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 HENRY W. SAQE; 
 
 1891 
 
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 3 1924 087 997 486 
 
The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924087997486 
 
THE 
 
 EAEL OF PETEKBOEOUGH AND MONMOUTH. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
CHARLES MORDAUNT, 
 
 EARL OF PETERBOROUGH AND MONMOUTH 
 
 From a Picture by Dahl. 
 
THE^ EAEL OF 
 
 PETERBOROUGH AND MONMOUTH. 
 
 (CHAELES MORDAUNT.) 
 a riDemoir. 
 
 COLONEL FRANK S. RUSSELL, 
 
 Royal Dragoons, 
 
 AUTnOK OF "BUSSIAN WARS WITH TURKEY." 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOLUME I. 
 
 LONDON: CHAPMAN AND HALL, 
 
 Limited. 
 
 1887. 
 
 (:ol;KM-l I- 
 
 nui VI ix'.ri Y 
 
 -;Y 
 

 ■^ ,^ 
 
 1\A=\2.2X^ 
 
 RicitARD Clay and Sons, 
 
 LONDON AND BUNGAV. 
 
 A 
 
PEEFACE. 
 
 > 
 
 '' The idea of writing the memoirs of the remark- 
 able man who is Hhe hero of these pages was first 
 suggested to me by the manuscript journal of Colonel 
 de St. Pierre, an officer of the Royal Dragoons, who 
 served under Lord Peterborough in Spain. 
 
 This journal was found among family papers by 
 his descendant, Major-General Eenouard James, who 
 kindly placed it at my disposal. 
 
 Some further manuscripts bearing on this period 
 of history, and hitherto, I believe, unconsulted by 
 historians, were likewise discovered in the Stowe 
 Collection, purchased by the British Museum on the 
 death of the late Earl of Ashburnham. 
 
 I have derived special interest in my work from 
 the existence of these fresh sources of information, 
 and stiU more from the fact that the ancient 
 regiment, which at the present moment I have the 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 honour to command, played a distinguished part 
 in my hero's most brilliant achievements. 
 
 I must add that I am much indebted, amongst 
 others, to Mr. Fortescue, of the Eeading Room, 
 British Museum, for his kind assistance in my 
 search for the materials from which the following 
 pages have been compiled. 
 
 February, 1887. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PACE 
 
 THE OEIGIN OP THE MORDAUNTS, EARLS OF PETERBOROUGH . 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 IHB POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION OP ENGLAND IN THE 
 
 BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OP PETERBOROUGH ... 23 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OP CHARLES 5I0RDAUNI 55 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PROM THE ACCESSION OF WILLIAM AND MART IN 1688 TILL THE 
 
 EARL OF MONMOUTH'S RETIREMENT FROM OFFICE IN 1691 . . 71 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM 1691 TILL THE DEATH OP WILLIAM OF ORANGE IN 1702 95 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE EVENTS WHICH LED TO THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION 124 
 
viii cox TEXTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 FROII THE SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION TO SPAIN IN 1705 UNTIL 
 
 THE COMMENCEMENT OP THE FIRST SIEGE OF BARCELONA . 163 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE FIRST SIEGE OF BARCELONA, OCTOBER, 1705 ... . . 194 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FROM THE FALL OF BARCELONA IN OCTOBEB, 1705, UNTIL THE 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CAMPAIGN OF VALENCIA IN JANUARY, 
 
 1706 . . . . , . . 239 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF VALENCIA, 1706 . ... ... 272 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE SECOND SIEGE OF BARCELONA — APRIL AND MAT, 1706 . . 304 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 POETEAIT OE THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH . . . FrOlltiitpiecS 
 
 VIEW OF WESTMINSTER ABBEY AND ST. JAMES's PALACE 
 
 PROM TILLAGE OP CHARING . . . ... facing page 44 
 
 GENERAL VIEW OP BARCELONA . . . „ 181 
 
 PLAN OP TOWN OP BARCELONA . . „ 238 
 
 PLAN OP BARCELONA AND ENVIRONS „ 304 
 
 SPECIMEN OF HANDWRITING at end of Volume. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
CHARLES MORDAUNT, 
 
 EAEL OF PETEEBOEOUGH AND MONMOUTH. 
 
 VOLUME I, 
 
THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE ORIGIN OF THE MOEDAUNTS, EAELS OF 
 PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 The Mordaunts, as given in Halstead's Genealogies. — Possessions in time 
 of Edward III. — Acquired distinction in time of Henry VII. — 
 Barony conferred by Henry VIII. in 1532. — The place and pro- 
 perty of Drayton came into the family by marriage with tlie De 
 Veres, — passed away in 1697. — The families that have possessed it 
 till the present time. — The first, second, and third Lords Mordaunt. 
 — The fourth Lord Mordaunt, committed to the Tower. — The fifth 
 Lord, created Earl of Peterborough in 1627 by Charles I. — The 
 second Earl of Peterborough, and his brother John. — Career of 
 the former. — John Mordaunt, father of the great Earl, committed to 
 the Tower, — afterwards created Viscount Mordaunt and Avalon. — 
 Birth and parentage of third EarL — His descendants traced. — His 
 advantages of birth and family as compared with those of Marl- 
 borough. — Macaulay's views of his character and career. — Summary 
 of Ms life. 
 
 Charles Mordaunt, Earl of Peterborougli and 
 Monmoutli, came of an ancient and distinguished 
 family. In the year 1685 there was published in 
 London a work called Halstead's Succinct Genealogies, 
 which gives a detailed account of the origin and 
 history of the Mordaunts, and of various other noble 
 families with whom they had intermarried. Henry, 
 the second Earl of Peterborough, and uncle of the 
 
 5 VOL. L B 
 
2 THE EABL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 great Earl, together with his chaplain Eichard Eands, 
 Vicar of Turvey, were the real authors of this book, of 
 which only twenty-four copies were printed. It gives 
 valuable iDformation on many points connected with 
 English history, and is both equally rare and curious. 
 Two other works have likewise appeared in later 
 years, which give interesting details regarding the 
 Peterborough family. One entitled Historical Anec- 
 dotes, by Emil Reilly, published first in 1835 and 
 revised in 1839, gives a detailed account of the 
 generations of the eldest branch of the Mordaunts, 
 principally from documents in the possession of the 
 Earl of Eoden at Tollymore Park. The other is the 
 private diary of the Viscountess Mordaunt, the 
 mother of our hero, which was found in the library 
 of Dundalk House, Ireland, after being lost for two 
 centuries, and was deciphered and printed by the 
 Earl of Eoden in 1856. 
 
 To give an idea of the family, as it then was, we 
 cannot do better than quote the quaint introduction 
 given to his work by Henry Lord Peterborough. 
 He says : — " As the occasion of the Mordaunts 
 coming into this Kingdom was the military service of 
 a victorious Prince (William the Conqueror) ; so the 
 Lords of their house have continued to serve divers 
 of their Kings in their wars, they have served them 
 likewise in their councils ; they have deserved to be 
 called into the supreme dignity of the Peerage and 
 thereby made hereditary Grandees, Judges and 
 Councillors, in which they have remained for divers 
 ages. There have been several of them Privy Coun- 
 cillors to several of the greatest Kings, Ministers of 
 
THE FOUNDER OF THE FAMILY. 3 
 
 State, Captains and Governors of Provinces, and in 
 all these qualities they have served without reproach. 
 So as if antiquity of original illustrious derivance, 
 descent from noblest blood, great alliances, high 
 dignities and employments, worthy actions and large 
 possessions be of virtue to make a family considerable, 
 there will be very little cause for envy to bark at my 
 endeavouring to establish the honour and memory 
 hereof, according to what is due to the merit of names 
 so illustrious." 
 
 Although the author of the above passage may 
 seem vainglorious in thus describing his race, still it 
 will be found that what he says is on the whole well 
 founded. It must also be remembered that when the 
 book appeared the author was supposed to be an 
 independent person, and that there were genealogies 
 of nine other families besides that of Mordaunt. 
 
 The founder of the family is stated to have been 
 one Osbert, a " soldier, a younger brother, and a 
 brave fellow," who set out to make a fortune by 
 " adventures in arms." He did good service to 
 William the Conqueror, and first assumed the name 
 of Le Mordaunt from " Dare Mortem" " to give 
 death," i.e. slay his enemies. After this Norman 
 knioht, his descendants took an honourable if not a 
 very distinguished part in the events of their times, 
 and became possessed of various properties, more 
 especially that of EadweU in Bedfordshire. In the 
 reign of Eichard I. a certain Eustace le Mordaunt, 
 then head of the house, after following that monarch 
 to the Holy Land, married the daughter and heiress 
 of the De Alnetos or Daunays, and became possessed 
 
 B 2 
 
4 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 of the lands of Turvey, also in Bedfordshire. This 
 property remained in the Mordaunt family until the 
 year 1697, when it was alienated, together with their 
 magnificent residence of Drayton in Northampton- 
 shire, and went in the female line to the only 
 daughter and heiress of Henry, second Earl of 
 Peterborough. This lady had married first the 
 seventh Duke of Norfolk, from whom she was 
 divorced ; and secondly, Sir John Germaine, to whom 
 at her death she left all her large fortune. 
 
 Charles, second Earl of Peterborough, the hero 
 of these pages, impoverished himself in a fruitless 
 lawsuit to recover this old family property, and the 
 records of the case may still be seen in the British 
 Museum. 
 
 For many years the annals of the Mordaunt 
 family present no very remarkable features beyond 
 the usual records of honourable alliances with 
 respectable families of good position. Many of 
 these alliances were with heiresses, since we find 
 that a Robert Mordaunt, who lived in the reign of 
 Edward III., as stated in the genealogical work 
 abeady referred to, succeeded to the following 
 properties in Bedfordshire : the Lordship of Turvey ; 
 that of Lifton and Chicheley, with the lands in 
 Elsburgh, Wedon, Hardwick, Chesham, Welpool, 
 and Ammundham, in the county of Bucks ; in Cam- 
 bridgeshire, half the Manor of Mallots, besides 
 lands in Treversham and Tulborne ; in Northampton- 
 shire, the Lordship of Yardley, besides the entire 
 Manor of Shephaell ; and other lands in Hertfordshire. 
 The son of this man, also Eobert Mordaunt, followed 
 
SIR JOHN MORDA UNT. 5 
 
 the Black Prince to France, and was present at the 
 battle of Agincourt. He also took a prominent part 
 in the civil wars of the time, and was a strong 
 supporter of the House of York. It is stated that, 
 probably as a result of these wars and civil tumults, 
 he succeeded in alienating a large portion of the 
 family property, although at his death, in the twenty- 
 seventh year of the reign of Henry VI. , he still left 
 a " competent " estate to his son and successor, 
 William. The second son of this William Mordaunt, 
 also named William, who married an heiress in 1474, 
 is the direct ancestor of the present Mordaunts of 
 Walton in Warwickshire. 
 
 The next generation appear to have husbanded 
 their properties ; and in that foUowing, the repre- 
 sentative of the family, John, afterwards Sir John, 
 Mordaunt, acquired considerable distinction. He was 
 present at the battle of Barnet, afterwards also at 
 Bosworth, and at that of Stoake on June 16th, 1484, 
 where he distinguished himself as one of the generals 
 of King Henry VII. He was subsequently knighted, 
 made Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and a 
 Privy Councillor, and apparently with good reason 
 was high in the favour of the sovereign. His talents 
 were not confined to soldiering ; he was equally, if 
 not more, distinguished as a lawyer and a politician, 
 and was the author of the treaty between the Kings of 
 England and Scotland, through which the former 
 gave his daughter. Princess Margaret, in marriage to 
 James IV. in 1502. It is related that Sir John also 
 married an heiress, the daughter of Sir Nicholas 
 Latimer, and in other ways added considerably to the 
 
6 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 family possessions. He died in 1505, the twentieth 
 year of the reign of Henry VHL, and was succeeded 
 by his son Sir John, afterwards first Lord Mordaunt. 
 The son apparently inherited his father's ability and 
 good fortune, since he became a great favourite of 
 King Henry VHL, aod held many responsible posi- 
 tions. He accompanied that monarch and his queen, 
 Katherine of Aragon, to the Field of the Cloth of 
 Gold, the celebrated meeting with Francis I. of 
 France from the 1st to the 4th of June, 1520. It is 
 also related that at one time he was " surveyor general 
 of the King's Woods, and Woodsails, and chief in 
 another commission for providing necessaries for the 
 fortification of Calice and other ports and Castles 
 within the English Pale in the Country of Picardy." 
 He was likewise nominated by Act of Parliament " as 
 one of the most discreet persons " to obtain money to 
 the amount of £163,000 by means of a poll-tax. It 
 would seem as if he had been successful in raising 
 the money, since, " meriting much by his great 
 abilities," he was created Lord Mordaunt by writ 
 in 1532. 
 
 This head of the house certainly did well in his 
 generation, as by his marriage with the eldest 
 daughter and co-heiress of Sir Henry de Vere, Lord 
 of Drayton, he brought that magnificent place and 
 property into the family. It appears that Henry VIII. 
 took a fancy to Drayton, as he did to many other fine 
 places, and endeavoured to make Sir John Mordaunt 
 exchange it for some newly-acquired abbey lands. 
 Fortunately, however, the king died before this un- 
 welcome arrangement could be carried out. As 
 
DRAYTON— THE SECOND LORD MORDAUNT. 1 
 
 before mentioned, Drayton remained in the Mordaunt 
 family till 1697, and it is curious to trace through, 
 how many hands it afterwards passed. First it went 
 to Sir John Germaine, then by will to his second wife. 
 Lady Elizabeth, second daughter of the second Earl 
 Berkeley.^ This lady at her death willed it away to 
 Lord George Sackville, third son of Lionel, first Dake 
 of Dorset, who was not even a connection. He was 
 created Viscount Sackville in ] 782, and was succeeded 
 by his son, who was afterwards fifth Duke of Dorset. 
 This nobleman, however, having died without male 
 heir, the place and property passed to the daughter of 
 his brother, who in 1839 married Mr. George Stopfurd, 
 grandson of the Earl of Courtoun. The Stopford- 
 Sackville family are now in possession of the place 
 and property. 
 
 The first Lord Mordaunt was succeeded by his son, 
 who also added considerably to the name and posses- 
 sions of the house. He was made a Knight of the 
 Bath at the coronation of Anne Boleyn on June 1st, 
 1533, and was one of the first who appeared in arms 
 for Queen Mary on the death of Edward VI. As 
 was the custom in the family, he also married an 
 heiress. His first wife was Elizabeth, a daughter of 
 Sir Eichard FitzLewis. She, by the death of her 
 brother, who was burnt alive on his wedding night in 
 
 1 There is a curious letter written by this lady, Lady Elizabeth or 
 "Betty" Germaine, to Dean Swift, on September 7th, 1731 {Swift's 
 Letters, xviii, p. 409). She says :— "I am sorry you are involved in 
 lawsuits ; it is the thing I most fear. I wish you had met as complaisant 
 an adversary as I did, for my Lord Peterborough plagued Sir John all 
 his lifetime, but declared if ever he gave the Estate to me he would have 
 done with it, and accordingly kept his word like an honourable man." 
 
H THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 his house with his bride and all his guests, brought 
 into the Mordaunt family all tbe FitzLewis property. 
 On her death, Lord Mordaunt married a widow, the 
 daughter of Sir John Farmer. This lady unforta- 
 nately had a daughter by her first marriage, the 
 beautiful Anne Witney, with whom her second 
 husband's eldest son, Lewis, very naturally fell in 
 love. His father, incited by the mother of the girl, 
 who appreciated the advantage of so good an alliance 
 for her daughter, favoured the marriage, while his 
 grandfather, old Lord Mordaunt, positively refused 
 his consent. As a result there was a most serious 
 quarrel, which very nearly resulted in the alienation 
 of the family property. The particulars of this dif- 
 ference are related with much quaintness in Halstead's 
 Genealogies. Eventually, however, it was patched 
 up ; the old Lord had his way, and the young heir 
 married another lady, the daughter of Sir Arthur 
 D'Arcy. 
 
 On the death of John, the second Lord Mordaunt, 
 Lewis, his son, became the third Lord, and suc- 
 ceeded to a " noble and free " fortune — all the great 
 estates of the Mordaunts, the Alnetos, the Latimers, 
 the De Veres, the Manduits, the Greenes, and the 
 FitzLewises, in the counties of Bedford, Bucks, Hert- 
 ford, Northampton, Essex, Dorset, and Somerset, in 
 each of which he had fair seats and lordships. " The 
 riches and patrimony of the house was such as there 
 was scarce a gentleman in England whose estate was 
 comparable to it." 
 
 In the next generation, the fourth Lord Mordaunt, 
 Henry by name, lived principally in retirement, being 
 
" THE STAR OF THE UNIVERSITY." 9 
 
 a^ strict Roman Catholic. His religion got him into 
 trouble, for in 1605 he was seized in his house and 
 committed to the Tower for cognisance of the 
 Gunpowder Plot. It is added that there was no 
 evidence against him except his religious profession 
 and the fact that he had held some " neighbourly cor- 
 respondence " with Sir Everard Digby and some other 
 conspirators. However, he was severely fined, and, 
 suffering from the confinement, was brought to an 
 early grave in 1608. He married Margaret, daughter 
 of Sir Henry Compton, and sister of the first Earl of 
 Northampton, and was succeeded by John, his eldest 
 son, who, however, did not follow in his father's 
 footsteps. At an early age, by order of James I., 
 he had been taken out of the custody of his mother, 
 who was a zealous Roman Catholic, and had been 
 placed under the charge of George Abbott, Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, through whose influence he 
 became a strong Protestant. He also appears to have 
 been a youth of much promise, since, when he went 
 to Oxford, he is stated to have been the " star of the 
 University." While studpng there he attracted the 
 attention of James I., who happened to be passing 
 "on a progress," and both then and afterwards 
 received many marks of the royal favour, more 
 especially the remission of the fine of £10,000 
 imposed by the Star Chamber on his father. He 
 was afterwards raised by Charles I. to the dignity 
 of Earl of Peterborough on May 9th, 1627, and was 
 made Lord-Lieutenant and Governor of Northampton- 
 shire. This reward, however, in no way secured his 
 fidelity, since he allowed himself to be induced by 
 
1 THE EA RL OF PE TERB OR UGH. 
 
 his wife, who apparently had received some slight at 
 Court, to take the side of the Parliament ; and he 
 afterwards occupied a prominent position in the 
 Parliamentary armies, and became Master- General 
 of the Ordnance under the Commonwealth. 
 
 This Lord Peterborough had two sons by his wife, 
 who was daughter and sole heiress of William Howard, 
 Lord Howard of Effingham. The eldest of these 
 sons was the author of Halstead's Genealogies, from 
 whom we derive the principal information about the 
 family ; the younger, John, who afterwards became 
 Viscount Mordaunt and Avalon, was the father of the 
 celebrated Earl of Peterborough, the subject of these 
 memoirs. Both these sons differed entirely from their 
 father in politics, and became devoted adherents of 
 King Charles. The elder, Henry, was educated at 
 Eton under Sir Henry Wotton, from whom, it is said, 
 that he imbibed his spirit of fervent loyalty, which 
 bore such fruit that in the civil war he took a gallant 
 part, raised a regiment at his own expense, and was 
 wounded at the battle of Newburgh. He afterwards, 
 together with his brother, joined the Earl of Holland 
 in his unsuccessful rising to rescue the imprisoned 
 King, and was so fortunate afterwards as to escape to 
 the Netherlands. In consequence of this escapade 
 the estates of the two brothers were sequestrated by 
 Cromwell ; but, thanks to the exertions of his wife, 
 Lady Penelope O'Brien, daughter of the sixth Earl 
 of Thomond, " an ingenious and industrious lady," 
 Lord Peterborough was able to make a composition 
 of his estate, and lived in retirement until the Eesto- 
 ration. Then, more fortunate than many of their 
 
HENRY MORDAUNT, "TEE RENEGADE." 11 
 
 contemporaries, it is said that both the Mordaunts 
 recovered their entire possessions. 
 
 The elder, who was the uncle of our hero, was a 
 man of great wealth and consideration during the 
 remainder of his life. On the marriage of Charles II. 
 he was sent with a fleet and took possession of 
 Tangier, which was the marriage dowry, and he 
 remained there as Governor till 1663. He also was 
 commissioned to select a consort for the Duke of 
 York, afterwards James II., and eventually selected 
 Princess Mary D'Este, daughter of the Duke of 
 Modena, out of no fewer than eight competitors. It 
 is related that he visited all the Courts of their royal 
 relatives, and had personal interviews himself with 
 all the fair ladies, of some of whom he sent home by 
 no means a flattering description. At one time a 
 marriage was almost arranged with the daughter of 
 the Duke of Neubourgh, but on Lord Peterborough 
 writing to his royal master to say that there was 
 " nothing white about her but her eyes," the projected 
 alliance was broken off at once.-' At the coronation 
 of James II., in 1685, he carried the sceptre with the 
 cross, and was soon after made Knight of the Garter. 
 On the accession of William and Mary he fell into 
 disfavour, and was impeached for high treason because 
 he became reconciled to the Church of Rome.''' The 
 
 1 Bumet, ii. .30. 
 
 2 Of this incident Macaulay gives tlie following account :— " Of these 
 renegades from Protestant ties the Earls of Peterborough and Salisbury 
 were the highest in rank and the lowest in intellect, for Salisbury had 
 always been an idiot, and Peterborough had long been a dotard. It was, 
 however, resolved by the Commons that both, by joining the Church of 
 Rome, committed high treason, and thus both should be impeached. A 
 
12 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 impeachment, however, fell to the ground, and he 
 lived in peace until his death, which occurred in 1697. 
 Then, as before stated, Drayton and many of the 
 estates went to his only daughter, through whom 
 they were alienated from the family. 
 
 John Mordaunt, the younger brother of Earl 
 Henry, and father of the great Earl, is described by 
 Lord. Clarendon as " a young gentleman of parts and 
 great vigour of mind," and was certainly a remarkable 
 man in many ways. Like his brother, he was a 
 devoted Eoyalist, and like him, suffered for his 
 loyalty, under the Commonwealth. Having also 
 taken part in the rising of Lord Holland, and having 
 failed to escape, he was committed to the Tower and 
 tried for his life. In all probability he would have 
 suffered the extreme penalty of the law had it not 
 been for his wife, Elizabeth Carey, Lady Mordaunt, 
 a very charming and talented lady, who succeeded in 
 bribing some of the judges, of whom there were 
 twenty. The details of this trial are given fully by 
 Clarendon, and they are also noticed by Lady 
 Mordaunt in her diary already mentioned. Fortu- 
 nately, one of the judges, named Pride, was taken 
 ill and left the court, while the principal witness, a 
 Colonel Mallory, was bribed and induced to escape. 
 Hence, ranch to Cromwell's disgust, the prisoner was 
 acquitted by one vote, and although he was sent back 
 to the Tower for a new trial, the Protector was, 
 strange to relate, in this instance induced to set him 
 
 message to that effect was sent to the Lords. Poor old Peterborough 
 was instantly taken into custody, and was sent tottering on a crutch and 
 wrapped in woollen stuffs to the Tower." — Macaulay, vol. iii., p. 570. 
 
VISCO UNT MORDA UNT OF R YEGA TE. 1 3 
 
 at liberty, on which he returned to the Continent, 
 and again commenced to intrigue* for his royal 
 master. In this instance Charles 11. , for once in his 
 life, showed some gratitude, and after the Eestora- 
 tion, on July 10th, 1659, raised John Mordaunt to 
 the peerage by the titles of Viscount Mordaunt of 
 Eyegate, and Viscount Avalon. Soon afterwards he 
 was made Constable of Windsor Castle and Lord- 
 Lieutenant of Surrey, and in 1666 was impeached by 
 the House of Commons, apparently for carrying out 
 the warrant of the King in forcibly ejecting one 
 William Taylor and his family from the apartments 
 they occupied at Windsor. It is difficult to under- 
 stand the rights of this quarrel, which was taken up 
 with much vehemence by the House of Commons ; 
 however, it eventually fell to the ground. 
 
 It is stated that Lord Mordaunt had " great and 
 incomposable differences " with his brother Henry 
 Lord Peterborough about the estate of Eyegate, their 
 mother's property. These were settled by Charles II. , 
 who, by the advice of the Chancellor, Hyde, granted 
 the estate to the younger brother. Lord Mordaunt 
 died in 1675, in the forty-eighth year of his age, and 
 was buried in Fulham Church, where a magnificent 
 monument, erected to his memory by his wife, may 
 stiU. be seen. He had married Elizabeth,^ second 
 daughter and co-heiress with Philadelphia Lady 
 Lyttleton, daughter of the Honourable Thomas Carey, 
 younger son of Eobert, first Earl of Monmouth, and 
 
 1 There are two interesting portraits of this lady in the possession of 
 the Earl of Roden, one by Sir Peter Lely, of date 1670, the other painted 
 by Louise, Princess Palatine, date 1654. 
 
14 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 had four daughters and seven sons; the eldest of 
 
 O 
 
 these sons was Charles, afterwards the celebrated 
 Earl of Peterborough. 
 
 It will be thus seen that Charles Mordaant suc- 
 ceeded his father as Lord Mordaunt and Viscount 
 Avalon in 1675, then being seventeen years old. He 
 also became third Lord Peterborough in 1697, on the 
 death of his uncle, and fourteenth Baron Beauchamp 
 and eighth Baron Mordaunt in 1705, on the death of 
 his cousin, the wife of Sir John Germaine.-' 
 
 Perhaps it may be interesting to trace out the 
 remaining representatives of this great family until 
 the time when the principal titles became extinct. 
 Charles, third Earl of Peterborough, had two sons, 
 both of whom died of sm.all-pox in 1710. He had 
 only one daughter, who married the second Duke of 
 Gordon.^ By this marriage the Baronies of Mordaunt 
 
 ' Sir John Germaine was the son of an innkeeper, and a notorious 
 gambler ; in fact, from all accounts a most disreputable person. This 
 lady's first husband, the Duke of Norfolk, as will be seen hereafter, was, 
 as regards character, not much better ; a good story, however, is told of 
 him, which at least does credit to his wit and readiness. It is related 
 that, as Earl Marischal, he ushered James II. to the door of the Chapel 
 Eoyal, where mass was about to be celebrated, and then bowed as if 
 about to take his leave. " Duke," said James, " your father would have 
 gone further." " And yours, Sire," replied the Duke, " not so far." 
 
 ^ In St. Mary's aisle of the ruined Cathedral or Abbey of Elgin, there 
 is a dilapidated monument with the following inscription on it : — 
 " Sacred to the memory of Her Grace Henrietta, Diichess of Gordon, 
 who was the only daughter of Charles Mordaunt, Earl of Peterborough 
 and Monmouth, who conquered Spain. She was born April 3rd, 1682, 
 and married in 1706 to Alexander, Marquis of Huntley, afterwards Duke 
 of Gordon, to whom she bore five sons and seven daughters. She died 
 at Preston Hall on the 11th day of October, 1760, aged seventy-eight 
 years." 
 
 It is stated in Chambers's History of the BeielUon of '45 that the 
 Duchess of Gordon had a pension of £1,000 a year from Government as 
 
PETERBOROUGH'S EARLY ADVANTAGES. 51 
 
 and Beauchamp were afterwards merged in the 
 Gordon, and subsequently in the Eichmond, family. 
 
 The eldest son had married the second daughter of 
 the second Duke of Bolton, and had two sons, the 
 eldest of whom, Charles, succeeded his grandfather in 
 1735. This Earl married twice, and had two sons, 
 the younger of whom, Powlett, died young ; the other, 
 Charles Henry, succeeded him as fifth Earl, but 
 never married, and died in 1814 at the age of fifty-six, 
 when the Earldoms of Peterborough and Monmouth 
 and the Viscounty of Mordaunt and Avalon became 
 extinct, all the collateral branches having previously 
 died out. 
 
 It will thus be seen that the celebrated Lord 
 Peterborough cannot be said in any way to have been 
 a self-made man, or not to have possessed from the 
 start almost every advantage which an ancient 
 lineage, powerful connections, and an ample fortune 
 could confer on him. In these respects he was, if 
 possible, even more favoured than his contemporary the 
 great Duke of Marlborough, who was only eight years 
 his senior, and who came from an excellent, but by 
 no means so powerful a family as the Mordaunts. 
 The possession of means in Lord Peterborough's case 
 was perhaps a doubtful advantage as regards his pro- 
 fessional advancement, since he had not that additional 
 inducement to personal exertion which the straitened 
 circumstances of the Duke of Marlborough in his 
 
 a reward for bringing np her children as Protestants — previously they 
 had been Roman Catholics — and that she lost this pension for enter- 
 taining Prince Charles at breakfast at Preston Hall when he was on the 
 march to England. 
 
16 TEE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 early life afforded him. It must, however, be said to 
 the honour of the former, though perhaps not as an 
 example of his prudence, that in a pre-eminently 
 corrupt and self-seeking age he was a poorer man by 
 far at the close of his public life than he was at its 
 commencement. f 
 
 Just as his wayward temper and many peculiarities 
 prevented him from reaching any position of great 
 power or eminence, notwithstanding his talents and 
 undoubted acquirements, so they would probably have 
 kept him in an inferior station had he not started in 
 life with so many advantages of birth and position. 
 
 Similarly, in the case of Marlborough the relations 
 of his sister, Arabella Churchill, with the Duke of 
 York, and the favour ^ of the King's mistress, the 
 Duchess of Cleveland, first aff"orded him an oppor- 
 tunity of exhibiting that marvellous ability which 
 eventually made him the most powerful subject in 
 Europe. Talents and personal qualities, no matter how 
 remarkable, to produce results require an opening. 
 Had it not been for the French Eevolution, 
 Napoleon would probably have ended as he began, 
 an obscure Artillery officer. 
 
 It now remains for us, having described his 
 genealogy and family connections, to say what we 
 know of Lord Peterborough's person. Very few pic- 
 tures of him are now in existence, and by far the 
 best is that in the possession of the Earl of Roden at 
 Tullymore Park, County Down, Ireland. The date 
 
 J This, although it has been questioned, appears fully proved by the 
 fact that he received £5,000 from that lady, which, with his usual 
 prudence, he invested in an annuity. 
 
PHYSICAL CIIARACrEETSTICS. 17 
 
 of this portrait is not quite certain, but probably it 
 was painted about the year 1726, when its subject 
 was already well on in years. In it he is depicted as 
 a man of aquiline and regular features, with blue eyes 
 of extreme brightness and vivacity, hq,ving a peculiar 
 look of " devilment " and njischief about them, fully 
 bearing out the character which has been handed down 
 to posterity. In the engravings of his pictures this 
 " devilnq.ent " and strange vivacity has not been re- 
 produced. Of his forehead but little is seen, as it is 
 shrouded with a huge flaxen wig — very useful no 
 doubt to cover wrinkles — that must have been most 
 distressing to so old and so great a dandy. About 
 the mouth and chin there is a considerable deal of 
 character, although physiognomists would probably 
 say but little fixity of purpose. From what his 
 contemporanes tell us, Peterborough was small in 
 stature and extremely spare, being endowed with 9, 
 marvellous amount of activity and endurance, In 
 his early days, from all accounts, he was good looking 
 and even handsome, but latterly his features became 
 hard ^nd pointed, while the expression of his face 
 revealed his somewhat fretful and impatient nature. 
 When speaking of him. Pope said that he had th3 
 " nobleman look ; " that is, the look which a noble- 
 man should have, rather than what they generally 
 had in those days. He instanced the Duke of Bolton 
 and Lord Bolingbroke as having the same look. 
 
 Many stories are told of his extraordinary energy 
 and his restless habits, which neither fatigue, ill- 
 health, nor age seemed to tame or moderate. When 
 campaigning, no hardship or exertion seemed in any 
 
 VOL. I. c 
 
18 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 way to affect him ; he was ever vigilant, ever active, 
 and, by the astounding rapidity of his movements, 
 alike amazed his friends and baffled his enemies. In 
 peace-time he seemed to delight in rushing from one 
 country to another. It was said of him that " he 
 saw more capitals and tij^ed out more postillions than 
 any man in Eiirope." The following quotation from 
 Macaulay's Essays on Lord Mahon's War of the 
 Spanish Succession, gives a vivid picture of his 
 character and career : — • 
 
 " Charles Mordaunt, Earl of Peterborough, was, 
 if not the greatest, yet assuredly the most extra- 
 ordinary character of that age, the King of Sweden 
 himself not excepted. Indeed, Peterborough may be 
 described as a polite, learned, and amorous Charles 
 XII. His courage had all the French impetuosity 
 and all the English steadiness. His fertility and 
 activity of mind were almost beyond belief. They 
 appeared in everything that he did — in his cam- 
 paigns, in his negotiations, in his familiar corre- 
 spondence, in his lightest and most unstudied 
 conversation. He was a kind friend, a generous 
 enemy, and in deportment a thorough gentleman. 
 But his splendid talents and virtues were rendered 
 almost useless to his country by his levity, his 
 restlessness, his irritability, his morbid craving for 
 novelty and for excitement. His weakness had not 
 only brought him, on more than one occasion, into 
 serious trouble, but had impelled him to some actions 
 altogether unworthy of his humane and noble nature. 
 Eepose was insupportable to him. He loved to fly 
 round Europe faster than a travelling courier. He 
 
MACAULAY'S ACCOUNT OF HliL 19 
 
 was at the Hague one week, at Vienna tlie next. 
 Then lie took a fancy to see Madiid ; and he had 
 scarcely reached Madrid, when he ordered horses and 
 set oflf for Copenhagen. No attendants could keep 
 up with his speed. No bodUy infirmities could 
 confine him. Old age, disease, imminent death, 
 produced no efi'ect on his intrepid spirit. Just 
 before he underwent the most horrible of surgical 
 operations, his conversation was as sprightly as that 
 of a young man in the full vigour of health. On the 
 day after the operation, in spite of the entreaties of 
 his medical advisers, he would set out on a journey. 
 His figure was that of a skeleton. But his elastic 
 mind supported him under fatigues and suff'erings 
 which seemed sufficient to bring the most robust man 
 to the grave. Change of employment was as neces- 
 sary to him as change of place. He loved to dictate 
 six or seven letters at once. Those who had to 
 transact business with him complained that, though 
 he talked with great ability on every subject, he 
 could never be kept to the point. ' Lord Peter- 
 borough,' said Pope, ' would say very pretty and 
 lively things in his letters, but they would be rather 
 too gay and wandering ; whereas were Lord Boling- 
 broke to write to an emperor, or to a statesman, he 
 would fix on that point which was the most material 
 — would set it in the strongest and finest light, and 
 manage it so as to make it the most serviceable to 
 his purpose.' What Peterborough was to Boling- 
 broke as a writer, he was to Marlborough as a 
 general. He was, in truth, the last of the knights - 
 errant, brave to temerity, liberal to profusion, 
 
 c 2 
 
20 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 courteous in his dealings with enemies, the protector 
 of the oppressed, the adorer of women. His virtues 
 and vices were those of the Eound Table. Indeed, 
 his character can hardly be better summed up than 
 in the lines in which the author of that clever 
 little poem, 'Monks and Giants,' has described Sir 
 Tristram : — 
 
 <' ' His birth, it seems, by Merlin's calculation, 
 Was under Venus. Mercury, and Mars ; 
 His mind with all their attributes was mixed, 
 And like those planets, wandering and unfixed. 
 
 " ' From realm to realm he ran, and never staid ; 
 
 Kingdoms and crowns he won and gave away ; 
 It seemed as if his labours were repaid 
 
 By the mere noise and movement of the fray ; 
 No conquests or acquirements had he made ; 
 
 His chief delight was, on some festive day. 
 To ride triumphant, prodigal and proud, 
 
 And shower his wealth amidst the shouting crowd. 
 
 " ' His schemes of war were sudden, unforeseen, 
 
 Inexplicable both to friend and foe ; 
 It seemed as if some momentary spleen 
 
 Inspired the project and impelled the blow ; 
 And most his fortune and success was seen 
 
 With means the most inadequate and low ; 
 Most master of himself, and least encumbered, 
 
 When overmatched, entangled and outnumbered.' " 
 
 It will remain for our readers to form their own 
 opinion as to how far the great historian was justified 
 in considering that the hero of these pages had 
 such claims to renown. His life has hitherto been 
 little studied or known, and hence at this lapse of 
 time it is difficult to disentangle it from the history 
 of the time, or to present him in a clear and personal 
 identity. The following summary, as extracted from 
 
OFFICIAL -ACCOUNT OF HIS CAREER. 21 
 
 the Official Baronage of England} gives a clear 
 account of his career : — 
 
 Charles Mordaunt, nephew of Henry Earl of Peterborough 
 and Monmouth, Viscount Mordaunt of Avalon, Baron Beau- 
 champ of Bletsoe, Mordaunt of Turvey and Mordaunt of 
 Reigate. — B. about 1658. — Succ. as second Viscount Mordaunt 
 of Avalon, June 5th, 1675. — Volunteer against the AlgerineS) 
 1 678. — Keeper of the New Lodge in Windsor Park, July 8th, 
 1679. (Pat.)— Volunteer, Garrison of Tangier, May, 1680.— 
 Captain Ship of War, Nov. 1681-1682.— Privy Councillor, Feb. 
 14th, 1689 (removed Jan. 2nd, 1697).— Gentleman of the Bed- 
 chamber to King William III., March 1st, 1689-Jan. 25th, 
 1697. (Establ. Bh. 196.)— Colonel of a Regt. of Foot (April 1st) 
 1689.— First Lord of the Treasury, Apiil 8th, 1689-March 
 18th, 1691.— Cr. Earl of Monmouth, April 9th, 1689.— Lord 
 Lieut. Co. Northampton, April 29th, 1689. — Colonel of Horse, 
 June 15th, 1689.— Water Bailiff of the Severn, Aug. 9th, 
 1689. (Signet Bk.) — A Commissioner of Greenwich Hospital, 
 Feb. 20th, 1695. (King's W. Bk.)— Succ. as third Earl of 
 Peterborough, June 15th, 1697. — Captain-General and Gov- 
 ernor of Jamaica, Dec. 22nd, 1702 (cancelled). (Pat. 14.) 
 — Succ. as Baron Beauchamp of Bletsoe and Mordaunt of 
 Turvey, 1705.— Privy Councillor, March 29th, 1705.— General 
 and Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in the Fleet, March 
 31st, 1705. (Mil. Bk. 6.) — General and Commander-in-Chief 
 of the AlHed Forces in Spain, April, 1705-Aug., 1706. — 
 Joint Admiral and Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet, May 1st, 
 1705-Dec 1706. (Comm. Bk. 6.) — Ambassador Extraordinary 
 and Plenipotentiary to the Archduke Charles in Spain, June 
 7th, 1706-Jan,, 1707.— Colonel of a Regt. of Horse, July 
 12th, 1706-Jan., 1707. — General of the Marines, Nov. 2nd, 
 1710. (Mil. Bk. 8.)— Ambassador Extraordinary to Vienna, 
 Dec. 4th, 1710-June, 1711. (Gazette.) — Ambassador Extra- 
 ordinary to Turin and Naples, Oct. 18th, 1711— Jan. 9th, 
 1713.— Colonel Royal Regt. of Horse Guards, Aug. 19th,1712- 
 June 13th, 1715. — K.G., Aug4th, 1715.— Governor of Minorca, 
 April 1st, 1714. (Mil. Bk. 8.)— Lord Lieut, and Custos 
 Rotulorum, Co. Northampton, Oct. 9th, 1714-July 4th, 1715. 
 (Gazette.) — General of all the Marine Forces of Great Britain, 
 May 24th, 1722. (Mil. Bk. 12.)— M. (1) Carey, d. of Sir 
 
 ' Official Baronage of England, by James Doyle. 
 
22 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Alexander Eraser, Knt. before 1688 (d. May 13th, 1709). 
 — M. (2) Mrs. Anastasia Robinson, 1785, d. (at Lisbon) Oct. 
 2oth, 1735. 
 
 1704. — " A well -shaped thin man, with a very brisk look." 
 
 — T. MACKE-y, p. 66. 
 
 1706. — " A skeleton in outward form. 
 
 His meagre corpse though full of vigour 
 Would halt behind him were it bigger." 
 
 — Swift's Works, xiv. p. 71. 
 
 1735. — " No body could be more wasted, no soul can be 
 more alive." — Pope to Swift, ibid, xviii. p. 367. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION OF ENGLAND IN 
 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OP PETEKBOROUGH. 
 
 Necessity of imderstandiiig the political and social condition of 
 England. — Religious strife the characteristic of the age. — The 
 temper and teaching of the Puritans. — The oppression of Laud 
 and Charles I. — Reasons why this tyranny "was forgiven. — The 
 Government of Cromwell. — Its successful foreign policy. — The 
 tyranny and intolerance of the Puritans. — Their Vandalism. — 
 Their proscription of all amusements and the festival of Christmas. 
 — The indignation excited among the people. — The Restoration. — 
 The leading characteristics of Charles II. and James II. — The 
 principles and sentiments of Peterborough thereby influenced. — 
 The reign of Charles II. — Its abuses, mal-administration, and cor- 
 ruption.' — Cause of Peterborough's hostility to the Stuarts. — The 
 social condition of England. — The population. — Army and navy. — 
 The lighting of London. — Its size. — Stage-coaches introduced. — 
 The domestic condition of the country. — The consumption of coal 
 in London. — The moral condition of England. — The clergy. — Edu- 
 cation. — The tax on bachelors. — The general demoralisation. — The 
 absence of art. — The singular number of scientific men in that 
 age. — The amount of pauperism. — The sanitary state of the country. 
 — Insecurity of life and property. — The prisons. — Peterborough at 
 the time of Charles II. 's death. 
 
 As before mentioned, Charles Mordaunt, afterwards 
 Earl of Peterborough, and Monmouth, was born, so 
 far as can be ascertained, in 1658, that is in the 
 last years of the Protectorate, and he died in 1735, 
 duringthe reign of George II. It will thus be seen 
 that he lived during perhaps the most eventful period 
 
24 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 of our history. Although it can scarcely be said 
 that either his actions or his character left any 
 lasting mark on the future of his country^ as was 
 the case with his contemporary Marlborough, still 
 from the time that he was eighteen, almost until 
 his death, there was scarcely one of the many occur- 
 rences, military or political, of that eventful time, 
 in which he did not have a share, more or less 
 prominent. To write the memoirs of Peterborough 
 without also writing in a great measure the history 
 of his time, would be impossible — and indeed to 
 understand his career and to appreciate his re- 
 markable character, it is absolutely essential to 
 obtaiii some insight into the political and social 
 condition of the age in which he lived. 
 
 If we wish to understand the political condition 
 of this country as it was during both the youth and 
 manhood of our hero, we must look back as far as 
 the reign of Charles I., and we see that the one 
 leading characteristic of the age was the influence 
 of religion and the bitterness of religious strife. 
 The English Church was established on the ruins 
 of the monasteries and convents which had been 
 swept away by the Reformation, and was essentially 
 a via media, a compromise between two extremes, 
 between the ritual and ceremonies of the Eomish 
 Church on the one hand, and the absence of either 
 enjoined by the followers of Calvin on the other. 
 One would have supposed that this Church would 
 have been sufficiently liberal in her teaching to have 
 avoided persecution, and wide enough in her fold 
 to have included all wandering sheep. It was, 
 
TEMPER AND TEACHING OF THE PURITANS. 23 
 
 however not so, and it is doubtful wliieli sect is most 
 deserving of our reprobation, the Puritans who 
 hewed the Amalekites — that is, the Episcopalians, 
 in pieces, the Episcopalians, who in their turn 
 imprisoned and tortured the Puritans, or the Eoman 
 Catholics, who when they had a chance — and en- 
 tirely for the love of God — sacrificed at the stake 
 Puritans and Episcopalians alike with perfect im- 
 partiality. 
 
 The temper and teaching of the Puritans can 
 scarcely be realised by those who are accustomed 
 to the quiet and temperate forms adopted by religion 
 at the present day. It seems strange to our ideas 
 that the intolerance, cruelty, and oppression, not 
 only practised but openly avowed by these fanatics, 
 should have been nominally based on Holy Scripture. 
 The New Testament in all its teachings specially 
 forbids the indulgence of revengeful passions : 
 forgiveness, mercy, and peace are the principles 
 which pervade the entire teaching of our Lord. In 
 fact not even the most disingenuous and sophistical 
 interpretation of any distinct phrase "or incident, no 
 matter how separated from its context, in this 
 portion of Holy Writ, could be held in any way 
 to sanction the common principles which guided 
 the ordinary life of the followers of Cromwell. 
 
 As regards the Old Testament, the case, however, is 
 different. In it is recorded the history of a race 
 specially selected by God to perform a certain work, 
 to commit certain actions, which, had they not been 
 specially ordered, would have been wholly indefensible. 
 In fact, to those who approve the Bible in a spirit of 
 
26 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 reasoning intelligence, in place of unthinking and 
 blind belief, there are many points, which to say the 
 least, tax our faith and confuse our ideas of right and 
 wrong to the uttermost. These points the Puritans 
 seized on with eager triumph, and justified alike their 
 gloomy views, their revengeful feelings, and their 
 ruthless actions, by reference to passages in the Books 
 of Judges or Kings, or other parts of the Old Testa- 
 ment, which they declared to be the mainspring of 
 their actions. Their conversation was interlarded 
 with scriptural expressions, their children were bap- 
 tised with scriptural names ; contrary to the repeated 
 declarations of Luther and Calvin, they converted the 
 Christian Sunday into a Jewish Sabbath, and there 
 was no innocent amusement which they did not 
 denounce as wicked and profane. lb was a sin to 
 dance, to sing, to drink a friend's health, to play at 
 any game (even chess), to hunt, to shoot — in fact, 
 to do anything which might possibly relieve the 
 dull monotony of life. By some even the Latin 
 grammar was proscribed, as in it the names of Mars, 
 Venus, and other heathen gods and goddesses were 
 introduced. 
 
 In fact cant, and cant in its worst form, was abso- 
 lutely supreme. There was no extravagance of gloom 
 or hypocrisy in which the Puritans did not indulge ; 
 the Pharisees of old were high-minded, open-hearted 
 and genial compared to them. Even their gait, their 
 garb, their hair, the sourness of their visages, their 
 nasal twang, the ostentatious plainness of their dress, 
 the upturning of their eyes, and the expressions of 
 which they made use in their language, all combined 
 
THEIR INTOLERANCE. 27 
 
 equally to irritate and disgust, not only their own 
 political opponents, but all reasonable beings and the 
 common population of the land. 
 
 Their practice was, if possible, less agreeable than 
 their profession. No doubt they had endured in 
 their day great persecution ; they had been im- 
 prisoned, hunted, insulted, and oppressed ; they had 
 been denied the free exercise of their religion, and 
 worse than all, they had been treated with a scorn 
 and derision which went deep into their soul. But 
 this persecution had only served to irritate, and not 
 to crush, their spirit ; in place of inducing feelings of 
 submission, it had only excited those of revenge ; 
 instead of breaking their heart, it had only made it 
 more stubborn and more defiant. 
 
 When their turn came, therefore, they repaid, and 
 repaid with interest, all the wrongs they had suffered, 
 all the persecutions they had endured. They knew 
 no pity, they felt no remorse. " Eevenge is sweet," 
 was their motto, and to it they were ever faithful and 
 true. Religious hate has always been the most 
 violent, the most implacable — more especially when 
 men like the Puritans carefully ransacked Scripture 
 for the justification of their misdeeds, being persuaded 
 that every act of cruelty or of oppression was done 
 purely and solely for the love of God. 
 
 It must, however, not be supposed that the Puritans 
 alone were intolerant, that they alone persecuted and 
 carried their peculiar ideas to an extreme. In the 
 reign of Charles I., under the auspices of Archbishop 
 Laud, Nonconformists to the ritual and observances 
 of the English Church were tortured, persecuted, and 
 
28 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 imprisoned without mercy. Every corner of the 
 realm was carefully searched for Dissenters, their 
 congregations were broken up and scattered, even the 
 devotions of private families were not free from the 
 vigilance of ecclesiastical spies, on whose information 
 any offenders were brought before civil and ecclesi- 
 astical tribunals that showed no pity. Among the 
 most formidable of these were the Star Chamber and 
 High Commission, the memory of whose acts and 
 dealings is still handed down with infamy to succeed- 
 ing generations. When, in addition to this religious 
 intolerance and oppression we find that every consti- 
 tutional right and privilege was violated by Charles, 
 and during eleven years he did not even summon a 
 Parliament, it is not surprising that in the end his 
 people rose in arms against him. 
 
 The gallantry of this monarch in adversity, and 
 his tragic death, have alone cast a halo over his 
 memory, and have led posterity in a great measure 
 to forgive and even to forget his misgovernment, his 
 failings, and his perfidies. Had it not been for this 
 terrible judicial murder, as great an error as it was a 
 crime, history might have been very different ; possibly 
 even the descendants of Oliver Cromwell might now 
 be seated on the English throne. What added all the 
 more to the sympathy with which, after his death, the 
 great majority of Englishmen regarded the memory 
 of their murdered King, was the fact that a military 
 tyranny of the most despotic and arbitrary kind 
 oppressed England for thirteen years after his death. 
 The dignity and high spirit of the gallant gentle- 
 man, the patience and charity of the true Christian, 
 
ENGLAXD UNDER CROMWELL. 29 
 
 which Charles displayed on the scaffold, were rendered 
 still more attractive by the loss of those free institu- 
 tions of which in death he appeared as the champion, 
 and which in life he had " laboured to destroy." 
 
 The military tyranny of Cromwell weighed so 
 heavily on the English people that its effect has 
 scarcely yet died away. To it may be ascribed that 
 jealousy of a standing army, that dislike and suspicion 
 of soldiers, which is not yet extinct. Cromwell's 
 rule, however, oppressive as it was, had some ad- 
 vantages — the country prospered and flourished. Even 
 Ireland, which had been re-conquered, subjugated, 
 and even devastated, as never it was before or has 
 been since, showed signs of prosperity which actually 
 at the present day it would be difficult to rival.-' The 
 ability of Cromwell's government was not only re- 
 markable at home, but abroad it shone with even 
 greater brilliancy ; as said by Maeaulay : " After half 
 a century during which England had been of scarcely 
 more weight in European politics than Venice or 
 Saxony, she at once became the most formidable 
 power in the world, dictated peace to the United 
 Provinces, avenged the common injuries of Christen- 
 dom on the pirates off Barbary, vanquished the 
 Spaniards by land and sea, seized one of the finest 
 West India islands, and acquired on the Flemish 
 coast a fortress, which consoled the national pride for 
 the loss of Calais. She was supreme on the ocean. 
 She was the head of the Protestant interest. All the 
 Eeformed Churches scattered over Roman Catholic 
 
 1 A strange commentary on the saying that " force is no remedy '' 
 when applied to that country. 
 
30 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 kingdoms acknowledged Cromwell as their guardian. 
 The Huguenots of Languedoc, the shepherds, who in 
 the hamlets of the Alps professed a Protestantism 
 older than that of Augsburg, were secured from op- 
 pression by the terror of that great nam e. The Pope 
 himself was forced to preach humanity and toleration 
 to Popish princes, for a voice that seldom threatened 
 in vain, had declared that unless favour were shown 
 to the people of God, the English guns should be 
 heard in the castle of St. Angelo." ^ 
 
 But wise and vigorous as was the government of 
 Cromwell, the iron of his sword had gone deep into 
 the soul of the English people. The son of the 
 murdered King was restored with an enthusiasm and 
 delight entirely beyond description. As is the 
 custom, from one extreme the nation ran to another, 
 from the extreme of cadaverous cant they launched 
 out into every excess of revelry and debauchery. 
 Puritans were more than repaid for their former in- 
 tolerance and oppression — indeed this is not surprising. 
 We can scarcely realise now how much this country 
 suffered at the hands of Cromwell's sanctimonious 
 soldiery. Their traces still exist ; there was scarcely 
 an old church in England where monuments were not 
 destroyed, beautiful statues defaced, ancient archi- 
 tectural relics ruined by these veritable Vandals. 
 Similarly, by order of the Parliament, all pictures of 
 the royal collection which contained representations 
 of our Lord or the Virgin Mother were ordered to 
 be burnt, while statues of nymphs and graces, " the 
 
 ■'■ Maoaulay's History of England, vol. i. 
 
PURITANS PROSCRIBE ALL AMUSEMENTS. 31 
 
 work of Ionian chisels " were handed over to the 
 stonemason to be made decent.'- 
 
 Their detestation of all art was only equalled by 
 their intolerance and despotism. The book of 
 Common Prayer was proscribed, not only in churches, 
 but even in private houses ; respectable clergymen 
 were ejected from their livings, and subjected to 
 every sort of indignity for no other reason than their 
 adherence to the religion of their fathers. Betting 
 was proscribed, adultery punished with death, any 
 impropriety between the sexes made a misdemeanour, 
 and all amusements absolutely forbidden. Play- 
 houses were dismantled, actors whipped in public, 
 rope-dancing, puppet shows, games at bowls, horse 
 racing, and even village shows, denounced as the 
 abominations of the devil ; above all, bear-baiting,^ 
 then the favourite amusement of all' classes, rich 
 and low, especially stirred the indignation of these 
 austere fanatics. 
 
 Even Christmas did not escape their reprobation 
 and obnoxious meddling ; and it may be added that 
 nothing better illustrates the temper and character- 
 istics of the Puritans than their action as regards this 
 festival, which in former times was kept even with 
 greater earnestness than at the present day. " The 
 
 1 Apparently extremes of religion meet, the most beautiful statues in 
 the Vatican are now disfigured by petticoats. 
 
 2 This amusement of our ancestors, even if it were in favour at the 
 present day, no doubt like cock-fighting would be most properly pro- 
 hibited, but, as remarked by Macaulay, the action of the Puritans in the 
 matter sprang not from sentiments of humanity or from a regard for the 
 feelings of the bear, but from a wish to deprive the spectators of plea- 
 sure. In fact the Puritan himself generally contrived to have the double 
 enjoyment of tormenting both the spectators and the bear, 
 
32 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGTr. 
 
 Long Parliament gave orders in 1644 that the 25th 
 December should be strictly observed as a fast, and 
 that all men should pass it in humbly bemoaning the 
 great national sin they and their fathers had com- 
 mitted on that day in romping under the mistletoe, 
 eating boar's head, and drinking ale flavoured with 
 roasted apples. No public act of the time seems to 
 have irritated the common people more. On the 
 next anniversary of the festival formidable riots 
 broke out in many places. The constables were re- 
 sisted, the magistrates insulted, the houses of noted 
 zealots attacked, and the proscribed service of the 
 day openly read in the churches." ^ 
 
 When we consider the oppression of the Puritan 
 rule it is not surprising that the son of the King they 
 had beheaded was restored by the voice of the nation, 
 or that a Parliament was at once elected even more 
 loyal, more extreme in their ideas of the royal pre- 
 rogative, more incensed against Eepublicans than 
 royalty itself, and that the people, the Parliament, 
 and the King ran riot without check for many years 
 to come. 
 
 Had Charles II. been even moderately wise, 
 moderately prudent in his generation, had he been 
 less idle and less self-indulgent, had his brother the 
 Duke of York, afterwards James 11. , possessed any 
 real ability or been^ able to gain the affection and 
 regard even of those personally associated with him, 
 matters might have been very different. The 
 character, however, of both brothers, though entirely 
 different, was equally undeserving of respect ; both 
 
 1 Macaulay's History of England, ch. i. 
 
CHARACTERS OF CHARLES AND JAMES. 33 
 
 were libertines and openly dissolute in their private 
 life, which fact alone was almost sufficient to alienate 
 the Puritans and render any compromise most difficult. 
 While, however, Charles was good-natured, and liberal 
 in his political ideas, wholly indifferent to all religion, 
 utterly averse to business, and entirely careless pro- 
 vided he had his own luxurious ease, provided his 
 own dissolute tastes were gratified ; James on the 
 other hand was hard, revengeful, and narrow-minded, 
 a religious bigot, at first secretly, latterly openly, a 
 devout Roman Catholic, — at the same time he was 
 diligent, methodical, and a good man of business. It 
 has been urged that one redeeming point of Charles 
 II. 's character was his forgiving temper ; to the mind 
 however that knows not gratitude, the feeling of 
 revenge is often equally foreign. Had Charles been 
 mindful of the many old Cavaliers who had melted 
 down their plate, cut down their oaks, and sold their 
 lands for his father's sake, and were now wandering 
 about threadbare and even starving; had he given 
 them half what he lavished on his concubines and on 
 his pleasures, he would have deserved more credit for 
 the forgiveness of Ms enemies. It must also be re- 
 membered that he never forgave the reproofs he had 
 received, the homilies and sermons, to which he had 
 been forced to listen, when he was under the care of 
 the Scotch Presbyterians, and that he embraced the 
 first opportunity afforded him of revenging himself, 
 by disregarding the solemn pledges he had given for 
 the protection of Dissenters, and for the tolerance of 
 their religion. 
 
 It will be seen hereafter that the one feeling to 
 
 VOL. I. D 
 
34 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 which Lord Peterborough was universally consistent 
 in the course of his varied life was hostility to the 
 House of Stuart. When one considers the character 
 of the two Sovereigns, with whom, from his rank and 
 position, he was in his early youth and manhood 
 brought into contact, this is not surprising ; still less 
 when one reviews the incidents of their reigns and 
 the results of their government. Nor can it be a 
 matter of astonishment, however much it may be one 
 of regret, that brought up as he was at the dissolute 
 Court of Charles II., in that most dissolute age, 
 Peterborough became infected by the ideas and prin- 
 ciples with which he was surrounded. Unhappily, 
 with all his brilliant talents, his varied acquirements, 
 and his noble instincts, he lacked the mainstay, the 
 sheet-anchor so to speak, of religion. Apparently he 
 disliked cordially the hypocrisy, cant, and intolerance 
 exhibited by the Puritans when they were masters of 
 the realm ; and the remembrance of their rule must 
 have been very vivid in his early childhood. But he 
 was a not less bitter enemy of the narrow-minded 
 bigotry of James II. and his followers, and thus un- 
 able to strike a happy medium between two extremes, 
 and abominating both, he almost discarded religion, 
 and relapsed into what was very nearly a sceptic. 
 Had it been otherwise, had the subject of these 
 memoirs possessed the stability and fixity of purpose 
 which probably good religious principles would have 
 given him, our task would have been very different. 
 In place of having to chronicle what was practically 
 a wasted life —a succession of disappointments ; in 
 place of having to point out how brilliant talents, 
 
THEIR INFLUENCE ON PETERBOROUGH. 35 
 
 singular opportunities, and indeed glorious, though 
 spasmodic, achievements, were thrown away ; in 
 place of having to rescue almost from oblivion, a 
 name well-nigh forgotten, our task would have been 
 very different. The name of Peterborough might 
 have rivalled in renown that of Marlborough, only 
 Marlborough without his corruption, his meanness, his 
 perfidy. We are, however, anticipating ; our readers 
 must judge for themselves how far these views are 
 correct. 
 
 As before remarked, the one — perhaps the only one 
 — principle in political life to which our hero was 
 undeviatingly consistent, was hostility to the House 
 of Stuart. The personal character of the two Sove- 
 reigns of whom he had experience, although far from 
 estimable, would scarcely seem to have justified his 
 aversion had it not been, for the administration, of 
 their governments. In order, therefore, to do justice 
 to our subject, it is essential to take a glance at the 
 leading features of the reigns of Charles II. and 
 James II., at whose Courts the youth of Peterborough 
 was passed. 
 
 Maladministration, disaster, and humiliation may 
 be declared to epitomise correctly the history of 
 England at this period. The King, a saunterer and 
 voluptuary, utterly neglected the affairs of the State, 
 and wasted the money, given by a poor and exhausted 
 Treasury for the defence of the kingdom, on his 
 amusements and his dissipations. His Ministers were 
 as a rule partisans and narrow-minded. They were 
 politicians rather than statesmen, and several were 
 imbued with only one leading principle, which 
 
 D 2 
 
30 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 directed alike their public and their private actions, 
 namely, their own personal and pecuniary aggrandise- 
 ment. It was natural, nay even inevitable, that the 
 extraordinary enthusiasm which greeted the Restora- 
 tion should be followed by a reaction. The golden 
 dreams of the golden time to come could not but 
 be fulfilled. But the dissatisfaction and discontent 
 which were to be expected were still further in- 
 creased and intensified by gross and palpable 
 maladministration. 
 
 Nor was this all : bad times accompanied bad 
 government ; then came a period of agricultural 
 distress, and a fall of rents of five shillings in the 
 pound throughout the kingdom. This agricultural 
 depression was further aggravated by a loss of trade, 
 which was in a great measure caused by the disastrous 
 war with the Dutch, to which allusion will be made 
 hereafter. It is an old saying that " misfortunes do 
 not come single." It was never more strongly 
 exemplified than in this unhappy reign. " London 
 suffered two great disasters such as never in so short 
 a space of time befell one great City. A pestilence, 
 surpassing in horror any that during three centuries 
 had visited the island, swept away in six months 
 more than one hundred thousand human beings ; and 
 scarcely had the dead-cart ceased to go its rounds, 
 when a fire, such as has not been known in Europe 
 since the conflagration of Rome under Nero, laid in 
 ruins the whole City from the Tower to the Temple, 
 and from the river to the purlieus of Smithfield." 
 
 But misfortunes were not confined to London alone ; 
 aU parts of the kingdom were almost equally dis- 
 
DISTRACTED STATE OF THE KTXGDO.V. 37 
 
 tracted. Ireland, which had been entirely subdued 
 and pacified by Cromwell, seized the opportunity 
 afi'orded by a weak and vacillating Government — 
 an opportunity of which it may be said in many 
 centuries that kingdom has never omitted to take 
 advantage — to have an insurrection. There were 
 even more than the usual atrocities, followed by 
 animosities and feuds, which retarded civilisation 
 half a century, and sow^ed seeds for future troubles, 
 which broke forth in future generations. Scotland, 
 if less openly agitated, was almost equally distracted. 
 The Presbyterians were persecuted and hunted, class 
 was set against class, race against race, while a feeling 
 of rancour and hostility to the House of Stuart was 
 thoroughly ingrained into the hearts of the Lowland 
 popidation. The foreign policy was not less unfortu- 
 nate than the domestic administration. Wars were 
 undertaken with haste, were carried on without 
 vigour, and were ended with disgrace. For a time, 
 but only for a time, the nation seemed to have lost 
 that gallant spirit — that hereditary bravery so 
 brilliantly exemplified among the Puritan warriors 
 of Cromwell — a spirit which made " the banished 
 Cavaliers feel an emotion of national pride w^hen they 
 saw a brigade of their own countrymen, outnumbered 
 by foes, abandoned by allies, drive before it the finest 
 infantry of Spain, and force a passage into a counter- 
 scarp which had just been pronounced impregnable 
 by the ablest marshal of France." ^ 
 
 The annals of this reign were indeed of a different 
 kind. A Dutch fleet sailed up the Medway, burnt 
 
 ^ Macaulay's Bhtm-y nf Eiujlaml, oh. i. 
 
38 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Englisli men-of-war that were lying at Chatham, and 
 even threatened the capital itself.^ However, fortu- 
 nately, the danger did not last long. A humiliating 
 peace was extracted from the nation, which only a 
 few years before, in the days of the great Protector, 
 had dictated terms to the Council of the States- 
 General. With good reason indeed was Amsterdam 
 illuminated at the death of Oliver Cromwell, and 
 children ran along the canals shouting for joy that 
 the Devil was dead. 
 
 At this period also there were plots, and panics, 
 and threatened explosions, followed by violence in 
 persecutions, which it is to be hoped in these days, no 
 matter what happened, would never be rivalled. 
 
 This was, moreover, essentially the age of corrup- 
 tion, which pervaded all ranks, from the highest 
 officer of State down to the lowest tide-waiter and 
 exciseman. Few things illustrate this better than 
 the condition of the navy. It appears well authenti- 
 cated,^ strange as it now may seem, that for £380,000 
 annually the navy of England might then have been 
 kept efficient ; £400,000 a year was actually voted 
 by Parliament, besides a grant of £600,000 for 
 building new ships ; but these sums were never 
 expended. The ships rotted, the sailors starved, 
 while Court favourites and Government officials 
 revelled and feasted. 
 
 It would be well for some of those who neglect, or sanction the 
 neglect, of tlie defences of this kingdom, to study the accounts of the 
 distress and attitude of the population of London, even in those days, 
 when temporarily menaced with the miseries of a blockade. What 
 would be the result now, were a similar misfortune to happen, it is .not 
 pleasant to contemplate. 
 ' Pepys's Diary. 
 
POPULARITY OF CHARLES 11. 39 
 
 No one gave a worse example in the matter of 
 corruption than the King himself. To gratify his 
 debauched tastes and satisfy his sensual pleasures, 
 he was mean enough to accept money from the King 
 of France as the price of his support and alliance, 
 and there is little doubt that several of his Ministers 
 followed in his footsteps. Thus it has been truly 
 said that Louis XIV., " at an expense very much less 
 than he incurred in building and decoratins Versailles 
 or MarH, succeeded in making England during nearly 
 twenty years almost as insignificant a member of 
 the political system of Europe as the Republic of 
 San Marino." 
 
 Still, notwithstanding the utterly despicable cha- 
 racter of Chfirles II. as a king, he had a charm of 
 manner and certain personal qualities which at- 
 tracted the sympathy and took the fancy of his 
 people. It is said that the old Cavaliers, ruined in 
 his father's cause, but now unrequited and neglected, 
 forgot his ingratitude and neglect when they received 
 his friendly nod and his kind greeting, " How are 
 you, my old friend ? " that even the lank-haired 
 Puritans were fascinated by the charm of his manner, 
 and were tempted occasionally to forgive the starch 
 in his ruff and the curl in his long ringlets ; and it 
 is well assured that the common people of London 
 were much attracted to his person, and used to 
 delight in seeing him play with his spaniels and feed 
 his ducks in St. James's Park. 
 
 Although Charles II. could never have been a 
 great or a good king, when one regards his un- 
 doubted popularity and the better side of his 
 
40 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 character, it would seem that, had he been served 
 by able and efficient Ministers, his reign might on 
 the whole have been fairly prosperous. Devoid; 
 however, himself of either the ability or the diligence 
 to assume the direction of public affairs, he was 
 peculiarly unfortunate in the choice of his advisers. 
 As before remarked, the standard of political morality 
 among English statesmen in this age was not high ; 
 real patriotism was rare, corruption common, and 
 unadulterated selfishness almost universal. The 
 Earl of Clarendon, in whose hands the affairs of the 
 State for many years were vested, although to be 
 respected as a writer, was certainly most unsuccessful 
 as a statesman. Clarendon was succeeded by the 
 celebrated, or rather the infamous Cabinet, the 
 initial letters of whose names formed the word 
 " Cabal," by which designation they have been 
 handed down to future generations : their names 
 were Clifford, Arlington, Buckingham, Ashley, and 
 Lauderdale. It is impossible to speak otherwise 
 than in the most severe terms of this Ministry. When 
 it fell it was followed by Sir Thomas Osborn, Earl of 
 Danby, who was hardly, if at all, better than his 
 predecessors. 
 
 During the last eight or nine years of King Charles's 
 reign, it is true that the government of the country 
 was somewhat better conducted. Sir William Temple, 
 the Earl of Essex, Lawrence Hyde, and Sydney 
 Godolphin, were in their way statesm.en of a very 
 different class ; but not one of them, the first perhaps 
 excepted, merits to be regarded by posterity with 
 admiration or even respect. At last in February, 
 
THE SOCIAL COXDITION OF ENGLAXD. 41 
 
 1685, the King died. His illness was short, and his 
 death unexpected ; the combined skill of fourteen 
 doctors was wholly unavailing to save him. Strange 
 to say, he was sincerely and deeply lamented by the 
 nation, which thi-ee years afterwards drove his bro- 
 ther and successor from the throne with a violence of 
 feeling which was almost equally general and even 
 more pronounced. 
 
 It was only at the death of Charles II. that the 
 subject of these memoirs first commenced to take an 
 active part in public life. From that date until the 
 accession of George I. he always occupied a position 
 more or less prominent, and there is no doubt that 
 he imbibed the greater portion of his political and 
 all his moral principles from the experience of his 
 early youth at the Court of the gay King. For this 
 reason an effort has been made to give a slight idea 
 of the political condition in that age, as well as of 
 the historical causes by which this condition was 
 brought about. It is, however, almost equally de- 
 sirable that the social state of the country at that 
 time should be rightly understood, as England of 
 two hundred years ago was about as like the England 
 of the present day as one of the main streets of 
 Pekin now resembles Piccadilly. 
 
 In tlie first place, the population of the country 
 was absurdly small according to our ideas. It 
 appears fi-om the best authenticated estimates, de- 
 rived from diff"erent and trustworthy sources, that at 
 the commencement of the reign of William and 
 Mary the inhabitants of England did not exceed 
 five and a half millions in number. The revenue in 
 
42 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 proportion was even less, and was hardly a fifth of 
 that produced by France, only amounting, including 
 the revenue of Crown lands, to about fourteen 
 hundred thousand pounds. A standing army prac- 
 tically did not exist, although Charles II. formed some 
 regiments of horse and foot guards as well as one 
 regiment of cavalry, now the First or Eoyal 
 Dragoons, and several regiments of infantry of the 
 line, which eventually formed the nucleus of the 
 army that during the last two centuries has done 
 such good service in all parts of the world. 
 
 The navy, as already mentioned, was in a lament- 
 able condition, and nothing is more foreign to our 
 present ideas than the way in which it was officered. 
 Apparently soldiers and sailors were almost inter- 
 changeable, and any youth, a favourite at Court, 
 like the Earl of Mulgrave in 1666, whose naval 
 experience was perhaps limited to a sail down the 
 Thames, might be given the command of the finest 
 frigate afloat. The real sailors, who did the work, 
 generally were men of low origin, like Sir Christopher 
 Mings, who was originally a cabin-boy. OddJy 
 enough, he himself had a cabin-boy who became 
 Sir John Narborough, who again had as a cabin-boy 
 the comrade of Peterborough, the great Sir Cloudesley 
 Shovel, of whom there is a monument in Westminster 
 Abbey. The English navy in those days had amongst 
 its officers both gentlemen and seamen, "but the 
 seamen were not gentlemen, and the gentlemen were 
 not seamen." When we regard the military and 
 naval estimates at the present time, it will be perhaps 
 scarcely realised that the entire effective charge for 
 
LONDON FIRST LIGHTED AT NIGHT. 43 
 
 the army, navy, and the ordnance, was then only 
 about seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds. 
 
 The domestic condition of the country presented, 
 if possible, an even greater contrast when it is com- 
 pared with what exists now. Means of communi- 
 cation were slow and cumbersome : few but the rich 
 ever travelled, and hence the ideas of the middle and 
 even the upper classes were as circumscribed as their 
 movements. The influence and power of the King, 
 the Court, and the nobles, were infinitely greater 
 than at present, while the intelligence and education 
 of the lower orders was infinitely less. In some 
 parts of the country, more especially in Northum- 
 berland and on the Scotch border, travelling was 
 absolutely unsafe, while in no district were the police 
 or local arrangements, according to our ideas, satis- 
 factorily carried out. Money of course went much 
 further than in the present day, and was far less 
 plentiful ; thus, although there were far fewer rich men, 
 in all probability there were also not nearly so many 
 poor ones. Few incidents perhaps illustrate better 
 the condition of either the capital or the country than 
 the arrangements made for lighting the one and for 
 travelling in the other. Until the last year of the 
 reign of Charles II., apparently no attempt whatever 
 had been made to light I^ondon at night. At that 
 time, however, an innovation was made, almost as 
 great a's the introduction of the electric telegraph. 
 One Edward Heming obtained by letters patent the 
 exclusive privilege of lighting London for a period 
 of years. He agreed to place a lantern before every 
 tenth door on moonless nights from Michaelmas to 
 
44 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Lady Day, from six o'clock in the evening until 
 midnight. To our ideas such an arrangement would 
 not be considered a great or remarkable boon ; in 
 those days, however, it was regarded very differently, 
 and met with the warm support and violent opposition 
 which accompany all great changes. 
 
 This incident of the lighting of London is some- 
 what striking ; but if we could see the difference 
 between London of 1687 and London of the present 
 time, the contrast would be still more remarkable. 
 The boundaries of the City proper were then nearly 
 the limits of the Metropolis ; Charing was a village, 
 and St. Martin's really in the fields ; whde to the 
 west, north, and east of the actual municipal walls 
 were cultivated fields, studded with farms and 
 detached hamlets. It will be shown hereafter how 
 much London had grown from this condition at the 
 latter part of the reign of Queen Anne, and yet how 
 insignificant it was when compared with the Babylon 
 of 1887. 
 
 In addition to the reform introduced by Mr. 
 Heming, it is related that another change was made 
 in the year 1669, which is equally illustrative of the 
 manners of the time. After the Restoration, a 
 diligence ran from London to Oxford, and performed 
 the journey on this, perhaps the best and most 
 important main road in the kingdom, in two days, 
 the travellers sleeping at Beaconsfield. At this 
 period there was, however, a daring innovation. A 
 " flying coach " was introduced, which performed the 
 journey between sunrise and sunset. Apparently the 
 performances of this vehicle were considered a kind 
 
THE INTRODUCTION OF '' FLYING COACHES." 45 
 
 of prodig)', and caused an entire revokition in the 
 Avay of travelling throughout the country. " Flying 
 coaches " became general, and ran thrice a week 
 between London and the principal towns, their 
 average pace being about fifty miles a day in the 
 summer, and in the winter very much less. It is 
 stated that this change likewise encountered much 
 opposition, and among some was quite as unpopular 
 as Mr. Heming's scheme for the lighting of London. 
 The objections raised to these coaches are of so 
 curious a nature, and are so thoroughly illustrative 
 of the manners of the age, that it seems worth while 
 to recount them. " It was vehemently urged that 
 this mode of conveyance would be fatal to the breed 
 of horses and to the noble act of horsemanship ; that 
 the Thames, which had long been an important 
 nursery of seamen, would cease to be the chief 
 thoroughfare from London up to Windsor and down 
 to Gravesend ; that saddlers and spurriers would be 
 ruined bv hundreds ; that numerous inns, at which 
 mounted travellers had been in the habit of stopping, 
 would be deserted, and would no longer pay any 
 rent ; that the new carriages were too hot in summer, 
 and too cold in winter ; that the passengers were 
 grievously annoyed by invalid^ and crying of 
 children ; that the coach sometimes reached the inn 
 so late that it was impossible to get any supper, and 
 sometimes started so early that it was impossible to 
 get any breakfast. On these grounds it was gravely 
 recommended that no public carriage should be per- 
 mitted to have more than four horses, to start 
 oftener than once a week, or to go more than thirty 
 
46 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 miles a day. It was hoped that, if this regulation 
 were adopted, all except the sick and the lame would 
 return to the old mode of travelling. Petitions 
 embodying such opinions as these were presented to 
 the King in Council from several provincial towns, 
 and from the justices of several counties. We may 
 smile at these things. It is not impossible that our 
 descendants, when they read the history of the 
 opposition offered by cupidity and prejudice to the 
 improvements of the nineteenth century, may smile 
 in their turns." ^ 
 
 Strange, however, as it may seem to us, the means 
 of locomotion at the end of the seventeenth century 
 were so rude, the condition of the country, as it then 
 was, could we see it now, would appear stranger 
 still. Fully one-fourth of the land, which long since 
 has been brought under cultivation, was a waste. 
 At Enfield, now almost within sight of London, there 
 was a tract of five-and-twenty miles in circum- 
 ference, where deer roamed as freely as on a Scotch 
 mountain, and in which there were only three 
 habitations.^ In counties so civilised and central 
 as Hampshire and Gloucestershire, red deer were 
 plentiful, and it is related that Queen Anne, on her 
 way to Portsmouth^ once saw a herd of five hundred. 
 Agriculture, when practised, was most rude and 
 defective ; similarly the breeds of oxen, sheep, and 
 even horses, were diminutive and inferior — indeed 
 it may be said that no special breed of English 
 horses was then in existence, " the modern dray-horse 
 
 1 Macaulay, vol. i. p. 379. 
 
 * Evelyn's Diary, June 2nd, 1675. 
 
LOW STATUS OF THE CLERGY. 47 
 
 and the modern race-horse were equally unknown." 
 Lastly, the mineral treasures, now so productive, to 
 which we owe so much of our wealth and prosperity, 
 w^ere in a great measure undiscovered, and in any 
 case were most scantily utilised. As an example, 
 the greater part of the iron used in England during 
 the reign of Charles II. was imported from abroad, 
 and then not more than ten thousand tons seemed 
 to have been cast annually ; now about a million is 
 the usual average. Similarly, coal, even in those 
 days, was the fuel usually burnt in London and in 
 the districts where it could be procured with facility ; 
 but whereas in the latter end of Charles II.'s reign 
 about two hundred and eighty thousand tons per 
 annum sufficed for the wants of the capital, now 
 nearly four millions are required. 
 
 Nor did the moral present a favourable contrast 
 to the material condition of England at this period. 
 Religion was but little esteemed, but faintly prac- 
 tised, and on the whole was at a very low ebb. The 
 clergy, as a rule, were not drawn from the upper 
 classes ; with some brilliant exceptions, they were 
 uneducated and without refinement, hence they 
 neither merited nor received that respect which, 
 previous to the Eeformation, and also a century 
 later, was very generally accorded them. Just as 
 before the Eeformation ecclesiastics occupied a posi- 
 tion of exaggerated importance, rivalling in wealth 
 and splendour the greatest temporal peers, and 
 exceeding them in consideration and power, so now, 
 with a corresponding reaction, they had fallen far 
 below their proper rank and social position. The 
 
48 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 magnificence of Wolsey, the splendour of William 
 of Wykeham and William of Waynflete, were things 
 of the past. The chief offices of State, so far from 
 being generally held by prelates, were now prac- 
 tically closed to them ; and in place of the Church 
 lieing a common profession for younger scions of 
 noble families, now it was rare even for gentlemen 
 of the poorest estate to take orders. In fact, clergy^- 
 men of the Church of England were then, as a rule, 
 drawn from the same class as now recruits the priests 
 of the Eoman Catholic Church in Ireland. This is 
 amply proved by the fact that Clarendon mentions, 
 as a sign of the demoralisation of the times and the 
 confusion of classes caused by the Great Rebellion, 
 that some ladies of noble family had so far forgotten 
 themselves as to marry divines.^ Apparently waiting- 
 maids not unfrequently were mated with parsons, as 
 Queen Elizabeth, in her capacity of Head of the 
 Church, issued an edict that no clergyman should 
 j)resume to marry a servant-girl without the consent 
 of her master or mistress. By this it would seem 
 as if such a union was not considered unsuitable or 
 beneath the dignity of an ecclesiastic. Nearly all 
 the noble families and a great many squires had their 
 attendant chaplain, whose pay was of the poorest, 
 and whose duties, in addition to those of his sacred 
 office, were frequently of the most menial character. 
 This state of things seems to have lasted even up to 
 the reign of George II., for we find that Swift, a 
 divine himself, and one thoroughly acquainted with 
 the manners and customs of his time, remarks that 
 
 ' Clarendon, ii. 2. 
 
GENERAL INFERIORITY OF WOJfEN. 49 
 
 tlie chaplain was the resource of " a lady's maid, 
 whose character had been blown upon, and who was 
 therefore forced to give up hopes of catching the 
 steward." 
 
 Perhaps nothing illustrates the tone of the age and 
 the demoralisation which was general more clearly 
 than the moral and intellectual inferiority of the 
 women. Apparently personal beauty alone was 
 valued ; this was licentiously and impudently ad- 
 mired. There was a general laxity in decorum, an 
 extreme freedom in manners, and hence a looseness 
 in morals, which, so far as we are able to judge, has 
 never been equalled in this kingdom before or since. 
 The education of many ladies of the highest rank was 
 almost entirely neglected ; even Queen Mary, the 
 consort of William of Orange, who had been educated 
 by a bishop and was supposed to be a superior woman, 
 could neither spell correctly nor write grammatically. 
 In short, in place of cultivating those qualities, which 
 enable women to be faithful wives and judicious 
 mothers, the imitation of courtesans seemed to be 
 the main object, as by that means the devotion of 
 men Avas best secured. 
 
 While talking of marriage, we may remark, as one 
 of the curiosities of the age, a tax, which no doubt 
 would still be most popular among the ladies of 
 England, and for many years was actually enforced 
 in this country — no less than a tax on bachelors. It 
 is related that Spartan women, at certain games, laid 
 hold of old bachelors, dragged them round the altars, 
 and inflicted on them marks of infamy and disgrace. 
 Similarly Roman censors frequently fined unmarried 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
50 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 men, and at one time in Rome men of full age were 
 compelled to marry. Perhaps these precedents of 
 ancient times suggested the idea of taxing bachelors 
 in this country, but certain it is that on April 22nd, 
 1695, William III. gave his assent to an Act entitled 
 " An Act for granting His Majesty certain rates and 
 duties upon marriages, births, burials, and upon 
 bachelors and widowers for the term of five years, 
 for carrying on the war with vigour." The charge 
 was for all bachelors above twenty-five years old, 
 yearly one shilling, and the same for widowers ; 
 while a bachelor or a widower duke had to pay 
 £12 10s., and a marquiss £10 a year. 
 
 Literature and the fine arts were almost as much 
 neglected by men as useful accomplishments by 
 women, and the standard of knowledge at the uni- 
 versities in those days was not higher than is now 
 obtained in one of the middle forms of our ordinary 
 public schools. The writings of the time fully 
 exemplify alike the common ignorance and the 
 common licentiousness, while the drama is an equally 
 striking reflection of the general demoralisation. 
 Beautiful pictures, indeed, were painted then and 
 may now be seen, commemorating in many in- 
 stances the frail favourites of the pleasure-seeking 
 King, but the painters were not Englishmen. Lely 
 and Godfrey Kneller came from Westphalia, the Van- 
 develdes were Dutch, and although there still exist 
 frescoes, statues, and other works of art, which remain 
 as mementoes of the time, the talent by which they 
 were produced was not of English birth or English 
 growth. 
 
FLOURISHING CONDITION OF SCIENCE. 51 
 
 In science alone was there a happy exception : Sir 
 Isaac Newton, Sir William Petty, Boyle the chemist, 
 Sloane the botanist, John Wallis, Edmund HaUey, 
 and John Flamsteed, the first astronomer-royal, would 
 have done credit to any age ; and, in point of fact, 
 each in his special line conferred great benefits on 
 succeeding generations. It seems a curious pheno- 
 menon that where all the other qualities which tend to 
 raise man above the level of the brute creation were 
 so strangely languishing, in the matter of science 
 alone this age should have been so highly pre- 
 eminent. There is another name which cannot be 
 omitted, and which also is an exception — that of the 
 great architect of St. Paul's Cathedral, Sir Christopher 
 Wren ; he alone in his special art was remarkable in 
 his generation. 
 
 In conclusion, it may be said without reservation 
 that the condition and character of the poorer classes 
 in those days were, according to our present ideas, of 
 a very low type. The rate of wages of course is no 
 criterion, since the value of money changes materially 
 every quarter of a century, but the poor-rate nearly 
 always afi"ords a fair standard by which the material 
 prosperity of the lower orders can be judged, just as 
 the death-rate is almost a certain guide to the state 
 of their health. In the reign of Charles II. the poor- 
 rate amounted to £700,000 a year, or almost half the 
 entire revenue of the kingdom. It subsequently rose 
 as high as £900,000. When it is considered that the 
 population of England was considerably less than a 
 third of what it is now, we can form some idea of the 
 amount of distress and poverty which then existed. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Absolutely, King and Davenant, contemporary authori- 
 ties, estimate the paupers and beggars in 1696 at 
 1,330,000 out of a population of 5,500,000. It is, 
 however, scarcely possible that this estimate can be 
 correct, when we consider that in 1882 there were 
 only 888,061 persons on the poor-rate return in the 
 United Kingdom. 
 
 When we look at the death-rate the contrast 
 between the sanitary condition of 1685 and 1885 
 respectively is even still more remarkable. The year 
 1685'' was not considei^ed as peculiarly sickly, yet in 
 London more than one in every twenty-three persons 
 died — in fact, over four per cent. ; at the present 
 time, exactly 200 years later, according to the most 
 recent returns, the percentage of deaths annually is 
 only about two per cent, for London, and somewhat 
 less for country districts.^ 
 
 The tastes of the people, high and low, were compara- 
 tively not less uncivilised than were, apparently, their 
 sanitary regulations. They delighted in spectacles 
 compared to which bear-baiting, cock-fighting, and 
 prize-fighting were absolutely refined and humanising , 
 Ic was a common practice for masters to beat their 
 servants, husbands to beat their wives, and parents to 
 inflict the extreme of severe and even brutal punish- 
 ment on their children. Schoolmasters seemed to 
 think that the back and not the head was the proper 
 medium through which learning should be imparted 
 
 1 Petty'a Political Arithmetic. Tiie number of deaths in 1685 was 
 23,222. 
 
 ^ The returns for London for 1882 give 21-2 per thousand ; for the 
 country, 18'9. 
 
EXTREME SEVERITY TO CRIMINALS. 53 
 
 to their pupils. Gentlemen of high, degree arranged 
 parties of pleasure to see women whipped at Bride- 
 well ; corporal punishment to the extent of even a 
 thousand lashes was not unfrequently inflicted on our 
 soldiers and sailors, while coining was a crime for 
 which burning was the recognised punishment. 
 
 Certainly, considering the lawlessness of the time, 
 severe measures were required for the protection of 
 life and property. Thus the magistrates of North- 
 umberland, and Cumberland were authorised to raise 
 corps of armed men for purposes of local defence, and 
 to defray the expense of these levies by local taxation. 
 Parishes were actually required to keep bloodhounds 
 for the hunting of bad characters and marauders, and, 
 strange to say, this custom lasted in some districts 
 untU well on in the eighteenth century. The con- 
 dition of towns was not much better. London was 
 at the mercy of thieves and robbers as soon as dark- 
 ness set in, and was also infested by an equal plague 
 and terror to peaceable citizens- — no less than or- 
 ganised gangs of fashionable young gentlemen, who 
 at one time were called Mohocks, and who amused 
 themselves by upsetting sedan-chairs, kissing ladies, 
 breaking windows, and making unseemly noises 
 throughout the town. 
 
 Perhaps nothing is a better illustration of the tone 
 of the time than the horrible condition of all the 
 prisons, and the miseries to which prisoners of both 
 sexes and of all kinds were subjected if ever they 
 came within the clutches of the law. It may be said 
 in truth that such horrors were not confined to 
 England at the close of the seventeenth century, but 
 
54 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 that many of them existed in all countries until 
 recently, and actually in a modified degree are not 
 unknown at the present day. Be that as it may, 
 still we think — whether prisoners or free — we have 
 every reason to congratulate ourselves that we did 
 not live in " Merry England " of two hundred 
 years ago. 
 
 When Charles II. died, the subject of these memoirs 
 must have been about twenty-seven years of age. 
 As will be seen hereafter, he had already drunk deeply 
 in the cup of pleasure ; he had come across many 
 adventures, and to a certain extent had become 
 known in the world. Having endeavoured to gain 
 some slight insight into the political and social 
 condition of England during his boyhood and youth, 
 it now remains for us to consider his individual 
 career. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF CHARLES MOEDAUNT. 
 
 The boyhood of Charles Mordaunt. — When sixteen years of age em- 
 barks as a volunteer with Sir John Narborongh. — Distinguishes 
 himself. — Returns to England in 1677. — Succeeds to his father's 
 title and estates. — His first marriage. — Again goes to sea in 1678. — 
 Incident with the chaplain of his ship. — Returns home in 1679. — 
 Joins in an expedition to Tangiers in June 1680. — Returns to 
 England at the end of the year. — Afterwards served in command of 
 Royal Horse Guards in campaign of 1792 in the Low Countries. — 
 Incurs hostility of Charles II. in 1681. — Joins in opposing James 
 II. in the matter of a standing army in 1685. — Macaulay's account 
 of his speech. — Quits England in. 1683. — Joins William III. in 
 Holland. — His consistent hostility to the Stuarts. 
 
 Little is known of the boyhood and education of 
 Charles Mordaunt, but as his uncle and other 
 members of his family were certainly educated at 
 Eton, it is by no means improbable that he was there 
 also. Unfortunately the school lists of that period 
 have not been retained, hence there is no record at 
 the college itself of his presence, nor are any private 
 papers now extant to show where or how he obtained 
 his early instruction. 
 
 Whatever school or college, however, had the honour 
 of educating this remarkable man, he certainly did 
 them great credit, for in addition to his military 
 talent, which later in life he exhibited so strikingly, 
 from his youth he appears to have had literary tastes, 
 
56 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 to have been a scholar and a man of letters, a friend 
 of all the cleverest men of the day, and a bright 
 exception in a most uneducated age. 
 
 We first hear of him in the year 1674, when he 
 must have been about sixteen. Even in his boyhood 
 he seems to have shown that restless activity of mind 
 and body which he retained in a singular degree 
 up to the day of his death, for we find that in this 
 year he embarked on board Admiral Torrington's ship 
 to join a fleet which, under the command of Sk John 
 Narborough, had been sent to the Mediterranean to 
 punish the Algerine corsairs. It is a curious coinci- 
 dence that Mordaunt now first found himself associated 
 as a volunteer with Cloudesley Shovel, who had then 
 risen from a cabin-boy to be a lieutenant in the 
 navy, and who, thirty years afterwards, as Admiral 
 Sir Cloudesley Shovel, was the colleague of the Earl 
 of Peterborough at the siege of Barcelona. It seems 
 that both young ofiicers distinguished themselves on 
 this occasion. Four corsairs had been chased by the 
 British ships, but, having escaped and taken refuge 
 under the guns of the fortress of Tripoli, they deemed 
 themselves secure ; at the dead of night, however, 
 the boats of the fleet under the leadership of young 
 Cloudesley Shovel undertook what was called a " cut- 
 ting out " expedition, an enterprise that was frequently 
 practised by the English navy in former days. The 
 pirates were completely surprised, their galleys burnt, 
 and the crews either killed or routed. Shovel was at 
 once promoted to the command of a ship, but to his 
 comrade Mordaunt, who served in the capacity of 
 volunteer, no reward was accorded, except, no doubt. 
 
EARLY MARRIAGE OF CHARLES MORDAUNT. 57 
 
 the congratulations and admiration of his friends and 
 relatives on his rettirn home. This expedition against 
 Tripoli in the end was entirely siTccessful, the corsair 
 fleet was defeated in a naval engagement, the pirate 
 stores and arsenals were destroyed, and the town of 
 Tripoli itself only spared a bombardment by an 
 earnest prayer of the Dey for peace, and an uncon- 
 ditional ratification of all the conditions demanded by 
 the English admiral. 
 
 In those days of sailing-vessels, contrary winds, 
 and slow means of communication, expeditions and 
 wars were not so rapidly concluded as they are now. 
 Mordaunt had sailed from England at the end of 
 1674, and he did not return till the beginning of 
 1677, at the same time as the fleet on which he had 
 served for nearly three years. He was then in his 
 twentieth year and, having succeeded about two 
 years previously to his father's title and estates, with 
 his usual impulsiveness he at once fell in love and 
 married. 
 
 Of his wife comparatively little is known, except 
 that she was the daughter of Sir Peter Eraser, Bart., 
 of Dotes or Durris in the shire of Mearns, another 
 name for Kincardineshire, in Scotland, and that she 
 was a "highly estimable and accomplished lady." So 
 far as can be gathered, a love for domestic life was 
 not one of Lord Peterborough's characteristics, and 
 he seems to have been little fettered by the ties of 
 matrimony, into which he thus hastily rushed when 
 little more than a boy. Nevertheless, he never had 
 any formal quarrel or estrangement with his wife, who, 
 notwithstanding his gallantries, his delinquencies, his 
 
58 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 absences from home, which were alike prolonged and 
 unnecessary, loyally watched over his interests, and 
 faithfully maintained the honour of his name. In 
 the Marlborough correspondence there are letters from 
 the Duke to Lady Peterborough of dates November 
 9th, 1706, and May 25th, 1707, which would never 
 have been addressed to her, had she not been on 
 terms of cordiality with her husband ; and this 
 occurred about thirty years after their marriage ; 
 there are also letters of Lord Peterborough himself 
 addressed to his wife, and couched in cordial terms ; 
 one, written on October 6th, 1705, announcing the 
 capture of Barcelona, will be given hereafter. 
 
 Mordaunt did not remain long quiet or inactive, 
 for we find that on September 29th, 1673, shortly 
 after his marriage, he embarked at Portsmouth on 
 board the Bristol, a 4 2 -gun frigate, commanded by 
 Captain Antony Langston, and commissioned for the 
 Mediterranean. It does not seem that he held any 
 special post or command in this ship, but probably 
 was allowed a passage for the purpose of taking part 
 in some operations against the Barbary pirates, his 
 former antagonists. Strangely enough, a letter of the 
 chaplain of the Bristol, written during the voyage, 
 has been preserved, and is mentioned by several 
 authors. It is so quaint, and so illustrative of the 
 character of our hero, that it seems worth quoting. 
 It appears that the chaplain was ill, probably sea-sick, 
 while the ship was tossing about in the Bay of 
 Biscay, and that Lord Mordaunt, having found this 
 out, and being himself, no doubt as a result of his 
 former nautical experience, a thoroughly good sailor. 
 
LORD MORDAUNT IXTEXDS TO PREACH. 59 
 
 eagerly seized tlie opportunity of assuming a new 
 character, and of appearing for once at least in his 
 life in the capacity of a divine. Unfortunately, 
 however, the chaplain got wind of his intention, and, 
 aided very probably by a subsidence in the waves, 
 succeeded in pulling himself together sufficiently to 
 be able to defeat the design of his zealous rival. He 
 says : — " The Lord Mordaunt, taking occasion of my 
 not being very well, would have preacht, askt the 
 captaine's leave last night, and to that intent sate up 
 till four in the morning to compose his speech, and 
 intended to have Mr. Norwood to sing the Psalms. 
 All this I myself heard in agitation ; and, resolving to 
 prevent him, I got up in the morning before I should 
 have done, had I had respect to my own health, and 
 came into the greate cabin, where I found the zealous 
 lord with our captaine, whom I did so handle in a 
 smart and short discourse, that he went out of the 
 cabin in greate wrath. In the afternoon he set one of 
 the carpenter's crewe to worke about his cabin ; and I, 
 being acquainted with it, did by my captaine's order 
 discharge the workeman, and he left working ; at 
 which the reverend lord was so vexed, that he 
 borrowed a hammer and busyed himself all that day 
 in nayling up his hangings ; but being done on the 
 Sabbath day, and also when there was no necessity, I 
 hope the worke will not be longe lived. From that 
 day he loved neyther me nor the Captaine." 
 
 It is much to be regretted that Lord Mordaunt's 
 sermon was never preached ; if preserved, we doubt 
 not that it would certainly have been equally in- 
 structive, and in all probability far more interesting 
 
60 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 than the great mass of sermons which, generally 
 " published by request," for many years have flooded 
 the English book-market. 
 
 Proverbially, people in any way inclined to be 
 quarrelsome always quarrel on board ship, and in this 
 instance Mordaunt was no exception to the general 
 rule, since, although we find no record of any measures 
 adopted against himself, the master of the ship, who 
 took his part, was placed under arrest, and two months 
 afterwards the young lord transferred his person and 
 belongings to the Rupert, of fifty-eight guns, which 
 joined company. Beyond the capture of a few 
 corsairs, nothing worthy of remark happened during 
 the cruise, which lasted till the autumn of 1679, 
 when Mordaunt returned to England. 
 
 A few months afterwards, in June 1680, we find 
 Mordaunt again on the move, this time attached to 
 an expedition organised for the relief of Tangier, 
 then besieged by the King of Fez. As before stated, 
 Tangier had been the dowry of Charles II.'s Queen, 
 Princess Catherine of Braganza and, since its acqui- 
 sition, had caused far more trouble than it was 
 worth. The climate was quite unsuited to Europeans, 
 the neighbouring tribes were warlike, troublesome, and 
 aggressive, and there were no counterbalancing ad- 
 vantages in the way of trade or strategic position to 
 be gained by the retention of this veritable white 
 elephant. It can scarcely be, then, a matter of sur- 
 prise that the House of Commons were not disposed to 
 vote supplies to facilitate the relief and retention of 
 this possession, more especially as they deemed that 
 it aff'orded an excuse for the maintenance of a 
 
BE SERVES IN THE LOW COUNTRIES. 61 
 
 standing army, whicii they regarded as a constant 
 menace to the liberties of the nation. In default 
 of assistance from the Commons, the King, from 
 the funds at his own command, succeeded in de- 
 spatching a small expedition under the command of 
 the Earl of Plymouth to the succour of Tangier. 
 The relieving army succeeded in entering the town, 
 and fought most gallantly, suffering much loss 
 both from the climate and the enemy, but the 
 result was unsatisfactory. Lord Plymouth died 
 of disease ; Sir Palmer Fairborn, the second in 
 command, was killed by a bullet ; and eventually 
 the colony was entirely abandoned. Mordaunt did 
 not remain long abroad this time, but no doubt 
 seeing that he was engaged in a bad business, 
 quitted Tangier and returned to England before the 
 close of 1680. 
 
 From this date until 1705, when he was appointed 
 military and naval commander-in-chief of the ex- 
 pedition to Spain, it may be said that Mordaunt's 
 life was essentially of a civilian character. It is 
 true that, in 1792, he commanded the Royal Horse 
 Guards during the unfortunate campaign in the Low 
 Countries, which is specially marked by the fall of 
 Namur and the disaster of Steinkirk. It is stated 
 that he served with distinction in this war, but there 
 is no record of his individual performances ; it is, 
 however, probable that he derived much benefit 
 from his experiences under the command of the 
 incompetent and cowardly Count Horn, if only as 
 an example of " how not to do it." We cannot 
 feel surprised that the details of this most lament- 
 
62 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 able campaign have not been dwelt on with much 
 minuteness, as, although the loss of Namur was 
 brilliantly repaired three years later, the operations 
 of 1692 were the reverse of creditable either to 
 King William or to his generals. It is nevertheless 
 a subject for considerable regret that we are almost 
 entirely in ignorance of the part which Peterborough, 
 or Monmouth, as was then his name, took in the war, 
 if only as an indication of how he practically ac- 
 quired the military knowledge which afterwards he 
 turned to such excellent account. 
 
 It is now our task to select from the history of the 
 last twenty years of the seventeenth century the 
 various incidents and occasions which are associated 
 with the name of Lord Mordaunt. 
 
 In all the various intrigues, agitations, and poli- 
 tical commotions of this most troubled period, we 
 find this restless and active-minded man more or 
 less involved. He appears to have contracted an 
 early friendship with Algernon Sidney and Lord 
 Eussell, and to have imbibed their principles, though 
 fortunately for himself without sharing their fate ; not 
 that he in any way endeavoured to shield himself, — 
 on the contrary, in this instance, as invariably during 
 his life, he exhibited that fearless independence of 
 character which was his special attribute, and he 
 accompanied Algernon Sidney to the scaffold. 
 
 After his return from Tangier, we first hear of him 
 in March of the following year, 1681. An order had 
 been issued by the King that the Parliament should 
 be held at Oxford in place of the capital ; thereupon 
 there were great murmurings in the cities of London 
 
HIS HOSTILITY TO THE STUARTS. 63 
 
 and Westminster, and eight peers, headed by the Earl 
 of Essex, presented a petition to Charles begging that 
 the order might be cancelled. The petition stated 
 that at Oxford " neither Lords nor Commons can be 
 in safety, but will daily be exposed to the swords of 
 the Papists and their adherents, of whom too many 
 are crept into your Majesty's guards." Charles 
 regarded the address and those who had signed it 
 with great disfavour ; and as Mordaunt had been one 
 of the ringleaders, from henceforth he was equally 
 obnoxious to the King and to his brother the Duke of 
 York. It is but fair to say that the hostility was 
 mutual, and that Mordaunt returned with interest the 
 feelings of the Government, of whom he became an 
 implacable and formidable opponent. If one considers 
 his position at this time, one can appreciate alike the 
 advantages and opportunities with which he started 
 in life, and which afterwards he turned to such poor 
 account. He had a seat in the House of Lords, then 
 a far more iniluential assembly than it is now ; he 
 possessed an ample fortune, belonged to an ancient 
 and powerful family, and had already, although only 
 twenty-three, taken a part in three expeditions beyond 
 the seas. His capacity and wit were undoubted, 
 but he had also given proof of a larger share of 
 both physical and moral courage combined than 
 usually falls to the share of mankind. It is therefore 
 not surprising that he was regarded as the most rising 
 young man of his generation, — that he was considered 
 alike the hope of the Liberal party, and the most 
 dangerous enemy of the House of Stuart. The only 
 wonder is that he did not suffer the fate of his friend 
 
64 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Sidney, or at least that he was not imprisoned in 
 the Tower until his ardent aspirations had time to 
 cool, and his language and conduct had become more 
 sober and unaggressive. 
 
 The next time that we find Mordaunt taking a 
 prominent part in public affairs was in 1685, just 
 after the death of Charles II. ; on this occasion 
 both Houses of Parliament were irritated beyond 
 measure by the ill-advised and arbitrary speech 
 delivered by King James from the throne, and com- 
 bined in action to oppose him. The customary 
 address from the Commons was little else than a 
 violent protest against the unconstitutional action of 
 the King in violating the Test Act ; while, in the 
 Lords, there was a hot debate as to the propriety of 
 returning the usual thanks for the royal speech. 
 
 The question of the standing army was the special 
 bone of contention, and was argued with much 
 violence and determination. It may seem strange 
 to us now that the people of England, both high 
 and low, should have regarded the maintenance 
 of a standing army with such jealousy and even 
 aversion ; when, however, we regard the circum- 
 stances, this can scarcely be considered remarkable. 
 An armed force, permanently embodied, was deemed, 
 and then not unjustly deemed, as an instrument 
 in the hands of the King for imposing his will on the 
 people, very possibly in violation of their just 
 liberties, and in this instance for the suppression of 
 their religion. The ofiicers of the small standing 
 army which then existed were, as a rule, Eoman 
 Catholics ; and as he was the fountain of their honours 
 
A STANDING ARMY. 05 
 
 and rewards, it was assumed that tliey were ready 
 to carry out the wishes of the sovereign in their 
 integrity — no matter how unreasonable or uncon- 
 stitutional these wishes might be. It must also be 
 added that the people of England had already re- 
 ceived a severe lesson in the civil war, not so much 
 from the Eoyalist soldiers as from Cromwell's 
 Puritans. Even Tory squires devoted to the royalty 
 and the King still cherished the remembrance that 
 their elms had been cut down and their family 
 monuments mutdated and defaced by the brutal 
 soldiery. 
 
 It was therefore by no means surprising that Lord 
 Devonshire brought forward a motion directed against 
 the standing army on account of its illegality 
 and the danger caused thereby to the liberties of the 
 nation, or that he was strongly supported by the 
 Lords Halifax, Anglesea, and Nottingham. On this 
 occasion Lord Mordaunt made a speech, which 
 attracted much notice and put him even still more 
 in the black books of the Court party from that day 
 forward. He said, " Let us not, like the House of 
 Commons, speak of jealousy and mistrust; ambiguous 
 measures inspire those feelings. What we now see 
 is not ambiguous. A standing army is on foot, filled 
 with officers, who cannot be allowed to serve without 
 overthrowing the law. To keep up a standing army 
 when there is neither civil nor foreign war is to 
 establish that arbitrary government which English- 
 men hold in such just abhorrence." 
 
 Maeaulay gives the following account of this 
 incident ; he says, " One of the most remarkable 
 
 VOL. I. i' 
 
66 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 speeches of that day was made by a young man, 
 whose eccentric career was destined to amaze Euroj>e. 
 This was Charles Mordaunt, Viscount Mordaunt, 
 widely renowned many years later as Earl of Peter- 
 borough. Already he had given abundant proofs 
 of his courage, of his capacity, and of that strange 
 unsoundness of mind which made his courage and 
 capacity almost useless to his country. Already 
 he had distinguished himself as a wit and a scholar, 
 as a soldier and a sailor. He had even set his heart 
 on rivalling Bourdaloue and Bossuet. Although an 
 avowed freethinker, he had sat up all night to 
 compose sermons, and had with great difficulty been 
 prevented edifying the crew of a man-of-war with his 
 pious oratory. He now addressed the House of Peers 
 for the first time with characteristic eloquence, 
 sprightliness, and audacity. He blamed the Commons 
 for not having taken a bolder line. ' They have 
 been afi'aid, he said, 'to speak out. They have 
 talked of apprehensions and jealousies. What have 
 apprehensions and jealousies to do here ? Appre- 
 hension and jealousy are the feelings with which we 
 regard future and uncertain evils. The evil which we 
 are considering is neither future nor uncertain. A 
 standing army exists. It is officered by Papists. 
 We have no foreign enemy. There is no rebellion in 
 the land. For what, then, is this force maintained, 
 except for the purpose of subverting our laws, and 
 establishing that arbitrary power which is so justly 
 abhorred by Englishmen.' " 
 
 It is stated that Mordaunt's speech not only filled 
 his friends with hopes of his attaining great future 
 
RETIRES TO THE CONTINENT. 6 7 
 
 distinction, but even in a great measure influenced 
 tire course of the debate. The Lord Chancellor 
 Jeffreys who followed was received with scorn and 
 indignation, and was entirely defeated. 
 
 At no time a favourite with the Court party, 
 Mordaunt after his open and declared hostility could 
 not expect or look for any public employment. With 
 others perhaps at that time this would have been no 
 punishment ; with Mordaunt however it was dif- 
 ferent. His restless and active mind required occu- 
 pation, his temperament demanded some kind of 
 excitement, and his fortune was scarcely sufficient 
 to satisfy his tastes, which were alike prodigal and 
 generous. He therefore asked leave to serve abroad ; 
 the absence of such a troublesome and hostile spirit 
 was scarcely likely to be regretted, and his request 
 was granted at once, with perfect readiness. There- 
 fore, in 1686, Mordaunt left England for Holland in 
 order nominally to accept service in the Dutch fleet, 
 which was then destined for the West Indies. In 
 this expedition, however, he never took part, but 
 during his stay in the Netherlands turned his atten- 
 tion purely to politics. It is stated that with charac- 
 teristic fearlessness he was the first Englishman of 
 any position or note who openly invited William 
 of Orange to England.^ 
 
 1 Bistop Burnet's account of this negotiation is both quaint and 
 curious, and the notes added in brackets by Lords Dartmouth and 
 Hardwicke, the joint editors of this edition, illustrate the unpopularity 
 of Lord Peterborough in his latter years among his brother peers, even 
 those who were not his contemporaries. Burnet says, " He [Mordaunt] 
 was a man of much heat,' many notions, and fviU discourse, but he had 
 not true judgment [and less virtue], his thoughts were crude and un- 
 digested [he was both passionate and inconstant]. He was with the 
 
 F 2 
 
68 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 The Prince was far too wary to listen hastily to 
 the advice of a young and hotheaded enthusiast, and 
 probably had far more reliable and certain sources of 
 information ; so for the present he declined the in- 
 vitation with thanks. It is probable that by thus 
 acting he showed his sound judgment and exercised 
 a most wise discretion. Affairs in England were 
 scarcely then ripe for a revolution ; it is true that 
 all classes were more or less uneasy — that the Church 
 knew itself to be in danger, that the middle and 
 lower orders were much disaffected, that there was 
 a strong party in the Lords, and a still stronger one 
 in the Commons bitterly antagonistic to the Govern- 
 ment. Still, James II. scarcely yet had had time 
 to display his uncompromising bigotry, intoler- 
 ance, and entire disregard for the most cherished 
 feelings of his subjects. His character was well 
 known, his unpopularity almost universal, and his 
 subsequent acts only too generally and correctly 
 anticipated, but the feeling of loyalty, though dor- 
 mant, was still too deeply set in the heart of the 
 nation for them to tolerate the presence of a usurper, 
 even one so closely connected as William with the 
 royal line of England, and actually mated to the 
 daughter of the King himself. 
 
 Prince in the year 1686, and then he pressed him to undertake the 
 business of England, and he represented the matter as so easy, that this 
 appeared too romantical to the Prince to build upon it. He only 
 promised in general that he would have an eye on the affairs of England, 
 and that he should endeavour to put the affairs of Holland in so good a 
 posture as to be ready to act when it seemed to be necessary ; and he 
 assured him that if the King should go about either to change the 
 established Church, or to wrong the Princess in her rights, or to raise 
 forged plots to destroy his friends, that he would try what he could 
 possibly do." 
 
AT THE HAGUE. 69 
 
 Lord Mordaunt remained in Holland until the 
 revolution, and liis time in that country was not 
 mis-spent ; he ingratiated himself with the future 
 King, and became, according to Bishop Burnet, the 
 " one whom his Highness chiefly trusted, and by 
 whose advice he governed his motions." 
 
 He also established a friendship with the cele- 
 brated ]\Ir. Locke, who remained his friend and 
 correspondent for many years. Otherwise but little 
 is known of Mordaunt's life during these two years 
 of expatriation. To illustrate his animosity towards 
 prelacy and the priesthood, it is related that one 
 Wildman, an agitator in Cromwell's army and a 
 noted republican, came to the Hague with a scheme 
 for the government of England, one of the main 
 features of which was the disestablishment and dis- 
 endowment of the Church, and that Mordaunt joined 
 with him in this scheme. This statement, however, 
 scarcely seems well authenticated, but there is no 
 doubt that he joined Wildman and others in ob- 
 jecting to certain passages in William's " Declara- 
 tion," which it was considered conceded too much 
 to the ecclesiastical party. These passages were 
 eventually modified, and the " Declaration " was 
 approved of and eventually issued. 
 
 When tempted to criticise the action of young 
 Lord Mordaunt in thus abandoning his family tra 
 ditions, in his opposition to the hierarchy, and 
 in his bold and uncompromising hostility to the 
 house of Stuart, we must not lose sight of two 
 circumstances, one is his extreme youth, and the 
 other his entire consistency. He never had been 
 
70 THE EARL OF FETERBOROUGH. 
 
 other than, an open and bitter enemy of both royal 
 brothers, more especially of James ; nor, unlike his 
 contemporary Marlborough, can he be in any way 
 accused of having betrayed his greatest benefactor. 
 In after years, moreover, his loyalty to the family 
 on the throne was above the breath of suspicion ; 
 he at least did not, like many of those highly 
 favoured by the sovereign (Marlborough again among 
 the number), maintain an illicit correspondence with 
 the exiled Stuarts at the Court of St. Germain. 
 Mordaunt's antagonism to the claims and pretensions 
 of the Church, as they were then asserted, is by no 
 means surprising ; his feelings were shared by many 
 of the most estimable and conscientious men of the 
 day, though few had like him the entire courage 
 of their opinions. 
 
 In another chapter we will endeavour to follow 
 our hero's career immediately after the revolution, 
 and the accession of William and Mary to the throne 
 of England. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM THE ACCESSION OF WILLIAM AND MAHY IN 1688 
 TILL THE EARL OF MONMOUTH's RETIREMENT 
 FROM OFFICE IN 1691. 
 
 Serv ice.s of Lord Mordaimt to William III. on landing in England. — 
 Rewarded by being made First Commissioner of the Treasury and 
 Earl of Monmoutli, — His qualification for office and action in 
 Parliament. — Monmoutli turned out of oflBce in 1690. — Appointed 
 one of a council of nine to assist Queen Mary in the Government 
 during the absence of William III. in Ireland. — Naval action of 
 Bantry Bay in May, 1689. — Letters of Queen Mary to her husband. 
 . — Battle of Beachy Head.. — Danger to the country. — Indignation 
 against Lord Torrington. — His trial and dismissal from the service. 
 — Incident of the lemon-juice letters. — Monmouth suspected. — ■ 
 Trouble given by him. — Extracts from correspondence of Queen 
 Mary. — Return of King William to England. — Sails to Holland 
 accompanied by Monmouth. 
 
 The " Great Revolution " caused an entire change in 
 the position and prospects of Lord Mordaunt. In 
 truth his services were most important, and at the 
 time were so fully appreciated and recognised that he 
 became thenceforward a leading power in the State. 
 William sailed from Holland on October 20th, 1688, 
 and was delayed on his passage to England by a 
 terrible storm, which lasted for three days ; this 
 omen,-' unfavourable, as one may presume it was then 
 
 1 Warburton relates in the following words an anecdote with reference 
 to this storm ; he does not qiiote his authority • " When this disaster to 
 his enemy was reported to James II., he said, laughing, to M. de Barrilon, 
 
72 THE EAEL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 regarded, by no means foreshadowed the course of 
 events, since a more triumphant progress from almost 
 the first moment that he landed in England, it would 
 be difficult to conceive. Mordaunt with his usual 
 energy much aided the advance of his chief, and 
 while the latter remained at Exeter scarcely knowing, 
 as the slaug phrase expresses it, " which way the cat 
 would jump," the former marched on into Wiltshire, 
 canvassed, agitated, and threatened ; he persuaded 
 the lukewarm, confirmed the waverers, cowed the 
 timid, and in the end was entirely successful. Wilt- 
 shire did not oj)pose him, Dorsetshire joined him 
 almost to a man, the other southern counties followed 
 their example, and the road to the capital was clear. 
 It appears that the first commission which the new 
 sovereign ever signed in England was granted to Lord 
 Mordaunt, who w^as appointed Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 and authorised to raise a regiment of horse. It is 
 stated that he was very " curious " or particular as to 
 the choice of men and horses, and hence took long to 
 raise the regiment, but when formed it executed most 
 important services. The general disaffection of the 
 kingdom, the widespread attachment to the Pro- 
 testant religion, more especially as its banner was 
 inscribed with the motto of '"' The Liberties of Eng- 
 land," made the progress of the insurrection through 
 the southern counties as easy as it was successful. 
 There is no doubt that the activity, courage, and 
 
 the Frencli ambassador — ' At last then the wind has declared itself 
 Papist ; ' then resuming his usual serious air, and altering his voice, he 
 continued, 'You know that for these three days I have ordered the Holy- 
 Sacrament to go in procession.' Such was then the King of Protestant 
 England." 
 
LETTER TO LOCKE. 73 
 
 enthusiasm of Mordaunt very materially conduced to 
 effect this most peaceful and bloodless triumph. As a 
 proof of the important part he played, it may be 
 mentioned that, no sooner had the south of England 
 declared itself definitely for William and Mary than 
 he was at once despatched to the north, where some 
 opposition was considered by no means improbable. 
 These anticipations were fortunately not realised, 
 thanks very likely to the energy and determination of 
 Lord Mordaunt, who was commissioned to inspect 
 and organise the new levies. A characteristic letter 
 of his, written while on this errand to his friend Mr. 
 Locke, is still extant ; it is dated Newcastle, January 
 9th, 1689. He says, " I must begin with a description 
 of Lord Delamere's coming ; it wanted nothing to be 
 a complete regiment but clothes, boots, arms, horses, 
 and men. There was never anything so scandalous 
 as that the King should have paid him near £9,000 
 already to that rout. Some of our lords take their 
 rest, others their pleasure. I go to-morrow to 
 Berwick to examine some regiments and come back 
 the day after to Newcastle ; a pleasant journey ! At 
 least no reproach shall lie at my door. For I can say 
 that pleasure, when engaged in business, never made 
 me go an inch out of my way." 
 
 It is to be remarked with reference to this letter 
 that a journey from Newcastle to Berwick was a very 
 different thing in those days to what it is now. The 
 roads in the north of England on the border were of 
 the worst description ; in the month of January, 
 during bad weather, they were frequently impassable, 
 and were so unsafe, that travellers, who had anything 
 
74 THE EARL OF PETERBOROVGH. 
 
 with them worth robbing, invariably were provided 
 with an escort.^ 
 
 The exertioDS of King Wilham's followers met with 
 their reward ; like all wise rulers, and a striking con- 
 trast to the Stuarts, he fully understood that to 
 reward well the services of one friend was the sure 
 way to make a hundred others. Mordaunt was at 
 once created a Privy Councillor, a Lord of the Bed- 
 cliamber, and First Commissioner of the Treasury. He 
 was also raised to the dignity of the Earl of Mon- 
 mouth, which peerage had Ijelonged to his maternal 
 grandfather. His acceptance of this title caused 
 some bitterness, more especially among the friends of 
 the Duke of Monmouth. The following note by Lord 
 Dartmouth in Burnet's History of His Own Time dis- 
 plays this feeling; "Monmouth," he says, "was Vis- 
 count Mordaunt before the revolution, and would be 
 Earl of Peterborough when his uncle died, who was a 
 very old man, but being descended from Carey, Earl 
 of Monmouth, by his mother, to jjrevent the Duke of 
 Monmouth's children ever being restored, which was 
 thought a very spiteful request for a man who did 
 not want it, and had always professed himself a great 
 friend of the Duke of Monmouth ; but the King was 
 well pleased to be furnished with an excuse for doing an 
 ill-natured thing, and hated the Duke of Monmouth 
 as much as the other had pretended to love him." 
 
 The Lord Delamere referred to in the letter from 
 Newcastle, before quoted, was made Earl of War- 
 rington and Chancellor of the Exchequer ; apparently 
 in his new oiEce he was guided by the same principles 
 
 ^ Chamterlayne's State of England, 1684. 
 
NEW DTGXITIES A XT) IXFLUEXCE. 75 
 
 as those, on which, according to Morclaunt, he raised 
 his regiment, since it is stated by Burnet that 
 " whereas Monmouth was liberal and gave places 
 freely only to Whigs, Warrington sold everything." ^ 
 In addition to his other dignities. Lord Monmouth 
 was made Gustos Rotulorum of the county of North- 
 ampton, and the commander of a regiment of horse, 
 which was placed at the disposal of the King by the 
 Lord Mayor and Corporation of the city of London. 
 It is related that on a state occasion this regiment 
 " richly and gallantly accoutred and led by the Earl 
 of Monmouth attended their Majesties from Whitehall 
 to the city." The great influence which Mordaunt 
 had thus obtained by his distinguished services and 
 his undoubted talents were by no means used solely 
 for his own advancement. He likewise was not un- 
 mindful of his friends. We learn that one of his 
 first acts on coming into power was to obtain the 
 position of envoy at Berlin for his friend Mr. Locke, 
 who however was unable to accept the post in con- 
 sequence of ill health. 
 
 For a series of years we now find Monmouth play- 
 ing an important part in the public affairs of his time, 
 and invariably occupying the position of champion 
 for the liberty of conscience and freedom of religious 
 opinion. One of the first acts of King William was 
 an effort to dispense with the form of oath then im- 
 posed on all who held office under the Crown ; only 
 six peers supported him, and one of these six was 
 Monmouth. Shortly afterwards he protested against 
 the exclusion of laymen from a commission which 
 
 1 Burnet, ii. 5. 
 
76 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 had been appointed to devise the "best means for 
 uniting their Majesties' Protestant subjects;" and at 
 the opening of the Parhament of 1689, when the 
 King's remarkable speech composed by himself was 
 laid before the Privy Council, Lord Monmouth alone 
 raised any objection to its form. It is a convincing- 
 proof of his power and influence that, although the 
 only dissentient, he was able to alter one of the 
 sentences in the address from the Crown. " The 
 Church is one of the greatest supports 'of the Pro- 
 testant religion," was inserted in place of " The 
 Church of England is the chief support of the Pro- 
 testant religion." 
 
 It would seem that at this period the subject of 
 these memoirs was almost at the zenith of his poli- 
 tical career, as he was high in the favour of the King, 
 and held an important position in the Government of 
 the State. After this date there arose jealousies and 
 quarrels, so that from one cause or another, Mon- 
 mouth's influence gradually declined, till at last he 
 was viewed with suspicion and dislike both by 
 Wilham and his royal consort, and had enemies 
 numerous and powerful in both Houses of Parliament. 
 So much was this the case that, as will be seen here- 
 after, he was deprived of all his employments, and 
 committed to the Tower on charges which, although 
 most serious, were certainly not fully substantiated. 
 It cannot however be supposed that he was a satis- 
 factory First Lord of the Treasury ; romantic courage, 
 flighty wit, eccentric invention, love of startling 
 efi"ects and desperate risks were not qualities likely 
 to be very useful in financial negotiations. 
 
A TUIE OF INTRIGUE. 77 
 
 In fact it seems very doubtful whether he did much 
 work, since it is related that the wits of the time 
 were much amused by the way in which he flew 
 about from the Royal Exchange to Hampton Court and 
 vice versd, and that they marvelled how he managed 
 to find time for his business, combined simultaneously 
 with dress, politics, love, and ballad making.^ This 
 post in fact can have been little to his taste, and 
 when shelved — a contrast to his colleague Lord War- 
 rington — he acquiesced with perfect good humour and 
 complacency ; he thankfully accepted a pension, 
 continued to attend councils, and regularly performed 
 his duty as a Lord of the Bedchamber.^ 
 
 This was essentially a time of intrigue, and it is 
 by no means easy to trace the various conspiracies, 
 dissensions, and political commotions of the period, 
 or to asc3rtain how far or how deeply Monmouth 
 was involved in all the various incidents with which 
 his name is connected. There can however be little 
 doubt that his conduct was on many occasions by no 
 means prudent or well advised, and gave to his 
 enemies only too many openings, of which they were 
 not slow to take advantage. So long as the Whigs, 
 of whom Monmouth was the leading spirit, avoided 
 differing with one another and with the King, matters 
 
 1 " How does lie do to distribute Ms hours 1 — 
 Some to the Court and some to the city, 
 Some to the State and some love's bower. 
 Some to be vain and some to be witty." 
 2 In Sir John Reresby's Memoirs, p. 449, he relates that he remon- 
 strated with Danby on Lord Willoughby, a very young man, being made 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, and told him it was no less a wonder that 
 my Lord Mordaunt, who never saw a hundred pounds together of his 
 own money, should pretend to be First Commissioner of the Treasury. 
 
78 THE EAFiL OF PETERFOROUGII. 
 
 went smoothly enough, but unfortunately no sooner 
 were they established in power, than serious dis- 
 sensions broke out in their own ranks. One of the 
 first acts of the new Government was to introduce a 
 bill for placing the management of the militia in the 
 hands of the people instead of the Crown. The bill 
 was thrown out, but the result was a great amount of 
 jealousy and dissension on both sides ; and from this 
 time may be dated the estrangement which after- 
 wards arose between the throne and those who had 
 been at first its chief supporters. There was another 
 very serious source of disturbance, namely, the 
 prevalence of plots for the purpose of restoring the 
 exiled royal family. The first of these came to light 
 only a year after the revolution, and had as its 
 originator, strange to say, a Scotch Presbyterian 
 named Sir James Montgomery. It is doubtful how 
 far this conspiracy took root, or who were mixed up 
 in it, but there is no question that some of the 
 leading Whigs, and among others the Duke of Bolton, 
 had communications with Montgomery, and that 
 Monmouth also received letters from him ; still there 
 is no reason whatever to suppose that the latter 
 nobleman ever gave him the .very slightest en- 
 courao-ement. 
 
 Neither the Earl of Warrington nor the Earl of 
 j\lonmouth retained their ofiicial posts very long ; 
 both were turned out of ofiice on the formation of a 
 coalition ministry in 1690. When however King 
 AYilliam went over to Ireland for the campaign which 
 was brought to a conclusion by the battle of the 
 Boyne, the regency was carried on by a council of 
 
A NAVAL DISASTER. 79 
 
 nine, who were commissioned to assist Queen Mary in 
 the government of the country. The following were 
 those selected — Lord Danby the President, Lords 
 Pembroke, Devonshire, Nottingham, Godolphin, 
 Monmouth, Marlborough, Admiral Russell and Sir 
 John Lowther. It appears from contemporary history 
 that the poor Queen had far more than she could 
 manage with this council, and that they were to her a 
 source of suspicion and embarrassment rather than 
 help. Her letters to her husband during his absence 
 give full evidence of her anxiety, and show the great 
 difficulties and even dangers with which she was 
 surrounded. It cannot be said that the restless and 
 wild spirit of Monmouth in any way helped to smooth 
 her path, on the contrary, he seems to have beeu to a 
 certain extent a thorn in her side, if only from his 
 inability to agree with his colleagues. 
 
 In the events which preceded the disastrous reverse 
 suffered by the British fleet under Lord Torrington 
 at Beachy Head, Monmouth displayed his usual energy 
 in council. Had his advice been followed in time, and 
 his services been accepted, knowing what we do of his 
 marvellous talents in war, there can be little doubt 
 that our supremacy on the sea would have been 
 spared one of the greatest blows that ever befell it. The 
 details of this defeat are not as a rule dwelt on by 
 British historians with any satisfaction or at any 
 length, and is not within our province here to refer 
 to them, except so far as relates to the action of 
 Lord Monmouth. 
 
 In the reign of Charles II., as explained in a 
 previous chapter, the English navy had lapsed into 
 
80 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 a condition of the greatest inefficiency and decay ; 
 carelessness, stinginess, and corruption had all 
 combined to bring this about. The widespread 
 demoralisation of the ao;e seemed also to have affected 
 the spirit and enterprise of our seamen ; the dashing 
 exploits so common in former and subsequent years 
 were now but seldom attempted. An engagement 
 moreover which occurred in Bantry Bay in May, 1689, 
 between a convoy of French men-of-war with money 
 and arms for the adherents of King James,, and an 
 English squadron under Admiral Herbert, had not 
 tended to raise the morale or confidence of the sailors. 
 Under these circumstances it is not surprising that 
 Lord Torrington, who had the joint naval command 
 in the Channel, desired to limit his action to the 
 defence of the coast, and hesitated before engasjino; in 
 a general action with the well equipped and very 
 superior French fleet. His colleague, the Dutch 
 Admiral Evertzen, was all for fighting, and the question 
 was referred to the Queen in council. The poor woman 
 was much concerned to know what to do, but even- 
 tually decided, too late as it turned out, to send 
 Monmouth down to Portsmouth. The folio win o- 
 letters written by her to King William explain the 
 circumstances : — 
 
 " Lord Nottingham says Lord Steward [Lord 
 Devonshire] was very angry at Lord Torrington's 
 deferring the fight, and proposed that somebody 
 should be joined in commission with him. But the 
 other lords said that could not be done ; so Lord 
 Monmouth offered to take one whose name I have 
 forgot (he is newly made commissioner of the navy), 
 
LORD TORRINGTON AND THE FLEET. 81 
 
 and as Lord Nottingham tells me, you have thoughts 
 of having him command the fleet, if Lord Torrington 
 had not, — this man Lord Monmouth proposed to take 
 and go together on board Lord Torrington's ship as 
 Volunteers, but with a commission about them to take 
 the command in case he should be killed. I told 
 Nottingham I was not willing to grant any commission 
 of that nature, not knowing whether you ever had 
 any thoughts of that kind, so that I thought he was 
 only to be tha,nked for his ofi"er. I adcled that I 
 could not think it proper that he, being one of the 
 nine you had named, should be sent away. Upon 
 which Lord Nottingham laughed, and said, ' that 
 was the greatest compliment I could make Lord 
 Monmouth, to say I could not make use of his arm, 
 having need of his counsel.' I suppose they are not 
 very good friends, but I said it really as I meant. 
 
 " Mr. Eussell drew up a pretty sharp letter [to Lord 
 Torrington] for me to sign, but it was softened, and 
 the only dispute was whether he should have a 
 positive order to fight. At last it was wrote in such 
 terms as you shall see, to which all agreed but Lord 
 Steward [Devonshire], who said ' it was his duty to 
 tell his thoughts upon a. subject of this consequence,' 
 which was, ' that he believed it very dangerous to 
 trust Lord Torrington with the fate of three kingdoms 
 and that he was absolutely of opinion that some other 
 should be joined with him ; ' to which Mr. Russell 
 answered, ' You must send for him prisoner then,' 
 and all concluded that it would breed too much 
 disturbance in sight of the enemy. 
 
 " I was no sooner abed than Lord Nottingham came 
 to me from the lords, who were most of them still at 
 his office, where Lord Monmouth was come very late, 
 but time enough to know all. He offered his service 
 immediately to go down post to Plymouth, (so that 
 the Admiralty would give him the commission of a 
 
 VOL. I. G 
 
82 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 captain,) and fit out the best ship there, which he 
 believes he can do with more speed than another, with 
 which he will join Lord Torrington, and being in a 
 great passion, swears ' he will never come back again 
 if they do not fight ! ' Upon his earnest desire, and 
 approbation of the lords who were present, Lord 
 Nottingham came up to ask my consent. I asked 
 who was there ? and finding four besides Lord Mon- 
 mouth and Lord Nottingham — I remember but the 
 names of three of them, of which were the Lord 
 President [Danby], Lord Steward [Devonshire], and 
 Sir John Lowther, but the fourth was either Lord 
 Pembroke or Lord Marlborough — T thought in myself 
 that they were two-thirds of the committee, so would 
 carry it if put to the vote ; therefore seeing they were 
 so earnest as he for it, I thought I might consent." 
 
 On receiving this authority, Monmouth, accom- 
 panied by his secretary. Major Wildman, hurried down 
 to Portsmouth, but before he could get his ship ready 
 or join the fleet, the fatal engagement of Beachy Head 
 had been fought on June 30th, 1690. The Dutch 
 lost two admirals and 500 men ; the English two 
 ships and 400 men ; while a number of the Dutch 
 men-of-war were run ashore to prevent their falling 
 into the hands of the enemy. The French victory, 
 signal as it was, would have been still more complete, 
 had the admiral, Tourville, followed up his success with 
 sufficient vigour. After this disaster Monmouth 
 returned to London without having embarked, while 
 the Government began to adopt the usual measures 
 for trial and punishment of the Earl of Torrington 
 — it was the custom in those days thus to treat 
 unsuccessful commanders. 
 
BATTLE OF BEACHY HEAD. S3 
 
 Although Monmouth's name does not appear again in 
 connection with the trial of Lord Torrington, it may 
 be not uninteresting to relate how this unfortunate 
 affair ended. In the first place, there seems no doubt 
 that the English admiral was much to blame ; it is 
 true that he had only about sixty sail of the line 
 opposed to eighty of the French, but his ships were 
 better manned, and such odds as to numbers at other 
 times would have been considered of little account 
 by English sailors. Unfortunately Torrington was 
 entirely devoid of moral courage, he shrank alike from 
 the responsibility of fighting and the responsibility 
 of not fighting ; probably on the whole the latter 
 course would have been the best, but there can be no 
 question whatever that when at last, goaded on by 
 messages from the council and threatened by superses- 
 sion, he decided to risk a battle, he should have 
 engaged with full vigour and with his whole force. 
 In place of this he saved his own ships and sacrificed 
 his allies', knowing that the destruction of their whole 
 squadron was likely to cause fewer murmurs in Eng- 
 land than the loss of one of our own frio-ates. The 
 Dutch fought most gallantly, but in vain, and the 
 remnant of the combined fleet fled for refuge to the 
 Thames, whence Torrington removed all the naviga- 
 tion buoys to prevent pursuit. 
 
 It is probable that England never passed through 
 such a crisis of both peril and panic as after the battle 
 of Beachy Head, during the first week of July, 16.90. 
 Not only had the French the entke command of the 
 Channel, but the country was itself entirely defence- 
 less, as not more than 10,000 regular troops were 
 
84 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 available for service in the United Kingdom. More- 
 over, to add to other misfortunes, the allied army in 
 the Netherlands under Waldeck had just received a 
 severe defeat from the French under Marshal Luxem- 
 bourg at Fleurus. In fact Louis XIV. was entire 
 master of the situation, which, fortunately for this 
 country, he did not turn to proper account. In 
 proportion to the violence of the panic, so was the 
 violence of the popular rage against Lord Torrington, 
 who was at once sent to the Tower — the safest place 
 for him, as he would inevitably have been torn in 
 pieces by the mob. He was not brought to trial 
 until about six months afterwards, and during that 
 period it is said that his name was never mentioned in 
 England without a curse. As however the time of his 
 trial drew nigh, there was a strange reaction in 
 popular feeling. The great resentment most naturally 
 and justly felt by the Dutch at the way in which 
 their fleet had been treated and sacrificed curiously 
 enough was the one element in Torrington's favour, 
 and which eventually saved his life. It was remarked 
 that nearly all the witnesses against him were Dutch- 
 men. At last it came to be considered almost a feeling 
 of patriotism to desire his acquittal. When the 
 Dutch rear-admiral, who was the principal witness, so 
 far forgot himself as to accuse the judges of partiality, 
 the die was cast, and Torrington was pronounced not 
 guilty. He was tried at Sheerness, and it is related 
 that as his yacht went up the Thames on his return to 
 London, a free man, every ship he passed saluted him. 
 However, although he saved his head, he failed to 
 preserve his reputation or his honour, since by the 
 
MYSTERIOUS LETTERS. 85 
 
 order of the King he was dismissed from the service. 
 Thus ended one of the most unfortunate and dis- 
 creditable episodes of our naval history. 
 
 There is a very curious mystery, never yet un- 
 ravelled, in connection with Lord Monmouth and 
 his relations to Queen Mary and her council at this 
 period. It appears that just before the King departed 
 for Ireland, some letters were intercepted, addressed 
 to M. Coutenay at Amsterdam, and giving detailed 
 accounts of the most private deliberations which 
 took place in the council. These letters were written 
 in lemon-juice, so that they could only be deciphered 
 by the application of heat ; and from internal evidence 
 must certainly have been written by a member of 
 the council itself, since from no other source could 
 so much private information have been obtained. 
 After the departure of the King these letters con- 
 tinued, but during the absence of Lord Monmouth 
 and his secretary at Portsmouth they ceased, or at 
 least they were not intercepted. At the time there 
 was a very strong suspicion, openly expressed to King 
 William by Lord Carmarthen, that Monmouth and 
 Wildman themselves were the concocters of these 
 letters, and that their object was to induce suspicion 
 and dissension among the royal advisers. That 
 these suspicions were shared by Queen ilary 
 herself is evident from the following letter to her 
 husband : — 
 
 " I own to you that I had a thought, which I would 
 not own, though I found that some of the lords have 
 the same, about the lemon letters (which I suppose 
 you heard of), which come so constantly, and are so 
 
80 THE EARL OF rETERDOROUGH. 
 
 very exact — the last of which tokl even the debates 
 of the committee as well as if one of the lords had 
 writ them. This I think looks somewhat odd, and 
 I believe makes many forward for this expedition ; 
 and, for my own part, I believe he [Monmouth] may 
 be best spared of the company ; though f think it a 
 little irregularity, yet I hope you will excuse it, and 
 nobody else can find fault." 
 
 Ten at night. 
 
 " Since my writing this, there has come a great 
 deal of news. As I was going to the Cabinet Council, 
 Sir AVilliam Lockhart came with a letter from the 
 committee. Lord Monmouth was there, after having 
 been in the city, where he has found one Major Born 
 (I think his name is), who has the commission of 
 captain, and not himself, he desiring that his instruc- 
 tions may be kept as secret as may be, lest he should 
 come too late. In the meantime, his regiment being 
 at Portsmouth is the pretence. He, Lord Monmouth, 
 made great professions at parting, and desired me to 
 believe that there are some great designs. We had 
 another lemon letter, with things so particular that 
 none but some of the lords could know them, 
 especially things that were done at the office late 
 last night ; upon which all sides are of the same 
 mind." 
 
 Of course it is perfectly possible that Mordaunt 
 and his secretary Wildman, who was a notorious 
 plotter and intriguer, may have been the authors of 
 these letters, but the idea seems rather far fetched, 
 and most certainly there is no evidence to substantiate 
 it. Had the object been only to sow dissension, surely 
 far surer and less dangerous means might have been 
 adopted than the forging of letters, more especially 
 
DOVBLE-DEALINO. ' 87 
 
 as the detection of tlie fraud would have entailed 
 certain ruin to his character and reputation. It seems 
 far more probable one of the nine councillors was in 
 communication with a foreign correspondent, and did 
 actually betray the secrets of the council. It is 
 stated that when they were first appointed, six of the 
 nine advisers commissioned to assist the Queen in the 
 absence of her husband were in constant commu- 
 nication with James II., and it is an undoubted 
 fact that the Duke of Marlborough kept up such a 
 correspondence during a great part of his life. 
 
 Nothing brings into stronger relief the wisdom and 
 magnanimity of William of Orange than the fact 
 that, although he knew perfectly well how many of 
 his most trusted and valuable servants held constant 
 communication with his rival, he yet continued to 
 make use of their services, and to all appearance 
 still honoured them with his confidence. He felt 
 assured that, however they might intrigue, they 
 would invariably throw in their lot with the strongest ; 
 and conscious of his own strength, he deemed it 
 unadvisable to dispense with the services of useful 
 and intelligent men. "Whether, however, the King 
 did or did not share Queen Mary's suspicions of 
 Mordaunt, we shall probably never know ; it is, 
 however, certain that at this time the restless Earl 
 was to all appearances high in the favour of his 
 sovereign. We find that he accompanied King 
 William to Holland in January, 1691, together with 
 the Duke of Ormond, Earl of Shrewsbury, and a few 
 of the others " nearest his confidence," It is, there- 
 fore, more than probable that the view adopted by 
 
88 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 tlie Queen of the lemon-letter incident was not shared 
 by her husband. It would rather seem that his 
 susjiicions lay in a different quarter. Very likely he 
 mistrusted some other member of his council, with 
 whom he did not consider it politic to have an open 
 breach on account of a treachery, wdiich then, un- 
 happily, was by no means uncommon. 
 
 To return, however, to the events after the battle 
 of Beachy Head. As before mentioned, the Govern- 
 ment proceeded to take active measures against the 
 unsuccessful naval commander, Lord Torrington, 
 whom they decided to try ; in the meantime two of 
 their number were to superintend what remained of 
 the fleet. As Admiral Russell and Lord Monmouth 
 were both qualified on the ocean, they were deemed 
 the most fitting rejDresentatives. Monmouth, how- 
 ever, while he would gladly have taken the chief 
 command, positively refused to act in any other 
 capacity, and urged his relationship to Lord Torring- 
 ton as a reason for declining the position offered to 
 him ; while Admiral Eussell gave as an excuse that 
 he had served long under the unfortunate admiral. 
 On this point Queen Mary wrote as follows to the 
 King : — 
 
 " I spoke to Lord Monmouth, who I saw was dis- 
 satisfied, and I told him I knew it was not fit for him 
 to go to sea, who was a seaman, without the command ; 
 and that, he heard, was by all agreed for the present. 
 Sir John Ashley should have, for an encouragement 
 to the rest to behave well, as he had done on this 
 occasion. He told me he thought he had reason to 
 expect it, because you had once thought of sending 
 
NAVAL COM}rANDS AND LANDSMEN. 89 
 
 him to command, but he was content with anything 
 as he said. As for tliat, I never heard you say it, and 
 if you knew what I shall tell you, if I ever live to 
 see you, you will wonder. Lord Monmouth daily 
 tells me of the great danger we are in, and now has 
 a mind to be sent to Holland (of which you will hear 
 either by this or the next post). I see every one is 
 inclined to it for a reason I mentioned before,^ and 
 indeed things have a melancholy aspect." 
 
 It is a curious commentary on the customs of the 
 time that any man because he was a nobleman of rank 
 and position, and had happened to have taken three 
 short cruises in a man-of-war, should therefore deem 
 that he had a fair right to be made naval commander- 
 in-chief. To our ideas it is conceivable that a 
 madman might make such a demand, but that it 
 should be seriously entertained is incomprehensible. 
 Still stranger is the fact that Monmouth advanced 
 the circumstance of his regiment being quartered 
 at Portsmouth as a valid reason for his being given 
 the command of a ship, and that this command he 
 absolutely obtained. 
 
 Until King William's return . from Ireland in 
 January, 1691, nothing occurred of any consequence. 
 There are, however, various letters of Queen Mary, 
 which show clearly the dissensions that arose in the 
 council of nine, and also indicate that Lord Monmouth 
 
 1 As will be seen, Queen Mary's letters are not remarkable for lucidity 
 of expression ; nevertheless her education seems to have improved during 
 the few years she had already sat on the throne, as there is in the library 
 of the Hague a superb English Bible, which was delivered to her when 
 she was crowned in Westminster Abbey. In the title-page are these 
 words in her own hand, " This book was given to the King and I, at 
 our Crownation. Marie R."— Macaulat, vol. i., 395. 
 
f)0 THE EAEL OF PETERBOROUail. 
 
 was probably the most troublesome member of the 
 Government. Warburton seems to think that at this 
 time he was actuated by feelings of hostility to the 
 Dutch ro5-al family, and " desired a Commonwealth, 
 which he dreamed would open a wider field for his 
 own reckless ambition." It scarcely seems likely that 
 this idea is well founded. It is far more probable 
 that his extraordinary restlessness and activity of 
 mind, which were so singularly exhibited in the 
 closing years of his life, made him chafe under the 
 restraints of a secondary position, and, further, that 
 he utterly despised the intellectual mediocrity aud 
 political immorality of his colleagues, feeling that he 
 himself was in all points their superior. It is, how- 
 ever, interesting to read the following extracts from 
 letters written by Queen Mary to her husband at this 
 time, giving accounts of various interviews she had 
 with Monmouth. They illustrate some sides of his 
 most strange and wayward character : — 
 
 " I had a conversation with Lord Monmouth the 
 other morning, in which he said : ' What a misfortune 
 it was that things thus went ill, which was certainly 
 the fault of those that were in trust. That it was a 
 melancholy thing to the nation to see themselves thus 
 thrown away. And to speak plain,' said he, ' do you 
 not see how all j^ou do is known ; that what is said 
 one day in the Cabinet Council is wrote next day to 
 France ? For my part,' added he, ' I must speak 
 plainly. I have a great deal of reason to esteem Lord 
 Nottingham ; I don't believe 'tis he, but 'tis some one 
 ia his office,' and then he fell on Mr. Blaithwith. I 
 owned, ' I wondered why you would let him [Lord 
 IMonmouth] serve here, since he would not go with 
 
THE QUEEX'S LETTERS. 91 
 
 you ; ' but I said, ' I suppose 3'ou knew why you did 
 not ; ' and when he began to talk high of ill adminis- 
 tration, I told him in the same freedom that he seemed 
 to speak to me, that, ' I found it very strange you 
 wore not thought fit to choose your own ministers ; 
 that they had already removed Lord Halifax ; the 
 same endeavours were used for Lord Carmarthen ; 
 and would they now begin to make a bout at Lord 
 Nottingham too ? It would show they would pretend 
 even to control the King in his choice, which, if I 
 ivere he, I would not suffer, but would make use of 
 whom I pleased.' I cannot tell if I did well or no in 
 this, but in the free way we were speaking I could not 
 help it. Upon this Lord Monmouth said, ' Lie had 
 indeed been an enemy to Lord Halifax, but he had 
 done what he could to save Lord Carmarthen, out of 
 personal friendship, as well as because he believed him 
 firm to our interest.' Upon which I took occasion to 
 remember my obligations to him [Lord Carmarthen] 
 on account of our marriage, from which he [Lord 
 Monmouth] still went on, ' that he thought it neces- 
 sary the nation should be satisfied.' I asked him, 'if 
 he thought that possible ? ' He said ' that he could 
 tell me much on that subject.' But we were called to 
 council, and so our discourse ended for that time." 
 
 There are extracts from two other letters of Queen 
 Mary, written about the same time, which although 
 of not much intrinsic interest, are still worthy of 
 perusal, if only to illustrate the difficulties which she 
 had with her advisers, and the part which Monmouth 
 played in the absence of the King. It appears that 
 the Queen had been enjoined by her husband to avoid 
 taking too prominent a part in the cleliberatii)ns of 
 the nine councillors or appearing too often at their 
 
93 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 council board. That this was a wise restriction there 
 can be no question, since apart from the fact that it 
 was the duty of the sovereign not to frame resolu- 
 tions, but rather to give or withhold her consent when 
 they were put before her, the circumstance of her 
 being present when serious differences occurred be- 
 tween her advisers, would alone tend to lower the 
 dignity and impair the authority of her position as 
 Queen. It seems that these differences were neither 
 slight nor easily arranged, since one afternoon Lords 
 Monmouth and Devonshire left the council chamber, 
 and, proceeding to Queen Mary's apartments, tried 
 to induce her to come to the council, with a view of 
 settling the disputes. As regards this incident she 
 writes as follows : — 
 
 " I was surprised at it [this visit], for they sent for 
 me out of my closet. I will not trouble you with all 
 that they said, but they were very pressing, and the 
 Lord Steward [Devonshire] told me there were many 
 there who absolutely told him they would not speak 
 but before me, that they were privy councillors 
 established by law, and did not know why they should 
 be denied my presence. I answered them first as 
 civilly as I could, and as calmly, but being much 
 pressed, I grew a little peevish, and told them that 
 between us I thought it a humour in some of them, 
 which I did not think myself bound to please ; for 
 should I come now to this, I should at last be sent 
 for when anybody had a mind to it. But all I could 
 say would not satisfy them ; and had not Lord 
 Nottingham come in, I believe they would not have 
 left me so soon." 
 
 It is suggested by Eliot Warburton that Lord 
 
.-1 STRANGE OFFER. 93 
 
 Monmouth was fostering the discontent in the council, 
 and was at the bottom of all the mischief. There 
 appears, however, no clear ground for such a con- 
 clusion, as his motive in thus acting seems entirely 
 wanting. It would appear far more probable that 
 the differenices and discontent were genuine and 
 spontaneous, since it would be strange indeed were 
 any cabinet of nine ministers not to differ, more 
 especially as they were without a distinct and recog- 
 nised head, and were composed of men, each of whom, 
 at least in his own estimation, Avas quite as able and 
 discreet as any one of his colleagues. 
 
 There is another letter, written by Queen Mary 
 only five days subsequently to the one last quoted, 
 and this most certainly requires explanations, which 
 it is extremely difficult to give. It is as follows : — 
 
 " I had yesterday an offer made me of £200,000, 
 to be lent upon a note under my hand, that it should 
 be paid as soon as the Parliament gave the money, 
 but it was only on this condition that the Parliament 
 should be dissolved. I told Lord Monmouth, who 
 made me the proposition, that was a thing I could 
 not promise, it being of that consequence, that though 
 all the lords of the great council should unanimously 
 agree to it, yet I would not venture upon it, without 
 knowing your pleasure. He said many extraordinary 
 things in this discourse, which I reserve to tell you." 
 
 It is unfortunate that we have no further elucida- 
 tion of the occasion and circumstances of this very 
 strange offer. It seems, however, quite evident that 
 Monmouth must have had distinct authority for 
 making it, and that he was acting as the representa- 
 
94 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 tive of tlie Cabinet. However, the letters and 
 troubles of Queen Mary with her council soon came 
 to an end, as her husband returned from Ireland 
 in January, 1691. He immediately started for 
 Holland, and, as before mentioned, was accompanied 
 l^y ]Monmouth and a few others of his most trusted 
 advisers. After some adventures caused by fog, 
 frost, and ice, and eighteen hours spent in an open 
 boat, ^Villiam finally landed with his retinue near 
 Maeslandsluj's, and safely reached the Hague. This 
 little incident is an excellent illustration of all the 
 perils and discomforts which our ancestors had to 
 encounter when they travelled. A journey across the 
 Chacnel is now rather different. The King remained 
 in Holland from January until April, 1691, when he 
 returned to England, accompanied by Monmouth ; 
 and it is stated that during his stay in his Dutch 
 dominions he had been mainly occupied in devising 
 " measures for the liberty of Europe against the 
 encroachments of France." 
 
 These measures were afterwards carried into effect 
 during the following year, which was memorable for 
 the unfortunate campaign against the French under 
 Marshal Luxembourg, culminating in the disaster 
 of Steinkirck or Enghien. It may be said that from 
 the year 1691, when he ceased to hold political office, 
 the career of the Earl of Monmouth entered on a new 
 phase, perhaps not less interesting or less remarkable, 
 but entirely different in its character. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM 1691 TILL THE DEATH OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE 
 
 IN 1702. 
 
 Monmouth returns to England with William Ilf. in 1691.— Supports in- 
 quiry into management of recent campaign. — Falls into disgrace with 
 Government and Court. — Has no official employment. — Incidents of 
 his private life. — The canary. — Appointed in 1 695 one of a committee 
 to inquire into corruption of East India Company. — The Fenwick 
 case. — Prevalence of Jacobite plots at this time. — Case of Sir 
 John Fenwick. — Plot for assassination of William III. — Fenwick 
 arrested. — His trial by House of Commons. — Bill of attainder voted 
 and passed. — Brought before House of Lords. — Monmouth's action. 
 — Documents produced seriously implicating Monmouth. — Conduct 
 at the trial. — He is declared guilty by Lords. — The case discussed. — 
 The action of the Duchess of Norfolk and Lady Mary Fenwick. — 
 The Smith case. — Monmouth committed to the Tower. — Macaulay's 
 remarks on the case. — Monmouth's character contrasted with that 
 of the Duke of Shrewsbury. — Death of the second Earl of Peter- 
 borough in 1697. — Succession of Monmouth to title. — His life until 
 death of William III. in 1702. 
 
 In April, 1691, Monmouth returned from Holland 
 with William of Orange, and ceased for some years 
 to take any part in politics. There are only two 
 instances in which we find his name prominently 
 mentioned in connection with his parliamentary 
 duties, namely in November, 1691, and December, 
 1692. In the first instance, he was appointed one 
 of the seven peers named by the House of Lords to 
 confer with the CommoDs on a point of difference 
 
96 THE EARL OF PETERBOROVGH. 
 
 whicli liad arisen between the two Houses. In the 
 second, he was one of the eighteen members of the 
 Upper House who protested, in terms by no means 
 flattering to the Court, against the suppression of an 
 inquiry into tlie causes of mismanagement during 
 recent campaigns. He liad just returned from the 
 Low Countries, where, as before mentioned, he had 
 commanded his regiment, the Royal Horse Guards, 
 in the disastrous campaign signalised by the fall of 
 Namur, and the defeat of Steinkirck. Apparently he 
 was not less dissatisfied than the rest of his country- 
 men with the manner in which all inquiry was stifled, 
 by the Government and Court party. It would seem 
 that from this date he fell out of favour with King 
 William, and relations between them became moi'e and 
 more strained, until at last they merged into absolute 
 dislike and hostility. 
 
 Although ]\lonniouth was no longer in Government 
 employment, it cannot be said that he was idle or 
 that he in any way retired into what would be strictly 
 termed private life. There was no man who attained 
 greater notoriety in his time, or who was more signalised 
 by the wildness of his freaks and eccentricities. 
 Many of these would scarcely bear being related, 
 others unfortunately are only alluded to by contem- 
 porary writers, and hence lack those details which 
 would render them interesting to the present 
 generation. In many instances Monmouth seems 
 to have been inspired by a spirit of fun and malicious 
 humour, which must have got him into no end of 
 £ crapes, and given the world at large no end of 
 amusement. Lady Suffolk relates oae of his 
 
AN AFFAIR DE C(EUR. 97 
 
 adventures, which she heard from his own lips, and 
 which apparently occurred about the time of the 
 revolution, just when he was engaged in the most 
 serious and responsible duties. Seemingly the cares 
 of ojQfice did not weigh very heavily on him, or 
 prevent him finding time and opportunity for very 
 difierent pursuits. 
 
 As usual he was in love, or at least was paying 
 great attention to a young lady, who was devoted to 
 birds. In those days coffee-houses were the fashion- 
 able resort, and the Strand the centre of all fashion. 
 The gallant Mordaunt had been entertaining his lady- 
 love at one of these cofi'ee-houses near Charing Cross, 
 where there was a very fine piping canary. The 
 young lady took a great fancy to- the bird, and 
 implored her admirer to get it for her. Unfortunately, 
 however, the owner happened to be a widow in 
 afiluent circumstances, who positively refused to 
 part with her favourite at any price, although an 
 enormous one was ofi"ered her. Mordaunt was at his 
 wits' end ; his lady-love would take no refusal, and the 
 widow would take no price. At last a brilliant idea 
 struck him : he succeeded in procuring another 
 canary exactly similar in colour and size to the much- 
 coveted songster, but unfortunately voiceless. The 
 difficulty was how to change the birds, as the landlady 
 usually sat in a room behind the bar, and never 
 lost sight of her pet. One day, however, Mordaunt 
 succeeded in enticing her out of the room without 
 her canary, and while she was away, managing to 
 substitute one bird for another, carried ofi" the poor 
 landlady's favourite to his fair flame. Shortly after 
 VOL, I. H 
 
98 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 the revolution, while again frequenting the same 
 coffee-house, with his usual assurance he inquired 
 of the landlady after the canary, and asked her if 
 she did not now regret having refused the large 
 sum he had offered for it. " Most certainly not," 
 she replied. " I would not take any money for him 
 now, since, would you believe it ? from the time 
 our good King was forced to go abroad and leave 
 us, the dear creature has not sung a note." 
 
 It is a great pity that we have not some more 
 of his experiences, or that some more landladies 
 could not now tell what they knew of Mordaunt ; 
 probably no novel that has ever been written would 
 prove more entertaining. Among however his many 
 social failings and frailties, he had mauy redeeming 
 traits of character. 
 
 He delighted in literature, in the society of men 
 of letters, and oddly enoiigh also in rural and 
 country pursuits — a strange combination, rare at 
 any time, but still more rare in that comparatively 
 uncultivated age. He had a charming place at 
 Parson's Green in the neighbourhood of London, 
 and his gardens were the admiration of his visitors. 
 It is said that he had twenty acres in elaborate 
 cultivation, filled with the finest fruits and flowers ; 
 among them a splendid tulip tree seventy-six feet 
 in height. 
 
 Unfortunately Monmouth's great weakness was 
 extreme vanity and desire for any kind of 
 notoriety, no matter how this notoriety was ob- 
 tained, or whether it was good or bad. He revelled 
 in shocking the prejudices of the public at large, 
 
MENTAL AND PERSONAL QUALITIES. 99 
 
 divines and ecclesiastics were the special objects of 
 his sarcastic wit and raillery — perhaps because they 
 were more easily shocked and more readily took 
 offence than the rest of the world. With all this 
 there was in his nature an extraordinary mixture 
 of the finest and noblest qualities which are given 
 to mankind, qualities which may be termed luxuries, 
 whereas there was a deficiency of those solid ones 
 which may be called necessities. Above all, in a 
 most corrupt age, he was the most persistent and 
 conscientious enemy of all corruption, and has never 
 even been accused of venality. His courage and 
 ability were undoubted, and have been acknowledged 
 by his most bitter enemies ; at the same time he 
 was too flighty, too unstable to acquire much 
 influence or to inspire respect. As Macaulay says, 
 he had " brilliant wit and ready invention without 
 common sense, chivalrous generosity and delicacy 
 without common honesty." With all his failings, 
 one cannot help admiring his bold and reckless tem- 
 per, his great moral courage, and his personal disin- 
 terestedness in all matters connected with public 
 life. Entirely devoid of the tinge of corruption 
 himself, he was its bitter foe when it could be 
 detected in the conduct of others. Thus we find 
 that in 1695 he was appointed one of a committee 
 selected from the House of Lords to inquire into 
 the extraordinary malpractices which had been dis- 
 covered in connection with the East India Company. 
 A Sir Thomas Cooke, the Governor of the Company, 
 was in this instance the alleged culprit, and the 
 result of the inquiry caused the strongest possible 
 
 H 2 
 
100 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 suspicion that he had been guilty of every description 
 of corruption. It had been mainly through the 
 exertions of Monmouth that the inquiry had been 
 instituted, and it is needless to say that he pursued 
 the researches of the committee with the most eager 
 and uncompromising acuteness. It soon transpired 
 that many important personages were mixed up in 
 this discreditable business, and among others an 
 individual no less important than the Duke of Leeds, 
 the Lord President of the Council. Monmouth was 
 no respecter of persons, and only pursued the hunt 
 with all the greater zest when he found himself 
 in pursuit of so noble a quarry. An impeachment 
 was moved against the Duke, but in the meantime 
 the most important witness had disappeared, no 
 doubt bribed to get out of the way, aud before he 
 could be found. Parliament was prorogued and the 
 whole case fell to the ground. It may readily be con- 
 ceived that with such a disregard of power and position, 
 and with ideas so entirely opposed to the habits 
 and customs of the age, Monmouth made very 
 many enemies in high places, and these enemies 
 had very soon an opportunity of paying out 
 old scores. 
 
 We now come to an incident in our hero's career, 
 perhaps the most strange and unaccountable of the 
 many incidents which were crowded into his varied 
 and eventful life. This is known as the " Fenwick 
 case," and probably historians and memoir writers 
 will continue to differ until the end of time as to the 
 rights and the wrongs of this most remarkable story, 
 which is so contradictory in its details, its course, and 
 
PLOTS. 101 
 
 its conclusion, that it would seem as difficult to pro- 
 nounce any judgment on its merits as to decide the 
 authorship of Junius s Letters, or the passes by which 
 Hannibal crossed the Alps. 
 
 It must be remembered that during the entire reign 
 of William and Mary there were a succession of plots 
 and conspiracies to put the exiled royal family on the 
 throne ; these intrigues were not confined to one 
 party alone, but, as before mentioned, many of the 
 most trusted Government officials, Marlborough in- 
 cluded, were in constant communication with the 
 Court of St. Germain's,^ very much on the same 
 
 1 Moreover, there appears to be no historic doubt whatever that these 
 plots Rnd conspiracies were directed not only against the throne, bnt 
 also against the life of William of Orange, and that his rival James — 
 to the endless shame of the Stuarts be it said — was not only cognisant 
 of, but actually encouraged the most cowardly and unscrupulous of 
 these attempted assassinations. That fatal and most demoralising prin- 
 ciple, fostered and even inculcated in all ages by corrupt and debased 
 disciples^of the Eoman Catholic religion, "that it is allowable to do 
 evil that good may come," was brought into full play during these 
 Jacobite machinations, just as during recent years in Ireland the 
 skulking murderer, hiding behind a hedge, shoots down his landlord or 
 some neighbouring farmer with whom he has had a difference, and then, 
 as it were, taking an antidote to a poison, attends with more than 
 ordinary fervour to his superstitious devotions. Just as Carey, the 
 organiser of the Phcenix Park murders in 1882, and subsequent in- 
 former, wasengagedregularlyin the most sacred offices of his religion while 
 he was in the act of plotting and carrying out cold-blooded murders, 
 so two hundred years ago the would-be assassins of the English King 
 were fortified in their resolves, and sanctified in their actions by the 
 most solemn and hallowed sacraments of the Roman Catholic faith 
 {Court and Society from Elizabeth to. Anne, vol. ii. p. 129). Thus we 
 find that a man named Salvin, who was hired to shoot King William, 
 " received the Eucharist to commit the act on the first opportunity, and 
 likewise the assurance of the Pope's plenary pardon for his soul if he 
 happened to lose his life in the attempt." It is stated also that an 
 experiment was made with a new gun, which could shoot for l.'iO yards 
 without any " noise, fire, or smoke," and had been invented for this very 
 
102 THE EAEL OF PETERBOROVGE. 
 
 principle that in many Scotch families at the time of 
 the risings in 1715 and 1745 the head of the family 
 took one side and his eldest son the other. 
 
 It would scarcely be within our province here to 
 discuss or describe the Fen wick plot itself were it not 
 for the extraordinary part which Monmouth played 
 in it, and we may add that it is extremely difficult to 
 draw conclusions from the various and contradictory 
 accounts that have been handed down of his conduct. 
 Whether, however, he was or was not guilty of the 
 strange dishonesty ascribed to him, it is absolutely 
 impossible to discover any motive for his action in 
 connection with his own material benefit or advance- 
 ment. The absence, however, of any definite object 
 in no way proves that he was not implicated — in fact, 
 such was his strange character, there is, on the con- 
 trary, the presumption, for this very reason, that he 
 was involved in all the mischief. In civil as in 
 military aff'airs he loved ambuscades, surprises, night 
 attacks ; and it is highly probable that simply from 
 the love of mischief — to make a sensation — he could 
 not resist the temptation of mixing himself up in 
 this discreditable affair in a most discreditable way. 
 
 Sir John Fenwick, a man of good family, no 
 fortune, and indifferent character, had mixed himself 
 
 purpose, and furtter that this took place in the garden of St. Germain's, 
 James himself being present. 
 
 Although similar horrors, similar dastardly acts, are plotted and 
 perpetrated in cur days under the cloak of religion, though the same 
 absolution is granted for the same crimes committed on the same 
 pretext — that some imaginary good may come — by priests of the same 
 faith, still it must be to us some consolation that at least the educated 
 and enlightened Roman Catholics, unlike King James II., utterly 
 repudiate and disown such atrocious doctrines. 
 
SIB JOHN FENWICK. 103 
 
 up with all the worst and most unscrupulous of the 
 many Jacobite plots then being concocted. He had 
 originally commanded a regiment in Holland during 
 King James's reign, and there had by no means dis- 
 tinguished himself — so much so, that the Prince of 
 Orange " had reflected very severely upon his courage, 
 which occasioned his making returns that provoked 
 the Prince to say, that if he had been a private person 
 he must have cut Sir John's throat." ^ It would 
 thus appear that there was originally a personal 
 enmity between Fenwick and the King, which in no 
 way inclined the latter to strain the quality of mercy, 
 or to exercise that magnanimity for which he was so 
 much distinguished. Even had the King himself 
 been disposed to forget and forgive previous mis- 
 deeds, he could scarcely have failed to feel resent- 
 ment at the ostentatious incivility and rudeness with 
 which Fenwick treated the Queen. It is related that 
 when she was taking her airing, three years after the 
 revolution, Sir John alone omitted to bow, and gave 
 her a rude stare, " cocking his hat in her face." 
 
 Four years after this incident, that is, in the spring 
 of 1695, there was a serious conspiracy set on foot 
 for the assassination of the King, or, as it was 
 termed, " the capture of the Prince of Orange ; " and 
 of this abomiiiable plot, to which the exiled James 
 never' gave his sanction, there is no doubt that 
 Fenwick was the chief and most formidable in- 
 stigator. It was, however, impossible that any one 
 so notorious and open in his disloyalty should long 
 
 1 Burnet's History, iv. 324. Note by the Earl of Dartmoutli in 
 Luttrel's diary. 
 
104 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 remain unarrested or unpunished. When it became 
 necessary to crush any such conspiracies with a strong 
 hand, Fenwick was selected as about the first and the 
 most important victim. For some time he succeeded 
 in avoiding arrest. Political criminals in those days 
 were almost as readily sheltered in England, and 
 were often as difficult to arrest, as " the boys " who 
 have had stray shots at a landlord or an agent are in 
 Ireland at the present time. Jacobites, moreover, 
 had always powerful friends to aid them, no matter 
 how undeserving they were personally of either help 
 or sympathy, and money never failed to be forth- 
 coming for the spiriting away of witnesses, or the 
 bribery of judges and jurymen. 
 
 Apparently Fenwick's friends despaired of his 
 ultimate escape out of England, since they at once 
 commenced to corrupt the witnesses, by whose 
 evidence alone he could lose his head. According to 
 the law of England, no one could be convicted of 
 high treason on the testimony of fewer than two 
 independent persons. The two in this instance were 
 named Goodman and Porter, and both, it seems, were 
 about as great ruffians as are ever found even in the 
 ranks of common spies and informers. Porter at 
 first agreed to accept three hundred guineas down, 
 three hundred more as soon as he got to France, and 
 a handsome annuity for life, as the price of his 
 making his escape. At the last moment his courage 
 failed ; he had already betrayed too many to the 
 scaffold to hope for mercy himself at the hands of 
 the avengers of blood. So he became a double 
 traitor ; he accepted the bribe and disclosed the 
 
CAPTURE OF FENWICK. 105 
 
 intrigue, which had only the result of causing a 
 wretched barber who had taken part in it to be 
 piUoried, and in accumulating still stronger proofs 
 that Fenwick if caught must be sent to the scaffold. 
 Still, however, he remained uncaptured, and was 
 committed in default, the grand jury of the city of 
 London having found a true bill against him. 
 
 It now seemed time to make a supreme effort to 
 escape ; this effort he made from Romney Marsh, and 
 by the merest accident was captured. StiU more to 
 add to his misfortune, a letter, which he found time 
 to scribble to his wife, was intercepted ; in this he 
 practically acknowledged his guilt, and suggested that 
 some jurymen should be bribed to starve out the rest, 
 saying, " this or nothing can save my life." ^ 
 
 After his capture, Fenwick fuUy bore out the 
 character he had acquired during his previous career ; 
 in place of meeting his fate like an honourable man 
 and a brave soldier, he descended to every species of 
 artifice. He whined and he beseeched ; he threw 
 himself on the mercy of the King ; he offered to 
 disclose all he knew of the Jacobite plots on the 
 condition that his life was spared ; and finally he made 
 vague statements implicating a number of important 
 men, without, however, receiving any pledge as to his 
 own fate, and merely in the hopes that in view of 
 such disclosures the hearts of his judges might be 
 softened. 
 
 It is remarkable that Fenwick, while making such 
 a bid for his life, should have omitted to name the 
 Tories, of whom many were more or less open 
 
 ^ Burnet, iv. 320. 
 
106 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 adherents of King James, and should have confined 
 his accusations to the leading AVhigs such as Admiral 
 Eussell, Lord Godolphin, and the Duke of Shrewsbury, 
 whose devotion to the new dynasty and the Protestant 
 faith had never previously been questioned. Perhaps 
 it may be true, as suggested by Macaulay, that even 
 in this abandoned and cowardly conspirator there 
 were some sparks of feeling and generosity, and that 
 while anxious to save his own life, he still hesitated 
 to sacrifice his friends. He preferred denouncing 
 those false Jacobites, who, though really in heart and 
 feeling true to the Prince of Orange, had for years 
 kept up a correspondence with the Court of St. Ger- 
 main's — more in mockery than in reality — to provide 
 for the safety of their lives and their fortunes in the 
 event of the restoration of the house of Stuart. 
 There appears now but little doubt that every one of 
 those whom Fen wick named, including the Earl of 
 Marlborough, was really implicated. 
 
 These so-called confessions, however, had little 
 effect on King William ; he had them written out, it 
 is true, and sent to him in Holland, where he then 
 chanced to be staying, but he affected to utterly dis- 
 believe them, and was not moved one hairsbreadth 
 from his purpose of making an example of Fenwick. 
 He sent the confession to Shrewsbury, with an 
 expression of astonishment at the " effrontery of 
 the fellow," whom he directed to be brought to trial 
 at once. 
 
 Small, however, as had been the effect of Fenwick's 
 confessions on the King, the sensation they caused on 
 both the persons named, and on the Whig party 
 
ESCAPE OF GOODMAN. 107 
 
 generally, could not be concealed or mitigated. No 
 sooner had it been made clear that the prisoner 
 would receive no support, and the disclosures no 
 practical credence, than apprehension gave way 
 to resentment, and all combined to visit on the 
 miserable informer the worst penalty which the law 
 could inflict. 
 
 Suddenly the situation changed, the other witness, 
 Goodman, being given the alternative of instant death 
 or departure to France with an annuity of £500 a 
 year, not unnaturally preferred the latter. He dis- 
 appeared, and the reward of £1,000, which was offered 
 for his capture, was ofiered too late to secure him. 
 The rage of the Whigs knew no bounds ; here was 
 the unscrupulous conspirator, the murderer in inten- 
 tion, if not in actual deed, and worse still, their 
 traducer and calumniator, who might indeed have 
 done them incalculable injury — he was about to 
 escape, as no jury could convict on the testimony of 
 one witness alone. 
 
 What was there to be done to insure the scoundrel's 
 punishment ? He was brought to the bar of the 
 Commons and exhorted to make a full and ingenuous 
 confession. Believing that his life was now secure, 
 with a firmness worthy of a better cause, he refused 
 to say another word, although thrice removed from 
 the bar and thrice brought back. At last, despairing 
 of learning any more, the House voted the confession 
 false and scandalous, and Fenwick was returned to 
 Newgate. The Whigs were not, however, to be 
 baulked of their vengeance ; they moved for leave to 
 bring in a bill of attainder against Fenwick, as 
 
108 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 almost the only manner in which his crimes could 
 be punished. 
 
 After much fierce debating, much hot controversy, 
 argued with all the talent and learning which the 
 leading men on both sides of the House could 
 command, the biU of attainder was finally voted 
 and passed in the Commons by a comparatively 
 small majority — 189 against 156. The Lords 
 had made every preparation to receive it ; peers 
 were summoned from far and near, and of the 
 140 temporal members, or thereabouts, which the 
 Upper House then numbered, exclusive of minors, 
 E,oman Catholics, and non-jurors, no fewer than 
 105 were present, and it is stated that eventually 
 129 lords spiritual and temporal voted for the third 
 reading.^ Of these, sixty-eight voted for the bill, and 
 sixty-one against, thus giving, only a majority of 
 seven to seal the prisoner's fall. Of the minority, 
 fifty-three lords recorded their dissent, and forty-one 
 signed a protest, in which all the reasons for their 
 voting against the bill were ably recorded. 
 
 While, however, the bill of attainder was before 
 the House of Lords, there occurred an incident, which 
 caused quite as much sensation, and gave rise to 
 nearly as much discussion, as the subject of the bill 
 itself. As before mentioned, Fenwick, in his written 
 confession, which the King ignored, had brought 
 serious charges against some of the leading members 
 of the Whig party, namely, Shrewsbury, Godolphin, 
 Admiral Eussell, Marlborough, &c., and had distinctly 
 accused them of treason. When the prisoner was 
 
 1 Bumet, iv. 343. 
 
A SURPRISE. 109 
 
 brought before the Lords, Monmouth at first treated 
 him encouragingly, and put to him various leading 
 questions, which, if answered in the affirmative, would 
 have tended to corroborate his previous confession. 
 Fenwick, however, made no response whatever to 
 these questions, and carefully abstained from saying 
 anything which could further irritate any of those 
 who practically now had his life in their hands. On 
 this Monmouth, who began by opposing the bill of 
 attainder, became its warm advocate, and addressed 
 the House in his usual impassioned and lively way in 
 favour of its becoming law. His sudden change of 
 opinion was remarked, but so accustomed were his 
 brother peers to his levity and waywardness, that it 
 caused but little comment. 
 
 Suddenly, however, a shell burst in the House. 
 Papers were produced by the Earl of Carlisle, on 
 behalf of Lady Mary Fenwick, who declared that she 
 had received them from Lord Monmouth through his 
 cousin, the Duchess of Norfolk. These papers con- 
 tained various suggestions as to questions which 
 Fenwick should put in corroboration of his previous 
 confession, all tending to impugn the character and 
 loyalty of the leading Whig statesmen. He was to 
 ask that the King should be prayed to communicate 
 to Parliament the causes of the sudden disgrace of 
 Lord Marlborough, and any letters that had been in- 
 tercepted as passing between St. Germain's and any 
 of the statesmen in the King's confidence. In fact 
 the outlines were given of the manner in which 
 Fenwick should conduct his defence, and it was 
 proposed that he should confirm a^^-^ endeavour to 
 
no THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 corroborate his previous accusations which the King 
 had refused to believe, and which had not been 
 reiterated. 
 
 These documents were produced by the prisoner's 
 wife out of revenge for the manner in which 
 Monmouth had turned round against her husband ; 
 their authenticity was affirmed by the Duchess of 
 Norfolk and a certain Elizabeth Lawson, a relation 
 of Lady Mary Fenwick, and, in short, there seemed 
 to be no reasonable doubt that they were genuine. 
 
 The rage of both Whigs and Tories broke out with 
 ungovernable fury ; the former were maddened by 
 the accusations brought against their leading states- 
 men, the latter were equally infuriated by the 
 manner in which they considered Fenwick had been 
 encouraged and then betrayed by Monmouth — in 
 short, all united to wreak vengeance on the noble 
 culprit. Enemies were not wanting to take the lead 
 against him ; the old Duke of Leeds eagerly seized 
 the opportunity of paying out old scores, and pro- 
 posed that the House should not at first deal with the 
 authorship of the papers, but should vote that who- 
 ever was the author was guilty of a high crime and 
 misdemeanour. This was proposed and passed 
 unanimously, Monmouth himself concurring that the 
 papers were scandalous, and that the author should 
 be punished. Then the question was discussed as 
 to whether the evidence given was sufficient to 
 convict Monmouth, and it was given against him, 
 out of eighty peers only about ten professing any 
 doubt as to his guilt. When so large a majority 
 were of one mind, it would certainly seem probable 
 
MONMOUTH S CONDUCT. Ill 
 
 that their conclusion was correct, although it is 
 impossible for posterity either to share the violence 
 of their feelings, or entirely to concur in their views 
 as to the enormity of the offence. 
 
 It will be seen that the worst that could be alleged 
 against Monmouth was, that he suggested to Fenwick 
 certain questions to be put in cross-examination, and 
 that these questions had reference to the charges 
 which Fenwick himself had previously initiated and 
 made against some of the leading personages in the 
 state It seems now '■■quite clear that these accu- 
 sations were more or less founded on facts ; nearly 
 all the leading men in England, who were not 
 themselves Jacobites, coquetted, so to speak, with 
 the Jacobite cause. At the same time. King William, 
 knowing that he must govern England through 
 English ministers, if he governed it at all, preferred 
 to condone secret backslidings, provided that openly 
 he received support, and was otherwise well served. 
 Monmouth most certainly was not one of these 
 Jacobite backsliders ; he quarrelled with King 
 William, but he did not on that account write to 
 King James. In this respect, at all events, he was 
 loyal and true. Very probably he may have deeply 
 resented the neglect and coldness with which he 
 was treated by the Court, notwithstanding his great 
 services to the Protestant cause, while those whom 
 he knew to be secretly disloyal were preferred before 
 him, and held the chief offices in the state. It is 
 therefore, by no means unlikely that to revenge 
 himself equally on the King for his ingratitude, and 
 on his more fortunate rivals for their undeserved 
 
1 12 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 good fortune, he suggested certain questions, based 
 on facts of which he was aware, and which, unless 
 refuted, would have corroborated Fenwick's charges. 
 It is impossible to defend such conduct, if he was 
 guilty of it, and the motive which prompted him 
 seems as unworthy as the means he adopted. We 
 must, however, first inquire whether Monmouth was 
 or was not guilty. His vehement denial in the 
 House of Lords does not go for much ; he could not 
 possibly confess to such an accusation ; it therefore 
 remains for us to consider the value of the evidence 
 brought against him, and the various circumstances 
 with which the whole afi'air was surrounded. 
 
 The principal witness was Monmouth's own first 
 cousin, the Duchess of Norfolk. This lady, whose 
 gallantries were notorious, was separated from her 
 husband, whose character was equally bad. The 
 Duke had attempted to get a divorce, which in those 
 days was by no means an easy matter, and could 
 only be procured by an act of Parliament. It 
 appears that Peterborough was in every way loyal 
 to his cousin, little as she deserved his sympathy ; 
 and when the bill for the divorce came before the 
 House of Lords, he vehemently opposed it, and 
 caused it to be thrown out. The Duchess does not 
 seem to have felt any gratitude for his action, as she 
 did not hesitate to bear witness against him. But 
 as her character did not stand high, her testimony 
 was questioned, and her husband was asked if he 
 believed her ; he replied that he did so fuUy, and 
 added, with " sour pleasantry," " My Lord thought 
 her good enough to be wife to me, I am sure that 
 
THE FEN WICK EPISODE. 113 
 
 she is good enough to be witness against him." 
 Unfortunately, her statements were corroborated by 
 circumstantial evidence, direct and indirect, and there 
 seems no reason to doubt their truth. Had not 
 Monmouth changed sides, and, after appearing to aid 
 Fcnwick, suddenly become his most zealous opponent, 
 it is probable that the whole incident would never 
 have come to light. On the other hand, had the 
 prisoner followed the suggestions made to him as to 
 his defence, the results would have been appalling. 
 " The King would have been bitterly mortified ; there 
 would have been a general panic among the men of 
 every party ; even Marlborough's serene fortitude 
 would have been severely tried, and the Uuke of 
 Shrewsbury would probably have shot himself." 
 
 Great, however, as would certainly have been the 
 injury inflicted on others, there seems no reason to 
 suppose that any good would have been done to 
 Fenwick himself — on the contrary, those who had 
 to decide on his life or death, would only have been 
 additionally aggravated against him. It seems likely 
 that he appreciated this, and saw no object in be- 
 coming a tool in the hands of Monmouth, while he 
 himself could derive no advantage. On the other 
 hand, Lady Mary Fenwick was infuriated by the part 
 which Monmouth took against her husband, and did 
 not scruple to make use of the very formidable 
 weapon she had at her disposal for the purpose of 
 injuring the man, whom she considered more or less 
 her betrayer. 
 
 There are other incidents in this complicated case, 
 which rest almost entirely on the testimony of Bishop 
 
 VOL. I. I 
 
114 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Burnet, a historian by no means favourable to Mon- 
 mouth. ; and it may be remarked that in a copy of 
 Burnet's History of my Own Times, which was in 
 the possession of the Peterborough family, there were 
 to be seen many notes of indignant denial in the 
 handwriting of the great Earl himself It is stated 
 by Burnet ^ that a man by name Smith, a nephew of 
 Sir AYilliam Perkin, declared he knew all about the 
 Jacobite plot and could make great disclosures. His 
 information, however, by no means kept pace with his 
 demands for money, and after various applications to 
 various people, offering intelligence, and asking to be 
 paid, he was at last dismissed as a troublesome and 
 lying impostor. One of those to whom he applied 
 was the Duke of Shrewsbury, who at first seemed to 
 have paid some attention to his statements, and after- 
 wards dismissed him, but without punishment, for his 
 avowed complicity in the assassination plots. He 
 afterwards went to Monmouth, who was hostile to 
 the Duke, and not only gave credence to Smith's 
 statements, but made complaints against Shrewsbury, 
 saying that important information had been neglected, 
 whereby not only the safety of the State but also the 
 King's life had been much endangered. There seems 
 every reason to believe that this man was Fenwick's 
 principal informant, on whose statements he based the 
 vague confession which implicated so many leading per- 
 sonages. Eventually, the House of Commons voted 
 the whole affair to be a " scandalous design to make 
 a difference between the King and his best friends." 
 The papers were burnt, and by a vote of the peers 
 
 1 Burnet, vol. ii. pp. 190, 191. 
 
MONJIOUTH'S PUNISHMENT. 115 
 
 Monmouth was turned out of all his places, his name 
 was struck out of the Council Book, and he was im- 
 prisoned in the Tower, where he remained until the 
 end of the session. It is a most significant cir- 
 cumstance in connection with this most mysterious 
 business, that King William evidently did not concur 
 in Monmouth's disgrace, as he sent Bishop Burnet 
 with a kind message to the prisoner, and that the 
 Bishop undertook the task with much willingness. 
 He remarks, however, that " he did not know what 
 new scheme of confusion might have been opened by 
 Lord Monmouth in his own excuse." In truth, after 
 his recent action and the manner in which it is now 
 known that public men were at that time all more or 
 less involved in treason, Monmouth was a man who 
 could not be with safety irritated or disregarded. 
 
 However, whatever may have been his sins and 
 errors in connection with the Fenwick affair — and we 
 fear there can be no doubt that they were most serious 
 — the bearing of Monmouth both before and after his 
 disgrace throws light on some of the most brilliant 
 sides of his remarkable character. As remarked by 
 Macaulay, " It might well have been thought that 
 the ruin of his fame and of his fortunes was irre- 
 parable. But there was about his nature an elasticity 
 which nothing could subdue. In his prison, indeed, 
 he was as violent as a falcon just caged, and would, 
 if he had been long detained, have died of mere im- 
 patience. His only solace was to contrive wild and 
 romantic schemes for extricating himself from his 
 difficulties, and avenging himself on his enemies. 
 When he regained his liberty, he stood alone in the 
 
 I 2 
 
116 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 world, a dishonoured man, more hated by the Whigs 
 than any Tory, and by the Tories than any Whig, 
 and reduced to such poverty that he talked of retiring 
 to the country, living like a farmer, and putting his 
 Countess into the dairy to churn and make cheeses. 
 Yet even after this fall, that mounting spirit rose 
 again, and rose higher than ever. When he next 
 appeared before the world, he had inherited the 
 earldom of the head of his family ; he had ceased 
 to be called by the tarnished name of Monmouth,, 
 and he soon added new lustre to the name of Peter- 
 borough. He was still all air and fire. His ready 
 wit and his dauntless courage made him formidable ; 
 some amiable qualities which contrasted strangely 
 with his vices, and some great exploits, of which the 
 effect was heightened by the careless levity with 
 which they were performed, made him popular ; and 
 his countrymen were willing to forget that a hero of 
 whose achievements they were proud, and who was 
 not more distinguished by parts and valour than by 
 courtesy and generosity, had stooped to tricks worthy 
 of the pillory." 
 
 An instructive contrast has been drawn between 
 the characters of the Duke of Shrewsbury and the 
 Earl of Monmouth ; the former had been accused 
 and triumphantly acquitted, the latter had been also 
 accused, had been found gviilty, condemned, and dis- 
 graced. It might have been supposed that the one 
 would have been happy, undisturbed, full of energy, 
 and more than ever prepared to fight the battle of 
 life ; while the other would have been utterly broken 
 in spirits, despondent in temper, and unable to 
 
SHREWSBURY S FATE. 117 
 
 summon enoiigli energy to face even common diffi- 
 culties, much less to bear against the load of odium 
 and obloqiiy which past events had justly or unjustly 
 heaped on his character. Strangely enough, the 
 positions were exactly reversed. As often remarked, 
 "Happiness and misery are from within." While 
 Peterborough had one of those spirits " on whom the 
 deepest wound leaves no scars," Shrewsbury had a 
 temperament " on which the slightest scratch may 
 fester to death." 
 
 AVhile Peterborough regained his name, his charac- 
 ter, his popularity, and achieved a reputation far 
 greater than he ever had before, Shrewsbury never 
 recovered his peace of mind ; he left England, retired 
 to seclusion in the Apennines, and remained a broken- 
 hearted man until his death. Let us hope that con- 
 sciousness of innocence had something to do with the 
 elasticity of spirit, just as the consciousness of guilt 
 had undoubtedly caused the broken heart. 
 
 Monmouth was committed to the Tower in 1696, 
 and in the following year his uncle died,^ the same 
 Earl, who in his youth had been selected to choose 
 a consort for James II., and who in his dotage had 
 been sent to the Tower swathed in flannels and 
 hobbling on a crutch for " going over to Eome " — 
 a practice neither so common, nor, it may be added, 
 so safe as it has become since. 
 
 The title of Earl of Peterborough and a portion of 
 the family estates devolved on the Earl of Monmouth ; 
 
 ' In a letter dated May ISth, 1697, Monmoutli talks of "only 
 following the plough. " and Ms wife hecoming a dairywoman ; probably 
 his uncle's death caused him at once to change his mind. — Letters 
 liluslrative of the Reign of WHUaiit III. 
 
118 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 unfortunately, however, the greater part of the pro- 
 perty and the beautiful place of Drayton, in North- 
 amptonshire, was left to the old Earl's only daughter, 
 the Duchess of Norfolk — the same lady, who in the 
 previous year had made herself remarkable in the 
 House of Lords by her evidence against her cousin. 
 It may be well imagined that this alienation of the 
 family property, which had been in the possession of 
 the ]\Iordaunts for many hundred years, proved a 
 source of the most bitter mortification to the subject 
 of these memoirs. He was in much need of a sub- 
 stantial addition to his income. Though by no means 
 personally extravagant or accustomed to live in a 
 wasteful or ostentatious manner, he was generous and 
 lavish of his money,^ and had made serious inroads 
 on a fortune which, in the first instance, was by no 
 means enormous. Drayton had been in the family 
 
 1 As an illustration of the manners of the clay and Monmouth's 
 generosity, we give the following account of an adventure of Peter- 
 borough in his earlier days, which is given in a letter written by James 
 Vernon, Secretary of State to King William, to the Duke of Shrews- 
 bury, dated January 23rd, 1697. He says, " Sir John Talbot came to 
 me last night upon a very remarkable occasion, which he had in the 
 morning communicated to my Lord Keeper ; and it is thus : — One 
 Talbot tells him he has had a pretty long acquaintance with one Brown, 
 whom he knew a student in the Temple, when his father made him 
 reasonable allowance till his estate became forfeited, and since that time 
 he has lived by play sharping, and a little on the highway. This man, 
 with two or three more, set on my Lord Monmouth last summer. The 
 account he gives of it is that they took from him his hat, sword, periwig, 
 a ling he had on his finger, and six shillings in money, which was all 
 he had, my lord making them a compliment that by their behaviour 
 they looked like gentlemen and to take that course only out of neces- 
 sity, and therefore desired to know how he might place ten guineas upon 
 them. They immediately gave him all his things again except the six 
 shillings, which he would not take. The guard from Chelsea College 
 coming to the hedge-side about that time and firing upon them, they 
 told my lord that they should be obliged to mischief him if he did not 
 
THE FAMILY SEAT AND PROPERTY LOST. 119 
 
 for three hundred years, and Turvey in Bedfordshire 
 had been acquired almost immediately after the Con- 
 quest. It therefore did seem rather hard that these 
 much loved and almost historic possessions should 
 pass from the head of the house to one -who had dis- 
 graced the family and had given proof of the greatest 
 ingratitude towards her cousin and champion. It may 
 be remarked that after the Fenwick affair, Monmouth 
 at once withdrew his opposition to the Duke of Nor- 
 folk's divorce bill, which shortly passed the House of 
 Lords. The lady thereupon married Sir John Ger- 
 maine, against whom, in conjunction with his wife, 
 Peterborough raised a lawsuit for the recovery of the 
 property. The litigation lasted for many years, but 
 eventually the will of the old " dotard " Earl was 
 confirmed and the family place and property passed 
 away to strangers. 
 
 From 1697 to 1701 Lord Peterborough remained 
 in comparative seclusion though not in idleness. 
 There w^as no man more industrious in any pursuits 
 that he took up, and few more versatile or varied in 
 his tastes. Apparently there remained no social 
 cloud over him from the Fenwick affair, since in 
 society he was much sought after, and his former 
 
 call to the guard that there were none but friends, which he did and 
 bid his coach drive on. 
 
 " Some time after this Brown made my lord a visit and told his errand. 
 My lord asked him how he durst venture himself in coming thither. 
 He returned my lord his compliment, that he knew he was a man of 
 honour, he came with assurance of what he had said to them, and those 
 who were necessitated to lead his life ran great dangers elsewhere. My 
 Lord gave him a guinea or two and encouraged his coming again, and 
 after that he had frequent meetings with his lordship at some mistress's 
 lodging."— ieHecs Illustrative of the Reign of William III. vol. i. p. 179 
 
120 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 friends remained his friends still. Various portions 
 of his correspondence with Locke, written about this 
 period, are still extant, and some of those who were 
 the most bitterly ojjposed to him when the Fenwick 
 incident occurred, became, at least for a time, his 
 devoted allies. The most remarkable instance of 
 this was Marlborough. It is, however, more than 
 probable that Peterborough's comparative retirement 
 from public life at this period may be in a great 
 measure attributed to that most unfortunate episode, 
 which had such an unpleasant ending. 
 
 So long as King William lived, all the roads which 
 led to public employment and distinction were closed 
 to Peterborough. He seems to have known this and 
 accepted the situation, for we find that, from his 
 release from the Tower until King William's death 
 in March 1702, the name of our hero only appears 
 twice in any prominent manner connected with the 
 deliberations of the House of Lords. When we 
 consider his extraordinary activity of mind, his 
 restlessness, and his ambition, we can appreciate the 
 grave reasons which must have caused such abstention 
 from public life, as well as the heartburnings which 
 such retirement probably caused him. The first of 
 these occasions was in 1701, when Lord Somers and 
 other members of the Ministry, who had recently 
 been ejected from office, wpre impeached by the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 This good old custom of impeaching unsuccessful 
 Ministers seems rather strange to our present ideas, 
 but it was by no means uncommon two hundred 
 years ago, and there are many who regret that it 
 
IMPEACHMENT OF S02IEBS. 121 
 
 is not practised now. At all events it would have 
 the effect of causing the resignation of any Minister 
 or Ministry at the commencement, in place of at the 
 end of a series of blunders. Even if the welfare of 
 the State went for little in their eyes as compared 
 to their own continuance in office, still the probable 
 loss of their heads in case of any serious disasters 
 might tend to cause their timely retirement. 
 
 The impeachment of Lord Somers caused intense 
 excitement in both Houses of Parliament. The 
 Commons had taken the initiative, and findincf a 
 true bill, sent it up to the Lords. They had also 
 passed an address to the Crown praying that the 
 accused might for ever be removed from the Council 
 EoU, on account of his having agreed to what was 
 known as the " Partition " treaty. As the accused 
 had not yet been tried, the Lords considered this 
 address premature and proceeded at once to investi- 
 gate the matter, falling back on their right to try 
 one of their own body. The matter soon resolved 
 itself into a contest between the two houses. The 
 Commons wished to try the erring Ministers them- 
 selves, or at least to take part in their trial ; the 
 Lords, on the other hand, insisted on maintaining 
 their privileges. In the end Lord Somers was tried 
 by the peers and acquitted, a result which the 
 Commons had foreseen, and which they particularly 
 wished to avoid. .. 
 
 It appears that thirty-two peers, among them the 
 Earl of Peterborough, took the part of the Commons 
 against their own body, and acquiesced in objecting 
 to " a pretended trial which only tended to protect 
 
122 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 him (Lord Somers) from justice under colour of an 
 acquittal." Lord Mordaunt, Peterborough's eldest 
 son, had, during the previous year (1700) been 
 returned for Chippenham, being then just of age, 
 and, although so young and inexperienced, had been 
 named one of the Committee of the Lower House for 
 conducting this serious impeachment. We thus see 
 that Lord Peterborough, though himself only forty- 
 two years of age, had a son in Parliament, and we 
 may gauge tolerably well the influence of the father 
 by remarking that this youthful son, immediately 
 on his appearance in the House of Commons, was at 
 once selected for most important duties. If we seek 
 the cause of Peterborough's strong action in this case, 
 it is not difiicult to find. Probably the one principle, 
 to which during life he was entirely consistent, was 
 hostility to the House of Stuart, and hence to the 
 government of Louis XIV., which supported the 
 Stuart claim. As the Partition Treaty was a direct 
 acknowledgment of the claims of France to certain 
 portions of the Spanish dominions, any acquiescence 
 in that treaty was giving a distinct and avowed 
 sanction to the spoliation of Spain and the aggrand- 
 isement of the most dangerous and avowed foe of the 
 Protestant religion and the English people. 
 
 In the next year (February, 1702), Peterborough 
 was to a certain extent punished for his strong 
 action in the Somers case. A ^ew Parliament had 
 been in the meantime elected, and the Tory party 
 proved the stronger, being able to elect their own 
 Speaker, and to have their own way in the matter of 
 petitions regarding contested elections. In the 
 
VOTE OF CENSURE. 123 
 
 Malmesbury election petition, it was asserted in 
 evidence that Lord Peterborough had exercised 
 undue influence to secure the return of Colonel 
 Park. The majority in the Commons were only 
 too glad of the opportunity to be revenged on one 
 who had so lately displayed such extreme hostility 
 against their own party, and treated such alleged 
 interference with an election as a breach of privilege. 
 After several divisions, which it has been remarked 
 gave a better indication of the strength of the re- 
 spective parties in the House of Commons than of 
 the merits of the case at issue, it was voted that 
 " the Earl of Peterborough had been guilty of many 
 indirect practices in endeavouriug to secure the return 
 of Colonel Park." With this vote, however, the 
 matter ended, and very shortly afterwards the minds 
 of all men in the kingdom were directed to the death 
 of King William, which took place somewhat 
 unexpectedly on March 8th, 1702. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE EVENTS WHICH LED TO THE WAE OF THE SPANISH 
 SUCCESSION. 
 
 Causes whicli led to the war of Spanisli succession. — Condition of 
 Spain at the close of the seventeenth century. — The treaty of 
 partition of Spanish empire. — Intrigues of Louis XIV. — Death of 
 Charles II. of Spain. — Philip, son of the Dauphin, proclaimed in 
 his stead. — Porto Carrero. — Queen Maria Louisa. — Condition of the 
 Spanish army and navy. — Disaffection in the provinces, especially 
 Catalonia. — Action of Louis XIV. — Conclusion of " Grand Al- 
 liance " against France in 1701. — Objects of alliance. — The Pre- 
 tender recognised by France as the rightful King of England. — 
 Energy of William III. — War declared against France at Vienna, 
 London, and the Hague. — Peterborough again receives employment. 
 — Relations between Marlborough and Peterborough. — The latter 
 appointed to command expedition to West Indies. — Expedition 
 collapsed. — Peterborough speaks in House of Lords in 1703 on 
 Church matters. — Expedition directed by allies against Cadiz in 
 1702. — Success at Vigo. — Results. — Victorious commander thanked 
 by Parliament. — Benbow. — -Action oil Carthagena. — Affairs in 
 peninsula in 1703. — Archduke Charles proclaimed King of Spain. — 
 Reception in England by Queen Anne. — Arrival at Lisbon in 
 February, 1704. — Operations in Portugal in 1704. — Capture of 
 Gibraltar. — Berwick, Schomberg, and Tess^. — The Portuguese army. 
 — St. Antony of Padua. — State of affairs at the end of the campaign 
 in winter of 1704-1705. 
 
 We now come to the most eventful and important 
 epoch of Lord Peterborough's career. Probably had 
 the war of the Spanish succession never taken place, 
 had there never been a siege of Barcelona, a campaign 
 
DEATH OF WILLI AM.- ACCESSION OF ANNE. 125 
 
 of Valencia, or any of the brilliant exploits performed 
 by English soldiers in Spain under the leadership of 
 the eccentric and gallant Earl, even then the name of 
 Peterborough and Monmouth would have had some 
 place in history. The leading part that the nobleman 
 played at the time of the revolution, his spirited 
 speeches, his wild freaks, his unfortunate connection 
 with the Fenwick case could not have been entirely 
 forgotten or overlooked. It cannot however be said 
 that if this portion of his life had been all that the 
 biographer could find to chronicle, it would have been 
 worth the trouble of either research or perusal. 
 Although the other phases and incidents of Peter- 
 borough's career may be considered of interest, as 
 illustrating and throwing light on his strange and 
 contradictory character, and on some portion of the 
 history of his time, still they must be regarded only 
 as it were as the background of a picture, the centre 
 scene of which is made up of military exploits, alike 
 strange and fascinating, calculated in their impro- 
 bability and success almost to provoke incredulity. 
 
 William of Orange died in 1702, and was succeeded 
 by Queen Anne, whose reign is especially memorable 
 in our history on account of military triumphs and 
 successes, which may be said to have laid the founda- 
 tion alike of the debt and the greatness of the British 
 empire. Strange to say, this reign, so distracted as it 
 was by foreign wars, has also been noted for refine- 
 ment of taste in matters of architecture, plate, and 
 art, which even in these latter days of civilisation and 
 luxury we do our best to emulate. Before endeavour- 
 ing to recount the exploits of Lord Peterborough in 
 
126 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Spain we must first explain liow it occurred tliat the 
 small island " set in foggy seas " and hitherto of but 
 little account among the powers of continental 
 Europe, should have involved itself so seriously in its 
 neighbours' afitiirs as to have simultaneously on foot 
 two large armies fighting for the throne of a foreign 
 Prince, in a purely foreign quarrel. 
 
 As remarked by Lord Stanhope during the reign 
 of Philip II. " the Spanish monarchy was perhaps the 
 mightiest which the world had beheld since the down- 
 fall of the Eoman. But bigotry and despotism were 
 already undermining its foundations, and the next 
 century of its annals displays one long unbroken train 
 of losses, humiliations, and disasters. The establish- 
 ment of the Dutch, and their enterprising spirit, struck 
 a deep blow on its trade, while its domestic industry 
 and population received a still more deadly wound 
 from the fanatic banishment of the Morescoes. The 
 revolt of the Portuguese severed from the empire its 
 most imj)ortant provinces, and raised up an active 
 enemy in the heart of the peninsula. The revolt of 
 the Catalans, though finally supj)ressed, divided the 
 affections and wasted the blood and treasure of the 
 nation. A race of imbecile monarchs shut up in the 
 seclusion of their palace, were unable to remedy, and 
 seemed scarcely to know, the disasters of their subjects. 
 Everywhere the people were misgoverned, im- 
 poverished, and oppressed, declining in industry, and 
 diminishing in numbers. Nothing was left them but 
 the noble pride, which had produced their greatness, 
 and which then, as now, continued to survive it." 
 
 Such was the state of affairs towards the close of 
 
CAUSE OF THE CONFLICT. 127 
 
 the seveuteentli century, when Philip IV. of Spain, 
 hoping by dynastic and family ties to prop up his 
 tottering monarchy, gave his eldest daughter, Maria 
 Theresa, in marriage to his hereditary foe, Louis XIV. 
 of France. Eive years afterwards he died, and was 
 succeeded by his son Charles II., at the time only 
 three years of age. There followed a long and tur- 
 bulent minority, and when the young King came of 
 age he proved himself in every way unfitted even to 
 sit on the throne of a limited and constitutional 
 monarchy, much less to save from ruin a disjointed 
 empire, composed of many nationalities, disunited in 
 itself, and surrounded by rapacious and unscrupulous 
 neighbours. Although married twice, Charles was 
 childless, and the question arose who was to be his 
 successor. His natural and acknowledged heir, the 
 young Prince of Bavaria, had died suddenly and 
 prematurely, and hence the succession to the Spanish 
 monarchy lay between two rivals, whose claims were 
 almost equally obnoxious to the remainder of Europe. 
 As the Salic law does not hold good in Spain, the 
 immediate and direct heir would have been the eldest 
 son of Louis XIV. and Maria Theresa. At the time 
 however that this alliance was made, it was ac- 
 companied by a formal and solemn renunciation, on 
 the part of Louis, of all the rights of succession to the 
 Spanish throne for himself and his descendants. If 
 this formal undertaking were to be regarded as valid, 
 the next heir would come in, and this happened to be 
 Leopold, Emperor of Austria, whose mother was the 
 daughter of Philip III. of Spain. 
 
 It was most undesirable in the interests of the 
 
128 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGII. 
 
 balance of power in Europe that the enormous 
 dominions^ wliich then acknowledged the Spanish flag, 
 should be added either to France or Austria ; and both 
 powers knew that neither would tolerate the inordinate 
 aggrandisement of the other. To obviate the difiiculty 
 in the lifetime of Charles II. a treaty of partition was 
 drawn up, which was signed on behalf of France, 
 England, and Holland. By this arrangement, the 
 Austrian Archduke was to have Spain itself, the 
 colonies and the Netherlands, while the French 
 claimant was to receive as a compensation the king- 
 doms of Naples and Sicily, the duchy of Milan, and 
 the province of Guipuzcoa beyond the Pyrenees. 
 There is every reason to believe that for once in his 
 life William of Orange was entirely duped as regards 
 this treaty, which Louis, who in fact was its prime 
 instigator, cunnicgly turned to his own advantage. 
 As said by Lord Stanhope " This iniquitous compact 
 — concluded without the slightest reference to the 
 welfare of the states so readily parcelled and allotted 
 — insulting to the pride of Spain, and tending to 
 strip that country of its hard-won conquests, could 
 not fail to fill it with mingled indignation and alarm. 
 So skilful, however, was the management of Louis, 
 that he turned away the general indignation from 
 himself and directed it against the two maritime 
 powers, which he held forth as the chief promoters of 
 the scheme. Charles himself was roused into resent- 
 ment, and with one of those sudden bursts of 
 resolution, which weak minds are unable to check or 
 to continue, he cut off all further friendly intercourse 
 with both England and Holland, by commanding 
 
CHARLES'S END APPROACHES. 129 
 
 Mr. Stanhope the British, and De Schonenberg the 
 Dutch ambassador to leave Madrid." 
 
 This was not the only triumph of French diplo- 
 macy. Under ordinary circumstances Charles II. 
 would almost certainly have named the Austrian 
 as his heir. Spain had suffered much at the hands 
 of France, and there was a strong prejudice against 
 the Bourbons. Leopold, however, was as unwise as 
 Louis was politic, and each sovereign had almost 
 the counterpart of themselves as their representa- 
 tives at Madrid. While the Duke of Harcourt, the 
 Frenchman, was winning, liberal, and diplomatic, 
 his rival, Count Harrach, the German, was cold 
 and forbidding in deportment ; he equally offended 
 the great, and by a sordid avarice disappointed the 
 needy, while in place of conciliating, he alienated 
 all by a slow, pompous, and indecisive temper 
 such as characterised at that time the whole Court 
 of Vienna. 
 
 At last the end was seen to be approaching. 
 An invalid from his childhood, the unfortunate 
 Charles became a decrepit old man before the age 
 of thirty-nine. As his days were evidently num- 
 bered, intrigues were redoubled, and the efforts of 
 the two rival claimants to the throne soon to become 
 vacant, were strained to the utmost. The skill of 
 Harcourt, the repulsive arrogance of Harrach, soon 
 produced their -natural effects. The Bourbon party 
 in Spain rapidly increased in numbers. It received 
 moreover a powerful accession and most able leader 
 in the Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal Porto-Carrero, 
 whose high rank was supported by splendid genius 
 
 VOL. I. K 
 
130 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 and i.-eacly talents for intrigue. Wliile Charles lay- 
 on his death-bed, this prelate thundered into his 
 ear the most awful threats of eternal damnation, 
 unless he left his throne to the rightful heir, who, 
 he declared, was the descendant of Maria Theresa. 
 To avoid the jealousy inseparable from the direct 
 addition of the enormous Spanish possessions either 
 to France or Austria, both Louis and Leopold had 
 transferred their right to second sons. Hence, 
 according to Porto-Carrero, the renunciation, which 
 accompanied the marriage of Maria Theresa, only 
 referred to the union of the crowns of France and 
 Spain under one head, and in no way applied to the 
 French candidate, the second son of the Dauphin. 
 
 A mind, weak at all times, became weaker still on 
 the approach of dissolution. Charles yielded to the 
 blandishments of the diplomatist coupled with the 
 terrors held over him by the churchman. A will was 
 made, by which Philip, Duke of Anjou, was named 
 sole heir of the Spanish monarchy ; in the event of 
 Philip having no issue or succeeding to the throne of 
 France, the Duke de Berry was to be the successor, 
 then the Archduke Charles, and lastly the Duke of 
 Savoy and his descendants. Louis XIV. after some 
 aiominal hesitation, eagerly accepted the inheritance 
 on behalf of his grandson, and did his best to pacify 
 his dupes and neighbours, more especially William, 
 King of England. In those days events moved more 
 slowly than they do now, and although Charles II. 
 of Spain died on November 1st, 1700, it was not 
 luitil May 15th 1702 that war was declared by 
 Germany, England, and Holland against France. In 
 
THE DELAY OF THE POWERS. 131 
 
 the meantime, Philip, the Dauphin's son, styled 
 Philip v., a youth only seventeen years of age, had 
 been placed on the throne of Spain, and had been 
 accepted as the rightful sovereign throughout the 
 great Spanish possessions. 
 
 Many events combined to cause this delay on the 
 part of the Powers, who after they had once got 
 into motion and commenced the struggle continued 
 it with varying fortunes, but at all times with con- 
 sistent pertinacity, for no less than twelve years. 
 In the first place, William of Orange was not only 
 failing in health, but was engaged in a most mo- 
 mentous crisis of home politics. Had he then 
 forcibly attempted to dispute the succession, or even 
 refused to recognise the new King of Spain, he 
 would not only have met with serious opposition 
 on the part of his own subjects, but would pro- 
 bably have been almost devoid of allies. The 
 Germans and the Dutch, although resenting bitterly 
 the manner in which they had been outwitted, were 
 as yet scarcely prepared to undertake a contest 
 against the combined power of France and Spain. 
 Lastly, there was no evidence of any discontent 
 among the subjects of the young monarch. The 
 action of Louis had been so secret, so prompt, and 
 so well devised, that the grandson was almost 
 firmly seated on the throne before his enemies 
 could combine against him, or the rival claimant 
 to the monarchy could be recognised or even 
 proclaimed. It was not long, however, before 
 circumstances altered, and an opportunity arose 
 for revenging the diplomatic and unscrupulous 
 
 K 2 
 
132 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 trick whicli Louis XIV. of France had played on 
 Europe. 
 
 Philip V. of Spain entered Madrid on February 
 18th, 1702 ; he was met by a crowd of Spanish 
 courtiers ; and, thanks to the wise precautions of his 
 grandfather to avoid jealousy, only three Frenchmen 
 accompanied him, namely the Ambassador Harcourt, 
 Louville, and the Count d'Ajen. At first all seemed 
 well — any change would almost prove for the better 
 after the abuses and misgovernment, to which for 
 many years the whole nation had been subjected. 
 So long however had the abuses lasted, that any 
 attempt to reform them Avas necessarily bound to 
 cause an infinity of discontent, and to raise up a host of 
 disaffected against the reformers. To Porto- Carrero, 
 on account of his former services, position, and 
 talents, was at once entrusted the chief direction of 
 the State, nor did the Cardinal fail to make full and 
 speedy use of his authority. Unfortunately, while 
 he introduced many measures solely for the good of 
 the State, he showed rather too great regard for his 
 own interests and for those of his friends. He was 
 also proud and overbearing in manner, violent in 
 temper, and sarcastic in language ; altogether an 
 unfortunate Minister for a young King who had to 
 win his way to the hearts of his people. Philip 
 himself had not the qualities calculated either to 
 control or direct his Ministers. Amiable, kind, and 
 weak, he was certain to be under the dominion of the 
 strongest mind with whom he was brought into close 
 and intimate contact. Had it not been for his lovely 
 Queen, Maria Louise, the daughter of the Duke of 
 
THE SPANISH ARMY AXD NAVY. 133 
 
 Savoy, there can be little doubt that his fortunes in 
 the wars of Spanish succession would have been very 
 different. This charming lady, though equally with 
 him a child in years, possessed that strength and 
 firmness of character which in Philip was entirely 
 wanting ; and likewise by her beauty, goodness, and 
 amiability, entirely won the affections of the Spanish 
 nation. 
 
 One of the first cares of the new Ministry was to 
 look after the condition of the army and navy ; as 
 stated by Lord Stanhope, " Both were in the most 
 deplorable disorder. The military establishments for 
 so many different provinces and kingdoms had sunk 
 down to a number insufficient for any one of them. 
 There were only six companies in Naples, three 
 hundred men in Sicily, two hundred in Sardinia, and 
 no more than six thousand in the duchy of Milan, 
 though daily threatened with invasion. All the 
 forces maintained in the Spanish dominions amounted, 
 incredible as it seems, to no more than twenty 
 thousand men, and even these were ill disciplined, 
 ill officered, and ill paid. From jealousy of the 
 grandees the old military spirit had been checked in 
 the upper classes ; from dread of popular encroach- 
 ments the national militia was disused. The for- 
 tresses along the coast were entirely dismantled and 
 neglected ; and even the breaches in the walls of 
 Barcelona, made in a former siege, had never been re- 
 paired. None of the artillery was mounted, none of 
 the stores or arsenals supplied. The workshops were 
 empty, and even the art of ship-building was lost. 
 The royal navy was almost reduced to those armed 
 
134 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 vessels which protected the South American trade ; 
 six galleys, decayed with age and inaction, were 
 rotting in the Bay of Carthagena, and a few more 
 were hired from the Genoese." 
 
 This account of the naval and military condition 
 of Spain, at the time when the young Bourbon King 
 arrived, is most important, if we wish to understand 
 the resources at his disposal for resisting the attack 
 made on him only about a year and a half afterwards, 
 and to realise how thoroughly dependent he was, even 
 for existence, on the assistance of France. 
 
 Of course, to put the defences of the country in a 
 proper order the first rec[uisite was money. To get 
 this, the new Government imposed new taxes, which 
 did not tend to increase their popularity, and utterly 
 failed to raise the much -needed revenue. At this 
 time the finances of Spain were in a condition very 
 much resembling that of the army ; it was stated 
 that at Madrid the Treasury was so empty that even 
 the most pressing demands could not be met, and the 
 pay of the soldiers was often so much in arrear, that 
 Eoyal Life Guardsmen were driven to share with 
 beggars the charitable contributions for the hospitals. 
 As it was found that peculation and corruption was 
 so astonishingly rife among native Government ser- 
 vants, foreigners were introduced, and very soon the 
 whole country was overrun with needy Frenchmen, 
 picking up all the good things that were to be had, 
 and irritating the Spaniards by their airs and inso- 
 lence. Even the great Cardinal Porto-Carrero began 
 to tire of his new masters, for such the Government 
 at Versailles soon proved to l)e, and he intrigued with 
 
WILLIAM THE ENEMY OF FEAXCE. 135 
 
 as much vigour to undermine their influence, as pre- 
 viously he had laboured to establish it. Under such 
 influences Spain itself very soon became ripe for a 
 revolt, and first gave evidence of disaffection by 
 a demand for the assembly of their Cortes or 
 Parliament, which demand the advisers of Philip 
 dared neither grant nor openly refuse. Very soon 
 discontent began to give most evident proofs of 
 its existence, Catalonia taking the lead. Until 
 the accession of Philip this province had been 
 governed by Prince George of Hesse Darmstadt, 
 as Viceroy, who had much endeared himself to the 
 Catalans by his courage and his integrity, the latter 
 being a quality somewhat rare in Spain in those days, 
 and hence highly prized. When he bid his friends 
 good-bye, he promised them to return and to bring 
 with him "another King of Spain." 
 
 Great, however, as were the difficulties with which 
 the young King had to contend in his own kingdom, 
 they were as nothing compared with the dangers that 
 threatened him from without. From the time of his 
 accession William of England had been the consistent 
 enemy of France, and with good reason — the safety 
 of his throne, the liberties of his people, were in 
 deadly jeopardy. At first he found it difficult to 
 obtain either the adherence of allies or the support 
 of his own subjects. Very soon, however, the action 
 of Louis enabled him to obtain both. At first, with 
 that profound wisdom, for which during his life he 
 was so distinguished, thoroughly appreciating the 
 necessities of the hour, he recognised the new King 
 of Spain, and professed an earnest desire for peace. 
 
T36 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 By this means he allayed the susceptibilities of the 
 English people and gave the French Government full 
 rope to hang themselves — that is, to disclose their 
 real designs to Europe. These designs very soon 
 became evident. AVithin a few months Louis XIV. 
 claimed the privileges of the South African trade, 
 supplanted the Dutch in their contract for negroes, 
 and threatened British commerce. Also by increasing 
 his fortresses and assembling his armies, he seriously 
 menaced not only the independence, but even the 
 existence of Holland. William was not slow to fan 
 the flame of European alarm ; he repaired in person 
 to the Hague, and by the most able and energetic 
 negotiations, succeeded in concluding the " Grand 
 Alliance " between England, Austria, and the States- 
 General, on September 7th, 1701. 
 
 The distinct aims of the alliance were not at first 
 disclosed, and probably were not even determined. 
 The main principle, however, of their united action, 
 was well understood, and only required time and 
 opportunity for its complete development. As, how- 
 ever, the suspicions of Europe had not yet been fully 
 excited, or its feelings aroused, the terms of the treaty 
 were extremely guarded. The claims of Philip to the 
 throne of Spain were not assailed, nor were those of 
 the Archduke Charles asserted. Apparently the 
 league was entirely defensive, and had as its object 
 to prevent the union of the crown of France and 
 Spain in one individual ; to preserve the Netherlands 
 from the encroachments of France, already effected, 
 and the West Indies from those designed. At the 
 time when this league was signed James IT. was still 
 
THE ENERGY OF WILLIAM. 137 
 
 alive, an exile at St. Germain's. By a curious dis- 
 pensation of Providence he died a few days after its 
 signature, and Louis thereupon committed perhaps the 
 most gross political blunder of which he was ever 
 guilty. He acknowledged the eldest son of James II. 
 as the rightful sovereign of England. This act was 
 not only a distinct violation of his own solemn en- 
 gagement at the Treaty of Ryswick, but was justly 
 regarded as both an act of personal spite against 
 William, and a deliberate insult to the people who 
 acknowledged him as King. The comparative apathy 
 and even disinclination for war, which up to this 
 time had been predominant in England, at once gave 
 way to a burst of vindictive enthusiasm. William 
 took the tide on the flood. He dissolved his pacific 
 and lukewarm Parliament ; he appealed to the people 
 to elect him another, and did not appeal to them in 
 vain. As remarked by Lord Stanhope, it is im- 
 possible to avoid regarding the action of King 
 William at this time otherwise than with the greatest 
 admiration. Entirely by his own exertions, alike 
 unremitting and energetic, he succeeded, almost 
 contrary to the wishes of his people, in uniting the 
 powers of Europe in alliance against their greatest 
 enemy. At the same time he was utterly broken in 
 health. His constitution, never very robust, had 
 given way to fatigues and anxieties. He was unable 
 to walk, could only ride when lifted on his horse, yet 
 in his mind and actions there was no trace of decay ; 
 and he had absolutely determined to lead his troops 
 in person during the war which was imminent. His 
 
138 THE EARL OF PETEEBOROUGH. 
 
 death in any case could not long have been delayed, 
 but it was accelerated by a fall from his horse, and 
 took place on March 8th, 1702. 
 
 Had his death occurred nine or ten months sooner 
 the destinies of Europe might have been very different. 
 As it was, the " machine which he had constructed 
 and set in motion no longer required the hand of 
 the master workman." Queen Anne, who succeeded 
 him on the throne of England, though personally 
 devoid of ability, was surrounded by able ministers, 
 and fully carried out the policy initiated by her 
 predecessor. 
 
 Not only was war simultaneously declared against 
 France, at Vienna, London, and the Hague, within 
 two months of his death, but the plan of operations, 
 which William had laid down, was, on the whole, 
 strictly carried out. This plan comprised a series of 
 expeditions directed against various of the dominions 
 of France and Spain, A large body of troops, under 
 Prince Eugene, was to invade the duchy of Milan 
 and endeavour to secure the Italian provinces. A 
 combined army of English, Germans, and Dutch, 
 under the Duke of Marlborough, was to attack 
 the French in the Low Countries, and lastly, 
 the two maritime powers — England and Holland 
 — were to have a combined expedition to the 
 south of Spain more especially directed against 
 Cadiz. 
 
 It will not be within our province to recount the 
 fortunes of the wars in other parts of Europe, as, 
 perhaps unfortunately for the fortune of the allied 
 
now PETERBOROUGH OBTAINED COMMAND. 139 
 
 armies, the exploits of Lord Peterborough were 
 confined to the Spanish peninsula, and nearly three 
 years elapsed after the declaration of war before his 
 services were called into request. 
 
 If we consider the previous incidents of his life, it 
 will appear to us strange, not that Peterborough was 
 at first unemployed in Spain, but that he was ever 
 selected for any military command whatsoever. With 
 the exception of the roving expeditions of his boy- 
 hood, and the fact that he had commanded a regiment 
 in the campaign of 1792, he was apparently equally 
 devoid of military experience and of claims for 
 emploj'-ment. The key to the puzzle is found in the 
 friendship, which had sprung up between him and 
 the Duchess of Marlborough, and the infiuence which 
 that lady exercised over Queen Anne. As long as 
 William lived, Peterborough remained in the cold 
 shade of private life, but immediately on the King's 
 death we find that he was at once given fresh honours 
 and an important command. In 1702, the very year 
 of the accession of Queen Anne, he was nominated 
 Lord-Lieutenant of Northamptonshire, and shortly 
 afterwards, not only Governor-General of Jamaica, 
 but Commander-in-Chief of a joint military and 
 naval expedition, which England and Holland had 
 agreed to despatch, for the purpose of capturing 
 some of the rich Spanish colonies in the West 
 Indies. 
 
 The influence of the Earl and Countess of Marl- 
 borough was then all-powerful at Court, and was in 
 every way natural ; both had sufi'ered much from 
 
140 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 their devotion to the Princess Anne in lier differences 
 with William and Mary ; they had lost official posts, 
 emoluments, and Court favour, and only regained a 
 position of consideration by services rendered, and 
 after much weary waiting. Queen Anne, as it 
 happened — a bright exception to many who sit on 
 thrones — was invariably loyal to her old friends ; 
 hence, on her accession, her first thought was devoted 
 to aid these faithful friends. Even, however, had 
 there not been this strong tie of private friendship, 
 Marlborough's great talents would in any case have 
 secured him the chief position in the State. For 
 many years King William, for very excellent reasons, 
 had regarded the great statesman and commander 
 both with suspicion and dislike, but nevertheless he 
 had entrusted him with most important duties, and 
 before his death had, as his last advice, urged Queen 
 Anne to confide to Marlborough alike the command 
 of her armies and the chief direction of her councils. 
 The advice of the dying King was fully heeded, and 
 its wisdom fully justified. Whatever may have been 
 his failings and delinquencies, which we believe have 
 been much exaggerated by some historians, notably 
 by Macaulay, Marlborough fully justified by results 
 the trust reposed in him by England and her 
 Queen. 
 
 Now, when two centuries have passed away, it is 
 difficult to realise or to understand how much Eng- 
 land owed to that most gifted man. The power of 
 France was then a great and ever-present danger to 
 us, threatening not only our freedom of action and 
 
mS RELATIONS WITH MARLBOROUGH. 141 
 
 religious belief, but our very existence as a nation. 
 Now as we look back it seems strange that Louis XIV. 
 did not succeed in placing James II. on the throne 
 as his own nominee, and in reducing England to the 
 level of a province of France. It was through Marl- 
 borough, more than any other man in Europe, that, 
 after a bitter struggle, the power and tyranny 
 wielded by the French King were broken, and 
 England was left free to choose its own King and 
 its own religion. 
 
 The relations which existed between the Marl- 
 boroughs and Lord Peterborough were most curious 
 and contradictory ; they varied between extreme 
 friendship and extreme hostility. Just at the time 
 of the Spanish succession they were in the former 
 phase, and we find letters from Lord Peterborough 
 to the Duchess of Marlborough, which are couched 
 in terms of extreme flattery and respectful admira- 
 tion. That she was unable to resist the fascination 
 of his wit and the charm of his manner, is by no 
 means surprising, as from all accounts, among ladies, 
 he was almost the most popular man of his time. 
 In this instance, however, there is not the smallest 
 doubt that the admiration on both sides was entirely 
 platonic. The following letter of condolence was 
 written by Lord Peterborough to the Duke of Marl- 
 borough in February, 1703, just after the death of 
 the Marquis of Blandford, a youth of much promise, 
 who died at Cambridge of small-pox, in his seven- 
 teenth year. The loss of this, their only son, caused 
 inexpressible grief to both father and mother, more 
 especially as his brother Charles had died at an early 
 
142 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 age, and now there were only left two daughters, 
 from whom the present Dukes of Marlborough and 
 Earls Spencer are descended. 
 
 LORD PETERBOROUGH to the DUKE of MARLBOROUGH. 
 
 " One cannot judge, my Lord, what time is necessary 
 to moderate so just a grief, or when one may venture 
 to trouble your Grace upon this occasion, but certainly 
 interruption is necessary to melancholy thoughts ; and 
 that affliction, which cannot be overcome, must be 
 diverted by the necessity of aifairs or some other 
 objects. Being alone, and not admitting friends, 
 must necessarily increase and feed that affliction 
 which you are obliged to struggle with, since the 
 misfortune is irreparable. 
 
 " I know not whether it be a mitigation that 
 everybody bears a share in your loss, and that the 
 concern is universal. It shows the value of what 
 you no more enjoy; but such is the state of human 
 affairs, that what we possessed with much satisfaction, 
 we are always in danger of losing with the greatest 
 extremity of regret. 
 
 " I heartily wish your Grace may find ease in this 
 affliction. Give me leave to say you must seek it, 
 and what satisfaction this world can afford on other 
 occasions." 
 
 As before mentioned, Peterborough was not em- 
 j)loyed in Spain for nearly three years after the 
 declaration of war, which took place on May 15th, 
 1702; but no sooner did Queen Anne come to the 
 throne, than he was at once selected to command an 
 expedition to the AYest Indies. Much to his disgust 
 the enterprise collapsed, as it was found that the 
 troops could not ' be spared from Flanders. With 
 
HIS LETTER TO LOCKE. 143 
 
 reference to this incident, he writes the following 
 characteristic letter to Mr. Locke : — 
 
 Jan 9,7th, 1703. 
 
 " Had I not, with Mr. Locke, left off wondering at 
 anything long ago, I might with surprise write this 
 letter, and you receive it with amazement, when I 
 tell you that our American expedition has fallen, as a 
 mushroom rises, in a single night. I had my orders 
 to be abroad about the 16th : all my equipage and 
 servants gone, and on the 14th I was sent for to the 
 Place of Wisdom to be asked this question — Whether 
 I could effect with 3,000 men that which I was to 
 have attempted with more than double the number ? 
 I immediately confessed myself no worker of miracles, 
 and being told that the States had desired the 
 Dutch squadron and land forces might be employed 
 upon other services, since the season was so far spent, 
 and the winds contrary, I likewise desired they might 
 excuse my going if the season was passed. 
 
 " I am sure this does not surprise you, that I 
 refused to go to the other world loaded with empty 
 titles and devoid of force." 
 
 As he was disappointed of warlike employment, 
 apparently he turned his attention to the affairs of 
 the Church, and in January and November, 1703, 
 took a prominent part in Parliament with reference 
 to a " Bill for Preventing Occasional Conformity," 
 which was introduced by the High Church party. 
 So much interest did he take in the measure, that 
 he was named by the Lords as one of their delegates 
 "at the free discussion with the Commons." Great 
 efforts were made to pass this bill, and it was intro- 
 duced twice in the same year ; it was, however, 
 finally rejected irt December, in a groat measure 
 
144 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 through the opposition of Peterborough, who made 
 a brilliant retort against the Archbishop of York, 
 one of its supporters. It must not be supposed the 
 Lord Peterborough, notwithstanding his early eflforts 
 to preach a sermon, was either, by habits or tastes, 
 in any way qualified to legislate for the Church. He 
 was, however, a bitter enemy of jaopery and prelacy, 
 and was equally jealous of anything that savoured 
 of the one, or that increased the power of the other. 
 This extreme jealousy was shared by the great 
 proportion of the well-educated Protestants of the 
 age, and is by no means surprising if we consider 
 the great bitterness mixed up with the many re- 
 ligious controversies, as well as the influence and 
 authority not only claimed but actually exercised 
 in temporal matters by the priesthood. It appears 
 that Peterborough was actuated by no special 
 jealousy or dislike of the Church of England, since, 
 with reference to this incident, he told his friend 
 Dean Swift that " If I had the least suspicion that 
 rejecting the bill would hurt the Church or do kind- 
 ness to the dissenters, I would lose my right hand 
 rather than speak against it." ^ 
 
 Although, compared to our present ideas, the 
 movements of armies, fleets, and individuals, were 
 very slow at the beginning of the eighteenth 
 century, yet the allies were by no means slow or 
 dilatory in their preparations and designs after war 
 had been once declared. Apart from the operations 
 in the Low Countries, an expedition was organised 
 against Cadiz, which had been specially selected by 
 
 1 Swift's Correspondence, vol. xv. p. 292. 
 
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 145 
 
 King "William as the point of attack. There can be 
 little doubt that this selection was most judicious, 
 both on account of the strategic facilities it offered 
 for promoting an insurrection and cutting off the 
 trade with the South American colonies, but also 
 on account of the treasure its capture would probably 
 secure, and the damage that would be done to what 
 remained of the Spanish navy. Unfortunately, the 
 execution was not equal to the design of the project, 
 and the result was the reverse of satisfactory. Fifty 
 sail of the line were fitted out ; of these twenty were 
 Dutch and thirty English ; also a large fleet of tran- 
 sports, carrying fourteen thousand troops : in all, 
 one hundred and sixty vessels. The Duke of Ormond 
 was named Generalissimo of the expedition. Admiral 
 Sir George Rooke being in command of the fleet, with 
 Sir Henry Bellasis and General Sparre in command 
 of the land forces, English and Dutch respectively. 
 As events proved, these selections were by no means 
 judicious ; the Duke of Ormond, although a man of 
 high character and great integrity, lacked the firm- 
 ness, experience, and ability to control a joint 
 expedition, led by chiefs of different nationalities, 
 who were jealous of each other, and, as it turned 
 out, by no means trustworthy or efficient in them- 
 selves. As the combined fleet passed by Lisbon, it 
 was joined by the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, who 
 had been endeavouring to induce the Portuguese to 
 join the grand alliance. His efforts, however, had 
 proved unsuccessful, and, much to their disappoint- 
 ment, the allies had to dispense with the valuable 
 local assistance which an alliance with Portugal 
 VOL. I. L 
 
146 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 would have afforded them. The expedition arrived 
 off Cadiz on the 23rd of August, 1702, and after 
 three days' wrangling among the chiefs as to the 
 best mode of attack, the troops were landed, on 
 August 26th, in the Bay of Toros. Colonel James 
 Stanhope, who was an officer of the expedition, and 
 afterwards rose to be commander-in-chief in Spain, 
 describes, in the following words, the discussions of 
 the allied commanders. He says : " We are not only 
 divided sea against land, but land against land, and 
 sea against sea. Now, if it be true that a house 
 divided cannot stand, I am afraid it is still more true 
 that an army and fleet divided each against itself, 
 and each against the other, can make no conquests." 
 
 At this time the resources of the Spaniards for 
 defence were of the most insufficient and meagre 
 description, and the central authority at Madrid was 
 ajmost as much divided in their councils as were the 
 allied commanders off Cadiz. The Cardinal Porto- 
 Carrero had gone out of favour, and the chief authority 
 in the State was now exercised by a most charming 
 and talented lady, the Princess Orsini, who had been 
 specially selected by Louis XIV. as a companion for 
 the young Queen with the view of ruling the King 
 through his wife. The Princess, with all her un- 
 doubted ability, was scarcely qualified to direct 
 military operations, and hence the measures taken to 
 send reinforcements to the south were neither 
 prompt, vigorous, nor sufficient. 
 
 The situation was further complicated by the fact 
 that the King himself was absent in Italy, and the 
 affairs of State were managed by a junta of regency 
 
THE SPANISH COMMANDER. 147 
 
 held by the Queen, who was only fourteen years of 
 age. Philip however was so far fortunate in his 
 absence, as the Captain-General of Andalusia hap- 
 pened to be a man of great courage, energy, and 
 resource, Don Francisco del Castillo, Marquis of 
 Villadarias. This commander, whose name is not 
 sufficiently well known to history, displayed much 
 ability in the preparations he made to resist the 
 attack of the allies, " worthy of his country in her 
 brightest, faithful to her in her darkest days, he 
 seemed as it were a survivor from those old times 
 when the Spanish armies were the best and most 
 successful in the world." With but small means at 
 his disposal, the dispositions of the Spanish general 
 for defence were admirably conceived, and thanks to 
 the differences and the incompetency of the allied 
 commanders, they were almost entirely successful. 
 The capture of Cadiz would have inflicted a most 
 serious blow on the resources and prestige of Philip. 
 Its value was fully appreciated by Charles V., who 
 has been justly described as the last sovereign of 
 ability who sat on the throne of Spain, and who in 
 his parting advice to his son bid him " hold fast 
 Flushing, the Goletta, and Cadiz, as the keys of the 
 Netherlands, Africa and Spain." On this occasion the 
 operations of the allies were limited to plundering the 
 little town of Eota ; their excesses injured the cause 
 of the Archduke Charles almost as much as they did 
 the discipline of the troops, and eventually the 
 entire expedition was re- embarked, " laden with a 
 great deal of plunder and infamy" and the fleet 
 sailed from Cadiz on September 30th. 
 
148 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Apparently the prospect of loot and prize-money 
 had more influence in the councils of the English and 
 Dutch leaders than the desire to inflict real injury on 
 the enemy. Fortunately for them an opportunity 
 occurred in which both objects might be conveniently 
 combined. The Spanish galleons, laden with treasure 
 from the New World, being unable to get into Cadiz, 
 had run for Vigo Bay, where they arrived on 
 September 22nd, under the escort of a combined 
 French and Spanish fleet. No sooner did the allied 
 commanders hear this, than they crowded all sail 
 northwards in hopes of catching this splendid 
 trophy — a far more easy prey than the well-defended 
 city of Cadiz. Contrary winds delayed their fleet, 
 and had the Spaniards used even common diligence, 
 the cargoes might easily have been safely landed 
 from the ships and conveyed to the interior, long before 
 any enemy could have touched them. The slowness, 
 procrastination, and irritating formalities, which up 
 to the present day so embarrass travellers in Spain 
 apparently were equally present in the habits of the 
 population in those times. The citizens of Cadiz had 
 been entitled to a percentage on all the bullion 
 landed at their port. When they saw such rich 
 cargoes going elsewhere, they forwarded a protest to 
 Madrid, and while their remonstrances were " under 
 consideration " — a most convenient excuse which has 
 been fatal in many other cases — orders were sent 
 that the ships should not be unloaded. Thus, 
 although the allies did not arrive ofi' Vigo until 
 October 22nd, the rich Spanish merchantmen, with 
 the great part of their precious freights were still at 
 
DEFEAT OF THE FEENCH AND SPANIARDS. 149 
 
 their disposal. The allies showed a very different 
 spirit from what they had exhibited in front of Cadiz 
 now rich booty, bags of gold, were in their grasp. 
 They attacked with the greatest vigour and deter- 
 mination and, although both French and Spaniards 
 fought gallantly, what could they do against a fleet 
 " w^hich according to the boast of the Prince of 
 Darmstadt held on board more troops than could at 
 that moment have been found in the whole of 
 Spain." ^ The result could not have been doubtful. 
 After a sanguinary conflict in which about two 
 thousand French and Spaniards perished, the entire 
 convoy was taken or destroyed. Athoiigh, by the 
 orders of the French and Spanish admirals, eflforts 
 were made to throw the cargoes into the sea and to 
 burn the ships, the English succeeded in capturing six 
 galleons and seven ships of war. It is stated that 
 the loss of the Spaniards from this disaster, exceeded 
 eight millions of dollars, of which however only about 
 half fell to the victors, the remainder having been 
 burnt or destroyed. 
 
 It cannot be said that the exploit reflected nauch 
 credit on the invaders, or in any way wiped out the 
 disgrace attached to them from the failure at Cadiz, 
 but nevertheless it.inflicted the most serious possible 
 blow on the resources and prospects of Philip. At 
 one stroke he lost his best, in fact his only fleet, and 
 as a result the American commerce had to be handed 
 over to the French, much to the detriment of the 
 Spanish merchants. He had also, at a period of 
 great distress, been deprived of the necessary supplies 
 
 ' TT'iT)' nf the Succession in Spain, by Lord Mahoii. 
 
loO THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 for the payment of his troops, and the conduct of the 
 war, supplies for which he had long anxiously waited, 
 and which he had in a great measure forestalled. On 
 the other hand, the excesses which accompanied the 
 fiasco in front of Cadiz, the wanton damage which 
 was done to property, and the gross manner in which 
 even churches were violated and destroyed, had done 
 an infinity of harm to the Archduke Charles, whose 
 claims became necessarily associated with all the 
 horrors connected with the advance of an ill- 
 disciplined invading army. 
 
 After the success at Vigo, the Duke of Ormond 
 proposed cajDturing the town and spending the win- 
 ter in Spain. He was, however, overruled by the 
 Admiral, and onOctober 31st the troops re-embarked 
 and the expedition sailed for England. It would 
 seem as if the operations had not been altogether 
 successful or satisfactory, more especially when one 
 considers the means employed and the forces they 
 had to encounter ; but nevertheless the Duke of 
 Ormond and Sir George Eooke received the thanks 
 of both Houses of Parliament, and November 12th 
 was set apart as a solemn day of thanksgiving for the 
 success of the campaign. Now when one looks back 
 it would be difficult to find any more discreditable or 
 unsatisfactory incident in our military and naval 
 annals ; more especially with reference to the horrible 
 excesses perpetrated, and the gross peculation which 
 was rife among both officers and men. It appears 
 that Sir Henry Bellasis, the general in command of 
 the troops, was afterwards dismissed from the service 
 for this very offence — peculation — which, considering 
 
BEyBOW WOUNDED. 151 
 
 the ideas and customs of the age, must have been 
 very gross and barefaced to meet with such a punish- 
 ment. It has, however, been remarked with much 
 truth, as an excuse for the immoderate rejoicings 
 over so doubtful and moderate a success, that in 
 " those days the British nation had been little spoilt 
 by naval or military victories. In the same year 
 Admiral Sir John Munden was cashiered for treachery 
 or cowardice on the coast of Spain, and four captains 
 of ships in the gallant Benbow's West Indian fleet 
 were either dismissed or shot for refusing to meet 
 the enemy and for abandoning their chief." ^ It is 
 related that in this naval battle off Carthagena on 
 August 19th, 1702, the other ships of Admiral 
 Benbow's squadron falling astern, the gallant com- 
 mander was left to maintain the unequal battle by 
 himself. While the fight was going on, a chain-shot 
 shattered his leg, yet he refused to be removed from 
 the quarter-deck, continued to give his orders, and 
 maintained the fight until the morning, when the 
 French sheered off. In the following month he died 
 of his wounds at Jamaica, where soon after his arrival 
 he received a letter from the French Admiral, of 
 which the following is a translation : — 
 
 "Carthagena, Aug. 22nd, 1702. 
 " SlE, 
 
 " I had little hopes on Monday last but to 
 have supped in your cabin, yet it pleased God to 
 order otherwise. I am thankful for it. As for those 
 cowardly captains who deserted you, hang them up, 
 for by God they deserve it. 
 
 "Du Casse." 
 
 1 Warburton, vol. 1. p. 11 6. 
 
152 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 During the next year (1703) but little was clone as 
 regards militarj' operations on the Spanish peninsula, 
 although much happened in a political point of 
 view. It was extremely important for the allied 
 powers to have the co-operation of the Portuguese, 
 who at first drew back and refused to join the grand 
 alliance. It was also necessary that the claimant to 
 the Spanish throne, whose cause was supported by 
 the allied fleets and armies, should personally make 
 his appearance and endeavour to establish a more 
 secure footing in the sympathies of the people than 
 that based on the sujaport of foreign bayonets. 
 Through the exertions and ability of the hereditary 
 Admiral of Castile, Don Juan Henriquez y Cabrera, 
 both these ends were brought about. This man 
 almost rivalled Porto-Carrero in talents for intrigue 
 and in ability, while his high rank, princely fortune, 
 and great influence, made him most valuable as a 
 friend and dangerous as a foe. In fact, so great was 
 his power, that the Cardinal, before he was practically 
 supplanted by Princess Orsini in the chief authority 
 in the State, fearing the' influence of so great a rival, 
 had caused Cabrera to be dimissed from his post of 
 JMaster of the Horse. This slight converted the 
 Admiral into a determined, although a disguised 
 enemy of the house of Bourbon, and he at once 
 commenced simultaneously to ingratiate himself with 
 the young Queen and her favourite the Princess 
 Orsini, and to open communications with the Court 
 of Vienna. Porto-Carrero soon perceived how formid- 
 able was the danger to be feared from the intrigues, 
 hostility, and influence of this most talented antago- 
 
TREACHERY OF THE ADMIRAL, 153 
 
 cist, and to get rid of him induced the Government 
 to name him ambassador at Paris. 
 
 Cabrera fully appreciated the value of the nomi- 
 nation as well as its object, and the steps he took 
 to give effect to his' resentment are worth relating, 
 if only as an example of the age and the extra- 
 ordinary changes that have been wrought by tele- 
 graphs, railways, and rapid means of communication. 
 The Admiral professed himself much gratified with 
 his appointment, and made every preparation to fill 
 it with dignity ; he appointed a numerous suite, 
 accepted money from the royal treasury for his 
 expenses, and requested permission to raise more 
 by mortgage on his estates. The Government had 
 no suspicions as to his fidelity, and the new 
 ambassador started with all honours to take up his 
 new appointment at the French capital. ' When, 
 however, he had proceeded three days on his 
 journey, he received a sealed despatch. " He read 
 it with surprise, and, turning to his attendants, 
 informed them that he had just received counter- 
 orders from her Majesty [the King was still in 
 Italy], and was now instructed to proceed, in the 
 first instance, to the Court of Portugal and attempt 
 to confirm its wavering alliance." Believed and 
 followed by all his suite, he at once proceeded to 
 Ijisbon, where he forthwith threw off the mask, 
 declared the will of Charles II. a forgery, and 
 proclaimed the Archduke the rightful King. It may 
 be imagined what consternation and astonishment 
 the intelligence of this serious defection occasioned 
 at Madrid, when, after some time, the amazing news 
 
154 TUB EARL OF PETEBBOROUGII. 
 
 reached the Spanish Government. From this date 
 the Admiral, feeling that he had thrown the 
 scabbard away, became the most valuable adherent 
 of the allied powers. It is related, as a set-off to 
 his first treachery, that, on his changing sides, he 
 returned to Madrid the large sum which had been 
 paid him for the expenses of his embassy. 
 
 The alliance with Portugal was signed on May 6th, 
 1702, and the Archduke Charles was formally pro- 
 claimed the King of Spain. In return for this 
 adherence to the grand alliance, and the promise on 
 her part of twenty-three thousand infantry and five 
 thousand cavalry to aid in the operations, a secret 
 treaty was made, by which certain cities and districts 
 in Spain were to be ceded to Portugal. As frequently 
 happens with secret treaties, the conditions of this 
 compact, some years afterwards, were disclosed, and 
 were regarded as most offensive by the Spanish 
 nation. In fact, it may be said that such a 
 proposed surrender of territory proved far more 
 detrimental to the cause of Charles than the co- 
 operation of the Portuguese troops proved advan- 
 tageous. In order to strengthen and consolidate 
 the alliance, in July, 1703, a powerful fleet, under 
 Sir Cloudesley Shovel, was despatched from England 
 to Lisbon. Little, however, was efi"ected. Some 
 troops were landed at Altea in Valencia, but, finding 
 that they received no encouragement from the native 
 population, they were re-embarked, and, after a short 
 time, the expedition returned to England. 
 
 This year, in other respects unremarkable, was 
 signalised by the first departure of the Archduke 
 
CHARLES IN ENGLAND. loo 
 
 Charles, as it may be said, from his mother's, or 
 rather his father's, apron-strings. After his usual 
 procrastination, the Emperor Leopold held a Court 
 on September 12th, and, with much solemnity, 
 renounced his own claim to the throne of Spain. 
 His eldest son, the King of the Romans, did the 
 same, and, a few days afterwards, his second son, 
 now the young monarch, set out on his travels. It 
 is stated that his parents had so ill-provided him 
 with money, that he had to pawn his jewels as he 
 passed through Holland, in order to enable him to 
 continue his journey. When, however, he arrived 
 in England, he was received with royal honours, and 
 treated with much distinction. 
 
 The details of the young Prince's adventures in 
 England have been related by several historians, and 
 are worthy of notice, if only to illustrate the con- 
 dition of the country at that period. Prince Charles 
 arriA'^ed at Spithead on December 26th, and was met 
 by the Duke of Somerset, the Master of the Horse, 
 who delivered him a " compliment " from Queen 
 Anne, and invited him to pay a visit to Petworth 
 until Prince George of Denmark, the Prince Consort, 
 came to fetch him and conduct him to the Queen at 
 Windsor. Although the distance from Windsor to 
 Petworth is only forty miles, Prince George took 
 fourteen hours to accomplish the journey, " so 
 atrocious were the roads in that wild country. This 
 length of time consumed was the more singular," 
 remarks a Danish gentleman who was one of the 
 suite, " since the Prince made not any stop on the 
 
156 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 road, excepting when his coach was overthrown or 
 stuck in the mud." Tlie Austrian Archduke appa- 
 rently was not more fortunate in his journey, as he 
 only arrived at Petworth at the same hour of the 
 night as Prince George. After one day's rest, the 
 two Princes started for Windsor, which they reached 
 without serious mishap, having only been upset three 
 times. Great efforts were made by Queen Anne to 
 give her new ally a fitting reception, so as to con- 
 solidate tlie alliance, just as in our day we gixQfStes 
 to the Shah and hold durbars for the Ameer of 
 Afghanistan. For this reason the wretched boy had 
 to go through a number of solemn and cumbersome 
 cei'emonies, both on the night of his arrival and on 
 the following day. It is stated that many ladies of 
 high rank were presented to him, and that he kissed 
 them all with "royal frigidity." Apparently, how- 
 ever, he was by no means devoid of tact, since he 
 devoted his special attention to the Duke and 
 Duchess of Mar] borough, who were then by far the 
 most powerful subjects in Europe. To the Duke he 
 gave his sword, saying, " I have nothing worthier of 
 your acceptance. I am a poor Prince ; I have little 
 more than my sword and my mantle." He gave, how- 
 ever, to the Duchess a superb diamond ring, which ap- 
 parently he had not pawned with his other jewelry. 
 
 It is stated that on the whole the impression which 
 Charles left behind him was not a favourable one, 
 perhaps he showed too much " royal frigidity " 
 towards the ladies ; in any case he was voted dull 
 and stupid, and did not excite enthusiasm. Dr. 
 
MARLBOROUGH AND BERWICK. 157 
 
 Garth, a satirical versifier of the day, speaks of him 
 as follows — 
 
 " An AustriaiL Prince alone 
 Is fit to nod upon tlie Spanish throne." 
 
 However, when he departed after a visit of only a 
 few days in England, by express order from the Queeil 
 he was treated as a reigning sovereign at Portsmouth. 
 Her instructions were " to pay the same obedience to 
 the King of Spain, as to the time and manner of his 
 setting sail, and as to the number of ships which shall 
 be in readiness to attend him, as you would do to 
 myself." The elements were not so gracious to the 
 new King as Queen Anne, he was driven back 
 into Spithead from the Bay of Biscay,^ and finally 
 did not reach Lisbon till February 25th, 1704. 
 
 The new year, though signalised by the magnificent 
 victory of Blenheim, fought on August 13th, and the 
 capture of Gibraltar on July 24th, was not marked by 
 any special operations in Portugal ; 4,000 Dutch and 
 8,000 English troops were despatched under General 
 Fagel and the Duke of Schomberg respectively, while 
 the fleet was commanded by Sir George Eooke. On 
 the other hand the Spanish and French collected 
 their forces and placed them under the command of 
 the Duke of Berwick. Strangely enough the two most 
 successful generals of the age were Marlborough and 
 his nephew Berwick, who was the son of Arabella 
 Churchill by James II. He seems to have inherited 
 little of his father's mind or characteristics, since a 
 
 1 " The most dismal storms that ever ravaged the earth occurred at the 
 decline of the year 1703. Sixteen of the largest ships in the navy, with 
 all on board, were lost." — Miss Steicklakd's Life of Queen Anne. 
 
158 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGII. 
 
 more able and upright man has never led French 
 armies to victory. He was a Roman Catholic by 
 religion and a foreigner by education, the banishment 
 of the Stuarts having rendered France his home in 
 place of England. Athough he was devoid of the 
 manners and social qualities, which as a rule re- 
 commend their possessors to sovereigns, Louis XIV. 
 A'ery soon discerned the great ability of Berwick, and 
 in this instance, most fortunately for the cause of his 
 grandson, named him Generalissimo of the combined 
 French and Spanish armies on the frontier of 
 Portugal. 
 
 The allies were by no means so fortunate ; their 
 leader, the Duke of Schomberg, was most incapable, 
 and the Portuguese army, true to its reputation in 
 war both before and since, proved an incumbrance 
 rather than a help. Disaster succeeded disaster ; the 
 allied troops had to fall back from position to position, 
 and one town after another surrendered to Berwick 
 till at last Lisbon itself was in danger. There is no 
 doubt that the capital of Portugal would have fallen 
 had not the French leader been encumbered with a 
 coadjutor almost as inefficient as the Duke of Schom- 
 berg. A certain Prince of Serclaes, a Fleming in the 
 Spanish service, commanded the southern of the three 
 columns into which Berwick's army was divided. He 
 had under his command about 8,000 men, while the 
 combined English and Portuguese forces opposed to 
 him could only muster about " thirty companies of 
 cavalry." Hence he had nothing but his own fears to 
 check his advance, but these proved a most insuper- 
 able obstacle. When Berwick hoped and had justly 
 
MILITARY EVENTS OF THE YEAR. 159 
 
 expected to be joiued by the remainder of his army 
 and to march on Lisbon, he found that Serclaes was 
 hopelessly behind hand ; the whole plan of operation 
 had to be altered, and the Portuguese capital was 
 saved. It is scarcely within our province here to 
 enter into the details of this campaign, which was 
 little creditable to the army of the allies. It closed with 
 the capitulation of Castel de Vida, on which Berwick, 
 having razed the fortifications of all the places he had 
 taken, on July 1st marched back to Spain to avoid the 
 summer heats. The Duke of Schomberg was super- 
 seded by the Earl of Galvvay, who was a highly 
 estimable person and an excellent routine " red-tape" 
 soldier. It will be seen hereafter somewhat later that 
 he succeeded with " all decency, decorum, and formal 
 attention to the discipline of war in losing the battle 
 of Almanza and in ruining the whole expedition to 
 Spain."-^ 
 
 As before mentioned this year was rendered 
 remarkable by the capture of Gibraltar, and the 
 victory of Blenheim ; both these events exercised an 
 important influence on future operations. The moral 
 effect of the former victory was very great, even in 
 countries far remote from where it was won. Had it 
 not been for this signal triumph, the cause of the 
 Archduke Charles must have languished all over the 
 world, and it is far from improbable — so unfortunate 
 had their operations hitherto proved — that the allies 
 would scarcely have decided on another expedition to 
 the Spanish peninsula. The capture of Gibraltar, 
 although at the time it was not considered an event 
 
 ' Macaulay's essay on Lord Mahon's War of Succession in Sj'ain. 
 
160 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 of much im^^ortance, and was partly neutralised by a 
 sanguinary and indecisive sea-fight off the coast of 
 Malaga, yet proved of great immediate advantage to 
 the allied forces on the Portuguese frontier. A 
 formidable French and Spanish army, first under 
 Villadarias and afterwards under the Marshal de 
 Tessd was fully occupied in unsuccessful attempts to 
 recapture the fortress. By this means the Bourbon 
 army threatening Lisbon was much weakened, and not 
 only was the danger of invasion removed, but as soon 
 as the summer heats had passed, the allied armies, 
 accompanied by the King of Portugal and the Arch- 
 duke Charles in person, took the offensive and entered 
 Spain. This force, besides being favoured with the 
 presence of these royal personages, had also another 
 advantage, a statue of St. Antony of Padua was 
 invariably carried in its train. This saint figured 
 then, and we believe figures still, in the army list of 
 the Portuguese army, " though never clamorous for 
 promotion, he has been granted it from time to time, 
 and regularly receives through his monks a pay 
 proportional to his military rank."^ It can scarcely 
 be said that as a rule this statue incited the Portu- 
 guese to many deeds of daring, yet it certainly 
 was as efficient and useful as many of their " hidalgos," 
 and had one advantage, that although it required a 
 certain amount of transport, it could entirely dispense 
 with rations. 
 
 Notwithstanding however their superiority of num- 
 bers the allies made but little progress. At the end 
 of September, having concentrated their forces at 
 
 1 Mahon's War of the Succession in Sjjain, p. 104. 
 
MEDAL STRUCK BY PHILIP. 161 
 
 Almeida, they advanced against the headquarters of 
 Marshal Berwick at Ciudad Rodrigo, and had their 
 leaders possessed the ability and determination of 
 their antagonist, probably an important success might 
 have been gained. The dispositions, however, of the 
 French general were so skilful, and the incapacity 
 of Galway so great, that golden opportunities were 
 wasted, and after much marching and counter-march- 
 ing the campaign was brought to a fruitless close 
 by the autumnal rains. The most disappointing 
 feature of these operations was the entire absence on 
 the part of the Spaniards of any inclination to rise in 
 favour of their Austrian King. They appeared to 
 accept the situation so skilfully and quickly imposed 
 upon them by Louis XIV., and resented all attempts 
 on the part of foreigners, more especially heretics, to 
 alter it. It is related that Philip, in order to inflame 
 their fanaticism, and confirm their allegiance to 
 himself, had a medal of his rival struck with the 
 following motto — 
 
 " Charles the Third, by the grace of the Heretics, 
 the Catholic King." 
 
 Thus closed the year 1704 : the allies had made 
 no progress towards the capture of Madrid, the 
 French and Spaniards also none towards that of 
 Gibraltar, which they were busily besieging. Berwick 
 had been rewarded for his services by being removed 
 from his command and recalled to France. The 
 cause of the Archduke Charles had been received 
 with some favour throughout the northern provinces, 
 more especially Aragon and Catalonia, but elsewhere 
 it was regarded, as a rule, with extreme hostility. 
 
 VOL. I. M 
 
162 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Sucli was the state of affairs wlien it was decided to 
 organise the expedition which Lord Peterborough 
 commanded in 1705. 
 
 As he owed his appointment entirely to the 
 favour of tlie Duke of Marlborough, the following 
 letter, which the latter wrote to him about this 
 time, is of peculiar interest, as showing the rela- 
 tions which then existed between these two men, 
 who had been a few years previously, and were a 
 few years subsequently, such bitter enemies. It is 
 dated " Weisenburgh, 19th September, 1704," 
 and commences with thanks for Peterborough's 
 congratulations on recent successes, saying — ■ 
 
 " Though I receive all your Lordship's letters with 
 great pleasure, yet I must own none could be so 
 acceptable as those that express your satisfaction in 
 the success of her Majesty's arms in these parts." 
 He adds : "I suppose you hear frequently from my 
 Lord Mordaunt ; however, I could not but acquaint 
 you with the good news of his being in a fair way 
 of recovery : and the notice I have sent him of his 
 being to succeed Brigadier Rowe in the command of 
 the regiment of Scots Fusiliers, I hope may be a 
 good ingredient towards it, as I doubt not but your 
 Lordship will likewise be satisfied with the justice 
 I do to his merit." 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 FROM THE SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION TO SPAIN IN 
 1T05 UNTIL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE FIEST 
 SIEGE OF BAKCELONA. 
 
 State of affairs in Spain in 1705. — The siege of Gibraltar. — Expedition 
 organised from England to act in the peninsula. — Peterborough 
 given the command. — The reasons why he received it. — The con- 
 dition of the British army at that time. — Orders received by Peter- 
 borough. — His difficulties. — How he raised money. — How he 
 recruited his force. — He entertains the Archduke Charles. — Eeasons 
 why the expedition proceeded to Catalonia. — Progress of the 
 expedition. — Peterborough's proposal to march on Madrid. — 
 Reasons for proposal. — Chances of success. — Lord Stanhope's 
 opinion. — Peterborough's proposal not accepted. — Reasons why he 
 had to acquiesce. — Fleet anchors off Barcelona on Augusfl6th. — 
 Description of the town and its defences. — State of the garrison. — 
 Decisions of the Councils of War. — Obstinacy of the Archduke 
 Charles and the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt. — It is agreed that the 
 siege shall be attempted. — The allied force landed. — Peterborough's 
 difficulties. — His difference with the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt. — 
 General discontent of the army. 
 
 The year 1705 did not break auspiciously for the 
 fortunes of the allied armies in Spain. On the 
 frontier of Portugal each party held their own ; the 
 Dutch, English, and Portuguese mustered in all 
 about 24,000 men ; of these, the two former con- 
 tingents, although badly equipped and provisioned, 
 
 M 2 
 
164 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 were fairly effective, but tlie Portuguese were of 
 little use except for a purely partisan or guerilla 
 warfare. Any services, however, that these com- 
 bined forces might have effected were rendered 
 valueless bv the absence of a continuous or definite 
 plan of operations. The Dutch, English, and Portu- 
 guese generals were named Fagel, Lord Galway, and 
 the Conde de Corzana respectively.^ They were 
 unable to agree as to their respective claims for 
 chief command, or as to the best method of carrying 
 out the war ; hence they made a compromise, by 
 which each general in turn should be generalissimo 
 for a week. It is needless to say that this ridiculous 
 arrangement could only result in confusion and 
 disaster, more especially as the views and plans of 
 each weekly commander were entirely at variance 
 with those of his predecessor. Fortunately, how- 
 ever, for the safety of the Portuguese capital, 
 Marshal Berwick had been recalled to France, and 
 the incompetence of his successor, Marshal Tesse, 
 fully equalled, if it did not exceed, the combined 
 inefficiency of the generals opposed to him. In fact, 
 the latter, in the course of the summer of 1705, were, 
 on the whole, not unsuccessful in minor operations, 
 and were free from any great disaster. They cap- 
 tured ValcDza, Salvaterra, and Albuquerque, and, 
 although they failed to take Badajos, still, after some 
 demonstrations but feebly carried out, they succeeded 
 in retiring with perfect safety to summer quarters. 
 
 1 General Richards gives detailed accounts of this campaign, and 
 mentions in his diary that on May 3rd, 1705, Lord Galway, "being 
 indisposed, and having likewise ended his vreek's command, M. Fagel 
 entered into command." — British Museum, Stowe MSS. 367, vol. xx. 
 
SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR. 165 
 
 It may be remarked that, at that time, in the 
 Spanish peninsula, it was just as much the habit to 
 retire for shelter during the heat of July and August, 
 as it had been the custom of the Romans, and, in 
 fact, of all troops up to a comparatively recent date, 
 when campaigning in Northern Europe, to retire into 
 intrenched camps for the winter. 
 
 In the south of Spain, the siege of Gibraltar had 
 been prosecuted during the whole winter, and 
 entirely without success. The only general who 
 possibly might have effected anything against so 
 strong a fortress, namely, Villadarias, had been 
 superseded, and continued to serve as a subaltern 
 under the orders of Marshal Tesse, whose subsequent 
 operations on the Portuguese frontier we have 
 already mentioned. Eventually the siege collapsed ; 
 it had been carried out on the land side by an army 
 of about 8,000 men, and a blockade had been main- 
 tained throughout the winter on the sea front by 
 a French squadron under Baron de Pontis. It is 
 worthy of remark that, although the English Govern- 
 ment must have been fully aware of the danger 
 which threatened Gibraltar, no effort was made to 
 relieve it until the spring, when a fleet, under 
 Admiral Leake, attacked the French blockading 
 squadron and raised the siege. 
 
 It was not until comparatively late in the year that 
 another expedition was organised from England for a 
 serious effort to raise the eastern provinces of Spain 
 against the French King enthroned at Madrid. The 
 force consisted of 5,000^ men, of which two-thirds were 
 1 Afterwards increased to 7,000. 
 
166 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 English and one-third Dutch ; it was placed under the 
 command of Charles, Earl of Peterborough/ who was 
 also associated with Sir Cloudesley Shovel, his old 
 comrade, in joint command of the fleet. We have 
 already remarked on the strange circumstance that 
 Peterborough, an untried man, whose military ex- 
 periences were of the slightest and dated from many 
 j^ears back, should thus in his forty-seventh year 
 have been made at one leap generalissimo of an 
 important expedition. Undoubtedly he owed this 
 appointment to the recommendation of the Duke of 
 Marlborough, and to the special favour of the Duchess 
 Sarah. In March, 1705, just after he had received 
 the post, he writes to his patroness, "It will be my 
 highest object to retain the good opinion you have 
 honoured me with. I practise the highest self-denial 
 in not intruding on your time in calling.'' Again he 
 writes from Spain in July of the same year, " Have a 
 care of yourself. Madam, for the good of us all, and 
 may no transports of joy or grief ever affect the health 
 of one who contributes so much to a general happi- 
 ness." Apparently, however, the flattery, although 
 swallowed at the time, was scarcely appreciated at a 
 later date, as subsequently, after the death of Queen 
 Anne, the Duchess in reading over this letter indorsed 
 it as follows : — 
 
 " This Lord made speeches against the Duke of 
 Marlborough in Parliament, where he served my 
 Lord Oxford's abigail [Mrs. Masham], and since the 
 Queen's death he comes and talks with me as if he 
 
 ' In his letters it will be seen that he himself spelt his name 
 Peterbrow. 
 
INFLUENCE OF THE ARISTOCRACY. 167 
 
 had always been in our interest and of our opinions." 
 As will be seen hereafter, the extremely cordial 
 relations which existed in 1705 between Lord Peter- 
 borough and the Marlboroughs, were not continued, 
 although they did not quite relapse, as far as is 
 known, into the extreme hostility which preceded 
 the Fenwick trial. 
 
 Apart however from the friendship which his wife 
 had conceived for the witty and amusing Earl, one 
 may be perfectly sure that Marlborough, with his 
 accustomed judgment, had discerned in Peterborough 
 the qualities of which he gave such abundant evidence 
 shortly afterwards. It must also be remembered that 
 successful generals and professional soldiers were at 
 tha.t time extremely rare, and that the greater number 
 of those who had given proofs of ability were already 
 employed in the Low Countries. It has been asserted 
 that for many years the British army languished 
 " under the cold shade of the aristocracy." What- 
 ever may have been the truth of this saying at the 
 date when it was applied, most certainly it was ab- 
 solutely true at the commencement of the eighteenth 
 century. Without family interest and powerful 
 connections, advancement was absolutely hopeless, not 
 only in the English army, but in all the armies of 
 Europe. The first qualification of a commander was 
 exalted rank ; ability, and knowledge of the military 
 art, quite secondary considerations. It was reserved 
 for the French Eevolution to make it possible for any 
 soldier to " carry a marshal's baton in his knapsack." 
 
 Just in proportion as the superior ofiicers in that 
 age were aristocratic, the rank and file were drawn 
 
IGS THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 from the dregs of the population. The statement, so 
 recklessly made in recent years by an agitating 
 politician, that the English army was composed of 
 the " froth and scum " of society, was at the commence- 
 ment of the eighteenth century by no means wide of 
 the mark. It was the custom, if troops were required 
 for any particular service, to commission some man in 
 a high position to raise a regiment, which was usually 
 named after him. This was the origin of nearly all 
 the old regiments now in the English army list. 
 Gradually, from the fact of there being a continual 
 succession of wars, some regiments remained per- 
 manently embodied, and formed the nucleus of a 
 standing army. Military service however was most 
 unpopular throughout the country, and not without 
 reason ; soldiers were under-fed, badly lodged, 
 badly paid, and most severely and capriciously 
 punished. When one hears now of the manner in 
 Avhich troops in those days were treated, both during 
 peace time and on service,^ when one realises how 
 
 ' The following extract from the journal of Colonel de St. Pierre, then 
 serving in the Royal Dragoons, which regiment formed part of the 
 allied expedition to Portugal in 1704, shows how soldiers were cared for 
 in war : — 
 
 " March ye 24:th [1704]. 
 
 "No quarters being to be had, notwithstanding all our solicitation.s, 
 the regiment was ordered to land, and encamped about Belle He. four 
 miles from Lisbon, cold and bad refreshment enough for people that 
 had been near five month on shipboard, specially the weather proving 
 rainy, stormy, and cold enough for the country they were in : the 
 English foot were encamped near that place, men fell sick nightly, and 
 notwithstanding they dyed ten or twelve of a day, in a fortnight there 
 was about a thousand sick, att first there was but five hundred and odd. 
 No troops, I believe, were ever more neglected, notwithstanding the 
 daily clamours of the officers. Who would not have thought that there 
 had been good quarters provided for troops that had been so long att 
 
TREATMENT OF SOLDIERS. 169 
 
 they were despised and looked down upon by the rest 
 of the community, it is impossible not to feel surprised 
 that men, possessing any valuable qualities whatso- 
 ever, could have been induced to enter the ranks. 
 The surprise is still more intensified when one reads 
 in the annals of history the brilliant deeds these 
 despised and ill-treated soldiers performed, the long 
 list of victories that they won, and when one 
 considers the magnificent Empire, which, mainly 
 through their efforts, has been added to the British 
 Crown. This digression is hardly out of place, since 
 it must not be supposed that Lord Peterborough's 
 army was entirely made up of seasoned campaigners ; 
 such would have justified him in taking liberties or 
 accounted for his repeated successes against enormous 
 odds. On the contrary, in the first instance his force 
 was wholly composed of raw undisciplined levies, 
 probably as a rule men kidnapped and pressed into 
 the service against their will, released debtors or 
 
 sea, and had suffered so many etorms ? Who would have thought that 
 our generals would have suffered them to be landed, to encamp them, 
 and to pin up the basket for near a fortnight ? It proved to be extra- 
 ordinary rainy weather ; men fell sick every day ; bad weather, scarce- 
 ness of victuals, and plenty of wine, were the chief occasion of it. It 
 was at first landing towards the end of Lent, for that reason or for not 
 being used to it, the Portugars brought little or nothing into the 
 camp, and what they brought was extraordinary dear and butt very 
 indifferent." 
 
 In another part of his diary he says : — 
 
 " As for an hospitall, it is true a good place was appointed at Lisbone 
 — good beds and all sorts of good provisions for the sick — but then they 
 had no other phisicians than Portugues, who bleeded them to death, 
 and when an English phisician and surgeon were appointed, they had 
 none of the drogues and phisick that was necessary, soe that a vast 
 number of men lost their lives for want of phisick." 
 
170 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 the clearings of gaols, since of sucli materials at 
 that time was the British army recruited. On his 
 arrival in Spain it is true that he succeeded in 
 replacing some of these regiments by seasoned troops, 
 but the equality of a great portion of his force was 
 still \)Y no means satisfactory. 
 
 The expedition sailed from Spithead at the latter 
 end of May, and reached Lisbon on June 20th. The 
 orders that Peterborough received were extremely 
 vague, and the means provided by the Government 
 for carrying them out were, if possible, even still more 
 shadowy and indistinct. He was told to assist the 
 Duke of Savoy, who had only lately joined the allies, 
 and feared the resentment of his formidable neicrh- 
 bour, Louis XIV. ; he was also directed to attack 
 Barcelona and Cadiz, and was given general directions 
 to the effect that " the principal design of the expe- 
 dition was to make a vigorous push in Spain." So 
 far, it was probably wise to give the general in 
 command ample discretionary power and freedom 
 of action ; but in addition to troops and orders both 
 equipment and money were needed, and these were 
 lamentably deficient. On Peterborough's arrival at 
 Lisbon on June 20th ^ he at once landed and took 
 counsel with Lord Galway and the Archduke Charles ; 
 he also proceeded to raise money and obtain supplies 
 for his army. Fortunately he met some Jews, who 
 provided him with both. Captain Carleton,^ who is 
 the principal authority regarding the details of this 
 
 1 General John Richards's Diary, Stowe MSS. 367. 
 
 2 Memoirs of C'rq tain. Carleton, written by himself ; first published 
 in 1743. 
 
EAISES MONEY FROM JEiVS. 171 
 
 expedition, in which he himself took part, gives a 
 quaint account of this transaction. He says : — ■ 
 
 " The Jews, in whatever part of the world, are a 
 people industrious in the increasing of Mammon, and 
 being accustomed to the universal methods of gain, 
 are always esteemed the besb qualified for any under- 
 taking where that bears a probability of being a 
 perquisite. Providing bread and other requisites for 
 an army was ever allowed to carry along with it a 
 profit answerable ; and Spain was not the first 
 country where that people had engaged in such an 
 undertaking. Besides, on any likely appearance of 
 great advantage, it is in the nature as well as practice 
 of that race strenuously to assist one another, and 
 that with the utmost confidence and prodigious 
 alacrity. One of that numbei", both competent and 
 willing enough to carry on an undertaking of tliat 
 kind, fortunately came at that juncture to solicit the 
 Earl of Peterborough to be employed as provenditor 
 to the army and troops, which were or should be 
 sent into Spain." 
 
 Peterborough succeeded in inducing the Portuguese 
 Jew, by name Curtisos, to lend him £100,000 through 
 bills drawn on Lord Q-odolphin, who was then Lord 
 High Treasurer. This sufficed for the immediate 
 wants of the force, and enabled him to proceed with 
 the enterprise. 
 
 He also did two other good strokes of business : 
 he persuaded Lord Galway to exchange -the Royal 
 Drao-oons, then Lord Raby's regiment, and also 
 General Cunningham's dragoon regiment, for two 
 battalions of his raw levies. But what was still 
 more important, he induced the Archduke Charles, 
 
172 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 notwithstanding the violent opposition of the Portu- 
 guese and many of his Spanish followers, to throw 
 in his lot with the combined expedition. These 
 dragoon regiments, although weak in numbers, were 
 seasoned troops, and, as will be seen hereafter, per- 
 formed the most importa-nt services, being used just 
 as frequently on foot as on horseback. In fact, it 
 seems rather doubtful whether any horses accom- 
 panied them, although, according to Colonel de St. 
 Pierre, on May 18th in the same year the Koyal 
 Dragoons alone had been provided with no fewer 
 than 466 horses from Ireland. It is, however, pro- 
 bable that from want of transport most of these were 
 left behind, and that Peterborough had to mount the 
 dragoons himself by means of the money he had 
 procured from the Jew Curtisos.^ 
 
 The presence also of the Archduke Charles with 
 the force was a very important matter, if only to 
 show the Spaniards that the rival claimant to their 
 throne actually existed in the flesh just as much as 
 the French nominee at Madrid. It was further hoped 
 that it might be possible by his personal influence to 
 raise some enthusiasm in the hearts of the Spaniards, 
 more especially the Catalans and Valencians, on 
 behalf of the claims of the house of Austria. The 
 Prince and his retinue were hospitably entertained by 
 Lord Peterborough at his own expense until the fleet 
 reached Barcelona, " for all which prodigious charge," 
 to quote the words of Captain Carleton, " as I have 
 been very lately informed from very good hands, that 
 
 1 Vide Mahon's War of the Succession ; also Tindal's History, vol. iv. 
 p. 126 ; also Lord Galway's narrative. 
 
PETERBOROUGH'S ENERGY. IV3 
 
 noble Earl never to this day received any consideration 
 from the Government or any person whatsoever." 
 Lord Peterborough's willingness to have Prince 
 Charles accompanying the expedition was as entirely 
 disinterested as his liberal hospitality, since, as events 
 proved, his liberty of action and authority could not 
 be otherwise than much hampered by the presence 
 of a royal personage and- his courtiers, whose 
 ignorance of war was only equalled by their self- 
 assurance and determination to interfere on every 
 occasion. 
 
 With reference to Lord Peterborough's action 
 while in Portugal, it will be seen that he very early 
 gave evidence of his astounding energy, as Mr. Paul 
 Methuen, the Minister at Lisbon, writing to Lord 
 Grodolphin at this time says : — 
 
 " All the disappointments of the Portuguese have 
 not made my Lord Peterborough delay one day in 
 his preparations to go from hence, although they have 
 cost him many hours' attendance ; for he soon found 
 them out, having made the Ministers here imme- 
 diately on his arrival offers so plain and so fair, either 
 of acting presently or concerting now the measures for 
 acting at the end of August, that when he saw they 
 were not accepted he did not lose a moment in pre- 
 paring to embark the Spanish regiment of foot and 
 our two regiments of dragoons, and so act inde- 
 pendently of the Portuguese. Your Lordship hath 
 great reason to desire that the fleet should not stay 
 at Lisbon, time being on this occasion of all things 
 most precious. But my Lord Peterborough seems as 
 little to need the being put in mind of it as any man 
 I ever saw, being employed every hour day and night 
 in hastening all he can. Sir Cloudesley went out the 
 
174 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 first moment he could. The Irish troops arrived but 
 Friday last, and everything is now so ready that I 
 hope the horses will begin to embark in two days." ' 
 
 As before mentioned, the expedition was originally 
 intended for the relief of the Duke of Savoy, then 
 hard pressed by the French ; this would have seemed 
 by far the most suitable object for so weak a force, 
 which only numbered 7,000 men, and which, unless 
 supported by a very general rising of the inhabitants, 
 could scarcely hope to effect anything important in 
 Spain. Many reasons, however, combined to make 
 the leaders of the allies decide on a landing on the 
 peninsula. In the first place, the Archduke Charles 
 was utterly sick and weary of the inaction in Por- 
 tugal, which appeared very likely to be indefinitely 
 prolonged, for Lord Galway, at all times slow, 
 cautious, and incompetent, had been disabled on 
 July 28 th by losing his right arm from a cannon shot 
 at the siege of Badajos.^ Also, the Portuguese 
 general, the Marquis Das Minas, Avas seventy years 
 of age, and hence not likely to be very enterprising, 
 while of the two others who formerly had given life 
 to the operations, the Admiral of Castile and the 
 King of Portugal, the former was dead, and the latter 
 reduced to idiocy by a severe attack of illness ; so 
 the outlook was not very hopeful. Moreover, with 
 all the ardour and hopefulness of youth, the young 
 Prince felt convinced that he had only to show him- 
 self to his future subjects to insure his being received 
 
 1 British Museum, Add. MSS. 28058. f. 9, 10. 
 
 ^ Impartial Inquiry into the Management of the War in Spain, p. 22- 
 London, 1712. 
 
DECISION TO ATTACK BARCELONA. IVS 
 
 with open arms by the entire population. In this 
 belief he was much encouraged by the Prince of 
 Hesse Darmstadt, who had been previously the 
 Governor of Valencia, and had an exaggerated idea 
 of his own influence in his former province. 
 
 However, the plan of operations was not finally 
 settled until the expedition reached Gibraltar ; it had 
 previously been joined off" Tangier by the fleet under 
 Sir Cloudesley Shovel, and at Gibraltar itself the quality 
 of the fighting force was again much improved by the 
 exchange of two regiments, just arrived from England, 
 for one battalion of guards, some marines, and two 
 mixed battalions,^ of seasoned troops, all of whom had 
 received their baptism of fire at the siege. Here the 
 Prince of Hesse joined the force and embarked on 
 board the Namur. Then after due consultation it 
 was decided to attack Barcelona, on the strength of 
 the immense assistance which it was said the inhabit- 
 ants of the country were eager to give to the allied 
 army. The reasons which led Prince Charles and his 
 advisers to come to this decision is explained in the 
 following letter, addressed by Peterborough on July 
 20th, 1705, to Sir George Rooke : — 
 
 " Upon the letter of my Lord Godolphin and the 
 Secretary of State, the King of Spain, his Ministers, 
 and my Lord Galway, and myself, have concluded 
 there was no other attempt to be ma"de but 'upon 
 Catalonia, where all advices agree that six thousand 
 men and twelve hundred horse are ready, expecting 
 our arrival with a general good will of all the people. 
 
 I Journal of Colonel de St. Pierre, p. 27 ; Carleton Memoirs ; Impartial 
 Inquii-y, &c. 
 
176 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 The Portuguese have entirely refused to join in any 
 design against Cadiz, and by a copy of my Lord 
 Galway's letter, writ when under sail, you will find 
 he is in utter despair of their attempting anything 
 this year ; so that by our instructions it will appear 
 there is no other enterprise left for our choice." 
 
 Although the fleet and convoy left Gibraltar on 
 August 5th, it was not until the llth that they came 
 to anchor in Altea Bay, on the coast of Valencia — 
 so long did it take in those days for the cumbrous 
 old sailing-ships, transports, and men-of-war to battle 
 against contrary winds. The reception of the Arch- 
 duke at Altea exceeded all anticipations, and seemed 
 to give the most satisfactory promise for his future 
 success. Peterborough, with his usual energy, 
 immediately set to work to make the most of his 
 opportunities, and issued a proclamation to the effect 
 that he had come to deliver the Spanish nation from 
 the hateful yoke of Frenchmen and foreigners, and 
 was escorting their true King to his kingdom. The 
 appearance of the fleet and the proclamation had 
 their immediate efi"ect. Denia, a town with a small 
 castle, which, according to Captain Carleton, was 
 " rather fine than strong," on being threatened with 
 bombardment, immediately surrendered, and declared 
 for the Archduke. General Basset-y-Eamos, a native 
 of the country, was then landed with a garrison 
 of 400 men, and for the first time in his do- 
 minions Charles was publicly proclaimed King of 
 Spain and the Indies. Crowds of people hurried 
 down from all directions to welcome him, shouting 
 "Viva Carlos Tercero!" ("Long live Charles the 
 
PROPOSAL TO MARCH ON MADRID. 177 
 
 Third!") bringing witli them what doubtless was even 
 more acceptable to the sailors than their welcome, 
 namely quantities of fresh provisions, which, with a 
 prudence and wisdom most unusual in those days, were 
 scrupulously paid for. Now it is a recognised maxim 
 that, in their own interest, it is essential for troops 
 in a foreign country to pay for all they receive. 
 
 It must not be supposed that the enthusiasm w^as 
 caused entirely by the personal attraction of the 
 young Prince, or by the proclamation issued in his 
 name. Discontent had long been rife, jealous)^ of 
 Castile was deeply rooted in the feelings of the 
 population, and the French influence at the Court 
 of Madrid had in many ways rendered itself most 
 objectionable to the inhabitants of the outlying 
 provinces of Spain. The flame ignited at the coast 
 soon extended and spread, till at last it reached the 
 proportions of a serious conflagration, which enveloped 
 the whole of Catalonia. 
 
 There now occurred to Lord Peterborough one of 
 those bright inspirations of genius, one of those 
 brilliant strokes, so rarely conceived at the moment 
 when their execution would be effective, so frequently 
 thought out in the closet, long after the events, which 
 they might have changed or modified, have become 
 matters of history. He proposed no less than an 
 immediate march on Madrid, and the proclamation 
 of Charles III. from the capital of his kingdom. 
 When one reviews the circumstances now at this 
 lapse of time, knowing as we do the positions of the 
 various forces at the disposal of PhiHp, the manner 
 in which they were scattered, and their inefficiency, 
 VOL. I. N 
 
178 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 when one considers the effect produced in all civil 
 contests by a sudden and well-directed blow, it is 
 impossible not to come to the conclusion that, had 
 Lord Peterborough's counsels been followed, in all 
 probability the war of the Spanish succession in 
 Spain would have been brought to a sudden and 
 brilliant conclusion. 
 
 The following passage, quoted from Lord Stanhope, 
 gives a clear view of the situation : — - 
 
 " The scanty forces of the Spanish monarchy were 
 at that moment stationed at its two opposite ex- 
 tremities ; partly at Barcelona, where another attack 
 was expected and guarded against by the Govern- 
 ment, and partly on the frontier of Portugal, under 
 the Duke of Berwick. The other provinces were 
 almost entirely destitute of troops ; at Madrid itself 
 there were only a few squadrons of cavalry as guards. 
 In the province of Valencia Lord Peterborough sav/ 
 the people friendly, the local authorities dismayed. 
 What then was to prevent him from pushing forward 
 at once to the capital, seating the Archduke on the 
 throne, and as it were surprising the whole Spanish 
 nation into acquiescence and approbation of the 
 change ? Such a step might indeed appear rash and 
 adventurous, but Lord Peterborough well knew that 
 what would be prudent in a foreign war, is dilatory 
 in a civil contest, where success can only be secured 
 by promptitude and vigour. The distance of Madrid 
 from Valencia was only fifty leagues ; there were no 
 fortified towns except Eequena on the way. The 
 means of transport were ample, and the supplies of 
 23ro visions unexhausted, and the English army might 
 therefore easily reach Madrid long befoxe it could be 
 relieved from either the Portuguese or Catalonian 
 frontiers. Nor, indeed, could the troops from the 
 
LORD STANHOPE'S OPINION. 179 
 
 latter move at all without leaving the ill-affected city 
 of Barcelona exposed to the double danger of foreign 
 attack and domestic insurrection. The Duke of 
 Berwick, it is true, had no such considerations to 
 restrain him, and might immediately commence his 
 march against the invaders at Madrid. But then, 
 as Peterborough justly observed, Berwick could not 
 move alone. He must be closely followed by Galway 
 and Das Minas, and while marching to repel one 
 invasion would undoubtedly draw another into the 
 heart of Spain. Thus, on approaching Madrid, he 
 would not only find the English in possession of it 
 and ready to meet him in front, but would be pressed 
 by a second army from behind, would therefore be 
 placed between two fires, and either be beaten in 
 battle or compelled to a retreat. But even if Lord 
 Galway should fail in this expected pursuit of the 
 French Marshal, it would be still practicable for Lord 
 Peterborough to make his retreat upon Gibraltar ; 
 and that fortress, as a base of operations, seemed far 
 preferable to Barcelona, which is at a greater distance 
 from England by sea than almost any other place in 
 Spain, and which could not therefore readily receive 
 supplies from home, and which at all events could not 
 be reduced without a long and laborious siege." ^ 
 
 We have given at length Lord Stanhope's account 
 of this episode, not only because his opinion seems 
 in every way correct, but still more because of the 
 various incidents of Lord Peterborough's campaign. 
 There is none which gives greater evidence than this 
 of his ability as a strategist. It would appear that 
 according to all the principles of war the movement 
 he suggested was in every way correct. He threatened 
 
 1 History of the War of the Succession in S2Min, by Lord Malion, 
 pp. 137, 138. 
 
 N 2 
 
ISO THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 and even severed the lines of communication of the 
 two rival armies opposed to him, without seriously 
 imperilling his own. He, as it were, struck a blow 
 at the heart of his enemy, knowing well that if this 
 was once reached the efforts of the hands and feet 
 might very safely be disregarded. In fact he was 
 bold without being rash, prudent and cautious with- 
 out being timorous. When we consider that this 
 same man, who earnestly and in vain counselled this 
 dashing stroke, this bold offensive, only about a year 
 later, equally earnestly and equally in vain, urged 
 that the war should be waged on purely defensive 
 and Fabian principles ; when we regard the success 
 which almost certainly must have followed in the one 
 case, and the disaster which actually did follow in 
 the other, it is impossible not to recognise military 
 talents of the highest order. 
 
 Unfortunately, however, Peterborough, although 
 nominally generalissimo, could not move without 
 the sanction of his colleagues, and they positively 
 declined to entertain his proposal.^ He had been 
 accepted as the Commander-in-Chief to the allied 
 armies in consideration of the large body of troops 
 and great subsidies supplied by England, but his 
 power was more nominal than real ; he could not 
 shoot for mutiny, or coerce, generals of another 
 country. In this instance the young King and his 
 German advisers had set their hearts on the siege 
 of Barcelona, and to Barcelona accordingly the 
 
 1 General Ricliards states that the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt agreed 
 with Peterborough's proposal, but probably this is a mistake. — Memorial 
 of the Expedition to Barcelona, Richards's Papers, Stowe MSS. 367, 
 British Museum. 
 
BARCELONA 111 1105 
 
'H 1705. 
 
THE ATTEMPT ON BARCELONA. 181 
 
 expedition had to be directed, although, from the very 
 first, the able English leader foresaw that there were 
 difficulties in the way of its capture which nothing 
 short of a miracle could overcome. From what Cap- 
 tain Carleton says, it would seem that Peterborough 
 adhered to his original proposal of the sudden march 
 on Madrid, as long as it was possible for him to do 
 so, and, had he possessed the money required to 
 provide the transport necessary for his troops in the 
 long and rapid marches which he would have had 
 to make, there is reason to suppose that he would 
 have taken his own course, irrespective of all other 
 influences. As he did not possess this money, to use 
 the words of Captain Carleton — " Pursuant to his 
 instructions from England, the repeated desires of the 
 Archduke, and the importunities of the Prince of 
 Hesse our General gave orders to sail from Altea 
 towards the Bay of Barcelona, the chief city of 
 Catalonia." 
 
 The fleet anchored off Barcelona towards the east 
 of the town on August 16th,^ and steps were at once 
 taken to reconnoitre and obtain information. With 
 this object the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt entered 
 the harbour of Mataro, about four leagues distant, 
 and discovered there had already been a considerable 
 rising in favour of King Charles in the country round, 
 more especially in the town of Vich. He communi- 
 cated with the insurgent leaders, and urged them 
 to co-operate with the movements of the fleet and 
 the expeditionary army. While returning from this 
 excursion a curious adventure befell him ; he came 
 
 » Journal nf Colonel dt St. Pierre, p. 2B. 
 
182 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 across, and chased, two Neapolitan vessels, which, 
 among other persons, had on board a lady to whom 
 Peterborough had afterwards an opportunity of 
 making himself agreeable, the beautiful and charm- 
 ing Duchess of Popoli, who with her husband, a 
 Monsieur d'Abary, and forty other young gentlemen, 
 followers of King Philip, succeeded in effecting their 
 escape to Barcelona. 
 
 It is somewhat difficult now to give from contem- 
 porary accounts any very clear description of the 
 town and fortress of Barcelona. It "was, however, at 
 that period, not only about the most populous and 
 wealthy city, but also the most important stronghold 
 in the Spanish peninsula. The character and position 
 of its defences will be understood by the maps 
 attached, and it seems that these are on the whole 
 reliable; the plan of 1705 is probably intended to 
 illustrate the siege of 1698 ; the other, without dates, 
 seems to refer to the siege by Peterborough after he 
 had mastered Montjuick. It will be seen that the 
 fortifications were very extensive, and no doubt, con- 
 sidering the weapons of attack available at that age, 
 were fairly formidable. From the centre of the sea 
 face a mole extended into the water, at the end of 
 which there was a battery ; on the western side of 
 the harbour there were two moles, neither of which 
 were at that time finished, and on neither were there 
 any defences. Eound the town there was the usual 
 enceinte of the period, with the customary fortification 
 constructed on Vauban's system. Apparently on the 
 eastern side of the town more trouble had been taken 
 with the enceinte than on the west, since on the latter 
 
THE DIFFICULTIES MET WITH. 183 
 
 side there was an outwork, the fort of Montjuick, of 
 which we shall have occasion to speak presently. At 
 some little distance from the town — that is, about a 
 league from the shore — the land gradually ascends, 
 until an amphitheatre of hills is formed, on the slopes 
 of which were small towns, villages, and country 
 residences. The country in the neighbourhood is rich 
 and fertile and well watered ; even in those days it 
 was highly cultivated, and could supply many of the 
 requisites for the support of an army. 
 
 When the allied commanders proceeded to exam- 
 ine on the spot the state of affairs, and the chances 
 they had of success, they found Lord Peterborough's 
 objections to the expedition in every way justified. 
 To quote the words of Dr. Freind,^ 
 
 " His Lordship upon encamping before this city 
 found the scene of affairs quite otherwise than what 
 he was promised he should meet with. Instead of 
 10,000 men in arms to cover his landing and 
 strengthen his camp, he saw only so many higglers 
 and sutlers come into it ; instead of a city in a weak 
 condition and ready to surrender upon the appearance 
 of his troops, he found an orderly garrison in it, and 
 a force almost equal to his army. In these difficulties 
 his Lordship, as he was obliged by his instructions, 
 called frequent Councils of War ; wherein, day after 
 day, for above a fortnight together, it was often 
 unanimously, and always by a majority, agreed that, 
 considering the weakness of our forces, and the 
 strength of the enemy ; considering our batteries, as 
 the engineers declared, would be almost as long a 
 raising on the side of the town we were masters of, 
 
 1 An Account of the Earl of Peterhroufs Conduct in Spain. London 
 1707. 
 
184 THE EARL OE PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 as tlie fleet could well stay — in short, consideiiag the 
 extreme want of everything necessary towards such 
 an attempt, the siege was utterly impracticable." 
 
 From all accounts the garrison of Barcelona were 
 far better calculated to besiege the invaders than the 
 invaders the garrison. A blockade was of course 
 wholly impracticable. The inhabitants of -the city, if 
 well disposed towards King Charles, were thoroughly 
 suppressed and kept down by the most able and 
 vigilant governor, Don Francisco A^elasco, who had 
 taken the precaution, while storing all sorts of 
 munitions and provisions in the town, to remove or 
 destroy anything in the surrounding country which 
 could help to support an invading army. In fact the 
 situation was absolutely hopeless — and not only was 
 this the opinion of Lord Peterborough himself, but of 
 every one of the commanders in the allied army, 
 except King Charles and the Prince of Hesse 
 Darmstadt. Councils of War were assembled on 
 August 16th,, 22nd, 25th, 26th, and 28th; the 
 minutes of these councils are recorded in Dr. Freind's 
 book, duly countersigned by Mr. Furly, Lord Peter- 
 borough's secretary. It may be interesting to give 
 the composition of these solemn councils, which sat 
 often and effected so little.. The first was held on 
 board the Britannia, "in the presence of his 
 Catholick Majesty," and there were present the 
 Right Hon. the Earl of Peterborough, Major-General 
 Connyngham, Major-General Schratenbach, the 
 Right Hon. the Earl of Donegal, Brigadier P. de St. 
 Amant, the Right Hon. the Lord Viscount Charle- 
 mont, Brigadier Richard Gorges, Brigadier James 
 
DECISIOX OF THE COUNCIL OF WAR. 185 
 
 Stanhope, the Right Hon. the Lord Viscount Shannon, 
 Colonel Hams Hamilton, Quartermaster-General, and 
 Colonel Charles Wills, Adjutant-General. 
 
 This council were unanimously of opinion that the 
 siege of Barcelona should not be attempted, and gave 
 most sound and valid reasons for their decision. In 
 the first place the garrison, according to different 
 accounts of deserters, varied from five to six or seven 
 thousand in numbers, and was likely to be consider- 
 ably reinforced both from Madrid and the French 
 frontiers. The allied army only numbered 7,000 men, 
 and there was every reason to fear that it would be 
 much reduced by sickness and other casualties, while 
 of the dragoon horses only 120 were fit for service. 
 The difficulties in the way of planting their batteries 
 were almost insuperable ; the labour of digging the 
 necessary trenches more than the force could under- 
 take ; and in the event of a reverse there was great 
 danger of losing all the artillery, as there would be no 
 facilities for withdrawing it. The council concluded 
 their opinion in the following words : — 
 
 ' ' That though bold and almost desperate attempts 
 have sometimes been undertaken with success, yet 
 they are never by choice, but the eff"ect of despair and 
 to get out of some great difficulty ; whereas these 
 troops are at this time under no necessity which 
 obliges them to desperate attempts, since other very 
 considerable services, and such as her Majesty's 
 instructions seem to be thought at least of equal 
 importance with this of Barcelona, may still be 
 pursued ; such is particularly that of Italy and 
 supporting the Duke of Savoy. The Earl of Peter- 
 borow has likewise proposed and off"ered to his Majesty 
 
186 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 to march by land, along the sea coast, where with the 
 countenance and assistance of the fleet many towns of 
 consequence might be reduced, the whole country 
 disposed to declare for and pay obedience to his 
 Catholick Majesty, as some part of the neighbouring 
 parts have already done : and upon any reasonable 
 encouragement from this province and those of Valencia 
 and Aragon, winter quarters may be secured, and a 
 body of troops raised out of them, which might enable 
 his JMajesty to march to Madrid next spring. 
 
 " Either of these services we do most cheerfully offer 
 to go upon, or indeed any other which may be 
 proposed by his Majesty, which shall not expose both 
 the honour of the Queen's and States-General's arms, 
 and the body of the troops which we are intrusted 
 with, to utter destrliction." 
 
 This strong opinion of the Council of War had no 
 effect on the ignorance and obstinacy of Charles, or 
 rather of the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, by whose 
 advice he was principally governed. They still urged 
 an attack on Barcelona, and wrote strong letters of re- 
 monstrance, addressed to Peterborough and his Council 
 of War. Accordingly, a second council was assembled 
 on August 22nd, in the quarters of Major-General 
 Schratenbach, and came to the same conclusion as on 
 the former occasion; Peterborough in this instance 
 alone dissented, on the ground that it was desirable to 
 " pay the utmost respect to the desire of the King." 
 In the next Council of War St. Amant and Stanhope 
 joined Peterborough in assenting to the King's 
 proposal that the siege should be undertaken for 
 eighteen days, while the Dutch general positively 
 declined to allow his troops to join in the operation. 
 Eventually in the next council, Peterborough obtained 
 
THE TROOPS ARE DISEMBARKED. 187 
 
 a sullen acquiescence from the other commanders, in 
 the King's proposals, which were that a battery of 
 fifty guns should make a breach in the curtain, and 
 then, if possible, that the place should be carried by 
 assault, but that in any case the siege, in the event of 
 failure, should not be prolonged beyond eighteen 
 days. 
 
 In the meantime the force had been successfully 
 landed^ the exact date when this occurred is not 
 certain,^ nor does it much matter, but it appears that 
 the operation was planned and carried out Avith 
 Peterborough's usual skill and completeness. The 
 transports were moored quite close to the shore, and 
 as many men as the boats could hold, stated to be 
 3,000, started in one trip ; 200 English grenadiers 
 had the honour to be the first to set foot on shore, 
 and immediately took up a position to cover the 
 disembarkation. Five hours only were required to 
 land all the infantry at a point about two miles east 
 of the town, near a place called Badalona, at the 
 mouth of the river Basoz. It is said that the country 
 people afforded much assistance, carrying the officers 
 on their backs from the boats to land. No sooner 
 had the force safely landed than it advanced to within 
 a mile of the fortifications, and proceeded to pitch 
 and intrench a camp in a strong position, the left 
 
 1 According to Lord Stanhope, the troops were not landed until the 
 aVth, while St. Pierre says they landed on "Sunday ye 23rd," and 
 strangely enough all the Councils of War, after the first, are stated in the 
 record of their proceedings to have been held "in the camp before 
 Barcelona." General Richards says that on August 25th the troops had 
 marched to ground destined for them in case the siege was undertaken, 
 " but there were many doubts and difficulties.'' 
 
188 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 resting on the sea, and the right on the stream of the 
 Llobregat.^ From all accounts no attempt was made 
 on the part of the gari'ison to oppose the landing, 
 which seems a stra,nge circumstance. Colonel St. 
 Pierre says, however, that on the previous day — 
 that is, according to his account, on the 22nd — an 
 effort had been made to land some men, but failed in 
 consequence of the heavy surf caused by the easterly 
 wind. He also states that when the descent was 
 made "it is very probable that if the Governor had 
 sent but 500 horse to appear att the top of the hill 
 out of canon shott, I believe wee had never thought 
 of landing there." It seems therefore likely that 
 Peterborough, according to his usual custom, had 
 made a feint elsewhere, and entirely deceived the 
 enemy as to his intentions. 
 
 No sooner did King Charles's army actually 
 appear, than they were at once joined by about 1,500 
 Miquelets, or armed peasants, so called from one of 
 their favourite chiefs in former times. They were 
 also called Somatenes, from the somaten or alarum bell, 
 which summons them together. As guerilla troops 
 they have been highly spoken of, more especially by 
 the French Marshal, St. Cyr. It does not, however, 
 seem that in this instance they were of much use, 
 and it is evident that for any serious fighting they 
 were worse than useless. Captain Carleton thus 
 describes their services : — 
 
 " However, to do the Miquelets all possible justice, 
 I must say that, notwithstanding the number of 
 them which hovered about the place never much 
 
 ' Probatl}- the strtam withnut a name in the plan 
 
THE MIQUELETS DEMAXD PAY. 189 
 
 exceeded 1,500 men, if sometimes more oftener less, 
 and though they never came under any command, but 
 planted themselves where and as they pleased, yet 
 they did considerable service in taking possession of 
 all the country houses and convents that lay between 
 the hills and the plain of Barcelona, by means 
 whereof they rendered it impossible for the enemy 
 to make any sorties or sallies at any distance from 
 the town." 
 
 The satisfaction however, with which the company 
 and assistance of the Miquelets were greeted in the 
 English army, was somewhat diminished by an 
 application made by the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt 
 on their behalf that they should receive pay. This 
 demand apparently excited Peterborough's indignation, 
 which was fully shared by his officers — and no M'onder ; 
 it did seem rather strange that the Power which 
 gratuitously had come to " free a population from 
 a foreign yoke " should likewise have to pay their 
 irregular soldiers. There appears however no pro - 
 bability that the Prince ever succeeded in getting 
 any pay for his fjroteges — for the best possible 
 reason, that there was none to give. Pew things 
 are stranger to our ideas at the present time, when 
 our troops under all circumstances are paid regularly, 
 and money is scattered broadcast without stint, in 
 a campaign, than the manner in which they were 
 treated in former days. From Lord Peterborough's 
 letter it is evident that he was driven to the greatest 
 straits for want of funds, and in a despatch to 
 Lord Godolphin, given later, he states that he in 
 a great measure supported this very expedition out 
 of his own private fortune. 
 
] 90 THE EA RLOF PE TERBOR UGII. 
 
 The allied forces having encamped before Barcelona, 
 there remained " impossibilities proposed ; no ex- 
 pedients to be accepted ; a Court reproaching ; 
 Councils of War rejecting, and the Dutch General 
 refusing the assistance of the troops under his 
 command — and what surmounted all, a despair of 
 bringing such anim,osities and differing opinions to 
 any tolerable agreement." 
 
 In fact it would be difficult to conceive any 
 situation more unpromising than that in which 
 Peterborough found himself about the end of August, 
 1705. In a military point of view, success was to 
 all appearance hopeless. It is true that a battery 
 of fifty heavy ship's guns, manned by seamen, had 
 been placed opposite the east side of the fortress, 
 eight field guns also occupied the adjacent hills and 
 checked the enemy's fire ; but for all the good that 
 these heavy or light guns could do towards reducing 
 the place, they might as well have been on board 
 ship. The nature of the ground, which was dead 
 level and boggy, rendered it almost impossible to 
 construct the necessary approaches ; and as there was 
 no cover whatever to conceal or shelter attacking 
 troops, had an assault been attempted it could only 
 have resulted in great loss of life and inevitable 
 disaster. Prince Charles, or the King as he was 
 called, with his German courtiers and retainers, was 
 in the meantime securely lodged in the right rear 
 of the camp near San Martino, whence he occupied 
 himself in watching the languid operations of the 
 siege, in receiving the homage of the country people, 
 and in complaining of the apathy of the English and 
 
UNREASONABLENESS OF CHARLES. 191 
 
 Dutcli commanders, who refused to lead their men 
 to certain destruction. 
 
 As is invariably" the case on such occasions, when 
 ignorant men have the power of interference in 
 virtue of their rank and position, the relations be- 
 tween the various chiefs became extremely strained ; 
 there was a marked coldness between Charles and 
 Lord Peterborough, and the latter had actually 
 ceased to be on speaking terms with the Prince of 
 Hesse Darmstadt. This estrangement, which no 
 doubt had its origin at the time when the project 
 of a march direct on Madrid had been rejected, 
 was further aggravated by a letter which the Prince 
 wrote at the order of the King. This communication, 
 which according to General Richards was instigated 
 by Lichtenstein, one of the German Ministers, 
 " who on this occasion gave himself most horrible 
 ayres," much " nettled " our hero, and indeed was 
 admirably calculated to excite his wrath. He was 
 now told, when it was too late, that his proposal 
 of marching on Madrid by Valencia might be carried 
 out, but that a " tentation " or attempt must first 
 be made on Barcelona.^ 
 
 The irritation, however, was not confined to 
 Peterborough alone ; the Dutch General was equally 
 discontented, although on the whole loyal to his 
 English colleague, while the other leaders, soldiers 
 and sailors alike, were all as much disgusted as those 
 whom they commanded. Hardships, absence of pay, 
 
 1 Memorial of Expedition to Barcelona, IVOS, by GeneralJ. Eiohards, 
 Stowe MSS. 367, Britisli Museum. 
 
192 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 want of food, and inaction were not calculated to 
 raise men's spirits on a campaign. While the 
 German faction accused Peterborough of wilfully 
 throwing obstacles in the way of the expedition 
 and of thwarting their plans in order to justify 
 his former advice against attacking Barcelona, the 
 men murmured against him for not re-embarking ; 
 they complained of being sacrificed in an utterly 
 impossible enterprise, and declared that, although 
 they were hopeless of success, rather than remain 
 idle, they were willing to make some attack on the 
 fortress, that they might not be taunted with 
 " first coming like fools, and then going away like 
 cowards." 
 
 Had Peterborough been an ordinary man, in fact 
 had he not been one of the greatest geniuses that 
 ever appeared in the course of our history, the end of 
 the Barcelona expedition would not have been difficult 
 to foretell — it would have collapsed just like its pre- 
 decessor in the previous year against the same place, 
 which then was far less formidable than now, 
 both as regards defences and garrison. The English 
 troops would have re-embarked and returned to 
 England re infecta, just as they did after the 
 attempt on Cadiz in 1702, just as they have done 
 alas ! many a time since. Valuable lives would have 
 been wasted, hardly-earned money would have been 
 squandered, and absolutely without result. Perhaps 
 however this is untrue ; there would have been a 
 result — a very decided result — there would have 
 been a loss of self respect among our soldiers, 
 
THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 193 
 
 a loss of self denying patriotism among our 
 citizens, and a loss of prestige throughout the 
 world. 
 
 How Lord Peterborough succeeded in avoiding this 
 misfortune will be related in another chapter. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE FIRST SIEaE OF BARCELONA, OCTOBER, 1705. 
 
 Commencement of the siege of Barcelona. — Position of Montjuiok. — 
 Peterborough reconnoitres Montjuiok. — His secrecy and precautions. 
 — The dispositions of attack. — The iirst success. — A temporary 
 check. — The death of the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt. — A panic 
 occurs in Peterborough's absence. — The conduct of Lord Charlemout. 
 — Peterborough rallies the troops. — His gallantry and presence of 
 mind. — Another piece of good fortune. — Defenders of Montjuiok 
 isolated. — Position occupied and consolidated. — Services of the fleet 
 in the siege of Barcelona. — The magazine of Montjuiok blown up. 
 — The fort captured. — Honours paid to the Prince of Hesse Darm- 
 stadt. — The siege of the town commenced. — The efforts of Charles 
 to conciliate the Catalans. — The gallant defence of the Spanish 
 governor. — Surrender agreed on. — The terms of the capitulation. 
 — The revolt of the townspeople against Velasco. — Peterborough's 
 personal gallantry in quelling the insurrection. — His adventure 
 Vidth the Duchess of Popoli. — The influence of Peterborough on 
 the mob. — His discretion, tact, and judgment. — Barcelona occupied 
 by the allies. — Peterborough's hospitality and magnificence. — 
 Comments on the siege. — Peterborough vindicated in every par- 
 ticular. — Letters to Lady Peterborough. — To Lord Godolphin. — To 
 Queen Anne and the Duchess of Marlborough. — Letter of the 
 Archduke to Queen Anne. 
 
 The siege of Barcelona proceeded languidly during 
 tlie eighteen days agreed on, and the Commander-in- 
 -Chief during that time was apparently solely occupied 
 in the ordinary routine duties of his office. With a 
 command of temper entirely foreign to his nature. 
 
POSITION OF MONTJVICK. 195 
 
 and, it must be added, quite exceptional during the 
 course of his life, he treated the insinuations of the 
 Prince of Darmstadt and the complaints of the young 
 King and his courtiers with equal dignity and indif- 
 ference. To be idle, however, was not in Peterborough's 
 nature, and if at any period he seemed unusually 
 tranquil, his active brain was certain at that very 
 time to be fabricating some wild schemes, some great 
 combination, which only too frequently ended in a 
 way by no means agreeable to their author. In this 
 instance he was more fortunate, and schemed to good 
 purpose, achieving a success, which, in its completeness 
 and improbability, has never been excelled in the 
 annals of history. 
 
 As will be seen from the plans, the fortress of 
 Barcelona was dominated on the south-west by a fort 
 and citadel named Montjuiek,^ which, rising to a 
 height of 735 feet, protected and commanded that 
 side of the town where alone the fortifications in 
 point of fact were vulnerable. As before mentioned, 
 on the east of the town there was a 'level plain, ex- 
 tending for some miles, which afforded no cover 
 whatever for an attacking army. To the west and 
 south-west however, the case was different, a cluster 
 of irregular hUls, branching out from the Montserrat 
 range of mountains, towered over the spires and 
 towers of Barcelona, only about a long mu.sket-shot 
 distant.^ On the loftiest of these irregular heights 
 was perched this stronghold, justly considered the 
 
 1 The Mons Jovis of the Eomans, and Mons Judaicus of the Middle 
 Ages, thus named from the cemetery of the Jews being at its feet. 
 Journal of Colonel de St. Pierre, p. 36. 
 
 2 
 
196 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 key of the whole position, but as the results proved, 
 unjustly considered quite impregnable. The art of 
 fortification at that age was not very far advanced, 
 but on the whole it was on a par with the weapons 
 and engines of war which could be brought against 
 it, and all the resources of art, such as it then was, 
 had been expended on this citadel. 
 
 It cannot be said that the defences had been com- 
 pleted, still it was believed that at least enough had 
 been done to prevent the possibility of a coup-de- 
 main, and to render it safe, taking into account its 
 natural strength, from the operations of a regular 
 siege. In fact so thoroughly impregnable had Mont- 
 juick hitherto been regarded, that no direct attack 
 had ever been made against it, and it was merely 
 regarded as a citadel to be reduced or starved out 
 after the town had fallen. 
 
 Peterborough had taken an opportunity of per- 
 sonally inspecting the defences on this side of the 
 town. As the garrison was fully occupied elsewhere, 
 and the Miquelets had seized all the farm houses and 
 buildings in the immediate neighbourhood, he was 
 able to make a reconnaissance with no other escort 
 than an aide-de-camp, and hence without exciting 
 suspicion or attracting notice. Moreover, as was 
 his invariable custom in all his military operations, 
 he took the greatest trouble, by means of spies 
 and deserters, to obtain every possible information 
 regarding the position, strength, and habits of the 
 army. As a result of his own inspection, and what 
 he ha^d otherwise learnt, he came to the conclusion 
 that Montjuick was but lightly held, and that 
 
PETERBOROUGH'S SECRECY. 197 
 
 the garrison were extremely careless and negligent 
 in their guard and outpost duties. Apparently he 
 also saw with the true eye of a soldier that the 
 outworks of Montjuick, which appeared so formidable, 
 were in fact a source of weakness rather than strength, 
 as they were undermanned, and were but poorly 
 armed with artillery. He therefore determined to 
 risk an attack on this side of the fortress ; and having 
 made up his mind, he took every possible precaution 
 to insure the success of his enterprise, and so far as 
 possible trusted nothing to chance. 
 
 Even had fortune not smiled on our hero in this 
 instance, had his success only been partial, or had 
 he entirely failed, it still would be worth while to 
 study the elaborate measures he adopted to insure 
 secrecy, and also to notice the attention he paid to 
 every little detail, so that in no particular point 
 might there be any hitch or friction. So far as is 
 known, he entirely abstained from giving even his 
 most intimate friends, such as General Stanhope aud 
 Mr. Methuen, even a hint of his design. General 
 J. Eichards, who was the commandant of his artillery, 
 and hence had to be taken into the secret, was appa- 
 rently his only confidant. He called Councils of War 
 both in camp and in the fleet, and fully assented to 
 the decision at which they arrived — that the further 
 siege of Barcelona was impracticable, and must be 
 abandoned. Accordingly, all the necessary measures 
 were taken to carry this into effect ; the heavy 
 artillery was to be embarked, the tents and baggage 
 were packed, and the troops received orders to hold 
 themselves in immediate readiness to return to the 
 
198 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 ships, which, were prepared for sea.^ It is stated that 
 no sooner were these orders finally given, than all 
 alike, Charles and his Court, the sailors of the fleet, 
 and the soldiers of the army, united in a violent and 
 unsparing abuse of Lord Peterborough. He was well 
 aware of their discontent, but remained wholly im- 
 passible, while the taunts and insinuations of his 
 colleagues, which under other circumstances would 
 have been returned with interest, on this occasion 
 were accepted and listened to without comment or 
 remark. According to Captain Carleton, whose account 
 has hitherto been accepted as entirely trustworthy, 
 and who, being on the staff in this campaign, was 
 probably far more behind the scenes than any regi- 
 mental ofiicer, Lord Peterborough and the Prince of 
 Hesse Darmstadt had not been on speaking terms 
 for more than a fortnight, and the latter was only 
 informed of the proposed attack on the very night 
 it occurred. He says : — 
 
 " The Earl, however, having made his disposition 
 and delivered out his orders, began his march in 
 the evening with 1,200 foot and 200 horse, which of 
 necessity were to pass by the quarters of the Prince 
 of Hesse. That Prince, on their appearance, was told 
 that the general was come t,o speak with him ; and 
 being brought into his apartment, the Earl acquainted 
 him that he had at last resolved upon an attempt 
 against the enemy, adding that now, if he pleased, 
 he might judge of their behaviour, and judge whether 
 
 ^ In An Impartial Inquiry into the Management of the War in Spain, 
 London, 1712, there is given the copy of an agreement between King 
 Charles, the Prince of Hesse, and Peterborough, for a " march into the 
 country," i.e. to Tarragona ; this is dated September 10th. 
 
COLONEL DE ST. PIERRE'S ACCOUNT. 199 
 
 his officers and soldiers had deserved that character 
 which he had so liberally given them. The Prince 
 made answer, that he had always been ready to 
 take his share, but could hardly believe that troops 
 marching that way could make any attempt against 
 the enemy to satisfaction. However, without further 
 discourse, he called for his horse." 
 
 Colonel de St. Pierre, on the other hand, gives a 
 somewhat different version of this incident, and seems 
 to think that Lord Peterborough had consulted the 
 Prince of Hesse Darmstadt on the day previously. 
 As St. Pierre was merely a regimental officer, serving 
 with the Royal Dragoons, he probably had not the 
 opportunities possessed by Captain Carleton of learning 
 the facts. Moreover, the jottings of a journal, found 
 and printed many years afterwards, could scarcely 
 be considered so authentic as a book the statements 
 in which would probably be verified by the author 
 before publication. General Richards likewise says 
 that on Sunday night Peterborough informed him of 
 the projected attack on Montjuick, and mentions that 
 he was present at the interview between the Prince 
 and the Earl. 
 
 There are, however, in Colonel de St. Pierre's diary * 
 
 1 The following is the account given : — 
 
 " My Lord was mightily put to it what to do in such a circumstance, 
 and as he is a man that some time asketh freely the advice of people 
 much under him, having met with an officer of the army under the 
 degree of those that sat in council, who had always said that he thought 
 the town was to he taken by the good disposition of the country, and of 
 the people within, which had come to my Lord's ears, he took him along 
 with him and kept him about eleven of the clock at night, and after 
 having despatched all his business, took him into his room, stripped 
 himself to his shirt, bidd his secretary bring him his papers, turned him 
 and his valet de cJiamhre out of the room, and sitting upon a chair by. 
 
200 TEE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 most interesting details of the interview of an 
 inferior officer, presumably himself, with Lord 
 
 the bedside, and making the officer sit by bim, be says to bim : ' Being 
 in a great perplexity of mind about what to do in this juncture, I bave 
 thought fit to ask your opinion what to do. Here,' says he, ' is an order 
 from the Queen not to undertake anything but what should be agreed in 
 a Council of War of general officers ; I have called them together several 
 times ; by their advice we have landed here, though we were bound for 
 Savoy, that Duke being mightily pressed ; we have writ to him that we 
 were coming ; he expects us, and if we do not go, he will go . . . make 
 his peace. We landed here in complaisance to the King, and upon some 
 hopes that we had from the Prince of Hesse that all the country would 
 raise for the King, and that the Marquis d'Aiconchel would soon 
 join us from Arragon with 1,200 horse and 6,000 foot ; no news of 
 Arconchel, no horse. It is true the people of the country are coming 
 in, but they disappear again in a day or two. The Court presses very 
 much for the siege, but not one of the general officers would consent' 
 to it. To do it myself it is against my instructions, and if I miscarry I 
 do not know bow to answer it.' 
 
 " ' Since your Lordship giveth me liberty to speak, I shall do it freely,' 
 said that officer, 'hoping it will be no offence.' 'And how will you 
 answer ? ' ' My Lord,' says he, ' doing nothing, you bave landed by the 
 advice of your general officers ; you have put out your declaration in 
 the Queen's name, inviting all the people to take up arms, promising 
 them all the assistance necessary from the Queen to maintain them in 
 their rights and privileges, and to set up King Charles upon the throne 
 of Spain, and now, my Lord, they have declared, they have taken up 
 arms, and you are going to leave them to the mercy of their enemies. 
 How can you answer that to the Queen 1 What will all Europe say of 
 it 1 It would tarnish so much the glory of the English ; and I think it 
 is much better to venture losing the whole army than to leave this 
 people.' 
 
 " ' We are not going to leave them,' said my Lord. 
 
 '" "What are you then going to do,' said the officer, 'since it is given 
 out that you are to march in two days to Tarragona ; the people of that 
 country believe, with great probability, that it is to embark there.' 
 
 "'No,' says he to the officer, 'it is to take that town, to make a 
 magazine of it, and march from thence to Madrid, which the general 
 officers have promised the King to do at the same time that they refused 
 one by one to his Majesty to consent to the siege ; for asking of them if 
 they would leave him, for he was resolved to stay with his people though 
 they should all embark again, " No," said they to the King, " but rather 
 than undertake the siege we will go to Madrid with your Majesty," who 
 took them at their word to hinder them from embarking.' 
 
INTERVIEW WITH PETERBOROUGH. 201 
 
 Peterborough on the day but one before the attack 
 on Montjuick. 
 
 There seems every reason to suppose that the 
 account of this meeting is quite authentic. Peter- 
 borough, like all able men, was not above consulting 
 those inferior to himself in rank, and was only too 
 glad to utilise the brains and ideas of others when 
 in his opinion they were deserving of attention. The 
 account of this interview likewise is so circumstantial 
 that it bears all the impress of truth, and the fact of 
 its having occurred is entirely compatible with the 
 ignorance of the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt and all 
 Peterborough's colleagues of any attack on Montjuick 
 being contemplated. Had he consulted them there 
 is not the slightest doubt that they would have 
 
 " ' Go to Madrid ! ' said the officer ; ' it is impossible. How can you 
 propose to go one hundred leagues without horse, without artillery, for 
 you have nothing to draw it, without pontoons, without provisions, and 
 without anything almost that is necessary for so long a march. You 
 have nothing to do but to attempt to take the town, which I hope you 
 will take if you go about it.' 
 
 " ' How,' says he, ' take it t The garrison is almost as strong as the 
 army, and you see they have made a work since we came that will cost 
 us above a fortnight in taking.' 
 
 " ' This is our fault,' said the officer ; ' we might have hindered them, 
 and instead of that have let them work at leisure ; but I do not see that 
 fortification is of any use to them, for we are not obliged to attack them 
 at that place, and though I am no engineer, I think there is a better 
 attack between the New Gate and St. Antony's Gate, M'here there is a 
 very long curtain flanked only in some places by some little round 
 towers, and not far from the wall a great convent and several houses, 
 which our men might easily lodge themselves in the first night.' 
 
 " ' I have observed that place,' said my Lord, ' and I approve of your 
 proposal. Pray,' says he, ' go to-morrow morning to the Prince of 
 Hesse, and propose it to him as from yourself, and let me know what he 
 says to it.' 
 
 "The officer went next morning to the Prince, but found that my 
 Lord had already been there, and that they had gone away together.'' 
 
202 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 refused to join in any sucli harebrained enterprise, 
 and in any case it would have been wholly impossible 
 to insure that complete secrecy which alone could 
 give a chance of success.^ 
 
 On the night of Sunday, September 13th, 1705, 
 it w^as confidently rumoured in the allied camp before 
 Barcelona that it had been decided to make a rapid 
 march on Tarragona, and that all siege artillery and 
 stores, which had already been re-embarked on board 
 ship, were to be conveyed to the same destination 
 by sea. What was to be done when the force 
 reached Tarragona was not yet known, perhaps was 
 not yet decided. Some said it was to be then 
 intrenched for the winter, others again declared that 
 after a demonstration the entire expedition was to 
 be directed on Naples. However, that they were 
 going to Tarragona was perfectly certain ; for had not 
 a force of 1,400 men, English and Dutch, been 
 ordered to parade in the camp before nightfall, and 
 of these, 400 grenadiers under Colonel Southwell 
 were to march as advance-guard on the Serria road, 
 Avhich led to Tarragona ? The besieged garrison, 
 although probably not quite so certain in their own 
 minds as to the destination of the allied forces, still 
 were perfectly confident their besiegers were departing 
 for good. The embarkation had already been in a 
 great measure carried out, the troops were all on the 
 move — in fact the siege was raised, and in honour of 
 
 1 The Prince of Hesse wrote a letter to Sir Cloudesley Shovel on the 
 night before the attack on Montjuick, showing that he was aware of 
 the project. This was probably written after Peterborough had roused 
 him up. 
 
.1 JIARCH SUDDENLY CHANGED. 203 
 
 that great aud triumphant event, that very night 
 was set apart for rejoicing. 
 
 In the meantime we must follow the fortune of 
 the 1,400 men who were marching along the Serria 
 road on the Sunday evening. They started about 
 six o'clock, and moved on steadily but slowly, in 
 consequence of the rough road and the darkness. 
 Four • hundred grenadiers formed the advance- 
 guard, and the remainder of the force followed at 
 intervals in support and reserve. At about ten 
 o'clock the head of the column was overtaken by 
 Lord Peterborough and the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt 
 in person. On this the direction of the march was 
 suddenly changed, and then after plodding on until 
 two hours before daybreak, by which time a distance 
 of about three leagues had been performed, the force, 
 much to its astonishment, found itself halted under 
 the hill, on the summit of which was perched the 
 fortress of Montjuick.' It then became for the first 
 time evident on what mission they were bent ; the 
 men lay down to rest, while Lord Peterborough 
 called his officers together, unfolded to them his 
 plans, and gave his orders. 
 
 In consequence of the danger and uncertainty 
 which at all times attends a night attack, the English 
 General most wisely had determined to wait until 
 daylight. He had another reason for this deter- 
 mination ; he knew that the garrison of Montjuick 
 had been much weakened in order to reinforce the 
 
 1 In his letter to Lady Peterborough, given later, the Earl mentions 
 that 200 men went astray in the darkness and missed him. Curiously 
 enough this incident is corroborated by Eichards, but is not mentioned 
 elsewhere. 
 
204 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 defenders on the eastern face of the town, where the 
 allies first made their attack ; probably therefore there 
 were not enough men to hold effectively all the out- 
 works, which were very extensive. If therefore he 
 could induce the garrison to meet him in the exterior 
 line of defence, as there were no pallisades or obstacles 
 in the ditch, he calculated that his men might close 
 with the defenders at once, and driving them back, 
 very probably might enter the bastions simultaneously 
 with them, perhaps might even carry all the outworks 
 at one blow. 
 
 The following were the details of his dispositions : 
 a lieutenant and thirty men were to advance on the 
 bastion nearest the town to the east, a captain and 
 fifty men to be in support, and 200 men. accom- 
 panied by Lord Peterborough and the Prince of 
 Hesse Darmstadt, to be in reserve — this was the 
 main attack. Another column of the same strength 
 and in the same formation, under Colonel Southwell, 
 was directed against an unfinished demi-bastion on 
 the western point of the fort, while 500 men under 
 a Dutch colonel were in reserve between the two 
 columns. It appears also that 200 dismounted men 
 of the Royal Dragoons were detached near " La 
 Croix Couverte " to watch the town and protect the 
 communications, and also that a small detachment 
 was left in the Convent St. Madrona as a secand 
 reserve. . 
 
 Shortly after daylight the two columns advanced 
 in high spirits and with perfect regularity. Some 
 Miquelets first gave notice of their approach, and 
 poured a volley on the eastern column as it moved 
 
SUCCESS OF FIRST ATTACK. 205 
 
 up the side of the hill ; however, the British troops 
 continued to clamber on undismayed. Captain 
 Carleton says, " Our men, though quite exposed, and 
 though the glacis was all escarped upon the live rock, 
 went on with an undaunted courage ; and immedi- 
 ately after the first fire of the enemy, all, that were 
 not killed or wounded, leaped pell-mell amongst the 
 enemy, who being thus boldly attacked, and seeing 
 others pouring in upon them, retired in great con- 
 fusion, and some one way, some another, ran into 
 the inward works." In the meantime the western 
 column was even more fortunate ; apparently its 
 approach had been entirely unperceived, and the 
 commander of the fort had withdrawn all his men 
 from this side in order to reinforce the face where he 
 saw the attack coming. In this way Colonel South- 
 well mastered the western outworks, and turned two 
 or three guns that he found there on the central 
 *fort, whither the routed enemy had retired. We 
 thus find that everything had occurred just as 
 Peterborough had foreseen, and, thanks to the bravery 
 of his men and his own skilful dispositions, he had 
 mastered the first line of outworks of the fortress. 
 He was not slow in following up his advantage. 
 Having got into the principal bastion through a port 
 in the flank and by means of the covered way, he at 
 once made his men raise a temporary breastwork by 
 means of a number of loose stones, which fortunately 
 were lying at the gorge, and before the enemy had 
 recovered from their panic the little force was firmly 
 established in the exterior fort. 
 
 Now there was a slight lull in the combat, both 
 
206 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 parties remaining quiet for a time and sending for 
 reinforcements. Peterborough had detailed his 
 friend Brigadier Stanhope with 1,000 men to 
 occupy a position at a convent ^ about half way 
 between the camp and Montjuick, with a view to 
 succour him in the case of reverse, and support him 
 in the case of victory. He now sent for Stanhope, 
 who no doubt was just as much surprised as the 
 other members of the force when he found out why 
 he had been placed there. The fight, however, at 
 Montjuick had not been unobserved in the town of 
 Barcelona, sudden and unexpected as it was. Velasco, 
 the governor, with great promptitude, as soon as he 
 heard the rattle of musketry immediately sent off 
 400 mounted men to reinforce the defenders of the 
 citadel ; the alarm was also sounded in the town 
 itself, and all the garrison got under arms. Apparently 
 Peterborough had called in the dragoons originally 
 placed at La Croix Couverte, and had replaced them 
 by a force of Miquelets, who were directed to cut off 
 all communications, and who, had they stood, could 
 easily have prevented any succours from reaching 
 Montjuick. These Miquelets, as warriors, however, 
 failed him, and after firing one harmless volley, at 
 once took to their heels and permitted the reinforce- 
 ment to reach its destination. Two hundred men 
 were then dismounted and left in the fort, while 
 the remaining 200 led back the riderless horses to 
 the town. 
 
 Now there occurred one of those strange accidents, 
 
 1 It is difficult to determine the position of this convent ; probably it 
 is the one to the north of the town. 
 
.1 TEMPORARY DISASTEB. 207 
 
 where perhaps the presence of mincl and courage of 
 one man may change the fate of an empire. When 
 the garrison of the fort received this welcome succour 
 they greeted it with cheering and waving of hats, 
 shouting " Viva el Reg ! Viva!" or "Long hve the King ! " 
 There is no reason to suppose that this was in any 
 way a ruse de guerre, but was merely a natural de- 
 monstration of joy at the sight of their comrades. 
 The besiegers, however, from their position, were 
 unable to perceive the cause of this excitement, and 
 the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt at once jumped to 
 the conclusion that the garrison were making signals 
 of surrender. He accordingly without receiving any 
 orders advanced from under cover with about 300 
 men under Colonel Allen, and was permitted to get 
 as far as the ditch of the keep. No sooner however 
 were they well exposed than the Spaniards assailed 
 them in front and flank, took 200 prisoners, including 
 the colonel, and drove the rest back in disorder. 
 Lord Peterborough heard the firing from the upper 
 part of the bastion, where apparently he was recon- 
 noitring ; he hurried down just in time to find the 
 men not taken prisoners retiring in confusion, and to 
 see the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt mortally wounded 
 by a shot, which severed the great artery of his 
 thigh. 1 
 
 1 The following account of the Prince, extracted from the Journal de 
 St. Pierre, may perhaps prove interesting : — 
 
 " The Prince of Hesse died within a few hours of his wounds, 
 mightily lamented by all who knew him, for he had all the good qualities 
 that a man can have to gain the affection of the people — handsome of 
 his person, valiant, generous, and ready always to do good ; but specially 
 the Catalans had a singular estime and veneration for him. He was a 
 
208 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Matters indeed looked desperate, and with any one 
 of less courage and resource than Lord Peterborough 
 all would have been lost. Accounts of this period of 
 the fight somewhat vary as to detail, although they 
 entirely agree as to the critical nature of the situation. 
 According to Captain Carleton, whose narrative is 
 extremely detailed and circumstantial, at the moment 
 when the Prince of Hesse was killed, an officer came 
 to Lord Peterborough with the information that a 
 large body of horse and foot, numbering at least 
 3,000, was on the march from Barcelona to Mont- 
 juick. The distance between the two places, it is 
 added, was about a mile, and the ground was uneven, 
 so that in parts of it the march of the enemy could 
 not be seen. 
 
 On hearing this Peterborough got on his horse and 
 galloped out to reconnoitre, " having left all the posts 
 which were already taken, well secured with the 
 allotted number of officers and soldiers." During his 
 absence a panic, such as not unfrequently has been 
 known to seize the best of troops, for no visible or 
 sufficient reason, came on the same men who had so 
 bravely won, and were now holding, the outworks of 
 
 younger brother of the house of Hesse Darmstadt ; he served first 
 among the English, and had an English regiment of foot given him. He 
 was at the battle of the Boyne with King William, but afterwards the 
 King of Spain, having married a sister of the Elector Palatine, a near 
 relation of the Prince, he went into Spain, changed his religion, was 
 made General of the Horse, and behaved himself very well. During the 
 siege of Barcelona in 1698, he made several sallies, in which he did the 
 French a great deal of mischief, and got mighty reputation. After the 
 peace was concluded, he was made Viceroy of Catalonia, and there it 
 was that, by his sweet temper and just and moderate government, he 
 won the hearts of the people in such a manner that, after his death^ 
 every one mourned as if it had been for a father." 
 
MISTAKE OF LORD ClIAELEMONT. 209 
 
 Montjuick. Lord Charlemont, who was in command, 
 according to Captain Carleton, did nothing to check 
 the panic but led his men out of the fort, having un- 
 fortunately listened to bad advice. He says that 
 Lord Charlemont was a " person of known merit and 
 undoubted courage, but somewhat too flexible in his 
 temper. And having heard an officer urge him that 
 none of all those posts we were become masters of 
 were tenable : that to offer at it would be no better 
 than wilfully sacrificing human lives to caprice and 
 humour ; and just like a man knocking his head 
 against stone walls to try which was the hardest " 
 — having heard this conversation and fearing that 
 " this piece of lip oratory was too likely to prevail," 
 Captain Carleton hurried out to acquaint his chief of 
 what was going on in his absence. On telling Lord 
 Peterborough this, the latter exclaimed with a good 
 deal of vehemence, " Good God ! is it possible ? " and 
 hurried back as fast as he could. He was Justin time 
 to meet his retreating troops before they had got half 
 down the hill or their retirement, had been discovered 
 by the enemy — a great piece of good luck. Peter- 
 borough at once jumped from his horse, seized the 
 " half pike " in Lord Charlemont's hand, and addressing 
 the officers and men, told them that if they did not 
 turn and follow him., they would suff"er from the 
 eternal infamy of having abandoned their posts and 
 deserted their general. A new spirit at once seized 
 them ; those who a few minutes before had been full 
 of panic and alarm, now lost their fears and thought 
 only of their heroic general. Even the officer who 
 gave such pusillanimous counsels, excusing his own 
 
 VOL. I. P 
 
210 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 faintness of heart by feigning a conscientious dread 
 of " bloodguiltiness," seems to have forg-otten alike 
 his cant and his cowardice, and to have joined with 
 the others in regaining the works they had so un- 
 worthily quitted. In less than half-an-hour all the 
 posts were regained and reoccupied without the loss 
 of a man, although Captain Carleton says that, had 
 the retreating men gone half a muskct-shot further, 
 they must have been seen ; the enemy would then at 
 once have seized the position abandoned and the 
 entire enterprise must have ended in disaster. 
 
 General Richards, in his diary, his memorial, and 
 his private letters, fully corroborates Captain Carle- 
 ton's account of this incident, and, although far from 
 favourably disposed to Peterborough, does full credit 
 to the Earl's gallantry and presence of mind. He 
 says. Lord Charlemont, " who was next immediately 
 in command and, I believe, a little strange to such 
 rude sort of work, was easily persuaded to quit the 
 post we had gained and to retreat, as he actually did, 
 and at the time I do not believe that we had 400 of 
 the 1,000 men that marched out with us. Some 
 mistook the way, and never came up ; others were so 
 weary that they could not ; but, above all, the want 
 of water was extreme, which I attribute to be the 
 great reason of our many desertions." He adds that, 
 " At this juncture Lord Peterborough returned, who, 
 .seeing what was done, fell into the horriblest passion 
 that ever man was seen in, and with a great deal of 
 bravery and resolution led us back again to the posts 
 which we had quitted." In his diary, also, when 
 iiarrating the same occurrence, he says, " Our people 
 
ANOTHER PIECE OF GOOD FORTUNE. 211 
 
 began to retire in earnest and in very bad order ; 
 the officers, with their swords at their breasts, could 
 not stop them ; Colonel Southwell and myself, with 
 eight or ten men, were the last, and I had much to 
 do to bring off our ammunition and wounded men. 
 Before we had got to the covered way Lord Peter- 
 borough came back, and, having grievously reproached 
 Lord Charlemont for his retreat, made the men face 
 about again, and led them up to the posts they had 
 quitted. This resolution was brave and becoming so 
 great a man ; I hope it will be the taking of the 
 town." ' 
 
 Peterborough had yet another piece of good 
 fortune ; the 200 men, who with Colonel Allen, had 
 been taken prisoners at the time of the Prince of 
 Hesse Darmstadt's unfortunate mistake, were at once 
 despatched, under escort, to be placed in safe keeping 
 in the town. On the way there they were met by 
 the Marquis de Eisbourg, who with a mixed force 
 of .3,000 men had been despatched to the succour 
 of Montjuick. The prisoners were at once stopped 
 and cross-examined ; as they all agreed in saying that 
 Lord Peterborough and the Prince of Flesse Darm- 
 stadt were both present in person at Montjuick, the 
 Spanish general came to the natural conclusion that, 
 since the commander-in-chief himself and a personage 
 of so great an importance as the Prince of Hesse 
 had led the attack, the whole of the allied army was 
 also before him. With a prudence which under 
 some circumstances might possibly have deserved 
 
 1 Diary of Operations m 1705, by General Jolm Richards.- — Stowe 
 MSS. 367, Britisli Museum. 
 
 P 2 
 
213 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 commendation, but in this instance was certainly most 
 unfortunate, lie determined to avoid being entrapped 
 into an ambuscade, and immediately ordered a retreat 
 back into the town. As soon as the Spaniards com- 
 menced to retire, the Miquelets took courage and 
 pressed on their heels, while a small garrison, which 
 held the fort of San Bertram,^ seeing their comrades 
 retreating, were seized with a panic, and hurriedly 
 evacuated their posts, leaving five light guns behind 
 them. These, together with the fort itself, were 
 immediately seized by the ever-active Miquelets, 
 daring so long as fortune seemed to smile on them, 
 craven-hearted as soon as there wa,s the slightest 
 threatening of a reverse. By this means all com- 
 munication was cut off" between the town and the 
 defenders of Montjuick, who were now entirely 
 isolated. 
 
 While matters had taken so favourable a turn out- 
 side the stronghold, Peterborough had shown his 
 usual energy in consolidating his position inside those 
 works, which he had already mastered. The 1,000 
 men under Stanhope were quickly brought up, 
 the three guns taken in the morning by Colonel 
 Southwell and the five afterwards captured by the 
 Miquelets at San Bertram were put into position and 
 turned on the citadel, while orders were despatched to 
 the fleet for the immediate landing of all the heavy 
 guns and mortars. Had Velasco, the Grovernor of 
 Barcelona, displayed even ordinary enterprise or 
 energy, the position of the allied forces would still 
 have been highly critical. The besieged garrisons, 
 
 ' Probably St. Betra in the plan. 
 
GALLANT CONDUCT OF TLIE SALLORS. 213 
 
 who in numbers were fully equal to their opponents, 
 were in a central position, and could without difficulty 
 concentrate a superior force on any one point. 
 Although Peterborough had established himself in 
 the outworks of Montjuick, the citadel itself had not 
 yet fallen, -and his communications could only be 
 maintained by " a tedious march along the foot of 
 the hills " from the allied camp at the east to where 
 his small force was isolated on the extreme west of 
 the town. However, daring and resource, if they 
 were wanting on one side, were present in double 
 vigour on the other. The spirit of the general 
 seemed to animate all alike ; soldiers and sailors 
 worked with extraordinary keenness and determina- 
 tion. Captain Carleton says with all honesty that, 
 without the co-operation of the fleet, Barcelona could 
 never have been taken. Admirals, he said, turned 
 themselves into generals, landed their men every day 
 from the ships, and formed them into companies 
 under their own officers just like soldiers. He espe- 
 cially mentions a Captain Littleton, " one of the most 
 advanced captains of the whole fleet," who volunteered 
 to superintend the landing of the artillery, and who, 
 finding that horses could not drag the guns and 
 mortars up such precipices, " caused harnesses to be 
 made for 200 men." " By that means," after pro- 
 digious fatigue and " labour," he brought the artillery 
 necessary for the siege up to the very batteries.^ 
 Fortune, as she favoured the English at the com- 
 
 1 In these days we are so accustomed to the energy and brilliant 
 services of our sailors in many similar enterprises, that we have ceased 
 to feel the surprise at their exploits expressed by Captain Carleton. 
 
214 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 mencement of their audacious enterprise, continued 
 still to smile on them. The light field-guns, which 
 were all the artillery they had available for the first 
 day or so, could make no impression on the solid 
 masonry of the citadel of Montjuick, and when the 
 heavier guns had been brought up by the sailors, at 
 first they could do little if anything more. However, 
 on about the fourth day, that is, September 17th, 
 Colonel Southwell, who was in command of the 
 trenches, by a piece of good fortune happened 
 to direct a Dutch sub-ofiicer who had charge of a 
 heavy mortar to try the eff"ect of a shell on a small 
 chapel within the fort, which seemed to be specially 
 guarded by the garrison ; after seeing various in- 
 efi'ectual attempts made to hit the building, Southwell 
 himself tried his hand at laying the mortar, and 
 managed to drop a shell right through the roof A 
 minute afterwards there was a gigantic explosion and 
 crash ; when the smoke had cleared away it was 
 evident that not only had the magazine been blown 
 up, causing immense damage inside the citadel, but 
 also that a yawning breach had been made in the face 
 of one of the smaller bastions. This was indeed a 
 lucky shot, since, besides the material injury it had 
 done to the fortifications, which were visible to the 
 besiegers, it had also blown up the Prince of Carac- 
 cioli, who was commandant, and two or three of the 
 superior officers that happened to be sitting at dinner 
 with him. No sooner were the efi'ects of this ex- 
 plosion and the confusion it had caused perceived by 
 the Miquelets, than a number of them who had been 
 hovering about, well under cover at the base of the 
 
THE PRINCE OF HESSE DARMSTADT. il.) 
 
 hill, rushed up into the fort and would have slaughtered 
 every living soul inside, had not Peterborough with 
 equal alacrity followed them at once at the head of 
 his regular troops. It is added that "he kept these 
 under the strictest discipnne, so that in a happy hour 
 for the frightened garrison he gave officers and men 
 quarter, making them prisoners of war." Three hundred 
 men and fifteen officers surrendered, and Colonel 
 Southwell was named commandant of the captured 
 stronghold. Thus ended the first scene of the 
 celebrated capture of Barcelona. 
 
 While all this severe fighting had been going on, 
 Peterborough had not been unmindful of the funeral 
 honours due to his gallant friend and ally, the Prince 
 of Hesse Darmstadt. In death all the differences 
 between them were buried and forgotten, the qualities 
 of the brave soldier and comrade, of the honourable 
 and chivalrous gentleman, were then alone present in 
 his memory. As soon as the poor Prince had fallen, 
 his remains were conveyed with the greatest honour 
 and respect to a neighbouring convent, which the 
 Earl himself hired for the lying-in-state of his de- 
 parted friend, and where, to quote the words of an 
 eye-witness, " His body lies ; he is dressed with his 
 wig, hat, and usual clothes, with his boots on, a sword 
 in one hand and a cane in the other ; a priest is 
 continually about his corpse praying, and the place 
 is ever crowded with Spaniards who come to 
 see him.'' ^ 
 
 Now the siege of Barcelona commenced in sober 
 
 1 Letter from a naval officer in tlie General History of Europe, 1705, 
 p. 328. 
 
1216 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 earnest. Peterborough's success had already been so 
 unexpected, so rapid, and so complete that from the 
 depth of despair the sj)ii'its of the allied troops rose to 
 the height of exultation. Now there were no more 
 grumblings, hesitations, or councils of war, the 
 English general reigned supreme and his spirit 
 pervaded all ranks alike. The German courtiers 
 became submissive, the Dutch general entirely tract- 
 able, and even the Miquelets began to submit them- 
 selves to the discipline, which Peterborough never 
 failed to enforce. Very soon three batteries were 
 erected on the west of the town, one of nine guns, 
 one of twelve, and the other of thirty, while the 
 approaches were pushed forward with extraordinary 
 vigour.^ The spirit and vigour of the besiegers 
 seemed to produce a corresponding reaction on the 
 besieged. Not a single sortie did they attempt, but 
 contented themselves with a passive defence, which is 
 at all times the most ineffective and but seldom 
 commands success. The demoralisation of the garrison 
 was so evident that the idea occurred of establishing a 
 breaching battery at a short range at the base of the 
 hill, and one night under the cover of the darkness 
 this was done effectually, so that by October 3rd a 
 breach was made which was pronounced by the 
 English engineers as practicable for assault. At first 
 Velasco scouted all ideas of surrender, and vowed that 
 
 1 Unfortunately there are no clear or distinct plans of the siege, the 
 one which Lord Peterborough sent home with his despatches having 
 been lost. So far, however, as the annexed maps go, it would seem that 
 these batteries extended from the Porte St. Antoine on the left, to the 
 Bastion du Eoy on the right. This is also what Colonel de St. 
 Pierre says. 
 
ENTHUSIASM OF THE ARCHDUKE. 217 
 
 Jie would rather bury himself in the ruins of the city, 
 which he had been commissioned to defend. In 
 proportion however as the danger increased from 
 without, so also did the disaffection and despair 
 intensify within the walls of Barcelona. 
 
 The population at all times had been disaflPected 
 and ill-disposed to the French king ; hardships and 
 scarcity of food had not tended to change or soften 
 their feelings, and as soon as difficulties seemed to be 
 coming on the garrison, discontent ripened into 
 mutiny, complaints and grumbling into open hostility. 
 Velasco displayed more energy in suppressing dangers 
 from within than he did in repelling attacks from 
 without. The mutinous soldiers and hostile inhabit- 
 ants were at once arrested and driven outside the 
 walls ; there however they received a warm welcome. 
 Charles was only too anxious to assume the position 
 of the father of his people and to accept the task of 
 protecting his oppressed and faithful subjects. Those 
 who applied to him for assistance were granted all 
 that lay within the power of his limited resources, and 
 every encouragement was given for others to follow 
 their example. In the operations of the siege he 
 entered with all the enthusiasm of a boy, and moved 
 his headquarters to a place whence he could personally 
 superintend the main attack. Danger he shared with 
 his soldiers, and it is said he was constantly either in 
 the ships or the batteries that were engaged in bom- 
 barding the town. On one occasion he expressed a 
 special wish that eight vessels should fire one simul- 
 taneous broadside, and was immensely pleased when 
 his request was complied with. 
 
218 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Still the Spanish governor held out with undaunted 
 resolution ; an entrenchment was raised inside the 
 breach, and two mines were laid to defend it from 
 an assault. His efforts however were of little avail, 
 for under the immediate direction of Peterborough 
 himself, who seems to have exposed himself far more 
 perhaps than his position as commander-in-chief 
 warranted, two shells were thrown on the entrench- 
 ment, successfully destroying not only the breast- work 
 but also blowing up the two mines. It is stated that 
 Peterborough on seeing this damage done, exclaimed, 
 " If I only had 2,000 men ready behind me I should 
 immediately storm the town." That he might have 
 carried the town by assault there is no doubt, but he 
 was one of those whose humanity was as remarkable as 
 his bravery. He never wasted a life, and never failed 
 to sjDare an enemy when it lay in his power. On this 
 occasion, he at once went to his tent and wrote 
 summoning Velasco to surrender, as he had already 
 done previously. He said, " The garrison can expect 
 no relief, I advise you to prevent the consequence of 
 an assault ; this is the last letter I shall write." 
 
 Velasco thought the matter over, and considering no 
 doubt that in the event of the town being successfully 
 assaulted and carried, probably the garrison would be 
 massacred to the last man, he came to the conclusion 
 that it would be as well to accept the honourable terms 
 which Peterborough offered him. It was therefore 
 agreed that, if no relief came within four days, the 
 town should be surrendered, the garrison to march out 
 with all the honours of war and to be transported by 
 sea to San Feliz near Palamos, and thence to Gerona. 
 
TEEMS OF SURRENDER. 219 
 
 Nineteen pieces of artillery, besides ordnance stores, 
 and munitions of war, were also allowed to be taken, 
 and the Conde de Ribera was to be exchano-ed with 
 General Stanhope as a hostage. In the meantime the 
 gate of St. Angelo ^ was to be immediately handed over 
 to the allied troops, while it was settled that when the 
 evacuation took place the infantry of the garrison were 
 to march out through the breach, the cavalry and 
 guns through the gate of St. Antoine. 
 
 Such were the terms of the surrender, which from 
 circumstances could not be carried out in their 
 entirety. The capitulation was signed on October 
 9th, and no doubt would have been scrupulously 
 observed by both sides on the day appointed ; the 
 only alteration in the conditions being made at the 
 request of Velasco, who begged that Eosas might be 
 substituted as their destination in place of Gerona, 
 which had declared for King Charles. On however 
 the 10th of October, the next day after the capitu- 
 lation had been signed, a great tumult arose inside 
 the city — so great that the attention of Peterborough 
 and his army were attracted by it.^ It appears that 
 Velasco, during his governorship of Barcelona, had 
 been extremely severe and oppressive, justly earning 
 for himself the bitter animosity of the inhabitants. 
 No sooner did the garrison commence their evacuation 
 than the townspeople broke out into open revolt ; 
 they attacked the stragglers, plundered the baggage, 
 sacked the houses of supporters of the French king, 
 
 1 Not marked in the plans. 
 
 2 St. Pierre declares that Velasco, in danger of his life, sent out for 
 Peterboronsh's assistance. 
 
220 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 and no doubt had every intention of indulging in 
 a general massacre of those obnoxious to them, as 
 was by no means an unusual practice at that time 
 in Spain. They were further encouraged in these 
 designs, and aided in their execution, by a number 
 of Miquelets, who, after the armistice had been made, 
 had succeeded in getting into the town. No doubt 
 the vigilance of the sentries had been mtich relaxed 
 on both sides. Probably, also, the country people, 
 in various disguises and on many pretexts, such as 
 bringing food to the garrison, had, by means of the 
 paths and gates, with which they were well ac- 
 quainted, introduced both themselves and large 
 quantities of arms within the ramparts, in hopes of 
 a great harvest of plunder. Had it not been for the 
 courage and personal influence of Peterborough, there 
 is no doubt that the hopes of these Miquelets would 
 not have been disappointed. Captain Carleton, 
 Colonel de St. Pierre, and General Eichards, give a 
 circumstantial and detailed account of his behaviour 
 on this occasion, when he displayed equal generosity, 
 humanity, and courage. Although there is ample 
 and overwhelming testimony as to his conduct and 
 his motives, both of which were afterwards com- 
 pletely vindicated, his enemies in England subse- 
 quently took exception to his action, and accused 
 him of having violated wilfully the articles of the 
 capitulation, and broken faith with the Spaniards by 
 suddenly occupying the town under the pretence of 
 quelling an insurrection. 
 
 According to Captain Carleton, Lord Peterborough, 
 hearing the tumult, rode almost unattended to the 
 
THE DUCHESS OF POPOLL 221 
 
 gate of St. Angelo and demanded admission. Caiieton 
 happened to be there, and when the officers opened 
 the gate, accompanied his general inside ; then, as he 
 says — 
 
 " Scarce had we gone a hundred paces, when 
 we saw a lady of apparent quality and indisputable 
 beauty, in a strange but most affecting agony, flying 
 from the apprehended fury of the Miquelets ; her 
 lovely hair was all flowing about her shoulders, which, 
 and the consternation she was in, rather added to, 
 than anything diminished from, the charms of an 
 excess of beauty. She, as is very natural to people 
 in distress, made up directly to the Earl, her eyes 
 satisfying her he was a person likely to give her all 
 the protection she wanted. And as soon as ever she 
 came near enough in a manner that declared her 
 quality before she spoke, she craved that protection, 
 telling him, the better to secure it, who it was that 
 asked it. But the generous Earl presently convinced 
 her he wanted no entreaties, having, before he knew 
 her to be the Duchess of Popoli, taken her by the 
 hand, in order to convey her through the wicket 
 which he entered at to a place of safety without 
 the town." 
 
 Carleton adds — 
 
 " I staid behind while the Earl conveyed the 
 distressed Duchess to her requested asylum, and I 
 believe it was much the longest part of an hour 
 before he returned." 
 
 Perhaps it might be suggested that this last 
 remark, while it undoubtedly bears out Peter- 
 borough's character as an admirer of ladies, in no 
 way adds to his reputation as a soldier, since it 
 
222 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 woiilil appear as if tlie beautiful eyes of the fair 
 Duchi'ss had for a time made him forget his military 
 duties. Tliis view, however, would scarcely seem 
 the correct one. It was quite evident that, single- 
 handed, he could do nothing to quell the mob ; in 
 fact St. Pierre, who gives an account of the same 
 incident, mentions that, while leading the lady away, 
 several Miquelets fired at him, and that one shot 
 went through his "wigg."^ As soon, however, as 
 he had perceived the serious natui'e of the insur- 
 rection, he had directed General Stanhope to get 
 several battalions under arms, and by the time these 
 troops had arrived he was there to accompany them. 
 
 The English trooj^s, when led into the town, dis- 
 tinguished themselves as much by their discipline as 
 they had done previously by their bravery and en- 
 durance in hardships. They not only abstained from 
 all plunder themselves, but restrained the violence of 
 the mob and saved the lives of those who so lately 
 had been their enemies. In several letters given 
 hereafter full testimony is borne to their behaviour, 
 which proves more than anything else the great in- 
 fluence which Peterborough had over his troops — ■ 
 an influence which he exercised and retained when- 
 ever he was in command. Apparently reports had 
 been set on foot in the city, that Velasco intended to 
 carry oS" some of the inhabitants as prisoners of war 
 in defiance of the terms of the capitulation. These 
 rumours goaded the populace to desperation, and it 
 
 ■ Stfinhope also, who was one of the officers in attendance on Peter- 
 borough, said to me that they ran a greater danger from the shooting 
 and fire that was flying about in that disorder, than they had done 
 during the whole siege. — Burnet's History, vol. ii. 
 
PETERBOROUGH'S DISCRETION. 223 
 
 was only through the strenuous personal exertions of 
 the English General that Velasco's life was saved. 
 All accounts agree in statins; that the influence which 
 Peterborough suddenly acquired over the mob was 
 only less marked than that which he possessed over 
 his own soldiery ; and St. Pierre mentions that 
 General Stanhope was also of great assistance in 
 appeasing the tumult, since during the few days 
 during which he had been in the town as a hostage, 
 he had made many acquaintances and could speak 
 Spanish. 
 
 Among the many curious traits in the character of 
 Lord Peterborough, there is none more singular than 
 the discretion and judgment which he showed while 
 acting in his public character as a general, as opposed 
 to the impetuosity and hot-headedness, which were 
 the characteristics of his parliamentary career, and, so 
 far as we can learn, of nearly all the relations in his 
 private life. While commander-in-chief in Spain 
 his dealings with the inhabitants were marked with a 
 temperate wisdom, and considerate regard for their 
 feelings and prejudices, such as one would think were 
 entirely foreign to his ordinary nature and natural 
 temperament. On this occasion he at once caused a 
 proclamation to be made in all the public places of 
 Barcelona to the effect that " if any person have any 
 lawful claims upon Don Francisco de Velasco, they 
 shall repair to the Town House, there enter their 
 claims and I shall see them satisfied." Also when a 
 deputation from some of the principal inhabitants 
 came to him to ask where he wished to celebrate 
 the rites of his religion, he replied, '"' Wherever I may 
 
224 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 have my quarters, I shall have conveniency enough 
 to worship God ; and as for the rest of the army, 
 they shall strictly follow the rules of war and perform 
 divine service among themselves, without giving 
 disturbance or offence to anybody." From all 
 accounts religious bigotry even yet is by no means 
 extinct in Spain ; in those days it was rampant, in 
 fact it would be difficult to exaggerate its influence 
 or the power of the priesthood over the population. 
 In order to excite Catholics against the heretic soldiery, 
 French agents had industriously encouraged the idea 
 and spread the report that the churches would be 
 seized and probably desecrated ; it therefore can be 
 well conceived how politic and well-advised was the 
 position taken up by Peterborough on the religious 
 question. Knowing what we do of his professed 
 opinions, we may well conceive that it required no 
 sacrifice on his part to abstain from performing his 
 devotions, such as they were, in a consecrated building. 
 Probably his ojainions, although deemed positively 
 sceptical in those days, were not more, or perhaps 
 indeed so advanced as what are now openly professed 
 by many a dignitary wearing a surplice. Be that 
 as it may, we must accord him in any case the fullest 
 credit for the scrupulous respect he always paid to 
 what was then the most bigoted form of the Christian 
 religion in the most bigoted of Christian countries. 
 
 After queUing the insurrection Peterborough gave 
 his troops orders to withdraw from Barcelona until 
 the time arrived when, according to the terms of the 
 convention, he was entitled to occupy it. Matters, 
 however, had gone too far. Velasco found that he 
 
A COLD RECEPTION. 225 
 
 could not continue in occupation of the town with 
 safety either to himself or those under him. All the 
 gates were thrown open to the English, while Velasco 
 himself was safely escorted on board the Britannia, 
 where apparently he was so coldly received by the 
 rough old sailor, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, that he had 
 to be moved on board another ship.^ It appears also 
 that the Earl was equally kind and considerate to 
 some of his other prisoners.^ In the meantime the 
 rest of the garrison, in a highly disorganised state, 
 having been marched out with the honours of war, 
 were put on board ship and landed at Malaga, Velasco 
 himself having selected this place as his destination. 
 It is added that so many of the Spanish troops had 
 dispersed, taken service under Charles, or from one 
 reason or another disappeared, that only about 1,,500 
 were actually embarked, and that these were most of 
 them unarmed and many naked,' so great had been 
 the demoralisation caused by the. brilliant exploits of 
 the allied army and the subsequent insurrection. 
 
 1 St. Pierre says : " Velasco, not finding himself safe in a place where 
 the people were incensed against him, desired my Lord that he might go 
 on board that day, to which my Lord easily consented, and sent him 
 under a strong guard to the waterside, from where he went by my Lord's 
 order on board the Britannia, where he was very coldly received by Sir 
 Cloudesley Shovel, who thought it was an affront to the King and to 
 him to send a man so tyrannical and odious to the people to make use 
 of the apartment that had been fitted up for the King, that my Lord 
 thought fitt to have him removed into another ship ye next day, when 
 he sent his own servants to wait on him." 
 
 2 General Eichards concludes the entry in his diary of October 14th 
 as follows : "Velasco, the Captain-General, is sent on board the 2)/'ifaHHi«, 
 and the Duke of Popoli and his lady are att my Lord Peterborough's 
 ciuarters." 
 
 3 Journal of Colonel de St. Pierre, p. 44. It appears that six new 
 regiments were formed of the deserters from Velasco's army. 
 
 VOL. L Q 
 
226 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 When we read such an account of the condition of 
 the Spanish troops, and consider that Peterborough 
 absolutely saved their lives and that of their general, 
 it is not surprising that he refused to allow them to 
 carry off the guns and stores, which, had all the 
 terms of the convention been complied with, would 
 naturally have belonged to them. Apparently the 
 remnants of Velasco's army were quite unfit to take 
 charge of any artillery or stores, and were wholly 
 unable to carry out their own part of the capitulation. 
 
 No sooner had the former garrison turned their 
 backs on the town than Peterborough at once 
 commenced to consolidate his position in his own 
 characteristic aud splendid way. He entertained all 
 the principal people of both parties at his own 
 expense, and was so successful in instilling confidence 
 into the people, that on the following morning the 
 shops and markets of Barcelona were open, just as 
 if there had been no siege and no insurrection. 
 On October 23rd King Charles made his formal 
 entry into the city amid general rejoicings, and 
 was solemnly proclaimed King of Spain. General 
 Stanhope and Lord Shannon were sent with 
 despatches to England for the double purpose of 
 intimating to Queen Anne the successes of her 
 troops, and of soliciting further supplies and 
 reinforcements. 
 
 Thus ended the celebrated siege and capture of 
 Barcelona, certainly one of the most brilliant exploits 
 ever yet recorded. As in all operations of war, 
 successful or the reverse, luck, as it is termed, played 
 an important part ; hard fighting, courage, and 
 
.4 STRANGE PHENOMENON. 227 
 
 perseverance also had their share in determining 
 the result. Let us grant that in all these respects 
 Peterborough was much favoured ; but still it is 
 impossible to deny that, apart from his good fortune 
 and the gallantry of his troops, he displayed all the 
 qualities of a great commander, and those who would 
 wish to follow in the footsteps of his military career 
 could not have a better example than this to guide 
 them. It is, indeed, difficult to reconcile the ordinary 
 peculiarities of his character and temperament with 
 his conduct on this occasion. Almost from the 
 commencement of the expedition until the conclu- 
 sion, valour, genius, and humanity were to be 
 expected of him, but that he should display 
 prudence, temper, and self-restraint, was certainly a 
 phenomenon, and must always remain an enigma to 
 those who study both his previous and subsequent 
 history. 
 
 In his military views he was right from the first. 
 There is every reason to suppose that if, as he pro- 
 posed, a dashing march had been made on Madrid, it 
 would have been entirely successful. In a similar 
 manner, according to all the ordinary rules of war, 
 the direction of an expedition against Barcelona was 
 a gigantic mistake ; it resembled an assault made on 
 the uninjured part of a fortress, when there was a 
 3'awning breach close by which could be carried with- 
 out trouble. It was but natural that the Archduke 
 Charles should be desirous of effecting something 
 within the limits of his future kingdom, although 
 probably succours to the Duke of Savoy would have 
 best aided in a general way the cause of the allies ; 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 but that the one place should be selected for attack, 
 which alone had been specially prepared to make a 
 formidable resistance, still seems almost inexplicable. 
 Peterborough opposed the Barcelona plan as long as 
 he could, but when at last he was obliged to defer to 
 the representations of King Charles and the Prince 
 of Hesse, he threw himself heart and soul into their 
 projects, and carried out their wishes, not indeed by 
 attempting impossibilities, but in the manner which, in 
 his own better judgment, he knew was best calculated 
 to produce the desired end. From his instructions 
 he was obliged to call Councils of War both in camp 
 and on board ship. But we may be well assured 
 that he regarded them only as solemn mockeries — 
 indeed it was alleged that sometimes he voted in 
 camp for one proposal and immediately afterwards on 
 board ship for just the very opposite.^ No matter 
 however in what light he regarded these assemblies, 
 he paid about as much attention to them as another 
 great genius, Chve, did to the Council of War which 
 decided that he was not to fight the battle of Plassy. 
 Whatever opinion may be held as to Peterborough's 
 votes or his changes of mind, which, it is alleged in 
 the first instance, were of almost daily occurrence, of 
 his vanity or of his other failings, there can be no 
 cpestion that the attack on Montjuick was brilliantly 
 conceived, skilfully planned, and most gallantly 
 carried out. With the true inspiration of genius, 
 he perceived the key of the position ; with wonder- 
 ful self-restraint and secrecy he concealed his plans, 
 neglecting no small detail to insure their success, and 
 
 1 ImjKtrtial Inqviry into the Manaijement of the War in Sjiain. 
 
A STRIKING PARALLEL. 229 
 
 then with a bravery, energy and determination be- 
 yond all praise, he pushed and followed up his 
 successes to the very uttermost.^ Had one link of 
 the chain broken, and one little detail been neglected, 
 it is easy to see from the account which we have just 
 given, that the entire attack must have failed, and 
 that there would have been a disastrous rout. It 
 would therefore seem well, in case some bold leader 
 during future years should wish to follow Peter- 
 borotigh's example, that he should also not forget 
 how little separated a brilliant victory is from a 
 crushing defeat.^ 
 
 The following extracts from various letters written 
 
 1 General Eichards, in a private letter dated October 22nd, 1705, 
 wlien describing the capture of Montjuick, says, " We lost our Prince, 
 as we should have done all that we had got, had not my Lord Peter- 
 borough come up with us, who, as he was the sole projector of the 
 enterprise, so was he our only support in our misfortune.'' The 
 above, coming as it does from a hostile critic, is a remarkable testimony 
 to our hero's worth. 
 
 ^ It has often occurred to the writer that this exploit of Lord Peter- 
 borough was the model on which another expedition of a similar nature 
 in recent years was conceived and executed. In both the Commander- 
 in-Chief accompanied and led a small detachment of his army. In both 
 there was the same secrecy, the same night march, the same lofty 
 position reached and mastered, the same detachments left at various 
 points to cover retreat, the same surprise of the enemy, but, alas ! not 
 the same success. At Majuba Hill, the precautions so wisely taken by 
 Peterborough before Montjuick were omitted ; and, above all, after the 
 first success there was not that indomitable energy, wakefulness, and 
 determination, which in one case ensured victory, in the other might 
 have prevented defeat. Strangely enough, on both occasions there 
 occurred a sudden panic among troops of known bravery and highly- 
 proved discipline. The brilliant fruits of Peterborough's victory were 
 eventually squandered and thrown away by vacillation and incom- 
 petence at home ; it is also to be feared that the lamentable results of 
 the surprise and defeat of a few hundred men on Majuba Hill — a defeat 
 in itself so insignificant, so easily to be avenged —have, from similar 
 causes, been deeply intensified. 
 
■2:iO THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 after the siege of Barcelona, and probably sent home 
 by General Stanhope, may prove interesting. The first 
 as regards date is addressed to Lady Peterborough. 
 It would seem as if this had been written after the 
 capture of Montjuick, but before the actual surrender 
 of Barcelona, which Peterborough evidently con- 
 sidered — and considered justly — to be "as good as 
 taken." As before mentioned, domesticity was not 
 one of the virtues of our hero ; and we fear that it 
 is impossible to lay claim on his behalf to that 
 devotion and faithfulness to Ijady Peterborough said 
 to have been shown by the Duke of Marlborough 
 to the Duchess Sarah. It is therefore satisfactory 
 to find that neither the bright eyes of the Duchess 
 Popoli nor of any other lady in Spain had made the 
 gallant Earl oblivious of his duties to his wife, who 
 then must have been comparatively an old woman, 
 having already been married to him for about thirty 
 years. It will be seen that he addresses her in cordial 
 if not in actual affectionate terms ; moreover, so far as 
 we know, the first letter that he wrote was to her, 
 and in the next, to Lord Godolphin, the Lord High 
 Treasurer, he makes an appeal begging that his family 
 may not be neglected. 
 
 LORD PETERBOROUGH to his WIFE. 
 
 " October 6th, 1705. 
 
 ' I can now give you joy upon taking Barcelona, 
 which is effected. I can modestly say such an 
 attempt was never made by such a handful of men. 
 We have taken in three days the Castle of Montjuick, 
 sword in hand, that resisted 30,000 men three months. 
 There were 500 men in it. We marched with 1,000 
 
LETTER TO LORD GODOLPHIN. 231 
 
 men thirteen hours, and with scaling ladders took 
 a place upon a rock, much stronger than Portsmouth, 
 and had but 800 men, 200 having lost us in the night. 
 This enterprise, which some peojjle would reckon 
 impossible or rash, will save many thousand lives. I 
 was forced to lead them on with the Prince of Hesse, 
 who was killed. I escaped without hurt, though both 
 my aide-de-camps were much wounded. I would 
 rather you should hear of this earlier from others 
 than myself." 
 
 To LORD GODOLPHIN. 
 
 "Barcelona, Octoher l^th, 1705. 
 
 " I hope I have made good my presumption in 
 charging myself with the person of a King, and, if 
 my opinion could have prevailed, I think I should 
 have given yet a better account of the campaign. . . . 
 From the copies of letters I send you, you will find 
 the weakness of all about the King, in whose person 
 alone resides all the sense and virtue amongst them ; 
 .... their follies and rapacious greediness for money 
 are inexpressible, and to hinder them from ruining 
 our happy beginning will not be the least part of my 
 
 trouble I apprehend nothing, not want of 
 
 men and money so much as I doe the ignorance and 
 corruption of some about the King. My Lord, give 
 me leave to assure your Lordship that in Portugal 
 and Spain all must be carried with a high hand ; what 
 is necessary for ye public good, ye Queen and State 
 must insist upon ; and you may depend, my Lord, 
 there will never be any return of gratitude to ye 
 public or to private persons for the greatest or most 
 miraculous services that can be performed. We must 
 look to ourselves, and serve them for our own sakes." 
 
 He next speaks in the highest way of the valour 
 and devotion of his troops, and adds : — 
 
232 rilE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 " There was never a e;reater trial of their sub- 
 mission and higher proof of English humanity than 
 to enter a place pillaged by others and not to commit 
 the least hostility, but to employ themselves wholly 
 in saving at the same time the town and their 
 enemies." 
 
 He proceeds to beg earnestly for arms, clothes, 
 ammunition, " for all is wanting." He says :— 
 
 " We perish only for want of money. Mr. Methuen 
 will let your Lordship know and Mr. Stanhope that 
 I have in a manner supported all here with my little 
 stock. I sold, mortgaged, and took up a year's advance 
 upon my estate, gott all my pay advanced, took all the 
 money up at Lisbon upon my own account that I 
 could anywise get — and all gone to the support of this 
 siege and other services. I have left my wife and 
 children nothing to live upon. ... I hope my zeal 
 shall not prove my ruin." 
 
 This letter is signed by Lord Peterborough, but 
 written by his secretary. He adds a postscript in his 
 own handwriting : — 
 
 " I beg your pardon for not writing in my own 
 hand, my eyes stung with mosquitos hardly allow me 
 to see anything." 
 
 Letter tu QUEEN ANNE.i 
 
 " Barcelona, October 3rd, 1705. 
 
 "Madam, 
 
 " The approbation your Majesty was pleased 
 to give to the resolutions taken by ye King of Spain, 
 which I confess I did propose and encourage to the 
 
 ' MSS. in British Museum. 
 
LETTER TO QUEEN ANXE. 233 
 
 uttmost of my power, was very acceptable, and I was 
 extremely att ease when I found the States General 
 did so heartily concur with your Majesty in the 
 same opinion. 
 
 " The example of the Duke of Marlborough and 
 his great successes last yeare putt me upon seeking 
 such measures as could not be foreseen, and there- 
 fore not betrayed or prepared against ; and the events 
 I believe will always justify such resolutions ; they are 
 hazardous to those that command in a common way, 
 where success is the only justification. I was not 
 ignorant of my danger, but my earnest desire to doe 
 your Majesty and my country some important service, 
 overcame all my fears. 
 
 " I can never satisfye myself in any services I can 
 doe your Majesty ; they will always fall short of 
 what I wish and would aim att. The King of Spain 
 has very obligingly eased me of the necessity of 
 giving your Majesty an account of particulars ; upon 
 the whole I believe your Majesty's great goodness 
 will make you gratiously accept of my endeavours. 
 I shall only say, Madam, my thoughts and actions 
 shall never have any other view but your Majesty's 
 glory and the good of my country. 
 
 " I would say more to your Majesty of your 
 officers and troupes, of the great assistance from the 
 English fleet, of the courage, cheerfulness and exact 
 obedience of your soldiers, if I did not think that 
 their actions did sufficiently recommend them to 
 your Majesty's good opinion and to the world, but 
 I must not omit to lett your Majesty know how 
 happy we have been in a perfect agreement with 
 the officers of the States General of sea and land. 
 Nothing has been denied from the Dutch Admiral 
 or offered to ye Dutch Generals, W'hich has not been 
 complyed with, even beyond what could be hoped 
 or reasonably desired. 
 
234 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 " I doe not soUicit your Majesty for the necessary 
 supports of all kinds for this happy beginning. Your 
 Majesty, your allies and your Parliament can never 
 abandon a King beginning his reign with an action 
 of such resolution and courage, nor a whole province 
 and your own troops entirely depending upon your 
 wisdome and goodnesse ; we all rest assured of the 
 care and protection of the best of Princes, and have 
 nothing to desire so earnestly of heaven as the 
 preservation of your sacred person and the long 
 continuance of a life of such consequence to ye 
 whole world. 
 
 " Your Majesty's most dutiful and obedient 
 " Servant and subject, 
 
 " Peterboeow." 
 
 LORD PETERBOROUGH to the DUCHESS of MARLBOROUGH. 
 
 " Octoher 29th, 1705. 
 
 " If some few I esteem and respect are as much 
 pleased as our enemies are surprised and made uneasy, 
 I would desire no more. I know the good nature of 
 England, especially towards the month of November ; 
 but I hope at least they will find no fault. 
 
 " The ceremony is now over, and we have two 
 kings acknowledged in Sj)ain. Give me leave to say, 
 if I had now two hundred thousand pounds I would 
 be answerable for our being. Madam, possessed in 
 a month's time of the better part of all Catalonia, 
 Valencia and Aragon ; but our coarse English 
 
 proverb is too true — ' There is no making brick 
 without straw.' 
 
 " Had it not been for the impatience I am under 
 to justify to the world the countenance and good 
 opinion you were pleased to honour me with, I never 
 durst have entered into those measures which brought 
 
JEALOUSIES SUPPRESSED. 235 
 
 the King hither. But knowing the ill state of things 
 in Portugal, and the prospect not answering elsewhere, 
 I thought a retrieve was necessary for resolutions out 
 of the common road. I have met with great diffi- 
 culties, but expect greater. This letter goes by Italy, 
 only to assure your Grace of my eternal gratitude 
 and respect, and to recommend the whole to your 
 care and protection. I lay this enterprise at your 
 door, my Lady Duchess : if we are sustained in time, 
 and as we ought, I hope you will not be ashamed to 
 own it. But, Madam, we are far off" (though I hope 
 not forgotten). I can now assure your Grace I am 
 of the side of the Church : no doubt Sir Edward 
 Seymour will make haste to help me, and I think we 
 have met with miracles in our favour. ' But we are 
 poorer than church rats ; and miracles cannot save 
 us long, without money, and a quick and vigorous 
 assistance." 
 
 The following extracts from a letter written by the 
 Archduke Charles, or King Charles as his followers 
 called him, to Queen Anne, though lengthy, appear 
 of sufficient interest and importance to be quoted. It 
 will be seen that he did full justice to Peterborough 
 and his services, so the friction which afterwards arose 
 between the English General and the German courtiers 
 who surrounded and influenced the young Prince at 
 that time, cannot have been very pronounced. 
 
 It is probable that the jealousies which aftci'wards 
 so seriously prejudiced the success of the allied cause 
 in Spain were then existent, but were temporarily 
 suppressed, and rendered dormant by the brilliant 
 successes which gave their author an all-powerful 
 influence, which could be neither gainsaid nor 
 resisted. 
 
236 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 The AECHDUKE CHAELES to QUEEN ANNE. 
 
 " Madam, my Sister, 
 
 " I should not have been so long ere I did 
 myself the honour to repeat the assurance of my 
 sincere respect to you, had I not waited for the good 
 occasion, which I now acquaint you with, that the 
 city of Barcelona is surrendered to me by capitulation. 
 I doubt not that you will receive this great news with 
 entire satisfaction ; as weU because this ha.ppy success 
 is the effect of your arms, always glorious, as from 
 the pure motives of that bounty and paternal affec- 
 tion you have for me, and for everything which may 
 contribute to the advancement of my interest. I 
 must do this justice to all the officers and common 
 soldiers, and particularly to my Lord Peterborough, 
 that he has shown in this whole expedition a con- 
 stancy, bravery, and conduct worthy of the choice 
 that your Majesty has made for him, and that he 
 could no ways give better satisfaction than he has by 
 the great zeal and application which he has equally 
 testified for my interest, and for the service of my 
 person. I owe the same justice to Brigadier Stanhope 
 for his great zeal, vigilance, and very wise conduct, 
 which he has given proofs of upon all occasions ; as 
 also to all officers of the fleet, particularly to your 
 worthy Admiral Shovel, assuring your Majesty that 
 he has assisted me in this expedition with an incon- 
 ceivable readiness and application, and that no admiral 
 will be ever better able to render me greater 
 satisfaction than he has done. 
 
 " After a march of thirteen hours the troops climbed 
 up the rocks and precipices to attack a fortification 
 stronger than the place which the Earl of Peter- 
 borough has sent j"ou a plan of; two generals with 
 the grenadiers attacked it sword in hand, in which 
 
THE ARCHDUKE'S LETTER. ^il 
 
 action the Prince of Hesse died gloriously after so 
 many brave actions. I hope his brother and his 
 family will always have your Majesty's protection. 
 With 400 men they forced the covered way, and all 
 the intrenchments and works one after another, till 
 they came to the last work which surrounded it, 
 against 500 men of regular troops which defended 
 the place, and a reinforcement they had received : and 
 three days afterwards we became masters of the place. 
 We afterwards attacked the town on the side of the 
 castle. We landed again our cannon and the other 
 artillery w^ith inconceivable trouble, and formed two 
 camps, distant about three leagues, against a garrison 
 almost as numerous as our army, whose cavalry was 
 double the strength of ours. The first camp was so 
 well intrenched that it was defended by 2,000 men 
 and the dragoons, whilst we attacked the town with 
 the rest of our troops. The breach being made we 
 prepared to make a general assault with all the army. 
 These are circumstances. Madam, which distinguish 
 this action perhaps from all others. 
 
 " Here has happened an unforeseen accident : the 
 cruelty of the pretended Viceroy, and the report 
 spread abroad that he would take away the prisoners, 
 contrary to the capitulation, provoked the burghers 
 and some of the country people to take up arms 
 against the garrison whilst they were busy in packing 
 up their baggage, which was to be sent away next 
 day, so that everything tended to slaugiiter ; but 
 your Majesty's troops entering into the town with the 
 Earl of Peterborough, instead of seeking pillage — a 
 practice common upon such occasions — they appeased 
 the tumult, and have saved the town, and even the 
 lives of their enemies, with a discipline and generosity 
 without example. 
 
 " A further force is necessary : we give no small 
 
238 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 diversion to France, and without doubt they will 
 make their utmost efforts against me as soon as pos- 
 sible ; but I. am satisfied that the same efforts will be 
 made by my allies to defend me. Your goodness, 
 Madam, inclines you, and your power enables you, to 
 support those that the tyranny of France would 
 oppress. All that I can insinuate to your wisdom and 
 that of your allies is that the forces employed in this 
 country will not be unprofitable to the public good, 
 but will be under an obligation and necessity to act 
 with the utmost vigour against the enemv. 
 " I am, 
 
 " With an inviolable aflection, respect, and 
 " Most sincere acknowledgment, 
 
 " Madam, my sister, 
 " Your most affectionate brother, 
 
 " Chakle.s. 
 
 " From the Camp at Sienna before Baecelona, 
 the ^ind of October, 1705." 
 
CHAPTEK IX. 
 
 FROM THE FALL OF BARCELONA IN OCTOBER, 1705, UNTIL 
 THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 
 VALENCIA IN JANUARY, 1706. 
 
 Festivities in Barcelona. — Charles's efforts to conciliate the populace. — 
 Peterborough's respect for religion. — Success of the allies in Cata- 
 lonia. — The Archduke's German advisers. — Letter to General 
 Stanhope. — Treatment of English troops in Barcelona. — Account 
 given by Colonel de St. Pierre. — Charles raises Spanish levies. — 
 Measures adopted by Peterborough. — His complaints. — Letter to 
 Lord Godolphin. — Peterborough leaves Barcelona. — Juan Bassett-y- 
 Eamos. — His action and atrocities. — Valencia captured and declares 
 for Charles. — Outrage perpetrated on the French inhabitants. — 
 Eamos and his levies march on Madrid. — Dispersed by rain. — The 
 apathy and inaction of Charles and his advisers. — The results. — 
 Expedition organised from Madrid under Las Torres. — French 
 troops appear before San Matteo. — Mistakes and gallantry of 
 Colonel Jones. — Peterborough hurries to the relief of San Matteo. 
 — His instructions. — His letter to Colonel Jones. — The success of 
 his stratagem. — Las Torres's bewildered retreat. — Peterborough 
 pursues, but recalled by despatches from Barcelona. — The dan- 
 gerous position of the allies. — Peterborough's boldness and sound 
 judgment. — His dispositions. — Letter to the Archduke Charles. 
 
 At first it seemed as if tlie brilliant capture of 
 Barcelona would produce the lasting results which 
 might naturally have followed from so remarkable 
 and complete a success. As before mentioned. King 
 Charles made his solemn entry on October 23, and was 
 
240 THE EARL OF PETERBOROrall. 
 
 received with universal enthusiasm, the greater portion 
 of the Spanish troops recently arrayed against him 
 having previously taken service under his flag. The 
 citizens however were not satisfied with the re- 
 joicings which took place when they first greeted 
 their new sovereign, and wished to give further 
 proofs of their loyalty and devotion. They sent a 
 deputation to the King, and requested permission 
 " to give more ample instances of their affection 
 in a public cavalcade." The King was by no means 
 disinclined to receive their addresses, and fixed a date 
 for the new function. When the day arrived he 
 appeared on the balcony of Lord Peterborough's 
 house,^ w^ho was the leading figure of the scene, 
 and the procession defiled before him. First came 
 the prominent citizens on their horses, then others 
 under arms, all of whom marched past " with native 
 gravity and grandeur," saluting his Majesty as they 
 went by. The Prince, it is stated, returned the 
 salutes by raisiug his hand to his mouth, as the 
 Kings of Spain are forbidden to touch their hats in 
 returning a salute. 
 
 After the march past there followed several 
 " pageants," probably waggons, the first of which was 
 drawn by mules adorned with little bells and 
 decorated with feathers. On the top of the pageant 
 was a man dressed in green in the likeness of a 
 dragon, who diverted the King by a " great variety 
 of dancings." Meanwhile Lord Peterborough scat- 
 tered dollars in handfuls among the populace, who 
 cried out " Viva ! Viva Carlos Terc-ero ! Viva la Casa 
 
 1 Captain Carleton's Memoirs, p. 157. 
 
A FANTASTIC SPECTACLE. 241 
 
 d' Austria!" Captain Carleton says that there were 
 other " pageants," in one of which there was a large 
 cage containing birds of various colours, " who were 
 suddenly let loose," and to quote his words " amazed 
 at their sudden freedom, which I took to be the 
 emblem intended, hovered a considerable space of 
 time over and above their place of freedom, chirping, 
 singing, and otherwise testifying their mighty joy 
 for their so unexpected enlargement." 
 
 One can well imagine our hero taking part in this 
 grotesque and fantastic spectacle, which thoroughly 
 suited his taste and character. No one more enjoyed 
 display and pomp, or more courted notoriety, although 
 in his own personal equipages he was, strange to say, 
 always remarkable for his simplicity. 
 
 Wise however as were the efforts of Charles to win 
 the sympathies of his new subjects by acclamation, 
 he took surer means to reach their hearts. Well 
 aware of the deep enthusiasm, which has always been 
 so firmly rooted in Spain, he took an early oppor- 
 tunity of evincing the sincerity of his religious zeal. 
 It happened one day that he was passing through the 
 fruit market in his coach, when the Host was brought 
 out at that moment from one of the great churches 
 on its way to the bed-side of a poor woman, who was 
 on her death-bed. The King at once got out of his 
 coach and knelt down in the street, which then 
 happened to be very dirty, until the Host had passed. 
 He then rose up, and taking a lighted taper in his 
 hand he followed the priest through a small alley and 
 up an ordinary pair of stairs, to where the poor 
 woman was lying, and there he remained until the 
 VOL. r. B 
 
212 THE EARL OF PETERBOnOUGH. 
 
 ceremony was over. He then returned to the 
 church, restored the taper to the man from whom 
 he had taken it, and got into his carriage amid the 
 acclamations of the populace. It is stated that Lord 
 Peterborough was equally careful to impress on all 
 the conviction of his devotion to religion, combined 
 with his thorough toleration and even favour for 
 Roman Catholicism. 
 
 It is also related that, while he was in Spain i 
 ladies and priests were his firm allies, and that to 
 this connection he owed the excellent information he 
 always had regarding the enemy's movements. His 
 influence with the Spanish ladies we can fully under- 
 stand, but his power over the priests cannot so easily 
 be explained, and can be only attributed to prudence, 
 temper, and tact — qualities for which in many re- 
 lations of life he was by no means remarkable. It is 
 certainly most singular that Peterborough should 
 have displayed such want of temper and forbearance 
 in all his dealings with Charles and his Ministers, but 
 nevertheless, as will be seen hereafter, should have 
 been so entirely successful in conciliating the country 
 people. 
 
 After the festivities and rejoicings were over, the 
 allied chiefs turned their attention to business, and 
 with great energy hastened to turn their recent suc- 
 cesses to account. The open country round Barcelona 
 immediately declared for Charles, and the various 
 strong places either voluntarily followed suit or 
 allowed themselves to be captured without resistance. 
 In this way Tarragona, Tortosa, Lerida, and Gerona 
 were subdued, and the entire province of Catalonia 
 
INCOMPETENT COLLEAGUES. 243 
 
 was still further confirmed in its allegiance by the 
 most politic proclamation of Lord Peterborough, 
 securing to the Catalans the possession of their 
 ancient fueros or liberties, which were very dear 
 to the inhabitants.'' As success invariably decides 
 waverers and creates enthusiasm in those hitherto 
 lukewarm, Charles now had no lack of adherents 
 among the notables of Spain. The Conde de 
 Cifuentes, whom Peterborough in his letters declares 
 to be a madman with all the zeal of insanity, and far 
 more method, embraced the cause of the House of 
 Austria and spread the flame of insurrection through- 
 out Aragon and Catalonia. 
 
 Unfortunately the energy of the English General, 
 which, if allowed full scope, would have pushed the 
 first success to the utmost, was thwarted and 
 neutralised by the obstinacy and supineness of the 
 young King's Austrian advisers, Prince Lich- 
 tenstein and M. Zinzerling. Apparently avarice, 
 ignorance, and jealousy of Peterborough were 
 their chief characteristics, and he unfortunately 
 had neither the temper nor the patience to obtain 
 that ascendency over the mind of the young 
 monarch which would have enabled him to counter- 
 act their influence. No doubt his position was a 
 most difficult one — a foreigner, and yet vested with 
 supreme command, which after all was little less 
 than a mockery, as he was bound to call a Council 
 of War and defer to the opinion of his utterly 
 incompetent colleagues. Still we fear it must be 
 conceded that, had he possessed the profound judgment, 
 
 1 " Case of the Catalans " in Tindal's History, vol. vi. p. 254. 
 
 R 2 
 
244 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGFI. 
 
 the calm temper, and tact of his contemporary, 
 Marlborough, the English Commander-in-Chief would 
 have been not less supreme at the councils of the 
 allied generals in Spain than his colleague was in 
 Flanders. 
 
 A very characteristic letter, addressed to General 
 Stanhope soon after the latter was sent home with 
 despatches announcing the fall of Barcelona, seems 
 worthy of notice. It is dated November 18th, 1705, 
 and commences, "Friend" and concludes "Your 
 affectionate servant," thereby showing the cordial 
 and intimate relations which then existed between 
 these two men, who unfortunately later became 
 bitter enemies. In those days correspondence was 
 carried on in much more formal terms than at 
 present, and there are few of Peter-borough's letters 
 that do not commence with " Sir " or " Madam," and 
 end with equal formality. He says — 
 
 " You remember the uneasinesses I have been 
 exposed to before you left me ; they are increased 
 50 per cent, since your departure ; they do not 
 torment me as they did in our first camp, because 
 I hope our reputations are safe ; but Cunningham 
 must be a true prophet,^ and never were troops 
 exposed to such usage, or a poor Prince to such 
 Ministers. 
 
 " God preserve my country from the best of German 
 Ministers ! What is the circumstance of that place 
 exposed to the worst of them ? In the beggarly 
 
 1 In a postscript he says : " Cunningliam is such an eternal 
 screech-owl, and growing more and more disagreeable ; if possible get 
 him. removed to some other service more suitable to his humour." So 
 apparently this general's powers of prophecy had not sufficed to ingratiate 
 him in the favour of his chief. 
 
SOME WRETCHED MINISTERS. 245 
 
 circumstances of our Princes and Generals, it is 
 certain nothing can be greater than the affection of 
 all sorts of people to the King, and nothing greater 
 than the contempt and aversion they have to 
 Lichtenstein and Wolfeld and to the whole Vienna 
 crew. They have spent their whole time in selling 
 places ; and all the money from the town so disposed 
 of that way and so well secured that Mr. Crowe, 
 myself, and all the friends we could employ in 
 Barcelona, could not obtain £6,000 to keep our troops 
 from starving, either upon bills for Genoa, Leghorn, 
 Lisbon, Amsterdam, or London." 
 
 He adds that, 
 
 " Not only Catalonia but all these parts of Spain 
 are entirely disposed in our favour. Some provinces 
 of France are as weary of their King as these parts 
 of the Duke of Anjou. 
 
 " I have intelligence and correspondence wherever 
 the enemy have troops, who are much more disposed 
 to join us than fight with us. From Valencia, from 
 Aragon, from Mont Lewis, from Languedoc, from the 
 Cevennes I have every day offers and solicitations, 
 and I cannot want success wherever I go, if I could 
 but go. ..." 
 
 After saying that " Never Prince was accompanied 
 by such wretches for Ministers ; they have neither 
 money, sense, nor honour," he adds — 
 
 " In a word, I cannot get carriages to transport the 
 baggage of our troops to their garrisons ; I cannot get 
 ammunition carried to a fortified town, where there is 
 not one barrel of powder ; I cannot get provisions put 
 into a place which must expect a siege ; I cannot so 
 much as get the breach of Barcelona repaired. The 
 Dutch troops have not one farthing but what I am 
 
246 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 forced to find for them. The marines were never 
 provided for ; ttie troops ttiat came over to us are 
 nailed, starving, and deserting back. I have no 
 money left, I have no credit ; I have sent a-begging 
 to Italy but cannot hope for a fit return ; we have no 
 medicine for our own sick ; we have not wherewithal 
 to constitute and form hospitals, and we shall perish 
 without being able to get to those places which only 
 desire to be in our hands." 
 
 He goes on to say that he insists on having the 
 supreme command of both the army and the fleet, and 
 that unless he gets it he will request to be recalled, 
 and will refuse to serve. Again, in the course of his 
 letter, he inveighs against the " inhumanity and 
 negligence " of his colleagues, and gives as a reason 
 for desiring supreme command that nothing but 
 
 " Sufficient authority or positive orders as to these 
 services approved by our Court can save fleet or army 
 from being exposed to the caprices of the most 
 wretched creatures of the earth." He says that his 
 " troops have been exposed in open cloisters to the 
 air and wet, the sick upon the ground among the 
 other men, without any relief Never men suffered 
 so much and with so much patience, it goes to my 
 soul ; and all these things are at a standstill while 
 these beggars are selling places to their greatest 
 enemies ! " 
 
 Towards the end of his letter he adds — 
 
 " I am sensible we might do great things if 
 sustained ; but I hope the Ministers will value 
 themselves as they ought uj)on the support they 
 give, and so keep these poor beggars from riding us 
 with German pride and insolence, and sacrificing us 
 
THE HARDSHIPS OF THE TROOPS. 247 
 
 by their folly. They have not assisted us in the 
 least circumstance — have suffered a thousand of our 
 men to perish by ill-usage, and if our troops were not 
 possessed with the opinion and desire to bring about 
 some things of great consequence, they would lose 
 patience, and mutiny." 
 
 Colonel de St. Pierre in his Journal gives an equally 
 deplorable account of the manner in which the troops 
 were then treated at Barcelona. He says that they 
 had to lie on bare stones in the galleries of convents, 
 that "no firing" was allowed them, and that in a 
 " little time was lost near the third part of our army ; 
 att last it was resolved to send them into the country, 
 which might as well have been done att first." 
 
 The above letters and extracts are both interesting 
 and important, as showing the great difficulties which 
 Peterborough had to encounter, the hardships the 
 soldiers had to suff'er, and the opportunities which, 
 through the inexperience of Charles, and the incom- 
 petence of his advisers, were undoubtedly thrown 
 away. It appears that, notwithstanding Peter- 
 borough's remonstrances, the trooj)s were retained 
 at Barcelona solely to add to the show and pomp of 
 the mock Court ; while they might have been much 
 more usefully employed in aiding and supporting the 
 insurrection against the authority of Philip of Anjou. 
 Had vigorous measures been taken in time there seems 
 little doubt that almost the entire provinces of 
 Catalonia and Valencia might have been secured with 
 comparatively little trouble; even as it was the 
 progress of the allies was rapid and remarkable. 
 Charles found no difficulty in raising the nucleus of 
 
248 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 a Spanish army. A body-guard was formed consisting 
 of 500 dragoons, and six battalions of infantry were 
 also organised, being in a great measure composed of 
 deserters from Pliilip. The good eflFect, however, of 
 this measure was to a great extent neutralised, and 
 Charles's popularity was seriously impaired by the 
 mistake of giving the chief commands to strangers, 
 more especially of having German officers in his own 
 body-guard. 
 
 As soon as Peterborough could obtain the sanction 
 of the King and his council, he at once despatched 
 garrisons, each accompanied by an engineer officer, 
 to hold and strengthen the various strongholds which 
 had been captured. Of these Lerida and Tortosa 
 were the most important ; the former, as will be seen 
 from the map, occupied an important strategic point 
 on the north-west frontier of Catalonia, while the 
 latter commanded a bridge of boats across the Ebro, 
 where there was the main road between Aragon and 
 Valencia. General Cunningham was sent to Lerida, 
 General Scratchenbach with the Duke to Gerona, 
 while the Eoyal Eegiment of Dragoons, followed by 
 three regiments of foot, accompanied Colonel Hans 
 Hamilton to Tortosa. 
 
 It had been Peterborough's intention to divide 
 the remainder of the army into two portions, one 
 of which was to march westward into Aragon, while 
 the other under himself in person, was to move 
 southwards on Valencia. It is impossible now to 
 give any opinion on the strategic merits or demerits 
 of this plan, but at all events it is perfectly certain 
 that the counter-proposal of those who opposed it, 
 
THE COURT OF THE ARCHDUKE. 249 
 
 was in every way mistaken. Both Generals Cunning- 
 ham and Scratchenbach ui'ged inaction, rest for the 
 troops, and caution ; and they so far were successful 
 in preventing that rapid and decisive action which 
 Peterborough urged and which was undertaken too 
 late. It has been stated ^ with much show of reason, 
 that had his counsels been followed, the Court of 
 Madrid, being at that time wholly unprepared, would 
 have been so completely taken by surprise that Spain 
 might have been overcome without difficulty. In 
 any case the troops suffered far more from the bad 
 quarters and temptations of Barcelona, than they 
 would have done from a winter's campaign. In the 
 meanwhile we have from the letters written at the 
 time, a curious picture of the state of affairs at the 
 mock Court of the Archduke ; the following seems 
 worthy of quotation — 
 
 "Bakoelona, Tuesday, December 22nd (N.S.), 1705. 
 
 " The King sent for me about eight o'clock this 
 night, and told me he had discoursed my Lord 
 Peterborough that afternoon about placing a vice- 
 king in Valencia, but that my Lord did not well 
 comprehend him, or did not think fit to give his 
 opinion in the matter. 
 
 " It was suggested that the appointment of a 
 permanent ruler was premature. The terms of 
 the capitulation of the city of Valencia were yet 
 unknown. 
 
 " That General Kamos, with the approbation of the 
 people had chosen the Conde de Cardona to govern in 
 the meantime. He had served the Emperor, the 
 
 1 Account of the Earl of Peterborough's Conduct in Spain, by 
 Dr. Freind. 
 
250 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 King's father, and was a very politic, prudent man, 
 and in great esteem among the people. He pressed 
 on the King, till the affairs of the kingdom were 
 better settled, to be content with the selection made 
 by General Ramos and the people's choice. Let the 
 Conde de Cevalliar, who also has a great knowledge 
 and interest among the people, accompany my Lord 
 Peterborough on his expedition, and then his Majesty 
 might expect such advices as to enable him to account 
 better in the choice of a vice-king. 
 
 " At which his Majesty answered me, he had little 
 or no choice to make, the Conde de Cifuentes being 
 the only person at present with him proper for that 
 part ; but as yet he had not acquainted the said 
 Conde therewith.- Upon which I hvimbly begged his 
 Majesty's leave to make some reflections, which were, 
 that the said Conde de Cifuentes had been formerly 
 guilty of some commotions in that country which 
 occasioned the death of one of their chief nobility ; 
 that the whole family of the Nabots — to whom his 
 Majesty in a great measure owed the reduction of 
 Valencia — were, to my knowledge, enemies to the 
 Conde, who had affronted them ; and that the Catalans 
 were a people that never forgave an injury. 
 
 " The King, remarking that the Conde knew how 
 to govera himself with them, rang a small bell, and 
 Prince Lichtenstein and the Conde de Cifuentes came 
 in. As soon as the latter approached his Majesty, 
 the King told him he had judged it for his royal 
 service to make him vice-king of Valencia — for which 
 he gave his Majesty thanks." ^ 
 
 With reference to the above incident Lord Peter- 
 borough writes to Lord Godolphin on December 30th, 
 
 1 British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,056, s. 391. Strangely enough, 
 this memorandum is not signed, but probably it is the production of 
 Mr. Crowe. 
 
A SPANISH BULLY. 251 
 
 in his usual unguarded and unreserved manner. He 
 complains of 
 
 " The ignorance, pride, and avarice that stifle him ; " 
 and adds, "if we were now in Madrid an Englsh 
 ambassador would find as cold a reception, and would 
 be as far from obtaining any privilege on behalf of our 
 trade or anything else as at any other time. 
 
 " The character of Prince Lichtenstein is such as 
 would scarcely be believed were it not so universally 
 known. But above all, his weakness is the most 
 surprising and dangerous. 
 
 " His falsehood, his pride, his greediness for money, 
 I shall not so much insist on ; but his meddling with 
 everything and understanding nothing must bring us 
 to ruin. One day he thinks himself in Madrid, and 
 then puts on all the airs of G-erman insolence and 
 Spanish pride, the next he gives up all for gone, and is 
 the most abject, dispirited creature in the world — to 
 the degree of crying like a child and lamenting to all 
 who come near him and disheartening all mankind." 
 
 Regarding another colleague he says, 
 
 " But to our great ill-luck, to add if possible to 
 our misfortunes, we have among us the Conde de 
 Cifuentes — in a word the Lord Pembroke^ of Spain, 
 a Spanish bully without any experience of business, 
 having no money, but all the pride of his country." 
 And when speaking of the same man as being 
 appointed Viceroy of Catalonia, he says : — " To take 
 such a resolution without having a second advice, 
 to prevent the expectation of a whole nobility before 
 any solid settlement, to send a beggar who took six 
 pistoles a day subsistence money from the streets at 
 Tortosa, to send a man of his character, who actually 
 
 1 Evidently he refers to the celebrated fourth Earl of Pembroke, of 
 whom such a striking likeness was painted by Vandyok, representing the 
 Earl as Lord Chamberlain with his key of office. 
 
252 TUE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 into the bargain had been concerned in a murder of 
 one of the best quality in Valencia, to make this sort 
 of pers(ju a grandee of the first rank and Viceroy of 
 the kingdom, before he had bestowed the least sign 
 of favour or honour on any of the most ancient and 
 noble houses of Catalonia, who had unanimously 
 engaged in his service, whilst Cifuentes, pretending 
 sickness on the frontiers of Aragon and Valencia, 
 awaited the success of Barcelona, and came not till 
 long after to Court — of these we shall offer no observa- 
 tion, thinking them sufficient for your Lordship's 
 information." ^ 
 
 The above begins in the first person singular, ends 
 in the plural, and is signed both by Mr. Crowe and 
 Lord Peterborough. 
 
 At last, however, as news came of the spread of the 
 insurrection in Valencia, Peterborough succeeded in 
 having his way, and he was permitted not only to 
 reinforce the garrisons, but himself to proceed with all 
 his available troops southwards. As before mentioned, 
 Tortosa was the main strategic point ; from this a 
 small force under Colonel Jones had been pushed on 
 to San Matteo, a town important in itself, and still 
 more so on account of its position, which commanded 
 the main pass and line of communication between 
 Barcelona and Valencia. That the importance of this 
 point was fully appreciated by the Madrid Govern- 
 ment is proved by the fact that San Matteo was the 
 first place on which they directed an attack in order 
 to check the rapidly-spreading insurrection. 
 
 As before mentioned, Charles made his solemn 
 entry into Barcelona on October 23rd. The remainder 
 
 1 British Museum, MSS. 2813, f. 491-493. 
 
DON JUAN BASSETT Y RAMOS. 253 
 
 of this month and the entire month of November 
 were apparently wasted by the allies, notwithstanding 
 Peterborough's remonstrances, since we find that it 
 was not until the beginning of December that Tortosa 
 and the other fortresses were occupied ; and the 
 beginning of January, 1706, had arrived before the 
 main force of the allies, or what remained of it, had 
 been moved up to the borders of Valencia. 
 
 In the meantime however events moved somewhat 
 rapidly. The news of the capture of Barcelona 
 scarcely made its way into the neighbouring provinces 
 much before the end of November, and its effect was 
 scarcely felt until it became evident that Catalonia 
 had definitely declared for Charles. On this becoming 
 known various adventurous spirits, who in some 
 instances had much to gain and nothing to lose by 
 revolution, raised the standard of revolt. The most 
 prominent of these was Don Juan Bassett y Ramos, 
 by no means an estimable character, but a most use- 
 ful adherent — all the more as he was a native of the 
 town of Valencia, and had many friends among the 
 common people. Originally brought up to the trade 
 of a sculptor, he had been obliged to fly from his 
 native city in consequence of some murders that he 
 had committed,^ but being a man of talent and 
 originality, these little episodes scarcely injured his 
 career, since after many vicissitudes, when the allies 
 took the seaport of Denia, he was installed as the 
 joint governor. To watch this garrison there was 
 stationed a regiment of horse under a certain Colonel 
 Nabot, who by family ties was bound to the house of 
 
 1 Journal de St. Pierre, p. 47. 
 
2.")4 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Austria, and was only too anxious to seize an oppor- 
 tunity to throw off all allegiance to the French King. 
 Accordingly in the beginning of December, Nabot, 
 at the head of his regiment, marched into Denia to 
 join the garrison which he had been deputed to 
 watch. A few days later Eamos and Nabot together 
 attacked and captured the little towns of Zabea, 
 Oliva, and Gaudia, and by the middle of the month 
 had received such an increase to their forces that 
 they actually marched on Valencia. It is stated 
 that Eamos was by no means scrupulous in the 
 measures he took to conciliate the mob or to attract 
 the populace to his standard. He permitted almost 
 unlimited plundering, and held out to the populace 
 all sorts of promises, not unknown in these days, as 
 an inducement for them to join him. It is said he 
 proclaimed that all poor people would not only be 
 relieved of taxes to the King, and rents to their 
 landlord, but that they should themselves keep the 
 land which they then held as tenants.-' It is un- 
 necessary to add that with an ignorant and credulous 
 people such promises had a power which could have 
 been secured in no other way, and that very rapidly 
 nearly all the country districts of Valencia hastened 
 to join the leader who held out the prospect of such 
 a millennium.^ 
 
 1 Journal of Colonel de St. Pierre. 
 
 2 It seems to be a subject worthy of some reflection that an un- 
 scrupulous Spanish adventurer should, two hundred years ago, have 
 held out to the Spanish peasants the same inducements to disaffection 
 as recently have been so lavishly offered by the leaders of the Land 
 League to Irish tenantry. It has been often said that there is nothing 
 new on the face of the earth, and this incident seems to be an excellent 
 example of the proverb. 
 
SOJIE DISGRACEFUL ATROCITIES. 255 
 
 Aided by the population, who were in any case well 
 disposed towards the Austrian Archduke, Eamos had 
 little difficulty in capturing Valencia. He summoned 
 the Viceroy to surrender, and while the latter was 
 taking counsel of the nobility of the place, the common 
 people opened the gates, through which Eamos and 
 his men marched in triumph. 
 
 Thus a city of 15,000 inhabitants was subdued 
 without striking a blow, and the capital of a most 
 important province was gained over to the cause of 
 the allies. 
 
 As soon as Eamos had established his authority 
 he lost no time in displaying his true character. 
 Assuming the title of " Don Juan Bassett y Eamos, 
 General by Sea and Land, Prince of the Empire, and 
 Plenipotentiary," he issued arbitrary proclamations, 
 threatening death as the punishment for disobedience 
 to his command, and by his insolence so far frightened 
 the leading and richest inhabitants, that he drove 
 many out of the town. This was just what he wanted. 
 No sooner had they gone than at once he set to work 
 plundering their houses, taking the best things to 
 himself, and leaving the rest to the people. It also 
 is said that there were more than three thousand 
 Frenchmen in Valencia, many of whom had married 
 Valencian women. These unfortunate men, without 
 exception, had their estates forfeited and their houses 
 robbed. At last their misfortunes reached a climax 
 by the issue of a proclamation ordering all Frenchmen 
 to surrender themselves into the common gaols upon 
 pain of death. With such atrocities were wars carried 
 on in those days even in so-called civilised and highly 
 
256 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 religious countries ! As one reads of such practices, 
 it is not surprising that when subsequently Peter- 
 borough administered the government of Valencia, 
 the justice and clemency of his rule proved to the 
 inhabitants a most welcome change, for which they 
 were in evevj way gratefuL 
 
 The success, however, of General Ramos, was not 
 of long duration. Emboldened by his easy capture 
 of Valencia, and by the impunity with which he 
 practised atrocities, he announced his intention of 
 marching on Madrid, and with that object summoned 
 all the peasantry to join his standard. It is said that 
 they arrived to the number of 12,000, some on horse- 
 back, some on foot, some with a gun, some with a 
 pistol, and some with a pitchfork. Possibly this army 
 might have achieved some great victory, but un- 
 fortunately " a most heavy rain fell that night, and 
 there was no cover for that raw army and no pro- 
 visions either, as the General had forgott to think of 
 it ; " hence it can scarcely cause surprise to learn that 
 Ramos did not carry out his victorious march on 
 Madrid, but was routed by an ambuscade of about 
 150 horse and 200 foot, and that all his army "ran, 
 away as fast as they could, some to their houses, and 
 some to Valencia." 
 
 No doubt, had Charles and his advisers adopted the 
 energetic measures urged by Peterborough, the first 
 success of Ramos would have had very important 
 results. The apathy, however, of the allies, coupled 
 with the gross excesses perpetrated in their name 
 throughout the province of Valencia, tended in 
 a great measure to neutralise the effects of the 
 
A VERY STIERIA'G JJAX. 257 
 
 insurrection. The noblemen plundered by Ramos and 
 his mobs hurried to Madrid and implored for assist- 
 ance against their oppression. The advisers of King 
 Philip saw that no time was to be lost if they wished 
 to regain lost ground in the eastern provinces ; they 
 therefore hastened to collect all the forces at their 
 disposal, which were by no means considerable, and 
 despatched them at once under the best officer they 
 could find to quell the Valencian insurrection. The 
 officer selected was the Conde de las Torres, a soldier 
 of considerable distinction, who had served in Italy, 
 and fully possessed the confidence of the army. To our 
 ideas, accustomed as we are to rapid campaigns, it 
 will perhaps seem rather strange that this officer, 
 energetic as he is reported to have been, could not 
 get under way somewhat sooner, since we find that 
 he did not appear before San Matteo, his first point of 
 attack, before the end of December. 
 
 As before mentioned, this town had been occupied 
 by a small force, which had been j)ushed on from 
 Tortosa under the command of Colonel Jones, who 
 had been selected for this duty because he spoke 
 Spanish perfectly well, was a very good officer, and a 
 " very stirring man." The quality, however, of the 
 troops under his command in no way equalled the 
 energy of the commander, since they were mostly 
 composed of Miquelets and militia, the only regular 
 troops being apparently thirty Eoyal Dragoons. Un- 
 fortunately Colonel Jones, in his eagerness to anticipate 
 Eamos, made a mistake at the commencement, which 
 very nearly had the most serious results. On his 
 arrival at San Matteo he was advised at once to secure 
 
 VOL. I. s 
 
258 THE EARL OF PETERBOBOUGII. 
 
 ^lorella, a lich and populous town, which commanded 
 the principal mountain pass into Aragon, and thus 
 would have secured his left flank and rear. It is 
 Added that there would have been no difficulty iu 
 this operation, as Morella was well disposed towards 
 King Charles, and possessed seven pieces of cannon, 
 but no garrison. 
 
 Being, however, as before mentioned, most anxious 
 to anticipate Eamos in his capture, and having been 
 also invited by the inhabitants, he moved rapidly on 
 to Castillon de la Plana, a town on the sea-coast only 
 teti leagues from Valencia ; but scarcely bad he 
 arrived there when he heard that his retreat was 
 seriously threatened by a large force of the enemy 
 advancing from Aragon. He at once hurried back 
 to San Matteo, and despatched his dragoons in all 
 haste to seize the mountain passes ; they arrived, 
 however, too late, and only succeeded in cutting off 
 thirty mules, richly laden, which they brought into 
 San i\Iatteo, before whose walls Las Torres's troops 
 appeared on the following day. 
 
 Colonel Jones did his best to atone for his first 
 mistake by the gallantry of his defence, but the 
 resources at his command were so small, that very 
 soon finding himself in the greatest straits, he sent 
 most earnest appeals for assistance to Tortosa. At 
 first his request met with but little response, as there 
 was no force disposable to help him. Fortunately 
 however just at this time, the troops, which Peter- 
 borough had so earnestly implored might be sent to 
 the front, arrived on the Ebro, and, what was still 
 more important, the General himself appeared in 
 
AN URGENT DESPATCH. 259 
 
 person. As before mentioned, from the time that 
 Barcelona fell, Peterborough had constantly been 
 urging Charles to allow him to march with all his 
 available troops on Valencia. He had however been 
 persistently thwarted by the Austrian followers of 
 the Archduke, and being tied down by his in- 
 structions to abide by the decisions of Councils of 
 War, he was utterly powerless, and could only give 
 vent to his displeasure by bitter letters to his friends 
 in England. Eventually after much solicitation he 
 was permitted to despatch what forces still remained 
 to the frontier of Catalonia, but he himself was still 
 detained at Barcelona. At last, however, Charles 
 becoming alarmed by the accounts he heard of the 
 advance of the enemy on San Matteo, and utterly 
 misled by the false information he received, indicted 
 the following despatch to Peterborough : — 
 
 " Illustrious Earl of Peterborough, General and 
 Commander of my troops, — Having this moment re- 
 ceived advice that in the wood of Valloana between 
 Morella and San Matteo in the kingdom of Valencia, 
 Tilly,^ who has with him one thousand horse and one 
 thousand foot, is surrounded by the country people, 
 who have possessed themselves of all the passes, and 
 have demanded from the officer, who is at Tortosa, 
 some regular men to animate those of the country, 
 and being answered that he had no orders, without 
 which he could give no men ; I have resolved, con- 
 sidering the great advantage it will be to my royal 
 service, if such a happy operation could be success- 
 fully executed, to write and participate to you this 
 opportunity, that you may give speedy direction in 
 it, and send the convenient orders to the abovesaid 
 
 1 Las Torres, not Tilly. 
 
 S 2 
 
260 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 officer, that he may give immediately the men you 
 shall think sufficient to execute it with success, which 
 I expect from your great zeal, conduct, and prudent 
 disposition ; for according to the situation in which 
 they assume the enemy is, it is impossible that any 
 can escape, if the troops of the Queen which are at 
 hand in the said town of Tortosa assist in time to 
 animate the country people which are got together to 
 that end. 
 
 " Given in Barcelona, the Zlst of Decemher, 1705." 
 
 It is needless to remark that Peterborough was not 
 the man to leave the execution of such a commission 
 to his inferiors, but starting off he travelled night and 
 day until he reached Tortosa, where he arrived on 
 January 14th, having previously sent on a courier, 
 post haste, with an order to General Killigrew, who 
 was there in command, at once to throw his troops 
 across the Ebro. Much to his astonishment he 
 found that the enemy, in place of being only 1,000 
 strong, had between 2,000 and 3,000 horse, and 
 about 4,000 foot, all regular troops and well equip- 
 ped, in front of San Matteo, while the thousands of 
 country people reported to be in arms in favour of 
 Charles existed only "in the clouds." To oppose 
 this formidable force of the enemy Peterborough had 
 but three weak regiments of British infantry, number- 
 ing in all about 1,100 men, 170 Royal Dragoons on 
 horses that " could not have galloped a mile had it 
 been to conquer the kingdom of Spain," and 150 
 Spanish mounted men, newly raised, without muskets, 
 and practically useless. 
 
 There could be only one opinion as to the 
 course which prudence and all the ordinary rules of 
 
A BOLD RESOLUTION. 261 
 
 war would alike dictate ; to attack the enemy would be 
 sheer madness, and such was the verdict of the officers 
 under Peterborough's command. It was not however 
 his custom to dispute or to argue when he had the 
 power of individual action, and was not hampered by 
 instructions. Councils of War, and such-like. He 
 merely remarked, " Unless I can raise the siege our 
 affairs are desperate, and therefore only capable of 
 desperate remedies. Be content, let us try my fortune, 
 whether I cannot by diligence and surprise effect that 
 which by downright force is impracticable." The 
 great personal influence which he had already 
 acquired over his troops before Barcelona here stood 
 him in good stead, and the little English army set 
 out on its march with as much cheerfulness and 
 spirit as if bent on a holiday show. Their confidence 
 was Avell founded, as what was wanting in material 
 strength was present in the ability and resource of 
 their general. In fact, were the account of this 
 campaign not properly authenticated, in its details, 
 fantastic incidents, and marvellous ending, it might 
 well be regarded as a worthy addition to the tales 
 of Baron Munchausen. 
 
 On January 6 th the little army moved off from 
 Tortosa, on the next day Peterborough caught them 
 up, and immediately set about maturing his plans 
 and devices. His first step was to secure some 
 trustworthy spies, whose fidelity he secured by 
 getting their entire families into his power — a pre- 
 caution which he invariably adopted in his Spanish 
 campaigns. On the morning of the 8th he divided 
 his force into very small detachments, which were 
 
262 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUG FI. 
 
 directed to march independently after nightfall by 
 the most unfrequented paths on Traguera, a small 
 town about six leagues from San Matteo. This point 
 was reached with perfect success, and without either 
 attracting the attention or exciting the suspicion of 
 the enemy. Then Peterborough had recourse to a 
 most remarkable stratagem, which, had it not proved 
 successful, would have appeared almost childish. He 
 wrote a letter to Colonel Jones, which contained not 
 one word of truth, but was apparently so ingenuous 
 and frank, that one cannot feel surprised that it 
 entirely deceived the enemy, for whose benefit alone 
 it was intended. It so thoroughly illustrates both 
 the character and the peculiarities of the writer, 
 that it seems worthy of reproduction : — ■ 
 
 To COLONEL JONES, 
 
 " You will hardly believe yourself what this letter 
 informs you of, if it comes safe to you ; and though 
 I have taken the best precautions, it will do little 
 prejudice if it falls into the enemy's hands ; since 
 they shall see and feel my troops almost as soon as 
 they can receive intelligence, should it be betrayed 
 to them. The end for which I venture it to you 
 is, that you may prepare to open the furthest gate 
 towards Valencia, and have your thousand Miquelets 
 ready, who will have the employment they love, and 
 are fit for — the pursuing and pillaging a fiying enemy. 
 The country is as one can wish, for their entire 
 destruction. Be sure, upon the first appearance of 
 our troops, and the first discharge of our artillery, 
 you answer with an English halloo, and take to the 
 mountains on the right, with all your men. It is 
 no matter what becomes of the town, leave it to 
 
A DECEPTIVE LETT Ell. 2G3 
 
 3'our mistresses. The Conde de las Torres must 
 take the plains, the hills on the left being almost 
 impassable, and serared by 5,000 or 6,000 of the 
 country people. But what will most gall him, the 
 old regiment of IMabot, which revolted to us near 
 Valencia, is likewise among them. 
 
 " I was eight days ago myself in Barcelona, and I 
 believe the Conde de las Torres must have so good 
 intelligence from thence, that he cannot be ignorant 
 of it. What belongs to my own troops and my own 
 resolutions, I can easily keep from him, though 
 nothing else. You know the force I have, and the 
 multitudes that are gathering from all parts against 
 us, so that I am forced to put the whole upon 
 this action, which must be decisive to give any 
 hopes to our desperate game. By nine or ten, 
 within an hour after you can receive this, assure 
 yourself you will discover us on the tops of the 
 hills, not two cannon shot from the camp. 
 The advantages of the sea are inconceivable, and 
 have contributed to bring about what you could 
 never expect to see — a force almost equal to the 
 enemy in numbers, and you know less would do our 
 business. Besides, never men were so transported 
 as to be brought with such secrecy so near the enemy. 
 I have 6,000 men locked up this night within the 
 walls of Traguera. I do not expect you should believe 
 it till you see them. You know we are 1,000 foot 
 and 200 dragoons in Tortosa ; Wells and 1,000 foot, 
 English and Dutch, come down the Ebro in boats, and I 
 embarked 1,000 more at Tarragona, when I landed 
 at Vinaroz, and the artillery from thence I brought 
 in country carts. It was easy to assemble the 
 horse ; Zinzendorf and Moras are as good as our own, 
 and, with our English dragoons, make in all near 
 2,000. But the whole depends upon leaving them no 
 retreat without interruption. 
 
264 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 " Dear Jones, prove a good dragoon, be diligent and 
 alert ; and preach, tliis welcome doctrine to your 
 Miquelet, ' Plunder without danger.' 
 "YoLir friend, 
 
 " Peteeborow." 
 
 The great difficulty, however, was to so arrange 
 that the letter should fall into the hands of the 
 enemy without creating suspicion. This was 
 managed in a very dexterous way. Two peasants 
 were selected as spies, their fidelity haviug been 
 previously secured in the usual manner. To both 
 of these were entrusted copies of the letter addressed 
 to Colonel Jones, and both were instructed to make 
 their way to the lines of the enemy. According to 
 previous arrangement one was immediately arrested 
 and taken before Las Torres, to whom under threat 
 of death he confessed that he had a companion, who 
 was charged with the same important despatch, and 
 after further threats he disclosed the 'road which the 
 other peasant had taken. The former was the most 
 trusted, and was told to profess ignorance of the 
 strength of the army, while the latter was made to 
 believe that the statements contained in the letter 
 were true. There was an immediate pursuit, a suc- 
 cessful capture, and a triumphant deciphering of 
 both the despatches. No sooner, however, were 
 the contents made known than almost a panic pre- 
 vailed in the enemy's camp. Las Torres, an 
 honest, old-fashioned soldier, was entirely outwitted, 
 and had not the smallest suspicion of any trick or 
 stratagem, he was all the more alarmed for the safety 
 of his army, as the reports he received from his 
 
A LUDICROUS PURSUIT. 265 
 
 outposts seemed entirely to confirm the astounding 
 information contained in the intercepted despatch. 
 
 It must be remembered that Peterborough had 
 not trusted for success in deceiving the enemy alone 
 to the false news conveyed in the letter, but as was 
 his invariable practice, he neglected no precaution 
 and spared no pains to insure the complete success 
 of his scheme. On the previous night he had care- 
 fully guarded every path leading to the enemy's 
 camp, and on his march to Traguera he had sent 
 on beforehand parties of dragoons or active Miquelets, 
 who, marching rapidly to the front, occupied com- 
 manding points on the road, and allowed no one to 
 pass until the main body came up. They then 
 moved on, and pursued the same tactics at various 
 positions, until the entire force had reached its 
 destination in secrecy. No sooner, moreover, had 
 the so-called spies been sent off than the army 
 marched also, and dividing into several columns, 
 showed itself on the high ground round the enemy's 
 camp. Strange to say two events occurred just at 
 this time, which tended still further to promote the 
 success of Peterborough's manceuAa-e. One of the 
 besieged mines burst prematurely, killing forty of the 
 workmen, and Colonel Jones succeeded in swamping 
 the others by turning a brook into them. 
 
 Altogether the poor old Spanish General thought 
 himself in a bad way, and ordered an immediate 
 retreat, which very soon almost became a flight. To 
 make the whole affair still more ludicrous. Colonel 
 Jones and his hard-pressed garrison sallied out in 
 pursuit and followed the enemy for a couple of 
 
2G6 THE EARL OF PETERDOROUd H. 
 
 leagUL'-s up to Peuasol, while Peterborough quietly 
 occupied the town and took possession of the camp, 
 the spiked guns, and material of war, which in then' 
 hurried flight the besiegers had left behind them. 
 
 Thus with consummate skill, effronterj, and good 
 fortune, with a small force wretchedly equipped, and 
 devoid of the first requisites of campaigning, an 
 English General had routed, almost without striking 
 a blow, an army in numbers quite five times more 
 numerous, in equipment infinitely superior, and 
 moreover operating in its own country within easy 
 reach of its own resources. In truth a marvellous 
 success ! 
 
 On the following day Peterborough marched to 
 Albocazer, a small town near the mountains, so as 
 to make some show of pursuit ; at the same time, 
 however, he was careful not to expose his scanty 
 forces in the open country, so that his real strength 
 might not be discovered, or that even if it were, his 
 retreat might still be secure. The pursuit, however, 
 could not be continued beyond Albocazer, as scarcely 
 had he reached this town when a despatch overtook 
 him from Barcelona, announcing that the reinforce- 
 ments, which had been promised him, and which 
 already had nearly arrived at Tortosa, were at once 
 to be I'ecalled. It was also stated that the pi-ovince 
 of Catalonia was in the greatest danger, as three 
 armies were preparing to burst on it. One force 
 under the Duke of Tesse, and comprising the flower 
 of the French army, now set free from the frontiers 
 of Portugal by the retreat of Lord Galway and Fagel, 
 was advancing throuo;h Aragon to the southwards on 
 
 O D O 
 
.'1 BOLD RESOLVE. 207 
 
 Tortosa. Another army of about four or five thousand 
 men under the Prince of Seiclaes, was threatening 
 Lerida, while a third force under the Duke de Noailles 
 was marching from Eoussillon, and had already com- 
 menced its march on Barcelona from the north. 
 Fortunately, however, for Peterborough, there was 
 nothing very definite in the despatch beyond compli- 
 ments, and the concession of discretionary power as 
 to his future movements. With any one else these 
 phrases would have been but a poor compensation for 
 the absence of material aid ; with Peterborough, how- 
 ever, it was difi"erent, so long as his hands were free 
 all difficulties seemed to vanish before his incom- 
 parable genius. 
 
 As the custom, was under these exceptional cir- 
 cumstances, he called a Council of War on January 
 12th, when the facts w^ere laid before the members. 
 They were of one opinion — in fact it was quite im- 
 possible that they could have held any other. It 
 was unanimously agreed that to leave Catalonia in 
 face of the serious dangers threatened would be sheer 
 madness ; the province would be lost, the King's 
 person would be in danger, and finally their own 
 retreat would be cut off" — in short, there was no al- 
 ternative but to retire, and to retire at once. Peter- 
 borough thoroughly agreed in every way with the 
 opinion of the council ; but he determined neither 
 to lose the province of Valencia, which could not 
 have been saved had he retreated, nor yet to imperil 
 the safety of Catalonia, which would have been in 
 serious danger had he advanced with his entire force. 
 
 In fact he was on the horns of a dilemma, from 
 
268 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH 
 
 which nothing but extraordinary audacity and skill 
 could have extricated him. He adopted a middle 
 course, which one can now see was framed with re- 
 markable strategic skill and boldness, the combination 
 of which could under the circumstances alone have 
 secured the safety of his army. Some indeed have 
 blamed him for rashness, others have even asserted 
 that he committed a strategic error. To these it may 
 be replied that a course, which under some circum- 
 stances would be foolhardy, under others may be wise 
 and prudent, and that the best test of any manoeuvre 
 in the course of a campaign is its result. Peter- 
 borough was one of those commanders who thoroughly 
 estimated the character and capabilities of the 
 enemy to whom he was opposed. He appreciated the 
 golden principle that in war good information is the 
 secret of success, and hence what to his contem- 
 poraries seemed miraculous good fortune, and to 
 posterity may seem astounding temerity, redeemed 
 by singular skill, may after all have been only sound 
 judgment based on excellent information and fortified 
 by dauntless courage, moral as well as physical. 
 There is an old saying that " The proof of the pudding 
 is in the eating," and that " Nothing succeeds like 
 success." Had this brilliant commander been for- 
 tunate only once, or twice, or even thrice, one might 
 perhaps have credited his victories to fickle Dame 
 Fortune ; but when one finds that this fickle Dame 
 never fails him, that his success is continuous and 
 unchecked, then indeed it is time to recognise a 
 genius, a knowledge of war, which soldiers of every 
 grade with much advantage may emulate. 
 
.4 WISE PRECA UTION. 269 
 
 On the present occasion Peterborough so far de- 
 ferred to the advice of the Council of War and the 
 wishes of the King, as to order his footsore infantry 
 to retreat to Vinaroz, a small town on the sea-coast, 
 "where it was possible for them to obtain boats and 
 rally on Barcelona if that town were in danger. It 
 appears that from every point of view this was the 
 best course to adopt. In the first place, when rapid 
 movements were essential to success, he could scarcely 
 anticipate much assistance from foot-soldiers, who 
 had already been much over-marched, were sorely in 
 need of boots, and almost entirely devoid of sufficient 
 means of transport. In the event also of his de- 
 ciding that this force could scarcely be spared from 
 the defence of Catalonia the position he caused them 
 to occupy was strategically advantageous. The men 
 were quite unfit to undertake a tedious march by 
 land to Barcelona, and their line of retreat might 
 also be intercepted, while at the point where he placed 
 them they could lend a hand either to himself or to 
 the King. His own feelings and intentions at the 
 time may be best explained by the following letter 
 which he addressed to Charles : — 
 
 " The honour your Majesty does me in your 
 last letter, would give me courage had I more enemies 
 to deal with ; you promise me. Sir, to confide in me, 
 and assure me of your esteem and friendship. It is 
 too much, the recompense is too great ; but I desire 
 your Majesty to believe that I will do all in my 
 power not to be wholly unworthy of your favours. 
 
 "Your Majesty has conferred particular honours 
 
270 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 upon me whicli I cannot deserve. But, Sir, both the 
 English ]\[inister and myself have apprehended we 
 have had little share in your councils. If our advices 
 had lieen approved, if your Majesty had trusted us 
 in the management of your troops, they had now 
 been in a condition to have opposed your enemies. 
 If your Majesty had permitted me to march into the 
 kingdom of Valencia when I so earnestly desired it, 
 without making me stay under pretence of the march 
 of imaginary troops, if your Majesty would have 
 believed me upon that occasion, your Majesty probably 
 had not only had at this time a Viceroy of Valencia, 
 but the kingdom. 
 
 " With what I have I march straight to Valencia. 
 I can take no other measures ; leaving the rest to 
 Providence. Your Majesty has made me pass the 
 Ebro, with positive orders for the relief of this 
 kingdom ; it is but reasonable that your Majesty give 
 me the like orders to repass that river, when the 
 succouring of Catalonia requires it. If the time lost 
 (so much against my inclination) exposes me to a 
 sacrifice, at least I will perish with honour, and as a 
 man deserving a better fate. 
 
 " Peteebeow. 
 
 "Alcala, 21 th January, 1706." 
 
 The above despatch seems worthy of special remark. 
 In the first place it is difficult to avoid suspecting 
 that a vein of sarcasm underlies the courtly ex- 
 pressions with which the letter commences, — a 
 sarcasm rendered all the more pointed by the bitter- 
 ness of the outspoken reproaches which follow. 
 However well merited was the sarcasm, however well 
 founded were the reproaches, one cannot feel surprised 
 if Charles should have never forgiven either — and in 
 point of fact we find that from this date an estrange- 
 
A POINT OF HONOUR. 271 
 
 ment would appear to have arisen between the young 
 Archduke and his gifted, but most eccentric ally. 
 
 It is evident also from the terms in which the 
 letter concludes, that Peterborough felt he was in 
 honour bound to go to the help of the insurgents, 
 who had risen so gallantly in Valencia, and were 
 anxiously awaiting his succour ; but at the same time 
 he knew that he was engaged in a mission from which 
 only too probably he was fated never to return. In 
 fact he writes much in the tone of the leader of a 
 forlorn hope, who at the last moment has received an 
 order to retire. He feels that by obeying orders he 
 would compromise his honour and lose his self-respect 
 — so he prefers to disobey them, knowing that in 
 death all things are forgotten, and in victory are 
 forgiven. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF VALENCIA, 1706. 
 
 Peterborough summons reiiiforoements. — Pursues Las Torres. — Captures 
 Nules. — Obtains horses at Castillon la Plana. — Converts an in- 
 fantry regiment into dragoons. — Peterborough's care and forethought 
 for his men. — His attention to every detail. — Returns to Tortosa. — 
 Collects a force at Castillon. — Torres superseded by the Duke of Los 
 Arcos. — Peterborough assumes the offensive. — His reconnoitring. 
 — Anecdote illustrating his system. — He marches on Murviedro. 
 — Its position. — Mahoni. — How he was outwitted. — Difficulties and 
 dangers of the English army. — Stratagem to deceive Los Arcos. — 
 Its success. — Murviedro evacuated by French troops. — Los Arcos 
 retreats. — The disastrous results to Philip's cause. — Valencia occu- 
 pied by Peterborough. — His reception by inhabitants. — Measures 
 taken in Madrid for re-capture of Valencia. — Las Torres and 
 Mahoni reinstated in their commands. — Critical position of Peter- 
 borough. — He intercepts the enemy's reinforcements. — Torres dis- 
 heartened. — His designs forestalled by Peterborough. — Again 
 attacked by the Earl. — Attack fails from cowardice of Spanish 
 garrison of Alcira. — Campaign comes to an end. — Peterborough's 
 administration in Valencia. — His strategy explained and vindicated. 
 — His devices and stratagems disciissed. 
 
 No sooner had Peterborough determined to march 
 on Valencia than he set about carrying his design into 
 execution with even more than his accustomed energy. 
 When he first started to relieve San Matteo 1,000 
 Spanish infantry and 300 horse had been despatched 
 to supj)ort him ; these troops however, had been 
 
A WELCOME REINFORCEMENT. 273 
 
 recalled by orders from Barcelona, as soon as news 
 came of the threatened invasion of Catalonia from 
 so many quarters, and had been directed on Lerida. 
 Peterborough now sent them orders to resume their 
 march towards Valencia ; and to ensure his instructions 
 being obeyed, he simultaneously ordered Colonel Wills 
 at Lerida to join him at once with a similar number 
 of British infantry and cavalry. As he had foreseen, 
 Charles and his advisers preferred to have for the 
 defence of Barcelona, British, rather than Spanish 
 troops ; and as soon as they found that if Peter- 
 borough was not given the assistance of the latter he 
 would at once claim an equal number of the former, 
 they reluctantly gave way and confirmed his orders. 
 The Spaniards therefore forthwith crossed the Ebro. 
 As it happened. Colonel Wills was then in chief 
 command at Lerida ; General Conyngham, who had 
 been sent there in the first instance, having been 
 killed in an unsuccessful action with the French, 
 which took place at San Esteban de Litera on the 
 26th and 27th of January. 
 
 Having thus endeavoured to secure as much assist- 
 ance as seemed available, Peterborough lost not a 
 moment in starting in pursuit of the retreating and 
 demoralised enemy. It is true that he only had with 
 him about 150 of the Royal Dragoons, whose horses 
 were already almost worn out. But this proved no 
 obstacle to the genius and resource of their leader. 
 As before mentioned. Las Torres, when he raised the 
 siege of San Matteo, took the coast road towards 
 Castillon la Plana, as being the easier route and less 
 likely to be harassed by the light troops of his 
 
 VOL. I. T 
 
274 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 pursuers. Passing on rapidly in his ilight, he reached 
 a town named Villa Real, which was well disposed to 
 the Austrian cause, and having obtained access 
 within the walls, partly by stratagem and partly by 
 force, with a treachery only equalled by cruelty, he 
 massacred the inhabitants wholesale and committed 
 many other atrocities, including the murder of seven 
 priests and the abduction of forty nuns. In the 
 meantime Peterborough, although he was too late to 
 save Villa Eeal, was absolutely indefatigable ; he 
 pushed on day and night with extraordinary energy, 
 cutting off stragglers, spreading reports regarding the 
 immense army that was in his rear, and at the same 
 time so skilfully disposing his own troops that their 
 real strength could not be ascertained. His first feat 
 was to surprise and rout the rear guard of the enemy 
 at Alcala di Chivert, a success which caused them to 
 hurry on the retreat, so that they " marched twenty 
 leagues with the same precipitation as they fled from 
 San Matteo." ' He then pressed on to the town of 
 Nules, where it was reported to him that the inhabit- 
 ants were more hostile to the cause of Charles than in 
 any town of the province of Valencia, and had in 
 their possession some first-rate horses. Nules was a 
 rich and important city, surrounded by strong walls in 
 an excellent state of repair and flanked by formidable 
 towers ; in fact it was strongly fortified according to 
 the ideas of the time, and capable of making a serious 
 resistance, even to an army provided with heavy 
 artillery. Las Torres also, as he passed through, had 
 distributed arms among the inhabitants, so that there 
 
 1 Freind, p, 236. 
 
THE RESULT OF AUDACITY. '2.1b 
 
 ■were a thousand citizens capable of assisting in tlio 
 defence. The capture of this town was absolutely 
 necessary, if the march on Valencia was to be con- 
 tinued, while of course any attempt to reduce it by 
 the ordinary means of warfare, with one hundred and 
 fifty tired and threadbare dragoons, mounted on worn- 
 out horses, was absolutely preposterous. Peterborough 
 however was quite equal to the situation. He galloped 
 boldly up to the gates followed by his men, and 
 entirely disregarding some musketry-fire levelled at 
 him from the walls, peremptorily demanded an 
 interview with the chief magistrates or priests of 
 the town. 
 
 The inhabitants were utterly taken aback by his 
 boldness, and were still more alarmed when he 
 announced that he was only awaiting the arrival of 
 his artillery and infantry in order to commence a 
 bombardment and to put all to the sword, in retaliation 
 for the atrocities committed at Villa Real a few days 
 previously. However, with much humanity, he gave 
 them exactly six minutes to make up their minds, an 
 act of grace, of which the terror-stricken priests 
 eagerly availed themselves, consenting to his terms, 
 which were an unconditional surrender in return for a 
 promise that their lives should be spared. The gates 
 were accordingly opened, and Peterborough marched 
 in at the head of his jaded and weary dragoons. 
 Probably conscious, however, that the number and 
 condition of his troops were not calculated to confirm 
 the terror inspired by their first appearance, he at once 
 issued large orders for forage and supplies required by 
 an imaginary army following close on his heels. He 
 
 T 2 
 
276 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 also requisitioned all the horses in the town, and 
 obtained 200, which the inhabitants were only too 
 glad to give him in return for his magnanimity in 
 sparing their heads and the rest of their property • 
 since, with the strict discipline which he invariably 
 enforced, he suppressed all plundering among his troops. 
 
 The news of the capture of Nules soon reached Las 
 Torres, while report exaggerated alike the magnitude 
 of the success and the size of the English army, for 
 which such great supplies had been everywhere 
 ordered. Perhaps it can therefore be scarcely con- 
 sidered surprising that the panic was redoubled among 
 the retreating Spaniards, and that they hurried out of 
 Almenara, which they had just occupied, hoping 
 thereby to save themselves from destruction at the hands 
 of their terrible and apparently ever-present enemy. 
 Having fairly driven Las Torres out of reach, Peter- 
 borough left the enemy to "fly before their fears," 
 and devoted the breathing time thus allowed him to 
 summon reinforcements and to improve the equipment 
 of the few troops he actually possessed. With this 
 object he turned back to Castillon la Plana, and 
 succeeded in persuading the inhabitants to give 
 him 400 horses, assuring them that he was driving 
 the enemy out of the country before him, as indeed 
 was the positive although most ludicrous fact. 
 
 He now, however, saw clearly that he could not 
 possibly hope to continue his marvellous progress, the 
 success of which entirely depended on celerity coupled 
 with complete secrecy of movement, unless he managed 
 to increase the number of his mounted men, and he 
 did this in a way, which was equally original and 
 
A PLEASANT SVRPIU.SK 211 
 
 characteristic. He sent orders to Barrymore's regi- 
 ment of foot, 400 strong, then commanded by Colonel 
 Pierce, to march with all haste from Vinaroz to 
 Oropesa, a town about nine miles from Castillon. He 
 then reviewed them, and complimenting them on 
 their soldierlike appearance, exjDressed his regret that 
 so gallant a body of men were not provided with 
 horses, in which case they would not be so footsore 
 and shoeless as they now were after their long march 
 across the mountains. No doubt both officers and men 
 fully shared his sentiments, without having the most 
 remote conception that there was any likelihood of 
 their being realised. Much to their astonishment, 
 however, on being marched up to the brow of the 
 nearest hill, they there found 400 horses drawn up 
 awaiting them, and Lord Peterborough's secretary came 
 forward and presented each of the officers with a 
 cavalry commission. It is stated that all the horses 
 were fully accoutred, and that " there were three good 
 horses to each captain, two for each lieutenant, and 
 one for the cornet ; " also that " my Lord left to the 
 field-officers the choice of their troops, while the 
 other captains drew lots, and immediately they all 
 mounted and marched to the quarters appointed 
 for them." 
 
 The following is an extract from Dr. Freind's 
 quaint account of Lord Peterborough's movements 
 at this time. He says, referring to the extraordin- 
 ary episode of suddenly mounting Colonel Pierce's 
 regiment : — 
 
 " The like care the Earl of Peterborow had taken 
 for the dismounted English and Spanish dragoons, 
 
278 THE EARL OF FETERDOROl'OII. 
 
 having in barks brought saddles, arms, and accoutre- 
 ments to the nearest place on the seaside in eight or 
 nine days, when at the same time his Lordship was 
 in continual motion and had driven the enemy twenty- 
 leagues before him. His Lordship by this means from 
 two hundred having increased his horse to a thousand, 
 left them in quarters in walled towns, which were 
 well aifected all about Castillon la Plana, and where 
 they could not be insulted by the enemy without 
 cannon. He gave orders for marches from place to 
 place with the proper caution, and by this means 
 confirmed the country and the enemy in the belief 
 that we had a considerable body in those parts. He 
 writ letters to Valencia, promising them to come to 
 their relief and soon to force the enemy out of the 
 country, and left orders to his secretaries to continue 
 a correspondence with that jjlace as if he were in 
 those parts, though his Lordship immediately took 
 post for Tortosa." 
 
 The above quotation gives a good idea of Peter- 
 borough's tactics, and also of his great care and 
 forethought as to the smallest matters of detail. 
 Apparently there was no precaution which he 
 neglected, and no stratagem, no device for deceiving 
 the enemy, which he did not practise, and, strange 
 to say, practise successfully. In the present instance 
 it was important that he should return in person to 
 Tortosa, to hurry up reinforcements and quicken the 
 movements of the sluggish Spaniards ; while had his 
 return been known, the adherents of Charles, who 
 were now holding out gallantly in Valencia, might 
 have lost all heart, and the enemy would probably 
 have regained alike his wits and his courage. Peter- 
 borough got as far as Vinaroz, when he discovered 
 
A MOTLEY AHRAY. 279 
 
 that the Spanish troops had so far obeyed his orders 
 that they were already one day's march across the 
 Ebro. He also learnt that considerable bodies of 
 militia, encouraged by the reports of his success, 
 were moving forward to join him. He accordingly 
 hurried on all the troops he could gather to Castillon, 
 where he established his headquarters ; and there 
 he succeeded in mustering in the beginning of 
 February nearly 3,000 men, so-called regulars, who 
 included ten squadrons of cavalry, with one English 
 and three Spanish battalions of infantry. There 
 were also an equal number of armed peasants, 
 who, however, were so unreliable that he carefully 
 separated them from the rest of his troops. It must 
 also be added that this force, small as it was, and 
 composed of the most unsatisfactory material, was 
 rendered additionally ineffective by an almost entire 
 absence of artillery, that arm being only represented 
 by a few old-fashioned Spanish field-guns. Opposed 
 to this motley array was an army of 10,000 men, 
 well equipped — that is to say for those days — and 
 under the command of the best general, so it was 
 supposed, that the Court of Madrid could produce. 
 For Las Torres, after his fiasco at San Matteo, had 
 been superseded by the Duke of Los Arcos, who had 
 at once been hurried ofi" and directed to strain every 
 nerve for the re-conquest of Valencia. As it happened 
 the abilities of the new commander were by no means 
 corresponding to his social rank, and he turned out 
 an utter failure. 
 
 Under any circumstances there was of necessity 
 some little interregnum between the departure of 
 
280 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 one general and the arrival of his successor. The 
 reinforcements, moreover, did not come up at once, 
 so the inhabitants of Valencia, although distressed 
 for want of supplies and otherwise annoyed, were 
 not really hard pressed. It thus happened, thanks 
 to the extraordinary energy of Peterborough, a 
 strange contrast to the lethargy of his opponents, 
 that actually when he was able to take the field in 
 February, 1706, he assumed the offensive against a 
 force, in number fully three times as numerous, and, 
 as regards all the material essentials of a campaign, 
 at least ten times as efficient. 
 
 During the three weeks, however, which elapsed 
 after the relief of San Matteo, he had done much to 
 insure his ultimate success ; in fact long before he 
 was able to commence his forward movement he 
 had elaborated a marvellously successful system, by 
 which he obtained the best possible intelligence 
 himself, and conveyed utterlj^ false reports to the 
 enemy. He had numerous spies for whose fidelity, 
 as before mentioned, he took the most secure pledges ; 
 he also organised a corps composed of intelligent 
 young officers and specially selected dragoons, who, 
 spreading through the countrj^, collected intelligence, 
 disseminated false news, and kept up as it were the 
 " touch " of the enemy. As an instance of the 
 manner in which he worked, it is related that on 
 the second day of the retreat from San Matteo, being 
 extremely anxious to hasten Las Torres's movements, 
 lest his own weakness might be prematurely dis- 
 covered, he sent forward by night across the 
 mountain, ten of the Royal Dragoons and two 
 
A SUCCESSFUL STRATAGEM. 281 
 
 spies, who arrived about dusk on the left flank of 
 the retreating army. The two spies then went into 
 camp and informed Las Torres that a hostile force, 
 partly composed of English troops, was moving on 
 parallel to him, and being a little in advance would, 
 unless he moved forward, certainly seize the passes 
 into the plain of Valencia, and cut off his retreat. 
 
 The story seemed so utterly improbable that it was 
 not believed, but the men maintained the truth of 
 their statement, and offered to prove it if any officer 
 would come and reconnoitre. 
 
 Accordingly two Spanish officers, disguised as 
 peasants, started off with the spies, and as pre- 
 viously arranged, having alighted to refresh them- 
 selves, were captured by the picquet of dragoons. 
 Very soon, however, with the assistance of one of 
 the spies, they succeeded in making their escape — 
 two of the guard having feigned drunkenness, and 
 permitted them to " slip into the stable " and carry 
 off three of the troop horses fully accoutred. Of 
 course on their return there could be nO' doubt 
 whatever that Peterborough and his army were 
 close at hand, since were not these some of his 
 cavalry horses actually produced, besides the testi- 
 mony of reliable officers, who themselves had been 
 taken prisoner ? On this Las Torres at once struck 
 his camp and made a forced march during the night, 
 so as to secure the passes thus seriously threatened, 
 whereas in fact his own fears and a few weary 
 horsemen were his only enemies. 
 
 On reading this story the reflection naturally arises 
 that, although no doubt the system of outpost duty 
 
282 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 organised by Peterborough was most excellent, the 
 scouting of his enemies must have been atrociously 
 bad, and that it is wholly impossible any such 
 incident as the above could have occurred in a 
 properly disciplined European army of modern times. 
 So it would natu.rally seem ; yet as a fact, in the 
 most recent wars there has been negligence in out- 
 post duty, which certainly was never exceeded iil 
 former years. It would be difficult to give an 
 instance of a surprise more complete than that of 
 the Fifth Corps under De Failly at Beaumont in 
 1870, or an ignorance of their enemy's movements 
 more profound than that exhibited by the French 
 during the entire campaign. In war, as in other 
 matters, we may rest assured that history repeats 
 itself, and therefore it is to be regretted that we do 
 not know more of Peterborough's " pretences and 
 directions " which his chronicler says " my Lord 
 had all in writing," as our young soldiers might 
 take many a hint from them in the days to come. 
 
 As soon as Peterborough was able to move, with 
 his usual energy he marched straight on Murviedro, 
 the first post on the main road to Valencia, which 
 was occupied by the enemy. This town was so 
 named from the ruins of the ancient Saguntum 
 {muros viejos — old walls), which crowned the hill, 
 at the base of which the modern city was built. 
 Although the position in itself was not very 
 formidable, it presented very serious obstacles to 
 arrest the progress of the small and inadequately 
 equif)ped force which Peterborough could bring 
 against it. In the first place, within musket shot 
 
A COyVENIENT RELATIONSHIP. 283 
 
 of the walls there was a stream, which although 
 nearly dry in the summer, at that time of year was 
 a rapid torrent, and could only be crossed by two 
 fords which were steep and dangerous. Supposing 
 however that this river were successfully passed, the 
 principal danger of a march on Valencia had still to 
 be overcome. There was an army about 10,000 strong, 
 which was ready to sally forth and give battle in 
 a wide plain, which extended for two leagues from 
 Murviedro in the direction of Valencia. The great 
 superiority of the Duke of Arcos in cavalry made 
 him no doubt anxious to wait until be could force 
 an engagement where this arm could fight to best 
 advantage. Probably for this reason he abstained 
 from holding Murviedro in any great force, only 
 detaching Brigadier Mahony, or as the Spaniards 
 called him, Mahoni, with 800 cavalry to occupy it, 
 as of course it was desirable to harass and check 
 Peterborough's advance across the river. 
 
 As the name implies, Mahoni was an officer of Irish 
 extraction, who had taken service in the French army, 
 and having distinguished himself in Italy, had risen 
 to his present rank. He was related as it happened 
 to Peterborough's aunt by marriage. Lady Penelope 
 O'Brien, daughter of the sixth Earl of Thomond. It 
 will be seen that this relationship, honourable as it 
 was, had some very unfortunate results for the gallant 
 Irishman, whose bravery apparently far exceeded his 
 intelligence. There now occurred the most remarkable 
 incident of the entire campaign, one which is almost 
 without parallel in military history. As soon as 
 Peterborough had reconnoitred the enemy's position. 
 
284 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 he perceived that, although it was comparatively 
 lightly held, he could not take it without very great 
 loss — such a loss, in fact, as in the face of the Duke 
 of Arcos's powerful army, would render a march on 
 Valencia with what then remained of his force almost 
 impossible. He therefore determined to attempt by 
 stratagem what he could not obtain by dint of arms. 
 His first step was to send an officer accompanied by 
 a trumpeter to Mahoni to demand an interview, 
 having previously disposed his force on the side of 
 a hill in perspective, so that it might appear far 
 larger than it really was. The unsuspecting Irish- 
 man immediately granted Peterborough's request on 
 being given a parole for his security, and the two 
 commanders met at a spot about equally distant from 
 their respective armies, each being accompanied by 
 some members of his staff. Peterborough greeted 
 his kinsman with the greatest cordiality, and no 
 doubt after referring in suitable terms to " Aunt 
 Penelope " expressed his regret that they should find 
 themselves on different sides. He then proceeded to 
 use every possible argument to induce Mahoni to join 
 the fortunes of King Charles, but finding that the 
 Irishman remained faithful to the Duke of Anjou, 
 Peterborough changed his tone and adopted an air 
 of most complete frankness. He assured Mahoni 
 that it quite went to his heart to see prosperous 
 towns ravaged and innocent people slaughtered, that 
 hence he was anxious, if possible, to avoid the necessity 
 of carrying Murviedro by assault, since in consequence 
 of the atrocities committed by the Spaniards at Villa 
 Real he would be forced to permit his troops to 
 
MAHONI CAJOLED. 285 
 
 retaliate. He added that of course he was fully 
 aware that Mahoui could not hope or intend to 
 defend the town with cavalry only, more especially 
 as the latter would be so much more usefully em- 
 ployed if joined to the Duke of Arcos's army in the 
 plains, which extended on the other side of Murviedro 
 up to a Carthusian convent on the road to Valencia. 
 To prove the hopelessness of any attempt to defend 
 the town, he offered to show Mahoni the forces at 
 his disposal, and pointing out what were then in 
 sight, and which then included some field-pieces, 
 he remarked that these were some specimens, adding 
 that he had plenty more besides and could obtain 
 further reinforcements by sea. It is perhaps needless 
 to remark that every available man of Peterborough's 
 small army had been carefully arranged in perspective 
 so as to make the largest possible show for Mahoni' s 
 benefit. 
 
 The Irishman was as much deceived by the ajDparent 
 frankness and good-fellowship of his adversary, as he 
 was impressed by the array of troops displayed before 
 him, more especially as they were supposed to be only 
 the advance-guard of the main army. He confessed 
 that his part was to strengthen the Duke of Arcos, 
 adding laughingly, " I may say this to your Lordship, 
 who is aware of it, but cannot prevent it," and hence 
 he was by no means indisposed to assent to the 
 proposal made by Peterborough to the effect that in 
 order to avoid unnecessary bloodshed, he should 
 evacuate Murviedro. Eventually it was arranged 
 that Mahoni should return to the town and send a 
 definite answer in half an hour. Peterborough 
 
286 THE EAR.L OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 waited the appointed time, when Mahoni's senior 
 staff-officer appeared, and announced that tlie " cap- 
 itulation " would be carried out on certain conditions. 
 These conditions were that the Spaniards should not 
 be required to evacuate their position until one 
 o'clock in the morning, and that Peterborough on 
 liis part should not allow his troops to cross the river 
 until that hour. It appears that the object of 
 this special stipulation was to- allow time for the 
 Duke of Arcos to move his army into the plains, thus 
 barring the road to Valencia, while Mahoni, under 
 cover of the night, should have full time to conduct 
 an orderly retreat and effect a junction with him. 
 
 Peterborough at once agreed to these terms, and 
 entered into friendly conversation with the officer 
 who had brought the message. It is stated that 
 during the interview he urged the Spaniard to desert 
 the Duke of Anjou and join the Austrian Archduke, but 
 failing to persuade him, with much art and it may be 
 added with equal unscrupulousness, he succeeded in 
 exciting in the mind of the staff-officer very serious 
 doubts regarding his own General's fidelity. As will be 
 seen, these suspicions, so artfully suggested, had very 
 serious results a few hours later. 
 
 As was fully appreciated by his officers,'' there were 
 two apparently insuperable difficulties in the way of 
 Peterborough's advance on Valencia. The one was 
 how to get possession of Murviedro and secure the 
 pass over the river ; the other how to cross the two 
 leagues of plain in the face of the Duke of Arcos's 
 army, which was far superior in j)oint of numbers, was 
 
 1 Freind, p. 268. 
 
SUCCESSFUL DECEPTION. 287 
 
 far better appointed, and above all had a large pro- 
 portion of excellent cavalry. Through art and 
 diplomacy, the first obstacle had apparently been over- 
 come, but the question was how to surmount the 
 other. Peterborough's resources however were not 
 yet exhausted and, although one may question the 
 means he adopted as being scarcely within the 
 range of fair deception as practised even in war, 
 there can be no doubt whatever, as to his extra- 
 ordinary cleverness and ingenuity, and his almost 
 unparalleled success. 
 
 As soon as he found that the arrangement regarding 
 the evacuation of Murviedro was likely to be carried 
 out, he selected two Irish dragoons of Zinzendorfs 
 regiment, and by the promise of giving them 
 commissions in the event of their being successful 
 he induced them to proceed to the camp of the Duke 
 of Arcos in the feiarned character of deserters. He 
 instructed them that they were then to inform the 
 Duke that, when lying behind the rocks drinking, 
 they had overheard a conversation between Mahoni 
 and himself, in which it was arranged that the former 
 was to receive the rank of Major General both in the 
 Spanish and English armies, and to have the command 
 of 10,000 Irish Catholics. They were also to 
 declare that they had seen 5,000 pistoles handed 
 over to Mahoni as the price of his treachery, and that 
 they required no reward themselves unless events 
 proved the truth of their statements. They were more- 
 over to tell the Duke, as a proof of their veracity, that a 
 message would soon come to him from the traitor, beg- 
 ging him to march out with his army to the Carthusian 
 
288 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 convent in the plain of Murviedro , so that the entire 
 force combined might there attack the Earl of 
 Peterborough ; and likewise they were to warn him 
 that this was merely an attempt to entice him into 
 an ambush, and thus effect his annihilation. 
 
 It would be difficult to conceive a more elaborate 
 and more carefully woven web of deceit, or, as it 
 would seem, a more utterly wild and extravagant 
 enterprise. One is at a loss at which to marvel most, 
 the ingenuity with which it was contrived, or the 
 audacity and success with which it was carried out. 
 Everything seemed to go just as Peterborough had 
 planned and wished. The Spanish staff-officer had 
 been so bamboozled and deceived at the interview, 
 when he agreed to the capitulation, that on his return 
 to camp he thoroughly impressed on his brother 
 officers his own belief in his chief's treachery. This 
 belief soon spread to the troops and the populace, 
 till at last all became confusion, and even the life of 
 Mahoni himself was threatened. During the course 
 of the night, moreover, events moved with great 
 rapidity, and in a manner entirely favourable to 
 Peterborough's designs. When the evacuation com- 
 menced there was not unnaturally much disturbance 
 and confusion ; this was aggravated by the sound of 
 firing caused by a party of men whom my Lord had 
 ordered to discharge their muskets some little way 
 up the river, in order that there might seem to be 
 small engagements. 
 
 Mahoni when he heard the firing sent a message to 
 Peterborough to say that he implicitly trusted the 
 terms of the capitulation would be strictly adhered 
 
.4 DISORDERLY RETREAT. 289 
 
 to. The latter at once perceived that if he could 
 obtain permission to send some troops across the river 
 at once, the suspicion and confusion which then 
 prevailed in the enemy's camp must be greatly in- 
 tensified, as inevitably the retreating troops would 
 then consider that they were being betrayed. He 
 therefore requested permission to despatch a regiment 
 of dragoons to wait under the walls of the town 
 until one o'clock, the hour appointed for the evacua- 
 tion, in order that they might act as a guard, and 
 protect the inhabitants of Murviedro from the mo- 
 lestation at the hands of his own troops such as they 
 had every reason to fear. He further oftered to 
 send a number of officers as hostages for good faith 
 and the loyal performance of these conditions. The 
 proposal seemed reasonable enough, and in fact was 
 in every way in consonance with those feelings of 
 humanity for the protection of peaceful inhabitants, 
 which the English General had previously so earnestly 
 expressed. 80 Mahoni with a strange want of foresight, 
 and an innocence, for which it is impossible not to feel 
 much sympathy and compassion, willingly consented. 
 The retreat, at all times an operation fraught with 
 much danger before an enemy, and doubly dangerous 
 if conducted at night, became almost a rout. The 
 Spanish officers appear to have entirely lost their 
 heads ; some left their men, some marched their de- 
 tachment separately to the Duke of Arcos, and all 
 were loud in denunciation of their leader's treachery. 
 Under the circumstances it is by no means surprising 
 that the Spanish Generalissimo should have believed 
 the two Irish dragoons sent by Peterborough as spies, 
 
 VOL. I. TJ 
 
290 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 and on Mahoni's appearance should at once have 
 arrested him. It really seems difficult to understand 
 how a foolish and unsuspecting man could have 
 done otherwise. The information of the deserters 
 apparently was fully confirmed by the fact that the 
 very message which they predicted Mahoni should 
 send, was delivered almost before they had finished 
 their story ; and still further to confirm the proofs of 
 treachery, if any confirmation were needed, the 
 officers of the Murviedro force arrived, each coming 
 up separately, but all united in denouncing their 
 leader. When we come to consider that the latter 
 was a foreigner, bound to King Philip by no special 
 ties, that treason was rife and fidelity rare in those 
 days, it is by no means surprising that Los Arcos fell 
 into error. In fact it would almost seem as if he 
 were less in fault than Mahoni, who had certainly 
 been outwitted. However, the Government at Madrid 
 thought difi'erently, since when the matter was in- 
 vestigated on Mahoni's arrival there, his character 
 was thoroughly cleared, and he was reinstated in his 
 command, while Los Arcos was disgraced and recalled, 
 his former predecessor Las Torres succeeding him. 
 
 In the meantime however the results of the whole 
 affair were most disastrous to the cause of Philip, as 
 without striking a blow or firing a shot the allies 
 marched on the following day, February 4th, into the 
 city of Valencia, while the army of the Duke of 
 Arcos retired, as much demoralised as if they had lost 
 half their numbers and had suff"ered a crushing defeat. 
 It need scarcely be added that the inhabitants of the 
 town received their deliverers with extraordinary 
 
REJOICINGS OF THE VALENCIANS. 291 
 
 demonstrations of joy. It is said that they almost 
 went mad with delight, and that the most remarkable 
 sight of all was " a battalion of all sorts of monks 
 excepts Jesuits, drawn up in one body according to 
 the seniority of their order, some white, some black, 
 and some grey, with old rusty muskets firing while 
 my Lord went by, not without great danger of setting 
 fire to the Capuchins' beards, if they had not taken 
 great care of themselves and their neighbours." It 
 is added that on Lord Peterborough's arrival he 
 alighted at the house of the Governor, the Conde de 
 Cardona, who presented him with a patent from 
 Charles appointing him Viceroy of the kingdom, and 
 then that my Lord " got on his horse again and went 
 ■to wait upon the Condessa de Cardona," the 
 Viceroy's lady, and from thence to the Marquise de la 
 Casta, with whom, although personally unknown to 
 her, he had kept up a correspondence ever since he 
 left Barcelona.' On that and the three following 
 evenings there were bonfires and illuminations, and 
 in short the English army found themselves in excel- 
 lent quarters, and were thoroughly able to recruit 
 their health and spirits after all the fatigues they had 
 endured since they sailed from Portugal. 
 
 For some time after this Peterborough revelled in 
 the full enjoyment of a city, whose pleasures, so it 
 was commonly reported among the Spaniards, " would 
 make a Jew forget Jerusalem." He basked in the 
 smiles of the dark beauties, for whom the town was 
 celebrated, and while he conciliated the monks and 
 ecclesiastics he made himself in every way popular 
 
 ■' Journal of Colonel de St. Pierre. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 with the people at large. It will be remembered 
 that a ruffian named Bassett y Eamos had become 
 the leading character in Valencia, and in reaching this 
 position had committed many atrocities, which fully 
 merited any sort of punishment. It was a serious 
 embarrassment to Peterborough how to deal with 
 this individual ; hanging would have been justice, 
 and entirely in accordance with the feelings of every 
 right-thinking man, but as such a summary measure 
 would at once have raised a storm among the 
 common people, Peterborough wisely abstained from 
 following his own inclinations. He received Eamos 
 coldly, but for the present at least took no measures 
 against him. 
 
 The pleasures of Valencia, great as they were, and 
 fully appreciated by the gallant Earl, did not for one 
 moment divert him from business. His first care was 
 to inquire into the military condition of the city and 
 province, and the result of his inquiries was the 
 reverse of satisfactory. Ammunition was very scarce, 
 troops worth anything did not exist, and money was 
 not to be found except in the pockets of those who 
 kept it strictly to themselves. Pie had only about 
 3,000 men in Valencia, and neither powder nor 
 provisions such as would have been required in the 
 event of a siege, while arrayed against him were 
 forces sufficiently numerous and formidable to make 
 even the most hopeful and sanguine of mortals 
 absolutely despair. The army which by craft and 
 stratagem he had eluded, were 7,000 strong, and were 
 within striking distance of the town, 4,000 Castilians 
 were on the march to reinforce them, and had already 
 
A DESPERATE SITUATION. 293 
 
 got as far as Fuente de Higuera, about fifteen leagues 
 distant. Sixteen twenty-four pounders were being 
 shipped at Alicant in a Genoese vessel specially for 
 tlie siege of Valencia, forwhicb enterprise also 10,000 
 men, now being concentrated at Madrid under the 
 Marshal de Tesse, were especially destined. These 
 were in addition to the forces already present in 
 the province. 
 
 Last, but not least, his two former adversaries. Las 
 Torres and Mahoni, both of whom he had outwitted, 
 both of whom through his action had been relieved of 
 their commands and disgraced, were now reinstated in 
 favour, and were hurrying down to pit their brains 
 and energies once more against the apparently invinci- 
 ble Englishman. Tt seemed very certain that they 
 would not again fall victims to the tricks, which had 
 already been so successfully practised on them. In 
 truth the situation was well-nigh desperate, and 
 probably any ordinary man would have deemed it so ; 
 but Peterborough most certainly did not come within 
 this category ; and he at once set to work with his 
 usual determination, and if possible even more than 
 his usual secrecy, to make the best of the situation. 
 
 It was absolutely essential in the first instance 
 to intercept the reinforcements, more especially to 
 seize the heavy artillery and supplies now on their 
 way to Las Torres's assistance, and intended to enable 
 him to undertake the siege of Valencia. This opera- 
 tion was performed with the most perfect success. 
 To the amazement of the slow-moving Spaniards a de- 
 tachment sent off by Peterborough suddenly pounced 
 upon the guns and munitions just after they had 
 
204 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 been landed, and brouglit them all triiimpliantly into 
 tlie allied camp. The next thing to be done was to 
 attack and rout the reinforcements marching north- 
 wards through Fuente de Higuera before they could 
 reach the main body. This was an enterprise of 
 peculiar difficulty and danger, as Las Torres's army 
 intervened between Valencia and the 4,000 Castilians 
 whom Peterborough wished to intercept. Had he 
 been unsuccessful it might have been said with truth 
 that no man in his senses would have attempted 
 anything so hare-brained, in fact his complete success 
 was his only justification. The Spaniards apparently 
 took this view of the situation, as they never troubled 
 their heads about danger, but marched tranquilly on 
 in full confidence that with a large army covering 
 their fi'ont, guards, outposts, and picquets were 
 needless precautions. In truth, one can scarcely 
 blame them, although by this time perhaps they 
 might have learnt to know their adventurous enemy 
 somewhat better. 
 
 Suddenly in the morning they were surprised, 
 attacked, and utterly defeated by a party of only 
 800 foot and 400 horse detached from Peterborough's 
 army. These troops had crossed the river Xucar in 
 the middle of the night by a ford, which was quite 
 close to Las Torres's camp, and, it may be said, 
 directly "under the noses "of 3,000 cavalry, who 
 were supposed to find his outposts. Not only did the 
 gallant Englishmen succeed in routing the Castilians, 
 but actually took 600 prisoners and returned 
 safe back into Valencia without even alarming the 
 main Spanish army. So marvellous was this exploit 
 
LAS TOBRES ANTICIPATED. iS)t> 
 
 that until the Valencians saw the prisoners they 
 would not believe in the possibility of its having 
 been attempted, and even then they could scarcely 
 believe their senses. 
 
 The effect of these two brilliant successes was 
 not confined to the Valencians alone. It seems as if 
 Las Torres was utterly disheartened by them, since 
 for the moment he abandoned the idea of any direct 
 advance on Valencia, and turned his attention to 
 cutting off the food and supplies on which the in- 
 habitants of the town subsisted. With this object 
 he made up his mind to seize Succa and Alcira on 
 the river Xucar. These towns commanded the bridge 
 of CuUera, by which the largest portion of their 
 supplies reached the besieged garrison. Peter- 
 borough, however, seemed to have complete in- 
 formation regarding the most secret designs of his 
 enemy almost as soon as they were conceived. In 
 this instance, unfortunately, we do not know who 
 were his spies ; it is said, however, that he always 
 " maintained a good correspondence with the priests 
 and with the ladies," and to this politic system he owed 
 his excellent intelligence while in Spain. Perhaps on 
 this occasion some dark-eyed but faithless beauty, 
 some stout, plausible, but perfidious ecclesiastic, may 
 have told him what was in the wind, as, with his 
 usual quickness and his usual good fortune, he 
 occupied Succa and Alcira just before Las Torres 
 was able to seize them, and hence made the bridge of 
 CuUera safe. Finding that he had been anticipated and 
 bafiled in his design. Las Torres returned to camp and 
 proceeded to meditate over what he should do next. 
 
296 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 It was, however, not the custom of our hero to 
 allow his adversaries much time for meditation, least 
 of all when they desired it. He thoroughly under- 
 stood that any defence to be effective must be active, 
 and no one, on a small scale, carried to greater per- 
 fection the art of utilising and combining inferior 
 forces to attack in detail separate and detached 
 portions of a sujDerior army opposed to him. Having 
 ascertained that for the sake of convenience, as 
 regards quarters and supplies. Las Torres's army was 
 divided into two portions — one being cantoned in 
 villages about two miles from Alcira and the other 
 in camp close to Valencia — Peterborough determined 
 to surprise that division of the enemy that was 
 furtlicst off, since, being fifteen miles distant, they 
 were less likely to expect an attack, and hence, in all 
 probability, could be more easily surprised. With 
 this ol)ject he sallied out at nightfall from Valencia 
 with as many English troops as he could spare, and, 
 marching by a circuitous route, arrived before the 
 enemy's camp near Alcira about daybreak. The 
 Spanish garrison of Alcira, consisting of 600 infantry 
 and 400 cavalry, were also instructed to sally out at 
 a given signal and attack the village on the opposite 
 side. The plan had been very carefully made, as 
 usual, no detail to insure success being neglected. 
 So far all went well, and both parties arrived at the 
 appointed spot at the appointed time. 
 
 There was however one element necessary to suc- 
 cess which no commander could provide, and that 
 was courage on the part of those under his command. 
 In this essential unfortunately the Spaniards were 
 
A MASTERLY RETREAT. 297 
 
 wanting, as when the garrison of Alcira were march- 
 ing out to join in the combined attack on the enemy's 
 camp they came across a picqnet of twenty men and 
 were seized with a sudden and unaccountable panic. 
 Turning back in confusion they fled in hopeless 
 disorder, many being killed by their own comrades in 
 their tenor. The enemy were thus alarmed, and the 
 attack had to be abandoned — in fact it required all 
 Peterborough's skill and determination to save the 
 force under his immediate command from a complete 
 disaster, as they were assailed by an army four times 
 as numerous, and already exultant with success. He 
 succeeded however in conducting a masterly retreat 
 back to his quarters in perfect order and entirely 
 without loss. 
 
 After this episode both sides appear to have re- 
 mained quiet in the neighbourhood of Valencia, in 
 fact it may be said that the campaign came to an 
 end. Las Torres after the severe lessons he had 
 received, refrained from again tempting fortune, while 
 Peterborough, having already been shown the utter 
 worthlessness of his Spanish auxiliaries, felt that the 
 reliable troops at his disposal were far too few to 
 justify him in assuming the offensive. He therefore 
 recruited his exhausted soldiers in what was then, 
 from all accounts, the most charming city in Spain, 
 at a time of year when the climate in those regions is 
 especially delicious. Captain Carleton, who was with 
 the army, says : — 
 
 " I called it a fine city, but sure it richly deserves a 
 
 brighter epithet It is most sweetly situated in 
 
 a very beautiful plain, and within half a league of the 
 
298 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Mediterranean Sea. It never wants any of the frag- 
 rancies of nature, and always has something to delight 
 the most curious eye. It is famous to a proverb for 
 fine women, but as infamous, and only in that so, for 
 the races of bravoes, the common companions of the 
 ladies of pleasure in this country. These wretches 
 are so case-hardened that they will commit a murder 
 for a dollar, though they run their country for it 
 when they have done." 
 
 Perhaps Peterborough may have alluded to this 
 peculiar feature of Spanish life when in a letter to 
 the Duchess of Marlborough he says — • 
 
 " The most disagreeable country in the world is 
 Spain ; their officers the greatest robbers, and their 
 soldiers the greatest cowards, the only tolerable 
 thing your sex, and that attended with the greatest 
 dangers." 
 
 However in Valencia for the present we must leave 
 him. That he thoroughly enjoyed himself in that 
 town there can be no possible doubt, and it is equally 
 certain that some of the best qualities of his nature 
 were here brought into strong relief. Although 
 utterly despising the unsaintly bigotry, the canting 
 and hypocritical superstition, which then reigned 
 supreme in that priest-ridden country, he practised 
 the most perfect self-control and displayed the most 
 complete tolerance and courteous respect in all his 
 dealings with the ecclesiastics and the population. 
 He repressed all excesses among the soldiery, and 
 acted with equal justice, courtesy, and moderation — 
 qualities most rare in those days among military 
 commanders and hence all the more commendable. 
 After the exactions and excesses, to which they had 
 
WELL BEGUN IS HALF WON. 299 
 
 been subject under Bassett y Eamos and his ruffians, 
 the just and mild rule of Peterborough, his honesty, 
 and disregard of money, accompanied by the strict dis- 
 cipline and excellent conduct of his men, seemed to the 
 Valencians a foretaste of the millennium, and did as 
 much to confirm them in their loyalty to the cause of 
 the Archduke Charles as the most brilliant of victories. 
 
 Regarding the wisdom and the success of Peter- 
 borough's civil administration in Valencia, whenever 
 he was called upon to exercise such functions, there has 
 scarcely ever been a question ; but it is different when 
 we turn to consider either the general plan or the 
 various episodes of the campaign by which this proviuce 
 was won. In the first place he has been accused of a 
 disregard of the rules of strategy in starting off with 
 his best troops on a wild errand, while Catalonia was 
 left unguarded, and Barcelona insufficiently garrisoned. 
 It may be remarked that a few years after these events 
 occurred, when the actors in them were mostly alive, 
 and the circumstances were still fresh in the recol- 
 lection of all, Peterborough's conduct in Spain, having 
 been bitterly assailed before Parliament, was most 
 triumphantly vindicated, nevertheless his march into 
 Valencia has of recent years not escaped criticism. 
 
 Under the ordinary circumstances of war such 
 criticism would appear well founded, but it must be 
 remembered that these were by no means ordinary 
 circumstances. In all civil commotions the old 
 proverb " Well begun is half won " specially holds 
 good. It is necessary to strike boldly and quickly ; 
 hence what would be considered absolute rashness 
 in a foreign country becomes prudent boldness and 
 
300 THE EARL OF PETERBOEOUGII. 
 
 sound strategy among a friendly population, who only 
 need encouragement and protection to become faithful 
 adherents. As will be seen from the letter to General 
 Stanhope, dated Barcelona, Nf.ivember 18th, 1705, and 
 already quoted, Peterborough had the fullest infor- 
 mation regarding the disposition of the inhabitants 
 of the province he was about to invade. He gauged 
 correctly the calibre of the generals and the quality of 
 the troops opposed to him. He knew that he had 
 on his side one great element of success in war, 
 namely the certainty of correct information ; trusting 
 therefore to his own skill and the courage of his 
 English soldiers, he preferred to run some risk rather 
 than sacrifice the Valencians, who had risen in support 
 of the Archduke Charles, to the implacable vengeance 
 of the Duke of Anjou. 
 
 Events proved that he was right, and his tri- 
 umphant success was a sufficient vindication of his 
 judgment. It will also be shown hereafter that the 
 danger, which in his absence threatened Barcelona 
 and the entire province of Catalonia, became serious, 
 and nearly proved fatal to the cause of the allies in 
 Spain, not in consequence of the absence of Peter- 
 borough himself and his handful of English troops, 
 but from the absence of his spirit from the councils 
 of Charles. While Lichtenstein and Wolfeld were 
 selling places and hoarding money, the troops were 
 starving, all preparations for defence were neglected, 
 and not even the breach of Barcelona was repaired. 
 Had he remained at the mock Court of the Archduke 
 it is more than doubtful whether, hampered as he was 
 by intrigues and instructions, Catalonia would have 
 
THE MA HON I INCIDENT. 301 
 
 been saved, while most certainly Valencia would have 
 been lost. 
 
 When we turn to consider the separate episodes of 
 the campaign just narrated the case is not quite so 
 clear. As regards the marvellous skill, boldness, and 
 success of the manner in which the operations were 
 conducted, there can be no question ; we only can 
 regret that so few detailed records remain to us of 
 these most strange and brilliant movements. It has, 
 however, been alleged that the means taken to obtain 
 the required ends were in some instances questionable, 
 and that our hero somewhat strained his adherence to 
 the old adage that "All is fair in love and war." It 
 would, however, seem that there is only one incident 
 which, with any show of justice, can be regarded in 
 this light, and that is the trick practised on Mahoni. 
 It must be remembered that the use of spies, and the 
 spreading of false reports regarding intended move- 
 ments have always been considered quite as legitimate 
 weapons in warfare as mines and ambuscades. Hence 
 the letter to Colonel Jones, and the absurd frightening 
 away of Las Torres from the siege of San Matteo, 
 although no doubt masterpieces of deceit and humbug, 
 were nevertheless practices in no manner opposed 
 to the recognised usages of warfare. The Mahoni 
 incident, however, has usually been regarded in a 
 different light, and historians have not hesitated to 
 characterise it as a " dirty trick," " a diabolical net- 
 work of deceit," ' and a " stratagem by no means 
 worthy of an honourable enemy." ^ It may be re- 
 marked that Colonel de St. Pierre's account of the aifair 
 
 ' Warburton. 2 jj^^^ Mahon. 
 
302 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 does not agree with the usual version, but as the latter 
 is given by both Captain Carleton and by Dr. Freind, 
 Lord Peterborough's own champion and chronicler, 
 we must assume that it is in the main correct.' 
 
 We fear still it must be conceded that in this in- 
 stance our hero sailed somewhat near the wind, and 
 considering the use he made of their relationship — of 
 their mutual " Aunt Penelope " — to obtain an inter- 
 view, that he ought to have avoided the risk of 
 causing his kinsman even a temporary disgrace. It 
 must, however, be remembered that, so far as can be 
 ascertained, he in no way failed to observe the terms 
 of the agreement that he made with Mahoni himself, 
 nor was he guilty of a breach of faith. He merely 
 took advantage of the ignorance and credulity of the 
 Spanish ofiicers, and turned to account the suspicion, 
 which apparently both they and their Commander-in- 
 Chief entertained of Mahoni, simply because he was 
 a foreigner. As before remarked, the network of 
 deceit was so artfully woven that the Duke of Arcos 
 seems scarcely to blame in having been deceived ; but 
 had he been a really able man, no matter what stories 
 were brought to him, he would certainly not have 
 abandoned a strong position, or before an utterly 
 inferior force have opened the way to Valencia with- 
 out striking a blow. In reality the Duke was the 
 principal victim of the stratagem, and eventually he 
 alone suffered for his credulity. Peterborough's 
 strategy in this campaign has been very aptly com- 
 pared to the devices of a stage manager, who by 
 
 1 It is unfortunate that General John Richards was absent from Spain 
 during this campaign, and that tlierefore we have not his version also. 
 
THE STRATEGEMS OF WAR. 303 
 
 continually marching past the same men before his 
 audience, contrives to represent a large army. In 
 fact he perpetrated a succession of hoaxes and prac- 
 tical jokes, which were admirably devised, and were 
 perfectly successful. 
 
 In conclusion it certainly seems a subject for regret 
 that, as in all- his other actions as a soldier, Peter- 
 borough was noted and renowned for his honour and 
 chivalry, in this solitary instance he should have in 
 any way thrown a shadow on his bright reputation. 
 It must, however, be remembered that " the result 
 of a campaign depends more on the exercise of the 
 power either general possesses of misleading his 
 adversary than it does on the relative numbers of the 
 contending armies. We conceive that the only recog- 
 nised laws in warfare are those which protect private 
 interests, afford honourable treatment to prisoners, 
 command respect to the flag of truce, and grant 
 indulgence to the sick and wounded in hospital 
 or on the field. In Peterborough's time laws of this 
 kind were few, and that they exist now is rather due 
 to the gradual growth of a knowledge that the infrac- 
 tion of them is not necessary and is even antagonistic 
 to an army's success, than to feelings of a higher 
 character. War would no longer be war were it 
 otherwise. Barbarities have, as a thing of course, 
 diminished under the influence of civilisation, but 
 spy must stiU be pitted against spy, strategy against 
 strategy, and wars must have their contingent horrors 
 and miseries until they cease to be waged." ^ 
 
 1 Note by Major-General Renonard James in Journal of Colonel de 
 St. Pierre. 
 
CHAPTEE XL 
 
 THE SECOND SIEGE OF BARCELONA — APRIL AND MAY, 
 
 1706. 
 
 Philip applies for assistance to Louis. — Troops collected for re-capture 
 of Barcelona. — Marshal de Tesse given the command. — His action 
 at Saragossa. — Excesses of troops. — Tesse's letters. — Obstacles in 
 the march of the French. — Their arms united before Barcelona on 
 April 3rd, 1706. — Peterborough's proposal. — His letter explaining 
 it. — Superstition of Oatalans. — Peterborough starts from Valencia. 
 — Condition of his forces. — Arrives in time to save Montjuick. — 
 Siege prosecuted byTess^. — Treason in allied camp. — Peterborough 
 cuts the French lines. — Throws reinforcements into town. — Gallant 
 defence of the garrison. — Counter-attacks by Peterborough. — The 
 Archduke's Austrian advisers. — Montjuick falls on April 20th. — 
 Siege continues but assault deferred. — Town relieved by British 
 fleet. — The previous movements of the fleet. — Slowness and caution 
 of Admiral Leake. — General Stanhope remonstrates. — Peterborough 
 writes urgent letters. — His proposals. — He hears that fleet has 
 sailed. — Marches to Siges or Sitges. — Collects boats. — Explains his 
 plans to his officers. — He embarks in a felucca. — Takes command 
 of British fleet. — His plans partially foiled. — Enters Barcelona with 
 his troops. — Encourages the garrison. — Incompetence and cowardice 
 of Tess^. — Reasons for retirement of French army. — Peterborough's 
 strategy and forethought. — Its results. — Disorder of French retreat. 
 — Peterborough's plans of campaign explained and vindicated. — 
 His difiiculties. — His want of money. — Letter to Lord Godolphin. — 
 Congratulations by Marlborough. 
 
 The montlis whicli immediately followed the capture 
 of Barcelona were by no means ■ wasted by the Court 
 
Plan et environs 
 DE BARCELONNE 
 
 Levt^e Suj- Ifj Lie^Lj- Par tin In.qeJiirur- ctAf 
 I /oaf Paris'' Onilliru Geoorapfir A PARIS 
 Bnut fill pont till r/ianje fuaiiij- (prlpjj Aj 
 
 Paltuj .^uNitph.n.-Frn'^roL^ ai^rrPr.rid^eJuKj 
 
 
 
^n 
 
 W-j^^ 
 
 ■1 / ■■ -^ 
 
 it/ mj" 
 
 7r s'v 
 
 m 
 
 . /hi /^ 
 
 
 
 AID ENVIRONS 
 
.l.V URGENT REQUEST. 305 
 
 of Madrid, altliough, as we have seen, in one theatre 
 of war, their efforts to retrieve their failing fortunes 
 were not crowned with success. The young French 
 King, weak and inexperienced as he was, on this 
 occasion showed to far greater advantage than his 
 Ministers. While they, irresolute and doubting, hesi- 
 tated as to what line of action they should adopt, 
 Philip at once decided to strain every nerve for the 
 recovery of the lost fortress, and even announced his 
 intention of leading his armies in person. His first 
 step was to write to his grandfather Louis, not as 
 hitherto to solicit advice, but to announce his deter- 
 mination, and, while explaining his plans of campaign, 
 to appeal for assistance in carrying them out. His 
 request was not made in vain. Although France was 
 then beset by enemies on every side, the result of 
 Marlborough's victories, the King and his Ministers 
 alike appreciated the value of Spain, and the immi- 
 nent danger threatening their nominee now seated 
 on the throne of that country. 
 
 The fame of the wild and erratic Englishman and 
 of his marvellous successes had already penetrated to 
 the council-chambers of Versailles. It was felt that 
 every effort must be made — that every nerve must be 
 strained — to re-establish French prestige and influence 
 in the Spanish peninsula. 
 
 Orders were therefore sent to collect troops from 
 Flanders and the Rhine, as many as could be spared, 
 and to concentrate them on the borders of Catalonia 
 in Roussillon, while another army was formed at 
 Saragossa, principally composed of regiments drawn 
 from the Portuguese frontier. In addition to this a 
 
 VOL. I. X 
 
306 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 fleet of forty vessels was commissioned and placed 
 under the Coi;nt of Toulouse, a natural son of 
 Louis XIV., in order to establish an effective block- 
 ade of the port of Barcelona. So far so good, — 
 but, unhappily for the cause of the French, all these 
 great preparations were rendered useless by an error 
 in the choice of commanders. In place of appointing 
 the most capable man they could find to the command 
 of the main army, to direct the principal expedition — 
 and this man was undoubtedly the Duke of Berwick — 
 they sent him to take charge of the force watching 
 Portugal, while the- Marshal de Tesse, whose incom- 
 petence had already been tested and fully proved, 
 was made Commander-in-Chief of the grand army 
 destined to recapture Barcelona. Thus we find that 
 the general whose ability was known, certain, and 
 recognised, was given a command, where, from the 
 weakness of the force at his disposal, he could do no 
 good, the idea being, so it was said, to repair the 
 absence of many men by the genius of one ; whereas 
 he who had already been tried and found wanting, 
 was placed in a position where he was certain again 
 to blunder, and where blundering would entail ruin. 
 How often in later years have we not seen the same 
 folly perpetrated, and with precisely the same results ! 
 The conduct of the Mai-shal de Tesse in this 
 campaign is certainly deserving of some attention, 
 if only as an example to military commanders of 
 what they should most studiously avoid. He com- 
 menced his operations with an act equally barbarous 
 and impolitic, which tended in a considerable degree 
 to cause his ultimate failure, as it rendered the 
 
ILL-JUDGED VIOLENCE. 307 
 
 population of the country bitterly hostile, at all 
 times a most serious disadvantage to an invading 
 army. 
 
 Tesse arrived at Saragossa on January 21st, and 
 at once commenced to move forward his troops with 
 a view of cutting off communication between the 
 provinces of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. It 
 unfortunately occurred just after his arrival that the 
 commander of a regiment of cavalry refused to sur- 
 render to the municipal authorities some Spanish 
 offenders, who had been taken prisoners, and who 
 claimed the privilege of being tried by their own 
 courts. The inhabitants of the town deemed this a 
 gross infraction of their rights, between three and four 
 thousand of them took up arms, and, had not the 
 civil governor of the province arrived and insisted on 
 Tesse surrendering the prisoners, there would have 
 been a serious insurrection. After this incident there 
 was no love lost between the townspeople and the 
 French soldiery, and the ill-feeling was stdl further 
 intensified by a collision which took place on February 
 28th. On that day a regiment of French infantry 
 marching to the front arrived at Saragossa and found 
 the gates closed. In place of negotiating with the 
 inhabitants and trying the effect of a little quiet 
 remonstrance, recourse was at once had to arms, and 
 orders were given to force a passage at the point of 
 the bayonet, which was done. No sooner however 
 were the troops in the town than they were fired at 
 from the houses, and a very serious riot took place, 
 during which the baggage of the regiment was plun- 
 dered, and a number of soldiers, including three of the 
 
 X 2 
 
308 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Marslial's own servants, were killed. It is stated that 
 Tesse was so infuriated by this opposition, and the 
 loss he had sustained, that it was only with the great- 
 est difficulty he was induced, by the representations of ■ 
 the civil governor and his principal officers, to refrain 
 from sacking the town. 
 
 After this occurrence, the headquarters were moved 
 down the Ebro to Pinea, so as to avoid any further 
 conflicts with the turbulent populace of Saragossa. 
 Shortly afterwards, however, there took place another 
 and equally unfortunate collision between the French 
 soldiery and the population of Aragon. Two bat- 
 talions had been billeted for the night at a town 
 called Currea. On parading for the march in the morn- 
 ing, a lieutenant was reported absent, and on his 
 quarters being searched he was found lying murdered 
 in his bed. The two battalions immediately turned 
 back into the town, razed to the ground the house 
 where the murder had been committed, and plundered 
 the various houses in the neighbourhood ; on which 
 another tumult arose and a number of the country 
 people were killed. This action of the troops was 
 openly approved by their commander, but it need 
 scarcely be added that such episodes in no way tended 
 to facilitate the march of the French army on their 
 way to Barcelona.^ 
 
 It seems, however, but fair to remark that Marshal 
 Tesse only acted up to the spirit and feeling of the 
 age in which he lived. It was then commonly 
 believed that opposition in any form could be 
 stamj)ed out by force ; that it could be suppressed 
 
 1 Menioires cle Tease, vol. ii. p. 210. 
 
TESSA'S DESPONDENCY. 309 
 
 by barbarity, and by this alone. Tlie folly of such 
 a system was fully demonstrated in the case of the 
 French Protestants, who endured untold persecutions, 
 and even abandoned their country, much to its 
 subsequent loss and detriment, rather than renounce 
 their religion. It appears strange that in Spain at 
 least the French generals, if only as a matter of 
 expediency, were not wise enough to adopt the policy 
 of Peterborough, who spared no trouble to obtain the 
 good will of the inhabitants, in fact to conciliate the 
 affections of the future subjects of the Prince for 
 whom he acted. The opposite line of conduct was 
 politically "worse than a crime — it was a mistake." 
 
 Partly in consequence of the opposition evoked by 
 the impolicy of their leader, and partly from the 
 length of time required for the necessary prepara- 
 tions, the march of the French army into Catalonia 
 was much hampered and delayed. It appears diffi- 
 cult to ascertain whether the delay was unavoidable, 
 or in a great measure to be traced to the absence of 
 energy and general despondency of Marshal Tesse. 
 We find that his letters to the French Minister-at- 
 War were always written in the most melancholy 
 and despondent strain, and that he invariably threw 
 obstacles in the way of carrying out the plans of 
 campaign proposed by others, without himself 
 suggesting anything to replace them. At the same 
 time it must be remarked that he formed a tolerably 
 good estimate of the Spanish character, and of the 
 inherent difficulties of carrying on a war in the 
 peninsula. In writing to M. de Camillart at this 
 time, he says, "Look on Spain as a country where 
 
310 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 it is necessary to have, as it were, an army in every 
 province ; " and to Madame de Maintenon he says 
 much the same, urging that Valencia should be re- 
 duced before the siege of Barcelona was attempted. 
 
 Philip, however, with a determination and character 
 highly creditable in so young a man, was firm in 
 adhering to his original plans, and, starting from 
 Madrid on February 2nd, joined Tessd at Alcaniz 
 on March 8th. After his arrival events moved 
 somewhat more rapidly, and a certain amount of 
 energy was diffused into the operations of the army ; 
 a bridge was thrown across the Ebro at Lerida, and 
 the headquarters reached Segra on March 23rd. 
 In Catalonia the difficulties of the invading army 
 became daily more and more pronounced. The 
 Somaten, or alarm-bell, sounded throughout the 
 country, and all the available population were 
 summoned to arms. Every pass and vantage- 
 ground was vigorously defended ; flocks and herds 
 were driven off ; the country was laid waste ; and 
 it is even said that the wells were poisoned. 
 
 However, undisciplined levies of peasantry could 
 do but little good when opposed to a large force of 
 regular troops. The Catalans, although they seriously 
 annoyed the French army, could not arrest its pro- 
 gress, and the standard of Philip of Anjou was 
 planted before Barcelona, on the north side of 
 Montjuick, at daybreak on April 3rd. The move- 
 ments of the two convergent columns from Aragon 
 and Roussillon respectively had been so well 
 arranged that they united before Barcelona the 
 same day. The combined army was indeed for- 
 
A BOLD PROJECT. 311 
 
 midable ; it consisted of thirty-six battalions of 
 French and four of Spanish infantry, thirty squad- 
 rons of French and six of Spanish cavalry, besides 
 artillery and train in proportion, while the fleet, 
 which, as before mentioned, numbered in all forty 
 vessels, had arrived some few days before the army. 
 To oppose this formidable array of troops the Arch- 
 duke Charles had only nine very weak battalions of in- 
 fantry and two regiments of dragoons ; these, however, 
 were supported by eight to ten thousand Miquelets, 
 who hung on the rear of the attacking army. 
 
 Where now may we ask was Peterborough, whom 
 we left basking in the sunshine of Valencia, caressed 
 by the ladies and feted by the men of that charming 
 city ? It may be safely assumed that he was far from 
 idle— such was not his custom ; he was equally active 
 in mind and body, and no matter what the situation 
 he was full of devices, plans, and expedients. In 
 the present instance, as soon as he ascertained de- 
 finitely that all the combined forces of the French 
 Prince were being concentrated for the conquest of 
 Barcelona, leaving the remainder of Spain almost 
 denuded of troops, he conceived a plan equally bold 
 and original, which, had it been adopted, would pro- 
 bably have seriously modified the history of Europe. 
 As we look back impartially after the lapse of nearly 
 200 years, knowing as we now do all the circum- 
 stances, and assisted as we are by the light of 
 subsequent events, it would seem as if the genius 
 of Peterborough had at three separate periods placed 
 the crown of Spain absolutely within the grasp of 
 Charles. On this occasion the proposal of our hero 
 
312 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 was far too bold to find any favour with the 
 wretched and timid counsellors by whom the young 
 Archduke was surrounded, and to whom alone he 
 paid any heed. It must, however, be remarked that 
 it was entirely disinterested, and evidently prompted 
 not by any desire to further his individual interests, 
 as, by his own suggestion, a secondary part was to be 
 played by himself, whereas the honour of conducting 
 the young monarch to his capital and establishing 
 him in his kingdom was to be intrusted to another. 
 
 This bold and original scheme can best be explained 
 by quoting in full Peterborough's quaint letter in 
 which he laid it before the Archduke. He writes 
 from Valencia on March 13th, lJ'06, as follows : — 
 
 " I cannot help offering to your Majesty an advice 
 which will appear extraordinary. I find many who 
 would propose ways to lose all in our present circum- 
 stances, which is to march part of our troops towards 
 Catalonia. I confess, Sir, I would have your Majesty 
 in the present conjuncture take a resolution as exti-a- 
 ordinary as that which brought you before Barcelona. 
 I would not have your Majesty go to Lisbon, but 
 embark in some clean ships I have prepared for that 
 purpose, and with a fair wind endeavour to gain the 
 first land in Portugal, putting yourself at the head 
 of the 25,000, which are in a good condition, on the 
 borders of PortugaL The enemy have but 5,000 
 men on that side of Spain in arms ; aff'airs will 
 change in our favour. 1 doubt not your Majesty 
 would soon arrive at Madrid. Sir, at first this 
 has an extraordinary appearance, but the voyage 
 from Denia to that part of Portugal may be per- 
 formed in a week without hazard, no vessels of France 
 being upon this coast. I see nothing so great, so 
 
A SACRED VISION. 313 
 
 secure, for your Majesty. But, Sir, the utmost 
 secrecy is necessary ; and I would have nobody 
 trusted but the Portuguese ambassador, whose vauity 
 would perhaps be touched, to see the finishing stroke 
 from his own country. If your Majesty would leave 
 the Prince of Hesse Viceroy of Catalonia, with orders 
 to follow my advice in what concerns the war, and 
 the counsel of .the Count de Savella, and some others 
 properly chosen in business, I would undertake to 
 maintain Catalonia and Valencia, and perhaps open 
 the way to Madrid. This, Sir, perhaps were the 
 finest stroke in politics that any age has produced, 
 and the least expected, and which might even give 
 the quickest relief to Catalonia, which would not be 
 so vigorously attacked if your Majesty were in person 
 elsewhere." 
 
 There seems to be no doubt whatever that the 
 advice given by Peterborough was as sound as it was 
 bold, and, had it been followed, would have resulted 
 in triumphant success. Charles, however, was more 
 a religious enthusiast than a soldier or a statesman, 
 and if he failed to inspire his adherents with con- 
 fidence in his abilities, he was highly successful in 
 kindling their religious ardour, and in persuading 
 them that he was favoured by Heaven. He assured 
 the inhabitants of Barcelona that the Virgin, accom- 
 panied by two angels, had appeared to him in person, 
 and had declared to him that he had nothing to fear 
 so long as he remained at Catalonia. Incredible as it 
 may now seem, this story was universally believed 
 throughout the town, and had a wonderful efi"ect on 
 the inhabitants. Men, women, and children vied 
 with each other in their endeavours to defend the 
 Prince who was so highly esteemed by the Blessed 
 
314 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Virgin. The Capuchins tied up their beards with 
 ribbon and handled muskets with most unsaintly 
 ferocity, while mendicant friars for once in their lives 
 forgot to beg and to be idle, and used the spade and 
 the shovel with just as much industry as their cus- 
 tomary benefactors. There is no doubt, much as we 
 may despise and laugh at it now, that this power 
 of exciting religious enthusiasm was in those days 
 of great value, and really an important element of 
 success. 
 
 Tesse, in writing home at the time to the Minister- 
 at-War, mentions the story of the Virgin, which he says 
 "the inhabitants of Barcelona believe as firmly as I 
 believe my Credo," and he contrasts the warm nature 
 of Charles with the cold temperament of Philip : 
 speaking of the latter, he says, "II ne parlera jamais, 
 faites bien, faites mal, c'est la meme chose, U pense, 
 mais c'est comme s'il ne pensoit pas ; et, passe cette 
 campagne, fiez-vous a' moi qu'a-la tete de ses armees 
 sa presence est plus prdjudiciale a son service que s'il 
 restoit a Madrid." 
 
 As soon as Peterborough found that Charles would 
 not adopt his suggestion, he at once started off with 
 all his available troops by forced marches to assist 
 in the relief of Barcelona. He could only muster 
 two thousand foot and six hundred cavalry, and these 
 were wretchedly provided as regards clothing, equip- 
 ment, and arms. He was, however, aided by a large 
 force of Miquelets under Cifuentes, and by the 
 universal good will of the country people, whom his 
 wise policy had rendered most faithful allies. Of 
 course the force at his disposal was far too weak to 
 
A BRILLIANT EXAMPLE. 315 
 
 make it possible for him to risk an engagement, or 
 even to effect anything decisive, but he nevertheless 
 succeeded in causing an infinite amount of trouble to 
 the besieging army. Taking up a position on the 
 hUls immediately in rear of the French, he carried 
 on in the greatest perfection what has been known 
 ever since as guerilla warfare. With Peterborough 
 near them, the French army knew no peace : appa- 
 rently made of iron, taking no rest himself, giving 
 none to others, he was physically capable of taking 
 part in almost every one of the numerous expeditions 
 which his fertile genius and indefatigable energy 
 conceived. In truth it may be said that he was 
 almost the only general who could ever boast that 
 in two campaigns " he had rarely if ever sent out a 
 party of thirty horse without himself personally 
 leading them." 
 
 Still, much as we may admire the gallant spirit and 
 extraordinary energy which prompted Peterborough 
 thus to take the personal direction of so many small 
 expeditions, it may well be questioned whether it 
 comes within the ordinary or fitting province of a 
 general to incur so much risk in doing the work of 
 so many other people in addition to his own. It 
 must, however, be remembered that in all these cam- 
 paigns the force under our hero's command was small, 
 the difiiculties he had to encounter enormously great, 
 and his successes absolutely astounding. We may 
 rest assured that the spirit which pervaded his men, 
 and which enabled them, weary, starving, footsore, 
 and almost without clothes or boots, uncomplain- 
 ingly to endure such hardships and to perform such 
 
316 THE EARL OF PETERBOEOUUII. 
 
 prodigies, could not have existed had it not been for 
 the example set them by their gallant leader. 
 
 As before mentioned, the French army was united 
 before Barcelona on April 3rd, and appeared before 
 Montjuickat daybreak on that morning. At 11 o'clock 
 a body of French infantry, supported by two squadrons 
 of cavalry, proceeded to occupy the western outwork, 
 expecting to find there only the usual guard of forty 
 Spaniards, who doubtless would have speedily de- 
 camped on their approach. To the great surprise 
 however of the Frenchmen, they were received by 
 a heavy fire, delivered by men who showed no signs 
 of moving ; the attacking infantry wavered, halted, 
 and retired, on which a British cheer was raised from 
 the outworks, showing that Spaniards were certainly 
 not the defenders. As it happened, on the previous 
 night 100 men of Hamilton's regiment had arrived, 
 having with the assistance of some mules marched 
 seventy miles in two days, and thus succeeded in 
 reaching Barcelona in time, temporarily at least, to 
 save Montjuick. A second assault was delivered 
 without effect, on which the attacking party retired 
 much discomfited, and no further attempt was made 
 on that day, doubtless in a great measure because 
 the entire garrison of Barcelona, alarmed by the 
 firing, moved out to support the threatened strong- 
 hold, leaving very few behind to guard the King's 
 person. 
 
 From this date the siege of Barcelona was prose- 
 cuted by Tess^ with a considerable amount of vigour, 
 but apparently with an entire absence of military 
 skill. Montjruck, the strongest point of the fortress, 
 
THE GARRISON REINFORCED. 317 
 
 was selected for attack, in place of tlie weakest — a 
 mistake all the more inexcusable, since, had the town 
 fallen, this fort must necessarily have also succumbed. 
 The batteries were injudiciously placed, being far too 
 distant to produce an effective fire, and altogether the 
 whole system of attack was badly devised. It was 
 fortunate for Charles that the skill of his opponents 
 by no means corresponded to their numbers, since it 
 is stated that when the sun rose on April 4th the 
 French camp might be seen extending over the 
 undulating plains for nearly fifteen miles round 
 Barcelona ; in fact, with its small garrison, insufficient 
 resources, and the manner in which its defences had 
 been neglected during the absence of Peterborough,^ 
 the fate of the city seemed doomed, and with it the 
 cause of the Austrian Archduke in Spain. 
 
 Treason moreover was not absent from the camp of 
 the allied commanders. On the night of the 4th, 
 Fuerte Eedonda, a fort situated on the sea shore 
 somewhat to the west of Montjuick, and command- 
 ing; the strand on that side, was surrendered throug-h 
 treachery ; and thereby the besiegers were enabled to 
 land their stores, guns, and provisions without hind- 
 rance or difiiculty. In the meantime Peterborough, 
 besides harassing the besiegers in all possible ways, 
 and at the same time skilfully eluding their attacks 
 against himself, found means to reinforce the garri- 
 son. With much cleverness he succeeded in throwing 
 into Barcelona on the east side two English and two 
 Catalan battalions, which had been recently raised 
 
 1 General Eicliards, in his memorial, confirms the statement that the 
 breach in the walls made at the former siege had not been repaired. 
 
318 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 from the well-afFected peasants. Brigadiers Lord 
 Donegal and Sentiman accompanied these reinforce- 
 ments, and, as will be seen hereafter, they performed 
 most valuable service. 
 
 As soon as Tess^ found that his lines had been 
 pierced, he drew closer his investment and en- 
 deavoured to hem the besiegers in on every side. 
 The daring and resource, however, of the English 
 Earl were too much for him. It appears that a large 
 portion of the garrison of Gerona, which had been 
 evacuated on the approach of the French army from 
 Roussillon, seeing that they could not hope to reach 
 Barcelona by land without almost the certainty of 
 being cut off, made up their minds to try their 
 fortune on the sea. Accordingly they collected a 
 number of boats, and embarked on board of them, 
 finding means, however, as they did so to send a 
 trustworthy messenger to apprise Peterborough of 
 their attempt. No sooner did he receive the message 
 than with his usual promptitude he started at sun- 
 set from his camp in the mountains, and after a 
 march of twenty miles succeeded in reaching the 
 spot selected for disembarkation just as the boats 
 arrived there. He then escorted the Gerona garrison 
 through the enemy's outposts safely into Barcelona, 
 and afterwards regained his own camp without the 
 loss of a single man. 
 
 Timely, however, as were these reinforcements to the 
 besieged garrison, they were very nearly proving of 
 but little avail as regards its safety. A second case 
 of treachery was soon discovered, and this in the 
 garrison of Montjuick. It was found that a boy had 
 
A GALLANT DEFENCE. 319 
 
 been bribed to make all the cannon and matchlocks 
 harmless on the night of the 6 th, more especially on 
 those fronts of the fort which were to be attacked. 
 This conspiracy was just discovered in time ; and 
 Charles was so much alarmed that he immediately 
 superseded the governor of Montjuick, and appointed 
 the Earl of Donegal in his place — a wise precaution, 
 as in the fidelity of English officers he could certainly 
 trust. 
 
 From April 6th, when the trenches were opened by 
 the French army, until the 23rd of the same month, 
 the siege was carried on with varying fortunes ; the 
 main attack, as before stated, being directed against 
 Montjuick, which the Earl of Donegal defended with 
 equal ability and desperation, only losing the fortress 
 when he lost his own life. The record of this siege, 
 little known as it is, should figure in the history of 
 the many brilliant achievements of the British army. 
 Foot by foot the ground was contested, and all was 
 done that a gallant commander, supported by gallant 
 men, could devise. On the 7th two intrenchments 
 were formed beyond the convent of Santa Madrona, 
 on the 8th batteries of mortars were opened within 
 musket shot, and for some days a hot fire was 
 kept up night and day, without however in any 
 way subduing the dauntless defenders, who fired 
 showers of stones from the mortars in place of shot 
 and shell. Finding that the existing batteries failed 
 to produce any efi'ect, four new ones were raised 
 between the 12th and the 15th, when a determined 
 night attack was made on the western outwork of 
 Montjuick. This side of the defence was principally 
 
320 THE EARL OF PETEHBOROUGII. 
 
 held by a Spanish regiment of recruits, who were 
 easily put to flight. The Earl of Donegal however and 
 some of the foot guards rushed to their rescue, and 
 succeeded in retaining the main body of the work 
 after a desperate hand-to-hand fight. The outwork 
 unfortunately could not be saved, and was soon 
 utilised by the attackers for the establishment of a 
 new battery and intrenchment. 
 
 Very soon the besiegers, tired of the obstinate 
 defence of Montjuick, began to do what they should 
 have done at first, and, much to the discomfi- 
 ture of the inhabitants, turned their attention to the 
 town. As is nearly always the case with fortified 
 cities, the population, as soon as their own lives and 
 even their property are seriously endangered, at once 
 lose heart, and are a source of great weakness to any 
 resolute garrison or any determined commander. It 
 is stated in fact that both the ammunition and the 
 courage of the defenders were at such a low ebb that 
 a capitulation of the town might at any time have 
 taken place, had not Peterborough succeeded at two 
 o'clock on the morning of the 21st in running in a 
 small galley through the enemy's fleet right into the 
 harbour. This boat brought what the townspeople 
 were especially in want of, namely powder and en- 
 couragement, and the surrender of the place was at 
 least temporarily deferred. Three days later the 
 indefatigable Englishman made another and a fairly 
 successful attempt to give further succours to the 
 beleaguered city. He embarked a number of Nea- 
 politans in boats at a small seaport named Mataro, 
 somewhat to the north of Barcelona, and directed 
 
A SPIRITED BOAT ACTIO X. 321 
 
 them to adopt the same tactics and to make their 
 way through the blockading fleet of the enemy. 
 They succeeded in evading the cruisers, but, on 
 axriving at the mouth of the harl lour, they found that 
 the French admiral, warned no doubt by the successful 
 adventure of the galley, had formed a line of boats so 
 as effectually to bar the passage A spirited boat 
 action then occurred, and it speaks ill for the efliciency 
 of the French fleet when we learn that 400 men 
 succeeded in forcing their way into Barcelona and 
 that the remainder made good their escape back 
 to Mataro. 
 
 While all these various attacks and counter-attacks 
 were taking j^lace, the latter carried on mainly by 
 Peterborough and the gallant ofiicers and men under 
 his command, it may well be asked how were Charles 
 and his Austrian advisers occupied — those men, who 
 during the previous months had been so neglectful 
 of their public duties, but so industrious in amassing 
 fortunes for themselves ? It appears that they were 
 principally occupied in religious exercises and in 
 writing imperative, despondent, and utterly con- 
 temptible despatches to Peterborough imploring him 
 to attack the enemy, to drive Tesse and his army 
 away, in fact to carry out a variety of designs, which 
 certainly would have resulted in absolute destruction. 
 At last, however, despairing of the promised help 
 from England arriving in time to save the city, 
 Peterborough formed the design of surprising the 
 besieging army in their lines at the same time that 
 a general sortie was made by the garrison. With 
 much difficulty a messenger was got into the town, 
 
 VOL. I. Y 
 
322 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 but on his return journey he fell into the hands of 
 the enemy, who thereby became acquainted with the 
 details of the project, which consequently had to be 
 abandoned. For the time therefore the defenders 
 of Montjuick had to be left to their own resources, 
 which very soon proved quite inadequate to save it. 
 On the 22nd, a sudden attack was made ; the 
 garrison, worn out by constant fighting, were taken 
 by surprise, and the western bastion was lost. Un- 
 fortunately, as it happened, many of the English 
 officers were killed, and the gallant Earl of Donegal 
 lost his life, a misfortune which sealed the fate of the 
 entire fort — so on April 26th Montjuick was lost. 
 
 Had Tesse now pushed his advantage with 
 sufficient vigour, there is no doubt that within a 
 few days the town of Barcelona would have fallen 
 into his hands. He displayed, however, an excess of 
 caution, which, though natui-al when an enemy like 
 Peterborough was threatening his rear, proved fatal 
 to his ultimate success. So far, however, the siege 
 was prosecuted with a certain amount of energy, 
 batteries of heavy guns were established close to 
 the walls, though, as it happened, too far to be really 
 effective, and every effort was strained to make three 
 breaches, the largest of which was to be close to 
 Port San Antonio. The defenders had no artillery 
 of sufficient calibre to silence the heavy guns brought 
 against them and, although interior defences were 
 constructed with much industry and considerable 
 skill, there seems to be no reasonable doubt that, 
 had an assault been delivered, almost any time after 
 about May 1st, it would in all human probability 
 
BARCELOXA RELIEVED. 323 
 
 have been successful. As, however, so frequently 
 happens in many occurrences of life, whether in war 
 or in peace, there was just wanting that supreme 
 effort which was required to seize the victory when 
 apparently it was only necessary to stretch out a hMid 
 to grasp it. The precious hours and days slipped 
 away until JMay 8th without the assault being de- 
 livered, Alarshal Tesse always waiting for " the more 
 convenient season " which ncA'er came.^ 
 
 Fortune, however, at last seemed weary of giving 
 favours which were neither accepted nor turned to 
 account. On the afternoon of May 8th the British 
 fleet sailed into the harbour of Barcelona, and the 
 town was saved. To understand how this occurred 
 we must turn back for a little and see why this fleet, 
 so long and earnestly expected, had thus delayed its 
 coming until the eleventh hour, and we must also 
 not fail to relate the remarkable part which Lord 
 Peterborough played in his new character of an 
 admiral. 
 
 As we have already seen, immediately after the 
 capture of Barcelona in October, 1705, General 
 Stanhope was sent honie with despatches and with a 
 letter from Charles to Queen Anne, containing an 
 earnest request for reinforcements and assistance. 
 This appeal was renewed from time to time both by 
 the Archduke himself and by Lord Peterborough, 
 and was responded to by an abundance of promises, 
 but, for many months, by nothiDg else. At last it 
 became evident that affairs in the Spanish peninsula 
 were growing desperate, and that something must be 
 
 1 JIemoire8 de Tesse. 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 done, otherwise all previous sacrifices would be 
 wasted and thrown away. In those days, however, 
 events moved very slowly, just as means of com- 
 munication were limited and tedious. The English 
 Cabinet, moreover, had their hands full with the war 
 in the Low Countries and elsewhere, hence it is 
 scarcely surprising to find that it was the beginning 
 of March before an expedition was actually under 
 way. Early in that month a combined fleet, under 
 the command of Sir John Leake, with General Stan- 
 hope on board,^ set sail from Lisbon for the coast of 
 Valencia, being directed by pressing letters from Lord 
 Peterborough to hasten thither with all speed. 
 Strange to say, we find that the Straits of Gibraltar 
 were not reached until the first week in April, which, 
 making all allowance for contrary winds, and the slow 
 means of sailing possessed by transports, would 
 appear a delay wholly unaccountable. At Gibraltar 
 two English regiments were added, and the fleet was 
 reinforced by some vessels under the command of 
 Captain Price. One might have thought that with 
 this accession to their strength the admirals would 
 have hastened their movements, but unfortunately the 
 spirit which shortly afterwards was almost universal 
 in the British navy, and which made English sailors 
 despise almost any odds ranged against them, was cer- 
 tainly wanting in Admiral Leake and his colleague 
 Admiral Wassenaer. They deemed themselves in- 
 capable of facing the French fleet under the Count of 
 
 ^ General Richards went home with General Stanhope, and accom- 
 panied him back again to the peninsula ; he gives an accouat of the 
 movements of this fleet in his diary. 
 
INEXCUSABLE PROCRASTINATION. 325 
 
 Toulouse then blockading Barcelona, and apparently- 
 waited and delayed, allowing the precious days to 
 slip away, in hopes that some further reinforcements 
 might reach them. 
 
 At last, aroused by some urgent letters written by 
 Charles himself earnestl}^ requesting speedy succours. 
 Admiral Leake assembled a Council of War at Gibraltar 
 on April 6th, to consider these appeals of the Arch- 
 duke, the latest of which was dated March 31st.' 
 
 It was then decided to move on to Altea and await 
 further news. In the event of the enemy not having 
 more than twenty-seven sail they were to proceed to 
 Barcelona, but in the meantime the soldiers were to 
 be taken off the transports and put on board the men- 
 of-war, the former being sent back to Lisbon. Appa- 
 rently the object of this order was to avoid being 
 hampered by non-combatants, in the event of a naval 
 battle, the result of which was evidently regarded 
 without much confidence. 
 
 Although the Council of War took place on April 
 6th, Sir John Leake did not leave Gibraltar till the 
 13th, nor did he reach Altea till the 18th, having pre- 
 viously sent on four fast-sailing frigates to get some 
 information regarding the strength and dispositions 
 of the enemy. 
 
 At Altea more letters reached the Admirals from 
 the besieged city, again requesting help, but the news 
 was not very recent, the latest letter being eleven 
 days old. One would have imagined that some solici- 
 tude would have been felt for the fate of the garrison, 
 
 ^ An Impartial Inquiry into the Management of the War in Spain, 
 p. 88. 
 
325 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 but even now there seemed to be no such feelings 
 among the allied naval commanders. Information 
 arrived that a convoy from Ireland had sailed from 
 Lisbon to join them about ten days previously, on 
 which Sir John Leake called another Council of War 
 to decide whether they should sail on, as previously 
 decided, or should await the arrival of this fresh, rein- 
 forcement. Fortunately for the fate of Barcelona, the 
 urgent representations of General Stanhope prevailed 
 over the timorous councils of Leake and his colleagues, 
 and at last after much delay and doubting the fleet 
 slowly moved on to the seat of war. 
 
 It is now most curious to read the various letters 
 ■«T.itten by the Archduke, by Lichtenstein and by 
 Peterborough to the English Admiral, urging on him 
 energy and rapidity of movement, and to contrast 
 them with his own despatches — giving the most lame 
 explanation as to the cause of his delay. In a letter 
 dated April 22nd, written in his own forcible and 
 incisive style, Peterborough does his best to instil 
 some life into the action of the fleet ; he also sketches 
 out a system of attack, which had it been adopted 
 about the time when the letter was written, would 
 no doubt have been the most judicious plan, besides 
 being in all probability entirely successful He says : 
 " The destiny of Spain depends upon the arrival of 
 thirty of Her Majesty's ships before the taking of 
 Barcelona ; to see the fleet there that is likely to 
 decide this important affair would make me mad." 
 .... Speaking of the delay he adds, " The circum- 
 stances of the sea are so uncertain that without 
 forming any judgment, I only lament our ill fortune. 
 
.1 WISE SUGGESTION. 327 
 
 for I cannot conceive that any other enterprise could 
 be taken in hand, that could any ways prevent the 
 arrival of the succours and the fleet for an hour : if 
 any such have taken place, the loss of Spain, the 
 risque of the King's- person, and the sacrifices of Her 
 Majesty's troops is owing to so absurd a measure." 
 
 He also recommends that the transports should be 
 got rid of, and that the main body of the troops be 
 landed on the coast at a point not nearer than 
 'J'arragona, while 1,000 men were to be retained 
 on board the fleet to be flung into Barcelona by sea. 
 There can be no doubt that this recommendation was 
 essentially sound, since, had the French fleet shown 
 fight, the ships under the command of Sir John 
 Leake must have been much encumbered in action 
 by the soldiers, stores, munitions and supplies which 
 they were forced to carry, while a powerful land force 
 operating on the enemy's rear would have been of 
 the greatest possible service. Oddly enough, this 
 very suggestion of Peterborough, which no doubt 
 was thoroughly judicious and wise, afterwards served 
 as an excuse for making light of his services. It was 
 actually alleged that " Sir John Leake relieved 
 Barcelona if not directly contrary at least not 
 pursuant to my Lord Peterborough's method."^ 
 
 We left Admiral Leake and his fleet anchored in 
 the Bay of Altea calmly waiting for reinforcements. 
 There they remained till April 30th, when Sir George 
 Byng appeared with the squadron from Ireland, for 
 which they had been waiting. Even now no move- 
 
 1 ^lii Impartial Inquiry into the Management of the War in S/iaip, 
 p. 101. 
 
■.i-2H THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 ment was made, as an additional convoy was expected 
 under Commodore Walker. Fortunately, however, 
 this also arrived on the 31st, and then at last the 
 combined fleet set sail for Barcelona. 
 
 In the meantime General Stanhope had taken 
 means to communicate with Peterborough, and had 
 warned him that at last there was some prospect of 
 the town beincr relieved. As before mentioned constant 
 communication had passed between these two friends, 
 and when at anchor in Altea Bay, Stanhope had sent 
 a letter to Peterborough by a messenger, who reached 
 him by Vinaroz, assuring him that every effort 
 would be made to quicken the movements of Sir 
 John Leake. He added that when at last the various 
 squadrons were united and actually on the move, 
 he wotdd send notice of the fact, and that if 
 Peterborough received only a blank sheet of paper cut 
 in the middle without address, he might rest assured 
 that the allied fleet was at hand. 
 
 As soon as they were actually on the move Stanhope 
 faithfully carried out his promise. A messenger was 
 selected and bribed by the promise of a large reward 
 to take the blank sheet of paper without an address 
 to the English General encamped in the mountains. 
 The circumstance that there was no direction and no 
 writing on the paper made the mission less perilous, 
 and hence the task of finding a trustworthy agent far 
 less diflicult. Peterborough received the paper just 
 at the moment when it is said " chagrin and despair 
 might have hurried hini into some resolutions that 
 might have proved fatal ; " he was, however, not long 
 in coming to a decision nor slow in carrying it out. 
 
,1 WILD RESOLUTION 329 
 
 He at once broke up his camp, and marched day and 
 night till he reached a little town called Siges or 
 Sitges on the sea coast. Not one of his officers or his 
 men had any idea of the cause of this sudden move- 
 ment ; as was his custom, he religiously kept his own 
 counsel, and it is added that his officers made no 
 inquiries — they had become accustomed to " such 
 unaccountable varieties of success" that complete 
 confidence in their general became a second nature 
 both to officers and men.^ 
 
 As will be seen from the map, the town of Sitges is 
 about seven leagues to the^westward of Barcelona ; it 
 is, or was in those days, a fishing village rather than a 
 town and had a small harbour, where generally there 
 were to be found a considerable number of boats and 
 small vessels capable of transporting troops. As soon 
 as Peterborough arrived there he at once collected as 
 many fishing boats, " feluccas and sattees," as he could 
 lay hands on, so that in two days' time he had suc- 
 ceeded in getting enough to carry the whole of his 
 infantry. The officers and men of his force were 
 utterly amazed at these preparations, serious misgiv- 
 ings occurred to them as to their general being in his 
 right mind, as apparently it was his intention that 
 they should sally forth and attack the French fleet. 
 This amazement was if possible intensified when 
 suddenly he announced that he himself was going 
 out to sea in a small felucca accompanied only by an 
 aide-de-camp and by some men to row him. 
 
 The fact was that Peterborough very justly had lost 
 all confidence in Admiral Leake, and was extremely 
 
 ' Carleton's Memoirs, p. 190. 
 
330 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 afraid, not only that there would be some gross mis- 
 management and delay in the relief of Barcelona, but 
 also that the French fleet would avoid a general action 
 and hence escape destruction. He therefore deter- 
 mined himself to intercept the English convoy and 
 assume supreme command of it, in virtue of the 
 commission of High Admiral which he possessed, and 
 for which he had specially stipulated and insisted as a 
 condition of his retaining command of the army in 
 Spain. ^ Before starting, however, he assembled his 
 officers and partially explained to them his intentions. 
 He told them that, as he would now be of more use 
 afloat than on shore, he had determined to leave them, 
 and that after his departure they had nothing to do 
 but to follow his ordei's. They need only wait until 
 they saw" the allied fleet sail by, or, in the event of its 
 jiassing during the night, until they heard the naval 
 engagement, which was certain to follow ; they were 
 then to embark at once and make all sj^eed for 
 Barcelona. 
 
 The first night that Peterborough put out to sea, he 
 remained lying in an open boat several leagues from 
 shore until the morning, but saw no signs of British 
 men-of-war. 
 
 The next day was S2;)ent in anxious watching from 
 the summit of the highest hill, but still not a sail 
 could be detected. All this time there was heard the 
 distant thunder of the bombardment of Barcelona, 
 and the guns in answer from the garrison becoming 
 fainter and fainter. During the course of the day a 
 felucca arrived from the city, having managed to elude 
 
 1 Viile letter to General Stanhnpe, dated November 18tli. 
 
.4 PERILOUS ADVEXrURE. 331 
 
 the French blockade, but it only brought an earnest 
 appeal from Charles, saying that they were in dire 
 extremity, and could hold out but a very short time 
 longer. When the night came on Peterborough 
 started a second time on his wild errand ; he again 
 embarked on board an open boat to await the arrival 
 of the fleet. The night was cold and stormy ; the 
 captain of the felucca was somewhat timorous, but 
 further and further the impatient and fearless Earl 
 pushed to sea, till at last through the darkness of the 
 night they sighted a man-of-war. This was imme- 
 diately haUed and boarded, and turned out to be 
 the Leopard, commanded by Captain Price, " a 
 gentleman of Wales," from whom Peterborough learnt 
 that the remainder of the fleet was close behind. At 
 once he sent off a pinnace to Admiral Leake with his 
 orders, and also with a note to General Stanhope to 
 announce his safe arrival ; he also hoisted the Union 
 flag at the main topmast of the Leopard to show 
 that he had assumed the chief command. When the 
 early dawn broke and the sailors found that they were 
 under the orders of the great Earl of Peterborough, 
 who had as it were dropped from the clouds, their 
 astonishment knew no bounds. Unhappily he was 
 too late ; the night was so far advanced before he got 
 on board the Leopard, that it was impossible to give 
 his orders in time to have them executed before 
 morning, and in the meantime the French Admiral 
 had obtained sufficient warning to enable him to 
 escape. 
 
 Events proved that Peterborough's misgivings, and 
 his extreme anxiety to control the movements of the 
 
332 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 allied fleet himself were well founded. The caution 
 and delay of the Admirals had been so far judicious 
 that they had succeeded in collecting nearly twice as 
 many ships as those they had to meet. Peterborough 
 feared that Leake would make his appearance with 
 the whole of his force at once, in which case the 
 Count of Toulouse, seeing that he was overmatched, 
 would decline battle and retire. This actually hap- 
 pened ; the French ships cut their cables, put out to 
 sea, and escaped, whereas, to quote the words of 
 Captain Carleton, " the Earl was very sensible that if 
 a part of his ships had kept astern, that the superiority 
 might Lave ajipeared on the French side ; or rather if 
 they had bore away in the night towards the coast of 
 Africa, and fallen to the eastward of Barcelona the 
 next day, a battle had Ijeen inevitable, and a victory 
 equally certain : since the enemy, by this means, had 
 been tempted into an engagement and their retreat 
 cut off, and their whole fleet surrounded with almost 
 double their number, there had hardly been left for 
 any of them a probability of escaping." ' 
 
 1 Althoiigli Admiral Leake, on this occasion, apparently did not 
 display much energy or ability — qualities so strongly developed in his 
 colleague on shore that the absence of them caused all the greater 
 contrast — still he "was a most gallant sailor, who had seen much service, 
 and he left behind him a distinguished name in the annals of the navy. 
 He was the son of Captain Richard Leake, the master-gunner of England, 
 and took service as a midshipman about the close of the last Dutch war. 
 At the peace he got employment in the merchant marine, and after- 
 wards served as a gunner on board the Neptune. Through his know- 
 ledge of gunnery thus obtained, he got command of the fire-ship 
 Firedral-e, and performed such valuable services at the battle of Bantry 
 Bay, that he was promoted to the Ddrtuwuth in May, 1689. We next 
 find him helping to relieve Londonderry in June of the same year. He 
 afterwards, in 1692, commanded the Eagle in the battle of La Hogue, 
 and was very seriously engaged, having seventeen guns disabled, seventy 
 
SEASONABLE REINFOECEMEyTS 333 
 
 The departure of tlie blockading fleet was the signal 
 for renewed vigour in the defence of Barcelona. All 
 the available troops were at once landed by Sir John 
 Leake and Peterborough, the latter obtaining pre- 
 cedence for the men whom he had embarked at 
 Sitges on the memorable night of the 7th of May. 
 These most seasonable reinforcements arrived only 
 just in time to prevent an assault being delivered 
 on the defences of the town, which had become in 
 point of fact almost indefensible. So great, however, 
 was the despondency of the garrison, even after these 
 succours had reached them, that it needed all the 
 energy and mercurial temperament of Peterborough 
 to encourage them to further exertions and to the 
 necessary measures for their own defence. As usual, 
 however, his activity knew no bounds, and his spirit 
 could not be subdued. Day and night he was oc- 
 cupied in strengthening the defences and in taking 
 the necessary measures for holding the town to the 
 
 men killed, and 120 wounded. Soon after this he became an admiral, 
 and from time to time was engaged in various naval operations, such 
 as the battle of Malaga in 1704, and the relief of Gibraltar, when he 
 acquitted himself with great credit. At the time, therefore, of the 
 relief of Barcelona, Sir John Leake was certainly one of the most dis- 
 tinguished, and was supposed to be one of the most able officers in the 
 English navy. Nor, apparently, did his reputation in any way suffer 
 from his action on that occasion, as he was frequently employed subse- 
 quently. In 1708 he was selected to succeed Sir Cloudesley Shovel in 
 the Mediterranean, and had a most successful cruise, which included 
 the capture of Minorca by General Stanhope. After this he was agaiii 
 in command of a fleet, and continued to serve afloat until Queen Anne's 
 death. On the accession, however, of George I. he somehow incurred 
 the displeasure of that King, and was deprived of all his appointments 
 He died in 1720, aged sixty-four. 
 
 (Vide Admiral Robert Fairfax, by Clements R. Markham : London, 
 1885.) 
 
334 THE EARL OF rETETtBOROUGlI. 
 
 last. He vowed that no power would make him 
 surrender, and " that he would fight the French even 
 to the most remote corner of the city." 
 
 The garrison of Barcelona, however, had an advan- 
 tage even greater than that afforded them by the 
 talents of the English Commander — an advantao-c 
 which it was imj)ossihle to over-estimate, and which 
 in the end proved their salvation. This was the gross 
 incompetence and timidity of Marshal Tess^, qualities 
 which Philip with all his determination and natural 
 courage was too weak to combat and too young to 
 neutralise. Even now, had an assault been planned 
 with proper intelligence and delivered with proper 
 vigour, it is extremely likely that it would have proved 
 successful. The superiority of the French army as 
 regards numbers was so great, the possession of 
 Montjuick so important, while the exhaustion of the 
 Spanish troops was so general and decided, that not- 
 withstanding the presence of the English reinforce- 
 ments and their renowned chief, there seems every 
 reason to believe that Barcelona would have fallen. 
 It would have fallen, however, under conditions very 
 different from those which would have been granted 
 to it prior to the departure of the Count of Toulouse 
 and his blockading fleet. Before then the uncon- 
 ditional surrender of the city and the King's person 
 would more probably have been its fate. 
 
 It is stated that Philip himself was all for an assault, 
 and that many of the most distinguished officers were 
 of his opinion. ]\Iarshal Tesse, however, was for 
 raising the siege and immediate retreat. To decide 
 between these differences of opinion the usual recourse 
 
FAR-SEEING STRATEGY. . 335 
 
 was had to a Council of War ; with the usual result 
 of such councils, it was resolved not to fight but to 
 abandon the siege and withdraw the army to the 
 shelter of the French frontiers. 
 
 It would be difficult to have a better illustration 
 of Peterborough's qualities as a military commander 
 and of his strategic skill than the measures he took in 
 connection with the relief of Barcelona. It is stated 
 that the principal reason which Tesse gave for 
 advising the abandonment of the siege, was the fact 
 that all the various means of retreat towards France 
 were closed, and that, in the event of any disaster, 
 not only the army but also the King's person would 
 be in imminent danger, hence he positively declined 
 to order an assault until Philip had retired to Perpignan. 
 The fact was that Peterborough, not content with 
 harassing the French army in its investment of 
 Barcelona, had found means even with the very 
 small force at his disposal to seize and fortify all 
 the passes into Aragon. These he occupied with 
 native levies, so that Tesse found his communications 
 with Madrid entirely severed and his retreat cut off. 
 He could neither obtain reinforcements nor supplies 
 except from the French frontiers, and when forced 
 to raise the siege, in place of retiring in good order on 
 the capital, he had entirely to abandon Spain to the 
 enemies of his master. 
 
 Before daybreak on May 11th, the French army 
 was in full retreat, and, as is nearly always the case 
 when an army in the presence of an enemy breaks up 
 its camp in the darkness, there was much confusion 
 and disorder. It would appear that at the time of 
 
336 THE EARL OF PETERBOBOL'GIl. 
 
 tliis disgraceful abandonment of the siege Tesse's army 
 can scarcely have numbered less than 25,000 effective 
 men, of whom nearly 5,000 were cavalry, whereas all 
 the forces in Barcelona, including the reinforcements, 
 only amounted to 7,000. Captain Carleton, who was 
 present at the time, speaks authoritatively regarding 
 the troops available in the town, and he seems to 
 deduce his calculations of the numbers of the French 
 from very reasonable data. At the commencement 
 of the siege the forces ranged under the standard 
 of Philip of Anjou consisted of 25,000 infantry 
 and 5,000 cavalry : it is scarcely probable that in 
 five weeks their losses, even including those sick 
 and left behind in hospitals, can have exceeded 
 5,000. 
 
 The question therefore arises why did they retire 1 
 It would seem that this step was caused less by the 
 departure of the fleet under the Count of Toulouse ^ 
 than by the measures which, as before mentioned, 
 Peterborough had taken to threaten their rear. Had 
 Tesse been able to keep open the communications 
 with his base he would have been comparatively 
 
 ^ The following notice of the Covmt of Toulouse and his descend- 
 ants, is given by Mr. Clements Markham, C.B., F.E.S. : — 
 
 " The Conite de Toulouse, who was also Due de Penthievre, retired 
 from active service in 1706, and died in 1736. By Marie de Noailles 
 he had a son, Louis Jean de Bourbon, Due de Penthifevre, Governor of 
 Brittany, who served at Dettingen and Fontenoy. He survived until 
 1793. His son, the Prince de Lamballe, a debauched young infidel, 
 died at the age of twenty in 1768, leaving as his widow the beautiful 
 Marie Therfese de Savoie Carignan, Princess of Lamballe, friend of 
 Marie Antoinette, who was murdered in the September massacres of 
 1792. Louise, the daughter and heiress of the Due de Penthievre, was 
 Duchess of Orleans and mother of Louis Philippe." 
 
TESSi:S LINES OF RETREAT. 337 
 
 independent, and could certainly have both, carried 
 and retained Barcelona — no matter whether he had 
 command of the sea or not. Under the circum- 
 stances, however, even supposing the siege to have 
 been successful, the position of the French army 
 would have become extremely perilous as soon as 
 they were deprived of the assistance afforded them 
 by their ships. There were in fact only three lines 
 of retreat. The first by Tarragona and Tortosa, along 
 the sea coast was most unfavourable for the march of 
 an army, being through a naturally barren country 
 almost devoid of supplies and rendered even still 
 more unsuitable by the measures which Peterborough 
 had taken to drive off the cattle and to raise artificial 
 obstacles on the road. In fact it is said that Tessa's 
 army could not have marched and still less subsisted, 
 had it selected this route. The next road w^hich 
 might have been taken lay somewhat to the north, 
 and passed through a better country, but here again 
 the natural difficulties of the road, which in several 
 places had been hewn out of the solid rock along the 
 side of a mountain, were turned to full account. The 
 country people, under the direction of the indefatiga- 
 ble Earl, had broken up the path in twenty different 
 places, so as to make it " neither safe nor even to be 
 attempted by a single man in his wits, much less by 
 an army.^ Lastly, there was a route through the 
 hilly part of Catalonia to Lerida, which was held and 
 had been strongly fortified by the forces of the 
 Archduke so as effectually to bar the exit of a hostile 
 army on this side. 
 
 1 Captain Carleton's Memoirs, p. 204. 
 VOL. 1. 2 
 
338 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 We now see Peterborongh's plan of campaign and 
 the reason why he so earnestly and repeatedly urged 
 Charles to leave Barcelona. Through the gross and 
 unaccountable negligence of Marshal Tess^, who had 
 failed to secure his communications or to fortify posts 
 in his renr, the French army was practically cut 
 off in a remote province of Spain. Hence when the 
 promised naval reinforcements arrived from England, 
 as sooner or later was a certainty, it really mattered 
 very little whether Barcelona fell or not ; all 
 Philip's best troops were equally neutralised ; while 
 Madrid and the kingdom of Spain lay at the 
 mercy of any force advancing from the Portuguese 
 frontier. 
 
 Captain Carleton mentions that at the time when 
 affairs were apparently at their worst he saw a letter 
 from Lord Peterborough to the Duke of Savoy, which 
 Carleton says raised his spirits from the lowest ebb. 
 In it the Earl says that the allied army were in far 
 better circumstances than was supposed : — 
 
 " That the French officers knowing nothing of the 
 situation of the country would find themselves 
 extremely disappointed, since in case the siege was 
 raised, their army should be obliged to abandon Spain, 
 or in case the town was taken, they should find them- 
 selves shut up in that corner of Catalonia, and under 
 the impossibility of forcing their way back either 
 through Aragon or Valencia, that by this means all 
 Spain, to the Ebro, would be open to Lord Galway, 
 who might march to Madrid or anywhere else without 
 opposition. That he had no other uneasiness or 
 concern upon him, but the person of the Archduke, 
 whom he had nevertheless solicited not to remain in 
 
PETERBOROUGH'S DIFFICULTIES. 339 
 
 the town on the very first appearance of the intended 
 siege." ' 
 
 This letter, unfortunately, has not been preserved in 
 its entirety, but we have from the extract quoted con- 
 vincirjg proof that Peterborough was not merely, as is 
 usually supposed, one of the most brilliant partisan 
 leaders ever known in military history, but was also a 
 far-seeing strategist of the highest order. 
 
 While pronouncing this panegyric on the military 
 talents of Lord Peterborough, which it appears have 
 never been fully appreciated, just as his exploits have 
 never been fully chronicled, we must not forget to 
 remind our readers that he laboured under difficulties 
 absolutely unheard of at the present day. Whatever 
 misfortunes have befallen British armies in latter 
 years, it can scarcely be said that they have ever 
 been crippled by a want of the " sinews of war " or at 
 least by an absence of that credit, that power of 
 obtaining supplies, which is almost as valuable as 
 the actual possession of solid gold. Heaven knows 
 organisation and forethought have not unfrequently 
 been wanting, gross incompetence, negligence, and 
 indeed sometimes corruption have been present, hence 
 sufferings and disasters have resulted, but as a rule 
 British soldiers have received their pay, while very 
 frequently in the most unfortunate adventures money 
 has been lavished without stint and even with reckless 
 profusion. In the war of the Spanish succession the 
 conditions were very different — Peterborough's soldiers 
 were without pay, without clothes, without proper 
 food at the very time when they performed the 
 
 1 Captain Carleton's Memoirs, p. 206. 
 
340 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 greatest prodigies. The following letter written to the 
 Lord Treasurer gives an idea of the straits to which 
 they were put : — 
 
 To LOKD GODOLPHIN. 
 
 " Segorbe, March 29th, 1706. 
 
 " You easily conceive, my Lord, the extremities I 
 have been put to, since the first money I touched 
 came two nig-hts ao;o. I am now informed that the 
 passage of all those ships by which I have writ 
 to England have been very tedious, so that the 
 disappointment of correspondence has been reciprocal. 
 Judge, my Lord, our severe tryal, information of a 
 Hood of enemies coming down upon us from all parts 
 without a letter in near five months, without any 
 assistance of men or money, without any grounds 
 for hopes ; with a most wretched Minister influencing 
 a young King frightened out of his senses, the Prince 
 of Lichenstein assisted by a mad Spaniard, the Count 
 of Cifuentes, having with more than German pride 
 and ignorance baulked and disgusted the Catalans, 
 our only refuge. . . 
 
 " I have such assurance from the Spaniards as one 
 would hardly believe they would give to a foreign 
 heretic." 1 
 
 Let us give all credit to the leader who acquired 
 such an influence over his soldiers, that even under 
 such circumstances they followed him to never-failing 
 victory. 
 
 This chapter may be appropriately brought to a 
 close by quoting the following letters, written by the 
 Duke of Marlborough to Peterborough after the news 
 arrived of the glorious relief of Barcelona. They 
 certainly aff"ord a striking testimony to the services 
 
 1 MSS. Brit. Mu3. 
 
CONGRATULATIONS OF MARLBOROUGH. 341 
 
 and genius of our hero, and are all the more remark- 
 able when one considers that they are the spontaneous 
 tribute of a contemporary and even rival military 
 commander. 
 
 To the EARL of PETERBOROUGH, 
 
 General and Commander-in-Chief of Her Majesty's Forces in Spain. 
 
 " Camp at Aerzeelb, \1th June, 1706. 
 "M-Y LOED, 
 
 " The conveyance of letters between your 
 Lordship's camp and ours by England is so long, and 
 all others so uncertain, that it almost quite deprives 
 me of a correspondence which would always afford 
 me great satisfaction, and I do the more gladly take 
 this opportunity of Comte Lescheraine, who is going 
 to wait on the King of Spain, to congratulate you on 
 the great and glorious success of the arms of H.M. 
 and her allies in obliging the enemy to raise the 
 siege of Barcelona and to retreat in such confusion 
 and disorder, that we are given to hope it has proved 
 the ruin of the greatest part of their army. AH the 
 world does justice to your Lordship in acknowledg- 
 ing the share you had in this happy success ; and 
 as our joy on this occasion is universal, so are our 
 hopes that it will be improved to the reduction of 
 the whole of the kingdoms of Spain to the allegiance 
 of their lawful sovereign. Providence, I may venture 
 to say, has not been less propitious in these parts, 
 having given us a most complete victory over our 
 enemies, for the particulars whereof I beg leave to 
 refer your Lordship to Comte Lescheraine, for whom 
 I pray your friendship and protection, and that you 
 will believe me always with great truth, 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " Your Lordship's, &c.. 
 
342 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 was 
 
 The next is of a montli's later date, and 
 evidently written before the complaints made by 
 Charles and his Ministers against Peterborough had 
 
 reached England. 
 
 To the EARL of PETEEBOEOUGH. 
 
 "Camp at Helchin, IQth July, 1706. 
 
 "My Loed, 
 
 " Though we have not any direct account of 
 your Lordship's progress since the happy relief of 
 Barcelona, yet the advices from several other parts, as 
 well as from the enemy's frontiers, agree so well, and 
 we are naturally so inclined to believe readily what 
 we wish, that I persuade myself there is no reason 
 to doubt of your having some time since brought 
 the King to Madrid. As this good news has been 
 indulged in here with the greatest satisfaction, I do, 
 with no less pleasure, take this fresh opportunity of 
 congratulating your Lordship on the glorious occasion 
 which is by all hands chiefly attributed to your valour 
 and good conduct. The whole confederacy is full of 
 joy for the advantages this wonderful success will 
 produce to the public, and I assure you that I am no 
 less so for the addition it has made to your Lordship's 
 glory, in which no man alive takes more part than I 
 do. After such surprising events there is nothing 
 that we may not expect from you ; therefore I hope 
 your Lordship will not think us too unreasonable in our 
 hopes that we shall soon hear of the entire reduction 
 of Spain to the obedience of its lawful sovereign, for 
 which jou seem designed by Providence to be the 
 happy instrument, and I heartily wish you all manner 
 of success in the accomplishing this great work. 
 

 
 > 5^^ t i o-^ ?^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 1"^ 
 
 *^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 t 
 
 -"^ 
 
 ,„*/® 
 
 ^^s, 
 ^ ^ 
 
 
 V 
 
CONGRATULATIONS OF MARLBOROUGH. 343 
 
 " We have reduced Ostend, and are now making all 
 possible diligence in the necessary preparations for the 
 siege of Menin, and hope, with the blessing of God, 
 we shall not end our campaign there. 
 
 " I am, 
 " With sincere respect, 
 
 "My Lord, &c., 
 "M." 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
 BIOIIARD OLAY AND SONS, LONDON AND BCNOAT. 
 
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 LITTLE DORRIT. With Forty Illustrations by Phiz. Cloth, 
 
 ;£l IS. 
 
 THE OLD CURIOSITY SHOP. With Seventy-five Illus- 
 
 trations by George Cattermole and H. K. Browne. A New Edition. Uniform \vith 
 
 the other volumes, £1. is. 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE : a Tale of the Riots of 'Eighty. With 
 
 Seventy-eight Illustrations by George Cattermole and H, K. Browne. Uniform with 
 the other volumes, £\ is. 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS : Containing— The Christmas Carol ; 
 
 The Cricket on the Hearth ; The Chimes ; The Battle of Life ; The Haunted House. 
 
 With all the original Illustrations. Cloth, 12s. 
 
 OLIVER TWIST and TALE OF TWO CITIES. In one 
 
 volume. Cloth, £\ is. 
 
 OLIVER TWIST. Separately. With Twenty-four Illustrations 
 
 by George Cruikshank Cloth, iis. 
 
 A TALE OF TWO CITIES. Separately. With Sixteen Illus- 
 
 trations by Phiz. Cloth, 9s. 
 *^* The remainder of Dickens's Works were not originally printed in demy Svo. 
 
CHAPMAN &■ HALL, LIMITED. 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) \yiQ)^YJ~,.— Continued. 
 LIBRARY EDITION. 
 
 In post Svo. With the Original Illustrations, jo vols., cloth, £i2, 
 
 s. d. 
 
 PICKWICK PAPERS 43 Illustrns., 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY 39 „ 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT 40 ,, 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP & REPRINTED PIECES 36 ,, 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE and HARD TIMES 36 ,, 2 vols. 16 
 
 BLEAK HOUSE 4° .. 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 LITTLE DORRIT 4° .. 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 DOMBEY AND SON 38 .. 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD 38 ,. 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND 4° .. 2 vols. 16 o 
 
 SKETCHES BY-" BOZ" 39 .. ^ ™1- 8 o 
 
 OLIVER TWIST 24 .. i ™1- 8 o 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS I7 .. i vol. 8 o 
 
 A TALE OF TWO CITIES 16 ,. i vol. 8 o 
 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS 8 ,, i vol. 8 o 
 
 PICTURES FROM ITALY & AMERICAN NOTES 8 „ i vol. 8 o 
 
 UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER 8 „ i vol. 8 o 
 
 CHILD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND 8 „ i vol. 8 o 
 
 EDWIN DROOD and MISCELLANIES 12 „ i vol. 8 o 
 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES from "Household Words, "&c. 14 ,, i vol. 8 o 
 
 THE LIFE OF CHARLES DICKENS. ByJOHN Forster. With Illustrations. 
 Uniform with this Edition. los. 6d. 
 
 A NEW EDITION OF ABOVE, WITH THE ORIGINAL ILLUSTRA- 
 TIONS, IN CROWN Svo, 30 VOLS. IN SETS ONLY. 
 
34 BOOKS PUBLISHED BV 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. — C^«A««^^. 
 THE "CHARLES DICKENS" EDITION. 
 
 In Crown 8vo. In 21 vols., cloth, with Illustrations, £3 i6s. 
 
 .. d. 
 
 PICKWICK PAPERS 8 Illustrations ... 4 o 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT 8 4 
 
 DOMBEY AND SON 8 4 o 
 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY 8 ,, ... 4 
 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD 8 4 o 
 
 BLEAK HOUSE 8 ,, ... 4 o 
 
 LITTLE DORRIT 8 4 o 
 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND 8 „ ... 4 o 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE 8 3 6 
 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP 8 „ ... 3 6 
 
 A CHILD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND 4 3 6 
 
 EDWIN DROOD and OTHER STORIES 8 3 6 
 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES, from "Household Words" ... 8 ,, ...3 6 
 
 SKETCHES BY " BOZ " 8 3 6 
 
 AMERICAN NOTES and REPRINTED PIECES ... 8 3 6 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS 8 ,, ... 3 6 
 
 OLIVER TWIST 8 3 6 
 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS , 8 „ ... 3 6 
 
 TALE OF TWO CITIES 8 „ ... 3 o 
 
 HARD TIMES and PICTURES FROM ITALY ... 8 ,, ...3 
 
 UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER 4 ,, ... 3 
 
 THE LIFE OF CHARLES DICKENS. Numerous Illustrations. 2 vols. 7 
 
 THE LETTERS OF CHARLES DICKENS 2 vols. 8 o 
 
CHAPMAN 6- HALL, LIMITED. 35 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) yNQTSJ^^.— Continued. 
 THE ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY EDITION. 
 
 Complete in 30 Voltimes. Demy Svo, los. each ; or set, £ij. 
 
 This Edition is printed on a finer paper and in a larger type than has been 
 employed in any previous edition. The type has been cast especially for it, and 
 the page is of a size to admit of the introduction of all the original illustrations. 
 
 No such attractive issue has been made of the writings of Mr. Dickens, which, 
 various as have been the forms of publication adapted to the demands of an ever 
 widely-increasing popularity, have never yet been worthily presented in a really 
 handsome library form. 
 
 The collection comprises all the minor writings it was Mr. Dickens's wish to 
 preserve. 
 
 SKETCHES BY " BOZ." With 40 Illustrations by George Cruikshank. 
 
 PICKWICK PAPERS. 2 vols. With 42 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 
 OLIVER TWIST. With 24 Illustrations by Cruikshank. 
 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP and REPRINTED PIECES. 2 vols. With Illus- 
 trations by Cattermole, &c. 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE and HARD TIMES. 2 vols. With Illustrations by 
 Cattermole, &c. 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 
 AMERICAN NOTES and PICTURES FROM ITALY, i vol. With 8 
 Illustrations. 
 
 DOMBEY AND SON. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 
 BLEAK HOUSE. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz . 
 
 LITTLE DORRIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 
 A TALE OF TWO CITIES. With 16 Illustrations by Phiz, 
 
 THE UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 
 GREAT EXPEGJATIONS. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS. With 17 Illustrations by Sir Edwin Landseer, R.A., 
 Maclise, R.A., &c. &c. 
 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES. (From "Household Words" and "All the Year 
 Round.") With 14 Illustrations. 
 
 EDWIN DROOD AND OTHER STORIES. With 12 Illustrations by S. L, 
 Fildes. 
 
36 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) \NO%Y£,.— Continued. 
 
 THE POPULAR LIBRARY EDITION 
 
 OF THE WORKS OF 
 
 CHARLES DICKENS, 
 
 In 30 1'oh., large crmmi Zvo, price £6 ; separate Vols. 4^. each. 
 
 An Edition printed on good paper, each volume containing 16 full-page 
 Illustrations, selected from the Household Edition, on Plate Paper. 
 
 SKETCHES BY "BOZ." 
 
 PICKWICK. 2 vols. 
 
 OLIVER TWIST. 
 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 2 vols. 
 
 DOMBEY AND SON. 2 vols, 
 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD. 2 vols. 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 
 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. 2 vols. 
 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES. 
 
 BLEAK HOUSE. 2 vols. 
 
 LITTLE DORRIT. 2 vols. 
 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP and REPRINTED PIECES. 2 vols. 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE. 2 vols. 
 
 UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER. 
 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS. 
 
 TALE OF TWO CITIES. 
 
 CHILD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 EDWIN DROOD A.ND MISCELLANIES. 
 
 PICTURES FROM ITALY AND AMERICAN NOTES. 
 
CHAPMAN if HALL, LIMITED. 37 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) ^O^Y^^.— Continued. 
 HOUSEHOLD EDITION. 
 
 • In 22 Volumes. Crown i,to, cloth, £\ %s. dd. 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT, with 59 Illustrations, cloth, 53. 
 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD, with 60 Illustrations and a Portrait, cloth, 53. 
 
 BLEAK HOUSE, with 61 Illustrations, cloth, 5s. 
 
 LITTLE DORRIT, with 58 Illustrations, cloth, 53. 
 
 PICKWICK PAPERS, with 56 Illustrations, cloth, 53. 
 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND, with 58 Illustrations, cloth, 53. 
 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY, with 59 Illustrations, cloth, 5s. 
 
 DOMBEY AND SON, with 61 Illustrations, cloth, ss. 
 
 EDWIN DROOD ; REPRINTED PIECES ; and other Stories, with 30 Illustra- 
 tions, cloth, 53. 
 
 THE LIFE OF DICKENS. ByJOHN FoESTER. With 40 Illustrations. Cloth, 53. 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE, with 46 Illustrations, cloth, 4s. 
 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP, with 32 Illustrations, cloth, 43. 
 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES, with 23 Illustrations, cloth, 4s. 
 
 OLIVER TWIST, with 28 Illustrations^ cloth, 33. 
 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS, with 26 Illustrations, cloth, 3s. 
 
 SKETCHES BY " BOZ," with 36 Illustrations, cloth, 3s. 
 
 UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER, with 26 Illustrations, cloth, 3s. 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS, with 28 Illustrations, cloth, 3s. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, with 15 Illustrations, cloth, 3s. 
 
 AMERICAN NOTES and PICTURES FROM ITALY, with 18 Illustrations, 
 cloth, 3s. 
 
 A TALE OF TWO CITIES, with 25 Illustrations, cloth, 3s. 
 
 HARD TIMES, with 20 Illustrations, cloth, 2s. 6d, 
 
38 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) \NO^YJS,.~Continued. 
 
 THE CABINET EDITION. 
 
 No'cO Publishing. 
 
 To be completed in 30 vols, small fcap. 8vo, Marble Paper Sides, Clolh 
 Backs, with uncut edges, price Eighteenpence each. 
 
 A Complete Work will be Published every Month, and each Vohime will 
 contain Eight Illustrations reprodticcd from the Originals, 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS, One Vol., 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT, Two Vols., 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD, Two Vols., 
 OLIVER TWIST, One Vol., 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS, One Vol., 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY, Two Vols., 
 SKETCHES BY BOZ, One Vol., {NovcmUr. 
 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES, One Vol. ^Decemier. 
 
 MR. DICKENS'S READINGS. 
 
 Fcap. %vo, sewed. 
 
 CHRISTMAS CAROL IN PROSE. 
 
 IS. 
 
 CRICKET ON THE HEARTH, is. 
 CHIMES : A GOBLIN STORY, is. 
 
 STORY OF LITTLE DOMBEY. is. 
 
 POOR TRAVELLER, BOOTS AT 
 THE HOLLY-TREE INN, and 
 MRS. GAMP. IS. 
 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL, with the Original Coloured Plates, 
 
 being a reprint of the Original Edition. Small 8vo, red cloth, gilt edges, ss. 
 
 REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL PLATES. 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL. Fcap. cloth, is. 
 THE CHIMES : A Goblin Story. Fcap. cloth, is. 
 THE CRICKET ON THE HEARTH : A Fairy Tale of 
 
 Home. Fcap. cloth, is. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF LIFE. A Love Story. Fcap. doth, is. 
 THE HAUNTED MAN AND THE GHOST'S STORY. 
 
 Fcap. cloth, IS. 
 
CHAPMAN &■ HALL, LIMITED. 39 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES)' WORKS.— C^«/««««^. 
 
 Tfie Cheapest and Handiest Edition of 
 
 THE WORKS OF CHARLES DICKENS. 
 
 The Pocket- Volume Edition of Charles Dickens's Works. 
 In 30 Vols, small f cap. Zvo, £2 5s. 
 
 SIXPENNY REPRINTS: 
 
 (I.) 
 READINGS FROM THE WORKS OF 
 
 CHARLES DICKENS. 
 
 As selected and read by himself and now published for the first time. Illustrated. 
 
 (11.) 
 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL and THE HAUNTED MAN. 
 By Charles Dickens. Illustrated. 
 
 (III.) 
 
 THE CHIMES ; A Goblin Story, and THE CRICKET 
 
 ON THE HEARTH. Illustrated. 
 
 (IV.) 
 
 THE BATTLE OF LIFE: A Love Story, HUNTED 
 DOWN, AND A HOLIDAY ROMANCE. Illustrated. 
 
 The last Three Volumes as Christmas Works, 
 In One Volume, red cloth, 2s. 6d. 
 
40 
 
 CHAPMAN &- HALL, LIMITED. 
 
 T 
 
 THE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 
 
 Edited by FRANK HARRIS. 
 
 HE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW is published on the ist of 
 every month, and a Volume is completed every Six Months. 
 
 The following are among the Contributors ;— 
 
 GRANT ALLEN. 
 
 SIR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK. 
 
 MATHEW ARNOLD. 
 
 PROFESSOR BAIN. 
 
 SIR SAMUEL BAKER. 
 
 PROFESSOR BEESLY. 
 
 PAUL BERT. 
 
 BARON Qf;ORGETON BUNSEN. 
 
 DR. BRIDGES. 
 
 HON. GEORGE C. BRODRICK. 
 
 JAMES BRYCE, M.P. 
 
 THOMAS BURT, M.P. 
 
 SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL, M.P. 
 
 THE EARL OF CARNARVON. 
 
 EMILIO CASTELAR. 
 
 RT. HON. J. CHAMBERLAIN, M.P. 
 
 PROFESSOR SIDNEY COLVIN. 
 
 MONTAGUE COOKSON, Q.C. 
 
 L. H. COURTNEY, M.P. 
 
 G. H. DARWIN. 
 
 SIR GEORGE W. DASENT. 
 
 PROFESSOR A. V. DICEY. 
 
 M. E. GRANT DUFF, M.P. 
 
 T. H. S. ESCOTT. 
 
 RIGHT HON. H. F.'VWCETT, M.P. 
 
 EDW.4RD A. FREEMAN. 
 
 J. A. FROUDE. 
 
 MRS. GARRET-ANDERSON. 
 
 J. W. L. GLAISHER, F.R.S. 
 
 SIR J. E. GORST, Q.C, M.P. 
 
 THOMAS HARE. 
 
 F. HARRISON. 
 
 LORD HOUGHTON. 
 
 PROFESSOR HUXLEY. , - 
 
 PROFESSOR R. C. JEBB. 
 
 PROFESSOR JEVONS. 
 
 ANDREW LANG. 
 
 EMILE DE LAVELEYE, 
 
 T. E. CLIFFE LESLIE. 
 
 MARQUIS OF LORNE. 
 
 SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, Baet., M.P. 
 
 THE EARL LYTTON. 
 
 SIR H. S. MAINE. 
 
 DR. MAUDSLEY. 
 
 PROFESSOR MAX MULLER. 
 
 GEORGE MEREDITH. 
 
 G. OSBORNE MORGAN, Q C, M.P. 
 
 PROFESSOR HENRY MORLEY. 
 
 RT. HON. JOHN MORLEY, M.P. 
 
 WILLIAM MORRIS. 
 
 PROFESSOR H. N. MOSELEY. 
 
 F. W. H. MYERS. 
 
 F. W. NEWMAN. 
 
 PROFESSOR JOHN NICHOL. 
 
 W. G. PALGRAVE. 
 
 WALTER H. PATER. 
 
 RT. HON. LYON PLAYFAIR, M.P. 
 
 LORD SHERBROOKE. 
 
 PROFESSOR SIDGWICK. 
 
 HERBERT SPENCER. 
 
 HON. E. L. STANLEY. 
 
 SIR J. FITZJAMES STEPHEN, Q.C. 
 
 LESLIE STEPHEN. 
 
 J. HUTCHISON STIRLING. 
 
 A. C. SWINBURNE. 
 
 DR. VON SYBEL. 
 
 J. A. SYMONDS. 
 
 THE REV. EDWARD F. TALBOT 
 
 (Warden of Keble College). 
 SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Bart. 
 W. T. THORNTON 
 HON. LIONEL A. TOLLEMACHE. 
 H. D. TRAILL. 
 PROFESSOR TYNDALL. 
 A. J. WILSON. 
 THE EDITOR. 
 
 &c. &c. &c. 
 
 The Fortnightly Review is published at is. dd. 
 
 CHAPMAN & HALL, LIMITED, ii, HENRIETTA STREET, 
 COVENT GARDEN, W.C. 
 
 CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS,] 
 
 [CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.