
 the Jews in Spain. There can be no doubt that these conversions 
 were very numerous, but they were probably due in a larger measure 
 to the oppressive policy of the Inquisition than to any active prose- 
 lytising on the part of the Jews. 
 
 P. 103, 1. 33. "In the Strand." For a full discussion of the place of 
 Menasseh's abode while in London, see Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc., 
 vol. iii. pp. 144 et seq. 
 
 VINDICI.E JUDtEORUM 
 
 (pp. 105-147) 
 
 Bibliographical Note 
 
 For the origin of this tract see Introduction, pp. Ixii-lxiv. 
 
 It has often been reprinted and translated, especially on occasions of 
 Jewish persecution. In 1708 it reappeared in the second volume of "The 
 Phoenix ; or a Revival of Scarce and Valuable Pieces." In 1743 it was re- 
 printed as an independent pamphlet (Lond., 8vo, pp. 67). Ninety-five 
 years later it was again reprinted by M. Samuels in the prolegomena to 
 his translation of Moses Mendelssohn's "Jerusalem" (Lond., 1838, vol. i. 
 pp. 1-73), together with a translation of Mendelssohn's introduction to the 
 German edition (pp. 77-116). 
 
 On the Continent it was first published in 1782 in connection with the 
 Mendelssohnian movement for Jewish emancipation, which was participated 
 in by Lessing and Dohm. The fact that it should have been considered 
 by Moses Mendelssohn worthy to stand by the side of Lessing's Nathan der 
 Weise is a striking tribute to its merits. The Mendelssohnian issue is more 
 famous than the original English edition, for in its German form the work 
 became a classic of national Jewish controversy, whereas in English it was 
 only associated with the local history of the British Jews. The following 
 is the full title of the German edition (pp. Iii, 64, sm. 8vo) : — 
 
 Manasseh Ben Israel / Rettung der Juden / Aus dem Englischen 
 iibersetzt / Nebst einer Vorrede / von / Moses Mendelssohn./ Als ein 
 Anhang / zu des / Hrn. Kriegsraths Dohm / Abhandlung : / Ueber / die 
 
 (164) 
 
Notes 
 
 biirgerliche Verbesserung / der Juden./ Mit Konigl. Preussischer allergna- 
 digster Freyheit./ Berlin und Stettin / bey Friedrich Nicolai / 1782. 
 
 This translation is said to have been made by Dr. Herz, the husband of 
 the famous Henrietta Herz (Kayserling, "Moses Mendelssohn sein Leben 
 und seine Werke," p. 354), but it was probably done by his wife, who knew 
 English so well that during her widowhood she was engaged to teach it to 
 the daughter of the Duchess of Courland. (See "Life" by Fiirst, also 
 Jennings's " Rahel," pp. 19 £/ seq.) The imroduclion supplied by Moses 
 Mendelssohn fills fifty-two pages, and is as famous as the Vtndktie itself. 
 
 ^ Besides being reprinted in Mendelssohn's collected works, the German 
 edition of the Vindicia was republished in 1882, in connection with the 
 Anti-Semitic agitation, under the title " Gegcn die Verleumder," and again 
 in 1890. 
 
 The following editions have also appeared : — 
 
 1813. Hebrew by Bloch (Vienna). 
 
 1818. „ with a preface by Moses Kunitz (Wilna). 
 
 1837. Polish by J. Tugenhold (Warsaw). 
 
 1842. French by Carmoly (Brussels, Revue Orlentale, ii. pp. 491 
 et seq.). 
 
 1883. Italian by Nahmias (Florence). 
 
 The First Section 
 P. 108, 1. II. " The Je'uis are •wont to celebrate the feast of unleavened 
 bread, fermenting it luith the blood of some Christians." This accusa- 
 tion, now known as the Blood Accusation, has been for many centuries 
 the favourite superstition of the Jew-haters. It was revived by 
 Prynne and Ross during Menasseh's sojourn in London. During 
 the residence of the Jews in England previously to 1290, it played a 
 conspicuous part in their persecution. (See Joseph Jacobs' "Little 
 St. Hugh of Lincoln," Jew. Hist. Sac. Trans., vol. i., especially pp. 
 92-99. "The Blood Accusation, its origin and occurrence in the 
 Middle Ages," reprinted from the Jewish Chronicle, 1883.) There is 
 a very voluminous literature of the Blood Accusation (see especially 
 Zunz's " Damaskus, ein Wort zur Abwehr," Berlin, 1859), but it 
 has not hitherto been noticed that during the period the Jews were 
 banished from England (1290-1655) the superstition continued to 
 haunt the public mind. We have a curious instance of it in 1577. 
 When John Foxe, the raartyrologist, baptized a Moorish Jew named 
 Nathaniel Menda, on April i of that year, at All Hallows, Lombard 
 Street, he adopted the Blood Accusation in the address he delivered 
 to celebrate the occasion. " Moreover, if he (Abraham) had scene 
 your unappeaceable disorder without all remorse of mercy in persecut- 
 ing his (Jesus' s) disciples ; your intolerable scorpionlike savageness, 
 so furiously boyling against the innocent infants of the Christian 
 (165) 
 
Notes 
 
 Gentiles: . . . would he ever accompted you for his sonnes." To 
 which the printer's gloss runs thus : " Christen men's children here 
 in Englande crucified by the Jewes, Anno 11S9 and Anno 11 41 at 
 Norwiche, &c." (John Foxe, " A Sermon at the Christening of a 
 certaine lew at London," London, 1578 ; p. E. iii.) This sermon, 
 originally delivered in Latin, was translated into Engli-ih and published 
 in extenso, together with the confession of Nathaniel Menda, in i 57^- 
 It was dedicated to Sir Francis Walsingham, Principal Secretary of 
 State to Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Thomas Calvert, " Minister of the Word at York," was the next 
 to lend his name to the superstition, and to give vigorous expression 
 to it in his " Diatraba of the Jews' Estate." This was a preface to 
 " The Blessed Jew of Marocco ; or A Blackmoor made White, by 
 Rabbi Samuel, a Jew turned Christian; wiitten first in the Arabick, 
 after translated into Latin, and now Englished" (York, 164!^. 
 The British Museum copy is dated in MS. "July 25, 1649.") 
 His exact words are as follows : — 
 
 " So much are they (the Jews) bent to shed the blood of 
 Christians, that they say a Jew needs no repentance for murdering a 
 Christian ; and they add to that sinne to make it sweet and delectable 
 that hee who doth it, it is as if he had offered a Corban to the Lord, 
 hereby making the abominable sin an acceptable sacrifice. But beyond 
 all these they have a bloody thirst after the blood of Christians. In 
 France and many kingdoms they have used yearly to steale a Christian 
 boy and to crucifie him, fastning him to a crosse, giving him gall and 
 vinegar, and running him in the end thorow with a spear, to rub their 
 memories afresh into sweet thoughts of their crucifying Christ, the 
 more to harden themselves against Christ and to shew their curst 
 hatred to all Christians" (pp. 18-19). 
 
 John Sadler stands out conspicuously for dissociating himself 
 from this baseless prejudice. When he wrote his " Rights of 
 the Kingdom," in 1649, '''^ summed up the matter in a happy and 
 pithy manner : " Wee say, they (the Jews) crucified a child, or more. 
 They doe deny it: and we prove it not" (p. 74). Undaunted by 
 Sadler's championship of the Jews, James Howell followed Calvert, 
 and in the Epistle Dedicatory to his pirated edition of Morvyn's transla- 
 tion of Joseph ben Gorion, " The wonderful and deplorable history 
 of the latter times of the Jews" (London [June 2], 1652), he 
 thus insinuated the truth of the charge: — 
 
 " The first Christian Prince that expelled the Jews out of his 
 territories, was that heroik King, our Edward the First, who was 
 such a sore scourge also to the Scots ; and it is thought divers families 
 of those banished Jews fled then to Scotland, where they have propa- 
 gated since in great numbers, witness the aversion that nation hath 
 above others to hog's flesh. Nor was this extermination for their 
 (.66) 
 
Notes 
 
 Religion, but for their notorious crimes, as poysoning of wells, counter- 
 feiting of coines, falsifying of seales, and crucifying of Christiaii children, 
 with other villanies." 
 
 Sadler was not the only English contemporary of Menasseh ben 
 Israel who threw doubt on the Blood Accusation. Prynne himself 
 relates in the preface to his " Demurrer " that he met Mr. Nye by 
 the garden wall at Whitehall, when he was on his way to the Con- 
 ference on the Jewish Question. « I told him," writes Prynne, 
 " the Jews had been formerly clippers and forgers of money, and had 
 crucified three or four children in England at least, which were principal 
 causes of their banishment, to which he replied, that the crucifying 
 of children was not fully charged on them by our historians, and 
 would easily be wiped off." (Preface, p. 4.) 
 
 It is curious that, as Menasseh himself points out, the Jews were 
 not alone at this period as sufferers from the Blood Accusation. ■ 
 ("Humble Addresses," p. 21.) Apart from the instance quoted 
 by Menasseh, a similar charge was levelled at the Quakers, who 
 were accused of the ritual murder of women. An illustrated tract 
 on the subject will be found in Historia Fanaticorum. (See " Historia 
 von den Wider-Tauffern," Cothen, 1701.) 
 
 The Blood Accusation did not again make a conspicuous appear- 
 ance in Anglo-Jewish history, but it is not improbable that the 
 Damascus trials in 1840 produced a serious effect in retarding the 
 progress of the struggle for emancipation. On the Continent, and in 
 the Levant, it has frequently reappeared during the last thirty years. 
 
 P. 109, 1. 8. "/n lad a Ra%aka." Misprint for Tad Hachazaka 
 ("The Strong Hand"), also called Mishneh Torah, an exposition 
 of Jewish law by Moses Maimonides, written (in Hebrew) 1170- 
 1180. 
 
 P. Ill, 1. 7. '■^ A particular blessing of the Prince or Magistrate" 
 See note, supra, p. 163. 
 
 P. 112, 1. 16. " And every day the Jeiues mainly strike.'^ The belief 
 that Jews habitually desecrated the sacramental wafer runs parallel 
 with the Blood Accusation. A curious echo of it was heard in 
 1822, and the published account of the case was illustrated by George 
 Cruikshank (" The Miraculous Host tortured by the Jews," Lond., 
 1822). 
 
 P. 114, 1. 4. "Wherefore I swear." This oath is famous in Jewish 
 history, and has been over and over again quoted and reiterated on 
 occasions of the revival of the Blood Accusation (see e.g. Trans. 
 Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 38). 
 
 P. 114, 1. 20. "John Hoornbeeh in that booh which he lately writ." 
 The work referred to is De Convertendis Judais, 1655. 
 
 P. 115, 1. 28. "In my continuation of Flavins Josephus." In the 
 "Hope of Israel" [supra, p. 7), Menasseh announced his intention 
 (167) 
 
Notes 
 
 of writing this work. From this passage it seems that he had now 
 completed it, and that he had the MS. with him in London. It 
 was never printed, as none of it has survived. It is curious that 
 Menasseh does not mention it among his " Books ready for the 
 Presse," of which he gave a list at the end of the Vindicin (see 
 
 p. 147). V-r<^ c^eer- sfcc p. \«r7 t-'ve 1'2. 
 
 P. 116,1. 13. "One Isaac Jeshurun." An account of his persecution 
 was written in Hebrew by Aaron de David Cohen of Ragusa, and 
 translated into Spanish under the title. Memorable relacton de Tshac 
 Jesurun. The work is in MS. ; a copy was in the Almanzi Library. 
 
 P. 118, 1. 30. " That our nation had purchased S. PauTs Church." See 
 Introduction, p. xli. 
 
 P. 118, 1. 34. " A fabulous narrative." Brett, "A Narrative of the 
 Proceedings of a Great Councel of Jews assembled on the plain of 
 Ageda" (Lend., 1655; reprinted in "The Phoenix," 1707, the 
 " Harleian Miscellany," vol i., 1813, and in pamphlet form by 
 Longmans & Co., 1876). 
 
 P. 121, 1. 27. "The book called Scebet /f^ad'a," mm'' D365' nSD, by 
 Solomon Aben Verga, a Jewish chronicle of the sixteenth century. 
 See German translation by Wiener (Hanover, 1856). The story 
 related by Menasseh ben Israel will be found on pp. 77-78. It is 
 not told of a " King of Portugal," but of a Ring of Spain. 
 
 P. 121, 1. 32. " Before one of the Popes, at a full Councell." For Papal 
 Bulls on the Blood Accusation see " Die Blutbeschuldigung gegen 
 die Juden von ChristJicher Seite beurtheilt," Zweite Auflage 
 (Vienna, T883). Strack's " Blutaberglaube " (several editions) is 
 the classical work on the subject. 
 
 The Second Section 
 
 P. 124, 1. 16. "Tie Israelites hold." This paragraph is a summary of 
 the Thirteen Articles of Faith first drawn up by Moses Maimonides 
 in 1 168, and now incorporated in the Synagogue liturgy. Menasseh's 
 summary, though admirably succinct, is not altogether perfect, and 
 was apparently drafted with a view to the susceptibilities of the 
 English Conversionists. A full translation of the thirteen creeds 
 had, however, already appeared in England (see Chilmead's trans- 
 lation of Leo Modena's " The History of the Rites, Customes, and 
 Manner of Life of the Present Jews," Lond., 1650, pp. 246-249). 
 
 P. 124, 1. 28. "A French booh which he calleth the Rappel of the Jewes" 
 laac la Peyr^re " Rappel des Juifs." 
 
 The Third Section 
 
 The subject matter of this section, the alleged cursing of Gentiles, is, 
 like the Blood Accusation, an obstinate delusion of the anti-Semites. It is 
 
 (168) 
 
Notes 
 
 the burden of a very voluminous literature. See, among recent publications, 
 Jellitiek, "Der Talmudjude " (Vienna, 1882); Daab, " Der Thalmud " 
 (Leipzig, 1883) ; Hirsch, " tjber die Beziehung des Talmuds zum Juden- 
 thum" (Frankfort, 1884) ; and Hoffmann, "Der Schulchan Aruch unddie 
 Rabbinen iiber das Verhaltniss der Juden zu Andersglaubigen " (Berlin, 
 
 ■^'' I27»I' 3I- " Prayers for Kings and Princes." See note, j«/ra, p. 163. 
 , P. 128, 1. 6. "The form of prayer in the book entitled The Humlle 
 
 Addresses" supra, p. 92. 
 P. 133, 1. 25. " Wise and vertuous Lady Bertiria." The most famous 
 
 of the women mentioned in the Talmud. She was the daughter of 
 
 Rabbi Chanina ben Tradjon, and wife of Rabbi Meir (Kayserling, 
 
 "Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 120-124). 
 P. 133, 1. 26. " R. Meir." A distinguished pupil of the great Rabbi 
 
 Akiba, and one of the most famous of the authors of the Talmud. 
 
 He lived in the second century (Levy, " Un Tanah," Paris, 1883 ; 
 
 Blumenthal, « Rabbi Meir," Frankfurt, 18B8). 
 
 The Fourth Section 
 
 P. 134, 1. 14. " Buxtorphius." Johann Buxtorf the Elder (1564-1629), 
 the greatest Christian Hebraist of his day. Professor of Hebrew at 
 Basle. 
 
 P. 136, 1. 22. " R. Da-vid Gaivz." David Gans (i 541-163 1), a 
 Jewish chronicler, mathematician, and astronomer, author of Zemach 
 David. He lived in Prague, and was a friend of Tycho Brahe and 
 Keppler (Klemperer, "David Gans's Chronikartige Weltgeschichte," 
 Prague, 1890). 
 
 P. 136, 1. 25. " Antonius Margarita" His name was Aaron Margalita. 
 He was an ignorant Polish Jew, who became converted to Christianity 
 and placed his services at the disposal of the Jew-haters (Graetz, 
 " Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 313-314). 
 
 The Fifth Section 
 
 P. 137,1. 1 8. " I have held friendship ivith many great men." Menasseh's 
 circle of Christian friends was large and distinguished. His intimacy 
 with Rembrandt has already been referred to {supra, pp. 149-150). 
 Among his other friends were Hugo Grotius, the learned family of 
 Vossius, Episcopius,Vorstius, Meursius, Cunasus, Blonde!, Chr. Arnold, 
 Bochart, Huet, Sobierre, Felgenhauer, Frankenberg, Mochinger, and 
 Caspar Barlasus. 
 
 P. 137, 1. 23. ^^ Many verses in my commendations" The poem by 
 Barlxus here referred to was prefixed to Menasseh's treatise " De 
 Creatione" (Amsterdam, 1636), together with congratulatory 
 (,69) 
 
Notes 
 
 sonnets by Himanuel Nehamias, Mosseh Pinto, Jona Abravane], 
 and Daniel Abravanel. It ran as follows : — 
 
 EPIGRAMMA, 
 
 IN 
 
 PROBLEMATA 
 
 Clarissimi •viri Manassis Ben-Israel, 
 
 De Creatione. 
 
 Qvae cceIos terrascj; manus, spatiosaq ; Nerei 
 
 ^quora, & immesas, quas habet orbis opes, 
 Condiderit, mersuniq ; alta caligine mundum 
 
 lusserit imperijs ilicet esse suis : 
 Disserit Isacides. Et facta ingentia pandit ; 
 
 Et nondum exhaustum contrahit arte Deum. 
 Hie atavos patres^ ; suos & verba recenset, 
 
 Sensaq ; Thalmudicas relligiosa Scholas. 
 Vera placet, placet egregijs conatibus author, 
 
 Et pietas fidei disparis ista placet. 
 Cunctorum est coluisse Deum. Non unius sevi, 
 
 Non populi unius credimus, esse pium. 
 Si sapimus diversa, Deo vivamus amici, 
 
 DoctacJ ; mens precio constet ubi^ ; suo. 
 Haec fidei vox summa mese est. Haec crede Menasse. 
 
 Sic ego Christiades, sic eris Abramides. 
 
 C. Barleys. 
 
 The Seventh Section 
 
 144, 1. 37. " Wherefore those few Jetues that were here, despairing of our 
 expected successe departed hence." This can only refer to Menasseh's 
 companions on his mission. With two exceptions all the Marranos 
 in London at the time of Menasseh's arrival remained in the country. 
 
 145, 1. 34. " From my study in London." See Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, 
 vol. iii. pp. 144-150. 
 
 (170) 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abarbanel, David, Ixxxvi 
 
 Abarbanel, Ephraim, Ixix 
 
 Abarbanel family, claimed descent 
 from King David, xxxiii, 154 
 (notes) 
 
 Abarbanel, Isaac, Jewish statesman, 
 councillor to King of Spain and 
 Portugal, 19, 45, 49, 91, 154 (notes), 
 163 (notes), cited, 122 
 
 Abarbanel, Samuel, 49. {See also 
 Abravanel) 
 
 Abel-beth-maachah, 29 
 
 Aben Ezra, 109 
 
 Aben Jaes, Jacob =Alvaro Mendez, 
 47 i^see Jachya, Ibn) 
 
 Aben Karis, Rabbi Juda, 34 
 
 Aboab, Imanuel, cited, 162, 163 
 (notes) 
 
 Abravanel, Daniel, 170 (notes) 
 
 Abravanel, Jona, 170 (notes) 
 
 Abravanela, Bienvenida = Benuen- 
 ida, 49, 159 (notes) 
 
 Abyssinia, Falashas of, 156 (notes) 
 
 Abyssins, country of the, 40 ; king- 
 dom of the, 42 
 
 Acosta, cited, 54 
 
 Acosta, Sir Duarte Nunes d', 89, 163 
 (notes) 
 
 Acosta, josephus, 18 
 
 Acosta, P., cited, 22 
 
 Acuzainitenses, 22 
 
 Adler, Rev. Dr. H., xxiii (cited), >i., 
 xxvii, n. 
 
 Adler, Marcus, 155 (notes) 
 
 Admiralty Commissioners, Ixv 
 
 Africa, 6, 21, 44, 113 ; battle in, 51 ; 
 North-West, 156 (notes) 
 
 Agathais, cited, 32 
 
 Ageda, 118; Council of Jews as- 
 sembled on the Plain of, 167 
 (notes) 
 
 Agrippa, 129, 130, 131 ; cities of 
 King, 36 
 
 Agrippa's Oration, 35 
 
 Akiba, Rabbi, 169 (notes) 
 
 Alacron, Lord Lope de Veray, turned 
 Jew, was burnt by Inquisition, 47 
 
 Alciat, 96 
 
 Alexander the Great, 128, 130, 140, 
 141 
 
 Alexandria, 19, 44 ; people of, accuse 
 Jews of being thieves, 40 
 
 Alholu, D. Abraham, 49, 86, 159 
 (notes) 
 
 Allen, Hannah, 151 
 
 Almadise, see Ethiopian ships, 34 
 
 Alonsius, son of John II., 51 
 
 Alonsus, P., cited, 55 
 
 Alphonso II., Duke of Ferrara, 88 
 
 Alphonso v., of Portugal, 154 
 (notes) 
 
 Alphonso the Wise, King of Spain, 
 declares Blood Accusation false, 
 102 ; gave liberty to Jews to dwell 
 in his country, 121 
 
 Atlas, Gabriel de Rivas, 150 (notes) 
 
 Alva, Duke of, 39 
 
 Alvalensi, Samuel, 91 
 
 Amarat, Sultan, 85 
 
 Amarkela, R. Joseph, 33 
 
 America, Ixxviii, 18, 20, 23, 27, 42, 
 44> 55i 56 ; fii'St inhabitants of, 
 54; Jews in, 152 (notes), 153 
 (notes) ; people of, 6 ; South, 
 xxiv ; Synagogues in, 52 ; " Ten 
 Tribes of Israel in, Account of," 
 52 (notes) ; Williams founds com- 
 munity in, xix 
 
 American Indians, .xxiv 
 
 Americans, 41 ; origin of, 152 (notes) 
 
 Americus, 17 
 
 Amon, Moses, physician and trans- 
 
 70 
 
Index 
 
 lator of Pentateuch into Persian 
 and Arabian, 113, 135, 160 (notes) 
 
 Amorites, 57 
 
 Amsterdam, xiii, xxxiii, xxxvi, Ixviii, 
 Ixxi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, 88, 109, 117, 120, 
 150 (notes), 161 (notes); English 
 converts to Judaism, xxi ; Jews of, 
 Ixxiii ; Jewish cemetery of, 160 
 (notes) ; Jewish merchants of, xxx, 
 xxxi ; Magistrates of, xvii, 144 ; 
 Marrano congregations, xiv ; Men- 
 asseh becomes acquainted with 
 Dury, xxiv ; Menasseh's printing 
 office at, xxxvii n.; Montezinos 
 relates his story before Synagogue, 
 XXV (see Mussaphia), 159 (notes); 
 Rabbinate at, xxxii ; Separatists, 
 xviii, xix ; " Spes Israelis," xxii ; 
 Synagogue at, xxv ; visited by 
 Lord St. John, iii 
 
 Amurat, Sultan, 47, 86 
 
 "An Apologie for the Honourable 
 Nation of Jews," 103 
 
 Anaucus, 49, 1 59 (notes) 
 
 Ancona, 96, 98 
 
 Andalusia (Andaluzia), xii, xxxiii, 
 
 93 
 Andes of Cusco, 24 
 Andro, Earl of, Joseph Nasino, 86 
 Anian, 31 ; kingdom of, 20, 21 ; Sea 
 
 of the Strait of, 55 ; Strait of, 29, 
 
 S3, SS 
 Anjou, Henry of, elected King of 
 
 Poland, 159 (notes) 
 Anti-Jewish Petition, Ixxi, Ixxii 
 Anti-Semitic pamphleteers, Ivii 
 Anti-Semites, xlii, Ix, Ixii, Ixv, Ixxiv 
 Antipater, 90 
 
 Antioch, 40 ; Daphne of, 35 
 Antiochus, 62, 76, 119, 130 ; the end 
 
 of, 51 
 Antonius, Marcus, 129 
 Antwerp, Hebrew bankers of, xv ; 
 
 Marrano Jews of, xiv 
 Apion, 120, 129, 130, 131, 135 ; and 
 
 the Blood Accusation, 119 
 "Apologia Contra Gentes," 120 
 Apostolical Roman Church, xxxiv 
 Apostolical Roman Seat, 98 
 Appeal to the English nation, xxxvii 
 Aquebah, Rabbi, one of the com- 
 
 (I 
 
 pilers of the Mishna, 36, 157 
 
 (notes) {see Akiba) 
 Aquibah, Rabbi, 48 [see Aquebah) 
 Aquirre, killed Petrus d'Orsna, 24 ; 
 
 killed at Margareta, 25 
 Arabians, 7 ; derivation of Sab- 
 
 bathion, 37 
 Aragon, xiii 
 
 Aragon, Catherine of, xv 
 Araguza = Ragusa, 102, 116, 164 
 
 (notes) 
 " Araucana, La," 155 (notes) 
 Area, 36, 38 
 
 Aristseus = Ansteas, cited, 124, 130 
 Armada, xv 
 
 Arnebet, wife of Ptolomy, 127 
 Arnold, Chr., 169 (notes) 
 Arsareth, 20 
 Artaxerxes, 120 
 Aschkenazi, Rabbi Solomon ben 
 
 Nathan = Don Selonio Rophe, 49, 
 
 159 (notes) 
 Asher, A., cited, 158 (notes) 
 Asia, 6, 21, 35, 41, 44, 54, 55. 82, 
 
 113, 124; East, 32; Jews in, 50, 
 
 129 ; Kings of, 130 
 "Asirim Rabba" = Shir Ha-Shirim 
 
 Rabba, 36, 157 (notes) 
 Asor, Tribe of, 32 
 Assembly at Whitehall, 144 
 Assumean, Diogo d' = Diogo da 
 
 Asungao, turned Jew, burnt by 
 
 Inquisition, 47, 158 (notes) 
 Assyria, Ixxviii, 29, 36, 40, 42, 44, 45, 
 
 53; Benhadad of, iii ; King of, 
 
 37 {see Pul, 29) 
 Astrologer of Prague {see Jacobus 
 
 Verus), 28 
 Asuay, 153 (notes) 
 Asungao, Diogo da {see Assumean) 
 Atagualpa, 22 
 Athens, 55 
 Athenians, 97 
 Atlantic Islands, 6 
 Atlantis, 54 
 
 Attica, inundation of, 55 
 Augusta, Julia, wife of Augustus 
 
 Cffisar, 130 
 Augustine, cited, 103, 130 {see 
 
 Austin) 
 Augustinianus, Alonsus, 21 
 72) 
 
Index 
 
 Augustus Cassar, 129, 130 
 
 Auns, 32 
 
 Austin, cited, 56 
 
 Austine the Monk, 68 
 
 Austria, 115 
 
 Ayacucho = Guamanga 155 (notes) 
 
 Ayala, Pedro Lopez d', 163 (notes) 
 
 Azahel, Rabbi Jacob ben, xxxvii n. 
 
 Azores, 21 
 
 "Babli, The," Talmud, 157 (notes) 
 
 Babylon, 35, 39, 40, 42, 64, 92 ; cap- 
 tivity of, 41, 43, 93 ; redemption 
 from, 42 ; rivers of, 36 
 
 Babylonian Talmud, cited, 36, 43, 
 157 (notes) 
 
 Bagdad, 85 
 
 Bahia Honda = Port Honda = Puerto 
 de Santa Crus, 153 (notes) 
 
 Bairos, Johannes de, 38 
 
 Bajaseth, Bajazet, Sultan, 50, 97 
 
 Baiker, Richard, Ixxi n. 
 
 Balaam, 46 
 
 Balboa, Basco Nunez de, 19 
 
 Balmas, R. Abraham de, 50, 160 
 (notes) 
 
 BaJtasar, 129 
 
 " Bamibar Raba " = Bamidbar Rabba, 
 36, 157 (notes) 
 
 Bancroft, cited, 152 (notes) 
 
 Banishments from England, France, 
 Spain, 46 
 
 Baptist, John the, 30 
 
 Baptists, xviii 
 
 Bar Cochba, the Pseudo - Messiah, 
 157 (notes) 
 
 Bara, Jan, 157 (notes) 
 
 Barbadoes, xxxi, xxxvii 
 
 Barbary, 49 ; Kingdom of, 88 
 
 Barcelona, Disputation of Grundensis 
 at, 157 (notes) 
 
 Barleus, Caspar, i37 = Barteus, Cas- 
 par, 169 (notes) 
 
 Barlovent, Isle of, 18 ; Islands of, 54 
 
 Barlow, cited," I, liv 
 
 Barrios, Daniel Levy de, cited, 162, 
 163 (notes) 
 
 Baruch, cited, 129 
 
 Basle, 169 (notes) 
 
 Bathsebah, Jacob = Jacob Basevi 
 
 Schmieles, received title von Treu- 
 
 enburg, 50, 160 (notes) 
 Batueca, 39 
 Bazalel, 75 
 
 Beleeving Judas, 47 {see Alacron) 
 Belmonte, Ishak, 150 (notes) 
 Benhadad, King of Assyria, in 
 Ben Jaefe, D., 49 
 Benjamin, tribe of, 7, 36, 39, 40, 52, 
 
 66, 70, 85 
 Benjamin, R., cited, 32 
 Benjamin of Tudela, 156 (notes) 
 Benn, William, xlviii 
 Benuenida, wife of Samuel Abarba- 
 
 nel, 49, 159 
 " Beresit Rabba," 36, 157 (notes) 
 Bergarensis, Caspar, 25 
 Berkshire, Earl of, Ixxiv 
 Bermuda Company, xlvii 
 Beruria, daughter of Rabbi Chanina 
 
 ben Tradjon, wife of Rabbi Meir, 
 
 133, 169 (notes) 
 Bethar, 157 (notes) 
 Bialloblotzky, cited, 155 (notes) 
 " Bibliotheca Rabbinica," 134, 147 
 Biddle, xl 
 Blake, xl 
 Blood Accusation, 108, 165 (notes), 
 
 166, 167 (notes) ; the Pope de- 
 clared false, in full Council, 102 
 " Bloudy Tenent of. Persecution," 
 
 xix 
 Blumenthal, cited, 169 (notes) 
 Bochardus, Samuel, 40 
 Bochart, 169 (notes) 
 Bodleian Library, xli 
 Bohemian Jews, Ixx 
 Bomberg, Daniel, famous Venetian 
 
 printer, 160 (notes) 
 Bondel, 169 (notes) 
 Bondi, Abraham de, Ambassador for 
 
 Alphonso II., 88 
 Bordeaux, Ixxi 
 Borja, St. Franciscus de, 25 
 Boterus, 33 ; cited, 34, 49 
 Boyle, Robert, 1 k. 
 Bozara, 48 
 Bozius, 54 
 
 Brahe, Tycho, 169 (notes) 
 Brasil, Seignory of, 91 
 Brazil, xxxiii, xxxvii ; Negroes of, loi 
 
 73) K 
 
In da 
 
 X 
 
 Brazilians, 26 
 
 Breiewood, Edw., 153 (notes) 
 
 Breslau, Mart of, 38 
 
 Bridge, William, xlviii 
 
 Brightman, 58 
 
 Brito, Abraham Israel de, Ixxxvi 
 
 Brittaines of Bangor, 68 
 
 Broughton, 68 ; cited, i6i (notes) 
 
 Bruges, Ixviii, Ixxiii 
 
 Biilkeley, 1 
 
 Bulls on the Blood Accusation, 
 Papal, 168 (notes) 
 
 Burchmannus, Otto, Ambassador to 
 Persia, 49, 50 
 
 Burgos, Jews of, 90 
 
 Busher, Leonard, xix, xxi ; " Reli- 
 gious Peace," xviii 
 
 Buxtorfius = Buxtorphius, 134, 136, 
 157, 169 (notes) 
 
 Cabala, The, 33 
 
 Caceres, Jahocob de = Simon de 
 
 Caceres, xxxvi, xxxvii, Ixvii, Ixxiii, 
 
 Ixxxvi 
 Cadiz, xiv, Ixxi 
 Ctesar, Augustus, 129, 130 
 Ca;sar, Julius, 90 
 Cajsarensis, Eusebius, cited, 131 
 Caius, Emperor, 129, 131 
 Callao = Collai, 155 (notes) 
 " Calling of the Jewes, The," xxi 
 Calvert, Thomas, 166 (notes) 
 <-'alvinists, xviii 
 Cambridge University, xlviii 
 Canaan, 57 
 Canaanites, 6, 54 
 
 Cantipratensis, Thomas, cited, 115 
 Captivity of Babylon, 41 , 43 ; First, 64 
 Captivity, Roman, 93 
 Caracas = Garracas, 155 (notes) 
 Caribbean Sea, 154 (notes) 
 Carlyle, xxix n, Ixiv « 
 Carmoly, 156 (notes); cited, 159 
 
 (notes) 
 Caiter, John, xlviii 
 Carthage, 19 
 Carthaginians, 6, 18, 97 
 Carthegenia = Cartagena, 12, 154 
 
 (notes) 
 Cartwright, Ebenezer, xx 
 Cart Wright, Johanna, xx 
 
 (> 
 
 Cartwright Petition, xxi 
 
 Carvajal, Antonio Fernandez = Abra- 
 ham Israel Carvajal, xxxv, Ixii, 
 Ixvii, Ixxiii, Ixxxvi 
 
 Carybes Indians, 27 
 
 Caryll, John, xlviii, 1. 
 
 Caspian Sea, 38, 40, 152 (notes) 
 
 Cassel, D. Paulus, 153 (notes), xliii 
 
 Cassius, Dion, cited, 55 
 
 Castellanus, Franciscus, 1 1 «. 
 
 Castile, 91,93, 94, 97, 138 
 
 Castoel, David, 85 
 
 Castoel, Samuel, 85 
 
 Castro, Balthasar Orobio de, xiii 
 
 Castro, de, xv «., xxi, 151 ; cited, 
 163 (notes) 
 
 Castro, Henriques de, cited, 159 
 (notes) 
 
 Catherine of Aragon, xv 
 
 Cazici, 16 ; Hebrew, 17 
 
 Cazicus, Francis, 11 ?/., 12, 13, 14, 
 15, 16, 17, 153 (notes) 
 
 Chachapoyas, Province of, 24 
 
 Chaldy Paraphrase, 43 ; Tar- 
 gum {q.v.) 
 
 Chalossi taken to Spam by de 
 Quiros and died there, 26 
 
 Chamfanfu, 29 
 
 Chanan, 23 
 
 Chanina ben Tradjon, Rabbi {see 
 Beruria) 
 
 Chanut, xli n. 
 
 Charles I., xx, xxiii 
 
 Charles II., Ixx ; re-entered London, 
 Ixxi ; under obligation to Jews, 
 Ixxiii, Ixxiv 
 
 Charles V., Emperor, 23, 33, 95, 96 
 
 Charles, Infant, 51 
 
 Chequiona, 30 
 
 Chersonesus, the Golden, 19 
 
 Chiefi, Cardinal de, 98 
 
 Child, Sir Josiah, Ixxv, Ixxvi 
 
 Chili, xxxvii 
 
 Chiliast, 70 
 
 Chillon, Isak Lopes, Ixxxvi 
 
 Chilmead, xlii ; cited, 168 (notes) 
 
 China, 20, 29, 31, 42 ; Hebrew 
 settlements in, 155 (notes); Jews 
 in, 15s (notes); people of, 6; 
 tongue, 30 
 
 Chineses, 30 
 
 74) 
 
hidi 
 
 ex 
 
 Chmielnicki, 162 (notes) 
 
 Christian!, Pablo, 158 (notes) 
 
 Christological Oath, Ixvii 
 
 Chudworth, xlvii 
 
 Chus, 40 
 
 Chutuytu, Lake, 21 
 
 Cicero cited, 135 
 
 Cieza, Petrus = Pedro Ciega de Leon, 
 cited, 22, 155 (notes) 
 
 Cimedro, Alfonsus, a Jesuit, 30 
 
 Civil War, xxiii, xxiv 
 
 Clement VII., 94, 96 
 
 Cleopatra, 130 
 
 Clissa, 88 
 
 Cobham, 142 
 
 Coccejus, Joh., 157 (notes) 
 
 Cochin, 162 ; Jews in, 85 
 
 Cochini, King = King of Cochin, 50, 
 159 (notes) 
 
 Ccen, Rabbinus Josephus = Rabbi 
 Joseph ben Meir the Sephardi = 
 Cohon, 33, 155 (notes) 
 
 Cohen, Aaron de David, 168 (notes) 
 
 Coimbra, Marrano Archdeacon of, 
 xiii 
 
 Colchester, xxi, 151 (notes) 
 
 Collai = Callao, 21, 155 (notes) 
 
 Collier, xliii n. 
 
 Colombia, Republic of, 153 (notes); 
 United States of, 154 (notes) 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, xii, 17, 158 
 (notes) 
 
 Commonwealth of England, xv, 
 xxxii, xli, III ; appeal to, in 
 " Humble Addresses," xxxviii ; 
 commercial interests of, xxxiii ; 
 end of, Ixx, Ixxi ; notable gather- 
 ing, xlvii ; Scotland, Ireland, 162 
 (notes) ; declaration to the, 78 
 
 " Conciliator," 146 
 
 Conference, Whitehall {see White- 
 hall Conference) 
 
 Constantinople, 49 ; Jews in, 85, 
 113 ; Synagogue of, 86 
 
 Conversion of the Jews, considera- 
 tions upon the point of the, 57, 
 161 (notes) 
 
 Conversionists, xl, xlii ; English, 
 xxii, 168 (notes) 
 
 Copley, xliii n. 
 
 Copta, 91 
 
 Cordier, Henri, 155 (notes) 
 Cordilleras, xxiv, 6, 11 «., 25, 54, 153 
 
 157 (notes) 
 Cordova, Gonsalvo de, xiv 
 Coronel, Augustin, xli, Ixxiii ; 
 
 knighted, Ixxv 
 Cortez, 17 
 
 Cosaques killed Jews, 87 
 Gosmo the Great, Duke of Florence, 
 
 97 . . . 
 
 Costa, da, xiv «., xli, 163, cited (notes) ; 
 
 Isaac, 162 (notes) ; Joseph, 150 
 
 (notes) ; Mendez, Ixxiii 
 
 Council of Army Officers, xx 
 
 Council of Mechanics, xix 
 
 Council of State, xxi, xxxiv, xxxv, xiv, 
 xlvi, xlvii, liv, Iv, Ixi, Ixv, Ixvi, 157 
 (notes) ; " Hope of Israel" dedi- 
 cated to, 3, 144 ; Menasseh's peti- 
 tion sprung on, xlvi ; received 
 copies of " Humble Addresses," 
 xliv ; receives Robles's petition, 
 Ixiv 
 
 Council of State's report, Ixxxiv 
 
 Council of Trent, Ixxxi 
 
 Cracow, Jews in, 87 
 
 Craddock, Walter, xlviii 
 
 Crawford, xxix n. 
 
 Crequi, Marshal de, xiii 
 
 Cressett, xlvii 
 
 Cretensis, Elias = Elia del Medigo, 
 50, 160 (notes) 
 
 Critia, Plato's, 54 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, xvi, xx, xxxii, xxxiii, 
 xxxv, xxxvi, xl, Ixvi ; action of, 
 lii, Ivi ; adds members to the Con- 
 ference, 1 ; adherents of, xlviii ; ad- 
 mits Jews as citizens of one of the 
 colonial dependencies of Great 
 Britain, xxxvii ; assures London 
 Marranos of his protection, Iviii ; 
 best speech of, liii ; brings petition 
 before Council, xliv ; campaign 
 of, Ixxv ; dismisses conference, liv ; 
 favours Jewish question, xiv, xlix ; 
 gives monetary help to Menasseh, 
 Ixix ; intentions of, lix ; laid down 
 programme of proceedings at Con- 
 ference, xlviii ; Menasseh's mission 
 to, Ixxiii 
 Cromwell, Henry, li, liv n. 
 
 75) 
 
Index 
 
 Cromwell, Richard, Ixxi, Ixxxvii 
 
 Cromwell's Council issue invitation to 
 Whitehall Conference, xlvi, Ixxxiv ; 
 negotiations with Marranos, Ixii 
 
 Crouch, lii 
 
 Cruikshank, George, 167 (notes) 
 
 Crypto-Jews, Ixv {^see Marranos) 
 
 Cuba, 18, 153 (notes) 
 
 Cunteus, 169 (notes) 
 
 Cusco, Andes of, 24 
 
 Customs, Commissioners of, Ixi 
 
 Cuthah, 39 
 
 Cyprus conquered by Nassi for the 
 Turks, 159 (notes) 
 
 Cyrus, 40 ; decree of, 129 ; proclama- 
 tion of, 64 
 
 Daab, cited, 169 (notes) 
 
 Daghistan, Jews of, 151 (notes) 
 
 Dalmatia, 88 
 
 Damascus trials, the, 167 (notes) 
 
 Dan, tribe of, 32 
 
 Danita, Eldad = Eldad the Danite, 
 
 33, 38, 156 (notes) 
 Danites, 31 
 
 Daphne of Antioch, 35 
 Darius, 129 
 
 Davis, Israel, cited, Ixvii 
 Davis Strait, 20 
 
 "De Civetate Dei Assentos," 130 
 " De Cultu Imaginum contra Ponti- 
 
 ficus Latine," 147 
 " De disciplinus Rabbinorum," 147 
 " De divinitate legis Mosaicas," 147 
 " De fragilitate humana," 146 
 "De Medico Hebrseo," 16 r (notes) 
 " De Resurrectione mortuorum libri 
 
 tres," 146 
 "De Termino Vitas," 48, 146, 149 
 
 (notes), 159 (notes) 
 Demetrius, 128, 130 
 " Demurrer," Ivii 
 
 Denmark, King of, xxxvi, 51, 84, 89 
 Dethick, xlvii 
 Diana, 118 
 " Die Jiidischen Frauen," 159 (notes) 
 
 {see Benuenida) 
 Diodorus, cited, 55 
 Disraeli, Coningsby, descendant of 
 
 Abarbanels on mother's side, 154 
 
 (notes) 
 
 (« 
 
 Domus Conversorum, xi 
 
 Dormido, David Abarbanel = Manuel 
 Martinez Dormido, xxxii, xxxiii, 
 xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xliv, xlv, Ixvii 
 
 Dormido, Solomon, Ixvii 
 
 Dorstius, William, cited, 136 
 
 Dort, Conference at, 68 
 
 Dover, xiv 
 
 Draco, 98 
 
 Drucker, Mordechai ben Moses, 1 5 1 
 (notes) 
 
 " Du Rappel des Juifs," Ixxx 
 
 Duerus = Duero = Douro, 13, 154 
 (notes) 
 
 Duretu, Claudius, cited, 50 
 
 Dury, John, xxii, xxiv, xxv «., xxvi «., 
 xliii «.; at Cassel, xliii ; distributes 
 Latin edition of " Hope of Israel" 
 among leading Puritans, xxvii ; 
 corresponds with Menasseh ben 
 Israel, xxvi ; received Thorow- 
 good's treatise, xxv, 67, 152 
 (notes) 
 
 Dutch, xxx, xxxiii 
 
 Dutch East India Company, xxx 
 
 Dwight, H. T., 162 (notes) 
 
 Dyke, Daniel, xlviii 
 
 East India, 54 
 
 East India Company, Ixxv, Ixxvi, 88 
 
 East India Company, Dutch, xxx 
 
 East Indies, 19, 20 
 
 Ecuador, 153 (notes) 
 
 Edom, 53, 113 
 
 Edward I., xi, Ivii, 142, 166 (notes) ; 
 Edict of banishment of Jews, xv 
 
 Edwards, author of " Gangrena," xix 
 
 Egypt, Ixxviii, 40, 42, 44, 45, 49, 53, 
 87; inundations of, 55; Joseph in, 
 44 ; kings of, 90 ; pasha of, has 
 Jewish treasurer (see Alhulu), 1 59 
 (notes) ; river of, 41 ; Saladin, 
 King of, 50 
 
 Egyptian, loi 
 
 Egyptius, Moses = Moses Maimoni- 
 des, 45, 158 (notes) 
 
 Ehrentheil, cited, xiii n. 
 
 Elah {see Hosea or Hoshea), 29, 44 
 
 Elam, 40 
 
 "Eldad Ha-Dani," 156 (notes) 
 
 Eleazar, 130 
 76) 
 
Ii2di 
 
 ex 
 
 Elhazar, 49 
 
 Eliezer, David ben, xxxvii n. 
 
 Eliot, John, xxiv, 152 (notes), 166 
 
 Elisha, 64 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, xiv, xv, 159 (notes), 
 166 (notes) 
 
 Emanuel, King of Portugal, 51, 94, 
 95, 97, 163 (notes) ; cruelty of, 99 
 
 Embassies in London, xl ; in Hol- 
 land, xl 
 
 "Emek Habacha," 163 (notes) 
 
 I'Empereur, Constantine, 35, 156 
 (notes) 
 
 England, banishments of, 46 
 
 Enrique, Don, 163 (notes) 
 
 Ephraim, 41, 42, 69, 70; Tribe of, 
 
 43 
 Epicureans, 125 
 Epiphanius, 76 
 Episcopius, 169 (notes) 
 Epstein, cited, 1 56 (notes) 
 Erzilla, Alonsus de = Alonzo d'Ercilla 
 
 y Zuniga, 24 ; cited, 155 (notes) 
 " Esdras," 37 ; cited, 56 ; quoted by 
 
 Genebrardus, 20 
 " Esperanza de Israel," 1 52 (notes) ; 
 
 cited, 155 (notes), 157 (notes) 
 Espinosa, Michael, 150 (notes) 
 Esquilache, 25 
 Essex, Earl of, xiv 
 I'Estrange, Sir Hamon, 152 (notes) 
 Estrozi, Seignor Philip, 96 
 Ethiopia, 6, 34, 40 ; Ten Tribes, 156 
 
 (notes) ; Ethiopian ships, 34 {^see 
 
 Almadise) 
 Eucharistical sacrifices, 130 
 Euphrates, 20, 35, 39, 40, 41, 44, 
 
 56 
 Eurgetes, Ptolomy, 130 
 Europe, 6, 21, 35, 42, 82 ; Menasseh 
 
 has friendships with eminent men 
 
 of, 137 
 Eusebius, cited, 55 
 Evelyn, John, Ivi 
 Everard the Leveller, xxi 
 Expulsion of Jews, Ivii, 154 (notes) ; 
 
 from England, xi ; from Spain, 
 
 xiv, 163 (notes) 
 Ezion-Geber, 19 
 Ezra, Aben, cited, 109 
 Ezras, 136 
 
 (I 
 
 Fagius, 161 (notes) 
 
 Fairclough, Samuel, xlviii 
 
 Fairfax, Lord, xx 
 
 Falashas of Abyssinia, 156 (notes) 
 
 Famian, 47 
 
 Fano, Lord Joseph de, Marquis de 
 Villependi, 87 
 
 Farisol or Peretsol, Abraham = Ab- 
 raham Frisol Orchotolam, author 
 of "Orchat 01am," 156 (notes) 
 (see Frisol) 
 
 Famambuc = Pernambuco, 25, 28, 48, 
 155 (notes) (see Fernambuc) 
 
 Farnesia (see Paul IIL), 94 
 
 Faro, Abraham Enriques, 1 50 (notes) 
 
 Felgenhauer, xxv, xxxviii, xxxix, 
 Ixxix, 161 (notes), 169 (notes) 
 
 Felibert, Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, 
 
 97 
 
 Ferdinand, xi, 51, 91, 93, 102, 138; 
 King, 94 ; Bathsebah knighted 
 under reign of, i6o ; of Naples, 154 
 (notes) ; Emperor, 160 (notes) ; 
 of Spain, 39 
 
 Ferdinandus, 17 
 
 Ferrara = Ferrare = Ferraria, 87 ; 
 Alphonso IL, Duke of, 88 ; Her- 
 cules, Duke of, 34, 97, 163 (notes) 
 (see Usque) 
 
 Fez, King of, 91 
 
 Fifth Monarchy men, xv, xxi 
 
 Finch, Sergeant, xxi 
 
 Finicus, Marcilius, cited, 54 
 
 P'irth, cited, xx n. 
 
 Firuz, 31 
 
 " Flavins Josephus adversus Apio- 
 nem," 147 
 
 Flemburgh, log 
 
 Florence, Duke of (see Cosmo the 
 Great), 97 
 
 Forbes, 68 
 
 Founders of the Protectorate, xlvii 
 
 Foxe, John, 165 (notes) ; cited, 166 
 (notes) 
 
 " Fragmenta Sacra," 68 
 
 France, xxix, Ixii, Ixxiii, Ixxx, 33, i66 
 (notes) ; banishments of, 46 ; King 
 of, 124 ; Philip of, 51 ; Loysia de 
 Medici, 50 
 
 Francis L of France, 33 
 
 Franciscus de Borgia, St., 25 
 
 77) 
 
Inc/ex 
 
 Franco, Abraham, 1 50 (notes) 
 Frankenberg, Abraham, a Silesian 
 
 mystic, Ixxx, 149 (notes), 169 
 
 (notes) 
 Frankfort, Franckfurt, 151 (notes); 
 
 Jews in, 86 
 Frederick, Emperor, cited, 115 
 Frisol, Rabbi Abraham, cited, 34, 38 
 
 {see Farisol) 
 Fullana, Nicholas de Ohver y, xiii 
 Fuller, xxi n., xxii, xxvii 
 
 Gabbai, Jedidjah Ibn, 151 (notes) 
 
 Gad, tribe of, 29 
 
 Galatine, Peter, 72 
 
 Galilee, 29 
 
 Ganges, 38, 39 
 
 Garcias, 23 
 
 Gardiner, xxix, xxx, Iviii, Ixxxiv 
 
 Garracas, 23 
 
 Garzoni, Thomas, 50 
 
 Gath, 12s 
 
 Gawz, R. David = David Gans, 136, 
 169 (notes) 
 
 Gazim, 125 
 
 Gehazi, 64 
 
 Geluckstadt, 84 
 
 Genebrardus, 20, 2 1 
 
 Geneva, xvii, xviii ; Jews go to, 145 
 
 " Geographic du Talmud," 153 
 (notes) 
 
 Gerizim, Mount, 128 
 
 German- Austrian Beast, the, 57 
 
 Germany, Jews in, 77, 86 ; usury in, 
 120 
 
 Gerona, birthplace of Gerundensis, 
 157 (notes) 
 
 Gerundensis, R. Moses = Moses ben 
 Nachman = Nachmanides = Ram- 
 ban, 157 (notes) ; cited, 37, 45 
 
 Gibbs, 163 (notes) 
 
 Gibeonites, the, 1 1 1 
 
 Gilead, 69 ; Hazor-Gilead, 29 
 
 " Glory of Jehudah and Israel, The," 
 Ixxx, 103 
 
 Glynne, Sir John, xlvii, xlix 
 
 Gog, Battle of, 44 ; War of, 43, 52 
 
 Golden Chersonesus, the, ig 
 
 Golden Land, the, 19 
 
 Goleta, 95 
 
 Gomara, cited, 54 {see Gomoras) 
 
 Gomaza, 22 
 
 Gomez, Antonio Enriquez, 1 58 (notes); 
 
 Gomez, Gabriel, agent for King of 
 
 Denmark, 89 
 Gomoras = Francisco Lopes de Go- 
 mara, 20, 21, 154 (notes) 
 Gonzales, Abraham Coen, Ixxxvi 
 Goodwin, xlvii, 1 
 Gorion, Joseph ben = Gorionides, 1 28, 
 
 129, 166 (notes) 
 Goropius, 53 
 
 Gozan, 37-38 ; river, 32, ^2, 38, 39 
 Gracias, Gregorius, 22 
 Graetz, cited, xii, xiii, xiv, xxiii, xxvii, 
 
 xxxvii, xxxix, lix, Ixx, 154-162 
 
 (notes), 169 (notes) 
 Grammaticus, Elias = Elias Levita, 
 
 50, 160 (notes) 
 Granada, 93 
 Grecians, 7 
 
 Greece, Monarch of, 131 
 Greenland, 20 
 
 Grotius, Hugo, 20, 169 (notes) 
 Guainacapacus, 22 
 Guamanga, 22 
 Guariaga= Indians living near river 
 
 of that name, 25 ; River, 24, 25 
 Guatemala, Indians of, 23 
 Guayaquil, 153 (notes) 
 Guinea, negroes of, loi 
 Giinsburg, cited, 161 (notes) 
 Guppy, H. B., cited, 155 (notes) 
 Guz, 37 
 
 Habor, 33, 39 
 
 Habyssins, 34; kingdom of the = 
 
 Abyssinia, 34, 40 
 Hadrian, 157 (notes) 
 Hagarens, the, 125 
 Haggai, 136 
 Haghe, the= Hague, the, xxiv, xxxi, 
 
 49 
 
 Halah, 33, 39 
 
 Hal(5vy, cited, 156 (notes) 
 
 Hamath, 40, 41 
 
 Hamborough, 116 
 
 Hamburg, 89, 100 ; Bank, xxx ; Jews 
 at, 49 ; Marranos founded congre- 
 gations at, xiv 
 
 Hamburger, cited, 153 (notes), 156 
 (notes), 158 (notes) 
 
 78) 
 
I7idt 
 
 ex 
 
 Hamchen, 30 
 
 Hara, 39 
 
 Hartlib, Samuel, 63 
 
 Havana, 1 53 (notes) 
 
 Hazor-Gilead, 29 
 
 Hebrseus, Jacobus Resales, Ixxx 
 
 Hebraism of English religious 
 
 thought, XV 
 Hebrew Cazici, 17 
 Hebrew tongue, the, 47 
 Hebrews, 7 ; laws and customs of 
 
 the, 22 
 Heliodorus, 128 
 Henrique, Don, 90 
 Henry Vni., XV 
 
 Hercules, Duke of Ferraria, 34, 55, 97 
 Herrera, Alonzo de, xiv ; cited, 56 
 Heschel, Rabbi Joshua ben Jacob, 
 
 xxxvii n. 
 Heseah, cited, 131 
 Hierome, S., iig 
 Hierusalem, 26 
 Hijah, Abraham bar Ribi = Abraham 
 
 ben Chijahha-Nasi of Barcelona, 
 
 45, 158 (notes) 
 Hindostan, Jewish settlers in, xii 
 " Hippocratis Aphorismi," 147 
 Hircanus, High Priest, 129 
 Hirsch, cited, 169 (notes) 
 Hispaniola, 23 
 " Historia sive continuatio Flavii 
 
 Josephi," 147 
 " History of the Jews," 5 1 
 Hoffmann, cited, 169 (notes) 
 Holland, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, Ixii, 
 
 Ixxiii, 82, 100, 120, 137 ; embassies 
 
 in, xl ; Jews of, 77, 83 ; Royalist 
 
 spies in, xviii 
 Holmes, Nathaniel, xxv, xxvi, Ixxx, 
 
 Ixxxii 
 Holstace, 89 
 
 Holstein, Duke of, 49, 50 
 Holy Land, 41, 42, 66, 163 (notes), 
 
 {see Usque) 
 Holy Mount at Jerusalem, 44 
 Holy Office, Tribunals of, xiii 
 Honan, 29 
 Honda, 11 «., 12, 16; Port, 153 
 
 (notes) {see Bahia Honda) 
 Hoornbeek, John, 114; cited, 136, 167 
 
 (notes) 
 
 (I 
 
 " Hope of Israel, The," xvii, xviii, 
 xxvi, xxxix, Ixxviii, 7, 17, 65, 144, 
 149-154 (notes), 157 (notes), 164 
 (notes), 167 (notes) ; translated 
 into Dutch, Spanish, Judeo-Ger- 
 man, Hebrew, 151 (notes) 
 
 Hord-Jerida, 31 
 
 Hord of Naphtali, 31 
 
 Howell, James, 166 (notes) 
 
 Huarte, Johannes, 54 
 
 Huet, 169 (notes) 
 
 " Humas," 146 
 
 " Humble Addresses, The," xxxvi, 
 xxxviii, xl, xlii, xliv, xlv, 73, 75, 
 128, 160, 162, 167 (notes); cited, 
 169 (notes) ; Bibliographical note, 
 l6i (notes) 
 
 Hungaria, 18 
 
 Huns, 32 
 
 Huza, Elhazar, 85 
 
 Hyde, Thomas, 156 (notes) 
 
 "I AD A RAZAKA" = "Yad Hacha- 
 
 zaka" = Mishneh Torah, 109, 167 
 
 (notes) 
 laes, Jacob ben, Governor of Tiberi- 
 
 ades, 86 {see Jachya, Ibn) 
 Ian, David, 85 
 Idumean, loi 
 lecells, I saac = probably Asher ben 
 
 Joseph of Cracow, 87, 162 (notes) 
 Ijon, 29 
 
 Inde Maienses, Province of, 25 
 Independents, xix, xlviii ; extreme, 
 
 XX ; Messianic beliefs held by, 
 
 xxi ; rise of, xviii 
 India, 15, 19, 20, 21, 26, 33, 41, 50, 
 
 162 (notes); Jews in, 85 ; Upper, 
 
 38 
 
 Indian, 154 (notes) 
 
 Indian Company, West, xxx, 88 
 
 Indian Sea, 19 
 
 Indians, 6, 17, 22, 28, 38, 54, 56; 
 American, xxiv; Carybes, 27 ; 
 countries of the, 24 ; first baptized 
 and then murdered by Spaniards, 
 113; forced to swear fealty to King 
 of Spain, 25 ; of Guatemala, 23 ; 
 of Jucatan, 22 ; of New Spain and 
 Peru, 18, 23 ; of Oronoch, 27 ; of 
 Peru, 23 
 
 79) 
 
Indt 
 
 ex 
 
 Indies, East, 19, 20 ; Inquisition in 
 the, 28 ; Spaniards dwelling in 
 the, 20 
 
 Indies, West, xxxvi, 19, 40, 53 ; 
 cities and provinces of, 28 
 
 Ingrarn, Robert, 151, 152 (notes) 
 
 Inquisition, The, xii, xxxiii, xxxiv, 
 Ixiv, Ixv, Ixxiii, Ixxviii, 51, 83, 94, 
 95, 114, 164 (notes); calamities of 
 the, 48 ; in the Indies, 28 ; Portu- 
 guese, 163 (notes) ; Spanish, 47, 
 82, 138 
 
 Inquisitors make King and Queen 
 of Spain take an oath to up- 
 hold the Catholic faith in their 
 dominions at an "act of the faith," 
 117 
 
 Isabel, 51 
 
 Isabel Island=Isle of Solomon, 155 
 (notes) 
 
 Isabel of Spain, 39 
 
 Isabella, xi, 91, 93, 102, 138, 154 
 (notes) 
 
 Isaiah, Paul, xlii 
 
 Islands of the Sea, 40, 41 
 
 Islands of the West, 41 
 
 Ismael, 113 
 
 Israel, 69 ; redemption of, 52 ; return 
 of to their country, 45 
 
 Israel, Menasseh ben(j^tfMenasseh) 
 
 Israel, Samuel ben, Ixix 
 
 Israelites of the Tribe of Reuben, 
 xxiv 
 
 Israelitish Senate, 118 
 
 Italia, Salom, Jewish line-engraver, 
 executed portrait of Menasseh ben 
 Israel, 149 (notes) 
 
 Italy, xvii, 33, 82, 87, 100, 117, 120, 
 137 ; Jews go to, 145 ; Jews in, 
 77, 83 ; Princes of, 50, 51, 96, 121 ; 
 Princes of Italy declare IJlood 
 Accusation false, 102 
 
 Jachya, Ibn = Ben Jaese, 159 (notes) 
 Jacob, Eliakim ben, 155 (notes) 
 Jacobs, Joseph, 152 (notes), cited; 
 
 165 (notes) 
 Jaes, Jacob Aben, Duke of Mytilene 
 
 = Alvaro Mendez = Don Solomon, 
 
 uncle of Joseph Nasi, 47, 159 
 
 (notes) {see Jachya, Ibn) 
 
 (I' 
 
 Jaese, D. ben, 49, 159 (notes) 
 
 Jalcut, 36, 157 (notes) 
 
 Jamaica, xxxi, xxxvii 
 
 James I. imprisons publisher of 
 " The Calling of the Jews," xxi 
 
 Jan, David, 49 {see Ian) 
 
 Japhe, R. Mardochus, cited, 37, 157 
 (notes) 
 
 Jarchi, Selomoh = R. Solomon b. 
 Isaac of Troyes = Rashi, cited, 37, 
 45, 157 (notes) 
 
 Jarguasongo, province of, 25 
 
 Jechoniah, 64 
 
 Jechonias, 129 
 
 Jellinelc, cited, 169 (notes) 
 
 "JepheThoar,"36 
 
 Jerida=Hord, 31 
 
 Jeroboam, King of the Tribe of 
 Ephraim, 43 
 
 Jerome, 42 
 
 Jerusalem, 39, 40, 42, 43, 52, 53, 61, 
 62, 64, 76, 102, 125, 128, 129, 130 ; 
 daughter of, 69 ; destruction of, 
 59, 65 ; Holy Mount at, 44 ; Isaac 
 Jeshurum died at, 117; New, 67 ; 
 people of, 35 {see Agrippa's Ora- 
 tion) 
 
 "Jerusalem Talmud," 35 
 
 "Jerusalem Targum," 155 (notes) 
 
 " Jerushalmi, The," 157 (notes) 
 
 Jeshurun, Isaac, tortured and im- 
 prisoned on Blood Accusation, 116, 
 150, 168 (notes) 
 
 Jeshurum, Joseph, brother of Isaac, 
 116 
 
 Jessey, Henry, xxii, xxviii, xli, xlviii, 
 xlix, hi, liii «., Ixxx, Ixxxi, 103 
 
 Jessop, xliv 
 
 Jesuits, xii, 38 ; erected colleges in 
 Tartary and China, 29 
 
 Jewish Quarterly Review, c\ied, 152, 
 155, 163 (notes) 
 
 Jewish question, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 
 xxxiii, xlvi, li, Ixix, Ixxii ; nation, 84, 
 loi ; nation in Holland and Italy, 
 83 ; Sabbath, 37 
 
 Jews, admission of, as citizens of one of 
 the colonial dependencies of Great 
 Britain, xxxvii ; at Hamburg, 49 ; 
 cemetery, petition signed, Ixvii ; 
 emigration of Spanish, 154 (notes) ; 
 
 o) 
 
Index 
 
 fidelity of the, 93 ; in Persia, 49, 
 
 50, 85 ; in Spain, 164 (notes) ; 
 
 kingdom of tlie, 38 ; of Morocco, 
 
 163 (notes) 
 Jisbia, 27 
 Jochai, R. Simon ben, cited, 93 {see 
 
 Johay) 
 Jochai, R. Simon ben, 163 (notes) 
 Johanan, Rabbi, cited, 35, 156 (notes) 
 Johay, Rabbi Simeon ben, author of 
 
 "Zoar," disciple of Akiba, 45, 158 
 
 (notes) 
 John, Don, 95 
 John II., 51 (see Alonsius) 
 John III., 94 
 John, Oliver St., xlvii, 1 1 1 ; mission, 
 
 XXX, xxxi, xxxviii 
 Joktan, father of Ophir, 18 
 Jonah, Rabbi, 34 
 Jonathan, cited, 135 
 Jones, Colonel, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixv 
 Joppa, 19 
 
 Joseph, House of, 69 
 Josephus, 7, 19 ; cited, 29, 35-39 ; 
 
 54, 119, 120; 128-131 ; 135, 138 
 " Josephus Flavius," Menasseh's con- 
 tinuation, 115 
 Jucatan, 18 ; Indians of, 22 
 Judah, House of, 69 ; tribe of, 7, 36, 
 
 29-42, 52, 66, 69, 85 
 Judah, Rabbi, the Prince, 1 56 (notes) 
 
 {see Rabbi Johanan) 
 Judaical Sects, xxi, xxii 
 Judaisers, xxix 
 
 Judas, Beleeving, 47 {see Alacron) 
 Judea, 126 
 Julius III., 96 
 Junquera, Santiago Perez, 151 (notes), 
 
 152 (notes) 
 Jurnin, 112 
 Juvenal, cited 135, 
 
 Kalicout, 38 
 
 Karis, Rabbi Judah Aben = Rabbi 
 Judah ben Koraisch, 34, 1 56 (notes) 
 Karpeles, cited, 161 (notes) 
 Kayserling, xiii «., xxiii «., xxvii «., 
 
 lxix«. ;cited,isr,i53, I54,'.i58,i59. 
 160, 162, 163, 164, 169 (notes), 
 cited 
 Kiffen, William, xlvii 
 
 Kimhi, Rabbi David, cited, 34, 156 
 
 (notes) 
 Klemperer, cited, 169 (notes) 
 Knevett, Francis, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixv 
 Knight of San Miguel, xiii {see 
 
 Marranos) 
 "Koheleth," 161 (notes) 
 Kolomi, Abraham, 50, 72 
 Kosi, Rabbi Moseh de, cited, 141 
 
 " La Araucana," 155 (notes) 
 
 Laban, 56 
 
 Labrador, 20, 21 
 
 Lacedemonians, 97 
 
 Lacto, de, 20, 56 
 
 Lagus, Ptolemy's father, 127 
 
 Lambert, John, xlvii, 1 
 
 Lamik, 38 
 
 Laodicea, city of, 55 
 
 Latins, 7 
 
 " Laus Orationes del Anno," 146 
 
 Lavcrence, Henry, xlvii, 1, Ixxxiv 
 
 Lebanon, 70 
 
 Lee, S. L., xiv n. 
 
 Leghorn, Ixxi ; Hebrew bankers of, 
 
 XV 
 
 Leon, Pedro Cie9ade = Petrus Cieza, 
 
 155 (notes) 
 Leopold, Emperor, xiii 
 Lescarbotus, 54 
 Lethuania, Jews in, 87 
 Levant, xiv, 82, 97, 167 (notes) ; 
 
 Jewish settlers of, xii ; trade of, 
 
 XXX 
 
 Levellers, xxi, xxix 
 
 Levita, Elias = Elias Grammaticus, 
 
 1 60 (notes) 
 Levy, Aaron = Antonio de Monte- 
 
 zinos, xxiv 
 Levy, cited, 159, 160, 169 (notes) 
 Levy, Rev. S., cited, 1 n. 
 Lewenclavius, 32 
 "Libellus Anglicus," 161 (notes) 
 Licurgus, 98 
 Ligorne, 82 
 Lima, 48 
 
 Lima, David de, 89 
 Linschotes, cited, 50 
 Lisbon, Ixxi, 47, 48, 99, 117 
 Lisborn, 37 
 Lisle, John, xlvi, xlvii 
 I) 
 
I?ide> 
 
 Lloyd, li 
 
 " Loci Communes Omnium Mid- 
 rasim," 147 
 
 Loet, cited, 162 (notes) 
 
 London, xxxi ; City authorities of, 
 Ixvii ; Embassies in, xl ; Jews in, 
 Ixxiii ; Judaical sects in, xxii ; 
 Mananos of, xi^■, xxx, xxxv, xxxvi, 
 Iviii ; Menasseh's arrival in^ xxxvii ; 
 Menasseh's son sent to persuade 
 him to come to, 36 ; merchants 
 of, Ixxvi ; return of Charles II. 
 to, Ixxi ; " Vindiciae Judaeorum " 
 written in, 145 
 
 Lopes, Roderigo, xiv, xv, 159 (notes) 
 
 Lord President, xlvii 
 
 Lost Tribes, the, xxiv, 153 (notes), 
 (j^^ "Thorn Tree") 
 
 Low Countries, 88 
 
 Lubin = Lubhn, 38, 158 (notes) 
 
 Lublin, xxxvii n. ; Jews in, 87 
 
 Lunel, 157 (notes) 
 
 Lusitano, Amatus, brother of Elias 
 Montalbo, 86, 160 (notes) 
 
 Luther, cited, 55 
 
 Luxa, 25 
 
 Maccabees, first book of, cited, 
 
 128 ; history of the, 62 
 Maccia, Duke of= Joseph Nasino, 
 
 86 
 Machado, cited, 162 (notes) 
 Madrid, 26, 51, 117, 151 (notes) 
 Magog, battle of, 44 ; w;ar of, 43, 52 
 Mahomitans, 37 ; Jewish captivity 
 
 under the, 113 
 Maimon, R. Moses bar = Maimon- 
 
 ides, physician to Saladin of Egypt, 
 
 50 ; wTote "Yad Hachazaka," cited, 
 
 63, 156 (notes), 167 (notes), 168 
 
 (notes) 
 Mainenses, 25 
 Mairel, 86 
 Maisel, Mardocheas or Mordecai, 
 
 knighted by Emperor Matthias, 
 
 50, 160 (notes) 
 Malvenda, 20 
 Manasseh, tribe of, 29 
 Manton, Thomas, xlviii 
 Mantua, 33, 51 ; the besieging of, 
 
 91 ; Jews in, 87 
 
 (I 
 
 Manuel, Don, King of Portingal, 28 ; 
 of Portugal, 158 (notes) 
 
 J\Iaragnon = Maraiion = Amazon, 24, 
 25> 27, 155 (notes) 
 
 Margareta, province of, 25 
 
 Margarita, Antonius = Aaron Mar- 
 galita, 136, 169 (notes) 
 
 Maria de Medicis, 160 (notes) 
 
 Maria, Infanta, xiii 
 
 Mariana, 90 
 
 Marianus, cited, 54 
 
 Marracco, King of, 49 
 
 Marrocco, 88 
 
 Marranos = New Christians or Cryp- 
 to-Jews ; derivation of name un- 
 certain, probably a conuption of 
 "Maranatha"; remain in Spain 
 after expulsion of Jews ; influence 
 on the history of Europe, xii, xiii, 
 xxxiii, xxxvi, Ix, Ixii, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixviii ; 
 aim against privileges of, Ixi; 
 London, xxxv, 1, lii, Iviii, Ixviii ; 
 London Marranos's petition, Ixxxv ; 
 petition for burial-ground, Ixvi ; of 
 Portugal, xxxix ; reach England, 
 xiv, sign Robles's petition, Ixv ; 
 of Spain, xxxix ; some London, 
 known to Cromwell, xxx, 152, 155, 
 170 (notes) 
 
 Mart of Breslau, 38 
 
 Martha, St., 18 
 
 Martyr, Justin, cited, 120 
 
 Matthias, Emperor, 50, 86 
 
 Maurice, Prince, 49 
 
 Mauritania, 141 
 
 Mede, cited, 68 
 
 Media, 6, 35, 39, 40, 42 ; mountains 
 
 of>.33 
 Medicis, Duke Cosmus de=Duke 
 
 of Toscani, 49 
 Medicis, Loysia de. Queen of France, 
 
 50 
 Medicis, Maria de, 160 (notes) 
 Medigo, Eha del = Elias Cretensis, 
 
 160 (notes) 
 Mediterranean, 19 ; Jewish refugees 
 
 on coasts of, xi ; Sea, 44 
 Meetabel, son of Matadel, 21 
 Meir, R., 133, 169 (notes), {see 
 
 Beruria) 
 Melbourne, 162 (notes) 
 
 2) 
 
Index 
 
 Meldola, Prof. Raphael, 160 (notes) 
 Menasseh ben Israel, Rabbi of 
 Amsterdam, author of " Spes 
 Israelis" and other works; son 
 of Marrano of Lisbon ; educated 
 under care of Rabbi Isaac Uziel ; 
 became Rabbi at age of eighteen ; 
 accomplished linguist, writer, and 
 preacher ; married into the Ab- 
 arbanel family, xxii, xxiii, xxxiii, 
 xlv, Ixviii, Ixxxvi, 6, 69, 71, 
 157 (notes), 161 (notes), 169 
 (notes) ; arrives in London, xxxvii ; 
 campaign of, Ixxv ; catalogue of 
 books of, 146 ; Christian friends 
 of, 169 (notes) ; connection with 
 members of the St. John Mission, 
 xxxi ; contemporary with Sadler, 
 167 (notes) ; death of, Ixix ; De- 
 claration to the Commonwealth of 
 England, 78 ; " De Creatione," 
 169 (notes) ; demands presented 
 to Cromwell, Ixxxiii ; " De Ter- 
 mino VitK," 149 (notes); for- 
 mally opens negotiations with the 
 Government of the Common- 
 wealth, xliv ; " Hope of Israel," 
 xxvi, 65 ; dedication of " Hope of 
 Israel " to Parliament and Council 
 of State, 3 ; " Humble Addresses " 
 printed, xxxviii, 73, 75, 162 (notes) ; 
 close of " Humble Addresses," 
 103 ; invited to England by Crom- 
 well, xxxvi ; letter, Ixxvii ; letter 
 to Duiy, Ixxviii ; letter to Felgen- 
 hauer, Ixxix, 163 (notes) ; Mission 
 to Cromwell, xvi, Ixxiii ; motives 
 of his English supporters, 161 
 (notes) ; negotiations with Thur- 
 loe, xxxii ; petition not favoured 
 by the clergy, xlvi ; petition sprung 
 on Council, xlvi ; petition to Crom- 
 well, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii ; his portraits, 
 149 (notes) ; Menasseh 's proposals 
 read, xlviii ; Menasseh's reply to 
 Prynne and Ross, " Vindicias 
 Judaeorum," Ixiii ; sends Dormido 
 to England, xxxiii ; signs petition, 
 Ixii ; Menasseh's sojourn in Lon- 
 don, 165 (notes) ; Menasseh's 
 summary of the Thirteen Articles 
 
 of Faith, 168 (notes) ; Menasseh's 
 "Vindicia: Judffiorum," 105 ; wife 
 of, 1 54 (notes) ; with relation to 
 the Ten Tribes, 152 (notes) 
 Menda, Nathaniel, 165 (notes), 166 
 
 (notes) 
 Mendana, 155 (notes) 
 Mendez, Alvaro = Jacob Aben Jaes, 49 
 Mercado, Abraham de, xxxvi, xxxvii 
 Mercado, Raphael de, xxxvii 
 Messiah, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, Ixxviii, 
 Ixxix, 7, 45, 46, 52, 53, 63, 79, 118, 
 124 ; son of David, 43, 44 ; son 
 of Ephraim, 43 ; son of Joseph, 
 43, 44 ; Bar-Cochba, the Pseudo, 
 157 (notes) 
 Messianic beliefs, xxi, xxviii 
 Meursius, 169 (notes) 
 Mexico, 22, 23, 48 
 Michael, Isle of St., 21, 55 
 Michesius, Joannes = D. Josephus 
 
 Nassi, 49 
 Middelburg, Ixix, i 50 (notes) 
 Middlesex, E. S., xxvii n. 
 Middleton, General, Ixxviii 
 " Midras Rabba," cited, 141 
 " Midrash, The," cited, 153 (notes) 
 Millenarians, xxiii, xxv, xxvii, xxix, 
 
 xl, 67, 70 
 Millennium, xxxi, xxxiii 
 Milum, Lord of=D. Josephus Nassi, 
 
 49 
 Mirandola, Pico de, 50, 160 (notes) 
 " Mishna, The," 156 (notes) 
 Mochingerius, Joh., Ixxx, 169 (notes) 
 Modena, Leo de, xHi, 168 (notes) 
 Modena, State of, 88 
 Modina, Duke of, 85 
 Mohanes = magicians = American- 
 Indian medicine men, 28, 56, 154 
 (notes) 
 Molho, SeIomoh = Diogo Pires, 33, 
 
 156 (notes) 
 " Monarchia Ecclesiastica," 120 
 Monarchia Ingasonum, 22 
 Monarchies, The Four, 45, 46 
 Monarchy Men, Fifth, xv, xxi 
 Monk, xl, Ixxiii 
 
 Montalto, Elias = Felipe Montalto = 
 Eliahu de Luna Montalto = Don 
 Philipe Rodrigues, 50, 160 (notes) 
 
 83) 
 
Index 
 
 Montanas, Arias, 18 
 
 Montezinos, Antonio de = Aaron 
 
 Levy, xxiv, xxvii, 6, 12, 15, 17, 20, 
 
 27, 28, 54, 56, 151, 153, i54(notes) ; 
 
 goes with Cazicus, 13 ; relates his 
 
 story, 1 1 
 Montezinos, Ludovicus, 12 
 Montfort, Marquis of, xiii 
 Moorish domination in Spain, 158 
 
 (notes) 
 Moors, 39 
 Mores, the, 94, 98 
 Morines, 91 
 
 Morocco, 127, 141, 156 (notes) 
 Mortara, cited, 159 (notes) 
 Morvyn, 166 (notes) 
 Moses, R., of Egypt, 109, no, 123, 
 
 125, 140 ; cited 
 Miinster, 157 (notes), 161 (notes) 
 Mussaphia, D.Benjamin = Dionysius 
 
 Mussaphia, physician and Rabbi, 
 
 50, 159 (notes) 
 Mysketa, 37 
 
 Naccia=D. Josephus Nassi, 49 
 
 Nachman, Moses ben, 157 (notes), 
 {see Gerundensis) 
 
 Nahomi, 102 
 
 Naphtali, Hord of, 31 ; war with 
 Zeno, 31 
 
 Naphtali, tribe of, 32 
 
 Naphtalites, 32 ; war with Zeno, 31 
 
 Naples, 49 
 
 Nasi, Donna Gracia, 159, 163 (notes) 
 
 Nassi, Don Josephus = Joannes 
 Michesius, nephew and son-in- 
 law of Bienvenide Abravanela, 49, 
 86, 159 (notes) 
 
 Nation of the Jews, 90 
 
 National Conference, xlvi 
 
 Navigation Act, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xli, 
 Ixxiii 
 
 Naylor, James, xl 
 
 Nazarenus, Eli = Francisco Meldo- 
 nado de Silva, turned Jew, was 
 burnt at Lima, 48, 158 (notes) 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar, 40, 42, 51, 76, 129, 
 141 ; dream of, 75 ; image of, 52, 
 57 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar's tree, 59 
 
 Nehamias, Himanuel, 170 (notes) 
 
 (• 
 
 Nephussim, 52 
 
 Nero, Id, 130 
 
 Netherlands, xxx, xxxiii 
 
 Neubauer, Dr. A., cited, 152 (notes), 
 
 153 (notes) 
 Neve, Le, Ixxv 
 New Africa, 34 
 
 New Christians or Marranos, xii 
 New Exchange, xxxvii 
 " New Model," xix 
 New Spain, 18, 22, 31, 54 ; Indians 
 
 of, 18, 23 ; Ten Tribes in, 20 
 New World, xiv ; inhabitants of, 6 
 Newcomen, xlviii, xlix 
 Nicanor, 128 
 Nicaraguazenses, 22 
 Nicholas, Sir Edward, xxii, xli ; cited, 
 
 103 
 Nicolay, Nicholas de, cited, 162 
 
 (notes) 
 Nieupoort, cited, xli «., Ix n. 
 Nile, The, 19,34,39,41,44 
 Nisa, 84 
 Nisebor, 32 
 " Nismachaim," 146 
 Nizza, 82 
 " Nomenclator Hebraius and Arabi- 
 
 cus," 147 
 " Nomologia," 163 (notes) 
 North Sea, 21 
 Norway, 6, 54 
 Norwich, 112, 166 (notes) 
 Nova Granada, 24 
 Novae Angliae, Ixxxi 
 Nuevos Christianos {see Marranos), 
 
 lix, Ixi 
 Nye, Philip, xlviii, xlix, 1 
 
 Og, 57 
 
 Ogay, 29 
 
 Ojeda, 153 (notes) 
 
 Omeguas, 23 
 
 Onias, the High Priest, 76, 128 
 
 Onkelos, cited, 135 
 
 Ophir, 19, 53, 54 ; son of Jokton, 18 
 
 " Orationes Panegyricae," 146 
 
 " Orchot 01am," 38, 156 (notes) 
 
 Orchotolam, Abraham Frisol = Abra- 
 ham Farisol or Peretsol, author of 
 " Orchot Olam," 33, 1 56 (notes) 
 
 Origen, 54 ; cited, 55 
 
 84) 
 
Index 
 
 Ornstein, Rev. A. F., 162 (notes) 
 
 OrcEnsis, 30 
 
 Oronoch, the Indians of, 27 
 
 Orosius, cited, 55 
 
 Orpa, 103 
 
 Orsna, Petrus de, killed by Aquine, 
 
 24,25 
 Oitelius, 31 ; cited, 33, 53, 54 
 Osorius, Hieronymus, 28 ; cited, 98, 
 
 99, 100, 138, 163 (notes) 
 Otteman race, 52 
 Ottoman family, 97 
 Owen, Dr., xxix, xlviii 
 Oxford University, xlviii 
 
 Pack, Sir Christopher, xlvii, li 
 
 Padua, 50, 160 (notes) ; Jews in, 87 ; 
 Mounts of Piety at, 101 
 
 Palache, Seignor Moseh, 88, 163 
 (notes) 
 
 " Palaorama," 1 53 (notes) 
 
 Palatine, Prince, 28 
 
 Palaxe, Samuel, 49, 159 (notes) 
 
 Paliciano, Monsegnor Monte, 95 
 
 Pampelona, 24 
 
 Panama, 18, 31 
 
 Para, Great, 27 
 
 " Parasa Aazinu," 37 
 
 Paris, Matthew, cited, 112 
 
 Paris, Parliament of, 97 
 
 Parisius, Cardinal, cited, 96 
 
 Pariiament, of England, 157 (notes) ; 
 dedication of " Hope of Israel " to, 
 3, 144 ; dedication of Latin edi- 
 tion of " Hope of Israel " to, xxvi ; 
 Long, Iviii ; pamphlet, probably 
 read in, xxvii ; of Paris, 97 
 
 Parthia, 40 
 
 Parvaim, 18 
 
 Pathros, 40 
 
 Paul III. of the House of Farnesia, 
 
 94, 9S> 96 
 Paul IV., Pope of Rome, 98 
 Paul's, St., Cathedral, xli ; Church, 
 
 118 
 Paz, Enriquez de, xiii 
 Paz, Seignor Duarte de, 95 
 Pedro the Cruel, Don, 90, 163 (notes) 
 Pckft 20 
 
 Pelham's "Jew Bill," xx 
 Pelu, 19 
 
 Pelusium, 40 
 
 " Pene Rabba," 146 
 
 Pequin, 29 
 
 Pequinenses, 29 
 
 Perasach, 36 
 
 Pernambuco, xxxiii, xxxvii 
 
 Peroza, 31 
 
 Persia, 32, 39, 40, 42 ; Kings of, 31 ; 
 
 Monarch of, 131 
 Persians, 32 
 Peru, 18, 20, 22, 24, 25, 31, 53, 54, 
 
 153 (notes); Indians of, 23; 
 
 chronicles of, 22 
 Pesria, Guebia ben, 141 
 Peters, Hugh, xix, xxviii, xl, xliii, 1, lix 
 Petition, for burial-ground, Ixvi ; to 
 
 repeal " Statute of Banishment " 
 
 against Jews, xx 
 Petra, 40 
 Petronius, 129 
 
 Peyrfere, laac la, 168 (notes) 
 Pharaoh, 76 
 Pharaonica, Isle, 55 
 Phenicians, 6 
 
 Phes, Governors of, 49 (see Rutes) 
 Philadelphus, Ptolomeus, 124, 130 
 Phihp II., King of Spain, 91 
 Philip III., 26 
 Philip, King of France, 51 
 Philo, 129; cited, 130, 131, 135 
 " Philosophia Rabbinica," 147 
 " Phocylides," 147 
 Pickering, Sir Gilbert, xlvi, xlvii 
 " Piedra Gloriosa," 149 (notes) 
 " Piedra Pretiosa," 146 
 Pineda, Thomas de, Marrano Jesuit 
 
 Father, xiii ; cited, 54, 120 
 Pinto, Mosseh, 170 (notes) 
 Pires, Diogo {see Molcho), 156 (notes) 
 Pisarrus, Gonzalus, 24 
 Pizarrus, Franciscus, 17 
 Placentia, 39 
 " Plain Dealing," Ixvi 
 Plancius, 130 
 Plato, 54 
 
 Pliny, 20; cited, 37, 55 
 Plutarch, 55, 58; cited, 118, 127 
 Pocock, cited, 149 (notes), i59(notes) 
 Poland, xxxix ; Jews in, xlv, Ixx, 77, 
 
 87 ; King of, Henry of Anjou 
 
 elected, 159 (notes) ; usury in, 120 
 
 85) 
 
Index 
 
 Polonians, 38 
 
 Pomis, David de, 50, 160 (notes) 
 
 Ponipey, 76, 1 30 ; end of, 5 1 
 
 Pope, the, 33, 94 ; receives Reiibeni, 
 155 (notes) ; declares Blood Accu- 
 sation false, 102 ; Paul IV., 9S ; 
 Sextus \'., 50 
 
 Porarius, 54 
 
 Porphiry, 54 
 
 Port Honda (see Bahia Honda), 153 
 (notes) 
 
 Portingal = Portugal, 27 ; King of, 28 
 
 Portugal, xii, xiii, xxxvii, Ixi, Ixxiii, 
 33, 48, 94 ; banishment of Jews 
 from, 93 ; Cardinal of, 98 ; Earle 
 of, 117 ; Inquisition in, Ixiv ; Jews 
 in, xlv ; King of, xxv, xxxiv, 49, 95, 
 121, 168 (notes) ; King of, receives 
 Reubeni, 155 (notes) ; King Em- 
 anuel of, 51, 97 ; trade of, xxix 
 
 Portugals, 91, 96 
 
 Portuguese, Ixi, Ixv, 48 ; alliance, 
 xxix ; conquer Pernambuco, xxxiii 
 
 Possevimus, cited, 54 
 
 PosteUus, Gulielmus, 53 
 
 Prague, xxxvii ti., 50, 169 (notes) ; 
 astrologer of (jtv \'crus), 28 ; Jews 
 in, 86 ; Synagogues at, 160 (notes) 
 
 " Prelate of the Commonwealth " (sec 
 Manton) 
 
 Presbyterians, xix 
 
 President, Lord, Ixii 
 
 Prester John, 34 
 
 " Pride's Purge," xix 
 
 Prince of the Twelve Tribes, 43 
 
 Privy Council, Ix, Ixxv 
 
 " Problemata de Creatione," 146 
 
 Proclamation by Privy Council, Ix 
 
 Proclus, 54 
 
 Procopius, cited, 32 
 
 " Prolegomena," 114, 136 
 
 Prometheus, 55 
 
 Protector, the, xvii, xxxi, xxxiv, 
 XXXV, xxxvi, xli, xlvi, Iv, Ixiv, Ixvi, 
 162 (notes) ; death of, Ixxi ; expects 
 report on Menasseh's petition, xlv ; 
 Menasseh guest of, xxxiii ; petition 
 to, from Marranos, Ixii ; receives 
 Robles's petition, Ixi 
 
 Protectoi-'s speech, liii ; threat, Ivii 
 
 Provence, 85 
 
 (I 
 
 Prussia, Ixxx ; Jews in, 87 
 
 Prynne, xlii «., xliii//., xlix «., li, Ivii, 
 
 Ixiii ; cited, 142, 165 (notes) 
 Psuedo-Messiah, Bar Cochba, 157 
 
 (notes) ; Sabbethai Zevi, xi 
 Ptolomies, Histories of, 90 
 Ptolomy, 127 
 
 Ptolomy, Philadelphus, 124, 130 
 Ptolomyes tables, 34 
 Puerto, 99 
 Puerto de Santa Cruz [sa Bahia 
 
 Honda), 153 (notes) 
 Pul, King of Assyria, 29 
 Pumbaditha, School of(jr« Seadiah), 
 
 158 (notes) 
 Puritans gratified by Menasseh's 
 
 praise, xxvii ; rise of, xviii 
 
 Quakers, the, 167 (notes) 
 Queiros, Ferdinades de, 26 
 Quity, Province of = Quito, 11,25, 153 
 
 (notes) 
 Quivira, 21, 31 
 
 RAGUSA = Aragusa, 164 (notes), 168 
 (notes) 
 
 Raphanea, 36, 38 
 
 " Rappel des Juifs," 168 (notes) 
 
 Raguenet, xxxvii 11. 
 
 Readmission of the Jews, xxx, xxxi, 
 xxxii, xxxiv, xxxix, xl, xliv, xlvi, lii, 
 liv, hx 
 
 Reato, Mordehai, 45 
 
 " Rebus Emanuelis, de," 98 
 
 Recife, xxxvii 
 
 " Reconciler," 29, 42 
 
 Recusancy Acts, Iviii 
 
 Red Sea, 19, 41 
 
 Redemption from Babylon, 42 
 
 Reformation, the, xv, xviii, 160 
 (notes) 
 
 "Refutatis libri cui titulus Pncada- 
 mitaa," 147 
 
 Reggio, State of, 88 
 
 Religious liberty, xx, xxi, Ixxvi {see 
 Cromwell's policy, xxviii) ; pro- 
 gress of, xix ; restricted fomi of, 
 xviii 
 
 Rembrandt, Ixix ; friend of Men- 
 asseh, 169 (notes) ; painted two 
 portraits of l^Ienasseh, 149 (notes) 
 86) 
 
htdi 
 
 ex 
 
 "Remnant Found, The," 152 (notes) 
 
 Republican Government, xix, Ixxiv, 
 xxvii ; triumph, xxiii 
 
 Resettlement, petition, xxxv ; ques- 
 tion, Holmes's treatise on, xxvi 
 
 Restoration, Ixx ; Cromwell's mari- 
 time and commercial policy carried 
 out after, Ixxiii 
 
 Retio, 85 
 
 Reuben, tribe of, 29 
 
 Reubenita, David, 33 
 
 Reubenite, David the {see Reuben- 
 ita) = David Reubeni, 33, 155 
 (notes) 
 
 Reuchlin, 72 
 
 " Revelation Revealed, The," 63 
 
 " Revelation Unrevealed, The," 67 
 
 Revolution, xx 
 
 Ribera, Franciscus de, 19 
 
 Ricaut, Ixxiv 
 
 Riccards, Alderman, xlvii 
 
 Riccius, P. Matthasus, 29, 30 
 
 Richardson, Samuel, Ixvi 
 
 "Rights of the Kingdom," 166 
 (notes) 
 
 Rios, Amador de los, xiv 
 
 Robles, Don Antonio Rodrigues, Ix, 
 Ixi, Ixii, Ixiii ; Robles's petition to 
 the Protector, Ixiv ; reinstated, Ixvi 
 
 Rocamora, Vicente de, xiii 
 
 Rodriques, Don Daniel, 88 
 
 Rofe, Selomo, ambassador to Venice, 
 86 {see Rophe) 
 
 Roman, 22 ; empire, loi 
 
 " Romance al diuin Martir Juda 
 Creyente," poem by Gomez, 158 
 (notes) 
 
 Romans, 32, 35, 90, 97 ; Bar Cochba 
 rebelled against the, 1 57 (notes) ; 
 the kingdom of the, 126 
 
 Rome, xiii, 26, 48, 50, 57, 95, 96, 160 
 (notes), 163 (notes) ; a famous 
 lawyer of, 93 ; Habyssins at, 34 ; 
 Jews in, 87 ; monarch of, 131 ; 
 Paul IV. of, 98; people of, 129; 
 Pope of, 94 
 
 Rophd, Seiior H. Meyr, 1 57 (notes) 
 
 Rophe, Don Selomo {see Rofe) = 
 Rabbi Solomon ben Nathan Asch- 
 kenazi, 49, 1 59 (notes) 
 
 Resales, Immanuel Bocarus Frances 
 
 y, a Count Palatin, Ixxx, 89, 163 
 (notes) 
 Ross, Alexander, xiii, xliii, Ivii, Ixiii, 
 
 165 (notes) 
 
 Rothschild, Baron Lionel de, Ixxvi 
 
 Rous, Francis, xlvii 
 
 Rowe, Owen, xlvii 
 
 Royalists, xl, xli, Ixxi ; letter, lix ; 
 
 spies, Ix ; spies in Holland, xviii ; 
 
 treat with Jews, Ixxiii 
 Rudolph, Emperor, 160 (notes) 
 Ruffinus, 119 
 Rupert's Horse, xiii 
 Rutes, the Lords, 49 
 Ruthes, 88 
 Rycaut, xv n., liii n. 
 
 Sabbath, 37 ; Jewish, 37 
 Sabbathion or Sabbathian River, 35, 
 
 37, 38, 40 {see Sabbatical River) 
 Sabbatical River, 35-38, 66, 69, 153 
 
 (notes) 
 Sabellicus, Marcus Antonius, cited, 
 
 97 
 Sadler, John, contemporary of Men- 
 
 asseh ben Israel, xxii, xxvii, xl, 
 
 xliii, Iviii, Ixii, Ixiii n., 166, 167 
 
 (notes) 
 Sagredo, xli 
 
 Saladin, King of Egypt, 50 
 Salamanca, xiv, 39 
 Salamanque, Synagogues of, 86 
 Salines, Captain, 25 
 Salmanassar, captivity of, 69 ; Sal- 
 
 manaster, 20 ; Salmaneser, 33, 37, 
 
 42 . . 
 
 Salvetti, xli n., lix 
 
 Samaria, 29, 130 
 
 Samaritans, 128 
 
 Sambation, 153 (notes), {see Sabbati- 
 cal River) 
 
 Samuel ben Israel, xxxvi 
 
 Samuel, Jacob, 152 (notes); Rabbi, 
 
 166 (notes) 
 Sanhedrin, 35, 156 (notes) 
 Saracen, 115 
 
 Saragoci, grandson of Ferdinand 
 
 and son of Emanuel, 5 1 
 Saragossa, xii 
 
 Saraph baxas, Jews as, in Egypt, 49 
 Sarazens, 30 
 
 87) 
 
Index 
 
 Sasal, Prince of, 88 
 Sasportas, Jacob, xxxvii n. 
 Satah, R. Simeon ben, 141 
 Satthianadhan, cited, 160 (notes) 
 Savoy, Duke of, 51, 84, 97 {see Feli- 
 
 bert) 
 " Scala de Spalatro," 82 
 Scaliger, cited, 160 (notes) 
 Scandia, Marquis of, 88 
 "Scebet Jehuda," 121, 168 (notes) 
 Schemtob de Leon, Moses ben, 158 
 
 (notes) 
 Schikhardus, cited, 31 
 Schmieles, Jacob Basevi, 160 (notes), 
 
 {see Bathsebah) 
 Schwab, cited, 154 (notes) 
 Scythia, 20, 42 
 Seadiah, Rabbi = Saadja ben Joseph 
 
 = Saadja Gaon, 158 (notes) 
 Seba, Fernando Jacob ben, 86 
 Sebastian, King, 51 
 Second Temple, 46, 53 
 " Sedar Olam," 35, 156 (notes) 
 Seignor of Millo = Joseph Nasino, 86 
 Sekes, Governors of, 49 {see Rutes) 
 Selencus, 128 
 Selim, Sultan, 49, 113, 135 ; peace 
 
 with Venetians, 49 
 Selve, George de, 161 (notes) 
 Senensis, Sixtus, cited, 125 
 Separatists, xviii, xix 
 "Sepher Eldad Danita," 34, 156 
 
 (notes) 
 "Sermois," 147 
 Setuval, 99 
 
 Seven Islands, Lord of the, 49 
 Seville, xii 
 Sextus v.. Pope, 50 
 Shalmaneser, King of Assyria, 29, 32 
 Shinar, 40 
 "Shir Ha-Shirim Rabba " = " Asirim 
 
 Rabba," 157 (notes) 
 Shulamite, 58 
 Shunamite, the, 64 
 " Sicilian Constitutions," cited, 1 1 5 
 " Sifre," 1 58 (notes), {see Johay) 
 Silesia, Ixxx 
 Silva, Don Francesco Meldonado 
 
 de = Eli Nazarenus, a Marrano 
 
 {see Marquis of Montfort, 158 
 
 (notes), 1 59 (notes) 
 
 Simeon the Just, 128 
 
 Simon, Barbara Anne, 152 (notes) 
 
 Simon, Rabbi, cited, 36 
 
 Simon, Petrus, cited, 23 
 
 Sina, 29, 40, 41 
 
 Sinai, Mount, 114 
 
 Sinear, 40 
 
 Sinim, Land of, 31 {see Sina) 
 
 Singer, Rev. S., cited, 163 (notes) 
 
 Sion, 46, 61, 62 
 
 Sisbuthus, the end of, 5 1 
 
 " Smectymnuus," xlviii 
 
 Smyrna, xv, 151 (notes) 
 
 Sobierre, 169 (notes) 
 
 Soeiro, Semvel ben Israel, 150 (notes) 
 {see Samuel Ben Israel) 
 
 " Sohar" = "Zohar" = "Zoar," 158 
 (notes) 
 
 Soliman, Sultan, 97 
 
 Solime, Sultan, 86 
 
 Solinus, cited, 33 
 
 Solis, Eliazar de, 117 
 
 Solis, Simao Pires, 117 
 
 Solomon, Isle of = Isabel Island, 
 115 (notes) 
 
 Solomon and Hierusalem, 155 
 
 Solon, 98 
 
 Solymon II., 160 (notes) 
 
 Sonsinos, 49, 1 59 (notes) 
 
 Southern Sea, 16 
 
 South Sea, De Quieros enters, 26 
 
 Spain, xi xii, xiii, 51, 54, 84, 90, 154 ; 
 banishments of, 46 ; banishment of 
 Jews from, 93 ; cruelties to Jews 
 in, xlv; Inquisition in, Ixiv; In- 
 dians compelled to swear fealty to 
 King of, 25 ; Jews in, 83 ; King 
 of, Ixi, 28, 49, 91, 93, \l\~-see 
 Alfonso, 168 (notes) ; see King 
 Alphonso the Wise of, 102 ; King 
 of, present at an " act of the faith " 
 at Madrid, 117 ; Papistry of, xxix ; 
 struggle with Elizabeth, xv ; trade 
 of, XXX ; war with, Ix ; when pos- 
 sessed by the Moors, 39 
 
 Spaniards, 17, 18; in America, 25 ; 
 baptized Indians and then mur- 
 dered them, 113; cruelty of, to 
 Indians, 11 ; dwelling in the Indies 
 affirm that the Indians come of the 
 Ten Tribes, according to Menas- 
 88) 
 
Indi 
 
 ex 
 
 seh ben Israel, 20 ; find sepulchres, 
 21 ; first come to America, 16 ; 
 found by accident, who had re- 
 mained hidden eight hundred 
 years, 39; in India, 13 
 
 Spanish, cruelties, 51 ; Inquisition, 
 47 ; nationality, Ixiv 
 
 Spence, liii n. 
 
 Spencer or Spenser, Sir Edward, 
 xxvii, xxviii, 151 (notes), i5i 
 (notes) 
 
 " Spes Israelis," xxii, 68, 146 
 
 Spinoza, xxxvi 
 
 Spizelli, Theophili, 152 (notes) 
 
 States General, xvii, 144. 
 
 Steele, William, xlvii, xlix 
 
 Steinschneider, cited, 162 (notes) 
 
 Sterry, Peter, 1 
 
 Strabo, cited, 55 
 
 Straus, Oscar, xix n. 
 
 Strickland, xxxi, xlvii 
 
 Stuarts, Ixviii ; enemies of the, Ixx 
 
 Sueton, cited, 55 
 
 Sura, schools of {see Seadiah), 158 
 (notes) 
 
 Surinam, xxxvii 
 
 Sweden, Jews in, xlv ; Queen of, 
 xxxvi 
 
 Sydenham, William, xlvii 
 
 Syria, 35, 40, 130 
 
 Syrian tyrants, 62 
 
 Sythia, 41 
 
 Tabaiares, 25, 26 
 
 Tabis, 20 
 
 Tabne, 125 
 
 Tabor, a province of Tartary, 33 
 
 Tacitus, cited, 55 
 
 Talmud, cited, no, 125, 127; cited, 
 133; cited, 136; cited, 140, 157 
 (notes) ; Babylonian, cited, 36, 43 ; 
 Jerusalem, 35 ; Rabbins in the, 
 
 43 
 Talmudists, 75, 92 
 Taradanta, governors of, 49 {see 
 
 Rutes) 
 " Targum " — see Onkelos, 1 35 (notes) ; 
 
 Uziel, 155 (notes) 
 "Targum upon Ruth," cited, 138 
 "Targum Yerushalmi," 155 (notes) 
 Tarshish, 28 
 
 Tarsis, 19, 44 
 
 Tartarians, 6 
 
 Tartaria the Greater, 20 (j^« Arsareth) 
 
 Tartars, 54 
 
 Tartary, 6, 20, 29, 31, 33, 40, 42, 53, 
 
 55 
 Tartas, Isaac Castrensis= Isaac de 
 
 Castro Tartas, burnt at Lisbon, 
 
 47, 1 58 (notes) 
 Tartyri, Ixxxi 
 Tegris, 39 
 Temple, first, 46 ; second, 6, 36, 39, 
 
 46, 53; third, 52 
 Ten Tribes, the, xxvi, Ixxviii, 6, 20, 
 
 22, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40, 
 
 41, 42, 43, 66, 6g, 151 (notes), 152 
 
 (notes), 155 (notes) ; habitations of 
 
 the, 39 ; in Ethiopia, 1 56 (notes) ; 
 
 in Spain, 20 ; Kingdom of the, 44 
 Terbinon, Thomas = Thomas (Isaac) 
 
 Trebino de Sobremente, 48, 159 
 
 (notes) 
 Terceras, Islands of, 55 
 Tertullian, cited, 120 
 "The Thorn Tree," 153 (notes) 
 "Thesoro de los dinim," 146 
 Theta, 153 (notes) 
 Thompson, Sheriff, xlvii 
 " Thoraces, The," 87 
 Thorowgood, Thomas, xxiv, xxv «., 
 
 Ixxviii, 67, 152 (notes), 153 (notes); 
 
 treatise of, xxv 
 Thraskytes, the race of, 66 
 Thurloe, xxxi, xxxii, xxxix «., xl, xli n., 
 
 li, liv «., Ix «., Ixi, Ixxxviii 
 Thurloe's advice to Menasseh, xxxviii 
 Tiahuanacu, a province of Collai, 21 
 Tiberiades, Governor of {see Jacob 
 
 Jaes), 86 
 Tiberius, 55 
 Tibur, 33 
 
 Tiglath-Pileser, 29 
 " Tiguanac, Antiquity of," 22 
 Timasus, Plato's, 54 
 Titus, Emperor, 36, 126 
 Tobit, Book of, 35 
 Toledo, xii, 117 
 Toledo, Lady Leonora de, daughter 
 
 of D. Peter de Toledo, 49 
 Toledo, D. Peter de. Viceroy of 
 
 Naples, 49 
 89) M 
 
Index 
 
 Toleration movement, xxii ; Owen's 
 
 scheme of, xxix ; religious, xxxi 
 Tornunfus, 36 = Turnus Rufus, 157 
 
 (notes) 
 Torquemada, xii 
 Toscani, Duke of = Duke Cosmus de 
 
 Medicis, 49 
 Totonacazenses, 22 
 Totones of New Spain, 22 
 Tours, 160 (notes) 
 Tovey, xli 
 
 Trachomites, the, 138 
 Trask, 69 
 
 Trent, Council of, Ixxxi 
 Treuenburg, von {see Bathsebah) 
 Tribes, the Ten {see Ten Tribes) ; 
 
 the Twelve {see Twelve Tribes) ; 
 
 the Two {see Two Tribes) 
 Trigantius, Nicholaus, 29 
 Triglath Pilesser, 32 
 Tuckney, Anthony, xlviii 
 Tudela, Benjamin of = Tudelensis, 
 
 38, 156 (notes), 158 (notes) 
 Tudelensis {see Tudela) 
 Tully, cited, 130 
 
 Tunes = Tunis, 19, 95, 154 (notes) 
 Turk, the, 49 ; the Grand, xv ; Jews 
 
 at Court of the Grand, 85 ; king- 
 dom of the Great, 86 
 Turkish Empire, 162 (notes) ; Jews 
 
 in, 85, 113 
 Turks, 57 ; conquered by Emperor 
 
 Charles V., 95 
 Turkey, 100 ; Jewish families play 
 
 important part in, 1 59 (notes) 
 Tuscany, Grand Duke of, lix, 87 
 Twelve Tribes, the, of Israel, 153 
 
 (notes), {see "Thorn Tree); Prince 
 
 of the, 43 
 Two Tribes, the, 52, 53, 70, 85 
 Tyberias, Governor of {see Jacob 
 
 Aben Jaes), 49 
 Tyril, Ixxi 
 
 Upper India, 38 
 
 "Ur of the Chaldees," 153 (notes) 
 
 Usque, Samuel {see Vasquo), 163 
 
 (notes) 
 Utre, Philip d', 23, 24 
 Uziel, Rabbi Jonathan ben, author 
 
 of "Targum," ig, 36, 155 (notes) 
 
 (I 
 
 Valladolid, 47 
 
 Valle, Marquis del, 17 
 
 Vanega, 18 
 
 Vasquo = Usque, 163 (notes); cited, 
 
 99 
 Vega, Don Diego Vaca de la, 25 
 Vega, Garcillasso de la, 19 ; cited, 54 
 Venetian Senate, 160 (notes) 
 Venetians make peace with Selim, 49 
 Venezuela, 23 
 Venice, 86, 87, 160 (notes) ; Republic 
 
 of, 49 ; Senate of, 88, 97 
 Veray, the Lord Lope de {see 
 
 Alacron), 158 (notes) 
 Verga, Solomon Aben, 167 (notes) 
 Verona, Jews in, 87 ; Mounts of 
 
 Piety at, loi 
 Verus, Jacobus, astrologer of Prague, 
 
 28 
 Vespacius, 17 
 Vespasian, 126 
 
 Vicarius, Joannes Castilianus, 24 
 Vicenza, Mounts of Piety at, 10 1 
 Vienna, iij ; Jews in, 86 
 Villefleur, 28 
 Villepende, Marquis de = Lord 
 
 Joseph de Fano, 87 
 Viles, the, 87 
 Vinaque, River, 22 
 " Vindicise Judaeorum," xvi, Ixiii, 
 
 Ixiv, Ixxvii, 105 ; cited, 164 
 Violet, Thomas, xlii «., Ixvii «., Ixxi, 
 
 Ixxii 
 Viterbo, Cardinal Egidio di, pupil of 
 
 Elias Grammaticus, 160 (notes) 
 Voga, Garcillassos de la ; cited, 21 
 Vorstius, 169 (notes) 
 Vossius, the family of, 169 (notes) 
 Vsquoquibs, the, 88 
 
 Wales, Judaical sects in, xxii 
 Wall, Moses, xxvii, 151 (notes), 
 
 154 (notes), 161 (notes) 
 Walsingham, Sir Francis, 165 (notes) 
 War of Gog and Magog, 43, 52 
 Webb, Ixxv n. 
 West Indian Company, xxx 
 West Indians, 27 
 West Indies, xxxvi, 11, 19, 21, 29; 
 
 first Colonies of, 18 ; inhabitants 
 
 of, 6 
 
 90) 
 
Index 
 
 Westminster Assembly, xlviii 
 
 Whitchcote, xlviii 
 
 Whitehall, xvii, xliv, xlvi, xlvii ; 
 
 meeting of Council of Mechanics 
 
 at, xix 
 Whitehall Assembly, xvii, Ivii, 144 
 Whitehall Conference, xix, xlviii, 1 «., 
 
 li, hi, liii, Iviii, lix, Ixvi, Ixxxiv, 
 
 149 (notes); adjourned, xlix; 
 
 meeting between Nye and Prynne 
 
 at, 167 (notes) 
 Whitelock, xxi n., xli 
 Wicofortius, Jaochimus, 31 
 Wiener, cited, 168 (notes) 
 Wilkes, Anna, 153 (notes) 
 Wilkinson, Henry, xlviii 
 Williams, Roger, xix, xxii, xl 
 Wilna, 151 (notes) 
 Wolf, Lucien, cited, xii «., xv «., 
 
 xix n., xxxiii, xxxviii, Ixxv, Ixxvi, 
 
 157 (notes), 160 (notes) 
 Wolseley, Sir Charles, xlvi, xlvii 
 Wood, C. M., cited, 155 (notes) 
 
 Xarites, 91 
 Xenophon, cited, 55 
 
 Xylus, 154 (notes) 
 
 Yad Hachazaka=Iad a Razaka, 
 
 167 (notes) 
 York, Marrano settlements in, xiv 
 
 Zacculo, Abraham = Zaccuto, 45, 
 
 158 (notes) 
 Zaduces, 125 
 Zarate, cited, 54 
 Zealand, 27 
 Zebulon, tribe of, 32 
 Zeeland, Ixix 
 "Zemach David," 163 (notes), 169 
 
 (notes) 
 Zeno, Emperor, 31 
 Zevi, Sabbethai = Pseudo-Messiah, 
 
 XV 
 
 Zidan, Mulai or Mulet=King of 
 
 Maracco, 49, 127 
 Zion, 60, 114, 145 
 " Zoar " = " Zohar " = " Sohar," 45, 93, 
 
 158 (notes), (see Johay), 163 (notes) 
 Zuniga, Alonzo di Ercilla y {see 
 
 Erzilla), 155 (notes) 
 Zunz, cited, 155 (notes), 157 (notes), 
 
 165 (notes) 
 
 THE END 
 
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