>lM oLIN PM 2031 .S37 1915 Huntington Free Library Native American Collection CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY CANADA DEPARTMENT OF MINES Hon. Louis Codekbi, Minister; R. W. Bboce, Dzfutt Minister. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY MEMOIR 62 No. 5, Anthropological Series Abnormal Types of Speech in Nootka BT E. Sapir MEMOIR 63 No. 6, Anthbopoloqical Series Noun Reduplication in Compx^ a Salish Language of Vancouver Island E. Sapir OTTAWA Government Printing Bureau 1915 Not. 1427 BndU2!l CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 924 097 771 830 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924097771830 CANADA DEPARTMENT OF MINES Hon. Loins Codebbx, Ministib; B. W. Bboce, Dbftttt Ministeb. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY I MEMOIR 62 I No. 5, Anthropological Sbeies Abnormal Types of Speech in Nootka BY E. Sapir OTTAWA Government Pkintinq Bxjreaxj 60138- n 1915 No. 1427. Abnormal Types of Speech in Nootka An interesting linguistic and cultural problem is the use in speech of various devices implying something in regard to the status, sex, age, or other characteristics of the speaker, person addressed, or person spoken of, without any direct statement as to such characteristics. When we say "big dog make bow-wow" instead of "the dog barks," it is a fair inference that we are talking to a baby, not to a serious-minded man of experience. Further, when we hear one use "thee" where most would say "you," we suspect that we are listening to an orthodox Quaker. In neither of these cases is there an explicit reference to a baby as person addressed or to a Quaker as person speaking. Such implications are common in all languages and are most often effected by means of the use of special words or specific locutions. Thus, in Nootka there are special words used in speaking of obscene matters to or in the presence of women; a number of "baby-words" also exist. Generally it is the speaker or person addressed that is thus signalized, but it is quite possible, though less frequent, to thus imply some- thing also in regard to the third person. A more specialized type of these person-implications is comprised by all cases in which the reference is brought about not by the use of special words or locutions, that is, by lexical, stylistic, or syntactic means, but by the employment of special grammatical elements, consonant or vocalic changes, or addition of meaningless sounds, that is, by morphologic or phonetic means. To enumerate all the possible types of person-implication expressed in language, from the point of view of resulting classifications of human beings, would lead one far afield. Two types, however, seem to stand out most prominently — those referring to sex-discrimination and to rank-discrimination. Several languages make a distinction between words or forms used by males and such as are restricted to females. Such a distinction, for instance, is made by certain Eskimo dialects, in which, at least in earlier times, according to Boas,' final p, t, k, and q^ were pronounced by the women as the correspond- ing nasals m, n, v, and rj. In Yana, an isolated linguistic stock of northern California, the forms used by the women, whether in speaking to one another or to males, differ from the fuller forms used by the latter in the unvoicing of final vowels; final -na {-hi in Southern Yana), a common noun ending, is replaced by aspiration in the speech of the women, who further lengthen final vowels to express the interrogative, while the males suffix an element -n. Most languages that make such sex distinctions differentiate the sexes as speakers. In Yana, however, a further discriminating factor is the sex of the person spoken to, in so far as the men in speaking to the women use the forms charac- teristic of the latter. More widespread in language seems to be a discrimination of forms according to the rank or social status of the person speak- ing, addressed, or spoken of. Here belong the etiquette forms characteristic of several East Asiatic and Indonesian languages, by which the social grading of the speakers as inferiors or superiors in reference to one another is clearly reflected in their speech. An analogous American instance is the use in Nahuatl of reverential forms to imply respect to the person addressed or spoken of. These are morphologically nothing but indirectives or causatives in -lia, -tia, or -Itia with reflexive pronominal prefixes; "he sleeps" is thus more politely expressed as "he causes himself to sleep." Here belongs also the use in so many European languages (French, German, Russian, and others) of second or third person plurals, instead of the more logical second person singulars, in speaking to people with whom one 1 Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bulletin 40 of Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911, p. 79. 2 See Phonetic Key at end of this paper. is not on the most intimate terms. This usage has its parallel in Yana, where brothers and sisters address each other in the plural'; other Calif ornian examples of a similar nature have been given by Goddard^ and Kroeber.^ These preliminary remarks are intended merely to indicate the general class of linguistic phenomena to which belong the more specialized Nootka examples to be given presently. At the same time they will serve to render these latter less glaringly bizarre by providing them with parallels, of a more general character. The data here presented were chiefly obtained in November, 1910, in the course of ethnologic and linguistic re- search for the Geological Survey of Canada among the Nootka Indians of Alberni canal, Vancouver island; the informant was Dan Watts, the young chief of the Hopdtdas'atn" tribe. Further data on this subject were obtained in the winter of 1913-14 from Alex Thomas, a young Indian of the TsUcd'atH" tribe of the same region. It is possible and often customary in Nootka to imply in speech some physical characteristic of the person addressed or spoken of, partly by means of suffixed elements, partly by means of "consonantal play." Consonantal play consists either in alter- ing certain consonants of a word, in this case sibilants, to other consonants that are phonetically related to them, or in inserting meaningless consonants or consonant clusters in the body of the word. The physical classes indicated by these methods are children, unusually fat or heavy people, unusually short adults, those suffering from some defect of the eye, hunchbacks, those that are lame, left-handed persons, and circumcised males. In speaking to or about a child it is customary to add the regular diminutive suffix -is to verb or other forms, even though the word so affected connotes nothing intrinsically diminutive; affection may also be denoted by it. The -is comes before temporal, modal, and pronominal suffixes. Thus, the normal qwistci' "do so!" (qwis- "to do thus;" -tci' second person singular imperative, "go and . . . !") is changed to qwis'istci' "do so, little one!" when speaking to a child. 1 Sapir, Yana Texts, University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 9, 1910, p. 95, footnote 139; p. 101, footnote 150. ' Goddard, Kato Texts, ibid., 1909, vol. 5, p. 143, footnote 185. ' Kroeber, The Languages of the Coast of California north of San Francisco, ibid., 1911, vol. 9, p. 321 (Porno). Similarly, qvAsma' "he does so" (-mo' third person present indicative) is changed to qwis'isma'' when one is speaking about a child. In speaking about oneself or others when addressing a child, it does not seem to be customary to use the diminutive sufBx except to show affection at the same time. Thus, the word waldLan "I am going home" (wal- "to return home;" -ctL- inceptive; -as "I") may be changed to walciL'isan "I am going home, little one" when^ addressed to a child for whom one wants to show love, but this form would not be used in speaking to a child that is a stranger. As might be expected, diminutive verbal and other forms occur in lullabies, in some of which the child is represented as speaking about itself. Thus, in a lullaby supposed to be sung by a whale mother to its child, occur the words 'oH^'^sok" '.emiti' ("my) little name is" {'oh"- "to be;" -'is- diminutive; -ok" "of, belonging to;" '.emiti' "name"). Some people were said by Dan to have the habit of using the diminutive suffix in order to belittle others, as though the persons addressed or referred to were of no more importance than children as compared to themselves. If a chief does this to too great an extent, he is set down as haughty. In talking to or about fat people or people of unusual size, the suffixed element -aq' is used in a manner analogous to the diminutive -is. Thus, the normal Mnt'ciLwe'in' "he comes, it is said" (hin- "empty" verb stem "to be, do;" -t'-, shortened form of -m' "to come;" -cih- inceptive; -we'in' quotative) becomes MnVciLaq'we'in'; 'otsdtciLma' "he goes to it" ('p- "empty" noun stem meaning "something;" -tsa- "to start for, go to;" -tcJL- inceptive, used after vowels; -ma' third person present indicative) becomes 'otsatciLdq'ma'. Other examples are: ha'okwaq'ma' "he, clumsy one, eats;" Qia'w- "to eat;" -okw- intransitive verbal suffix) ; and ha'akwdqifnak' "did you eat, fatty?" {-if tense suffix denoting past time; -Ha- inter- rogative; -¥ second person singular). People who are abnormally small are spoken of in forms with the diminutive suffix; moreover, in such cases, all sibilant consonants (s, ts, ts!; c, tc, tc!) become palatalized c- sounds {k, ts, t§!; compare, for §, Polish I and Sanskrit g; for t§, com- pare Polish c), which sound acoustically midway between s- and c- sounds; the diminutive -is itself becomes -'i&. Thus, hinVciLwe'in' "he comes, they say" is changed to hint'sih- H&we'in'' "he, little man, comes, they say." These §- forms are also used to refer to small birds, such as sparrows and wrens. Sometimes a meaningless § is added to the word, as in wik&H'^h tdnauk' from wikdn" tDnauk^ "I am not afraid" {wik- verb stem "to be not;" -aa'^ first person singular present indicative; ton- verb stem "to be afraid;" -u¥, diphthongized to -au¥ because of preceding a- timbred h, intransitive suffix). We shall meet this consonantal change again further on in another connexion. Quite analogously to dwarfs, are addressed or spoken of those suffering from some defect of the eye. Under this category are included cross-eyed people, those who squint, and such as have one eye run out, but not the blind. Here again the diminutive suffix is used, with the added feature that all s- sounds and c- sounds are converted into the corresponding voiceless lateral stops or spirants (s and c become I; ts and tc become l; ts ! and tc! become l!); the diminutive -'is itself becomes -'il. This style of speech is termed L/aLldtckHn* "to talk in sore-eyed fashion" (cf. L/azIdtck'sul "one-eyed per- son"). Thus, qwisma^ "he does so" is changed to qvAl- 'ilma\ Similarly, tditciLma' "he cuts" {tc!i- "to cut;" -tciL- inceptive; -ma' third person present indicative) becomes h'.iLiL'ilma'. A full-grown Indian named Sammy (or Se'mi as pronounced in Nootka), who is cross-eyed, is referred to as U'mi'ii "little cross-eyed Sammy." Another Indian of the same tribe, To'mic, who has only one good eye, is, in parallel fashion, referred to as Td'miVil "little one-eyed T6'mic." It should be remarked that such people, particularly when adult, are apt to become offended if addressed in this fashion, and that one would not use such forms in their presence unless with the express purpose of showing contempt or of teasing. As will be seen again later on, daLldtckHn^ forms are used also in referring to the deer^ and mink. Thus, the mythological Mink, tddsti- mits'mit" "Mink-son," is generally referred to as L!dltimiL'mit\ Hunchbacks {kiwdpi') are also addressed or spoken of in forms provided with the diminutive suffix, a further peculiarity in these being the change of ordinary s- sounds and c- sounds ^ Deer is associated with sore eyes also in other Indian mythologies. An Ojibwa eiample may be found in P. Radin, Some Myths and Tales oj the Ojibwa of Southeastern Ontario, Geologi- cal Surrey of Canada, Memoir 48 (No. 2, Anthropological Series), p. 3 (episode d). to peculiar thickish c- sounds, pronounced with the lower jaw held in front of the upper; the diminutive -'is appears as -'ic. We may represent these c- sounds by c. In this hunchback talk qwisma' becomes qiMc'icma'. Other examples are: ydtcu¥- 'icma' "he is walking" {yats- "to walk;" -uk'- intransitive verb sufSx); tc!6tc¥'miniH'''icma' "all of them are" (tdotck'- "to be all;" -'miniH'^- plural); and tc.'dxciL'icina' "he spears" {ts.'ax- "to spear"; -cil- inceptive). Here again these distinc- tive forms are generally avoided when in the presence of hump- backed people, for fear of giving offence. However, a hump- backed child who is well known to the speaker would hardly take offence and would be addressed as described. Or, if an old humpbacked woman is good-natured, c- forms may well be used when she is about, as though to show that she is happy and not easily rufHed. Here the notions of contempt and affection commingle. In speaking of lame people the diminutive suffix is again used, this time in its normal form. Besides this, the meaning- less element lc or Lci is inserted in the body of the word some- where before the diminutive suffix, its exact position apparently depending on the whim of the speaker. Thus, hinlni' ahma' "he comes now" {hin- "empty" verb stem; -ini- "to come;" -ah- determinative suffix marking point of time, "now"; -ma" third person present Indicative) becomes MniniLciHtslaLma' (diminutive -is and -ah regularly combine to form -itslah) or hiLcnini'itslaLma' "the lame chap is coming." Similarly, the verb tdltci' ahma' "he cuts now" (inceptive -tciL and -az combine into -td'ah) is changed to tditdLc'its.'aLma'^ when a lame person is spoken of. The word tla'ni'is'i" "the child" {tla'na- "child, son, daughter;" -'is diminutive suffix, i causing preceding a to become umlauted to e; -'i^ nominalizing element, about equivalent to our definite article) becomes t.'aLcn^'is'i'' "the young lame fellow," which may be used in speaking to children. In speaking of or to left-handed people the diminutive suffix is used in its normal form, besides which the meaningless element tcH" is inserted after the first syllable of the word. Thus, y&l'- ULma' "there now he is" (ydl- "to be there;" -'ai and -ma' as above) becomes ydUcH'''its!aLma' {-'is and -'at combine to form -itslah) "there now he is, poor little left-handed chap!" Similarly, from sukid'aLma' "now he takes it" (su- verb stem "to take;" -kwiL inceptive suffix, changed to -kwi- before -ul) is formed sutcH'^hwiL'itslaLma'^ . The diminutive suffix may also be omitted. Examples are: hitcH^nin' from hinin' "to come"; and UUcHHciLaH from tHtciLan "I throw it down" {t!i- "to throw;" -tciL inceptive suffix; -an first person singular indicative). Such a form as the last might be appropriately used in speaking to a left-handed person that one is well acquainted with and who will not take offence at being thus twitted. It is customary, particu- larly for jokers, to use these left-hand forms also in talking about bears, who are supposed to be left-handed.^ In speaking of or to circumcised males, forms known as 'i'id'kHn* "to make cf- sounds" are used. In these the mean- ingless element cf is inserted after the first syllable of the word. One of the Ts.'icd'atH'^ Indians, named Tloxmis "Slaying-while- moving-from-beach-to-beach," is often humorously referred to as Tloctxmis because of his having been born circumcised. Other examples of this class of forms are : hicf^ninima' from hininima^ "he comes;" and /tdcf'ofc'" from hd'ok'^ "to eat." Similar phonetic changes are made in forms used to refer to one or two classes of individuals characterized by some mental quality. Thus, greedy people are addressed or referred to in forms having a meaningless tcx inserted after the first syllable of the word. Thus, from 'oH'^saman "I hunger for it" ('o- "empty" stem which may be rendered by "something" or "so and so;" -H^sa- verbifying suffix "to desire to eat;" -maB first person singular present indicative, used after vowels) is formed 'utcxHsamau. Similarly, Mnini'aLma' "now he comes" becomes hitcxnini' ahma' "now he comes, greedy fellow that he is." These tcx- forms are also used to refer to ravens, regularly to the mytho- logical Raven, a character noted for his gluttony. Cowards may be satirized by "making one's voice small" in referring to or addressing them, in other words by speaking in a thin piping voice that suggests timidity. It is interesting to notice that in several of the above usages, the notions of mere smallness, of contempt, and of affection are found side by side, and doubtless the precise nuance of feeling expressed depends much on the relations subsisting between 1 According to Dr. Paul Radin, the Winnebago also consider the bear to be left-handed. In the bear clan feast of these Indians the guests eat with a spoon in their left hand. 8 the speaker and the person addressed or spoken of. What is meant in the spirit of pitying affection for a poor lame or hump- backed child or for a good-natured squinting old grandpa, might be intended to convey contempt when addressed to a young man and would be promptly resented as an insult. It is significant that the various types of abnormal forms of speech that we have reviewed are used with little or no reserve when speaking of the persons referred to or when addressing children, but are, on the whole, avoided when within ear-shot of adults so referred to. It seems further significant that the traits satirized are chiefly such as are inherent in a person, not merely acquired in the accidental course of events, whereby he is set apart by nature as falling short in some respect of the normal type of individual and is to that extent stamped as inferior. This may explain why blindness, which is more often acquired rather late in life than congenital, is not made the subject of speech-mockery. Added to this may be the feeling that blind- ness is too grave an aflBiction to be treated light-heartedly, an explanation which gains weight when the well-known sensitive- ness of the Indian is considered. Outside of the normal use of the diminutive in addressing or referring to children, the peculiar forms of speech that we have seen to obtain in Nootka are not easily paralleled in America. For diminutive verbal forms of the Nootka type Uto-Aztekan affords a close parallel. In Southern Paiute the regular diminu- tive suffix -tsi-, which is employed to form diminutive nouns and adverbs of all sorts, is also used as a verb suffix when, speak- ing to or of a child. Cognate with this element is the diminutive suffix -tzin{tli) of Nahuatl. Derived from this is the verb suffix -tzinoa, "which," according to R6mi Simeon,' "serves to denote respect or love;" it is generally, like reverentials of the type already referred to, employed with reflexive prefixes. Examples given by R6mi Simdon are: otechmo-chiuilitzino in Totecuyo "our Lord created us" (o preterit prefix; tech- first person plural objective prefix; mo- third person reflexive prefix; chiui-, from chiua, because of following -li-, verb stem "to make;" -li dative suffix, mo- . . . -li "for himself;" -tzino reverential, final -a being dropped because of preterit 1 Dictionnaire de la Langue Nahuatl ou Mexicalne, s.T. tzinoa. tense; in definite article, "the"; to- first person plural posses- sive prefix; tecuyo noun stem "lord"); and timo-gauhtzinoa (quoted from Olmos) "you fast" {ti- second person singular gubject; mo- reflexive;' gauh-, from gaua verb stem "to fast;" -tzinoa reverential). These forms may be rendered in some such fashion as: "our Lord has created us for himself, revered one," and "you fast, honoured sir." Strikingly similar psychologically to the cases of consonantal play in Nootka just considered are the peculiar consonant changes characteristic of Chinookan, employed to convey diminutive and augmentative notions respectively in all parts of speech.^ The change here of c- consonants to s- consonants to express the idea of diminution fm-ther illustrates the tendency of sibilants in America to be subject to consonantal play. In Yana the phenomenon of diminutive consonantism is illustrated in the change of Z to n. This process takes place regularly in forming diminutive nouns in -p!a; thus, ntnimaup.'a "little nose," from ttlimauina) "nose." The l-n type of consonantal play is another one of some currency in America, and seems to obtain also in Sahaptin. This matter of consonantal play to express modalities of attitude is doubtless a fruitful field for investigation in American linguistics and should receive more attention than has hitherto been accorded it. It may be expected to turn up particularly in connexion with notions of smallness, largeness, contempt, affection, respect, and sex- differences. Such consonant changes and increments as have been con- sidered are evidently of a rhetorical or stylistic as much as of a purely grammatical sort. This is borne out by the fact that quite analogous processes are found employed as literary devices in American myths and songs. I have already drawn attention to the fact,' that in American mythology certain beings are apt to be definitely characterized by speech peculiari- ties. The employment of consonantal play or of similar devices in such cases seems always to have a decidedly humorous effect. 1 This verb is intrinsically reflexive. 2 See Sapir, Preliminary Report on the Language and Mythology of the Upper Chinook, American Anthropologiflt, N.S., 9, 1907, pp. 537, 538; and, in greater detail, Sapir, section on "Diminutive and Augmentative Consonantism in Wishram," in Boas, Handbook of American Indian Languages, pp. 63&--645. ' Sapir, Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology, Journal of American Folk-Lore, XXIII, 1910, pp. 455-472, Takelma, Ute, Chinookan, and Nootka examples are there given, p. 471 . 10 The culture-hero KwdtiyaV of Nootka mythology is in the habit of inserting a meaningless x after the first vowel of a word; thus, the normal form Mnuse'i" "come up out of the water!" {hln- empty stem "to do, be;" -use-, umlauted from -usa- because of following i, "to move up out of the water;" -V imperative singular) becomes, at the same time, inasmuch as it occurs in a song, with song-vocalism, hixnusa'i. In the speech of the Deer and Mink all sibilants, whether of the s or c series, are transformed into the corresponding laterals (s and c to I, ts and tc to l, ts! and tc! to l!). Thus, the Deer says Limil for tdmis "black bear;" L.'dpaL for tddpats "canoe." The Nootka Deer and Mink style of talking is of particular interest for two rea- sons. In the first place, it will have been noticed that the consonantal changes are identical with those employed in speech about or addressed to those that have some defect of the eye, the latter type of forms, of course, being further characterized by the use of the diminutive suffix -'il (from -is). Here we see at once the intimate connexion between the two types of consonant play. In the second place, the speech of the Nootka Deer and Mink offers an interesting parallel, or rather contrast, to that of the Kwakiutl Mink. This latter character regularly transforms all laterals to cor- responding s- sounds (I, L, jj, and l! become respectively s, is, dz, and is.'), the exact reverse of the Nootka process. From the point of view of the psychology of phonetics, it is significant to observe that both Nootka and Kwakiutl have a feeling for the interchangeability of the sibilant and lateral series of consonants. But the Mink of the Kwakiutl is not content with this. He also regularly transforms all anterior palatals to corresponding sibilants (a;', k', g', and k' ! become respectively s, ts, dz, and ts!). There are still other phonetic changes to be found in Boas' Mink texts, but they seem less regular in character than these two ; the changes at times of I and 'I toy and 'y may be instanced as one of these (thus ss'yt for Ie'U "dead").^ Now it is per- haps significant that the change in Kwakiutl of anterior palatals to sibilants is curiously like the change of original Wakashan (Kwakiutl-Nootka) anterior palatals, as preserved in Kwakiutl, 1 For data on Mink's peculiarities of speecli, see F. Boas and G. Hunt, Kwakiutl Texts — Second Series, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. X, 1906, footnotes o pages 82 to 154; and Boas, Kwakiutl Tales, Columbia University Contributions to Anthi pology, volume II, 1910, footnotes on pp. 126-154. 11 to c- consonants in Nootka.' Thus, a Mink form UEdzi in Kwakiutl for normal nsg't "mountain" is strikingly similar to the regular Nootka cognate nutci'. Suggestive also, £t propos of the use by Mink of sonant palatal spirants (y and 'y) for normal sonant laterals (l and 'I), is the fact that in Nootka so-called "hardening" suffixes change immediately preceding I to 'y, corresponding in such cases to Kwakiutl 'l.^ The bearing of these facts on mythological consonant play in Kwakiutl is not easy to determine; a possibility will be suggested farther on. Consonant play as a device in mythology is not confined to America. In reading some recently published Bushman litera- ture the writer came across striking parallels. The Bushman Mantis, who, like the Kwakiutl Miak, is a trickster, consistently changes all the cerebral clicks of normal speech into lateral clicks.' Similarly, the Baboon transforms all the clicks of ordinary speech into a compound click, consisting of cerebral followed by dental click.* Evidently a comic effect is aimed at in both these cases. The phenomenon of consonant and vocalic play is also well illustrated in Indian songs. Song diction is an extremely important, though rather neglected, field of primitive lore, and only one phase of it can be touched on here. Song texts often represent a "mutilated" form of the language, but study of the peculiarities of song forms generally shows that the normal forms of speech are modified according to definite stylistic conventions, which may vary for different types of songs. Sometimes sounds are found in songs which do not otherwise occur in the language. Where the texts of a type of songs are in the language of another tribe, as happens so often in America, such an abnormal sound may be simply borrowed from the foreign language, as is the case with the mourning songs of the Southern Paiute, which, sung to supposedly Mohave texts, contain many examples of I, a sound otherwise unknown in Paiute. On the other hand, new sounds may be developed spontaneously or in imitation of foreign sounds. The former is probably the case in the frequent 1 See Sapir, Some Aspects of Nootka Language and Culture^ American Anthropologist, N.S., 13, 1911, p. 16. 2 See Boas, Handbook of American Indian Languages, pp. 430, 435; Sapir, loc. cit. 8 Bleek and Lloyd, Specijnens of Bushman Folklore, 1911, footnotes on pp. 6 and 8. * IbU. Footnotes on pp. 18 and 22. At least this is indicated by Bleek'a orthography, though possibly the compound sign is meant to indicate a special click not otherwise found. 12 Nootka use of ?;, a sound quite foreign to normal Nootka speech, in certain classes of songs; the latter explanation is more plausible in the case of the regular Nootka change of n to Z in many songs. This n-l interchange, again, is significant in so far as Kwakiutl, doubtless agreeing in this respect with primitive Wakashan, has both n and I, while Nootka, when cognate words are compared, is seen to have only n to correspond to both. Of particular interest in this connexion is the fact that such special song-sounds (Paiute I; Nootka Z and 17) are, at least so it would seem, pronounced with difficulty by Indians under ordinary circumstances, as in the handling of English words that contain them. The obvious inference is that one may react quite differently to the same speech-sound entering into dissimilar associations. This fact, has, of course, a much wider psychological significance.^ Conventional consonant changes in songs are no more restricted to America than, as we have seen, are parallel changes in mythology. An example that happens to have come to the writer's attention lately is the change of voiceless stops to corresponding nasals plus voiced stops in the songs of the Karesau-Papua of German New Guinea. Thus, the normal apil becomes ambil in songs.' In seeking some comparatively simple basic phenomenon, from which, as a starting point, the various types of consonant play we have illustrated from Nootka could have originated, one easily thinks of the vocalic changes or consonant substitu- tions that take place in the speech of those who have some specific speech defect. The most familiar case of this sort in English is lisping, which simply means that the ordinary alveolar sibilants (sometimes also stops) are changed to the corresponding dental sibilants or even interdental fricatives (and sometimes correspondingly for stops). Information was obtained of five types of speech defects found among the Nootka. The first of these is called nlnik'.irv- {nini- reduplicated stem; -k!in^ "to make a sound of") and consists of the involuntary 1 Sounds falling outside the regular phonetic system of the language may be spontane- ously developed also by the operation of other systems of consonantal (or vocalic) play than are found in song diction. Thus, in Wishram (Upper Chinookan), the analogy of certain consonant changes of augmentative value (as of p to 6, t to d, A: to g) brought about the creation of dj, a sound otherwise unknown in Chinookan, as the augmentative correlate of tc or ts sounds. See Handbook of American Indian Lanffuages, pp. 638, 639, 640. * See Father W. Schmidt, abstract of tfber Musik und Gesiinge der Karesau-Papuas , Deutsch Neu-Ch^inea, Bericht uber den III. Kongreas der Internationalen Musikgesallschaft. 1909, p. 297. 13 nasalizing of all vowels and continuants. Thus, the normal hay&'akaH "I do not know" {-an first person singular present indicative) is pronounced by people who have this defect hqyq' 'qkqH. The father-in law of Dan Watts, who is a Ucluelet Indian that came to visit his son-in-law, was observed by the writer and definitely stated by Dan to have this "nasal twang," which is due to an inability, muscular or nervous, to raise the velum so as to shut off the passage of the outgoing breath through the nose. In speaking of the elk, ninik.Hn' forms are used. A second type of defective articulation is termed hahdVkHn* or hahdt.Hn' (hahaV- reduplicated stem; -klirv- "to make a sound of"), and is supposed to be due to a hole in the palate. I have no clear idea as to just what the organic basis of the faulty articulation is, but, judging from the examples given of it, it seems evident that those subject to it have difficulty in articulating against the hard palate. Perhaps the speech defect is due to cleft palate. AH ts and tc affricatives (presumably also lateral affricatives) become simple t- sounds (dental), while s, c, and I become interdental fricatives (0). The acoustic effect is that of an exaggerated lisp. Thus, tdotck' "all" becomes t!6t'k'; 'otsVyukwaH "I go to it" ('o- empty noun stem "some- thing;" -tsi'yukw- "to go to;" -an "I") becomes 'oti'yukwaH; and tc.'op'tdop'cinil "stretch around the neck; sweater" (tdop'- tdop'c- reduplicated stem; -dnil "at the neck") becomes t/opH!6p'dinid. This latter rests on the authority of Dan Watts ; Alex Thomas, starting from a form tdop'tddp^cimil for "sweater," gave Uop'tlop'timil as its hahdUin^ correspondent. Those who are hahdt'k.Hn' thus confound three distinct series of consonants in a single dental or interdental series. Such per- sons are imitated when addressed. The outward resemblance with the phenomena of consonant play is quite striking here. This resemblance becomes even stronger in the case of the third Nootka speech defect of which information was obtained, that known as tstska' {Msk- verb stem; -a' verb suffix of con- tinuative significance) or Mskaq'sul (Msk- verb stem; -aq'sul, perhaps misheard for -ak'sul "at the lips"). Such as are subject to it are supposed always to keep their teeth open and to be saying ts+. As a matter of fact, those who are tdska' 50138—2 14 change all s and c- sounds to palatalized sibilants (i). Thus, 'otsl'yukwaH "1 go to it" becomes 'ot&i'yukwan; si'ydsan "it is mine" (si'yas- "to be mine," from independent pronoun si'ya' "I;" -au first person singular present indicative) becomes si'yd&aH. It will be remembered that these consonant changes are characteristic of the forms used in addressing or speaking about abnormally small adults, except that such discourse is further characterized by the use of the diminutive suffix -'U (from -is). Here there is a tangible connexion between the involuntary consonant changes brought about by a speech defect and the consonant play used to symbolize a body defect, though it is far from obvious in this particular case what asso- ciation there can be between a kind of lisp and a dwarfed condi- tion of the body. A further point of interest is that those who are tdska' are generally imitated when spoken of. The signi- ficance of this in the argument is obvious. Somewhat similar to the hahdt.Hn^ speech defect, yet not to be confused with it, is that known as kakdf'win^ "to talk as one with missing teeth" (cf. kdtxwak" sul ''to have teeth missing in one's mouth"). Such persons speak with a decided lisp, sub- stituting Q for s and c, 1B for ts, t61 for tsl and td, but, it would seem, t for tc. Examples are: 't'pinid from 'e'pinis "apples;" '6'yintad from '6'yintcas "oranges;" timid from tdmis "bear;" W!otk' from tdotck' "all;" td.'dpatB for tcfdpats "canoe" (contrast the corresponding hahdtJin* form: tldpaf). Here again, one who is affiicted with this speech defect is imitated when addressed; thus, Alex Thomas, before he had caps put on his vestiges of teeth, used to be mocked kakdf'win^-iashion. A fifth, not uncommon, speech defect among the Nootka is stuttering. Stutterers, like all other persons who have some- thing abnormal about their speech, are derided by being imitated. The West Greenland speech defect known as kutafoq^ is particularly instructive in that an individual speech-pecuh- arity, which, however, seems to be a common one in the Eskimo settlements along the coast, has become one of the dialectic peculiarities of the northern settlements of the Upernavik district. The kutafoq habit consists in substituting ordinary gutturals (&- sounds) for velars (q- sounds), and is evidently due land' XX^" 1904"'''^^i'7i-f8o"°''°''' ^'^'^'' °^ '*^ -^sKmo Lanouage, Meddelelser om Gron- 15 to the greater difficulty of bringing about a contact between the root of the tongue and the velum than farther front in the mouth. This defect, it should be noted, brings with it the confusion of two etymologically distinct series of consonants with resulting grammatical or lexical ambiguities, at least theoretically. In this respect kutdt'oq forms are parallel to the forms resulting in Nootka from speech defects or the use of consonantal play. Children are particularly apt to be kutdt'oq, but generally lose the habit as they grow older. However, certain adults, particu- larly women, always remain kutdt'oq, whether because of the mere force of habit or because of a physiological or anatomical impediment. As for the Upernavik peculiarity, it seems clear that the kutdt'oq habit can hardly be due to the individual disability or carelessness of all the members of the district, but that what was originally a speech defect has become social- ized into a dialectic peculiarity. The analogy with the forms employed in Nootka in speaking of or addressing certain classes of people that are ill-favoured by nature is striking. The explanation and genesis of the various types of speech mutilation in Nootka can hardly be more than guessed at, yet certain probabilities, in part already suggested, seem to stand out. In the first place, the use of definite morphological elements to indicate some characteristic of the person spoken to or of (Nootka -is and -ag'; Paiute -tsi-; Nahuatl -tzinoa) needs no particular comment, at least from the purely linguistic point of view. Further, definite points of contact have been estab- lished between speech defects and "mocking-forms," with consonantal play, on the one hand, and between the latter and myth-character forms with consonantal play, on the other. I am inclined to believe that the observation of consonant substitutions such as take place, with involuntarily humorous effect, in the speech of those that articulate incorrectly, has set the pace for the consciously humorous use of the same or similar substitutions in both mocking and, directly or indirectly, myth- character forms. The Nootka mocking-forms, with their use of the diminutive affix and of consonant play, represent a combination, both linguistically and psychologically, of the pity and affection symbolized by the use of the diminutive element and of the contempt or jesting attitude implied by the 60138—2^ 16 imitation of a speech defect. A myth character whom it is desired to treat humorously may, among other possibilities, be relegated either to the class of poor talkers or to that of nat- ure's step-children. Hence the consonant play of such characters is in part traceable either to speech defects or to mocking-forma. In passing it may be observed that the "enfant terrible" motive is fairly clear in the treatment of many humorous characters of American mythology, and that consonant play may in some cases be taken to symbolize this attitude. The socializing of the hutdt'oq habit among certain of the Eskimo forcibly suggests the influence of the speech of children as a contributing factor in the creation of myth-character forms. The KwakiutI Mink is a very likely example of the "enfant terrible," both in action and speech. The possibility should not be lost sight of, of the use of myth-character forms to apply to a class of people or to an individual in ordinary life. This would be an extension of the well-known American Indian habit of comparing one that is marked by some peculiarity of temper or habit with a favourite mythological character.' There is, however, another factor which has undoubtedly exercised a great influence both on the forjns of speech used by myth-characters and on the forms peculiar to songs. This is the comic or novel effect produced by the imitation of the speech of foreigners, particularly of such as speak a dialect divergent enough from the home-dialect to be funny or impres- sive, yet not so different as to be unintelligible and, therefore, lacking in interest. Hence we often find mythological characters in America making use of a neighbouring dialect of the language, as in the case of the Nass River TxamsEm and other characters, who talk in the dialect of the Tsimshian proper of Skeena river.^ Examples of songs whose texts are in a divergent dialect, not to speak of the common use of a totally distinct language, are frequently met with in and out of America. A well-known instance is the use by Melanesian tribes, according to Codrington, of the dialect of some neighbouring tribe for their own song diction; thus, the Melanesians of Mota (Norfolk 1 A few interesting examples are given by A. Skinner, Notea on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History vol. IX, 1912, p. 82. 2 See Boas, Tsimahian Texts, Bulletin 27 of Biu-eau of American Ethnolojrv. 1902. dd S 18,20,30,35,46,61-64,78,171. ^^' ' 17 island of Banks islands) use for their songs the dialect of Saddle island. Also in the clownish episodes of rituals, which are so characteristic of America, the impersonation and imitation of the speech peculiarities of foreigners are often resorted to and never fail to arouse a hearty laugh. In all these cases, it is rather important to observe, real accuracy of imitation is not generally attained or even aimed at, so that the foreign style often tends to reduce itself to a number of conventional vocalic and consonantal displacements. In dealing above with the change of anterior palatal fc- counds to ts- sounds in the language of the Kwakiutl Mink, I pointed out that a similar change was involved in the passage of original Wakashan anterior palatal k- sounds to Nootka tc- sounds. It is just possible that the Mink ts- sounds are in such cases due to an imitation of the speech of the northern Nootka tribes. The difficulty with this interpretation is that Nootka and Kwakiutl are altogether too divergent to afford more than a quite inconsiderable number of illustrative cases of the k- tc change, and of these but few would strike the naive mind. It seems more plausible, on the whole, to assume that both the Mink and Nootka consonant changes rest on a common Kwakiutl- Nootka tendency, perhaps a tendency on the part of children to pronounce anterior palatals as sibilants. Data on the speech peculiarities of Kwakiutl children would be valuable here. The Nootka Indians of one tribe frequently imitate the real or supposed speech peculiarities of those belonging to other Nootka tribes, the stress being primarily laid not so much on peculiarities of vocabulary and grammatical form as on general traits of intonation or sound articulation (cf. our New England "nasal twang" and Southern "drawl"). For the purposes of this paper the Nootka now spoken by the TsUcd'atH" and Hopdtdas'atH'^ of Barkley sound and the head of Alberni canal may be taken as the normal form of Nootka speech; this is, of course, purely arbitrary, but so would any other point of de- parture be. It is instructive to note that one or two of these tribal speech peculiarities coincide with individual speech defects. According to the TsUc&'atH" Indians, the HOutcuq'us'atH" tribe of Uchucklesit harbour, a western inlet of Alberni canal, speak or spoke (for there are few of them left now) in a rumbling fashion 18 (l!ol!o iSn') ; they are said to use their throat more than the other tribes. The pecuUarity referred to seems to be a more than ordinary use of velar resonance, due to a tightening of the passage between the root of the tongue and the velum or perhaps the throat. The Ho'.di'atH" Indians of Sarita river and the southern shore of Barkley sound are said to speak Llddatdin^, a splutter- ing effect being apparently referred to. As far as can be made out, their speech pecuharity consists in a more liberal use of tc sounds than ordinarily. Thus, according to Alex Thomas, the Ho'.di'atH" say 'ndtccih instead of 'ndcciL "to look at" (as a matter of fact, this usage is probably etymologically justified, as 'nac- and, in other forms, 'natc- are both used as verb stems in Ts.'icd'atH' itself); instead of pronouncing tdayt'is "give me water" (tela- noun stem "water;" -yl- verbifying sufl&x "to give;" -'is second person singular imperative with first person singular object) they say something like tdatcyt'is, though Alex maintained that it was not a full clear-cut tc that was inserted. At any rate, the TsHcd'atH" have seized upon the tc- insert as a convenient means of poking fun at their Ho'.di'atH" kinsmen, using it in ways that are certainly not, nor meant to be, accurate renderings of the tribal peculiarity. Thus, the tribe itself is humorously referred to as Hotcidi'atH"; Numdqemiyis, the main inlet of their country, is similarly termed Nutcmdqemiyis. Evidently, we^have here an example of a mocking usage, based on a tribal peculiarity, that is in form perfectly analogous to certain myth character and cripple-mocking usages (cf . inserted X for Kwatiyat and inserted ten" for left-handed people.) The northern Nootka tribes, beginning with the La'dkwi'atH" of Clayoquot sound and proceeding north, are said to speak tdntdna^ which refers to a drawling or long drawn out manner of talking. Apparently the peculiarity, which is often imitated in jest, consists not so much in lengthening out vowels as in a some- what exaggerated rise in pitch towards the end of a sentence, which gives the flow of speech a sliding cadence. The most northern Nootka tribe, the Tdiq'Lis'atH", are said to be all stutterers and are accordingly imitated in jest. In imitating the Nitinats (Nlttna'atH"), a group of Nootka tribes to the south of Barkley sound that speak a very divergent 19 dialect, the meaningless syllable -'ag' is always added to the word, as this syllable is supposed to be a very common one in Nitinat. This device is strikingly similar to the use of suflSxed -aq' for large persons. The real old Hdpdtdas'atH' Indians, whose earliest homes were in the interior of the island along Somass river and about Sproat and Great Central lakes, were said to talk tdska', that is, to confound s and c sounds. As we have seen, this is also a well- recognized individual speech defect among the Nootka. In the case of the Hopdtdas'atn", the tstska" habit was simply due to the fact that they carried over into Nootka speech a linguistic peculiarity found in the Salish dialect which they originally spoke (a dialect apparently identical with or closely related to Boas' Pi&nLatc; recognized as PinL.'&'atc by Tyee Bob, the leading man among the Hdpdtdas'atH" to-day and whose father is still re- membered to have spoken tdska'). As for the TsUcd'atH" themselves, they are said by the other tribes to talk very fast. If one anywhere among the Nootka Indians talks too fast, the proverbial saying is that he is a TsHcd'atn". It will, as we have seen, have to be admitted, that mocking forms for various classes of people are connected not only with speech defects and mythological devices, but, to a large extent, also with tribal speech peculiarities. Finally, the possibility of a direct psychological relation between the consonant change and the type of individual or attitude it symbolizes should not be summarily ruled out of court. That such an association once established by historical causes will be felt as a direct and simple psychological associa- tion is quite obvious, also that it may become productive, by analogy, of further associations of a related sort. I would, however, even be inclined to suppose, though proof may be difficult or impossible, that certain associations of sound and character or form arose more or less spontaneously, or, to put it more correctly, by virtue of the inherent associative value of the otherwise unconnected phenomena in the mind of a par- ticular individual or group of individuals. Such an individual association, if given outward expression, can become socialized in the same way in which any individual idea becomes socialized. 20 The type of association here thought of is quite parallel to the sound-colour associations familiar enough in psychology. It may be not uninteresting as a psychological datum to note that the writer himself feels, or thinks he feels, the intrinsically diminutive or augmentative value of certain consonant changes in Wishram. Moreover, the association of c- consonants with humpbackedness in Nootka seems not so far-fetched after all. The thickish quality of these consonants, together with the pro- trusion of the lower jaw in pronouncing them, suggests to me the same squat clumsiness as the image of a hunchback. All this may, of course, be merely auto-suggestion ad hoc. To summarize, evidence has been presented of the historical connexion between various linguistic and stylistic processes involving the symbolic use of sounds. These are diminutive and augmentative forms of speech, mocking-forms, myth- character and animal forms, and song forms. Moreover, further evidence has been presented to show the historical connexion of these quite specialized tricks of language with the far simpler phenomena of speech defects, children's language, and imitation of the phonetic peculiarities of foreigners. The direct association of some of the former with the types they symbolize, after the manner of primary association between data of distinct sense, has also been suggested as a possibility. The data brought forward in this paper as to the associations obtaining in Nootka between various classes of persons, mytho- logical beings and animals, linguistic devices designed to satirize or characterize, speech defects, and tribal speech peculiarities, may be most conveniently grouped in tabular form. The arrange- ment in the table is intended to emphasize the purely linguistic similarities. Phonetic Key. a, short as in German Mann; e, short and open as in English met; i, short and open as in English it; o, short and open as in German voll; u, short and open as in English -put; e, short and close as in French ete; i, short and close as in French fini; o, short and close as in French chaud. a, long as in German Bahn; e, long and close as in German See; I, long and close as in German Sie; o, long and close as in Type of person. Mythological being or animal . Tribe. Linguistic peculiarity. Native term for linguistic peculiarity. Speech defect. Child; grown-up per- son to whom little re- spect is paid Add diminutive -'is Large person Add augmentative -ag* 1 Nitinat Add meaningless -'ag' Abnormally small per- son. Small birds (sparrows, wrens) Hopdidas'at h " Add diminutive -'i& (for first 2 columns) ; change 8 and c soimds to s sounds tstska' Confoimding s and c sounds in one i-series Sore-eyed persons (cross eyed; squinting; hav- ing one eye run out) Deer; Mink Add diminuitve -'il; change s and c sounds to I sounds LfaiJdtckHni Hunchback Add diminutive -ic; change s and c sounds to Q sounds Lame person Add diminutive -is; in- sert LC Left-handed person Bear Add diminutive -Hs; in- sert tew» Circumcised person Ina e t cC 'i'icVk!in< Greedy person Raven Insert tcx Culture hero Kwdtiyaf Insert ?; HoidVatH^ Insert tc LlaLldldin* Elk Nasalize vowels of word ninik!in< Involuntary nasalizing Coward Talk in thin, piping voice Tc.'i'q'Lts'atH'* Stutter Stuttering noutcUq'Lis'atH'^ Talk with velar resonance ijQiJQ'.in* All Nootka Indians from La'dkwi'atH" north Talk with drawling ca- dence tdHtdna* Ts.Hcd'atfi'^ Talk very fast Pronounce l ,te, and Ic sounds as t sounds; s, c, and I as hahdUini, hahdrkUni Cleft palate Pronounce s sounds as $ sounds; c and tc! as $ and t0!; tc as t kakdV'winy Lisping due to missing teeth 50138— p. 20 21 German roh; t, long and open as in French /^te; 6, long and open as in English saw, yet with back of tongue not so low. B (Kwakiutl), short obscure vowel like e of German Rose; I (Nootka), short open f-vowel of rather unclear quality; * (Nootka), occurring as syllabic final after n and m, barely articulated or murmured (yet not voiceless or whispered) i; " (Nootka), denotes a-timbre of preceding h (see below). c, like sh in English ship: tc, corresponding voiceless affrica- tive, ch of English church (in Nahuatl ch is used for tc); dj, corresponding voiced affricative, j of English joy; s and ts, as in English sit and hats (in Nahuatl z and tz are respectively used instead) ; & and t§, palatal voiceless sibilant and affricative, acoustically midway between s-c and ts-tc respectively; c and tQ, c and tc pronounced with lower teeth in front of upper; d, interdental voiceless spirant, like th in English thin. q, voiceless velar stop like Semitic qof; qw, labialized form of same; x, voiceless spirant of g-position; x, voiceless spirant of fc-position, not pronounced as far back as German ch of Bach; k- andg- (Kwakiutl), anterior palatal stops (palatalized k-stops), approximately ky and gy; x- (Kwakiutl), voiceless spirant of fc- -position, ch of German ich; rj, voiced nasal of k- position, ng of English sing; y (Eskimo), voiced nasal of q- position. I, voiceless lateral spirant; l, corresponding voiceless lateral affricative (written tl in Nahuatl); {, (Kwakiutl), corresponding voiced affricative. ' , glottal stop; ! (Nootka), strangulated-sounding laryngeal stop, similar in resonance to Arabic 'ain; h (Nootka), strangu- lated-sounding laryngeal spirant, Arabic ha; ", aspiration or breath-release of preceding vowel or consonant {p', f , fc', and g' are aspirated voiceless stops); / denotes glottalized stops and affricatives (p/, t!, kl, q!, l!, ts!, tc!, ts!, tc!, fc-/), that is, such as are pronounced with simultaneous closure of glottis, but with oral release prior to that of glottal release. All other con- sonants as in English. ' , stress accent; ', denotes preceding long consonant (except in Kwakiutl fc'- sounds); ,, denotes nasalization of vowel under which it is placed; -f-, denotes excessive length of preceding vowel or consonant. CANADA DEPARTMENT OF MINES HoK. Loots Codbbre, Minister; R. W. Brock, Deputy Ministbr. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY MEMOIR 63 No. 6, Anthropological Series Noun Reduplication in Comox, a Salish Language of Vancouver Island E. Sapir OTTAWA Government Printing Bureau 1915 No. U29 CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction 1 I. Phonetics 2 II. Nouns normally reduplicated 9 III. Reduplicated plurals of nouns 11 IV. Reduplicated diminutives of nouns 20 V. Doubly reduplicated diminutive plurals of nouns 34 VI. Miscellaneous linguistic material 43 VTI. Comparative notes on Salish noun reduplication 46 Noun Reduplication in Comox, a Salish Language of Vancouver Island INTRODUCTION. One of the most characteristic grammatical processes of a group of Northwest Pacific Coast languages, embracing the Tsimshian, Kwakiutl-Nootka, Salish, and Chemakum linguistic stocks, is initial reduplication, employed in both noun and verb forms to indicate a variety of grammatical concepts, chiefly those of plurality, distribution, and iteration. The Salish languages in particular are known to make exuberant use of reduplication for grammatical purposes, but the subject, which seems to bristle with irregularities and intricacies of detail, has never been adequately treated for any of the numerous dialects of the stock. Indeed, a thorough grammatical study, at the same time phonetically adequate, of a Salish language, is still one of the desiderata of American linguistics. During the autumn of 1910, while prosecuting ethnologic and linguistic research for the Geological Survey of Canada among the Nootka Indians now living in two reserves near Alberni, B.C., opportunity was incidentally found to gather some linguistic data on Comox, a Salish language spoken on the east coast of Vancouver island near the present town of Comox. The dialect represented in these notes seems to be Comox proper {Q!6mox"s), with which ddhos, spoken on the mainland of British Columbia, was stated to be identical. SdloW" was stated to be a northern dialect of the same language. This term is evidently identical with Boas' Catl61tq, which he uses to apply to the most northern group of Coast Salish tribes, excluding Bella Coola, inhabiting "Discovery Passage, Valdes Island, Bute and Malaspina Inlets." ^ Boas adds, "The Catl61tq are called K'omoks by the Lekwiltok'" (southernmost Kwakiutl tribe.) The informant was Tommy Bill, an Indian of mixed blood, whose father belongs to the TsHcd'atn" tribe of Nootka Indians, while his mother was a Comox, he himself living with and being to all intents and purposes a member of the Hopdtdas'atH" tribe of Nootkas. His knowledge of Comox was obtained in his earlier years, when living among his mother's people, whom he visits from time to time; it is only fair to add that he speaks mainly Nootka and English nowadays and does not claim to have a perfect command of Comox. However, the rather elementary character of the data obtained, together with convincing internal evidence derived from their study, leaves no room for doubt as to the essential accuracy of the material here presented. Most of the time spent on Comox was taken up with securing material pertinent to the problem of reduplica- tion in nouns. For most of the nouns obtained, plural, diminu- tive, and diminutive plural forms were secured, all of which involve various types of reduplication. Our linguistic material thus naturally divides itself into three heads, not to speak of a small number of nouns that are always used in reduplicated form. A few introductory remarks on Comox phonetics and some supplementary data are also added. I. PHONETICS. Vowels. The short vowels found in the Comox material secured are: a (as in German Mann); a (as in English bat); e (short and open as in English met); e (short and close as in French ete); i (short and open as in English bit); i (short and close as in French fini); o (short and open as in German dort); 1 See F. Boas, First General Report on the Indiana of British Columbia, Report B. A. A. S. , 1889, 5th Report on North- Western Tribes of Canada, p. 10. (short and close as in French beau); and u (short and open as in English put). Of these vowels, e, i, and i are etymologically one sound, which is modified by phonetic surroundings; simi- larly, o and u. Velar consonants tend to lower preceding or following i to e (possibly sometimes e), while certain consonants (particularly s and I) tend to palatalize i to i. e and o, which latter does not occur often, are doubtless etymologically related to e and o respectively, but seem in every case to be clearly kept distinct from these, a is not common. Corresponding to each of the short vowels is a long vowel (long a, however, has not been found). These are indicated as: a (as in German Bahn); t (long and open as in French mere, or as in English hear, but without "r-vanish"); e (long and close as in German See); i (long and open as in English beer, but without "r-vanish"); i (long and close as in English see); o (long and close as in English roll, or as in German Sohn); 6 (long and open as in English born, but without "r-vanish"); u (long and close as in English rule) ; and u (long and open as in English poor, but without "r-vanish"). Similarly to the corresponding short vowels, and under parallel phonetic circum- stances, e, t, and i are variants of one sound, etymologically speaking, though t is often to be interpreted as lengthened form of inorganic vowels, in which case it does not seem to vary with e and I; o, u, and u are likewise representatives of what is etymologically a single sound, d does not often occur; it is probably etymologically related to o. i occurs often and cannot be considered a mere variant of e. As not infrequently happens in American Indian languages, the long vowels are not always held out with even stress, but end with short rearticulations which give the whole vowel in each case a quasi-diphthongal effect. Such vowels have been noted by the writer in Takelma, Southern Paiute, and, at least to a moderate extent, in Nootka; Boas has noted them in Tsimshian. While they occur to a considerable extent in Comox, they cannot as in Takelma be considered the normal forms of the long vowels; sometimes the short rearticulations seem to serve as glides to following consonants, particularly velars. The quasi-diphthongal long vowels are here indicated by long vowels followed by superior short vowels, the vocalic 50138—3 quality of the latter being indicated as in normal short vowels. There are found: a"; e%- e'; e* (occurs before anterior palatal consonants); iV ^^■ i" (occurs before velar consonants); o? and 6"; and w". A number of cases also occur of short vowels followed by weak rearticulating vowels; such are e% o?, and i' (here the ' is a glide to the following velar consonant). Some of these may well represent secondarily shortened long vowels. Differing from such long or short vowels with quasi- diphthongal character are vowels that are secondarily diph- thongized by a vocalic glide whose timbre depends wholly on the following consonant; such is i" in ku-p-fV^miV "hill," in which the second " is a glide due to the u- timbre of the final consonant. Short vowels of somewhat obscure quality are also found, either representing dulled forms of normal short vowels or being of inorganic origin and meant to lighten consonant clusters or serve as glides. Such vowels are: a (as in English hut, yet sometimes less clearly marked in quality), which is sometimes inorganic, sometimes dulled from a; e (obscure vowel with e- quality) ; and i (very short rather unclear i) . At times short vowels are so weakly articulated as to be barely audible; these are rather "murmured" short vowels of etymological significance than merely glides, timbre-echos of preceding consonants, or voiceless vowels. Examples are: ? in Idl^bo'm' "small clam" (-2?6- reduced from W°6- in ld"''bom' "clam"; yet in this case ° can just as well be morphologically dispensed with and phonetically explained as a timbre-echo of -ol-); ^ in gl'w'^x "steel-head salmon" (that ^ is organic, despite its dull quality and extreme brevity, and reduced from a, is indicated by Nootka qe'waH "steel-head salmon," with which Comox qt'w^x is evidently identical; borrowing has doubtless taken place); ^ and " in Mw^qen' "swan" and its diminutive heWqAdol. Another class of "murmured" vowels (German 'Murmel- vokale") is formed by weakly articulated, yet not voiceless, vowels occurring in syllabically final position after glottal stops (')■ Such vowels are only in part "murmured echoes," i.e., reduced repetitions of immediately preceding fully voiced vowels (such are a'", e'\ t'\ ai'\ o'?, 6'°; vowel breakings of this type occur often in American languages) ; in some cases we have also murmured vowels after glottal stops that are of different quality and etymologically distinct from immediately preceding vowels (such are a'* and a''). Some consonants, notably glottalized ("fortis") consonants, are apt to be followed by timbre-echoes dependent in quality on the preceding vowel. This simply means that the oral resonance chamber characteristic of a vowel may, failing to be materially disturbed by the following consonant position, linger on and thus become acoustically noticeable as a voiceless (sometimes aspirated) vocalic echo; if the consonant is a spirant, the vocalic timbre may be audible during its production. Examples of such unaspirated timbre-echoes after glottalized consonants are: " in p.'d'alats!" "skunk" and ■ in k!6-ddt!f "porpoise." In M"g»^ei.'" "herring" the t! was heard with definite a-timbre despite preceding L After u (o)-vowels syllabically final fc-sounds are regularly followed by echoes (aspirations when consonant is not glottalized) with tt-timbre. Hence fc'", k!", X", q'", q!", and x" (see below for orthography of fc-sounds). These sounds, however, are also very frequent after unrounded vowels, as in ld''dak'" "skin;" in such cases they represent original labialized /c-sounds (see below). Aspiration with definite w-timbre is also found after t, as in s(!Zf " "woman." Excluding such inorganic diphthongs as are formed by vowels and following glides (e.g., t"), there have been found as true short diphthongs ai, au (also au), di, ei, and long diphthongs ai, au. Vowels normally forming diphthongs that do not so unite, each preserving its full value, are separated by . (thus, a.i as distinct from true diphthong ai). Stress accent is indi- cated by ' over vowels. Consonants. The consonant system of Comox is fairly full, including, as it does, eleven distinct series that differ according to place of articulation. As regards manner of articu- lation, six distinct series are to be recognized (voiceless stops, glottalized or "fortis" stops, voiced stops, voiced nasals, voiceless spirants, and voiced spirants), though by no means all of these are represented for all places of articulation. The voiceless stop and glottalized stop series are complete, the voiceless spirants nearly so, while the others are quite defective. All these consonants may be represented in the form of a table : — 50138—31 Laryngeal (glottal) Velar Labialized velar Guttural Labialized guttural Pre-guttural (anterior pala- tal) Dorsal lateral Palatal sibilant Alveolar sibilant Alveolar Labial Voice- less STOPS Q qw k kw Glot- TALIZBD STOPS q!w k! k!w ki! tc! ts! t! p! Voiced STOPS I (voiced contin- uant) *■ (d) Nasals Voice- less spirants Voiced spieants c is pronounced like sh of English ship; x" like ch of German ich. tc, tc!, dj (like J of English jam), ts, and ts! are affricatives (stop plus corresponding spirant; no simple stops correspond to te-series). l and l! are also affricatives, but with lateral (voiceless spirant T) release. b and d are phonetic variants of m and n; b and d were often, though not consistently, heard between vowels, m and n rather consistently as initials, while m and n were more often heard as syllabic finals than b and d. These b-m and d-n sounds have been at various times analysed by Boas as "semi-nasalized" consonants. "The nasal opening," he writes, "may differ in width, and the stricture of the upper nares may produce semi- nasalized consonants."^) Again, in speaking more definitely of Coast Salish, ". . . the b sound . . is produced with half-closed nose by the Indians of the Strait of Fuca, in the State of Washington. . . . The characteristic trait of the sound is a semiclosure of the nose, similiar to the effect produced by a cold in the head."' These remarks doubtless apply to Comox as ' Boas uses s (interdental spirant, like th of English thick) in certain words for our s. See his CatlSltq vocabulary, Report B.A.A.S., 1890, 6th Report on N.W. Tribes, pp. 141-163. I do not know if Tommy Bill's failure to use this sound is an individual pecuharity or not. * F. Boas, Introduaion, Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bulletin 40, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911, p. 22. ' ibid., p. 17. well as to more southern Coast Salish languages, yet it seems likely to the writer that under certain phonetic conditions these semi-nasals become true nasals. No attempt will here be made to normalize orthography on this point, a faithful record of what was heard, or thought to be heard, being presented. Eliminating b and d as of secondary origin {g" and dj, it should be carefully noted, are true sonant stops, not "intermediates"), all the other consonants listed in the table are etymologically distinct, that is, none of them are mere variants, {k, k!, and X, however, may prove to be merely secondary forms of kw, k!w, and xw.) This gives us no less than thirty-six (or thirty- three) organically distinct consonants to operate with. A secondary series of aspirated surds (voiceless stops followed by aspiration) arises when voiceless stops occur as syllabic finals (written p\ t\ fc'. A;"', q', tc'); kw and qw become fc'" and g"", that is, their aspiration-release has w-timbre; similarly, k!w and q!w in this position become k!" and g.'". q, it may be noted, is often released into a weak spirant glide x (written ^) before the following vowel is attacked (thus, q^'a for qa). Final vowels and m and n are also often followed by aspiration (-a' and similarly for other vowels, m" or less often b\ n' or less often d'), though this was not consistently heard. Final m and n are etymologically distinct from final glottally affected m and n, which are written m' and n' (sometimes breath release is heard after glottal release, wheti they are written m" and n"). Long consonants (indicated by ' after consonant) were noted, but seem to be of no etymological significance (examples are q', d'). Sound Changes. Lengthening and reduction of vowels are important phonological processes in Comox, also, though to less extent, changes of vowel quality. As these, however, are generally of grammatical significance, they are best taken up in their proper place under types of reduplication. As more strictly phonetic pure and simple in character is to be considered the palatahzing of a to t in the neighbourhood of g", also the change of A to w and i in appropriate phonetic circumstances. These changes also, however, are most clearly brought out in connex- ion with morphological processes. Many cases of g", perhaps all, are undoubtedly due to original w. It seems that w, when it came to stand between vowels (not, it would seem, including cases of preceding vowel plus glottal stop), also initially in many cases, regularly passed into g". Thus, as diminutive of xAucin' "bone" is found xt'xigHctn" <*xtxAwicin' i-Agy- becomes -ig"-, as noted above). Similarly, from q&w'^x "steel-head salmon" is formed q^'qegoe'x "little steel- head salmon" and qeqAuqa'''g''e'x "little steel-head salmon (plur.)-" This phonetic law explains a class of plurals, formed by reduplicating with o- vowel, derived from stems in internal -g"-. Thus, from t!eg''em (<*t!ewem) "sun, moon" is formed plur. t.'oH.'eg^em {<*t!Awt!ewem); other examples will be given in their proper place. So also is explained suffix -agHl "canoe" in such forms as tcada'^gHl "three canoes," seyatsa'^g^il "five canoes", as compared with -aul in mdsaul "four canoes;" -agHl is evidently from *-dwil (cf. KwantlEn, of Cowichan group of Coast Salish, -aQitl "canoe" in numerals,'^ i.e., -axwil; perhaps cf. Comox n6xwil "canoe"). An interesting test case is qt'gvas "deer," doubtless a loanword from Kwakiutl (cf. KwakiutI gtwas "deer"^). Another such test case is afforded by Comox tlgVx'^ "nine" < *tAwAx" or HAwux" (cf. Kw4ntlEn tuq "nine,"' i.e., tux or tux, contracted from *tuwux). Compare also Comox hi'g^os "chief" with Pentlatc and Siciatl htwus*. On the other hand a number of words have been found with w between vowels. Such are ts!ats!dwicin' "hail," xwd'awlH' "fire," and 'dwdk'" "tobacco." It is not clear how this -w- is related to -w- > -g"-. Just as g" and w are related, so there is reason to believe that dj and y are related, though there is perhaps not quite as con- vincing internal evidence at hand. See Type VIII of plural formations for such evidence. Moreover, with Comox djldis "tooth" compare KwantlEn yenis "tooth;"* with Comox djicin'' "foot" compare Siciatl yicin.^ ^ See C. Hill-Tout, Ethnological Studies of the Mainland HalkomSlEm, a division of the Salish of British Columbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1902, Ethnological Survey of Canada, p. 65. 2 See F. Boas, Kwakiutl, Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bulletin 40, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911, p. 447. 3 C. Hill-Tout, ibid., p. 64. * F. Boas, Comparative Vocabulary of Eighteen Languages spoken in British ColuTnbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, 6th Report on the North- western Tribes of Canada, p. 148. ^ C. Hill-Tout, Ethnological Studies of the Mainland HalkomtlEm, a division of the Salish of British Columbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1902, Ethnological Survey of Canada, p. 86. ^ F. Boas, Comparative Vocabulary of Eighteen Languages spoken in British Columbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, 6th Report on the North- western Tribes of Canada, p. 147 9 II. NOUNS NORMALLY REDUPLICATED. A considerable number of Comox nouns always appear in reduplicated form, reduplication in these cases being of no grammatical significance, but belonging to the noun as such. Many of them are animal names, and of these some are quite evidently onomatopoetic. Ten fairly distinct types of redupli- cation seem to be illustrated in the rather limited material available. Very likely others exist. Type I. Completely Reduplicating. ho'mhd'm blue grouse xop'xop' humming-bird k^dck^QC bluejay tsU'xHsHx'^ fish-hawk pok'"pok'" liver gH^gH^ panther qe'n'qen" duck qwVqwi' sea-gull "Duck" and "sea-gull" have both syllables with vowels alike in quality but with short vowel in the second. Type II. Completely Reduplicating with &. te'ltoV small butter-ball duck hd'ihei' arrow "Arrow" belongs perhaps rather with Type I. Both of these nouns lose a glottal stop in the reduplicating syllable. Type III. Reduplicating Syllable: cvci.' titctitci'c owl kwa'kwd'''djo'' grey squirrel t.'Aq't.'Aqai dog-wood Type IV. Reduplicating Syllable: ce. mV'mau cat k''!i*k''!ak''! crow td'itca.iq' salt-water hunter In "salt-water hunter" reduplicating tci- is broken into tci'i-. ^ In these formulse c represents first consonant of stem, v first vowel, ci second consonant of stem, vi second vowel, and so on. v represents any long vowel, v any shortened vowel. 10 Type V. Reduplicating Syllable: ci. Only one or two certain examples have been found of this type. They differ from the preceding in that the vowel of the redupli- cating syllable is short. qwi^qwdH!A.la'''k' butterfly we'wdlos young man (form probably diminutive in). Possibly also: — 6'adjam' young woman Type VI. Reduplicating Syllable: cd or ca. L&L&px pocket-knife qwdqumPs marten xdxe'^ nit mdmstco'm mink Type VII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv. tsfatsldwicin' hail tdatddHldn'^ mouse xwdxwadjo'm fly (word probably diminutive in form). qAq'td'amas game with wooden ball' qoqowi'm' down (of bird) Type VIII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv'. qd'''qa'' rush mat djd'^dja'' tree Type IX. Reduplicating Syllable: cd. Only one example has been found of this type : — tdVxHal necklace Type X. Reduplicating Syllable: cec. Of this very peculiar type (doubly reduplicating consonant, otherwise like Type IV) also only one example has been found : — q!iq!q!d'adj^'uk'" butter-ball duck 1 Formed from q'td'abas "wooden ball covered with spruce-roots." There were two sides in the game, with the same number on each. Each side had a goal consisting of a little pit, which was guarded by one man. All but the two guards gathered in the centre. One man threw up the wooden ball and everyone tried to catch it, run with it to the goal of the opponents, and put it into the pit. Those of the other side tried to take the ball away from the one that had it. The side that first made ten goals won the game. After four goals had been made, the game was suspended for a while and a general free-for-all fight took place. 11 Here may also be given: — qldqltux" big fire (form is augmentative?) : scattered around. cf. qldtix'' fires III. REDUPLICATED PLURALS OF NOUNS. By far the larger number of Comox nouns form their plural by reduplication, in a few cases different stems are used for singular and plural, while still other noims seem to form no plural. The most persistent type of plural reduplication is that in which both first and second consonants of stem are repeated, though 'ess numerously represented types also occur. Type I. Reduplicating Syllable: cvci '.Akom" beaver kumaqin'^ sea-lion qwAdPs humpbacked whale qwAsAm woolly grouse xop'xop' humming-bird ts!oxd"° codfish LlAxwa'^ dog salmon sd'an' cohoe salmon qlwAt'lHdn' humpback salmon xd'a big clam Lp'Am' cockle xApd'^ red cedar q6"'a'* hemlock qldp.'xwai oak pit'ixdi alder tH'ibdi wild cherry bush 'dwak'" tobacco qlwA'ix wood xd'a.idatc stump plural t.'Ak'HlAkom" kumkumdqin' qwAd'qwAdPs qwAsqwASAm xop^xop'xop' tsloxtsloxo'" L.'AXL.'AXwd'^ sd''^sa'an' qlwAfq-'wAt'iHcin"^ xd'^xa'd lVli^'awC (type viii?) xAp^xApd''- qd"q6'''a'^ q!ap!q!dp!exwai (with lengthening of first stem-vowel; -e- is in- organic) ple'pH'ixdi (type viii?) t.'eHU'ibdi (type viii?) 'au'dwak'" many bun- ches of tobacco q!wAiq!wA'ix xd'^xa'a.idatc 12 rnlqsm' nose djicin' foot djidis tooth L.'tkuinAs heart XAUcirC bone fcni/ little finger ts.'Amdla' index finger qlwdt'Am river pdxai' creek L.'dqe'nac spring ku-pu^mt^xy- hill hldxai' old man girg/ warrior L.'Ams house a;iSAm box kwd'am coiled storage basket L.'pdtil basket bag q'.dk'^ board k'"!ikyayu oar SAq'Ak^"^ war-club iig/" bow tcHVqdmin knife siplAmin' shinny stick lAq'.As mountain-goat blanket LlpVtsla'" yellow-cedar q.'As'Adai buckskin shirt hldqlacin" moccasin pdq'aos white-eyed tdxdos red-eyed plural mAqimAqsin' djicdjicin' djiddjidis Lltsk^hlikuinAs xAuxAUcin' kHt'.knt! tslAmtslAmaM q.'wdt'qIwat'Am pdxpaxai' L!dq'L!aqe''nac kup^kupumi'^x'^ (with shortening of second stem-vowel) hldxhlaxai' qAl'qAlq! LlAmL.'Ains xAsxASAm kwd' "kwa' am l! Ap' l! Apdtil q!dk'"q!ak''' k''!iky"k''!ikvdyu sAq'sAq'Ak'"^ lAqhlAqh tcHttdWqdmin' siplslp.'Amt^n' lAq.'lAqlAS L.'Ap'L.'ApUsId'" qiAsq.'As'addi LlAqlhlAq'.acin" pdq^paq'dos tdxtcixdos Type II. Reduplicating Syllable: cac. This type differs from the preceding in that, while both first and second stem-consonants are reduplicated, the stem vowel between these consonants is not, but is replaced by an inorganic ji-vowel. If the vowel is followed or broken by a glottal stop, or if there are two successive vowels, the second consonant is 13 repeated just the same, the glottal stop being neglected in the reduplicating syllable. Thus, tc.'e'dd- and tla'al- reduplicate as tdin- and l!aI- respectively. Several nouns with stem-4 and reduplicating-A, listed under Type I, should perhaps belong here. Three sub-types are to be recognized, according to whether a remains as such (sub-type a), is palatalized by s, tc, td, k", I, or y to i (i) (sub-type h), or is labialized by xw to u (sub-type c). Hiyix", ti- being modified to ta'a- ; -to-, cf. type II e, is peculiar and is probably due to analogy of titotd'- agt'ttx" "little ferns") Another diminutive plural with erratic -o- vowel (in both reduplicating syllable for plurality and stem) belonging to type I, is:— sd'an' cohoe sal- mon XIII a. stsoso'dd-ol The material at hand does not permit to see what analogies have operated here. 41 Type III. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; reduplicative vowel of plural of simplex shortened. A new feature is here introduced, the shortening of the long reduplicating vowel characteristic of the plural. Sub-types are here also to be recognized. Sub-type III a. Plural of simplex not otherwise modified : — • xOp'xop' hum- plur. I. dim. -oZf " dim. plur. ming bird xwexop'xo''p^ (bas- ed on unredupli- cated simplex) Id^g^et!"^ herring Ill b. XX b. liloWgyet!'' Id^dak'" skin iiib. XXIII. leloWdak''' q&'ya' water VIII. VIII a. qeqeqd'ya" xd'a.idatc stump I. VIII b. xexexd' aidatc (type VIII im- plied in dim . plur.) sd'yal lake VIII. VIII c. sisisd'yal IdidatctAn woman's dit. XX b. lilildidatctAn cedar-bark skirt Sub-type III b. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive feature 2a:— tcdyac hand viii . ix a. tcitcjtca'yac Sub-type III c. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 2a, and 3 b or f : — sayd'ada neck viii. kwildjak'" trout dit. VIII b . sisisa'ya'ada XXIX b. kwikwikwd'''djak''' Sub-type III d. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 4a and 2a: — xd'adjaic stone VIII. IX b . xexexd' adje'ic 42 Type IV. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; followed by simplex. It seems that a reduplicating syllable with I tends to be considered the morphological equivalent of double reduplication (see plural type X, diminutive type XVI), in this case of combined diminutive and plural reduplication. Various sub-types are to be recognized, according to whether the reduplicating syllable is followed by the unmodified (or modified) simplex, the modified form characteristic of the diminutive, or by a form still further modified. Sub-type IV a. Simplex unchanged: — plt'ixai alder lIawis house mo' OS hand Sub-type IV b. tde'ddo dog plur. I. dim. xiii a . dim. plur . (orviii). p!tp!t'^xai dit. XXXII b. L!&''L!Ams no plur. I a. me'mo'os (may also be considered as belonging to type IV b) Simplex modified by diminutive feature 5a:- II b . xxvb . tdi'tcHn'dm' (ir- regular in that -o of stem is dropp- ed; with -dm' cf. perhaps -d'm of djddjid'm 'trees') Svb-type IV c. Reduplicating vowel of diminutive changed to e: — xwdxwadjo'm' fly (dim. in form) qwi^qw&H.'Ala'k' butterfly (dim. in form) mAqsin' nose i. kwd'am coiled storage basket dit. q.'wdt' Am river dit. ttx''sal tongue ii b . lb. IV. xwf'xwAdjd'm" qw^'qwdH.'Ala'k' me'mAqsPn kwe'^kwi'tm' XVIII. q!wt''q!waftm' XXVI a. te''tx"sal 43 Sub-type IV d. Reduplicating vowel of diminutive changed to &; stem further modified by diminutive features 5a and 3c: — qlwA'ix wood plur. i. dim. xxxa. dim. plur. q!w&''q!wadjtx Sub-type IV e. Reduplicating vowel of diminutive changed to i; stem further modified by diminutive feature 5b: — s&ts'.Aw, tyee sal- mon n a. XXII a. se''sts!i'm' Type V. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; followed by plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 5a and 3a: — t! 6' ^' d&'qwai SBlmon- -plMT. ii a. dim. xxvi c. dim. plur. berry bush t'.e'tlAnt'.An'qwai {-e"- is lost, cf. diminutive feature 5 b) stsirC mouth ii.b. xxvi a. si'sosstn' VI. MISCELLANEOUS LINGUISTIC MATERIAL. Numerals. 1. p&'a IL dp'dn haik'" pd'" I 2. sd'a 20. simcyd'a 200. sd'mitc 3. tcdlas 30. tcanaux^cyd' a 300. tcd'adagHtc 4. mos 40. mosalcyd'a 400. mosd'agHtc 5. sty aids 50. s&yats.'alcya'a 500. seatsd'agHtc 6. tidxam (or- ■ab) 60. tidxamalcyd'a 600. t.'axamd'agHtc 7. ts.'o'Ha's 70. ts.'otci'alcyd'a 700. ts.'otcisd'agHtc 8. td'atcVs 80. td'atcisalcyd'a 800. td'atclsa'agHtc 9. tigH'^x'' 90. tigHxwalcyd'a 900. tigHxwd' ag''itc 10. dp' an 100. t'sd'Htc 1000. t'sd'agHtc 2000 is sdba t'sd'a^ iHtc . Dr sd'a Vsd'agHtc. 44 Numerals with classifying suffixes, referring to class of objects counted, are: — People Canoes Fathoms Houses Dollars 1. Pipa'a naidd'^gyil natc!d»:pHdl natc!d^wdut:p» pdQ' QS 2. si^d'a sdbagyil sXmtdl sd'abauto:^. 8d