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Cornell University Library 
 T 860.L1R78 
 
 Address of President Roosevelt upon the 
 
 3 1924 021 899 913 
 
ADDRESS OF PEESIDEl^T 
 5OOSEYELT XJPOl!ir THE 
 OCOASIOIS^ OF THE OPEm^G 
 OF THE LOUISIAI^A 
 PURCHASE EXPOSITIOI^ 
 ST. LOUIS, APRIL 30TH, 1903 
 
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION 
 
Mk. President, Ladies, and Gentlemen : 
 
 At the outset of my address let me recall to 
 the minds of my hearers that the soil upon which 
 we stand, before it was ours, was successively 
 the possession of two mighty empires, Spain and 
 France, wh,ose sons made a deathless record of 
 heroism in the early annals of the New World. 
 No history of the Western country can .be 
 written without paying heed to the wonderful 
 part played therein in the early days by the 
 soldiers, missionaries, explorers, and traders, who 
 did their work for the honor of the proud ban- 
 ners of France and Castile. While the settlers 
 of English-speaking stock, and those of Dutch, 
 German, and Scandinavian origin who were 
 associated with them, were still clinging close to 
 the Eastern seaboard, the pioneers of Spain and 
 of France had penetrated deep into the hitherto 
 unknown wilderness of the West and had wan- 
 dered far and wide within the boundaries of 
 what is now our mighty country. The very 
 cities themselves — St. Louis, New Orleans, 
 Santa F^, New Mexico — bear witness by their 
 titles to the nationalities of their founders. It 
 
 (566) 
 
4 ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 was not until the Revolution had begun that the 
 English-speaking settlers pushed west across the 
 AUeghanies, and not until a century ago that 
 they entered in to possess the land upon which 
 we now stand. 
 
 We have met here to-day to commemorate 
 the hundredth anniversary of the event which 
 more than any other, after the foundation of the 
 Government and always excepting its preserva- 
 tion, determined the character of our national 
 life — determined that we should be a great ex- 
 panding nation, instead of relatively a small and 
 stationary one. 
 
 Of course it was not with the Louisiana 
 Purchase that our career of expansion began. In 
 the middle of the Revolutionary War the Illinois 
 region, including the present States of Illinois and 
 Indiana, was added to our domain by force of 
 arms, as a sequel to the adventurous expedition 
 of George Rogers Clarke and his frontier rifle- 
 men. Later the treaties of Jay and Pinckney 
 materially extended our real boundaries to the 
 west. But none of these events was of so striking 
 a character as to fix the popular imagination. The 
 old Thirteen Colonies had always claimed that 
 their rights stretched westward to the Mississippi, 
 
AT THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION 
 
 and vague and unreal though these claims were 
 until made good by conquest, settlement, and 
 diplomacy, they still served to give the im- 
 pression that the earliest westward movements 
 of our people were little more than the filling in 
 of already existing national boundaries. 
 
 But there could be no illusion about the 
 acquisition of the vast territory beyond the 
 Mississippi, stretching westward to the Pacific, 
 which in that day was known as Louisiana. 
 
 This immense region was admittedly the ter- 
 ritory of a foreign power, of a European king- 
 dom. None of our people had ever laid claim 
 to a foot of it. Its acquisition could in no sense 
 be treated as rounding out any existing claims. 
 When we acquired it we made evident once for 
 all that consciously and of set purpose we had 
 embarked on a career of expansion, that we had 
 taken our place among those daring and hardy 
 nations who risk much with the hope and desire 
 of winning high position among the great powers 
 of the earth. As is so often the case in nature, 
 the law of development of a living organism 
 showed itself in its actual workings to be wiser 
 than the wisdom of the wisest. 
 
 This work of expansion was by far the 
 
6 ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 greatest work of our people during the years 
 that intervened between the adoption of the 
 Constitution and the outbreak of the Civil War. 
 There were other questions of real moment and 
 importance, and there were many which at the 
 time seemed such to those engaged in answering 
 them ; but the greatest feat of our forefathers of 
 those generations was the deed of the men who, 
 with pack train or wagon train, on horseback, on 
 foot, or by boat upon the waters, pushed the 
 frontier ever westward across the continent. 
 
 Never before had the world seen the kind of 
 national expansion which gave our people all 
 that part of the American continent lying west 
 of the thirteen original States ; the greatest land- 
 mark in which was the Louisiana Purchase. 
 Our triumph in this process of expansion was 
 indissolubly bound up with the success of our 
 peculiar kind of federal government; and this 
 success has been so complete that because of its 
 very completeness we now sometimes fail to 
 appreciate not only the all-importance but the 
 tremendous difficulty of the problem with which 
 our nation was originally faced. 
 
 When our forefathers joined to call into being 
 this Nation, they undertook a task for which 
 
AT THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION 
 
 there was but little encouraging precedent. The 
 development of civilization from the earliest 
 period seemed to show the truth of two proposi- 
 sions: In the first place, it had always proved 
 exceedingly difficult to secure both freedom and 
 strength in any government ; and, in the second 
 place, it had always proved well-nigh impossible 
 for a nation to expand without either breaking^ 
 up or becoming a centralized tyranny. With 
 the success of our effort to combine a strong and 
 efficient national union, able to put down dis- 
 order at home and to maintain our honor and 
 interest abroad, I have not now to deal. This 
 success was signal and all-important, but it was by 
 no means unprecedented in the same sense that 
 our type of expansion was unprecedented. The 
 history of Rome and of Greece illustrates very 
 well the two types of expansion which had taken 
 place in ancient time, and which had been uni- 
 versally accepted as the only possible types up 
 to the period when as a nation we ourselves 
 began to take possession of this continent. 
 
 The Grecian States performed remarKable 
 feats of colonization, but each colony as soon a& 
 created became entirely independent of the 
 mother State, and in after years was almost as; 
 
8 ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 apt to prove its enemy as its friend. Local self- 
 government, local independence, was secured, 
 but only by the absolute sacrifice of anything 
 resembling national unity. In consequence, the 
 Greek world, for all its wonderful brilliancy and 
 its extraordinary artistic, literary, and philosoph- 
 ical development, which has made all mankind 
 its debtors for the ages, was yet wholly unable 
 to withstand a formidable foreign foe, save spas- 
 modically. As soon as powerful, permanent 
 empires arose on its outskirts, the Greek States 
 in neighborhood of such empires fell under their 
 sway. National power and greatness were com- 
 pletely sacrificed to local liberty. 
 
 With Rome the exact opposite occurred. 
 The imperial city rose to absolute dominion over 
 all the peoples of Italy, and then expanded her 
 rule over the entire civilized world by a process 
 which kept the nation strong and united, but 
 gave no room whatever for local liberty and self- 
 government. All other cities and countries 
 were subject to Rome. In consequence this 
 great and masterful race of warriors, rulers, road- 
 builders, and administrators stamped their indeli- 
 ble impress upon all the after life of our race, and 
 yet let an over-centralization eat out the vitals 
 
AT THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION 
 
 of their empire until it became an empty shell ; 
 so that when the barbarians came they destroyed 
 only what had already become worthless to the 
 world. 
 
 The underlying viciousness of each type of 
 expansion was plain enough and the remedy now 
 seems simple enough. But when the fathers of 
 the Republic first formulated the Constitution 
 under which we live, this remedy was untried and 
 no one could foretell how it would work. They 
 themselves began the experiment almost im- 
 mediately by adding new States to the original 
 thirteen. Excellent people in the East viewed 
 this initial expansion of the country with great 
 alarm. Exactly as during the Colonial period 
 many good people in the mother country 
 thought it highly important that settlers should 
 be kept out of the Ohio Valley in the interest of 
 the fur companies, so after we had become a 
 Nation many good people on the Atlantic coast 
 felt grave apprehension lest they might somehow 
 be hurt by the westward growth of the Nation. 
 These good people shook their heads over the 
 formation of States in the fertile Ohio Valley, 
 which now forms part of the heart of our Nation; 
 and they declared that the destruction of the 
 
10 ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 Republic had been accomplished when through 
 the Louisiana Purchase we acquired nearly half 
 of what is now that same Republic's present 
 territory. Nor was their feeling unnatural. 
 Only the adventurous and the far-seeing can be 
 expected heartily to welcome the process of ex- 
 pansion, for the nation that expands is a nation 
 which is entering upon a great career, and with 
 greatness there must of necessity come perils 
 which daunt all save the most stout-hearted. 
 
 We expanded by carving the wilderness into 
 Territories, and out of these Territories building 
 new States when once they had received as 
 permanent settlers a sufficient number of our 
 own people. Being a practical nation we have 
 never tried to force on any section of our new 
 territory an unsuitable form of government 
 merely because it was suitable for another section 
 under different conditions. Of the territory 
 covered by the Louisiana Purchase a portion 
 was given statehood within a few years. An- 
 other portion has not been admitted to state- 
 hood, although a centiu^y has elapsed — although 
 doubtless it soon will be. In each case we 
 showed the practical governmental genius ot our 
 race by devising methods suitable to meet the 
 
AT THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION 11 
 
 actual existing needs ; not by insisting upon the 
 application of some abstract shibboleth to all our 
 new possessions alike, no matter how incon- 
 gruous this application might sometimes be. 
 
 Over by far the major part of the territory, 
 however, our people spread in such numbers 
 during the coiu-se of the nineteenth century that 
 we were able to build up State after State, each 
 with exactly the same complete local indepen- 
 dence in all matters affecting purely its own 
 domestic interests as in any of the original thirteen 
 States — each owing the same absolute fealty to 
 the Union of all the States which each of the 
 original thirteen States also owes — and finally each 
 having the same proportional right to its share 
 in shaping and directing the common policy of 
 the Union which is possessed by any other State, 
 whether of the original thirteen or not. 
 
 This process now seems to us part of the 
 natural order of things, but it was wholly 
 unknown until our own people devised it. It 
 seems to us a mere matter of course, a matter of 
 elementary right and justice, that in the deliber- 
 ations of the national representative bodies the 
 representatives of a State which came into the 
 Union but yesterday stand on a footing of exact 
 
12 ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 and entire equality with those of the Common- 
 wealths whose sons once signed the Declaration 
 of Independence. But this way of looking at 
 the matter is purely modern, and in its origin 
 purely American. When Washington during 
 his Presidency saw new States come into the 
 Union on a footing of complete equality with 
 the old, every European nation which had 
 colonies still administered them as dependencies, 
 and every other mother-country treated the 
 colonist not as a self-governing equal but as a 
 subject. 
 
 The process which we began has since been 
 followed by all the great peoples who were capa- 
 ble both of expansion and of self-government, and 
 now the world accepts it as the natural process, 
 as the rule ; but a century and a quarter ago it 
 was not merely exceptional ; it was xmknown. 
 
 This, then, is the great historic significance 
 of the movement of continental expansion in 
 which the Louisiana Purchase was the most 
 striking single achievement. It stands out in 
 marked relief even among the feats of a nation 
 of pioneers, a nation whose people have from the 
 beginning been picked out by a process of 
 natviral selection from among the most enter- 
 
AT THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION 13 
 
 prising individuals of the nations of western 
 Europe. The acquisition of the territory is 
 a credit to the broad and far-sighted states- 
 manship of the great statesmen to whom it was 
 immediately due, and, above all, to the aggressive 
 and masterful character of the hardy pioneer 
 folk to whose restless energy these statesmen 
 gave expression and direction, whom they fol- 
 lowed rather than led. The history of the land 
 comprised within the limits of the Purchase is 
 an epitome of the entire history of our people. 
 Within these limits we have gradually built up 
 State after State, until now they many times 
 over surpass in wealth, in population, and in 
 many sided development, the original thirteen 
 States as they were when their delegates met in 
 the Continental Congress. The people of these 
 States have shown themselves mighty in war 
 with their fellow-men, and mighty in strength 
 to tame the rugged wilderness. They could not 
 thus have conquered the forest and the prairie, the 
 mountain and the desert, had they not possessed 
 the great fighting virtues, the qualities which 
 enable a people to overcome the forces of hostile 
 men and hostile nature. On the other hand, 
 they could not have used aright their conquest 
 
U ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 had they not in addition possessed the qualities 
 of self-mastery and self-restraint, the power of 
 acting in combination with their fellows, the 
 power of yielding obedience to the law and of 
 building up an orderly civilization. Courage and 
 hardihood are indispensable virtues in a people ; 
 but the people which possesses no others can 
 never rise high in the scale either of power or of 
 culture. Great peoples must have in addition 
 the governmental capacity which comes only 
 when individuals fuUy recognize their duties to 
 one another and to the whole body politic, and 
 are able to join together in feats of constructive 
 statesmanship and of honest and effective admin- 
 istration. 
 
 The old pioneer days are gone, with their 
 roughness and their hardship, their incredible 
 toil and their wild, half-savage romance. But 
 the need of the pioneer virtues remains the same 
 as ever. The peculiar frontier conditions have 
 vanished ; but the manliness and stalwart hardi 
 hood of the frontiersmen can be given even freer 
 scope under the conditions surroxinding the com- 
 plex industrialism of the present day. In this 
 great region, acquired for our people under the 
 Presidency of Jefferson, this region stretching 
 
AT THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION IS 
 
 from the Gulf to the Canadian border, from the 
 Mississippi to the Rockies, the material and 
 social progress has been so vast that alike for 
 weal and for woe its people now share the 
 opportunities and bear the burdens common to 
 the entire civilized world. The problems before 
 us are fundamentally the same east and west of 
 the Mississippi, in the new States and in the old, 
 and exactly the same qualities are required for 
 their successful solution. 
 
 We meet here to-day to commemorate a 
 great event, an event which marks an era in 
 statesmanship no less than in pioneering. It is 
 fitting that we should pay our homage in words ; 
 but we must in honor make our words good by 
 deeds. We have every right to take a just 
 pride in the great deeds of our forefathers ; but 
 we show ourselves unworthy to be their descend- 
 ants if we make what they did an excuse for our 
 lying supine instead of an incentive to the effort 
 to show ourselves by our acts worthy of them. 
 In the administration of city, State, and nation, 
 in the management of our home life and the 
 conduct of our business and social relations, we 
 are bound to show certain high and fine qualities 
 of character, under penalty of seeing the whole 
 
16 ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
 
 heart of our civilization eaten out whUe the body 
 still lives. 
 
 We justly pride ourselves on our marvelous 
 material prosperity, and such prosperity must 
 exist in order to establish a foundation upon 
 which a higher life can be buUt ; but unless we 
 do in very fact build this higher life thereon, the 
 material prosperity itself will go for but very 
 little. Now, in 1903, in the altered conditions, 
 we must meet the changed and changing prob- 
 lems with the spirit shown by the men who in 
 1803 and in subsequent years gained, explored, 
 conquered, and settled this vast territory, then a 
 desert, now filled with thriving and populous 
 States. 
 
 The old days were great because the men 
 who lived in them had mighty qualities ; and we 
 must make the new days great by showing these 
 same qualities. We must insist upon coiu-age 
 and resolution, upon hardihood, tenacity, and 
 fertility in resource; we must insist upon the 
 strong, vu-Ue virtues ; and we must insist no less 
 upon the virtues of self-restraint, self-mastery, 
 regard for the rights of others; we must show 
 our abhorrence of cruelty, brutality, and corrup- 
 tion, in public and in private life alike. If we 
 
AT THE ST. LOUIS EXPOSITION IT 
 
 come short in any of these quaUties we shall 
 measurably fail; and if, as I believe we surely 
 shall, we develop these qualities in the future to 
 an even greater degree than in the past, then in 
 the century now beginning we shall make of this 
 Republic the freest and most orderly, the most 
 just and most mighty, nation which has ever 
 come forth from the womb of time. 
 
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