CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE GN4 .pggCorne,, ,„,^^^,.,^ ^^^^^^ miii,...jsarv volumg. ^ _ ^ Overs DATE DUE HINTED IN U,S A. ^^ Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029880774 Putnam ANNiVERSARy volume GAL PRESQ4TEDTO FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM IN HONOR OF HIS SEVENtlETM BIRTHDAY, APRIL !6. 1909 ■ . ,by: '■_ HB FRIENDS AMD ASSOCIATES NEWYORiC G. E. STECHERT & CO.. PUBUSHEkS ■■'■|909: ^■■, Mitb tbe sincere reoar^s of 3f. M. Putnam Ipeabo^^ flBuseum, 1barx>at6 lllnivictsit'e CambciBgc, flDaes., la. S. H. PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Anthropological Essays PRESENTED TO FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM IN HONOR OF HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY, APRIL 16. 1909 BY HIS FRIENDS AND ASSOCIATES NEW YORK G. E. STECHERT & CO., PUBLISHERS 1909 C-^l PH QR ^ 4 L.5 ^is^^'/ EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Franz Boas, Chairman Roland B. Dixon Alfred L. Kroeber F. W. Hodge Harlan I. Smith 'Jl THE TORCH PRESS CEDAR RAPIDS TOWA LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS Alexander Agassiz, Cambridge, Mass. American Museum of Natural History, New York Clarence J. Blake, Boston Franz Boas, New York Charles P. Bowditch, Boston Charles O. Brewster, New York Theodore Cooper, New York Stewart Culin, Brooklyn Roland B. Dixon, Cambridge, Mass. Members of the Board of Trustees, Field Museum of Natural His- tory, Chicago A. S. Frissell, New York Robert G. Fuller, Brookline, Mass. Stansbury Hagar, New York Henry W. Haynes, Boston Augustus Hemenway, Boston Esther Herrman, New York George G. Heye, New York F. W. Hodge, Washington William H. Holmes, Washington B. Talbot B. Hyde, New York Mrs. Morris K. Jesup, New York Le Due de Loubat, Paris, France Francis C. Lowell, Boston Charles Peabody, Cambridge, Mass. Miss Elizabeth D. Putnam, Davenport, Iowa George Haven Putnam, New York Marshall H. Saville, New York Harlan I. Smith, New York John B. Stetson, Jr., Ashbourne, Pa. Alfred M. Tozzer, Cambridge, Mass. W. R. Warren, New York Edwin W. Winter, Brooklyn CONTRIBUTIONS The Arch.i;ology of California, A. L. Kroeber .... i Ancient Zuni Pottery, J. Walter Fewkes 43 Pottery of the New England Indians, Charles C. Willoughby . 83 The Seip Mound, William C. Mills 102 The Fish in Ancient Peruvian Art, Charles W. Mead . . 126 A Study of Primitive Culture in Ohio, Warren K. Moorehead . 137 Cruciform Structures of Mitla and Vicinity, Marshall H. Saville .. . . . . . . . . . . 151 Conventionalism and Realism in Maya Art at Copan, with Special Reference to the Treatment of the Macaw, George Byron Gordon . . . . . . . . . 191 The Exploration of a Burial Room in Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico, George H. Pepper 196 Tribal Structure : A Study of the Omaha and Cognate Tribes, Alice C. Fletcher ......... 253 The Dates and Numbers of Pages 24 and 46 to 50 of the Dres- den Codex, Charles P. Bowditch 268 Notes on Religious Ceremonials of the Navaho, Alfred Marston Tozzer ........... 299 Certain Quests and Doles, Charles Peabody 344 A Curious Survival in Mexico of the Use of the Purpura Shell-fish for Dyeing, Zelia Nuttall 368 GoTAL — A Mescalero Apache Ceremony, Pliny Earle Goddard 385 The Cayapa Numeral System, S. A. Barrett 395 Stature of Indians of the Southwest and of Northern Mex- ico, Ales Hrdlicka 405 Notes on the Iroquois Language, Franz Boas .... 427 Outlines of Wintun Grammar, Roland B. Dixon . . . 461 A New Siouan Dialect, John R. Swanton 477 Primitive Industries as a Normal College Course, Harlan I. Smith 487 A Visit to the German Solomon Islands, George A. Dorsey . 521 The Pillars of Hercules and Chaucer's "Trophee," G. L. Kit- tredge 545 Notes on the Irish Practice of Fasting as a Means of Dis- traint, F. N. Robinson 567 DusARES, C. H.Toy 584 Bibliography of Frederic Ward Putnam, Frances H. Mead . 601 My dear Professor Putnam: This day, when you look back upon a life full of love and vigor, of devoted labor and unselfish endeavor, affords to your many friends a welcome opportunity to give voice to their senti- ments of gratitude and love, and to express the esteem in which they hold you. By creating and fostering public interest in science, by organizing the work of societies and institutions, and by your own contributions to knowledge, you have liberally con- tributed to the development of scientific activity in our country. Your achievements will stand as a lasting memorial of your own worth. It has been the wish of your friends to bear testimony to the power and gentle charm of your personality that have made you our leader. For this reason we have assembled in these pages contributions to science written by those who have been immediately associated with you in work of research or instruc- tion, by those who are carrying on investigations instituted by you, and by friends with whom you have shared for years the pleasures of intimate intercourse, to which each contributes the results of his best thought. Thus the book that is presented to you by the wide circle of your friends and admirers will at the same time be an acknowledgment of the debt of gratitude that your associates owe you, and an expression, however inadequate, of the living force that you have been, and continue to be, in the advancement of anthropology in all parts of our country. May many years of health and strength be granted you to see the ripening of your plans and the achievements of your younger friends, whose progress has always been a chief pleasure of your life I With sincere wishes. Faithfully yours, FRANZ BOAS, Chairman Editorial Committee New York, April sixteenth, igog THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA BY A. L. Kroeber THE archaeology of California has been even less ade- quately investigated than was the ethnology until a few years ago. There is only one published worl<; of any size, comprehensiveness, or weight, the only one representing more than a sporadic, local, or specialized effort. This was issued thirty years ago as the seventh volume of the Wheeler Geographical Survey, under the editorship and largely from the pen of F. W. Putnam. It is gratifying as well as fitting that the present sketch of what has since become known in litera- ture, in museums, and through exploration, of the archaeology of California, should be composed on the occasion of an anni- versary volume to Professor Putnam. The archaeology of California, as of many other regions, is concerned primarily with two questions. The one deals with time and origins, the other with prehistory and culture. One problem is to determine the first existence of man in a given region, and to fix the time of this appearance absolutely, so far as such a term may be used in a geological sense. The other problem is to determine the various forms taken by civilization and their succession. It is therefore historical, and is concerned with the factor of time principally in its relative aspect. 2 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The two problems are equally important, and when more knowledge shall have been amassed will be found to be insep- arable, as has been the case in the prehistory of western Europe. One, however, requires geological methods for its satisfactory attack, the other is inseparable from ethnology. Professor Putnam's earlier archaeological work in California was of the second phase. In recent years his efforts have been specially directed to a solution of the first problem. As the author's training fits him more adequately for a discussion of the cultural aspects of archaeology, the geological aspect of the antiquity of man in California will be touched upon but briefly here in spite of its fundamental importance. ANTIQUITY OF MAN The question of the antiquity of man in California, which has received attention in other than scientific spheres since the discovery of the famous Calaveras skull under alleged circum- stances of sensational import, has been approached most con- spicuously, by workers under the direction of Professor Putnam, along three lines. The quaternary and tertiary gravels of Cali- fornia, especially those that are gold-bearing, have been searched for indubitable or possible human remains, and examined in their geological aspects. Caves, the most famous of which are those in Shasta county, have been explored with a similar object, par- ticularly those that bore abundant animal remains. Finally, surface deposits of unquestionably human origin have been examined for their geological relations. Results of the investi- gations of gravels have so far been negative. The explorations THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 3 of caves have yielded a rich quaternary fauna and certain ob- jects which have the appearance of being of human manufacture. That these objects were positively made and used by man is, however, not yet generally admitted by those whose opinion is most authoritative, and the question must be regarded as still in suspense. The shell deposits are presumably of more recent geological age than the gravels or caves, but their investigation has led to the rather unexpected and gratifying determination that their beginnings are of greater antiquity than might theoret- ically be presupposed or than had been assumed. Altogether it may be said that the problem of the antiquity of man in Cali- fornia still awaits its answer. The work is incomplete, the re- sults inconclusive but promising. Personally the writer is of the conviction that however far from positive the results so far may have been, time will demonstrate by indisputable evidence Professor Putnam's belief that man lived in California at a very remote period. CULTURAL ARCHEOLOGY That phase of archaeology which aims to unfold culture, and is therefore essentially historical, shows in California one fundamental feature which is usual in the archaeology of North America. The civilization revealed by it is in essentials the same as that found in the same region by the more recent explorer and settler. The material dealt with by archaeology and eth- nology is therefore the same, and the two branches of investiga- tion move closely linked toward the same goal, differing only m their methods. The archaeologist's record being always imper- fect, particularly in the case of unlettered peoples, his findings 4 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME will be incomplete if not supplemented by ethnology. The eth- nologist can obtain a more complete picture; but it is only mo- mentary, a cross-section as it were; and if he wishes to give to his results historical reality, introduce the element of time, and consider the factor of development, he in turn is dependent upon the archsologist. This dominant characteristic which links so closely in most of the New World the prehistoric past and the historic present, finds expression in California in the fact that neither archaeology nor ethnology has yet been able to discover either the presence or the absence of any important cultural features in one period that are not respectively present or absent in the other. Both the archaeologist and the ethnologist find California without a trace of native architecture, its peoples making no use of metals, of axes or stone chisels, of pottery except in certain restricted regions; and both declare these peoples to have practised no agriculture and to have been practically devoid of desire or attempt to represent actual objects realistically in any sphere of art. Even the geographical limits of subordinate types of culture, and the distribution of specialized forms of implements, coincide almost absolutely so far as archaeology and ethnology have been able to determine. None of the peoples of the state possess any traditions of migration or of foreign origin, and their numerous distinct languages are spoken in such closely adjacent or even compact and continuous areas as to negative any theories as to noteworthy movements of population for a long time past. In the same way archaeology at no point gives any evidence of significant changes of culture which might be regarded as an indication of similar supposed movements of people. THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 5 Even such subsidiary differences as appear in the results of archaeological and ethnological investigation, usually in the end reflect only more general underlying similarities. If there is one implement which, even on a most superficial view, charac- terizes the archaeology of California, it is the mortar. There is no part of the state in which it is not found, and found usually in the greatest abundance. There can be no question but that the mortar was formerly maufactured and used on a most ex- tensive scale. The living Indians of southern California use mortars of the same type as those found in the ground in their territory. In the remainder of California, however, mortars of the prehistoric type are not used by the Indians, and their purpose is often not understood by them. In the region of the Sierra Nevada the present day mortar consists of a cavity ham- mered in a clean exposure of granite bedrock, and is therefore immovable. In the Coast Range region, at least north of San Francisco, the substitute for the prehistoric mortar is invariably an almost flat slab, on which is placed a hopper or rim of bas- ketry. The mortars found in northern and central California are usually regarded by the Indians as made by an ancient mythic race of people or animals. They are often looked upon as hav- ing been cooking-vessels, and their unquestionable purpose is perhaps most frequently not even suspected. Nevertheless, these differences between the past and present are only differences in detail, involving nothing more than a passing change of fashion in manufacture or in manipulation of the same process. The most important food of the California Indians is the acorn, which is pounded and ground into flour on the basket-rimmed slab or 6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME in a bedrock cavity today, as it was centuries ago in the portable bowl-shaped mortar of stone. The close association of the aboriginal past and present of California makes archaeology of the utmost importance, even to him whose interest may be more narrowly ethnological, on ac- count of the extinction or civilization of the Indians of certain parts of the state before more than the merest fragments of in- formation concerning their life and manners had been recorded. This is particularly true of the coast region between San Fran- cisco and Los Angeles, and it is fortunate that what has proved to be the richest archaeological field in California should com- prise the southern part of this area. The ethnologist who wishes to know something of the Indians of the Santa Barbara region must borrow his information from the archsologist; and of how much value this information is to him he will realize only when he turns to the northern half of this same coast stretch, the region from San Francisco to south of Monterey, — which a variety of causes have rendered comparatively unfruitful to the archaeol- ogist, — and recognizes that he neither knows nor probably ever will know much of significance concerning the Indians here. SOUTHWESTERN CULTURE The Santa Barbara district is noteworthy, not only for its archaeological richness but for its civilization. In many ways, on the mechanical and material side of life at least the finds indicate a distinct and somewhat unique form of culture. The territory covered by this was restricted and essentially maritime. It comprised the six larger islands of the Santa Barbara archi- pelago that were permanently inhabited, and the immediate coast THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 7 of the adjacent mainland to the north. Of the islands those in the south show perhaps the highest development of the peculiar culture. On the mainland it extended essentially only along that part of the coast fronting the northern islands, from Point Concepcion to Ventura. Beyond Ventura it seems diluted, though occasional discoveries have been made as far to the south- east as Redondo and San Pedro. Most characteristic of the dis- coveries in this region are the innumerable beads, pendants, and ornaments, most frequently of shell material of various kinds, but also of bone and stone. Disk beads, globular beads, tubular beads, narrow curved pendants, wide pendants, hollow circles, and more elaborate forms, the larger pieces frequently covered with an inlay of shell beads set in asphaltum, as a basis for which even wood has been found, have been discovered at once in the greatest variety and in enormous profusion at favorable points. It is probable that there has taken place an unusual accumulation of material owing to the crowding on small islands and narrow coast sites of a considerable population for many successive gen- erations, and owing to the absence of any practices, such as cre- mation of the dead, which would tend to hasten the destruction of objects of culture. At the same time there are probably more different varieties of ornaments and ornamented objects found in this small area than in all the remainder of California, so that the existence of an unusually strong development of certain arts must be attributed to this local culture. While the ornamenta- tion, whether of form, of inlay, or of decorative marking, is often rich, it is always simple in pattern and geometric in form. Next in conspicuousness in this southwestern region are ob- jects made of steatite or soapstone, and other soft stone materials, 8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME which adapt themselves to the manufacture rather of ornamental objects than of practical implements. Steatite bowls, some in- tended for daily household use and some so elaborately finished as to make it almost certain that their purpose was religious, are abundant and have been of particular interest because of the discovery of the site at which steatite was obtained and many of the vessels manufactured. It was at one time thought that all aboriginal soapstone vessels found in southern California came from the famous quarry on Santa Catalina island. Soapstone is now known to have been quarried elsewhere also, but it is certain that Santa Catalina was an important center of manu- facture and distribution for objects made of this material. Besides bowls or ollas, and flat concave baking-slabs, several classes of objects were made in this region of steatite and other soft stones, of which the shapes as well as the decorative finish render it scarcely conceivable that they could have served any practical purpose, and which are therefore regarded as having been employed in a religious connection. These forms include boat-shaped vessels; peculiar, heavy, wide-edged hooks with a knobbed handle ; cylindrical rods with a rounded head, not very different in general appearance from a heavy spike; and heavy stone objects which may be described as scoop or spade shaped, The most distinctive pieces of this group of objects are however representations of cetaceans with erect dorsal fin, together with a few figures of quadrupeds, which mark almost the only attempt at realistic carving found anywhere in California. Special discussion has more than once been given the rings or perforated stones which have been found in great numbers in the Santa Barbara region. It seems clear that many of them THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 9 were used and probably originally intended as weights for dig- ging-sticks. Their use in the widespread game of hoop and dart has also been alleged, but is doubtful. More perishable materials, which would make a hoop that was at once more readily constructed and more serviceable for the game, are known to have been used, though the employment also of stone rings is not impossible. Many specimens show wear on the outer circumference, which proves unquestionably that they were at some time used for hammering or beating, though such em- ployment may have been entirely secondary. The discovery, finally, in a cave and in association with objects of undoubtedly religious function, of several such perforated stones mounted on wooden handles of insufficient strength and unsuitable shape to permit of any conceivable practical use, renders it certain that some at least of these perforated stones were made use of in shamanistic or other ceremonial processes. This is the more evident from the fact that many of these stones have been found showing a degree of evenness and fine polish which is hard to imagine to have been bestowed on objects intended for so humble a purpose as weighting the rough stick with which an old woman dug roots. The use of perforated stones as net-sinkers and as war-clubs in southern California is negatived by all the evidence available. While the most distinctive characteristics of the Santa Bar- bara civilization as it is known to us, are expressed in the arti- facts made of the harder organic substances and of ground and polished stone, these ancient people had attained an unusual degree of proficiency in the manufacture of flaked and chipped implements. Obsidian usually lends itself much more readily lo PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME than flint to delicate and regular chipping, and the fine work of northern and central California is almost all done in obsidian. The Santa Barbara region was farther from a supply of obsidian than the more northern parts of the state, and obsidian imple- ments are relatively less numerous and important than in certain regions to the north. The Santa Barbara people, however, fully made up for this comparative natural deficiency by developing to the highest degree attained in California the art of fine and regular working of flint. Long delicate flakes of triangular cross-section are found, as well as arrowheads and other pointed and edged implements. The arrowpoints, while fairly large, show a fineness which is equalled only by those made of obsidian in northern California, and surpassed only by the unusually ex- quisite implements found in the region of the lower Columbia. In several cases flints have been found which do not adequately answer any conceivable purpose, and whose outline is so sugges- tive of animal shapes as to recall similar pieces from palaeolithic Egypt. NORTHWESTERN CULTURE While the southwestern or Santa Barbara region is shown by archaeology to have possessed until recently a comparatively unique form of aboriginal civilization, ethnology has revealed a somewhat analogous distinctness in the lives of the Indians of northwestern California, particularly in the region about the lower Klamath river. Very little is known of the archeology of northwestern California, though there are two brief records of explorations on the adjacent coast of southwestern Oregon which in historic times has been inhabited by people of virtually the same material culture as is found in northwestern California. THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA ii The country is heavily forested and the most favorable sites for prehistoric populations are for the most part still occupied by the surviving Indians. A good many objects have however been brought to light by accident, and it is interesting that with the exception of an occasional bowl-shaped mortar these are all identical with the stone implements used by the Indians of the region in historical times. There is no mistaking this evidence, as this territory is characterized by several unique forms, such as a slender curved adze-handle; a short, broad-based wedge- maul with knobbed or flanged head; a pestle tapering gradually to a point, with a flange near its base; and a perforated stone, often grooved for string attachment, used as a net-sinker. The fact that in northwestern California native life retained its old forms until but a few years ago, or more recently than elsewhere in the state, has forced upon our knowledge, as it were, several facts of a kind which elsewhere have probably become obscured through less favorable circumstances, and which illus- trate once more the close and inseparable connection which ob- tains and should be observed between archaeology and ethnology. Through all of California, bone awls were used by the Indians. In most parts they have been found among prehistoric remains and we have every reason to believe that exploration will discover them where they have not yet been reported. The recent Indians used them but sparingly for sewing, as they had but little to sew. Through the greater part of the state, or wherever coiled bas- ketry was made, an awl was however the indispensable means for the manufacture of this. In aboriginal times bone was the only material that would serve this purpose, and even today it is frequently preferred to steel. In northwestern California, how- 12 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME ever, coiled basketry is unknown, nor is tliere even a shadow of any evidence that it ever was made. All basketry is in twined weaves, which do not require an awl for their manufacture. The Indians of northwestern California, however, use a pointed bone implement, which, though its characteristic shape frequently varies somewhat from that of the awls of the remainder of Cali- fornia, is on its face and essentiall)^ an awl. Its principal func- tion, however, is the piercing, slitting, and preparing of lamprey eels, which are caught in enormous quantities and dried. If the Indians of northwestern California, instead of preparing their eels and twining their baskets even today, had become extinct or completely civilized several generations ago, the natural as- sumption of the archaeologist exploring their village sites would have been that their bone awls served the purpose of making the coiled basketry which is found nearly everywhere else in the state, but which they did not make. Again, the knife-like implements of chipped stone in north- western California are remarkable for combining at times ex- treme size and extreme beauty and regularity of workmanship. Obsidian blades range from a few inches to three feet in length. The shortest pieces are square-edged at one end for hafting. The longer ones are rounded or pointed at both ends. These imple- ments, which have been several times described and discussed, are primarily objects of value and precious heirlooms, used on the one hand in the most important transactions, such as the payment of blood-money and the marriage purchase, and on the other hand displayed on ceremonial occasions. They are never employed for any practical purpose. The knife of these people, which was not made of obsidian but of flint, was not more than THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 13 two or three inches in length, wide and leaf-shaped, and with a flat base for hafting. Spearpoints were not used. The lance was unknown, and the only stabbing implement seems to have been a short-handled wooden dagger with a rough flint point, employed to despatch sea-lions. With all the capacity of these people for chipping a serviceable knife of flint and extraordi- narily beautiful blades of obsidian, they possessed no implement for scraping. When hides were to be dressed, large pebbles or small bowlders in the river were split until one broke with a satisfactory edge. All this has become clear from the statements of the present Indians. Without this guide it is scarcely con- ceivable that the archaeologist would have solved correctly all the peculiar uses of the several forms of chipped implements. The obsidian blades, whose purpose is purely ceremonial and monetary, would unquestionably have been in part interpreted as knives, spearpoints, and scrapers. CENTRAL CULTURE As compared with the Santa Barbara and Northwestern regions, all other parts of California show much less specializa- tion archaeologically, as they do also in ethnology. There are fewer unique types, and less elaborate ones. Archaeology has however disclosed several instances of the occurrence of distinc- tive Santa Barbara forms in central California, on which eth- nology, perhaps through the imperfection of its record, is silent. In the vicinity of Tomales bay mortars have been found which in shape and beveled edge recall the finer pieces of southern California. The shellmounds of San Francisco bay contain concave beads made of thin univalve shells, typical of the Santa 14 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Barbara region, whereas in historical times it seems likely that thicker flat beads may have constituted the normal shell currency of the bay region as they did of the neighboring districts. Sim- ilarly a few ornamental pieces showing shell and asphalt inset have been found in the San Francisco bay mounds which are precisely of such a character that their origin might have been Santa Catalina or Santa Rosa island. A conspicuous and abundant central California form, about which discussion has been held to much the same degree as over the perforated stones of the south, is the plummet-shaped sinker or charmstone. These pieces were often made in most sym- metrical shape, well-rounded taper, and high finish. Some are perforated, but those showing the characteristic or elongated pear-shape in its purest form, are not perforated. A consider- able proportion of the unperforated pieces reveals traces of asphalt at the upper end, and a number still show marks of string which was here wound around the stone and cemented to it by asphalt. That the pieces were suspended is however no proof that they were used as sinkers, and it is now established that they were used by the recent Indians as shamans' amulets for rain- making or other purposes, were often regarded as animate and self-moving, and at least in central California were particularly employed as charms for hunting and fishing and in this connec- tion frequently either hung over bodies of water or dropped into them. That all specimens of this construction were so used is not certain, but that any of them were used for other purposes is entirely conjectural. It appears likely that the Indians of recent times usually found and did not manufacture their charmstones; whether the pieces were originally made as amulets or for an- THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 15 other purpose, is entirely a matter of speculation. Charmstones are less common in southern than in central California, just as the frequent perforated stone of the south occurs only sporadi- cally in the central part of the state. A few pieces of the type of charmstones have been found which show some approach to a knob or projection at both ends. Small pieces, usually of steatite, somewhat resembling in outline the shorter charmstones, but marked with several transverse en- circling grooves, are occasionally found on San Francisco bay and in the south. There are also one or two charmstone-like pieces that bear so close a resemblance to a fish that it can scarce- ly be doubted the likeness was intentional. The one published account of a systematic though partial exploration of a shell-heap on San Francisco bay, upholds the view of a distinct progression and development of civilization having taken place during the growth of the deposit. An inde- pendent examination of the material on which this opinion is reared, tends to negative rather than to confirm it. It is true that finely worked objects, and certain specialized types such as charmstones, occur only in the upper and more recent strata of the Emeryville mound, but on the other hand, mortars, pestles, sinkers, and bone implements, differing in no wise from those of more recent period, are found in the very lowest layers. While rough stone fragments predominate in these low layers, the same processes of manufacture, and in the main the same modes of life, as indicated by such implements as the mortar, were fol- lowed in the periods represented by the earliest and the latest strata. It does appear that there was some gradual elaboration and refinement of technical processes, but it was a change of i6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME degree only, and one in no way to be compared even for a mo- ment with a transition as fundamental as that from palaeolithic to neolithic. For that matter, no trace of any people in a purely paleolithic stage of cultural development has yet been found anywhere in California. The question as regards the shell- mounds is further complicated by the fact that an examination of one or two heaps cannot be regarded as sufficient to determine problems of development of civilization in a region where deposits of this character exist by hundreds. Finally, while the age of the beginnings of the shell deposits has proved to be greater than would probably have been assumed without evidence, it is yet evidently measured at the outside by only a few thousands of years; and it may be doubted whether in view of the indubitable antiquity of man in America, histor- ically if not geologically, any radical change could be expected in such a time. Particularly where the recent civilization is still so simple as in central California, it is difficult to believe that a few thousand years would comprise a notable develop- ment; not because of any assumption that conservatism increases with degree of primitiveness, but because any radically simpler culture than the recent one in central California must have been so extremely rude as to make its existence a short time ago seem more than questionable to anyone impressed with the evident historical antiquity of a fairly well developed civilization else- where in America. A priori ideas as to the rapidity of cultural development seem to have been partly responsible for the view that the San Francisco mounds show noticeable development of culture, whereas it is precisely on a priori grounds that such change seems most doubtful. THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 17 Low earth-mounds in the lower San Joaquin valley, in the vicinity of Stockton, are notable for the fine workmanship and polish of the bone implements found in them. They contain also curved obsidian blades of unusual form and extremely regu- lar chipping; occasional narrow, high, cylindrical vessels of steatite; and rude unbaked or partly baked clay balls, some of them ornamentally incised, which may have been sling-balls, but were more likely used for heating water in baskets in the region where stones were scarce or entirely wanting. These forms have not been discovered in other localities, except that curved obsid- ian blades have been reported in Inyo county. GROUND STONE IMPLEMENTS In regard to the ubiquitous mortar, it should be observed that while the usual implement, of ordinary size, presumably served the purpose of milling acorns and other vegetable foods, smaller specimens were undoubtedly also used for other pur- poses, as the Indians of today, even in regions where globular stone mortars are not now used for acorns, employ smaller ones of this type for crushing bones or meat of small game, for tobac- co and medicine, and for paint. It is also likely, judging from analogy with the present, that certain mortars were used cere- monially only. The Maidu of the northern Sierra Nevada re- gard them as abodes and receptacles of supernatural pain-objects, and the Luiseilo and Diegueiio of the extreme south of the state kept certain vessels, which were not to be distinguished from mortars except perhaps by their smaller size, solely for use in the toloache or jimsonweed-drinking initiation ceremony. This ceremony was particularly developed in southern California, in i8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME which region also are found nearly all the large well-made mor- tars with bevelled and sometimes shell-ornamented edge, and of an even thinness of walls and great smoothness of surface, so that it may be concluded that these pieces were not so much mortars as bowls, used, if not in the jimsonweed rite, at least in some ceremony. In the central Sierra Nevada region, tall cylindrical mor- tars are at times found which are about twice as high as wide. Similar forms occur also in northeastern California. In the vicinity of Sonoma county one form is conical, as if it had been set in the ground when used. The material of mortars through- out the state is generally granite or other igneous or metamor- phic rock; but in the Santa Barbara region this is frequently replaced by fine or coarse sandstone. The pestle is naturally cylindrical and of varying length and diameter. In the Sierra Nevada, and at times in the shell- mound region, it is often flattened or squarish in cross-section. Pestles for use in a deep funnel-shaped mortar are pointed, not rounded, at the base, and are found in parts of central California, just as they are used today in the mesquite mortars of the Mohave and Cahuilla of the southern desert. Ornamented pestles usu- ally occur only in the Santa Barbara and Northwestern regions. In the former area, such pestles are decorated with one, two, or even three rings at the top ; in the latter, Avith a ring or flange about one-fourth way up from the base. These rings are purely ornamental and serve no practical purpose of manipulation. In central California pestles with a slightly knobbed top are occa- sionally found. Pestles of the type with a ring or knob at the top have sometimes been interpreted as phallic, though so far THE ARCHiEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 19 as known without any reason. In the vicinity of Mendocino and Lake counties the most typical pestle, ancient and recent, is slender with a suddenly swelled base. Pestles that have been pitted or otherwise put to a secondary use, are not rare. The metate, or flat milling slab, occurs all through southern California, as through the adjacent Southwest. In central and northern California it occurs chiefly in the interior, being found as far north as the Maidu of the northern Sierra Nevada and the Modoc of the Oregon boundary. It is never provided with legs as in Mexico, and usually is only an irregularly oval, slightly concave, slab of sandstone. Only in the south, as among the Mohave of today, is it made of lava with a flat surface and squared edges. The rubbing or hand stone of the metate is usually rude, often nothing more than a flattened bowlder. It is squared only where the squared metate is found. The only specialized form of hand-stt)ne at present occurs among the Modoc, who use a peculiar two-horned form of purely local distribution. This is not a recently introduced type, but whether it is of archseological antiquity remains to be ascertained. The typical sinker of California, when it was not merely an unshaped stone, consisted of a pebble slightly grooved trans- versely or only notched at opposite edges. Such pieces are found in numbers in the San Francisco bay mounds. In northwestern California, perforated stones are fastened to nets and probably were so used in prehistoric times. The majority of these are not perfectly round, as they would be if made for slipping over a handle, but are slightly asymmetrical, elongated, or grooved for evident suspension. The northwestern people, 20 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME however, also use irregular masses of unshaped rock that possess natural perforations ; and in graves of their ancestors they find small oval sinkers with a well-marked transverse groove. It should be added that the heaviest sinkers used in this region, as for sturgeon nets, are oval stones grooved longitudinally. The modern Modoc, in extreme northeastern California, use triangu- lar or heart-shaped sinkers that are perforated or vertically grooved, and large sinkers with an encircling transverse groove. The Santa Barbara region has produced few artifacts that can be identified as sinkers. There are some grooved or notched stones. Perforated stones are abundant but cannot be regarded as having been sinkers. It seems likely that the statement of one of the few surviving Indians of this region is correct, that when a sinker was wanted, a convenient stone was usually picked up from the beach. Nothing like either a distinctive hammer-stone or club is known to the archaeology of California, nor have such imple- ments been found among the Indians. Acorns were constantly cracked, but unworked stones answered this purpose as well as a finished implement. Other requisites of a hammer could have been fulfilled by the ever-present pestle. In northwestern Cal- ifornia a short flaring knobbed maul was employed solely for driving elk-horn wedges. In other parts of the state horn wedges or chisels were also used, as their presence in the San Francisco bay mounds testifies; the implement that drove them has not been identified, if indeed it existed as a separate form. The restriction of the maul to northwestern California is no doubt due to the greater development there of working in wood. Stones are frequently mentioned as used by the California In- THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 21 dians in hand-to-hand fighting, but they were stones that came to hand, not clubs. In northwestern California there is some record of short, sword-like stone war-clubs, and a few pieces have been found which seem to answer this description. They are of the general type of the slave-killers and one-piece edged clubs of the Pacific coast farther north, as contrasted with the handled hammer-headed club of the Plains and East. The usual recent arrow-straightener in the northern half of California is a perforated piece of wood. Such a piece has been found also on one of the Santa Barbara islands. The two- piece grooved sandstone arrow-polisher also occurs in the north, among the Yurok and Maidu, and will probably prove to be of some antiquity. In the southern half of California a com- bined straightener and polisher is found which has southwestern afRliations. It is usually of steatite or soft-grained stone, rec- tangular, convex above, and transversely grooved. This form is found in the southern San Joaquin valley and Sierra Nevada, the Santa Barbara region, and southern California. The mod- ern tribes in the same region still use it, and the Mohave replace the stone implement by one of pottery. In certain parts of the Sacramento valley, notably Butte county, oval stones encircled by a lengthwise groove are found in numbers. These resemble sinkers, but may have been at- tached to strings for slinging at or around game, thus constitut- ing bolas. A few rather large crescent-shaped stones have been discov- ered. In southernmost California, among the Diegueiio, these are used in the girls' puberty rite. Single pieces have been 22 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME found also in Los Angeles, Santa Barbara, Kern, and Alameda counties. The pipe of California is tubular. It usually tapers even- ly toward the mouth, but in the north is sometimes concave, in the south convex. In the Santa Barbara region it is often pro- vided with an inset bone mouthpiece. In the southern half of the state it occasionally shows a shoulder near its middle. A tubular pipe of red catlinite has been said to have been found in southern California, which, if authenticable, is of interest as an indication of trade distribution. Variations from the straight tubular form of pipe occur only in the Santa Barbara region and in the extreme northeast. The southern variant is obtuse-angled, the bowl end of the pipe rising from the axis of the mouth end at an angle of from twenty to fifty degrees, the bend coming at the middle of the length. In northeastern California, among the Modoc, a flat circular pipe-bowl, in which a short wooden stem is inserted, is found. It seems, but remains to be deter- mined, that this is an ancient as well as a modern form. The material of the pipe, whose boring was unquestionably one of the most difficult technical achievements of the old Californians, is naturally most generally a stone that is fine-grained and sus- ceptible to polish. Steatite, serpentine, and slaty stones pre- dominate, but in the Santa Barbara region a characteristic rough reddish stone is not infrequent. Decoration on pipes is ex- tremely rare. It is interesting that while the pipe among the Indians of recent generations in many parts of California has been of wood only, ancient stone pipes are found in every por- tion of the state, and certain modern Indian languages corrob- orate this by calling the wooden pipe "tobacco-stone." The THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 23 stone pipe is often excessively short, as in the shellmound region, but this is not surprising in view of the fact that the typical recent wooden pipe of the Sierra Nevada is only two or three inches long. Almost everywhere the pipe is also a shaman's imple- ment, especially for sucking; and it seems likely that this was the case in ancient times as well. The distribution of stone vessels or dishes is rather closely dependent on the occurrence of steatite. The famous aboriginal quarries and work-sites on Santa Catalina island were undoubt- edly the source of much of the steatite manufacture of southern California; but steatite is said to occur also near the Santa Maria river. Statements of Indians and the occurrence of vessels make it probable that there existed ledges not far from Fresno county, and the occurrence of vessels in and near Plumas county co- incides with a local source near Quincy. In northwestern Cali- fornia steatite is found on the coast of northern Humboldt coun- ty, and perhaps elsewhere. It is said to occur in Yuba and Sonoma counties. The typical Santa Barbara vessel was nearly spherical, with mouth smaller than diameter, thin-walled, well- made, sometimes ornamented with striations, and at times large- sized. At least sometimes it was used for cooking, and when broken its concave fragments were used as baking-slabs. The northwestern vessel was elliptical, low, and often irregular. The modern Indians make and use vessels of this type principally for collecting dripping salmon-fat, and depend entirely on baskets for cooking. It is also characteristic that the northwestern Indians make and made almost no use of steatite other than for dishes and pipes, whereas the southwestern people manufactured 24 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME from it also arrow-straighteners, beads, and such ornamental or ceremonial objects as the hooks and whale-carvings that have been mentioned. In the San Francisco mounds and elsewhere in central California, charmstones, pipes, and other small objects are found made of steatite, but no vessels. Steatite here was probably brought from a distance in small pieces. Labrets are not known to the present California Indians, but they employed ear-plugs, usually of wood ornamented with feathers or shell. The Santa Barbara remains contain nothing that could be positively determined as ear-plugs, but several soft stone specimens have been found in the San Francisco shell- mounds and elsewhere in central California. A large, beauti- fully rounded, and highly polished piece of obsidian of ear-plug shape from Sonoma county, is remarkable not only for being perhaps the largest specimen of this form yet found in California, but for being one of the very few instances of ground and pol- ished obsidian. A specimen from Tuolumne county, of soft stone, is slightly smaller. Quartz crystals, probably shamanistic in import, are found in both the San Francisco and Santa Barbara regions. One from the Emeryville mound is painted red and ornamented with shell beads set in asphalt; several from Santa Rosa island were hafted in long bone handles. The modern Luiseno Indians of southern California use quartz crystals ceremonially, and it seems that they are employed by shamans elsewhere in the state. Mica is rarely found, but there are specimens from the San Francisco mounds. It is perforated and cut, but not into elab- orate shapes. THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 25 CHIPPED STONE IMPLEMENTS Implements of chipped stone are characterized and condi- tioned by the occurrence of obsidian, whose nature causes it to be preferred to flint, at least for most purposes, wherever it is obtainable. Obsidian is known to occur in at least three parts of California, and it is clear that for a long time back no section of the state has been without at least a moderate supply of the material or of objects made from it. One field is in northern California, in Shasta county or northward. This is evidently a southward extension of the important Oregon field. From this source comes the obsidian from which the extremely large blades of the lower Klamath river were manufactured. The modern Indians know that their obsidian was brought down the Klamath. A second field is in Lake and Napa counties. While no ledges are known here, fragments of obsidian occur in abundance. A third field is in Mono county. The material from this source is stated by the Indians to have been carried across the Sierra Nevada. Table Mountain near Oroville, in the Sacramento valley, is mentioned by one authority as a source of obsidian, by another of flint. Generally speaking, the presence of obsidian undoubtedly contributed to the art of chipping. Some of the finest flaking ever successfully carried out anywhere, and some of the largest perfect artifacts of obsidian, are found in southwestern and north- western California. The Santa Barbara blades are smaller than those of the lower Klamath, but both are larger and on the whole considerably finer than those found in other parts of California. In central California the larger blades are often quite roughly made. The coast region north of San Francisco bay, to which 26 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the Lake and Napa field supplied an abundant source of mate- rial, possesses a particular abundance of arrowpoints and smaller blades of obsidian, which in some districts are usually serrated. The peculiar curved obsidian blades of the vicinity of Stockton have been mentioned. With one or two exceptions there are no known instances of ground or polished obsidian. The most delicate flint chipping is found in the Santa Bar- bara region, whether on account of the advantage of superior material or from a general higher development of industrial arts, is not yet certain. The Santa Barbara arrowpoints are, how- ever, on the whole neither so small nor so thin as the smaller specimens found in northern and central California, some of which rival the celebrated ones of the Columbia river. In northern California and in parts of central California the arrow- point usually bears two well-marked notches just above its base, which serve to tie it to the arrow. This feature is, however, at least in part, dependent upon the size of the implement, being almost always present in small pieces and rare in larger ones. Many of the latter which are customarily classed as arrowpoints may in reality not have been such, thus accounting for the difference. We know something positive of the aboriginal flint knife of California through finds of hafted implements made in graves in the Santa Barbara region, and through similar pieces found in the possession of the modern Indians of the northwest. The former are triangular, with the entire base set in a wooden handle; the latter leaf-shaped. In both cases it is clear that the finest material for chipping was not used, and the work is char- acterized by a roughness and irregularity which contrasts de- THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 27 cidedly with the best work done in both regions. Very little is known of the typical scraper of California, and there are but few implements that may with any certainty be identified as having been intended primarily as such implements. The preparation of skins was less important to the California Indians than to most others. There is as yet no evidence of the existence of scraper-shaped knives, blades with a handle opposite and paral- lel to the edge. Flint picks and drills have been found in abundance on the Santa Barbara islands. They vary greatly in size and weight. Most of the specimens collected seem to have been used as picks rather than as drills. Very thin slender pointed flakes of tri- angular cross-section are found in the Santa Barbara region, usually in considerable numbers in one burial. These would unquestionably have been serviceable as drills or scratchers, but their actual use is still undetermined, though it is asserted on Indian authority that they were shamans' scarificators. BONE IMPLEMENTS The most abundant implement of bone is the awl, which while capable of a variety of uses, and undoubtedly thus em- ployed, was indispensable in the making of coiled basketry. Bone needles are much less common, though they are hardly rare. They are of such a thickness that they must have been less serviceable for such sewing of skins as was done, than the sharp pointed awl. They were probably used more largely in textile processes, such as the sewing together of bulrushes into mats. Barbed arrowpoints of bone are uncommon and known chiefly from the Stockton earth-mounds. 28 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Bone whistles of various sizes are found in all parts of the state, just as they appear to have been used nearly everywhere by the recent Indians. Whistles of bird bone are most frequent, but larger bones occur occasionally. The stop in whistles is usually produced by a fiat incision not far from the middle of the bone tube, asphalt, pitch, or gum being built up in the opening thus produced. In the Santa Barbara region bone was considerably used for ornamental purposes. There are flat bone pendants and disks, and bone beads and tubes, some of the latter with shell and asphalt inlay. Rude tubular beads of bird bone have been found in one of the San Francisco bay mounds. In the south, flat spatula-shaped and flat pointed implements of bone occur. The purpose of these and of allied forms, including long slen- , der rods lacking a sharp point, and large flat pieces of whale's bone, is uncertain. In the San Francisco shellmounds a char- acteristic implement which has not been discovered elsewhere consists of the thick portion of the shoulder-blade, usually of a deer, of which one side has been notched so as to present a saw- like edge. This edge is thin and fragile and no satisfactory explanation has yet been given of a use to which it could have been put. HORN IMPLEMENTS Horn appears to have been of much less importance than either bone or shell. Numerous points of deer antlers are found in the mounds of the San Francisco and Stockton regions. Their use is entirely unknown. The San Francisco mounds con- tain also wedges of deer and elkhorn. That these pieces were actually used as wedges is made practically certain by the occur- THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 29 rence of identical pieces among the modern Indians of north- western California. While perhaps also used as chisels by these Indians, their principal function is the splitting of wood. Be- sides wedges, the northwestern Indians make money-boxes, spoons, netting shuttles, and net mesh-measures of elk antler. Systematic exploration of the archaeology of their habitat may reveal that these forms were made also in antiquity. They can hardly be expected to show a wider distribution, as their man- ufacture in recent times was limited to this one corner of the state. SHELL OBJECTS Implements of shell are hardly encountered in California archaeology, shell objects belonging either to the category of beads or to that of ornaments. There are several types of beads, the principal of which are each mainly confined to one region. In northwestern California manufactured beads are almost entirely absent, and the standard shell currency has consisted, as farther north on the Pacific coast, of dentalia, to the longest specimens of which extraordinary value was attached. This was the case, however, only in the region immediately about the lower Klamath. While dentalia were known in the districts to the south and east, they were much less esteemed, and conse- quently, it seems, less frequently imported. The dentalia of northwestern California all came from the north, the northern species of Pacific coast dentalium not growing south of the Puget Sound region and the southern form no farther north than southernmost California. The northwestern Indians usu- ally ornamented their dentalia with a wrapping or covering of snakeskin. They also occasionally incised them with geometric 30 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME ornaments. When the archaeology of the region is more fully known, it will be of interest to learn whether the use of dentalia characterized northwestern California in antiquity as at present, or whether the introduction of this form of currency from the north was of comparative historical recency. The southern Cal- ifornia species of dentalium was sparingly used in the Santa Barbara region, chiefly as a bushing in the perforation through tubular beads. The standard currency of the greater part of central Cali- fornia consists of strings of disk beads of about the size of a small coin, but several times thicker. These disk beads are always white and are all made from a species of clam of the genus Saxidomus, which, in recent times at least, is gathered only in the vicinity of Bodega bay. The territory about this bay is in the possession of the coast division of the Indians of Miwok or Moquelumnan family, but the neighboring Pomo have been wont to make frequent trips to this point for the purpose of collecting this material so valuable to them. The Pomo and, before their practical extinction, the coast Miwok, seem to have been the distributors of the beads, and in some cases perhaps of the un- worked shells, to the tribes of the Sacramento valley to the east. From there the currency reached the Indians to the north and south. Beads of this type are usually well rounded and some- times highly polished at the edges. While they were made in varying sizes and their value seems to have depended rather upon their thickness than their diameter, the beads on one string were uniform in size. Archaeological discoveries disclose this type of bead to have been used in former times over the same territory as more recently. THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 31 A third form of bead currency is southern. It consists also of perforated disks, which were strung and measured. It dif- fers from the central Californian type in that the disks are thin and concave, being made of a small univalve shell, Olivella btplicata, instead of from the thick clam. While often well rounded, these curved beads are at other times irregular in out- line, and sometimes but little attempt seems to have been made to grind them to a circular form from the irregular polygons in which they were first cut out. Beads of this kind are exceed- ingly abundant in the Santa Barbara region. They are also found on the mainland of southern California. They are characteristic also of the shellmounds of San Francisco bay, though these are usually poor in beads of any kind. Whether their occurrence in the San Francisco bay mounds indicates a change from ancient to recent times is not certain, as has been indicated above, be- cause it is not positively established whether the Indians of San Francisco bay at the time of discovery used the thick flat beads employed by their neighbors in central California or were at that time still using the thin concave bead typical of the south. A few square beads have been discovered in the San Francisco and Stockton regions. A large clam, Pachydesma or Tivela, was used for ornaments and flat beads in the Santa Barbara region, but did not enter into competition with the curved oli- vella bead as a standard form of currency measured on strings. A fourth type of bead, characteristic of the south, is the long tube, usually made of the columella of Siphonalia or large univalves. This is frequent in the Santa Barbara region. The recent Indians of the San Joaquin valley prize these and similar 32 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME beads highly and they may therefore have been of considerable value also in the region of their manufacture. Beads consisting of entire olivella or other small univalve shells, with merely a perforation for stringing, were used in all parts of California, but they were regarded as of but slight value and comparatively little esteemed for decorative purposes. In the Santa Barbara region beads of other material than shell are also abundant. There are spherical, cylindrical, and tubular beads, large and small, of steatite, of colored and trans- lucent stone, and of bone, some rudely made, but others well formed, highly polished, and decorated. These do not seem to have experienced any considerable distribution to other parts of the state. In central California one type of bead of other mate- rial than shell was made. This was occasionally disk-shaped or spherical, but usually cylindrical, and sometimes of consider- able size. It was made of whitish magnesite, which on baking assumes beautifully mottled shades of white, orange, and terra- cotta red. So far as known the source of supply of this material is on Cache creek near Clear lake, where the modern Indians still collect and manufacture it. The making of these cylindrical beads was therefore in the hands of approximately the same people as those that manufactured the thick disk cur- rency, and both its ancient and modern distribution seems to have coincided closely with that of this type of shell bead. Haliotis or abalone occurs on the entire California coast, as far north as about Cape Mendocino. It is, however, more abundant in the south than in the north. Its qualities are such that its use by all primitive people who can obtain it is obvious. It is most employed and most elaborately worked in the Santa THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 33 Barbara region, where pendants of many shapes, both large and small, were made from it. A frequent form is a hollow circle with a projection at one end for a perforation. Characteristic curved hooks of haliotis are also abundant. These have been interpreted both as fishhooks and as ornaments. There were no currency or any regularly shaped beads of haliotis. Large curved strips or fragments from the lip of the shell, some- times incised but often unornamented, were much used as pen- dants. These forms, whose shape and curvature are given by the shell, are perhaps the most frequent type of haliotis pendant or ornament in the San Francisco bay shellmounds. Other forms are oval or irregular. The frequency of irregular or indeter- minate shapes of haliotis ornaments is noteworthy. The recent Pomo Indians have used haliotis as pendants on basketry and ceremonial regalia. The northwestern Indians employ it chiefly as attachments on women's dresses and ear ornaments. The species of shells composing the refuse deposits in dif- ferent parts of the state have not been determined in their relative importance. The mussel seems to have furnished the bulk of the food, and the greater volume of the mounds, on San Francisco bay. The same seems to be true to an even greater degree of the less striking but unexplored deposits of the coast to the north, and perhaps for some distance to the south. The pro- portionate frequency of various species in the deposits and re- mains of the Santa Barbara region does not seem to have been reported. IMPLEMENTS OF WOOD AND FIBER Implements of wood, textiles of fibers, and ornaments of feathers or hair have occasionally been well preserved, but do 34 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME not possess the relative significance for the archaeology of Cali- fornia that their intrinsic importance might warrant. One rea- son for this circumstance is the fact that all such remains that have been discovered resemble closely corresponding implements used in recent times. While such a correspondence of archae- ological and ethnological data is of interest even though the lapse of time involved may not be greater than a few centuries, it is not of the same significance as a noteworthy difference between the two classes of records would be. Nor can the archaeological data be looked upon as quite as valuable as if ethnological in- formation were entirely wanting. So far as implements of wood are concerned, the evidence of archaeology is particularly incom- plete, because in the regions where wood underwent the greatest number of processes of manufacture, it has been, on account of a humid climate, least preserved. It is in the comparatively arid south, where culture depended less on wood than on other materials, that the principal remains occur. The most important of these are a few wooden bowls and ceremonial sword-shaped objects. Some of the latter are inlaid. Considerable fragments of basketry, both coiled and twined, are preserved in the Santa Barbara region through having been coated with asphalt. Even where the textile fiber itself has decayed, its impression may remain intact. A number of complete objects of basketry, to- gether with feather-work and objects of religious use, have been found in the caves of the south. A spear-thrower, of which a single specimen attributed to the Santa Barbara region is the sole representative from California, is made more doubtful than even its uncorroborated ethnological status leaves it, by the entire THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 35 failure of archaeology to discover an implement that could be so interpreted. POTTERY It has often been believed and sometimes asserted that the native civilization of California is and was without pottery. It is now well established that in recent times two types of pottery were made and used in two parts of the state, and while a high antiquity for these two industries cannot yet be asserted, there is every indication that they may have flourished for at least a considerable time past. In southern California as far north as the San Bernardino range, and along the Colorado river to a somewhat higher lati- tude, a thin, light, brittle, porous, red pottery was manufactured, identical with that made at the present time by the Luiseno and Mohave, and somewhat similar to the ware manufactured by the Pima and their ancestors in the Gila valley. It seems that the pottery of the Seri Indians of Sonora, whose culture shows many affiliations with that of the tribes of Yuman family, of which the Seri were at one time believed to have formed part, was of the same type. The pottery of the Colorado river, both past and present, is usually decorated with paintings in yellow oxide of iron, which burns to a dull red. The pottery of the part of southern California farther removed from Arizona is in most cases undecorated, though its material, forms, and tech- nical processes are identical. Most of the ancient pottery pre- served in this part of the state has been found in the mountain region of San Diego county, and consists either of jars in which ashes of the dead have been preserved or of vessels in which food was hidden for storage. North of the San Bernardino 36 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME range and west of Los Angeles, pottery does not seem ever to have been manufactured, nor imported from the south except possibly in occasional stray pieces. The second and less important area in which the California Indians made pottery is in the southern end of the San Joaquin valley and adjacent portions of the Sierra Nevada. The pottery here is grayish black, undecorated except occasionally by a few incisions, and exceedingly crude. It possesses little strength, the forms are unusually irregular, and in general it is but poorly and roughly made. It seems to have been constructed prima- rily for the purpose of cooking. It has been made, up to the present day, by the southern Yokuts and the Shoshoneans of the southern Sierra. That it was not an art of primary importance among these people is made clear by the fact that their basketry is fully equal in technique as well as in variety of forms to that of neighboring tribes who do not use pottery. There are no explicit records that any ancient pieces of this type of pottery have been found, but it seems that such is the case. PICTOGRAPHS Pictographs, either carved or painted, are comparatively scarce in California except in the region east of the Sierra Ne- vada occupied by Shoshonean tribes, and in such other parts of the state as have in historical times been either held by Sho- shoneans or by tribes living sufficiently in their proximity to have come under their influence. The typical non-Shoshonean petro- graph in California is executed in several colors. In Inyo county, east of the Sierra, there are a number of well-made rock-carvings. On the California side of this great THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 37 range the most northerly pictographs recorded are near Summit station in Placer county. A petroglyph is also reported in Calaveras or Tuolumne county not far from Sonora. There is a record of another on the upper Tuolumne river. There are two sites in the foothills of Tulare county, one near Lindsay, the other on Tule River reservation above Porterville. The latter shows unusually fine painting, applied without any incisions in the rock, and in part is well preserved. Red-painted rocks are recorded as in a canyon on Mt San Antonio, on the boundary between Los Angeles and San Bernardino counties. Other sites, some of which are in need of verification and some of which are well-known and have even been defaced, are in Azusa canyon, Los Angeles county; in a cave in the Santa Susanna mountains in Ventura county; four m.iles northeast from Santa Barbara; twelve miles northwest from Santa Barbara; near San Marcos Pass, in the Santa Inez mountains, in Santa Barbara county; at Fisher's peak near San Luis Obispo; and a large and well-pre- served group of paintings on an isolated rocky hill in the desert Carriso plains, also in San Luis Obispo county. In the southern- most parts of the state, granite bowlders can still be seen covered with geometrical paintings in red, which were executed in com- paratively recent times by the Luiseno and Diegueno Indians in connection with their puberty ceremonies. On the Santa Barbara islands several rude pictographs, incised in narrow lines, have been found on implements and small slabs of soft stone. For northern California there are but few records. There is said to be a figured rock in Siskiyou county not far from Yreka. On the edge of the Klamath river, a short distance below the mouth of the Trinity, is a large bowlder, on one of the smooth surfaces 38 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME of which are pecked many simple geometrical figures, whose character recalls the decorative motives used in the art of the modern Indians of northwestern California. It is prehistoric so fas as the modern Indians are concerned, and is declared by them to be the only object of the kind known to them. In southern Humboldt or northern Mendocino county there are one or two rocks carved with rude and simple figures of circles and lines. Altogether the scarcity of rock-carvings and rock-paintings in California, which is in entire accord with the lack of symbolic and representative spirit shown by the California Indians, con- stitutes a striking difference from the abundance of such records throughout the Great Basin and Plateau region to the east. PROBLEMS AND CONCLUSIONS Such are the principal traits of the archaeology of California in its cultural aspect and as seen by one whose acquaintance was originally with the ethnology of the state. Such being the re- sults to date, it remains to consider the principal problems now before the archaeology of California, and the methods of attack which are most promising. The single problem of greatest importance is undoubtedly that concerning the origin and early antiquity of man. The final answer to this is likely to bear on the question of the origin of man in general and to be of more than regional or ethnograph- ical interest. The greatest opportunity for the discovery of evidence on this question seems to lie in the exploration of caves. The gravel deposits so far have yielded negative results, and the shellmounds, while their antiquity is great from a historical point of view, are almost certainly too recent to throw much THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 39 light on the first appearance of man in the region. If man existed in California in quaternary times, the chances are greater that he inhabited the country in late epochs of this period than in earlier ones. While the search in caves dating to the early or middle quaternary accordingly promises more fundamental and more sensational results, if positive results are obtained, the question, if not of the origin, at least of the geological antiquity of man in western America, is likely to be sooner answered by investigation of caves that are somewhat more recent. The value of the exploration of shell deposits, particularly those on San Francisco bay, lies especially in the fact that these mounds go back to an age which is measurable in terms of geol- ogy. They present, therefore, one of the few instances as yet found in North America of a field of exploration in which there is hope that relations of time not only among the remains them- selves, but in comparison with remains elsewhere, can be deter- mined. Many of the mounds have partly or wholly disap- peared, and they are daily undergoing destruction through the agencies of civilization. Many of the questions as to their antiquity, and as to the development of culture which the imple- ments contained in them may show, depend for a satisfactory answer on the accumulation of a large mass of material. While something has been done, it has served to show how problems much more fundamental may be solved if a greater quantity of data can be amassed. The further and extensive exploration of these mounds on a systematic scale is therefore not only a de- sideratum but an urgent need. The mounds of the interior valley, which consist more large- ly of earth than of shell deposits, are on the whole less readily 40 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME productive either of collections or of data than the shell deposits of the coast. The results obtained in the vicinity of Stockton, however, show that an entirely uniform type of culture did not by any means exist throughout central California in former pe- riods, and promise to make the information obtained by a more thorough exploration of the sites in the valley qualitatively im- portant in proportion as the material finds may be quantitatively insignificant. The entire hilly and mountainous portion of the central part of the state, both near the coast and in the interior, whose topography afiforded but little opportunity for the accumulation of actual mounds, has never been systematically explored. The remains in such regions are so much more scattered than in a district containing mounds, that exploration is much more dif- ficult and likely to be less productive from the museum stand- point. There are, however, many ancient village sites, and some that have been more recently abandoned, the locations of which are known, and which should be investigated. Most of these are in locations particularly favorable for either agricul- ture or mining and therefore in imminent danger of partial or complete destruction before they can be properly examined. Almost all that we know of the archaeology of the central region of California other than the mound districts, comprising the greater part of the state, is through the collection and descrip- tion of implements that have been found on the surface or have been unintentionally uncovered by the miner or agriculturist. The coast region of central and northern California is also almost entirely unexplored, both north and south of San Fran- cisco bay. The precipitous shores which characterize the great- THE ARCHEOLOGY OF CALIFORNIA 41 er part of the coast on both sides of this bay are not so favorable to considerable accumulations containing remains of culture as the lower and sheltered inland shores of the bay. There are, however, parts of the coast, such as the bay of Monterey and Humboldt bay, in which conditions approximating those of San Francisco bay exist, and for which the prediction can safely be made that archaeological exploration cannot under any circum- stance be entirely fruitless. Even the less promising parts of the coast will probably show more records than is now an- ticipated. Explorations on the northernmost coast of California will be of particular importance because they will determine whether the specialized modern aboriginal civilization of this region is ancient or recent, and if recent are likely to make clear its development. In southern California the Santa Barbara region, after all that has been removed or destroyed, still offers fruitful oppor- tunities in material to the collector, though the cream has un- doubtedly been skimmed, largely by collectors without serious interest other than in possession. The ancient culture of this re- gion is, however, so much better known than that of others parts of California, that from a scientific point of view its further ex- ploration is at present much less desirable than systematic work almost any^vhere else. What there is need of in the Santa Bar- bara region is not the miscellaneous gathering in of specimens, of which there has been only too much, but systematic examina- tion of the deposits in which these specimens occur, along the lines of the work recently done on the San Francisco bay mounds, with a view to acquiring information as to cultural and chrono- logical relations. 42 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Southern California outside of the islands and the imme- diate Santa Barbara region, has proved to be a much less pro- ductive field for collecting and is therefore much less known. Many of the remains are of the Santa Barbara type, but there are also elements, such as pottery, which are foreign to the Santa Barbara culture. The nature and distribution of these, as well as the extent of the relations with the culture of the islands, are in need of determination. The coast south of Los Angeles has never been carefully explored. Some important discoveries are probably also to be made in the caves and canyons of the chain of mountains extending eastward and then southward from Santa Barbara county to San Diego county. We have begun to be able to form some estimate of the civilization of the ancient inhabitants of California, and we have just commenced to obtain a glimpse of the chronological and historical relations of this culture. What progress has been made has shown, however, in even greater measure what we do not know than what we do know, and emphasizes above all the importance of what we can hope to learn through careful, sys- tematic, unprejudiced, and extended investigation. University of California Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY BY J. Walter Fewkes INTRODUCTION ALTHOUGH considerable progress has been made dur- ing the last two decades toward increasing our knowl- edge of the character of prehistoric Pueblo pottery and the decipherment of its decorative symbolism, the subjects are still more or less obscure. This obscurity is due in part to a paucity in observations bearing on the geographical distribu- tion of ancient ceramics. There still remain several Pueblo areas concerning the prehistoric pottery of which we are pro- foundly ignorant, as no specimen of undoubtedly prehistoric ware therefrom has yet been described. A knowledge of the localities from which ancient pottery is obtained is necessary if the specimens are to be used in scientific studies. The locality of the individual ruin from which ceramic objects have been collected must be known before we can arrive at an accurate interpretation of the lessons they teach. Considering the many years that have been devoted by zeal- ous students to the archaeology, history, and ethnology of the Zuni Indians, it is strange that nothing of great moment has yet been published on prehistoric Zuni pottery.^ Several old ' It is very desirable that one of the great ruins illustrative of prehistoric Zuni culture be excavated and repaired to serve as a "type ruin" of this region. 44 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME vessels in the form of ancient heirlooms have been gathered from households of this pueblo, but none of these can be regarded as more than a few generations old. Prehistoric Zuni pottery is practically undescribed, notwithstanding this is one of the most important Pueblo areas with which the ethnologist is familiar. The relations of the prehistoric people of the Zuni valley to those of other regions of the Southwest and to those now inhabiting the pueblo that has given name to the valley, cannot be accurate- ly determined unless we have exact knowledge of culture objects from ruins in this region. As pottery furnishes some of the best data from which to obtain a knowledge of prehistoric culture, it is important in this connection to study objects of this character. From the autumn of 1888 until the spring of 1889, the Hemenway Archaeological Expedition, of which Mr F. H. Gushing was then director, made extensive excavations at two ruins in the Zuni valley, called Halona and Heshotauthla, the former situated just across the river from the present Zuni pueblo, the latter about fifteen miles to the eastward, near the road from Zuni to Nutria and Pescado. In the course of these excavations ' there was obtained a collection of prehistoric pot- tery, now in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, which has never been described or figured. This collection forms the basis of the present article. The antiquities from the ruins were placed in the writer's hands for study in the winter of 1889 by Mrs Mary Hemenway, I The excavations at Halona were conducted under Mr. Cushing's personal supervi- sion, and the vpork at Heshotauthla was also initiated by him; but departing for the East in October, 1888, Mr Gushing assigned the continuation of the task to Mr F. W. Hodge, with Mr E. P. Gaston in immediate charge of the laboring force. Mr Hodge made frequent visits to the excavations from the Expedition headquarters at Zufii, surveyed and mapped the pueblo, and submitted to Mr Gushing full reports on the progress of the work, until deep snows compelled its abandonment. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 45 whose death a few years later practically closed the field work of her expedition. Accompanying the collection was a large number of water-color drawings made by Miss Margaret W. Magill (now Mrs F. W. Hodge), and a map of the ruin of Heshotauthia prepared by Mr Hodge. ^ Years ago the author likewise had access to a card catalogue of the objects exhumed in the course of the excavations at the latter ruin. This cata- logue is now in the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge. After a study of this material the author visited ^ Hesho- tauthia in the summer of 1890, and made further notes on its general appearance, together with a few photographs of differ- ent parts of the ruin as an aid to his studies. As it was not the author's good fortune to be present when the excavations were made, he cannot present more than a gen- eral account of the major antiquities of these ancient Zuni pue- blos, but it has seemed well to give a description of the ruins as an introduction to a study of their pottery and other objects. Since this article was written, the author has greatly enlarged his knowledge of Pueblo archaeology, and is now better equipped to interpret the collection than in 1890, when a novice in this field. The collection of prehistoric Zuni pottery here considered ^ 1 For a reproduction of this ground-plan, see Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, I, 1891. 2 The author made his first visit to the ruins of Halona and Heshotauthia in the sum- mer of 1889, at which time he remained at the place only a few hours, having no intention of writing anything about it. His second visit, in the following summer, was likewise a brief one, insufficient to make any extended observations on the excavations. As the author has conducted no archsological investigations on the Zufii reservation, this article, treating of work done many years ago by others, necessarily lacks the element of personal observation which would have greatly enhanced its value. 3 The majority of the specimens (all of those having catalogue numbers) are from Heshotauthia. The specimens of pottery without catalogue numbers may have been ob- tained at Halona, 46 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME is the most complete one illustrative of this culture area ever made, and is believed to include the most important types of archaeological objects in this region. The study of these rem- nants of an older people is of great interest from a comparative standpoint, a fact which has led the author to publish the results as a contribution to future archaeological work in this valley. RUIN OF HESHOTAUTHLA The ruin of Heshotauthla lies on a slight elevation, at the base of a hill of moderate height. A fairly deep arroyo extends along the southern edge of the pueblo, cutting the mounds on the side toward the road. From a distance the ruin appears as a simple mound; none of the old walls stand above the surface. The surface of the mound is strewn with small stones and covered with clumps of the scrubby sage-brush so common to the region. Although the neighboring hills have many small cedars, there are no large trees, and the dry soil bears little vegetation. At the time of the writer's second visit the place bore a deserted appearance, not even an Indian house relieving the monotony of the surrounding desert. Much debris covered the walls of the old settlement, whose mounds rise fifteen or twenty feet above the plain. The walls revealed by the extensive excavations of this ruin, carried on in the fall and winter of 1888 by the Hemenway Expedition, were easily traceable in 1890, so that at that time the general form of the pueblo could be made out with fair accuracy. It was thought by Mr Gushing, who planned the work, that excavations at Heshotauthla would shed much light on the culture of the ancient inhabitants of the Zuni valley, ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 47 for this pueblo belongs to the type of ancient circular ruins only a few of which exist in the neighborhood. The circular form of ruin, like the circular kiva, is very old in the Pueblo area. On visiting this locality one is impressed by the great amount of debris seen all about the ruins. This debris is large- ly fallen masonry, which is so great in amount that the rooms are completely filled and most of the walls covered. It consists not only of small flat stones such as were used in the construction of the houses, but also of soil, adobe, ashes, fragments of pottery, and other materials. The amount of this debris would lead one to suppose that the former height of the pueblo was con- siderable. The cause of the destruction of the pueblo is one which has not been satisfactorily explained. The ruin is situated so far from inhabited pueblos that it can hardly be supposed that the walls were torn down by the Zuni people for later buildings, nor does it seem probable that they would have been overturned by forces other than human. Zuni itself is too far away (about fifteen miles), and there are ruins nearer their home which the inhabitants of this place could have demolished if they needed building materials, even if quarries were not near at hand. Many of the walls of modern Zuni, as of the neighboring Halona, are built of adobe. General Features of Heshotauthla. — The ruin of Heshota- uthla covers about an acre and a half. The chambers average about ten feet square; but there is little uniformity in their dimensions, some of the rooms being not more than three or four feet square. The distance from the bank of the river to the arroyo is about thirty-five feet. Although the general shape of 48 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the ruin is circular^ (a section of which is best seen in the southeastern part), there are evidences that there was a rectan- gular wall on the northern and western sides, thus forming a right angle at the northwestern corner. A row of rooms ex- cavated at this point have their walls intact, and present some very interesting examples of the style of architecture of the rows of old pueblos. On the southeastern and eastern sides, where the outline is the arc of an oval, several of the rooms which were excavated show instructive features of early Pueblo architect- ure. There are also evidences of rooms in the southwestern sec- tion. Walls of a number of chambers were brought to light on the northern border of the town. From the above-mentioned excavations one can gain a fair idea of the shape of the ruin, the arrangement of the chambers, and their general characteristics. On the southern side of the mound the pueblo rises like a bluflf from the Rio Zuni ; from excavations made at this point one may suppose that here was a dumping-place not unlike that overlooking the river on the southern side of the present pueblo of Zuni. At this point are situated certain structures, identified as "ovens," which will later be described. The section of the river-bank just east of the "ovens" shows that the blufif at this point is composed of alternating layers of wood-ashes, charcoal, broken pottery (mostly corrugated), and fragments of bones. On the northern side of the pueblo, the mound covering the ruins rises more gradually than on its south- ern side, the summit being only a few feet above the road. From the arrangement of hillocks of earth on the northeastern corner it would seem that the whole ruin was formerly sur- I Although common east and north of Zuni, circular ruins are lacking in the territory tvest of that pueblo. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 49 rounded by a simple wall ; for outside of the outer row of rooms there is a depression, as if the remains of a moat, enclosed within an elevated ridge composed of the debris from the wall. This surrounding wall was traced, along the northern rim, to the western border of the ruin. On the southern side of the ruin it forms the back of the "ovens" which were uncovered at that point, while on the southeastern border it is obscurely indicated by walls of rooms the interiors of which were excavated. Extensive excavations were made slightly to the east of the center of the ruin. Those made on the extreme eastern end brought to light stone walls, but other trenches nearer the center revealed no such walls, indicating a plaza or open space in that part of the pueblo. Holes dug in the course of this work, from fifteen to twenty feet deep, showed on their sides successive layers of charcoal, ashes, many potsherds, and fragments of bone. From the map of the ruin it appears that the largest number of rooms was found in the northern side of the ruin, a conclusion not unlike what one should expect from the character of similar circular pueblos in other parts of New Mexico. Character of Walls. — -The walls of Heshotauthla and of the dififerent chambers are built of small, apparently dressed stones, laid in adobe mortar. Fallen masonry is scattered all about the ruin, some of the building stones occurring at a consid- erable distance from the mound. At certain points the walls were pierced by square openings * a few inches in diameter, made by the omission of one of the component stones in its row; these apparently served as windows. • Similar openings occur in the rectangular ruin on the hill between Ramah and Pescado, and in the well-preserved walls of Archeotekopa, in the Zuiii region. 50 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The arrangement, shape, and size of the rooms vary con- siderably in different sections of the ruin. No rooms identifi- able as kivas were uncovered. As a rule the rooms at the north- eastern corner are square, and arranged in single rows ; those on the southwestern side form a double row and in shape are uni- formly square. Elongated wedge-shaped and rectangular rooms occur in greatest numbers in the southeastern section of the ruin. It seems as if the builders of this pueblo were obliged to con- struct wedge-shaped rooms at intervals to complete the oval, leaving many of the rooms rectangular. Passageway. — On the easternmost side there is a narrow passageway, a few feet wide, with high walls on each side. It is not impossible that before its destruction this passageway was roofed over, and somewhat resembled similar alleys seen in Zuni at the present day. Apparently, however, the passageway in Heshotauthla did not lead from outside the walls into an open plaza, or from one lane to another, but ended blindly in a cham- ber walled up on three sides. Just south of this passageway is a large room having an oblique rectangular form. Diminutive rooms, not more than half the size of the majority, occur on the eastern end of the northern series of chambers in the northwest- ern corner. A construction resembling a flue, or air-shaft, is found in the first room of the northwestern corner of the western series of rooms. This structure is built of stone set against the southeastern wall. There are two other vertical flues having rounded walls plastered with adobe, built side by side. Wheth- er these shafts should be regarded as kiva ventilators is not evi- dent. It would seem from their position and general structure that they were chimneys, but their external openings being ab- ANCIENT ZUfJl POTTERY 51 sent, and no sign of a fireplace or of smoke being apparent, their meaning is not determinable. A similar flue occurs in the northern series in the second room from the northwestern corner. In examining the rooms excavated at Heshotauthla one is impressed by their small size. That these chambers were dwell- ing-rooms, traces of fire on the walls would seem to bear witness, but they are so diminutive that it would be difficult for a man to extend himself on these floors at full-length. Many of these rooms are not smaller than some of the older rooms in the modern pueblo of Zuhi, especially those at the covered en- trances to the "sacred dance plaza." Although somewhat larger than the smallest chambers in Heshotauthla, modern Zuni rooms are often very small. ^ The small size of the rooms in Pueblo ruins, as those of the Chaco canyon, has been commented on by other observers. In many of the clifif-ruins, where the rooms are of diminutive size, the evidence that they were inhabited is scanty, although traces of smoke often appear on the walls. These rooms could hardly be living-rooms, but rather are storerooms or sleeping-places. The rooms excavated in other Zuni ruins, as Halona, are likewise very small, not larger than those at Heshotauthla.^ Ovens. — Just outside the south wall of Heshotauthla there is a cluster of pits, identified as communal ovens. They consist of a number of well-built stone structures, situated contiguous to ' The oldest rooms in the Hopi pueblos and the cliff-dwellings are also very small. 2 In the adobe of certain of these ancient small chambers there are found impressions of corn, indicating that they were storage places. Similar chambers exist in modern Zuiii, and every provident Hopi family can show bushels of corn piled up in stacks in the lower rooms of their dwelling. Some of the Hopi corn is several years old, but, however ancient, is repeatedly overhauled, freed from weevils, and again stored away for future use. 52 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the pueblo wall, their component stones being cut into more or less irregular cubes, laid in adobe, with flat faces inward. In most places they had been covered by debris. Their walls are curved, rounded, or irregularly oval. At the bases of these structures there are flat stones set in the sides. These fire-holes are not unlike ovens at Walpi and modern Zuni; but in most of the pueblos of the Rio Grande the ovens are conical, and are built on the roofs of the houses, as well as on the ground. Similar communal ovens existed in the ancient pueblos along the Little Colorado and in southern Arizona; but these must be distinguished from the immense pits in which mescal was roasted. POTTERY OBJECTS Although the prehistoric pottery from Heshotauthla has a distant likeness to modern Zuni ware, its symbolism is radically different. Moreover, while not characteristic of pottery now made in the Zuni valley, it is closely related to that obtained from ruins along the Little Colorado, of which the Zuni river is a tributary. The various forms of pottery, and its symbolism, that occur in the Little Colorado ruins, appear also at Heshotauthla. Among these are jars, bowls, ladles, cups, and other forms, food- bowls predominating. The food-bowls, as a rule, are shallow, with rounded lips and depressions in the bottom; the ladles are heavy, and are provided with handles some of which have holes in a row along the upper side. The predominating colors of ancient Zuni pottery, as well brought out in plates II - V, are generally red, with white or brown figures. No glazing over the whole surface was seen, 'UEB-LO RUINS Plate :sM Kigill.pxl, ANCIENT ZUNI OBJECTS OF STONE, BONE. AND ClvAY B.Meisel,lirli.BosUiii ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 53 although a superficial gloss, resembling a glaze, sometimes appears over some of the brown and black figures. Yellow- brown and whitish pottery sometimes occurs, but no instance of a true black-and-white ware is figured. This kind of ware, so characteristic of the modern Zuiii and found so constantly in clifT-dwellings, is supposed to be intrusive or of late introduction into the Zuni valley. Corrugated Ware. — The collection of pottery found at Heshotauthla contains many examples of corrugated or coiled ware. This variety of earthenware is similar to that from other ancient pueblos, and is mentioned by Bandelier, Gushing, Stev- enson, Holmes, and other writers. It would appear from the oldest historical references to Pueblo ceramics that the modern painted and smooth ware is more recent than the indented or corrugated type. Mr Bandelier was assured by Senor Vijil that this kind of ware was rarely "met with over New Mexico except at old pueblo ruins or by digging," and he feels "justified in assuming it to have been the manufactured ware of a people distinct from the Pecos tribe or the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in general, and their predecessors in point of time." The discovery of corrugated ware in association with the smooth painted variety, in the ruins of the Zufii valley, would seem to imply that they were used together. Prof. W. H. Holmes says. "It is my impression, as already stated, that the coiled form may be the most archaic of the ancient Pueblo pottery." Smooth Decorated Ware. — The symbols on ancient Zufii pottery are characteristic, but for the greater part are geomet- rical in character. A few life forms exist.^ The manufacture " Unfortunately the colored plates accompanying this article do not include vessels bearing certain important symbols, especially life forms. 54 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME of coiled indented ware of the kind found in the clifif-dwellings appears to have ceased in modern times. Ladle with Dance Figures. — A black-and-white ware ladle with a life figure is one of the most instructive and interesting found by the Hemenway Expedition at Heshotauthla. Its bowl is much broken, but bears on its surface the representation of a dance figure, which is entire. This is represented as having a large head; two eyes; two arms, each with three fingers; two legs, each foot terminating in three toes. An imitation of a fox- skin hangs in the rear from the waist, reminding one of a figure of a dancer. The head of the figure is so placed that it is opposite the handle. The interior of the bowl is encircled by three black lines — a broad band in the middle with a smaller one on each side. Upon the middle black band there are drawn white dia- monds, each having a central black spot. There is no decoration on the exterior of the bowl, which is of uniform light-gray color. The end of the handle is unfortunately broken where there seems to have once been an opening for suspension. The upper part of the handle is decorated with a black band in which are drawn white squares and triangles, each of which has a curved line extending irregularly through it. The meaning of this decora- tion is not clear, but its resemblance to a serpent is suggestive. One would be tempted to associate this ladle with a snake cere- mony, or with serpent worship, if this cult ' had once existed among the inhabitants of the Zuhi valley, an interpretation to which the outline of the dance figure, as well as the figure of the serpent, both point. I Whenever in the Southwest we find Snake clans, we are sure to find traces of a serpent cult. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 55 Professor Holmes figures, from a ruin near St George, Utah, a bowl decorated with two human figures with extended elbows/ These figures have nothing corresponding to the fox- skin decoration of the dancers, but in them the head is surrounded by what might be called a halo. The same authority figures another bowl fromTusayan (Canyon de Chelly?) with two small human figures on the bottom of the bowl. He writes that the "marked peculiarities of the ornamentation and color of these bowls give rise to the idea that they may have been intended for some special service of a ceremonial character." While the general design of the decoration of the bowl figured by him is the same as that on the bowl from Heshotauthla, the details are carried out somewhat differently, and there are striking differ- ences in their colors. Similar figures representing dance images are found else- where, as on the plastered walls of prehistoric cliff-dwellings. In his account of the wonderful Cliff Palace ^ in the Mesa Verde National Park, Mr F. H. Chapin represents a figure of a dancer painted on a wall of a room, recalling similar figures found on certain Zuni jars, although somewhat different from that found at Heshotauthla. The figure from the Mesa Verde ruin is repre- sented as blowing an instrument not unlike the flutes used by the Flute priests of Walpi. An elaborate nine-days festival, called the Flute Dance, occurs biennially in the Hopi pueblos; and the pictograph from Canyon de Chelly, representing three figures with flutes, may refer to a similar ceremony at Lenyanobi, a Hopi ruin where the Flute clans once lived. 1 Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Report, Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 266. 2 No such figure is now visible on the walls of this ruin. S6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The decoration of the ruin with rows of dots or bands occurs frequently in bowls from ancient Colorado, but this is rare as a decorative motive on bowls from Heshotauthla. Butterfly Figure. — A symbol identified as a butterfly ap- pears on two whole vessels from Heshotauthla, and, possibly in a very much conventionalized form, on a potsherd. One of Fig. 1— Butterfly Vase. (Diameter 6i inches) these vessels (plate V, 3) is a flat dish with this symbol on the inside; the other (fig. i), a broad-mouthed jar with perpendic- ular neck, has three of these figures on the outside. The fragment of another vessel has a triangular figure, the most convention- alized symbol of the butterfly. Two jars bearing this symbol were found in the excavations at Halona. One is a double, the other a single vessel. It appears ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 57 that figures of butterflies and moths were favorite ones among ancient potters, and have not passed out of use among modern Pueblos. In Mr James Stevenson's illustrated catalogue ^ of pottery, labeled "Moki," some objects noted in which are really from Zuiii, there is a prayer-basket made of clay with the figure of a butterfly on the inside. This symbol is triangular in shape, and has rows of dots on the edge and two curved projections midway of one side. The decoration found on a fragment of another vessel somewhat resembles the butterfly ornament described above, con- sisting of a simple triangular figure, within which is a second; and on the sides are represented small blocks corresponding with the dots, which do not occur on the outer line. The two anterior appendages are replaced by a cross, the longer shaft of which occupies the median line of the triangle. The resemblance of this figure to a butterfly is very distant, so highly conventional- ized is the symbol. A similar butterfly decoration occurs on two jars from Halo- na. On one of these, which is double, the butterfly figure is found on the upper portion. The writer identifies the above figure as conventionalized symbols of the butterfly, from their rude resemblance to this insect with outspread wings; but this identification is partly vitiated by the fact that birds are sometimes represented in ancient Pueblo pottery by like symbols. One of the jars from Halona is more rounded and graceful in its lines than those above mentioned, and is without a zigzag » Second Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1884. 58 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME decoration about the neck. This figure is in this case replaced by three triangular symbols similarly situated but differently colored. The outlines of the butterfly in this instance are drawn in black. The head is indicated by two extensions on the side of the triangle that is without serrations. The middle line of the triangle, extending from midway of one side to the opposite angle, is crossed by two black lines to each of which are added black terrace figures edged with white lines. There are three of these triangular figures on the surface of a vessel from Halona. Alternating with the same are three rectangular figures, with no resemblance to the trian- gular except in a very distant way. All the figures on this speci- men are painted on a brick-red ground. It is the only vessel in which the round head of the so-called butterfly is represented. Nos. 5128 and 5129 in the collection have also the butterfly pattern, which in the latter differs considerably from that last described. An important point of difference is the separation of the two component parts of the triangle along the median line, and the existence of a middle line between them. There is no enlargement of the line representing the head, and the out- lines of the wings are in black on a red ground. The step-like figure on the outer border of the sides is more evident and the indentations are less numerous. A pictograph copied by Mr G. K. Gilbert^ at Oakley Springs, Arizona, was identified by Tuba, an Oraibi chief, as a butterfly. This pictograph closely resembles the butterfly orna- ment on a bowl from Heshotauthla, except that the wings, which I See Mallery, Picture-Writings of the North American Indians, First Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1880, p. 47. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 59 are crossed by lines of dots, are incised, and the posterior part of the body is prolonged into a triangle. Mr F. H. Gushing ' figures two paintings of the "sacred butterfly" of Zuni. As both of these representations are some- what different from those seen by the writer on the prehistoric pottery brought from Heshotauthla and Halona, it is believed that they are more modern in character. A striking difference between them is that four slender wings are represented, as in the pictograph at Oakley Springs. One of Mr Cushing's figures (No. 560) somewhat resembles the so-called conventionalized "dragon-flies" found on modern pottery. Paintings of birds also closely resemble the figures on ancient pottery which are ascribed to the butterfly; but, in these highest forms of decora- tion, symbolism and conventionalism predominate. A large spherical amphora (plate III, 6) has a small, slightly raised neck, and two small, knob-like, perforated handles. Its color is brick-red, with faint black decoration consisting of tri- angles, parallel lines, and terraces. There are also large com- pound patterns of rectangular shape, with steps within and a central coil. A broken though complete red-ware eating-bowl (No. 5232) is decorated on the inside with the usual black triangles and their variants, with black and white lines on the outside. This specimen was found at the head of a skeleton (No. 5231) " in the southeastern excavation of Heshotauthla. ' Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zuni Culture Growth, Fourth Report, Bureau American Ethnology, 1886, figs. 559, 560. 2 It will be seen from this and future references that the pottery here treated is chiefly mortuary, and that the dead were interred inside the rooms, generally under the floors. The materials studied showed no evidence of cremation. 6o PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME A small decorated vessel of dark ware (No. 5234, plate II, 8) has the form of a fowl; its head and tail are broken; a painted scroll decorates the sides. Around the rim extends a painted dec- oration consisting of a series of rectangles, each with a central dot. Interesting features of this vessel are the rude character of the vessel and of the scroll decoration. The rim is thick; its lower part is blackened; on one side the figures are colored black in- stead of reddish brown. The scroll on the anterior side, under the head of the supposed bird, is double and s-shaped. The interior is without decoration. The rows of dots along the wings remind one of similar dots on the edge of the wings of the so- called butterfly figures, already discussed. A vase (No. 5235) containing beads and pendants was found at the skull of a child. It was accompanied by vessels Nos. 5236 and 5237 (plate III, 8), and was found in the south- eastern part of Heshotauthla. Numerous beads (plate I, 32-36) and pendants (No. 5235a) of shell and stone were found in vessel No. 5234, above men- tioned. The small decorated red-ware cup (No. 5237), with a handle, is ornamented on its interior surface with wavy white lines. It was found with No. 5234 (plate II, 8), near the head of a much decayed skeleton, in the southeastern excavation. No. 5251 (plate II, 17), a small toy drinking-cup of light- colored ware, crudely decorated on the interior in light maroon, was likewise found in the southeastern excavation. A small red-ware eating-bowl (No. 5252), decorated on the inside with black triangles, was found at the head of a much decayed skeleton in the southeastern excavation. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 6i Fragments of a large vase of light ware (No. 5254) are elaborately decorated in black triangles, checkerwork, and paral- lel straight and curved lines. These were found at the head of a skeleton in the southeastern excavation. A bowl of medium size (plate IV, 7) is decorated inside with black triangles. It was found near a human skull. The small, handled toy vessel shown in plate III, 5 (No. 5258) , is in the form of the body of a water-fowl. Its decoration is in black. It was found in the excavation on the western side of Heshotauthla. This piece of pottery somewhat resembles the moccasin-like ware of modern Zuni, figured by Mr Steven- son. Its decoration consists of chevron-shaped figures in white and colored lines over a black ground. There are also parallel lines in black on the body and the handle. The body is crossed by transverse parallel lines with pendants. A toy (No. 5260), made of concentric circles of clay in imitation of basketry, was found in the western excavation. No. 5261 is a tablet, made from a decorated potsherd, from the same excavation. A large fragmentary yellow-ware eating-bowl (No. 5265, plate V, 4) bears terraces and similar designs painted black. It was found at the skull of a much decayed skeleton, in company with vase No. 5266. The fragment of a small yellow-ware eating-bowl (No. 5267) was found with a skeleton in the southern excavation. This fragment is decorated with a portion of a human figure having extended arms and legs, and with the representation of a fox-skin tail hanging from the loins. The decoration on the sides of the interior of the bowl consists of zigzag lines and 62 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME terraces. On the exterior there are encircling lines, which be- come rude, irregular, and serrated near the rim. A corrugated vase (No. 5271) contained the fragmentary skeleton of an infant. It was accompanied by a cup (No. 5272). A red-ware eating bowl (No. 5277) was found with skele- ton No. 5276. It is decorated in solid black, with light inter- vening spaces taking the forms of zigzags, triangles, and bars. On the inside there is a symbolic figure in black, while the outside of the vessel is decorated with symbolic figures in white, representing rain-clouds. The black figure closely resembles that on the outside of figure i, which may possibly be a conven- tionalized figure of the butterfly. There are projections from the black figures on the inner decoration of the bowl, which extend toward a figure centrally placed on the inside. Near one of these there is a round black spot. The rain-cloud designs on the outside are five in number, from each of which extend four or more parallel white lines. A small eating-bowl (No. 5280), decorated with black circles and zigzags, was found in the southeastern part of the ruin. A dipper (No. 5284) has a portion of its bowl and a com- plete handle. The noteworthy feature of this specimen is that its short handle has a bifurcated tip, the two bifurcations form- ing divergent prongs, rounded at their tips, and curving slightly upward. The surface of the handle is crossed by faint broad bands of light paint. The surface of the dipper is smooth, and bears every appearance of having been well polished. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 63 A decorated dipper (plate II, 6) was found at the head of skeleton No. 5301, in the plaza near the southeastern excavation. Its inside is ornamented, the outside is plain. The decoration consists of squares, or of diagonals formed of lines in squares, each line ending in the well-known terrace pattern. The handle is broken, and portions of the rim are absent. On the inner rim there is a light-colored line, which is duplicated at the junction of the sides and the bottom. The color of this specimen is dark brown. A finely decorated red-ware dipper of medium size (No. 5316, plate II, i) was found with a skeleton in the southeastern excavation. A small, decorated, handled, red-ware ladle (No. 5322, plate II, 10) was found, with No. 5323, at head of skeleton No. 5321. The decorations are in black, and take the form of trans- verse bars and right-angle triangles. The decoration of the handle of this ladle is more elaborate than that of many others from Heshotauthla. As a rule, as seen in specimens Nos. 5349a (plate II, 9), 5456 (plate II, 5), and 5466a (plate II, 14), the ladle handles are crossed by parallel and longitudinal black bars, arranged in twos or threes according to the design. In this dipper, however, we have an association of these longitudinal and transverse bars in geometrical patterns, to which are added step-like decorations, thus making a compound figure similar to that occurring on the outside of other bowls. A medium-sized, slightly decorated, light-ware ladle (No. 5323) was found, with Nos. 5324, 5325, and 5322, at the head of a child's skeleton (No. 5321), in the southeastern excavation. 64 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The two ladle bowls shown in plate II, 3,11, are of red-ware without decoration on the outer surface, but with triangular designs and parallel lines on the interior. Plate II, 10 (No. 5322), shows a fine, large, elaborately decorated ladle, found, with Nos. 5321, 5322, and 5323, in the plaza of the southeastern excavation. The skeleton with which it was found was that of a child, buried with the head toward the south. In addition to the drinking-cup, or ladle, and the eating-bowl, there were uncovered lower down in the grave a number of bird (turkey?) skeletons. This ladle is ornamented with elaborate designs; its handle has a zigzag black band continuous with a terrace ornamentation. The tip of the handle is so bent as to form an opening. The interior of the bowl is decorated with diagonal, parallel black lines which fill the spaces between the four shaded areas, each one of which is occupied by a design consisting of a square crossed by three diagonal parallel lines. In the angle of each square there is represented a bird, so drawn that the heads of all four point in the same direction. In these bird-like designs occur repre- sentations of head, neck, body, and three darker lines for a tail. The handle of this ladle is hollow, and contains a stone tinkler. It has two small openings on the upper surface. The tip of the bowl is crossed by three or four bands arranged in groups as in some other bowls. Plate V, 2, represents a red food-bowl elaborately decorated on the interior surface with black designs and having on the exterior a series of N-shape figures. The large red-ware eating-bowl (No. 4329a) has the interior colored black, and the outside decorated with sym- rLArt ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 65 bolic ( ? ) figures in white. It was found with a smaller bowl (No. 5329b) at the head of skeleton No. 5329. The decora- tion on the outside of this bowl shows beautiful spiral forms combined with the parallel lines, a unique pattern of this type. The spiral is believed by some ethnologists to represent the whirl- win, and if the parallel lines represent rain, — as supposed by some students, and as seems to be accepted by some Pueblo peo- ple, — we have here a good example of wind symbols accom- panied with a representation of rain falling from the clouds. Mr Stevenson illustrates (fig. 686) an ancient bowl from the Canyon de Chelly with three rows of knobs on the exterior of the bowl. There seems to be evidence that this feature is an ancient one, and not unknown in modern Pueblo pottery. The same author figures a pitcher-shaped vessel, which he describes as a "teapot of red micaceous ware, with handle, a row of projecting points around the middle, one-half of these (those on one side) having the tips notched. There is a triangular spout in front, the opening through it being through numerous small round holes forming a strainer." His description of this vessel would seem to refer it to modern patterns, and his figure is highly sug- gestive in this particular. But the custom of decorating ancient bowls with raised figures, scrolls, animals, and other figures in relief, is an ancient one in some areas, but extremely rare in northern Arizona. In some modern pueblos we see this carried to an extreme, as in the canteens decorated with frogs and other devices, sold by the Rio Grande and other Pueblos. A small cup (No. 5330a) made of rough paste, undeco- rated, was found with an adult skeleton (No. 5330). This cup is singular in having a circular sculptured or knobbed 66 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME base. There are several small cups in the collection, the form of which is similar to this, but none of these has the same form of base. The vessel was found in the plaza in the southeastern excavation. The fragments of a corrugated vase (No. 5342) show on the periphery relief decorations ending in scrolls. This method of decorating coiled ware was practised also by cliff-dwellers. ' Although the whole of this vase was not found, the sherds recovered show that this style of ornament is probably ancient in the Zuni valley. One of the fragments exhibits a double, the other a single scroll. A small red-ware vessel (No. 5347; plate III, 2) has a con- tracted rim, in the upper periphery of which there are four perforations for suspension by a cord. It was found in the central excavation. Plate III, 10 (No. 5348), represents a trilobed paint-pot or salt receptacle. A medium-sized, long-handled, decorated ladle of yellow- ware (No. 5340a) was found, with No. 5349 b, c, at the skull of No. 5349. This object was decorated with uniform black ter- races and bar designs. No. 5357 (plate I, 2) is a handle of a ladle in the form of a dog (?) ; this specimen was found in the central excavation. It is a remarkable form of handle, and is the only one in the collec- tion that bears this modification. Possibly in the specimen with a pair of projections at the extremity we may recognize a conven- tionalized animal form, but the resemblance is distant. In the • Specimens similar to this are figured by Nordenskiold from the cliff-dwellings of the Mesa Verde, Colorado. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 67 case of the specimen shown in plate I, 4, however, there is no doubt that here is the representation of some animal, since it has projections which occupy the positions of the forelegs, the ears, and the snout. The ladle is colored red both inside and outside, and faint indications of decoration in black occur on the inside. A large light-ware ladle (No. 5361 ; plate II, 15) was found at the head of a fragmentary skeleton of a child, with vessels No. 5362 and No. 5363 (plate III, 11). Although the handle is broken, it shows that its end originally had the form of a loop. This vessel is decorated on the inside with an open diamond pattern painted black, with a figure of a bird's foot within its borders. The figures of four arrows in the middle of the bowl of this ladle are arranged in pairs, two of them pointing one way and two in an opposite direction. The former are accompanied with dots, the one at the end of the shaft, the other near the lateral inner barb. The other two arrows are without dots. A fifth figure is so obscure that it is difficult to decipher. On the side of certain "medicine-pots," from Halona, we have a similar arrow- like decoration of unknown meaning. The arrangement of the diagonals and upright lines shown in the figure is in fives, alter- nating with one another. Plate III, 9, is a fragment of a vase with a disc-like knob on one side of the neck. A light-ware eating-bowl (plate V, 6), although fragmen- tary, is complete. This specimen was found, with Nos. 5361 and 5368, at the head of a few bones of the skeleton of a child. It is decorated on the inside with black ornamentation, and was discovered in the eastern excavation. 68 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Plate III, II (No. 5365), is a light-red vase found at the head of a skeleton of a child, with Nos. 5361 and 5362. It is decorated on the outside in brilliant black, the figure being scal- loped with open, diamond design. It was found in the eastern excavation. Plate III, 12, represents a globular vase of yellow-ware dec- orated with brown figures. A small, long, and round stone toy (No. 5465a) was found in the western excavation with portions of the skeleton of a child. A small plain vase (No. 5480a; plate III, 3) has a rim per- forated for suspension. It was found, with No. 5380, and the broken cup. No. 5380b, in the western excavation. A large red-ware eating-bowl, plate V, 8 (No. 5383a), is decorated on the inside in black and on the outside in white geometrical figures. It is mortuary in character, having been found at the head of skeleton No. 5383, in the western excava- tion. A large fragmentary red-ware eating-bowl, plate III, i (No. 5389a), has black figures on the inner surface. Together with a bowl and a cup (No. 5398b, c), it accompanied a skeleton (No. 5389). No. 5398b is a large, irregularly oval bowl, with straight neck, the sides of which incline slightly inward. The ground- color is brick-red, which however is unequally burnt in places on the sides. The decoration of the neck of this vessel consists of zigzag black lines or bands running irregularly about it, accompanied by compound step-like figures and elongated bands. The most interesting and exceptional feature in its ornamenta- tion is the introduction on the outer surface of three triangular ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 69 figures in black and yellow. These triangular figures are out- lined with black bands placed at regular intervals, with one of the angles pointing toward the base. The external rim of the two sides is bordered with black dots or indentations, which are confined to tw^o sides of the triangle. From the upper side there rise two hook-like projections with crooks turned outward. These projections, like the triangles, are painted black, edged with yellow. The external boundary of the triangle is parallel with that of a second triangle, somewhat smaller; the intermedi- ate zone is colored yellow, and spotted with black dots of irregu- lar size, more or less unevenly distributed. The interior of the figure is occupied by a small triangle filled with black bands. This triangle is separated from the one last mentioned by a broad band of yellow, without spots. The adjoining angles of the ornamentation found on the outside of the bowl are a little more than an inch apart. These figures are slightly irregular. The pot was discolored in firing. A large ladle, plate II, 13 (No. 5389c) , has a broken handle, which was probably hollow. Its outer surface is without deco- ration, and its color is a uniform brown. The interior is deco- rated with diagonal lines painted on a black ground, accom- panied with rows of squares containing black dots. The vessel has encircling lines near the base and rim. No. 5390a is a fragmentary red-ware eating-bowl deco- rated in black. It was with skeleton No. 5390. A fragmentary, decorated, white-ware eating-bowl (No. 5395b) was found with skeleton No. 5395, and with specimens No. 5395a, c. 70 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Plate III, 7 (No. 5409a) , is a mug with a handle. Its rim is slightly turned outward, but there is no ornamentation on the body or the handle. The neck is small and quite narrow. Its color is dark, almost black. A decorated eating-bowl, plate IV, 8 (No. 5412a), contain- ing corncobs and remains of textile fabrics, accompanied No. 5412b and skeleton No. 5412, in the western excavation. No. 5414b is a small red-ware eating-bowl found with cup No. 5414a. It is painted white on the outtside, and black on the inside. There is also in the collection a shallow, undecorated stone saucer, half an inch high and four inches in diameter, with a depression of about one-fourth of an inch in the middle. The surface of the saucer (No. 5415a) is very smooth, and its form regular. This vessel was found at the side of an adult skeleton (No. 5415), the head of which lay toward the southeast. Both skeleton and saucer were found in the western excavation. A small food-bowl (No. 5435a), ornamented on both exterior and interior, is open-mouthed, and light brown to white in color. The ware is very evenly fired, and the bowl is entire, with the exception of a large break on one side. Its exterior decoration consists of horizontal and vertical lines alter- nating in threes. There are six series of horizontal and six series of vertical black bands. Around the rim of the bowl there are eight sets of markings, seven of which have six marks and one has seven, the seventh being obscure. The interior decoration is crossed by zigzag lines with broad bands and small parallel markings. The broad black band on the inner side of the lip narrows at one point into a thread-like line. The figures A^iHxxod: iNnz xnsidnv ■l»l'l|lSJHKt!n ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 71 on the interior are in black on a light-gray to white background. The diameter of this bowl is a little more than seven inches, the height about three inches. No. 5440 is a fragmentary, decorated, light-ware drinking- cup found in the western central excavation, at the head of the much decayed skeleton of a child. The food-bowl shown in plate IV, 6 (No. 5453), has a char- acteristic decoration on the interior surface. The medium-sized jar (No. 5460) shown in plate III, 4, has the rim slightly broken. Its color is orange-yellow with black decoration. The vessel is girt by a broad, continuous line edged with black, and the neck has alternating black and yellow bands. The zones above and below the central band are crossed by zigzag lines, and bands formed of numerous small parallel lines. A platter (No. 5456a; plate V, 5) is of brick-red color, and is ornamented both inside and outside. The rim is notched at one point. The outside ornamentation consists of white lines forming a double triangular pattern; the inside is decorated with black zigzag lines of varying width, on a deep-red ground. Plate II, 5 (No. 5456b) , is a small ladle of light-brown color, ornamented with dark-brown lines, and with terraced figures that may represent clouds. Its handle is small and slender, and is turned up in a pointed tip at the end. On the upper surface of the handle are six bands, four of which are parallel, and par- tially encircle the handle, while the remaining two extend longi- tudinally. The outside of the bowl is not ornamented, but its interior is decorated with encircling bands which alternate with stepped figures. The external surface is more or less discolored by firing. 72 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME A flat bowl or platter, plate V, 4 (No. 5465), ornamented inside and outside, has the rim slightly nicked. The decoration consists of several encircling lines arranged in two series on the inside. Four of these bands are found on the upper margin, and three on the lower, and between them there is a green zone in which occurs an elongated zigzag ornamentation. The out- side of the specimen is decorated in zigzag white bands. Plate II, 14 (No. 5466a), is a small white ladle the handle of which is decorated with black bars. Six of these bars are placed transversely, and three longitudinall}''. The interior of the bowl is decorated in black zigzag lines accompanied with black encircling bands above and below. None of the encircling bands is broken by a "line of life." There is a loop in the end of the handle of the ladle. A small, well made ladle, light-brown to white in color, has a loop at the end of the handle, which is crossed by nine broad black bands arranged in threes, two of which are parallel, the others placed longitudinally. The outside of the ladle is plain; the inside has a white base with dark brown or black encircling zigzag lines. Plate IV, 2 (No. 5468), shows a small platter of light color, with external undecorated walls. On its inner surface occur black lines connected with parallel lines and disconnected bars. The former are black on a light ground, the latter light on black. Two beautifully decorated food-bowls are shown in plate IV, I, 3. The latter is characteristic of the bowls from the Little Colorado valley. No. 5469 is a large ladle having a broken handle which has been repaired. This is one of the most interesting ladles in the ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 73 collection, as the interior decoration combines straight-line figures with figures composed of spiral lines. The ware is thin, and the form of the vessel symmetrical, although its handle is somewhat bulky. The decoration on the stump of the handle is obscure, but it seems to consist of alternating black and white bands. The pattern on the inside of the bowl consists of trans- verse notched bars alternating with a rude spiral of one or two whorls. In places the outline of the figure is difficult to trace, as the inner surface is more or less broken and its margin de- stroyed. The diameter of the bowl of the ladle is five inches. A fragment of a ladle, plate II, 2 (No. 5473), consists of a bowl with a broken handle. The inside is decorated with cross- bars, step-like figures, and zigzags. The bowl has a brown base ornamented with black. No. 5481 (plate III, I ) is a vase of medium size with slightly notched rim. The body has an elaborate external decoration drawn on a black background, and the neck is painted light brown. An interesting feature of this jar is a black line girting the neck, enlarged at one end. On each side throughout its entire length there are small lateral bars opposite each other. The extremity of this band opposite the bulb is trifid. On the inner rim there are two black continuous lines, and a single broad black band surrounds the neck. The decoration of the larger part of the jar is colored white, and consists of zigzag lines with terraces. The same trifid termination or extremity of the figure about the neck of this jar can be seen on the figure upon the double-handled ladle in the collection. In a remarkable dipper from Halona there is a groove on the upper side of the handle in which is painted a figure that 74 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME exactly resembles that around the neck of the jar shown in plate III, I. The head of this figure faces the bowl of the dipper, and its lateral appendages are painted white; the whole is of bright- red color. It strongly recalls that of a centipede or myriapod, with bilateral appendages frequently repeated. The broad black line in this specimen is continuous throughout, but at one point there is a small transverse line. The two black lines on the mouth of the vessel are continuous, so far as can be observed, although a section of the rim is broken. The entire dipper is very smooth. It is colored almost white on the inside. The fine design on the body is repeated four times. No. 5442 (plate II, 4) shows a ladle with a broken handle attached to a square and flat bowl. Its color is brown. The exterior surface is not ornamented; but it is decorated inside with rude zigzag lines, and the surface is slightly discolored near the handles. The color of the inside is light-gray, almost white. MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS Bone Implements. — The collection of bone implements (plate I, 9-23) found at Heshotauthla is quite large, and presents a variety of forms. The leg-bones of the deer and the turkey seem to have been most commonly used in the manufacture of these implements, though bones from other parts of these and other animals are not wanting. The antler of the deer was also employed. These bone and horn objects range in form from sharp-pointed awls (figs. 10-12) to flat, chisel-like gouges (figs. 13, 17). As a rule they are smoothly polished, showing evi- dence of long use, and sometimes are decorated with incised lines. A^aXXOd INHZ XNaiONV ■irilliSiNWsqi ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 75 Of the awls, the most common form (fig. 15) is sharply pointed at the tip and of uniform size. Although not ordinarily perforated at the end, in very rare cases they have a hole at the blunt extremity (fig. 12). A stouter form of awl or bodkin was made from the tibia of the turkey, sharpened at one end, and retaining at the other the natural condyles of the bone for a handle (fig. 15). There are several specimens made from split bones of the deer (figs. 24, 25). Two or three forked-shaped implements (fig. 21), made from the tibia of the turkey, occur in the collection, the three condyles at the end of the bone serving for the handle. There may also be mentioned flat split bones, not unlike wooden combs. Figure 12 of this plate represents a finely finished tapering implement made of bone from a deer's leg. It is perforated transversely at the ball of the joint, for suspension. Similar ob- jects have been found in cliff-houses and in ruins in the Chaco Canyon region. A well-wrought scraper or gouge, made from the tibia of the deer, has its end flatly beveled and its axis rounded.^ These implements (figs. 13, 17) are superficially incised with geomet- rical markings. A fragment of a tibia of a deer (fig. 18), also incised, occurs in the collection. There are also several bone implements, very much worn, especially on the edges, made from the scapulae of deer. An exceptional form of bone imple- ment (fig. 16) is fashioned from the tarsus of a deer, the condyles of which are flattened on opposite sides, and perforated. This object has a deep groove on one side, extending from the con- dyles to the tip. I Similar scrapers are found in cliff-houses and other ruins in Colorado. 76 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Among the more remarkable forms of bone objects are those resembling whistles, made of joints of the leg-bones of the turkey (figs. 22, 23). These tubes have a highly polished external surface. A single lower jaw of a small mammal, in which the sockets for the teeth are present, although the teeth are missing, is with- out a duplicate in the collection. This fragment is perforated at its broadest part, as if for suspension, and may have been used as an amulet. One of the most interesting bone objects is a unique carved ornament of bone (fig. 24) , certainly the most successful example of bone carving in the entire collection. It resembles a human effigy, extensions below the head suggesting arms and legs. This and the similar object shown in figure 26 are probably fetishes. There are several split fragments of bones (fig. 25), roughly rectangular in shape, generally made from the ribs of deer. Their surfaces are usually smooth, and they are generally more or less broken at the extremities. Pipe. — Among the prehistoric specimens obtained from Heshotauthla, there is one which bears evidence of great anti- quity. This is the only pipe found in the collection. It is made of burnt clay, in which occur white particles that have the ap- pearance of finely ground fragments of older pottery. Its bowl is more or less broken on one side, but about half the rim re- mains. The stem is short, with a prominent keel on the front of the bowl, which is much mutilated on one side. Its interior surface shows marks of fire. The perforation of the stem, which enters the bowl on one side, is not larger than that of an ordinary tobacco-pipe. It has been supposed, from the general shape and ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 'j'j blackened interior of the bowl, that this pipe was used for smok- ing, but the stem exhibits no marks of use. This was evidently a ceremonial pipe, as the modern Zuiii commonly employ ciga- rettes made of corn-husks in their secular smoking.^ Lignite Gorget and Tablets. — A beautiful specimen of jet or lignite is convex on one side and flat on the other. This specimen is semicircular in form, and shows a perforation on the rough side. Its diameter is an inch and a half. The convex side is highly polished; the flat side is smooth. Among other objects regarded as ornaments there are sev- eral specimens made of lignite or jet (plate I, 6, 30). These ornaments have in some instances an eye in the flat or non- lustrous side, but in the case of the cube (fig. 6) it is simply perforated. Figures 28 and 29 represent stone objects of unknown use. The finely polished tablet (No. 5242; plate I, 30) is of lignite, and was found with a skeleton. The collection contains a square, flat lignite tablet, two inches wide, with very smooth surface on one side, rough and irregular on the other. A perforation on the rough side of the tablet serves for suspension. This tablet was found with a skel- eton and a finely finished awl. There is another flat lignite tablet (fig. i) more finely made than the last. Its smooth surface is very much crackled, and somewhat broken, but is finely carved and smoothly polished. The side upon which the perforation occurs is formed of four flat triangular faces bounded by four diagonal ridges. » The author found a similar pipe on the surface of the ground at one of the two ruins on Inscription Rock, east of Heshotauthia, and excavated several from mounds at Homolobi and Chevlon, near Winslow, Arizona. 78 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Another beautiful fragment of lignite, smooth on one side and rough on the other, occurs in the collection. With it was a large fragment of the same material that has never been worked. From their color, and more especially their high polish, there is little doubt that these lignite tablets were used as personal ornaments. Figure 31 is an arrow-shaft smoother of conventional form, and figures 32-36 are beads and pendants. Haliotis Shell. — -That the inhabitants of Heshotauthla knew and prized the well-known haliotis or abalone shell is seen from a fragment of one of these mollusks found in the south- eastern excavation. This fragment consists of a portion of a bracelet. It is very highly polished, and does not differ greatly from those found in the neighborhood of Casa Grande and in ruins in the Salt River valley. The older inhabitants of the Zuiii valley greatly prized sea-shells, as is shown by several ornaments made therefrom found at Heshotauthla, and in other ruins of this region. Stone Fetish. — In the collection there is an idol, made of gray sandstone, representing a human being. This fetish (plate I, 37) was found at the head of the skeleton of an infant. Its body is crossed by two ridges extending diagonally from corner to corner. Face, nose, eyes, and mouth are represented. When found, the figure was covered with red pigment over which were drawn brownish lines, while the elevated ridges were colored light brown. The neck is only slightly contracted, and the legs are barely indicated. This figurine shows evidences of black paint on the back of the head. Down the middle of the back. ANCIENT ZUNI POTTERY 79 corresponding with the vertebral column, there extends a ridge slightly raised above the general surface of the body. This specimen was found in the northwestern excavation. CONCLUSIONS When the reader compares the preceding descriptions and accompanying plates of prehistoric pottery and other objects with those of modern Zuni, it will be evident that the resemblance in the decoration or texture of the two types of ceramics is not very close, while the symbolism is radically different. The prevailing color of the pottery of the prehistoric Zuni ruins is red with white or black decoration, while that of modern Zuni is white with black figures, recalling the so-called black-and-white ware of the cliff-dwellers of the Mesa Verde, Canyon de Chelly, and Tularosa valley in western New Mexico. The decorations on the two are radically different, the figures on the modern ware being more complicated than those on the ancient. In the former more variations of life forms or animal and plant designs are introduced. From a comparison of these two types the student is led to believe that new symbols of extra- cultural origin have largely replaced the ancient in the decora- tion of modern Zuni pottery. This conclusion applies not only to figures of animals, but also to geometrical designs. Thus the figure of the butterfly shown in figure i and on plate V, 5, is wholly different from that of the same insect depicted on modern Zuni ware. The combina- tion of the spiral and the triangle with cross-hatching or parallel lines, which is one of the most characteristic symbols of modern Zuni ware, is wholly absent as a decorative motive of prehistoric pottery from the Zuni valley, where the geometrical lines, instead 8o PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME of being curved, are more often straight, or replaced by terraces, triangles, and like geometric figures. This want of uniformity between prehistoric and modern Zuni ware is repeatedly paralleled in the Pueblo region. In the ceramics of the Hopi Indians, for instance, a radical change has taken place. The modern ware is very different in texture and symbolism from the prehistoric. The same is true of prehistoric and historic ceramics of the Rio Grande pueblos. If, for instance, we consider the pottery from the ruins of the Hopi pueblo of Sikyatki, or from Awatobi and other Antelope Valley ruins, we find the dominant color to be yellow, with decoration in brown, black, and red. They show no sign of a superficial slip of white. The decorations of this Hopi ware are characteristic, certain symbols being found here that do not occur elsewhere in the Southwest. The symbolism of prehistoric Hopi pottery has been amply discussed elsewhere.^ It is characteristic, as appears in col- lections from this region of the Southwest. The so-called mod- ern Hopi ware has only the most distant relation, either in color, texture, or symbolism, with that of ancient Sikyatki, the type of prehistoric Hopi ceramics. Modern Hopi ceramics are not the development of the ancient pottery, nor are the symbols of one derived from he other. Both symbols and texture were introduced by foreign clans. The pottery called modern Hopi is made by Tanoan potters, and it consequently has Tanoan sym- bols introduced into Tusayan in recent times. This is evident, not only from the character of the pottery, which itself is ample evidence, but from tradition and language. The clans of the I Seventeenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, part 11, 1895. ANCIENT ZURI POTTERY 8i present potters, like Nampeo, are Tanoan.^ These dififerences in ancient and modern pottery emphasize the composite character of the Hopi people. A similar explanation may be advanced to account for the dififerences in ancient and modern Zuni pottery, except that the component clans of the Zuni population have become so amal- gamated that the foreign introductions have lost language and identity. The majority of modern Zuni pottery decorations are from foreign sources, and this introduction has profoundly changed Zuni ceramics. It is interesting to notice that, while the modern Zuni pot- tery dififers essentially in symbolism from that of the Tewa pue- blo of Hanointhe Hopi region, its texture and color have more in common with the Tewa ware than with the ancient Zuni, which would imply that the modern Zuni clans that introduced pottery symbols are related to those Tewa who settled Hano. Neither the decoration nor the texture of modern Zuni pottery is closely related to that of ruins in the Gila and its tributaries, but is allied to that of the eastern or the northeastern part of the Pueblo area, where older modern Hopi ware is reputed to have originated. A comparison of the prehistoric pottery of the Zuni valley with other prehistoric ceramics in the Southwest reveals the fact that it belongs to a type common to all ruins along the Little Colorado as far down as Wukoki, a ruin at Black Falls, Arizona, where the resemblance ceases. This identity can read- ily be seen by a comparison of the objects figured in the accom- panying plates and those from Homolobi and the Chevlon Fork ruins excavated by the author in 1896. So close is the likeness I Stimulated by commercialism, Nampeo now decorates her potteiy not with the symbols of her own people but with those of Sikyatki and other ancient Hopi pueblos. 82 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME that there is no necessity for making a special ceramic culture- area for the prehistoric Zuni. ' Their ancient pottery is practic- ally identical with that of the Little Colorado and some of its tributaries. The teaching of this radical dilTerence in the symbolism of prehistoric and modern Zuni pottery confirms legendary evi- dence of the dual composition of the tribe, and it shows that the ancient culture of the Zuni valley was almost identical with that of the rest of the Little Colorado drainage, implying that the modern Zuni culture contains elements due to acculturation from the north and northeast. That culture which it shares with other Little Colorado pueblos came from the Gila valley in southern Arizona. Bureau of American Ethnology Washington, D. C. • See Twenty-second Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, part ll, 1904. POTTERY OF THE NEW ENGLAND INDIANS BY Charles C. Willoughby THERE is evidence that a considerable portion of at least the eastern part of New England, in ancient times, was occupied by a non-pottery making people, no pottery having been found in numerous graves of a certain type in various sections of Maine, although stone imple- ments were abundant. As pottery is usually common in the cemeteries of pottery-making tribes, its absence from these burial-places may be accepted as good evidence that it was un- known to this early people. New England earthenware may be divided into three groups — Archaic Algonquian, Later Algonquian, and Iroquoian. Data for an exhaustive study of pottery from all sections of this region are not at present available. The above classification is based upon the study of a large amount of material from Maine and eastern Massachusetts, and a smaller number of specimens from other sections. Whole pottery is extremely rare, nearly all the specimens thus far recovered being illustrated in this paper. Our knowl- edge of New England earthenware is derived, therefore, largely from fragments, which are fairly abundant in many sections. Most of the examples figured, not otherwise noted, are in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. 84 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME ARCHAIC ALGONQUIAN POTTERY The first New England potters were probably Algonquian. Their earlier ware is characterized by a more or less conoidal base, the lower part of which is often n:iassive (figs. 3-6). A large portion of the surface of this pottery is commonly decorated with indentations made with natural objects of simple designs or with notched sticks or other implements. Incised decorations, either alone or in connection with indented designs, occur less frequently. There is often an outer zone near the rim bearing a special design, and the inner side of the rim is also often decorated. A very common design consists of zigzag indentations made with a chisel-like implement having a notched and slightly curved edge, which is pressed against the soft clay with a rocking motion, each opposite corner being raised and slightly advanced alternately, the tool not being wholly lifted from the vessel (fig. 4) . This type of decoration is characteristic of much of the eastern Algonquian pottery, but, so far as the writer is aware, is never found on the earthenware of the Iroquois. Fig. I shows rims of various vessels taken from the shell- heaps and village-sites of Maine and Massachusetts. Many of the designs are produced by pressing the notched edges of thin tools into the clay, or by using sticks and other simple implements. In c of this figure the design may have been produced with a thin piece of wood wrapped with cord or thong. The undulating lines of n and seem to have been made with the scalloped edge of a cockle-shell. The inner side of the rim of is ornamented with a series of round holes, an inch or more apart, made by pressing a round POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 85 stick or similar object into the clay, the thumb being held against the outer side of the rim, thus forming upon the outer surface a row of slightly raised projections, one of which is shown in the L. * .•' "7 J Fig. 1— Fragments of pot rims, Archaic Algonquian Group, from shell-heaps and village sites in Maine. drawing. The inner side of the rim is also decorated with the zigzag pattern above referred to. Rims that are scalloped, or cut into points, are occasionally found, but are not characteristic 86 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME of any period, as they occur upon the oldest pottery as well as upon historic earthenware. Cord-markings are comparatively rare. The capacity of these cooking-vessels ranged approxi- mately from a half-pint to three gallons. Of the many potsherds examined by the writer, but one or two show evidences that the vessel was constructed by coiling. It is very probable, however, that this was the common method followed. Fig. 2 — Potsherds from fourteen feet beneath the surface of Whaleback oyster-shell heap, Damariscotta, Maine. Archaic Algonquian Group . (One-third.) Probably this class of pottery occurred in most sections of New England. It is especially characteristic of the village- sites and shell-heaps of the tidewater region of Maine and Massa- chusetts, and thorough explorations of the shell-heaps of Rhode Island and Connecticut will probably show it in equal abun- dance. As a type it occurs southward along the shorelands as far as the Algonquian tribes extended. In the coast region of Maine, where the tribes came least in contact with the Iroquois, the use of this class of pottery probably prevailed up to proto- historic times. POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 87 Much of the paste used by the New England Algonquians seems to have been somewhat inferior to that of the Iroquoian potters. Either the clay was not as carefully selected or their knowledge of preparing it was deficient. The tempering ma- terial was commonly crushed shell or crushed stone, often very coarse. There is every evidence that this pottery is of consider- able antiquity, as it is found at all depths in the numerous shell- heaps of eastern New England. These heaps have been more or less extensively explored by Professor Wyman, Professor Putnam, the writer, and others connected with the Peabody Museum of Harvard University; Professor Morse of the Peabody Academy of Science at Salem; Professor Arlo Bates of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Frank H. Gushing of the Bureau of American Ethnology; and many others. Potsherds form a large proportion of the artifacts secured in these explorations. The largest shell-heap in New England which has been systematically explored is the great Whaleback oyster-shell mound on the eastern bank of the Damariscotta river in Maine. This was approximately three hundred feet in diameter, the greatest depth of shells being sixteen feet. It is but one of a group of large mounds in the immediate vicinity. Hearing that the shells were to be ground for commercial purposes, Professor Putnam purchased for the Peabody Museum the right to all artifacts found. A reliable man was employed by the Museum to watch the workmen and to record the position of the specimens. A considerable collection of sherds of the class of pottery under consideration was procured. These were found scattered throughout the heap at all depths. The conclusions 88 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME a ^ " f Fig. 3 — Pottery vessels from Maine shell -heaps. (Restored from fragments.) Archaic Algonquian Group. resulting from a study of these specimens are confirmed in gen- eral by other less thorough explorations throughout the tidewater regions of eastern New England. It seems that the art of pottery-making was not indigenous to these states, but was brought to this region at a period nearly approaching the time when shell-fish were first used for food along our coast. Moreover, but little if any advance was made in this art during the long period necessary for the accumula- tion of most of the shell-heaps, pottery from the lower layers showing the same general characteristics in composition of paste, in form, and in decoration, as that from the upper layers. POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 89 Fig. 2 shows drawings of two fragments of a cooking-pot from fourteen feet beneath the surface of the Whaleback mound above noted. The decorations consist of broad vertical bands of incised and indented ornamentation, an unusual arrangement, seen, so far as the writer's experience goes, only in very old specimens. Part of the design consists of the zigzag pattern so characteristic of the class of pottery under consideration. In fig. 3, f, is shown a restoration from fragments of another well-made vessel found fourteen feet beneath the surface of this mound. The upper exterior decorated zone consists of indenta- tions similar to those on fig. 2. A space on the inner side of the rim, and the greater portion of the exterior surface, is orna- mented with the zigzag pattern. The vessel illustrated in fig. 3, b^ is restored from fragments found at the depth of six feet in the above mound, and the two pots shown in figs. 4, a, and 5, were a b Fig. 4 — Pottery vessels from Maine: a, From four feet below surface of Whaleback shell-heap, Damariscotta. b. From grave at Waterville, Kennebec county. Archaic Algonqtdan Group. (About one-third.) 90 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME taken from different sections at a depth of about four feet. The well-made rim (fig. i, m) was found ten feet below the surface of the same mound. The vessel shown in fig. 5 and restored in fig. 3, a, has an unusually pointed base. Probably none of the earlier New England pottery was suspended over the fire by means of cords Fig. 5— Pottery vessel from four feet below siirface of Whale- back shell-heap, Damariscotta, Maine. Archaic Algon- quian Group. (One-third.) or thongs. Cobble-stones were doubtless used to keep the vessel in an upright position, or the pointed base was set into a small heap of earth. Stone hearths are common on old village-sites and in the shell-heaps. They often consist of a few stones placed together apparently without order. The better hearths, how- ever, are made of selected stones carefully laid in the form of a POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 91 disc about three feet in diameter. The more or less pointed bases of this class of earthenware are well adapted for fitting into spaces between the stones or of being set into the earth. The Virginia Indians, whose earthenware probably re- sembled that of New England in general form, set their cooking- pots upon a "heape of erthe to stay them for falling," and "putt wood under which being kyndled one of them taketh great care that the fyre burn equally rounde about." ^ After much of the later New England pottery had become somewhat modified by Iroquoian influence, the bodies of the Fig. 6 — Pottery vessel from grave, Revere, Massachusetts. Archaic Algonquiau Group. (About two-fifths.) vessels became rounder, and the pots were sometimes suspended over the fire from a framework. Very few vessels of the earlier class under consideration have been found in graves. This is I Thomas Hariot, A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, Holbein edition, p. xv. 92 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME owing in a measure to the rapidity with which skeletons disinte- grate and disappear in the shallow Indian graves of this region. Instances have come under the observation of the writer where the skeletons in proto-historic graves in which European objects were found have become so disintegrated that not a bone retained its form; nothing in fact but discolored earth and an occasional spot of white lime-powder remained to show the former presence of the skeleton. Burial places not marked by Fig. 7 — Pottery vessel, Canterbury, New Hampshire. Collection of Dr H. A. Green. Archaic Algon- quian Group. (One-third.) the presence of skeletons are not easily recognized if disturbed, and pottery and other objects soon become broken and scattered. The pot shown in fig. 4 ^, was unearthed, with a skeleton, on the right bank of the Kennebec river at Waterville, Maine; and the one illustrated in fig. 6 was also found with a skeleton at Revere Beach, a few miles north of Boston. In sections most remote from Iroquoian influence, as in the tidewater regions of Maine, the archaic type of Algonquian pottery probably con- tinued well into proto-historic times. POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 93 LATER ALGONQUIAN POTTERY In this group is included much of the pottery used in western, central, and southern New England during later prehistoric times and to the latter part of the seventeenth century. Most of the examples illustrated were taken from graves of the proto- historic or early historic periods. Sherds of this class are not as common as those of the earlier pottery in the shell-heaps of east- ern Massachusetts, and they are rare in Maine. A study of the sherds from central, southern, and western New England, indi- b Fig. 8— Pottery vessels of the Massachuset Indians. Taken from historic burial-place at Winthrop, Massachusetts, by Professor Putnam. Later Algonquian Group. (About one-third.) cates a transition from the more primitive types to the forms illus- trated. This modification is due largely to Iroquoian influence. In most of the specimens shown, Iroquoian characteristics pre- dominate, the more pronounced of which are the globular body, the prominent and highly decorated rim, and a narrow decorated zone on the body. 94 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The Iroquoian tribes, more especially the Mohawk, were constantly making raids into this territory, even attacking vil- lages of eastern Massachusetts. At one period they claimed the country west of the Connecticut.^ In more recent times, some of the villages of the western section became subject to the Iro- ^ — ^^»«ag i ^^S ^^^^^S . ^^^s ^^£ afe^^^P ^S ^^^a t/f ^^M -,C\ ^\" 'w^p --vr ' •:''^w \L|r^^^=i''--*- ■^ ■- 'i .5-'^^F N^ a ^ Fig. 9— Pottery vessels of the Massachuset Indians. 'l„Lc„ .l^u. li.o.^/ic burial-place at Winthrop, Massachusetts, by Professor Putnam. I^ater Almnquian Group (One-half.) ^ quoians, "and every year two old Mohawks might be seen going from village to village to collect tribute."^ Prolonged inter- course between these peoples must have exerted a strong influence on the arts of the less cultured Algonquians. The use of this earthenware continued well into historic times. Champlain tells us that when the Indians of eastern Massachusetts prepare corn "they boil it in earthern pots which they make in a way different from ours." ^ Morton's description is as follo ws : "They have earthern pots of divers sizes, from a 1 Marquis de Vaudreuil, Letter of April 21, 1725 (Doc. Col. Hist. Neiu York, Al- bany, 1855, vol. IX, p. 943), quoted by Holmes. 2 De Forest, History of the Indians of Connecticut, p. 66. 3 Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), vol. II, p. 86. POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 95 quart to a gallon, 2 or 3, to boyl their vitels in; very strong though they be thin like our iron pots." ^ Clay vessels were used by the New England Indians as late as 1674. At this date Gookin writes : "The pots they seeth their food in, which were heretofore and yet are in use among some of them, are made of clay or earth, almost in the form of an egg, the top taken ofif. But now they generally get kettles of brass, Fig. 10 — Pottery vessels, probably Massachuset Indians, a, From Revere, Massachu- setts, b, From grave at Hingham, Massachusetts. I^ater Algonquian Group. (About one-half.) copper or iron. These they find more lasting than those of clay which were subject to be broken and the clay or earth they were made of was very scarce and dear." ^ Four pots, taken from graves of the historic Massachuset Indians at Winthrop by Professor Putnam, are illustrated in figs. 8 and 9. While these specimens show decided Iroquoian char- acteristics, they are undoubtedly the work of the Massachuset. 1 Morton, Neiu English Canaan (Prince Society), p. 159. 2 Gookin, Historical Collections, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ist s., repr., 1859, vol. I, p. 151. 96 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME In fig. 10 are shown two small vessels, probably also the work of this people : a is from Revere, and b from a grave in Hingham. The former is in the Peabody Museum at Salem. Fig. ii, a, a b Fig. 11 — Pottery vessels from near Hartford, Connecticut. I^ater Algonquian Group. shows the upper portion of a pot from near Hartford, Connecti- cut, and in fig. ii Zj, is illustrated a finely-formed vessel from East Windsor, a few miles above Hartford. This is now in the American Museum, New York City. Much of the later ware shows cord-markings upon the bodies, caused probably by cord- wrapped paddles used as implements by the primitive potters. Cord-markings sometimes occur also upon archaic pottery, but they are not characteristic of this class. An interesting example of the influence of foreign forms upon the further development of native pottery is illustrated by a flat-bottomed, handled mug, now in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, made by the Indians from shell-tempered clay, the shape, of course, being copied from a European model. POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 97 This was taken from a grave near Springfield, Massachusetts, and is the only example of its kind from New England known Fig. 12— Fragments of pot-rims, a, Lake Auburn, Maine, b, Damariscotta, Maine. Ivater Algonquian Group. to the writer. It is probable, however, that other copies of European dishes were made and used by these Indians. IROQUOIAN POTTERY There seems to be archaeological evidence that at least a part of the region drained by the western Vermont tributaries to Lake Champlain was occupied at one time by Iroquoian tribes. The terra-cotta pipes and much of the pottery from this section are distinctly the work of this people. The relative abundance of these remains seems to point to occupancy rather than to commerce. The collection of Iroquoian pottery from the state of New York in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University consists of about forty-six perfect vessels and thousands of sherds, many of which are fragments of rims. A comparison of this collection with the illustrated examples from Vermont leaves no doubt in the mind of the writer as to the Iroquoian origin of the latter. The beautiful pot shown in fig. 13 is from Colchester, Ver- mont. Perfect vessels of this type are rare, but fragments are 98 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME found in the Iroquoian country of New York and Quebec. This is one of the most elaborate and ornate forms made by these clever potters. The example shown in fig. 14, found near New Burlington, is presumably from a grave. In fig. 15 is illustrated a large cooking-pot secured many years ago at Bolton, Vermont. This also may be attributed to the same people. These three specimens are now in the museum of the State University at Burlington. In various other sections of New England, frag- ments of Iroquoian pottery are found, but not as yet in sufficient quantity to indicate occupancy of the region by this people. Fig. 13— Pottery vessel, Colchester, Vermont. Iroquoian Group. (About one-half.) POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 99 Fig. 14 — Pottery vessel, New Burlington, Vermont. Iroquoian Group. (About two-fifths.) Fragments of two rims are shown in fig. 16; ^ is from the beach at Ipswich, Massachusetts, and a is from Holderness, New Hampshire. These are distinguished not only by their form and decoration, but by the texture of the clay, which, in nearly all this pottery, is of good quality, and free from the coarse tem- pering material often used by the eastern Algonquians. lOO PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Fig. - Pottery vessel, Bolton, Vermont. (One- fourth.) Iroquoian Group. A typical Iroquoian pot is shown in fig. 17. This was taken from a grave in Putnam, northeastern Connecticut, and is now in the Gilbert Museum at Amherst College. Another pot (fig. Fig. 16 — Fragments of pot-rims, a, Holderness, New Hampshire, b, Ipswich, Mass- achusetts. Iroquoian Group. 18) having strong Iroquoian characteristics, was obtained from an historic grave in Deerfield, Massachusetts. It is preserved in the Memorial Hall Museum of that town. Isolated examples POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS loi Fig. 18 — Pottery vessel from his- FlG. 17 — Pottery vessel from g^ave at Put- toric grave, Deerfield, Massa- nam, northeastern Connecticut. Iroquoian chusetts. Iroquoian Group. Group. (About one-third.) (One-third.) of this pottery may have been brought from the Iroquoian country by trade or as booty, or they may have been fashioned by captured or adopted women. Peabody Museum, Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts THE SEIP MOUND BY William C. Mills THE Seip Mound is situated within the largest prehis- toric earthworks of the Paint Creek valley of Ohio, known as the Seip Group. ^ One very large mound and another half its size, enclosed with earthworks, which form a combination of two circles and a square, and five mounds situated outside the earthworks but in close proximity to them, constitute the Seip Group. This group is situated in Paxton township, Ross county, Ohio, about three miles east of Bambridge, a village in the extreme western portion of the county. The mounds can readily be reached by conveyance, as the old Milford and Chillicothe pike passes in sight of the works and the Detroit Southern railway has a flag station only a quarter of a mile away. Paint Creek valley has long been known for its beautiful scenery and productive soil. It is drained by Paint creek, a stream of irregular turbulence, crossing from one side of the valley to the other until it finally empties into the Scioto river south of Chillicothe. The mounds and earthworks comprising this group occupy the greater portion of the rich agricultural bottom-land in the I Described by Squier and Davis in Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, pp. 4, 58. THE SEIP MOUND 103 great bend formed by Paint creek as it changes its course from the north side of the valley directly to the south side, where it follows the base of the foothills for some distance. At the present time one can readily trace the circles, but the square with its various openings cannot be so readily followed. Yet, when the site is freshly plowed, the old walls are easily discerned by a slight elevation and the change in appearance of the soil. The mounds, which are all quite large, have deterior- ated less than the earthworks, but the farm cultivation of the few outside the walls has greatly reduced them in height. The two mounds within the walls have suffered little by the encroachment of agriculture. The larger of the two mounds is known as the Pricer Mound, and at the present a number of large native trees are growing upon its top and sides. It is about twenty-five feet high and 240 feet long. The mound has been fenced about, and the enclosure is now used as a sheep pasture, consequently the surface of the mound is devoid of the usual growth of weeds and bramble so common to the large mounds in Ohio. Situation and Dimensions The Seip Mound, named in honor of the Seip brothers, the present owners of the land, is about half the size of the Pricer Mound and is situated upon the same terrace, only a short dis- tance to the east of the larger mound (see plate l) . Squier and Davis, in their drawing of this group, note the Seip Mound as three distinct mounds, as shown in plate II. I have classed the group as one mound, though made up of three separate but connected mounds, as our explorations afterward I04 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME revealed. This feature is invariably present in all large mounds of this culture group. The measurements of the various sections of this mound differ greatly. Commencing at the western end of the mound, which was the largest, the height from outside measurements was eighteen feet; but as the explorations progressed, the mound was found to be twenty feet and one inch high, making the base two feet and one inch lower than appeared from the general level of the surrounding surface. The diameter of this section north and south was 120 feet. The second section, closely con- nected with the adjoining one on the east, was eleven feet ten inches high with a diameter north and south of seventy feet. The third section was not on a line east and west with the other two sections, but was placed to the south, as shown in plate II, and clearly connected with section 2. It was six feet high with a diameter of forty feet. Special Features of the Exterior The mound for the greater part was composed of loam or surface soil, obtained upon all sides of the mound and in close proximity to it. The top of the first section, or larger mound, was composed of clay and limestone gravel. This combination, in the course of time, became cemented together, and proved quite a problem in its removal, as almost every portion had to be picked loose before a shovel could be used. Another feature of the mound was discovered shortly after work was begun on the north side by finding, near the base, several flat stones, averaging from ten to fourteen inches, so placed as to resemble steps. A further examination revealed a series of flat stones, from eighteen X 'S. THE SEIP MOUND 105 to twenty inches under the surface, extending from the base toward the top of the mound. The steps were no doubt used to aid in reaching the summit of the mound with the heavy loads of earth, in the effort of the builders to complete the monument. Another external feature frequently met with in the mounds of this culture group is the use of gravel in construction; but, in this mound, gravel of large size, with the appearance of having been screened, was placed entirely around the base of the mound, to a depth of two feet, and in many places the depth reached two and one-half feet. The width varied from seven to five feet, and at times was a great hindrance to the workmen, as the gravel had to be removed in order to expose the base of the mound, and at times could not be shoveled but had to be removed by hand. Only one large pin-oak tree was left standing upon the mound by the owners, and this was variously estimated, before removal by us, to be from 100 to 175 years old, but when cut, and the rings of growth counted, it was found that the tree probably did not exist when the mound was first noted by Atwater in the Archeeologia Americana, 1820. Special Features of the Interior Many very interesting features, as compared with other mounds of this culture group, were brought to light in the examination of the Seip Mound. First, the site of the mound exhibits three separate in- cisures, circular in form, as evidenced by the post-molds, ex- tending into the base of the mound. The post-molds had charred wood at the top of the mold, indicating that the posts io6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME at one time extended above the surface, and no doubt formed the sides of the building, or charnel-house. Second, the object of the mound was a monument to the dead, placed over the site of the charnel-house. The burials were similar in many respects to those of the Harness Mound,^ but differed in many instances as to the number of cremated dead placed in a prepared burial cist. All the burials placed in the charnel-house were cremated, and graves were prepared for the reception of charred bones and ashes of the dead. Third, the burials in the mound were of two kinds, cre- mated and non-cremated. The cremated remains were all placed upon the floor of the charnel-house, while the non-cre- mated were promiscuously placed in various portions of the mound above the base line, only one having a prepared grave for the reception of the body. Fourth, the builders of the Seip Mound were similar in character to those of the Harness Mound, and represented the highest culture of prehistoric man in Ohio. The special features enumerated above can be better under- stood by further discussion, and I shall attempt in the follow- ing pages to give a detailed account of the examination of this mound. The Mound Site The Seip Mound is situated practically in the center of a large circular earthwork which, for the most part, occupies the third terrace of the Paint Creek valley. The surface of this por- tion of the terrace is quite level, but this particular spot selected I Explored in 1903, and described by William C. Mills in Certain Mounds and Village Sites in Ohio, i. Mm. ' „jj. ■i^'/j^ t ..^.^iMttHi^M ■■■■■'ill "iwimll^^^H^^^H ^^ m lk^% - 'i>, F^ Rl :y,^:if -^-'' i^^^ P ^^^ii^H ,■■"''•'.,»■-;■''■ ^K^ ^^M Kg:., C'^^^JIfe/' P!5^^c^*'^glib&i, ^^B Uncovering the floor of the mound A family burial cist containing four cremateil burials RXCAVATIOX OF TflE SKIP MOUXD THE SEIP MOUND 113 The floor of the third section of the charnel-house was en- tirely devoid of burials, and at only one point, which was near the west side, did the floor show any signs of having a fire built upon it. Here the earth was burned to a deep red. Perhaps a body had been cremated there, and the remains deposited in one of the other sections. Perhaps no definite reason can be given for erecting a mon- ument over an unoccupied site; but the most plausible reason, when taking into consideration the second section, which was only partially filled, is that the site was abandoned, the charnel- houses burned, and the mound erected over all as a monument to the dead. Non-cremated Burials The five non-cremated burials found in the various sections of the mound were promiscuously placed at various heights from the base-line, and only one had anything like a prepared grave for the reception of the body. The grave was placed three feet above the floor of the charnel-house in Section 2. The bottom of the grave was formed of large slabs of slate, and the body was laid at full-length upon the slabs and covered with soil. One burial was found in the third section, two feet and a half above the floor. No grave was prepared, and the body was doubled up and laid on the mound, and was covered with earth, similar to the burial in Section 2. The two burials evidently were individuals who died dur- ing the building of the mound, as their implements of copper and ornaments of shell were identical with those found in the 114 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME graves of the cremated dead placed upon the floor of the charnel- house. The other three burials were found in Section i. One burial, that of an adolescent, was placed seven feet above the floor, and was buried similar to the one in Section 3, with no apparent grave prepared for the body. The ornaments of bear- teeth set with pearls, and a large string of ocean-shell beads, were similar to those found with the cremated dead placed upon the floor. The remains of the other two burials of this section were placed together in a double grave, ten feet above the floor. The grave was evidently dug into the side of the mound, as the out- lines of the grave were very noticeable. The remains, when placed in the grave, were perhaps for the most part devoid of flesh, and had been carried from some distant part of the coun- try, or had been temporarily buried in some convenient place where the bones could be collected and afterward placed in the mound. The various parts of the skeletons were promiscuously placed in the grave: the skulls were placed upside down, and only a few inches apart; the lower jaws were detached and placed in another part of the grave; the arm and leg bones were placed side by side, and several bones of the hands and feet were entirely missing. One large copper plate (ten inches in length and five inches in width) and a fine copper axe (four inches in length and two inches in width) , together with large strings of ocean-shell beads, were found near the bottom of the grave. The implements and ornaments were similar in every respect to those found upon the floor of the charnel-house. MiLi^s -The; Seip Mound Plate \' Floor of shrine covered with slieets of mica The post-iiiolils in the second section EXCAVATION OF THR SEIP MOUND THE SEIP MOUND 115 My conclusions are, concerning the non-cremated dead pro- miscuously placed above the floor of the charnel-house, that they belong to the same culture represented by the cremated dead placed upon the floor of the charnel-house; that three of the individuals died during the time required for the erection of the mound, and the custom of cremation was dispensed with; that the two dismembered individuals placed in one grave were disinterred, and the remains brought to the mound and buried with the dead belonging to the same culture. The Artifacts Found with the Burials The artifacts taken from the burials of this mound, as a whole, were very interesting, although in the second and third sections but few implements and ornaments were placed in the graves; but in the first section, almost every burial was prolific in implements and ornaments of copper, mica, shell, and stone. From the forty-eight burials contained in the three sections of the mound were obtained upward of two thousand specimens, representing the highest art of prehistoric man in Ohio. The material from which the implements and ornaments were made came from widely separated regions. The copper used in making the implements and ornaments no doubt came from the Lake Superior region ; the ocean shells used in making drinking-cups, pendants, and beads, perhaps came from the Gulf; and the mica which was so universally used for ornament came from North Carolina. The finding of so much material so remote from the sources of supply indicates that the ancient inhabitants of this section ii6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME had an intertribal trade, for it seems impossible that the Ohio tribes visited these widely separated points. ORNAMENTS OF COPPER The best preserved specimens found in the graves are the implements and ornaments made of copper; and perhaps, next to the ear ornaments, the most interesting of the copper orna- ments are the large copper plates, of which sixteen were found in the various sections of the mound. The plates are made each of one piece of native copper, hammered to about an eighth of an inch in thickness; and a few were found that would approach a sixteenth of an inch in thickness. The plates vary in size from ten inches and a half in length by five inches and a half in width, to three inches and a quarter in length by two inches and a half in width. The plates are made in the general form of a parallel- ogram, with the ends cut concave and the sides straight; how- ever, one plate has a large scroll cut on one side, as shown in plate VI, a, and one plate has both ends cut into ornamental forms, as shown in plate VI, b. A large plate, size ten inches and a half long by five inches and a half wide, and covered with cyl- indrical beads made of ocean shell, is shown in plate VI, c. This copper plate, together with three more, almost equal in size, and the two ornamented plates described above, were all taken from the same grave. On account of the special features of this burial cist, I will quote from my field notes: Grave No 19, which was placed within six feet of No 18, and directly north of it, was the largest and finest so far discovered in this mound. The cist was made by preparing a platform of clay, the highest point of which was 10 inches above the floor of the charnel-house, and 4 inches above the first logs laid around this platform to form the walls of the cist. The side-walls of MiLi,s— The Skip Mouni -J V'- Pl,ATE VI a. Large copper Jplate with scroll cut in side b. Copper plate with ends ornamented c. Copper plate with shell lieads attached through corrosion COPPRR PLATRS FROM THE vSEIP MOUND THE SEIP MOUND 117 the cist were i8 inches high, and made in the form of a parallelogram — 7 feet 3 inches in length, and 4 feet in width. The molds of the lower logs were fully 7 inches in diameter, while the upper logs varied from 5 to 3 inches in diameter. The usual split pieces, as indicated by the molds, were placed over the top. The clay forming the top of the platform had been burned. Upon this platform were placed two burials — one at the south end (which was burial No 21), and one to the east side (which was burial No 22). They were so placed that further burials could be placed in the cist. Burial No. 21, which occupied a portion of the south end of the cist, was an adult, and, from the general appearance of the incinerated bones, was, no doubt, a male. Before the incinerated bones had been placed in the grave, a tanned skin of some animal was placed at the bottom of the cist. Upon the skin was placed a large copper axe, 6j4 inches long, 4 inches wide at the bit, and 3 inches wide at the pole. The axe was also wrapped in leather, which was pre- served by the salts of copper. The incinerated remains were placed in a pile over the copper axe, and covered with a coarse matting of bark. Between burials 21 and 22 was placed a large spear-point that was very much broken by heat.^ Practically the same preparation was given burial No. 22. The tanned skin was placed on the bottom of the cist, and large copper plates, 6 in number, were placed upon the covered platform. Two of the plates differed greatly from the other four, in being decorated with scrolls and scallops upon the sides and ends. Over the plates a very long string of beads was coiled. The beads were made of ocean shell, cylindrical in form, and varied in length from J4 to % of an inch. The beads were firmly attached to the plate by corrosion of the copper. On each side of the copper plates was placed a single ear ornament of copper, also seven large pieces of ocean shells, several of them 6 inches in length and about an inch in width. Each was perforated with two holes, one at each end, for attachment, and so made as to be not visible from the convex side. This was done by boring a small hole at about the middle of the square end, to a depth of ^ inch, and connecting this hole with another, bored from the con- ' After the entire contents of the grave were shipped to the Museum and examined, the various pieces of the spear were found and fully restored: Length, 9 inches; width, 3% inches. ii8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME cave side of the shell. Ten or twelve bear-teeth, which had been split and polished into thin gorget-like forms, and perforated with two holes, were placed around the outside of the copper plates. The cremated remains were then placed over the ornaments, and several thicknesses of matting, made of bark, were placed over all. Between the two burials, but near to No. 22, was located an adult human skull with lower jaw. The plates and other objects found in the grave could only be superficially examined in the field, and the most interesting points were necessarily left until the objects were brought to the laboratory. The copper plate shown in plate VI, a^ is perhaps the heav- iest and smoothest of all the plates taken from the mound. The scroll pattern cut upon one side of the plate makes the specimen unique so far as the Ohio mounds are concerned. The plate was wrapped in leather when it was placed in the grave, and portions still adhere to the plate, as shown in the illustration. The plate shown in h is perhaps also unique. An attempt has been made in this plate to decorate the ends instead of the side. The work of cutting the scrolls is not so perfect and graceful as in the other plate, but it is more elaborate. The intervening portion between the scrolls is cut into scalloped forms. The other end of the plate is divided into three scalloped sections, and each section has a repousse decoration at the center. The specimen is covered with several layers of cloth, and re- pousse decorations do not show so prominently in the figure. The plates taken from other graves in the mound were similar in form and size to those contained in the grave de- scribed. However, one grave contained two copper plates, a large and a small one, together with eight other copper orna- THE SEIP MOUND 119 ments. The larger one presented a new feature in copper plates. The original plate was reinforced by being covered with another plate, a little larger in all of its dimensions. The edges were hammered down over the original plate in such a manner as to resemble the work of a modern artisan. Copper ear-ornaments were frequently met with in graves, and twenty specimens were secured. They were invariably found in pairs. The manufacture of these ornaments required skill as well as a high degree of advancement in decorative art. The form of manufacture of the ear-ornaments, although two different types were found, is similar. One type is made of two concavo-convex plates which are connected by a cylindrical col- umn; but only a few pairs of this type were found. The other type, which is more common, is made of four plates of copper, two of which are circular and two concavo-convex. The con- cavo-convex plates are attached to the circular pieces which form the inside of the ornament. The discs are connected with a small cylinder of copper.' Other copper ornaments were found sparingly in the burial cists. From one grave a large copper crescent was removed, and from another, six large copper balls. Only two kinds of copper implements were found in the mound — awls and axes. The awls, four in number, vary in length from seven inches and a half to three inches. The awls are usually round, tapering to a point at both ends, although one specimen has one end blunt, the body flat, and the other end tapering to a point. I For a complete description of this type of ear-ornaments, see Certain Mounds and Village Sites in Ohio, I, Sec 3. 120 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The copper axes are unusually interesting on account of their variation in size. The largest is six inches and a half long and four inches wide at the bit, while the smallest is two inches and a quarter long and an inch wide at the bit. Nine axes were taken from the various sections of the mound, and all are of the plano-convex type so common in the Scioto valley. They are made from masses of native copper, and the irregularities of the surface are quite pronounced in many of them. BONE OBJECTS Bone implements and ornaments are always associated with prehistoric man in Ohio, and the implements of bone and teeth played an important part in the life of the builders of this mound. The bone objects may be grouped under two heads, utilitarian and ornamental. Under the utilitarian objects are placed bone digging-tools, needles, awls, etc. The bone digging-tools were frequently met with outside the graves and scattered through the soil of the mound. The tools are simply large fragments of the femora and shoulder blades of large animals, such as bear, deer, and elk. The bones were used in digging the soil preparatory to its use in building the mound. The tools naturally would be carried to the mound, and frequently one would be lost when the load of soil was deposited thereon. Bone awls or bodkins were for the greater part destroyed when the bodies were cremated, as many pieces of implements were found among the calcined remains; but several perfect pieces were found. THE SEIP MOUND 121 The awls were invariably made from the tarso-metatarsus of the wild turkey by cutting away the anterior part of the bone almost to the center, and carrying this cut through to the pos- terior end. The awls vary in length from three to four inches, and the points have a gradual taper and are very sharp. Great skill and much labor were required to make the bone needles of the type found in the mound. They are usually made from the strong metapodial bone of the deer. The needles are usually from three to five inches long, gradually tapering from the head to the point. The head is invariably flat, and pierced with a small hole near the end. The hole is bored from both sides. In one of the graves was unearthed a large curved needle, eight inches in length, made of the rib of some animal. The eye of the needle is placed three-quarters of an inch from the end, and in many respects resembles the needles found at Fort Ancient. ' Many ornaments of bone and teeth were found in perfect condition with the burials in the mound, but many of the most valuable and interesting were destroyed by fire when the bodies were cremated. A large number of ornaments made of bear- teeth were perforated for attachment; the teeth were cut horizon- tally and the halves highly polished, and perforated with two holes near the center. The most interesting of the bone ornaments are those of the efBgy eagle-claws. They were found in several graves; but the finest specimens were found at one of the burial shrines. » Explorations of the Baum Village, in Certain Mounds and Village Sites in Ohio, l. 122 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The effigy claws are made of the rib-bones of the elk, and very often exceed four inches and a half in length. Several cut and polished human jaws, with the teeth intact, were removed from one of the burial shrines; this, however, was not an uncommon find in this culture group. A large tooth of an alligator was unearthed, and from another grave four more teeth of the same reptile. The large tooth is two inches and a half long and almost three-quarters of an inch in diameter. The teeth are all perforated for attach- ment. So far as records go, this is the first instance of finding alligator-teeth in the mounds of Ohio. ORNAMENTS OF SHELL Ornaments such as pendants and beads were found abun- dantly, and all are made from ocean shell. From one grave almost a thousand beads, made from ocean shell and averaging half an inch in length, were removed. From one burial a beautiful string of pearls, in a good state of preservation, was obtained. The flint implements and the various objects made of slate and granite were not abundant in the graves, but a number of excellent examples were procured. TEXTILES In a number of graves of the second section the final burial ceremony consisted of setting fire to the covering of straw, twigs, and cloth, and here the charred remnants of cloth and matting are preserved. In the first section, the charred cloth, showing the simplest to the highest art in primitive weaving, was found THE SEIP MOUND 123 at the burial shrines outside the graves. The builders of the Seip Mound had learned well the art of textile making, for we know that the true textile art began with the spinning or making of the yarn. This, of course, requires the separation of fibrous tissue from the plant, and twisting the fibers so as to make a strong yarn. The cloth was made from bast-fiber, secured from many of the trees and plants known to exist in prehistoric times. ^ POTTERY Fragments of broken pottery were found in almost every portion of the mound, and in several instances potsherds of good size and representing a high type of fictile art were found in several of the graves, but were not associated with the charred remains. It seems strange to find a people so well versed in the fictile art, being able to produce objects in pottery, as shown by the discarded sherds, that required great skill and patience in order to create the symmetry and grace displayed, who would not in some way use it in their mortuary customs. OBJECTS OF MICA Large blocks of mica were found in many graves, as well as in the shrines of the burial cists, where the blocks often com- pletely covered the floor. The detached thin sheets were often cut into geometrical designs and figures, and perhaps served as objects of personal adornment, as many of the pieces have per- forations for that purpose. I Specimens of cloth were subjected to microscopical examination by Prof. J. H. Schaffner, head of the Department of Botany, Ohio State University, who pronounced the cloth to have been made of bast-fiber. 124 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME RfiSUMfi A concise account of the examination of the Seip Mound having been given, a brief mention of the more salient parts brought out by this examination might be of interest. The site of the mound was a charnel-house where the dead were brought and prepared for the grave. The preparation consisted of cremating the body, and afterward placing the in- cinerated remains in a prepared grave within the charnel-house. The site was abandoned before the house was filled, the building destroyed by fire, and a mound erected as a monument to the dead. The charnel-house consisted of three distinct sections, and the size of the mound erected over the various sections was per- haps gauged by the standing or importance of the dead occu- pants. Over the first section the mound was twenty feet high, and the house contained twenty-four burials, most of which were rich in copper and other objects. The monument over the second section was eleven feet ten inches high, and the house contained nineteen burials. Only a few of these contained objects of copper, and other implements and ornaments were very sparingly found; while the third sec- tion was five feet high and did not contain a single burial on the floor of the house. In the first section, graves were enlarged, and very often two and sometimes three and four burials, together with suffi- cient space for more, were recorded from a single burial cist. As not all the remains were those of adults, this condition would suggest that the large graves containing the remains of more than THE SEIP MOUND 125 one person were those of a family burial cist, and the wide floor- space between the cists made them readily accessible for burial at any time. The profusion of implements and ornaments made of cop- per, shell, and bone, of a well-marked individuality, shows that the builders of the Seip Mound belonged to the highest culture of aboriginal man in Ohio, differing widely in customs and culture from the peoples inhabiting the Baum village site, only a few miles down the valley and practically in sight of the Seip Mound. The data secured by the opening of this mound places this group in the Hopewell Culture,^ and according to Prof. W. H. Holmes's^ classification, the Northwestern Group. The builders of the mound had an intertribal trade, as evi- denced by the copper from the Lake Superior region, the ocean shells and alligator-teeth from the far South, and mica from North Carolina. The great variety and quantity of woven fabrics obtained indicate that weaving was assiduously practised and formed one of the most important industries. The examination of the mound proves beyond question that its builders were precolumbian. Columbus, Ohio ' For my own convenience I have named the two great cultures, whose remains are so abundant in Ohio, Fort Ancient Culture and Hopewell Cuhure. "Explorations of the Baum Village Site," Ohio State Archaological and Historical Society Publications, xiv. 2 Twentieth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology. THE FISH IN ANCIENT PERUVIAN ART BY Charles W. Mead THE fish as a symbol and as a decorative motive has played a prominent part in the religions and arts of many peoples. In the various arts of the prehistoric peoples of the Peruvian coast region, numerous species of fish and their many convention- alized forms are of very common occurrence. They are either absent or at least only occasionally to be met with in other parts of the country. Pottery vessels were often modeled into fish- forms, or decorated with fish painted or in relief. Wooden ves- sels in this form are numerous, as are also fish-forms cast or ham- mered in gold, silver, copper, and bronze. It is not uncommon to find painted representations of fish on cloth, particularly on such large coarse pieces as were often used to cover the mummy-bundles; but these painted represen- tations are few compared to the great number of conventional- ized forms where the fish motive, in various colors, enters into the woven fabrics. That the prehistoric inhabitants of the coast region of Peru should worship the sea would be natural and in accordance with what we know of other peoples similarly situated and in a like stage of development. The fish would be the natural symbol of the sea, and the frequency with which it appears in all the THE FISH IN ANCIENT PERUVIAN ART 127 arts of these peoples would certainly indicate for it a religious significance. Garcilasso de la Vega, in his chapter entitled "Of the Idol- atry and Gods which the Ancient Incas adored, and Manner of their Sacrifices," tells us, — ■ The inhabitants near the Cordillera worshipped that mountain for its height, those of the coast made the sea their god, which in their language they call Mamachoca, and is as much as to say the mother-sea; the whale for its prodigious bigness was in no less veneration than the rest, and every sort of fish which abounded amongst them was deified, because they believed that the first fish in the world above them takes always care to provide them with a number of the like sort or species sufficient to maintain and nourish them. ^ We know that the development of Peruvian civilization had been a very long one, that decorative art had reached a high degree of perfection before the coast regions came under the sway of the Inca, at a time variously estimated at from a hundred to three hundred years before the conquest. Although the art of this region had passed through a num- ber of periods, the present state of our knowledge makes it unprofitable to treat the subject otherwise than as a whole, and it may be roughly summed up under four heads, as follows : 1. Realism. Representations of scenes and objects, ani- mate and inanimate, familiar to them in their daily life. 2. Conventionalism. Conventionalized forms, mostly of animals, in which the degeneration does not appear to have been carried to the extent that the identity is wholly lost. 3. Symbolism and Mythology. Anthropomoths, fish, birds, dragons, serpents, and other figures probably having a religious significance. ' Royal Commentaries, ed. Rycaut, Book i, chap. 4. 128 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME 4. Geornetric Figures. Scrolls, meanders, frets, and other geometric figures, most of which are common to the decorative art of many peoples. Realism was the chief characteristic of their art; and even in the textile fabrics, where the most highly conventionalized forms naturally occur, realism is apparently never entirely lost sight of: the kind of animal intended to be represented is still recognizable. I use the word "apparently" advisedly, as it is, of course, within the bounds of possibility that any of the numerous geometrical figures may have represented to the mind of the artificer some animal form. Among the woven fabrics the greatest number of conven- tionalized figures are found in the vicuiia borders which were commonly sewed to the lower edge of cotton ponchos, and in such long, narrow pieces of cloth as were used as head-bands, belts, etc. In these the fish motive occurs much more frequently than any other. The head is triangular, and its identity not to be mis- taken by any one at all familiar with the fish-figures painted on cloth, or represented in relief on pottery vessels. The other parts of the design are usually so arranged as to suggest the outline of a fish, as seen from above. In the woven designs we almost invariably find the pattern to consist of the parts of two fish, turned in opposite directions, making what we may call the "interlocked fish-design," with the whole so arranged, as I have said above, as to suggest the outline of a fish as they commonly represented it (see plate I, figs. 5-7). Where such a wealth of material exists, it is difficult to make a selection; but I have endeavored to picture such as might be called types of a class, and in the textiles, where their decorative THE FISH IN ANCIENT PERUVIAN ART 129 art reached its highest development, to show some few of the steps by which the realistic representation of fish may have degenerated into highly conventionalized forms. It would of course be absurd to attempt to follow this degeneration step by step, but I believe that a sufficient number of figures, represent- ing different stages, have been given to lead to the recognition of the fish motive in such higher conventional forms as are shown in plate II, figs. 1-5. It was Professor F. W. Putnam who first formulated and clearly set forth the theory of progression by degeneration. This was in 1879.^ His "Conventionalism in Ancient American Art"^ followed a few years later. This latter contains a passage which seems to me so applicable to Peruvian art as we know it, that I give it below. He says : Thus it is that we find in the lower stratum of human development many cooking-vessels, water-jars, dishes, and other utensils made of clay, that are of the same form and style of ornamentation ; but after the particular form of vessel desired was attained, and the early methods of ornament by finger-marks, inden- tures, scratches, cross-lines, and the imprint of cord or fabric, had been carried to their full extent, one can easily understand that something higher would follow. This advanced step is represented in various ways by different prehistoric peoples, but it is when this step is taken that the imprint is given to the art of each. Among other ways, this higher expression seems to be shown in the realistic representation of inanimate and animal objects, often of a mythological or his- torical character. In the course of time, as art attained increased power of expression, it progressed beyond mere realism, and led to the representation of an object by certain conventional characters, without that close adherence to nature which was at first necessary to a clear understanding of the idea intended to be conveyed. Thus conventionalism began. Side by side with this conventional ^Papers of the Boston Society of Natural History. 'Bulletin of the Essex Institute, 1886. I30 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME representation of objects are found realistic forms; conservatism, which is such a strong characteristic of primitive peoples, leading to both methods of expression at the same time. We are studying the decorative art of a people who had no written language, and whose descendants retain little or no knowledge that can be of assistance to us. The ancient Peruvians have left us a wealth of material in the remains of their struc- tures and in the contents of their graves; and what is revealed by these, together with such information as has been handed down to us by the early writers, — Bias Valera, Cieza de Leon, Acosta, Zarate, Garcilasso de la Vega, Betanzos, Herrera, and a few others, — constitutes our entire knowledge of this people. The present paper is based on a study of objects in the pre- historic Peruvian collections now on exhibition in the American Museum of Natural History, New York; and from these the sketches used as illustrations have been made. In cases where it is evident that an attempt at realistic repre- sentations had been made, little need be said, and little can be said later. It is with the conventional forms of their higher decorative art that I shall concern myself at present, and trust that I shall be able to show conclusively that many of the designs which have hitherto been described as animal figures, designs derived from animal figures, and the like, are, in fact, conven- tional fish-forms. In the attempt to establish the correctness of my identifica- tion, I shall begin with such figures as are unmistakably derived from fish, and, by calling attention to some intermediate forms I hope to carry the eye, step by step as it were, from those that depart but slightly from the realistic to such as appear to me to have run the whole gamut of degeneration, and reached a stage THE FISH IN ANCIENT PERUVIAN ART 131 unrecognizable by one not familiar with Peruvian decorative art in general, and its apparent methods of working out ornamental designs, not only in the textiles, but also in wood, stone, and metals. Plate I, fig. 5, is from a large piece of coarse cloth which originally formed the outside wrapping of a mummy-bundle. The figure is painted in black, except the openings at the gills and the fins, which have been left white, the color of the cloth. The fish is represented as seen from above, the six white squares in the center representing a dorsal fin. Fig. 6 shows another painted design from the covering of a complete mummy-bundle. In this a decided change has taken place. The curved lines representing the gill-openings have become straight lines, and parts of the animal are represented by zigzags marking the projecting points which are so characteristic of most of their conventionalized forms of animals, particularly of the bird and fish. Fig. 7 is from a long belt or sash of vicuna cloth. The figure is repeated a number of times in different colors, and is part of the woven fabric. Although unmistakably a fish, the degenera- tion has proceeded to the extent that nothing remains but the general form, eyes, and the characteristic projecting points seen in fig. 6. In this figure, together with figs. 8 and 9, I think we will find the key to all the higher conventional forms of fish- designs shown in the illustrations. Figs. 8 and 9 are from vicuna borders sewed to cotton ponchos; and, to save repetition, I may say here that all the other designs from cloth, to be described later, have been taken from similar borders, where they form a part of the woven fabric. 132 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME That these two designs had their origin in some fish-form very- similar to that shown in fig. 7, I thinlc there can be no doubt, and, if we accept this as a fact, I think the way will be clear to the identification of other forms. In fig. 10 we have the first example of the interlocked fish- design, which, in some one of its great variety of forms, is oftener to be met with on the vicuna borders than any other form of ornamentation. It will be seen that two designs like that shown in fig 8, with very slight alteration, will give, when interlocked, the form we are considering. Before proceeding further, I will call attention to an impor- tant feature of Peruvian decoration that applies particularly to these vicuna borders. This is a rhythmic repetition of six units, each being of the same size and design, but varying in color. Commonly each square, band, or diagonal bar, or any other form constituting a unit, is different in color or colors from the one preceding and the one following it; but it often occurs with three all colored alike, followed by three in other colors, also alike, — four of one and two of another, etc. In whatever way these units are arranged, the next six will be a repetition of the first series ; and so on indefinitely. In another place I have described and illustrated this feature of their art.' Fig. 1 1 shows one unit of the six-unit design just described, and is in the form of an irregular diagonal bar. The colors are red and black, the latter color being represented in the illustra- tion by shading. The bars on either side of this one have the same outlines; but different colored threads were used in the « The Six-Unit Design in Ancient Peruvian Cloth, Boas Anniversary Volume, 1906. Mead — Fish in Peruviax Art Pl.ATF, 1 10 11 THR I'ISH IN ANCIENT PERUVIAN ART THE FISH IN ANCIENT PERUVIAN ART 133 weaving. We see in this the same interlocked fish-pattern that we had in fig. 10, and also two conventional fish-heads. Plate 2, fig. I, illustrates another of the almost endless vari- eties of the interlocked fish-designs. It is also an excellent ex- ample of another feature of their decoration which may assist us in the identification of some obscure figures. When the central design was of such a form as to leave large surfaces undecorated, these were filled in with smaller figures, — either conventional forms of the same animal represented in the central design, or motives derived from it. In this case we have both, the three small fish-figures and the highly conventional one directly over the fish at the lower left-hand corner. This latter form is very common in Peruvian art, especially in the treatment of bird-figures, where the head and neck are often fairly realistic, with the other parts represented by a broad line of color, one side of which is straight and the other bounded by a zigzag, as is the case in this fish motive. Fig. 2 is from a poncho of alpaca wool. It represents a pelican (?) with a fish in its mandibles, and it will be seen that this fish-figure is identical with the three in the preceding illus- tration. Figs. 3 and 4 show forms where the entire designs, with the exception of the eyes and dots, are made by continuous lines. After a study of the preceding forms, particularly those on plate I, figs. 8 and 9, I think there would be no hesitation in identify- ing these as other forms of the interlocked fish-design. In fig. 5 we have, perhaps, the most obscure of these conven- tional animal figures. This obscurity arises largely, as I think, from the angular appearance of the figures. We have, how- 134 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME ever, but to change the outlines of these heads to straight lines to obtain practically the same forms that are shown at the bottom of plate I. It is very possible that the step-form figures opposite the heads may represent tails, as we have seen that conventionalized parts of the animal represented were often introduced into these designs. However, from the form of the heads alone, I have no hesitation in identifying these figures as motives derived from the fish. Fig. 6, interlocked fish-design, in relief, from a pottery ves- sel. As we would expect, these figures are less highly conven- tionalized than those of the woven fabrics. That this was a favorite design is shown by the frequency with which it appears, not only in the cloth, but on other materials, particularly on pottery and gourd vessels. Fig. 7 is from a border of vicuna cloth, and shows one of the many designs in which conventional fish and bird forms are so often combined. It may be said that, aside from geometrical figures, all the designs on these borders, with very rare excep- tions, are derived from three animal forms : the fish, the bird, and some species of the cat family (jaguar?) ; and that two of these are often combined, and in some cases all three appear in the same design. Fig. 8 is a gourd bowl about six inches in diameter, with the design burned in. Examples of decoration by pyrography are numerous in any large collection from the coast region, and it was the medium commonly employed on gourd vessels, many of them showing work of no mean order. In this interlocked fish- design, although the workmanship is crude, we have again the Mead— Fish in Phruviax Art Pl,ATE II '^mMk THE FISH IN ANCIF;NT PFRl'VIAN ART THE FISH IN ANCIENT PERUVIAN ART 135 triangular head, with the other parts represented by a straight line and a zigzag. Figs. 9 and 10 are from painted figures on pottery vessels. Fig. 9, evidently representing a shark, is fairly realistic in its out- line. Fig. 10 has the characteristic triangular head so common to fish-figures on pottery vessels. Heads of this form will be found in fig. 4. Fig. II shows a pottery water-jar. The front part of the vessel represents a ledge of rocks rising from the water. Near the top of this ledge sits a fisherman who has hooked a large fish, and, the better to hold it, has taken a turn of his line about the highest point. On the other side of this vessel, on the lowest shelf of the rock, are representations of a seal and a large sea- shell. This is one of the many attempts to depict scenes in their daily life. Fig. 12, a mythological monster (part fish, part man), is from a painting on a pottery vessel. This figure is found on a number of vessels, and is usually represented as in pursuit of two men in a balsa. Fig. 13 represents the upper part of a pottery water-vessel. The fish-figure around the eye shows a form of facial painting. A few words remain to be said concerning the illustrations on plate i, which have not yet been described. Fig. i is a pen- dant, three inches in length, cut from shell. Although many of its parts are conventionalized, it presents, on the whole, quite a realistic appearance. Fig. 2 is a fish cast in bronze; it forms the head of the handle of a small bronze implement. Fig. 3 shows one of the many pottery vessels modeled into fish-forms, — a form extremely common with the coast peoples. Fig. 4 is a 136 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME small wooden vessel. These wooden fish vessels are found in considerable numbers in the graves, especially in the work- baskets of the women. They were probably used as rests for spindles while twirling them. It is not my intention to enter into a discussion of the various theories concerning the origin and development of art. I have simply said that the theory of development by degeneration seemed to me the most natural one. Another theory claims that from marks and scratches a steady progression took place, culminating in highly complex forms and realistic representa- tions; and still another, that both these processes were active at one and the same time. I have no quarrel with any of these theories ; all may be right, and all may be wrong. I do not claim to have discovered in these designs any series representing an historical sequence. My object has been to show to what extent fish-forms appear in all the arts of the prehis- toric peoples of Peru, and to attempt the identification of some of the conventionalized animal figures. American Museum of Natural History New York A STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURE IN OHIO BY Warren K. Moorehead IT is nearly thirty years since Professor Frederic Ward Put- nam began his archaeological explorations in the southern part of Ohio. Previous to his investigations, in the period 1805-20, Caleb Atwater examined the earthworks and mounds, and the results of his observations were published in 1820/ Atwater labored under many disadvantages, but he prepared the way for Squier and Davis,^ whose explorations were much more extended, and have been the subject of no little controversy. No thorough scientific work in Ohio archaeology was done until Professor Putnam took the field ; but, from the date of his first mound exploration until the present time, real progress in archaeology has been more or less continuous. It is not the pur- pose of the writer to deal with the extensive explorations in de- tail, but to draw certain conclusions based on the researches of several investigators of the archaeology of Ohio. So much material is now on exhibition in Cambridge, Columbus, Chicago, Washington, and Salisbury, England (where the Squier and Davis collection is preserved), — not to mention other places, — that it seems proper that one should • Archaologia Americana, Worcester, i83o. « Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, Washington, 1846. 138 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME venture to attempt the interpretation, or at least to point out the trend, of the evidence accumulated. It must not be forgotten that no given area in the United States contains more earthen monuments than southern Ohio. Furthermore, no section has been the subject of so much "mound digging" by individuals as well as by scientific institutions. The museums are full of Ohio material, and the v^riter is familiar with at least twoscore collections that are on exhibition and which contain objects from tumuli. Such an array of witnesses, while varying as to minor details, must of necessity present testi- mony pointing to certain general conclusions. If it is not pos- sible for us to indicate today the types of prehistoric culture of southern Ohio, then have we indeed labored in vain. The evidence accumulated makes it clear to the writer that in southern Ohio three separate types of culture existed. It is well established that there was a culture peculiar to the hill enclosures, and another and higher one represented by the geometric works in the broad valleys. Professor W. C. Mills has coined the terms "Fort Ancient Culture" for the former, and "Hopewell Culture" for the latter. These names being expres- sive, are accepted. A third, however, should be added, "Glacial Kame Culture." The writer is convinced that the numerous interments in the gravel-hills of southern and central Ohio, and the peculiar artifacts found therein, indicate the presence of an- other type of tribal culture. Shortly after Professor Putnam began his work in Ohio, there became evident a tendency, on the part of some other ob- servers, to doubt the statements of Squier and Davis. Much time was spent in resurveying the earthworks, and discrepancies STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURE IN OHIO 139 between the measurements of Squier and Davis and those of later surveyors were emphasized. It was even doubted that Squier and Davis had found so many remarkable carvings, cop- per objects, effigies, and the like. Others thought the famous deposit of two hundred efhgy pipes indicated white man's influ- ence, and that the pipes had been carved with iron tools. In the light of recent discoveries at the Turner group, where Professor Putnam found a number of well-made effigies in terra- cotta and copper; at Chillicothe, where Professor Mills brought to light delicate effigy pipes, bone carvings, copper objects, etc. ; and at the Hopewell group, which has yielded thousands of beautiful objects in copper, shell, obsidian, pearl, bone, and mica, we see the culture of the lower Scioto in its true light. Squier and Davis were right in their contention that it was a life quite different from that of the later Indians. We may not now subscribe to their enthusiastic claim that it was a civ- ilization; but we must accord them a full meed of praise, for they discerned, more than sixty years ago, that the culture was peculiar and distinctive. It can be proven that the culture was local ; that is, it prevailed for a hundred miles along the Scioto, beginning at Columbus and extending to Portsmouth. Between the Scioto and the Miamis it did not extend. Yet in the lower Little Miami, a few miles above Cincinnati, was the Turner group, which belongs to the Hopewell culture. The Serpent Mound does not belong, the writer is persuaded, to the Hope- well culture, but rather to the Fort Ancient division. This statement, however, may be premature. What Professor Putnam originally termed the brachy- cephalic and dolichocephalic peoples may now be said to de- 140 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME scribe the people of the Hopewell and Fort Ancient cultures; but, since his last work in the Scioto, much light has been shed on the history of these two prehistoric peoples. A fairly continuous exploration, ably begun by Dr C. L. Metz at Madisonville, and much digging at Fort Ancient, prove that these two are of the Fort Ancient culture. The objects found in these localities are not of the Hopewell type in any sense. Little copper is found; the pottery exhibits a homogeneous character and motive in orn- amentation. The burials are totally different from those of the Hopewell culture, and mound groups and altars do not occur. The very character of the works is unlike that of the geometric enclosures of the Scioto. We may next consider the types and characteristics of the mounds themselves. Squier and Davis divided their tumuli into certain classes, and Professor Putnam made clearer and more accurate the de- marcation of these groups. We now observe that there are altar and conical and other mounds; that the oblong, or oval, or altar mounds were erected upon hard burned floors, which had been carefully prepared; that gutters or trenches are observed on the bases of some of these; that pens or small enclosures were built around certain of the bodies interred. All this, which, no doubt, carried peculiar ceremonial significance, is observed in certain of the large mound groups associated with the valley works. No such mounds are found on the hills, no such works crown the higher hills overlooking the Scioto, although they occur on the high terraces of that stream. Farther back in the hills, some distance from the river, the mounds become smaller. In Adams, Pike, and Highland counties there are numerous stone STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURE IN OHIO 141 graves, manifestly of Fort Ancient culture. No copper, no obsidian, no effigies, are to be discovered there. The skilled archaeologist has but to examine the artifacts from these two distinct regions — or, if you please, from a mound in the Scioto valley itself and from one back a few miles — to note their con- trast. What does this mean? Simply that the people repre- sented by the Hopewell culture were surrounded by others char- acterized by the ruder Fort Ancient culture. No other explan- ation will fit the conditions, as would appear from observations made in the field and on museum specimens. The valleys of Paint creek and North Fork of Paint creek, wide of bottom and rich in black soil, are filled with groups of mounds; but near the heads of these streams one observes, as the valleys narrow, small tumuli and typical hill-top fortifi- cations. It is not to be supposed that one people would, in the same region, exhibit two kinds of culture in their monuments and in their arts. The third culture, and the one to which no one save the writer seems to have given much thought, is that of the Glacial Kame. Often, when traveling about the state in past years, his attention has been called by farmers to gravel-pits in which human skeletons had been found. As all observers know, bones deposited in gravel are preserved almost indefinitely. Investi- gation of many such burials, and the history of others, bring to light interesting facts. Tubular pipes, cannel-coal ornaments, long, slender unio-shell gorgets, tubes of slate, and hematite plummets abound. The theory built by the writer upon this evi- dence is as follows. 142 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME No one disputes that the gravel-deposits of southern Ohio, especially those rounded or oval, and usually mound-shaped, were deposited during the flooding of the country in a glacial period. These hills may have been more or less irregular at first, but gradually erosion rounded them. They are usually found in the natural although small prairies of southern Ohio. It is not to be supposed that man on his arrival in the Ohio valley began the construction of mounds or earthworks. The rounded, graceful slopes of the glacial knolls may have suggested to him, presently, the building of mounds. Moreover, digging in these gravel-hills was easy. The outlook from the top of the knoll was attractive. Although the tribe that buried in the Glacial Karnes is classed by the writer as distinct from the other two cultures, yet it is possible (although perhaps not probable) that these people may later have become the carriers of the Fort Ancient culture. It is to be supposed, as a matter of course, that there was a long process of development in both the Fort Ancient and the Hope- well people, and that small and isolated works were built by them before they learned to construct the larger hill-works and the more complicated valley enclosures. Dr Cyrus Thomas, in his admirable studies in archaeology, has thought that the Cherokee were responsible for some of the Ohio earthworks. He has also suggested that the graves at Fort Ancient were of the same character as those of the Shawnee. The writer has presented elsewhere detailed observations ' to prove that the graves at Fort Ancient differ in character from those of the Shawnee ; that there are no graves of Fort Ancient « Fort Ancient {Phillips Academy, Department of Archeology, Bulletin IV, part ii, Andover, 1908). STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURE IN OHIO 143 type at the several Chillicothes in Ohio (the Chillicothes, as readers are aware, being sites of historic Shawnee towns) ; that the exhaustive explorations at Madisonville have produced Fort Ancient culture, and nothing resembling that of Shawnee. If Cherokee were the ancestors of the Ohio mound-builders, the Ohio mounds must have been very old, for Cherokee art and Southern art are totally different from Hopewell art. Profes- sor Putnam found nothing at the Turner group to indicate Cher- okee influence, and Professor Mills has exhumed no specimens that could be interpreted as belonging to or as influenced by Cherokee culture. Cherokee pipes are the antithesis of Scioto mound pipes. Thus we are led to the important problem of the origin of the Hopewell and Fort Ancient cultures. The Fort Ancient culture is not yet to be definitely placed, and its origin is so enshrouded in mystery that one may not even theorize regard- ing it. It may perhaps be of northern origin. The Hopewell culture can not yet be accounted for in all its details. Future explorations will add to the sum of knowledge, and will solve many problems. But sufficient progress has been made to show that the Hopewell culture was of southern origin. The writer's theory is based on the following evidence, and facts accumulated through the explorations of all investigators who have examined the valley mound groups of the Scioto region. The statement that the Hopewell culture is confined to a restricted area is one of great importance, and deserves more than passing comment. On the site of Cincinnati and of Portsmouth and Marietta, that culture was almost as much in evidence as at 144 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the Turner group and the Hopewell group itself. Between Cincinnati and the mouth of the Scioto (more than a hundred miles by river) , and between the Scioto and the Muskingum (nearly one hundred and fifty miles) , there are no sites represent- ing the Hopewell culture: at least, none have been discovered up to the present. The village-sites indicate that the inhabitants of this area were of Fort Ancient culture. Particularly is this true of an immense village-site (and the word is no exaggeration) between Aurora and Lawrenceburg, Indiana, and below Aurora, where, along the Ohio, there is a site continuous for three miles. Along the Ohio river, from the mouth of the Kanawha to the Mississippi, there are numerous evidences of camp and vil- lage sites. It is remarkable that although Hopewell culture existed at the mouths of the Little Miami, Scioto, and Muskin- gum, it is doubtful whether it was represented at the mouths of other streams. The village at the Wabash, ^ thoroughly ex- plored by the writer, marks the farthest extension north of south- ern pottery and ornaments. The Ohio was the natural highway for all Indians passing east or west, and, for that matter, the tributary streams furnished thoroughfares north or south. To the writer's mind it seems certain that the Hopewell people, being more sedentary, sought sites back from the river; hence, their location about sixty miles up the Scioto and a hundred miles up the Muskingum (Newark group). The only excep- tions are the three sites mentioned before, situated at the mouths of rivers, where, probably, the village was strong enough to protect itself from outside interference. The Ohio being very I A Narrative of Explorations (Phillips Academy, Department of Archeology, Bulletin iii, Andover, 1906). STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURE IN OHIO 145 wide, war-parties passing up or down could easily keep out of range of the bowmen of the Hopewell villages. Local chert and Tennessee and Indiana flint abound on these Fort Ancient culture sites on the Ohio river; but most of the projectile points and knives seem to have been made of flint from Flint Ridge. This material is easily distinguished from other varieties, excepting that from Coshocton (which is an extension of Flint Ridge), by its peculiar character. The quarries of Flint Ridge have every appearance of hav- ing been worked in times of antiquity. There is nothing to indi- cate their recent exploitation. It would certainly have been mentioned by some of the early explorers had this flint been made use of by the natives two hundred and fifty years ago. Flint Ridge stone occurs also on the Hopewell sites, but not so fre- quently as about Fort Ancient sites. In one of the mounds of the Hopewell group were found upward of eight thousand flint discs as large as a man's hand. These appear to have come from the quarries on Little river, a tributary of the Cumberland in northern Tennessee. This is indicative, to the writer, of a southern origin of the Hopewell culture. The entire mass of flint in this mound weighed two tons. Its transportation in canoes from the quarry necessi- tated a journey of seven or eight hundred miles. A few flint discs from the region in question might have been brought in accidentally, as were a few hundredweight of ocean shells, shark's teeth, beads, etc. But the vast mass of nodular flint, brought from a distance, seems to indicate southern origin. It is reasonable to suppose that natives would rather carry four thousand pounds of Flint Ridge flint to Licking river, and thence 146 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME down the Muskingum and the Ohio to the Scioto, and northward to the Hopewell village. The Flint Ridge material is superior to that from Tennessee, and the distance that it had to be carried is eighty-five miles overland, or about two hundred and fifty miles by water. The importation of Tennessee flint is, therefore, significant. It must not be supposed, in suggesting southern origin for the Hopewell people, that they came north in recent times; else their pipes and sculptures would have been of Etowah or Green- ville or other characteristic southern types. Their ornaments and "problematical forms" would also have been of southern types; and the "spud-shaped" forms would have been present, together with artifacts peculiar to the South. The human figures (idols as well as pipes) found by Squier and Davis, Pro- fessors Putnam and Mills, and the writer, bear striking resem- blance to one another, and are peculiar to the Hopewell culture. The features defy verbal description, and they evidently portray the ancient natives of mound-building days. Students will do well to compare them with modern Indian sculptures. Form and workmanship of chipped implements are more or less alike in Tennessee and Ohio, and yet there are well-defined differences. The best pottery from the Scioto valley tumuli is not inferior to southern mound pottery; yet little of it has been found, and pottery-making seems to have become a lost art in the North. The presence of shells, shark's teeth, mica, and other substances from the South, indicate aboriginal trade. It must be remembered that when we speak of the Turner, Portsmouth, and Newark finds as representing Hopewell cul- ture, we assume the people living in these villages to have been STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURE IN OHIO 147 the same as those of the Hopewell group, yet they seem to have lived for a certain length of time on these sites, and have devel- oped local peculiarities. It is unfortunate that the works at Marietta and Cincinnati were destroyed so long ago that a major portion of the forms exhumed have been lost; but we have suffi- ciently accurate descriptions, in records of explorations, to place them safely in this culture group. The best workers in copper lived at the Hopewell and other Ross county groups; but the natives at the Turner site excelled in the execution of delicate terra-cotta figures. The fact that there are some differences in art, is an indication of considerable population at each site and of sufficiently long residence to develop "local color." The question of age of these remains is, naturally, interest- ing, but it is for future archaeologists to solve. Nothing definite at present can be affirmed. Yet, while it is far from the writer's purpose to prophesy, he would like to indicate several facts and comment upon them in detail. After several explorations of Fort Ancient, amounting to nearly a year in time, the opinion was ventured that Fort Ancient was at least eight hundred years old. A study of the three mounds at Frankfort, Ross county, Ohio, reveals a peculiar condition. At Frankfort was one of the Shawnee Chillicothes, inhabited in historic times. The burials are in trenches or in ordinary graves. On the same site are sev- eral mounds and an earthwork, now nearly obliterated. Yet the Shawnee seemed to have lived in ignorance of the occupancy of the region by an earlier and different culture. There was one intrusive burial in the top of one of the mounds, but the other mounds contained nothing of modern origin, and on the base-line of each were found skeletons, copper objects, land 148 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME pearl beads, indicating Hopewell culture. Squier and Davis often noted these intrusive or recent burials. No competent observer could mistake the disturbed strata and the modern char- acter of the grave. The Hopewell group itself was distant no more than seven miles from the Chillicothe noted above, and but sixteen miles from Cornstalk Town on Sippo creek, Pickaway county. Yet the Shawnee, or other recent Indians, for that matter, never lived at the Hopewell group. Their residence at Frankfort had no relation to these prehistoric remains. Not only are the Shawnee burials very different from those of the Hopewell or Fort Ancient culture, but their appearance is such that even inexpe- rienced observers will notice the contrast. One must not neglect to state that, although from our his- toric records we know that large numbers of Indians lived on all of these sites, yet the evidences of their occupancy are today exceedingly scant. The writer has frequently called attention to this fact. The prehistoric sites contain many times more material on the surface and in the mounds than do historic sites. All of this may seem very simple, yet it is of great moment, and carries a definite meaning. Hundreds of Indians lived, and we know that they did, on each of the Chillicothes ; yet, after an entire day spent in searching the fields, the archaeologist may find three or four bullets, pieces of metal, and a few gun-flints. May he not draw conclusions, when he inspects precolumbian sites in the same region, and is able to pick up in a day's hunt more unfinished or broken stone implements than he can carry? The natural-history method applied to a study of these sites will go far toward establishing their age. This does not imply STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURE IN OHIO 149 that we are to determine exact dates ; but, as has been intimated, certain fields, from the very abundance of material in sight, give evidence of long occupancy by stone-age people in the past. A site in Greene county, Ohio, will furnish similar material to that picked up in Ross county on an equally large village place, yet there will be differences. For instance, in Greene county there are broad, thick spears, of oval outline, chipped from Flint Ridge flint. They are usually of colored flint, the pink and white pre- dominating, and always finely chipped. In many of them the chipping has been carried to such a degree that the flakes removed are exceedingly minute. These specimens have always appeared to the writer as a well-defined type characteristic of this locality, but it may be that their distribution is more general. In northern, eastern, and western Ohio there is no Hopewell culture, and one may hesitate to class the sites as belonging to the Fort Ancient culture. Why Fort Ancient and Hopewell cultures were not developed along the lower Maumee, or upon the shores of Lake Erie, is not known. There are some villages on the Maumee; but, aside from that, there is nothing in the northern part of the state to compare with the sites mentioned. Exhaustive study of sites and the material found on each, followed by careful comparisons, will make clearer the differ- ences between these various cultures. The earthworks themselves furnish the best evidence in support of the southern origin of the Hopewell culture. If the Hopewell people had moved south, we may suppose that geo- metric works similar to those of the Scioto would have been constructed by them in favorable spots in the South. They would have distributed copper, very valuable to them, more I50 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME extensively. They understood the construction of mound groups before coming north, and left many such in the South. A part of these people, possibly most of them, remained south. One may surmise that they did not construct geometrical works until they reached the country north of the Ohio river. Here, as they built mounds, it occurred to them to add walls, circles, octagons, etc. All of the above is, it should be understood, merely the writer's opinion. It is quite likely that future explorations will change or expand our understanding of prehistoric times ; but it is safe to assume that the three cultures mentioned have been clear- ly established, and that the original contention of Professor Put- nam as to the short-heads or southern people, and the long-heads or Fort Ancient people, has been proven. Phillips Academy Andover, Massachusetts THE CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA AND VICINITY BY Marshall H. Saville introduction A PORTION of the material contained in this paper has already been published under the title "Cruciform Structures near Mitla." In view of the fact that other cruciform structures were found during subsequent ex- plorations, and an opportunity was afiforded to add to and to cor- rect former notes, I have thought best to revise, and bring to- gether in a single paper, much of what I published before, mak- ing this a chapter of a monograph which I hope to publish later, giving a complete account of the explorations of the Lou- bat Expedition at Mitla. During the winters of 1898-99, 1899-00, 1900-01, 1901-02, the Duke of Loubat furnished funds for the American Museum of Natural History to make extensive archaeological explora- tions in the State of Oaxaca, Mexico, under the terms of a conces- sion granted by the Mexican Government, through the kind offices of President Diaz. The interests of the Mexican Govern- ment were represented in the field by Leopoldo Batres, Inspec- tor of Ancient Monuments. Two winters were spent in excavat- ing the ancient mounds, called mogotes, in the Valley of Oaxaca, and during two winters work was carried on in the vicinity of the well known Temples of Mitla. 152 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME ZAPOTECAN TOMBS In 1898 the Loubat Expedition made excavations in the mogotes at Xoxo, about two leagues south of the city of Oaxaca/ Minor excavations were made at the great ruined hill-city of Monte Alban, just south of the city of Oaxaca. Monte Alban is one of the most important and extensive ruined cities in Mexico, and during the time when the Loubat Expedi- tion was later engaged in explorations at Cuilapa, the Inspector of Ancient Monuments commenced a survey and exploration at this site, with very important results. At Xoxo the Expedition discovered a number of interesting tombs in the mogotes. Funeral urns of the well known Zapo- tecan type were usually found near the front walls of the vaults. The stonework was of an extremely simple type, and often covered with cement and stucco decorations. Evidence was found of a dome-shaped cement covering of at least one of the mogotes. , In 1902 investigations were continued in the Valley of Cuilapa, a much larger group than that at Xoxo, and less than two miles southwest of Xoxo. As in all the groups of mogotes, those at Cuilapa were found to be of two classes, namely, temple mounds and burial mounds. Of the former class three were explored, revealing the construction of the pyra- mids, and the foundations of old Zapotecan temples. In the burial mounds, seven tombs and seven stone graves were uncov- ered. The tombs were of the same general character as the tombs at Xoxo. They are stone vaults which were usually built ^ I A brief account of the exploration of the mogotes at Xoxo -will be found in the American Anthropologist, n. s., i, no. 2, 1899, pp. 350 to 362. CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 153 on approximately the level of the surrounding fields, and after interments had been made the entrance to the chamber was sealed by a large stone (sometimes by two stones), and over the tomb a solid structure of adobe bricks, earth, and stones was erected, strengthened by cement layers or floors, and undoubtedly covered in many cases by a dome-shaped cement surface. In one instance three tombs, facing respectively north, west, and south, were found under a cement floor or platform slightly raised above the surrounding level. The burial chambers vary in size and construction, and while at Xoxo those discovered faced the west, in Cuilapa tombs were found facing the other points of the compass. In these vaults were many skeletons with the usual food and drink vessels, incense burners, and many personal ornaments made of jadeite. In Xoxo practically no personal ornaments were found, but fragments of mosaic work, bits of shell, obsidian, jadeite, and hematite on stucco objects, were obtained. In Cuilapa and Xoxo were found lintels with hiero- glyphic inscriptions, and mural paintings on the outer and inner walls of several tombs. Terra-cotta tubing was excavated near a number of these tombs, and was ascertained to have been used for water drains. Drains made of stone were also uncovered near tombs. Early accounts regarding the customs of the Zapotecan Indians, which have been verified by the explorations of the Loubat Expeditions, show that their funeral ceremonies were as follows: When an important person died, the body was dressed and placed in a stone chamber together with various personal ornaments and objects belonging to the deceased. Food and drink were placed in or near the tomb to sustain the de- 154 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME ceased on his journey to the other world. Once a year for four years his friends came to the tomb and made fresh offerings of food and drink. At the expiration of this time the flesh had decayed. Sometimes the bones were then gathered and placed in niches, but otherwise they were allowed to remain on the floor. Often they were painted red. In some instances the metate and hand-stone for grinding corn, and the clay griddle for baking tortillas or corn-cakes, were placed in the chamber, with numerous incense burners. Then the door was sealed with a large stone, and usually objects of value, such as personal orna- ments and mosaics, were thrown into the space in front of the vault. Probably some of the offerings of food, drink, and in- cense were intended for the deities whose effigies (the funeral urns) were placed near by, to guide the spirits of the deceased on their journey to the other world. A mound of earth, adobe brick, and stones was then raised over the structure, and was sometimes covered with a dome of cement. Nothing of the na- ture of mosaic stone work, similar to that of the Mitla tombs and temples, was discovered in the mogotes; nor was such found at Monte Alban, either by the Loubat Expedition or by Mr Batres. The mural paintings are also widely different from those of Mitla. MITLA During the winters of 1900-01 and 1901-02 the Loubat Ex- pedition worked at Mitla. The Mitla ruins are situated about ten leagues east of the city of Oaxaca. Since the completion of the Mexican Southern Railroad to the city of Oaxaca, several years ago, the ruins have been visited by hundreds of tourists, CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 155 with an increasing number of visitors each year. The journey is a comparatively easy one, and is best made during the dry sea- son, between December and April. Leaving the city of Puebla in the early morning, the train makes a gradual descent until a tropical region is reached at an elevation of about 1700 feet above the sea. As Puebla is nearly 8000 feet in altitude and Oaxaca 5000, one travels from the cold region to the tropics, and then into a delightful temperate zone in which are situated Oaxaca and Mitla. The latter part of the journey is made through some of the grandest railroad scenery in the world. The road winds in and out at the bottom of immense canyons, then climbing steep grades and passing down into a fertile valley, the train arrives at Oaxaca in the early evening. From Oaxaca to Mitla the thirty-mile carriage ride is over a good road, and the hacienda of Sr D. Felix Quero at Mitla is one of the most delightful stopping places in Mexico. We find the first mention of Mitla in the postcolumbian Nahuan book known as the Codex Telleriano Remensis. Under the account of what transpired during the reign of Ahuizotl, the Aztecan monarch who preceded Montezuma, it is stated that, "In the year two rabbits, which is 1494, the Mexicans conquered the pueblo of Mictlan, which is in the province of Huaxaca." ' Fray Diego Duran places the subjugation of Mitla during the reign of Montezuma the First.^ The majority of original sources agree in placing his reign between the years 1440 and 1454. The date 1494 of the Codex Telleriano Remensis is, per- ' Codex Telleriano Remensis, Loubat edition, 1899, p. 40 reverse. 2 Duran, Historta de las Indios de Nueva Espaiia, written between the years 1579 and 1581; first published in Mexico in 1867-80. 156 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME haps, the most trustworthy, and is accepted by Gay.^ The earliest mention of the ruins by a Spanish priest is made by Motolinia,^ from whom we learn that Father Martin de Valencia passed through Mitla some time about the year 1537. A brief account is given of a temple containing a hall in which are columns; and it is stated that the edifices are more worthy of being seen than any others in New Spain. In Sahagun's great work ^ we find the statement that Quet- zalcoatl, after leaving Tecamachalco, "made and built some houses underground, which are called Mientlancalco." This undoubtedly is a misprint, and in Jourdanet's translation into French the place is spelled Mictlancalco. As Bandelier re- marks, "the subterranean buildings agree very well with the architecture of Mitla or Mictlan." "^ Torquemada, who evidently makes use of the work of Motolinia, writes that the followers of Quetzalcoatl left Tullan offended and came to Cholullan, where they lived many years with their people; thence they sent some of their number to Huaxayacac to settle there as well as in the Mixteca Alta, Mixteca Baja, and Tzapotecas, and these people are said to have erected the great and sumptuous "Roman" edifice of Mixtlan. People called Tultecatl, from the name of Tullan, are said to have been great artificers. The first extended account of Mitla is given by Burgoa, whose work is exceedingly rare.^ His description of the ruins ' Gay, Historia de Oaxaca, p. 185. ^ Motolinia, Historia de los Indies de Nueva Espana, written about 1540 and first published by Icazbalceta in 1859. 3 Sahagun, Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva Espana, tomo, i, lib. 3, cap. XIV, p. 258, Bustamente edition, IVIexico, 1829. 4 Bandelier, Arckaological Tour in Mexico, Boston, 1884, p. 264. 5 Burgoa, Geografica Description de la Parte Septentrional del Polo Artico de la America, Mexico, 1674. CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 157 is fairly accurate, but has given rise to the erroneous idea con- cerning the vast extent of the cruciform chamber found under one of the temples, and also that the substructures of the build- ings contain subterranean galleries. This is true of but two of the structures, so far as we have been able to determine during the extensive excavations which we have carried on around the buildings. The place was occupied by the Spaniards soon after the Conquest. The now famous Temple of the Columns was cer- tainly used either for a dwelling or as a public edifice, and a Spanish window, built of bricks, has existed until recent times in the eastern part of the front wall of the structure. Several of the doorways were partly walled up, and remains of the brick walls were until recently still in place. One of the most im- portant edifices, which contained mural paintings of the utmost value, has been partly demolished, and a church and a curate's house now occupy the site. A number of the rooms are still intact, their beautiful stonework disfigured by numerous coats of whitewash, and the court, in which are the mural paintings, is used as a stable I The modern exploration of Mitla dates from 1802, when Don Luis Martin and Col. de la Laguna visited the ruins and made sketches of the buildings. It was from their report and drawings that Humboldt obtained his information concerning Mitla. In 1806 the great French explorer Guillermo Dupaix and his artist Castaneda went to Mitla on their second exploring tour, and the results of this visit are published in Antiquites Mexicaines, Paris, 1834.^ « This text is included also in Kingsborough's work, but there is some discrepancy 158 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME In 1830 the German traveler Miihlenpfordt made plans and drawings, the originals of which are now in the Museum in the city of Oaxaca. Copies were made by Juan B. Carriedo, and published by him in the Illustracion Mexicana, Vol. II. This account was republished by Penafiel in his work, Monumentos del Arte Mexicano Antiguo, and Miihlenpfordt's drawings are given in the plates copied from the originals in Oaxaca.^ About i860 Desire Charnay, on his first journey to Mexico, made photographs of the principal edifices, which were pub- lished in 1863.^ These photographs, until recently, have been the basis for reproductions used in general works upon the Mex- ican ruins.^ The explorations of Charnay were followed by the visit of Doutrelaine several years later."* Bandelier, Ober, and Ayme came in 1881.^ In 1888 Professor Eduard Seler of Berlin copied the mural paintings, which were published by him in 1895 through the liberality of the Duke of Loubat.^ They have in the two publications, both in text and plates. Some material found in one work is not given in the other. I Penafiel's great work was published in Berlin in 1890, one volume of text, in Spanish, French, and English, and two volumes of plates. ^ Charnay, Cith et Ruines Amhicaines, Mitla, Palenque, Izamal, Chkhen liza, Ux- mal; recueillies et photographiees, a^ inches thick. This stone has been thrown back against the sloping western side of the opening in the position shown in the picture, and under it were found frag- ments of two human skeletons and several pottery vessels of the common type found in the tombs — a grayish black ware. On the south side of the opening, leading down from the level of the courtyard to the level of the floor, at the outer door- way, was found a line of Spanish roof tiles, seemingly placed Saville— Cruciform Structures Plate III ] . Entrance to the Tomb, looking northeast 2. Interior of tlie Tomb, looking west CRrCIFORM TOMB NO. 1 CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 167 there to conduct water into the two lower chambers of the tomb. It is probable that after the discovery of this Cruciform Tomb fleaf f/ lim'^U, ^s b»t 1Z7 n-1 Cructfcrm T^mo jv^ i Fig. 3 — Ground-plan and section, Cruciform Tomb 2. by the Spaniards, who removed whatever was found in it and made an excavation in the floor of the northern arm, these two lower rooms cut out of the bed-rock were used as a reservoir, i68 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the grecque work of the inner chamber being badly disintegrated by water. Later the chamber was partly filled with earth, the entrance filled up, and all traces of the existence of the chamber obliterated. The upper part of the first doorway at the entrance is about 3.2 feet below the cement floor of the court. It is about 3.5 feet high, 2 feet long, and 2.75 feet broad. It leads into a small chamber of irregular shape (see ground-plan), about 5.4 feet in height, 3.3 feet in length, and 5.4 feet in width at the outer en- trance and 7.5 feet at the inner end. In the center of this wall is a second doorway (see ^, plate VI, l) , averaging 2.9 feet in height, 2.15 feet in length and 2.8 feet in width, which leads into a chamber of the same width as the doorway and is 7 feet long on the north side and 6.5 feet long on the south side. On each side is a mosaic panel. This chamber does not run at right angles with the entrance, but bends sharply to the north. The floor is on the same level as the entrance to the court, and from the en- trance to the eastern end of the chamber the structure is on art excavation made in the bed-rock, as is the case in Cruciform Tomb I. The roof rises in the manner of inverted steps, as seen in the cross-section, this part of the tomb being under the steps leading up to the temple. Inside of the door the height of the room is 3.5 feet. Where the roof rises the height is 5.6 feet, and from this point on one may walk in an upright position. At the inner end of this chamber is a flight of rude steps (three in num- ber) cut out of the bed-rock, which leads up to another small room of irregular shape, averaging 3.4 feet in length from east to west, 6.4 feet in width from north to south, and 6 feet in Savili.e — Cruciform Structures PEATE IV STEPS CUT IN BED-ROCK, SOUTHERN ARM OF CRUCIFORM TOMB NO. 1, IvOOKING SOUTH TOWARD ENTRANCE CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 169 height. The walls of this chamber are made of smooth stones and painted red. From this chamber is a third doorway (see <:, plate VI, i), 3 feet high, 2.2 feet long, and 2.8 feet wide, with a step .75 feet high. This doorway is immediately under the front wall of the temple, and leads into the main part of the structure, which is cruciform and composed of four arms or galleries (see plate VII, 2, and plate Vlll) . Inside of the door the roof of the western arm is 6 feet above the floor for a distance of 4.65 feet, where it rises to a height of 8,3 feet, which is the height of the eastern, northern, and southern arms. This western arm is 8.35 feet long from the doorway to the junction of the other arms, and 3 feet wide. At the point of union of the four arms is a depression in the floor, as seen in the cross-section (see also plate Vlli), about 4.4 feet from north to south, 3.25 feet from east to west, and 1.25 feet deep. There is a step into this depression, as one enters from the western arm, which is .85 feet deep from the floor. The head of the cross, or eastern arm, is 7.15 feet long and 4.7 feet wide. The northern arm on the eastern side is 20.2 feet long and 4.7 feet wide, and the southern arm on the eastern side is 20.3 feet long and 4.7 feet wide. The total length of the tomb from north to south, which runs parallel to the temple above, is 45.2 feet, and from the doorway at the entrance of the courtyard to the inner end of the eastern arm, the distance is 44.7 feet, there being but little difference in the two dimensions. In these four galleries the walls are in a perfect state of preservation, and contain the best stonework to be found in Mitla. The large stones are neatly joined; in some cases it is difficult to find the joints. The general method of construction lyo PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME is shown in the drawing of the south wall of the western arm in the cross-section of the tomb {e, plate VI, i ) . The north wall of the western and southern arms is shown in d of the same illustra- tion. Plate VI, I a shows the eastern walls of the northern and southern arms, and b the opposite walls of the same galleries. As in the temples the walls have grecque panels, but the designs are cut in slabs as in the cruciform tomb at Xaaga, and not in the mosaic style as in the lower chamber near the entrance, and in the temple. There are eleven panels in all, in each of which is a different pattern. The designs in relief are covered with white cement; the inner cutting is painted a bright red in which glisten silver-like particles. This red color is probably from cinnabar. The designs were cut in the slabs after the walls were finished, and were sketched out in black with a blunt implement. In some instances the stone-cutter worked inside of the lines, many of which remain, and may be seen where the cement covering has peeled off; apparently the whole surface was lined off horizontally, as many such lines are found in all the panels. The depth of the design is about an inch, and as in the cruciform tombs at Xaaga and upper Guiaroo, the cutting is beveled. The floor is covered with cement. The roof is composed of large, flat, smooth-faced stones. Over the center, at the junction of the four arms, is a single large stone on which a design (figure 4) is painted in red lines. This remarkable tomb is now protected from vandalism by an iron gate which is always kept locked. Visitors are admited only in the company of the local inspector. It is, however, exposed to the elements and during each rainy Fig. 4 — Design on roof stone over central part of Cruciform Tomb 2. o ^ _^ r. ^ ?c ' c! o f\ ^ CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 171 season the lower chamber is flooded with water. A light struc- ture should be built over the entrance by the Mexican Govern- ment. XAAGA The Hacienda of Xaaga comprises the extreme eastern end of the Valley of Mitla, and extends for miles to the eastward. The mountains, in which are the ancient quarries and the Guiaroo groups, form a part of this great estate.^ The Hacienda building is about three miles southeast of Mitla, and is built on the top of the principal mound. Near the houses are the huts of the Indian laborers, some of which are placed upon ancient mounds, while scattered about in the immediate vicinity are other re- mains. In the great mound under the Hacienda building a cruciform structure was discovered about thirty years ago. It was first described very briefly by Bandelier, who gives a rough plan of the structure, but no measurements.^ The ground-plan and entrance are shown in figures 5 and 6, and a photograph of the entrance is given in plate IX, I. The entrance, at the foot of the cross, faces the west, and was found sealed by a large stone resting on a step 19 cm. in height, a short distance in from the edge of the mound. The floor of the structure is somewhat I The word Xaaga is Zapotecan, and is probably derived from xaguiagaa, xant meaning below; guia, mountain; gaa, nine; or, "below the nine mountains," as it is just be- low a high ridge with nine peaks or points which bears the name, in Zapotecan, Guigaa, or in Spanish, Nue-ve Picachos. This etymology will be found in the valuable work of Manuel Martinez Gracida, "Catalogo etimologico de las poblaciones del Estado de Oaxaca," Boletln de la Sociedad de Geografia y Estadistica, Cuarta epoca, tomo i, num. 6, 7, and 8, p. 418, Mexico, 1889. 3 Bandelier, op. cit., pp. 309-310. 172 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME lower than the level of the ground in the immediate vicinity. An excavation of this mound would very likely reveal walls, and possibly the ruins of a building: this was the case in mound 2, in which Tomb i was found near Mitla during the winter ■ Fig. 6— Entrance to Cruciform Chamber, Xaaga Fig. 5 — Ground-plan of Cruciform Chamber, Xaaga of 1 901, where the tomb was in the western side of the mound and excavations uncovered stone walls and a filled-in structure. The four chambers which form the cross of the Xaaga structure are covered by large flat roof-stones. Over the western chamber or Savii.le— Cruciform Structures J I '-l^M ^i^sa. n »\g\s\g\aS'® I Plate VI J 2\ 1. Doorways and walls of Eastern and Western ar ns / \ 1 1 -l ll i Jl 1 1 1 'l 1 1 1 II i ' i 1 2. Walls of Northern and Southern arms CRUCIFORM TOMB NO. 2 CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 173 base there are four stones which form the roof, and beyond are four others which extend to the junction of the four arms. The height of this chamber varies; at the entrance, which is low, it is I m. 15 cm. in height. At a distance of 5.6 feet from the door the roof rises 2j^ inches, the average height throughout the entire structure being 5.6 feet. Over the eastern chamber or head of the cross, one stone forms the roof; over the northern arm are three, and over the southern arm are four stone slabs. ROOF STONES Fig. 7 — North wall of eastern arm, Cruciform Chamber, Xaaga The center of the cross is covered by a single large stone, at which point the floor is depressed 6 inches. The floor of the entire structure is covered with cement 6 cm. in thickness. The stonework of the eleven walls resembles that of the outer walls of the "temples," being composed generally of five courses of stones. In the center of each of the walls is a mosaic panel. In the different panels are found repeated all of the 174 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME various designs seen in the "temples," and several peculiar to this structure. A section of the north wall of the east arm is shown in figure 7. These panels are colored; the inner surface is painted red, while the design in relief is covered by a thin coating of white cement. Each of these panels is composed of from four to five stones. In the eastern side of the southern arm, at the point indicated in the ground-plan (figure 5), is a rude human face (figure 8), carved out of stone, painted red, which projects about 2^ inches from the wall above the panel. This feature was . , . 1 Figr- 8— stone head found in two tombs with mosaic stonework at m southem^a™ Mitla. In Tomb i, two heads were found project- chamb"er,'x°aIS ing from the front wall of the vault, one on each side of the door, slightly above the line of the lintel. In Tomb 4, two animal heads were found in the interior of the chamber, one near the northeast corner, and the other in the southwest corner, both pro- jecting just below the roof. Moreover, during the excavation of the substructure in front of the north building of the Group of the Cruciform Tombs in Mitla, a stone carving representing a rude human face was found just below one of the holes which are found at intervals in the fagades of the temples. This head fits perfectly into the hole above, and unquestionably belongs there, thus solving the problem of the use of these holes, for which a number of suggestions have been advanced (see plate II). The dimensions of the chamber are as follows : Extreme length from east to west 32 ft. Extreme length from north to south 26.9 " Length of base of cross 18 Q " Length of head of cross o - " Length of northern and southern arms 11. 1 1 " Saville — Crucifobm St-ructures Plate VII 1. Interior, Northern Arm CRUCIFORM T():\IB No. 2 CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 175 Width of northern and southern arms 4-3/^ ft- Width of entrance and entire base of cross 2.6 " Width of head of cross 4-3/4 Length of northern, eastern, and southern arms ii-7 Width of northern, eastern, and southern arms 5.2 GUIAROO The general location of the Guiaroo group of ruins is shown in plate XII, 5, being in the depression of the mountain range, directly in the center of the picture, back of the temple- They are situated about four miles from the village of Mitla, and the hill upon which they are located is more than a thousand feet above the valley. The high peak at the left is Guiaroo mountain; Guiaroo is a Zapotecan word, meaning "high moun- tain." ^ The Xaaga ruins are at the base of the mountains at the right of the picture. The quarries are to the left of Guiaroo peak, on the mountain. The hill is covered by a dense underbrush, and there was formerly no road or trail leading up to the ruins from the valley below. There is a fairly good ox-cart road to the base of the foothills, and from that point a road was made to the summit, so that now the ascent may be easily accomplished on horseback. The spur on which the ruins are situated is separated from the lower hills to the west, and the high mountain ridge to the east, by deep and almost impassable barrancas. The view looking west is magnificent; the entire Valley of Mitla is spread out before one, and the high mountains of the 2 The common terra used by the natives in designating the ruins at Guiaroo is Paderones, a corruption of the Spanish word faredones, "walls." The Zapotecan term for the ruins is Basul Lyobaa. Lyobaa is the Zapotecan name of Mitla. 176 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Mixteca, forty miles distant, are seen in the background. This spur would have formed a natural stronghold in case of attack by an enemy, as the only practicable approach would have been from the high hill to the north on which the ancient quarries were situated. It is not a desirable location for a large settle- ' •/V- ■'/' Fig. 9— Ground-plan of Cruciform Chamber, Guiaroo, Lower Group ment, for the reason that the entire available space on the summit is occupied by the temple and sepulchral ruins, and it would have been impossible for the steep sides of the hills to be used for habitation sites. Saviu^E — Cruciform Structurks Plate VIII INTERIOR OF CRUCIFORJI TOMB NO. 2, LOOKING NORTH FROM SOUTHERN ARM, SHOWING DEPRESSION IN THE CENTER CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 177 GUIAROO — LOWER GROUP The entrance of the cruciform chamber, discovered by Dupaix, is illustrated in plate IX, 2, and the ground plan is given in figure 9. Dupaix's plan is not correct; it shows steps which have never existed, and the cross-section which he gives of the tomb with mosaic panels is absolutely wrong.^ The walls of this structure are composed of medium-sized stones, covered with cement; in the center, where the four arms join, the four corners are made of large stones. The walls are painted, the lower half being red, the upper part white, the natural color of the cement. The dimensions of the structure do not show the regularity seen in the Xaaga tombs. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme length from east to west 24 ft. Extreme length from north to south 22 Length of base of cross ii.7 Length of head of cross 9-3 Length of northern arm 9-2 Length of southern arm 9-9 Width of entrance 2.6 Width of head of cross 3 • i Width of end of northern arm 3 Width of end of southern arm 3-2 Average height of the chamber 4-4 J Dupabc gives the following description of this tomb: "Under the principal entrance of this building, at a very little depth, is a subterranean sepulcher: it is constructed in a simple style, and its plan is in form of a cross, constituting four chambers, the walls of which are coated with square stones polished and painted with ocher. A flight of stairs leads to it, and their descent faces the west. We found nothing in this dismal vault but the remains of a deer and a kid, which some leopard or wolf, the present occupants of this ancient house, had dragged to this solitary spot" 178 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME At the present entrance, which is at the base, and faces the west, there are no signs of any stone which might have served to seal the chamber. It is but a slight distance below the level between the two adobe houses, and the eastern part of the vault is under the eastern adobe house, a portion of the wall being seen in the upper right-hand corner of plate IX, 2. The rude stonework of this structure is somewhat similar to that of two small tombs found in the valley, and may indicate the work of the late Zapotecan occupants of Mitla. They resemble also the stonework of the Xoxo and Cuilapa tombs found in the mogotes of the valley south of the city of Oaxaca, where the mosaic treatment of decoration is entirely absent. In the valley tombs near Mitla, however, no funeral urns like the Xoxo and Cuilapa urns were found. GUIAROO — UPPER GROUP The great cruciform subterranean chamber now to be de- scribed is on the upper part of the hill about one hundred feet above and six hundred feet north of the main group. To the northwest and higher up in the range of hills, about one mile distant, are the old quarries whence were transported, in ancient times, the immense blocks of stone which form the door lintels of the more important temples of Mitla. Many immense quar- ried stones still lie scattered about at the quarries, while the others have been partially broken out from the bed-rock. The large blocks used in the construction of the cruciform chamber were transported from this place, and on the way between these two points are several large blocks which were evidently being moved to the chamber when the work ceased. The method of Saville— Crucifrom Structures Plate IX ^^P m p p^ WIW m mm lyi^P^ii^pLi^' •vi'lim^o'-*^ .,Ml«9^ iBiiiiii m\ HI HH p ^^^^^^^^" IRII 1 J^H ^p UPPSSPb Ww r- W»»-"ffi!W^»9igH|l ^^^^^^^H&>' <» V JHj ■ ■ jjBj hhr ^._^ .^. -S^^H I I 1 ^Kf -;'/ *^'^ ?;:'■. 1 1 1 1 WT^^e^^\TWmM. 1 1 ^^^ ^ ^^^^HH ^ 1. Entrance to Cruciform Chamber, looking" east. Xaaga .--i«^ f/m"^ !' ^" ^kj*-li__*,„ ■'.^^■if / ner of this subterranean chamber is^y3,^.«2^^pr jg ^ pyramidal mound, the founda wmm j.|^j^ ^^ ^ building now entirely de- '^%^B^ '"^^^^^^^'X stroyed. On the top we found the Ml. ^^^W^-] remains of a much decayed skele- i&^Mk. ^^^^feta^^SM/ ton, buried about two feet from the surface; two stone heads were ex- hf ^ Bancroft, Nati've Races of the Pacific States, iv, Antiquities, chap, ix, pp. 465, 466. CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 187 ruins and in the Valley of Oaxaca, show that there was, with one possible exception, no fixed direction in which the entrances of the tombs must face. The Zapotecan tombs discovered in Xoxo by the Loubat Expedition all faced the west, but there may be tombs there which we did not discover facing in other directions. In Cuilapa, for example, we found under one cement covered platform, slightly raised above the ground, three tombs, facing respectively, south, west, and north, while in some of the other mogotes tombs were found facing west. Thus the point which I raised in my first publications on this subject does not, in the light of later explorations, obtain. The massiveness of the construction, and simple and chaste ornamentation, place the Mitla cruciform structures in a class unapproached by any other known burial chambers in ancient America. The workmanship revealed in the stonework, the elegant precision with which the stones are laid and carved, is not equaled in any of the Mayan ruins. However, as noted by Holmes,^ the geometric fretwork mosaics differ from the great fagades of the Mayan buildings "in subject matter rather than in kind, for the decorated surfaces there, though depicting animal forms, are mosaics in the sense that they are made up of separate hewn or carved stones set in mortar to form ornamental designs." This method of construction brings the Mitla temples, cruci- form chambers, and smaller tombs into relationship with the Mayan ruins. So far as I am aware, outside of the Mayan ter- ritory no other group of buildings with the exception of Mitla has this mosaic style of stonework. In plate XIII I have brought together side by side a view of a section of the so-called ' Holmes, op. cit, pp. 247, 248. i88 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME "House of the Governor" in Uxmal, Yucatan, and a picture of the northern end of the "Hall of the Mosaics" in the Temple of the Columns at Mitla, which will illustrate the close resem- blance in the construction. There is one point of variance, how- ever, which is quite noteworthy, namely, in the roof. In the whole Mayan area the style of roof is what has been called the Mayan or triangular arch, whereas in the Mitla buildings and tombs a fiat roof was used. In Yucatan fiat roofs are reported from but one ruin — Tuloom, on the eastern coast of the penin- sula. Stephens describes a small building visited by him in 1841 in which the ceiling is flat, and several others with fallen roofs, but with indications of the same method of roof construction.' On the tops of some of the walls in the Mitla edifices we have seen the mortar sockets in which formerly rested the ends of wooden ceiling beams. Unfortunately these sockets have been filled in by the Inspector of Ancient Monuments in his repairs and restorations at the ruins. In the Mayan remains outside of Yucatan, for example in Palenque, where much stucco was employed in embellishing the rough stone walls of the buildings, and at Copan, Honduras, where sculptured monoliths are the chief feature, this mosaic work is not found. Stucco was sparingly used in Yucatan, and I Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, li, p. 398, 299. His description is inter- esting, and as the ruins of Tuloom have not been visited by archzeologists since that time, I quote what he writes concerning this roof: "The interior [of the chamber] is about seven feet high, and discloses an entirely new principle of construction. It has four prin- cipal beams of wood, about six inches in diameter, laid on the top of the wall from end to end of the chamber, with smaller beams, about three inches in diameter, laid across the larger so closely as to touch, and on these cross-beams is a thick mass of mortar and large pebbles, which was laid on moist, and now form a solid crust, being the same ma- terials which we had seen in ruins on the floors of other rooms." This describes what was also the probable construction of the roofs of the Mitla temples. 7", > 2 X " O O O n CRUCIFORM STRUCTURES OF MITLA 189 there are but slight traces of it in Mitla. Moreover, there is but little separate stone sculpture in Yucatan, and, with the excep- tion of small stone idols and amulets, none is found at Mitla. The absence of carved stone monoliths and stelae at Mitla is striking, when we consider the great monolithic lintels of one of the temples (where there are single stones nearly twenty feet in length) , and the great size of the separate stones used in the construction of the upper Guiaroo structure. In conclusion, it m.ay be said to be highly probable that the Mitla and Yucatan ruins belong to the same epoch and are the remains of a people having kindred ancestors. I have else- where offered the suggestion that the building of Mitla was done by the Nahuas, and that the Zapotecan occupancy was the result of conquest. This is borne out by the character of the mural paintings at Mitla, which are Nahuan in character. Furthermore, our extensive excavations carried on around the principal buildings and in different parts of the Mitla valley, failed to bring to light any traces of Zapotecan pottery or the characteristic features of the tombs discovered in the Oaxaca valley. The material from the vicinity of Mitla resembling Zapotecan workmanship has all been found on or near the sur- face of the ground. Regarding the significance of the cruciform shape of the Mitla tombs, which are by far the most elaborate and important burial chambers in the New World, both in size and beauty of stonework, we may state that the cross is not uncommon in an- cient Mexican remains, and had a deep significance with the ancient peoples of this portion of our continent. Brinton writes concerning the cross in ancient America as follows: "As the 190 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME emblem of the winds who dispense the fertilizing showers it is emphatically the tree of our life, our subsistence and our health. It never had any other meaning in America, and if, as has been said, the tombs of Mexicans were cruciform, it was perhaps with reference to a resurrection and a future life as portrayed under this symbol, indicating that the buried body would rise by the action of the four spirits of the world as the buried seed takes on a new existence when watered by the vernal showers." ^ Diguet attributes the cruciform plan to the cult of the Nahuan deity Tlaloc, the God of Rain. Undoubtedly the form of a cross in these structures was connected with the cult of Quetzalcoatl, and is proof of the widespread range of the Nahuan pantheon, for we find his worship throughout the area of Mayan culture, as well as in different parts of Mexico. Columbia University New York City « Brinton, Myths of the Nfw World, p. ii6. CONVENTIONALISM AND REALISM IN MAYA ART AT COPAN, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE TREATMENT OF THE MACAW BY George Byron Gordon SOME years ago I undertook a study of Maya decorative art, and was for a time engaged upon an analysis of the various motives that make up this decoration. The subject ex- panded so much under investigation, the bulk of material became so large and my notes so voluminous, that I was obliged for lack of time to restrict my subject more and more, and at last to con- fine myself to the Serpent Motive. The result appeared in the Transactions of the University of Pennsylvania Museum for 1905. So far as my investigations at that time applied to the general field of Maya art, they have remained unfinished, with little prospect of being resumed by me. On going over some of my notes however, several topics relating to Maya decorative art offer themselves as subjects for special treatment, but most of these would require to be treated at too great length to suit my present purpose. One, however, satisfies the conditions very well and meets my requirements, since it can be treated very briefly and at the same time affords such a good example of certain qualities exhibited by Maya art and illustrates certain of its striking tendencies. 192 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The tendencies to which I refer are most clearly marked at Copan and may be said to be characteristic of the decorative art of that city in particular. The first of these is a tendency toward exaggeration which marks the representation of animals. This phase corresponds to a certain freedom on the part of the artist, who in his interpretation of nature was bound neither by a desire for realism nor by the conditions of his art. He was guided in a general way by a tradition that stimulated his imag- ination and betrayed itself in fanciful pictures. At the same time, the Maya artists never produced a wholly imaginary animal or invented one outright. All of their animal pictures are de- rived from nature, and pretend, throughout many wayward de- velopments, to stand for a true interpretation of natural phenom- ena. The influence of tradition was so powerful however, that at no point did this interpretation become realism. The general tendency indeed was away from realism, and at many points this tendency carried so far that artistic products abandoned the character of representation entirely, and, losing all trace of nat- ural conditions, became pure conventionalism. At Copan, how- ever, during the later period of its existence, there was a move- ment in the opposite direction, when sculpture at all events ex- hibited a much greater degree of realism than before. The monument that marks this development best is the hieroglyphic stairway, which I have shown elsewhere to have a late date. A comparison of the seated figures on this structure with the older statues will serve to show to what extent the traditional methods had been overcome. The greater free- dom and naturalness of these figures, the pose of the body, the position of the limbs, and the carving of certain portions in MAYA ART AT COPAN 193 the round would seem to mark a new era in sculpture. The rattlesnakes surmounting the headdress of one of these statues and the crouching figure in one of the fallen steps show in a marked degree the same successful effort to break away from the traditional methods. It would be a mistake to suppose that the hieroglyphic stairway is the only monument corresponding to this period of improved conditions, because, although no dates Fig. 1— Head of Macaw from Stela B, Copan. have been found upon them to determine with accuracy their relative age, the great temples crowning the northern part of the main structure present characteristics which would seem to link them in point of time with the hieroglyphic stairway. It was a period during which new ideas struggled with the old, for it is evident that ancient usage and conventional methods still exerted a very powerful influence, not only affecting the whole body of contemporary art, but even evading, sometimes 194 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME quite successfully, the tendency of the time and perpetuating themselves in works that copied as nearly as possible the ancient monuments. I can not undertake to discuss these various condi- tions, and my purpose is simply to illustrate by a single example the two historic phases which I have distinguished in the art of Copan, the tendency to exaggeration that marks representa- tion at an earlier stage and a return to realism at a later stage. My example is the macaw, in modern Maya moo and in Cakchiquel kakix, as it is found represented in stone at Copan. Figure i shows the head or beak of this bird as it appears upon Stela B, and figure 2 shows the remarkably life-like head of the Fig. 2 — Head of Macaw from Hieroglyphic Stairway, Copan. same bird from the hieroglyphic stairway, or from the temple to which it led. The tendency to exaggeration is well illustrated by the enormous extension of the beak in the first example, an extension that has suggested to some travelers an elephant's trunk. The other head is of gigantic size, and fragments of claws and wings of corresponding dimensions, carved with equal spirit, found among the debris of the stairway, indicate a lively MAYA ART AT COPAN 195 and very successful ambition to carve a life-like image of the bird that must have dominated in a very effective way that part of the great structure to which it was assigned. The macaw does not appear to figure in Maya art outside of Copan, except in the inscriptions, where the head does duty as the symbol of the month Kayab, in which capacity it becomes everywhere con- ventionalized, undergoing various modifications until it has been mistaken for the head of a turtle. The Museum, University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia THE EXPLORATION OF A BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO, NEW MEXICO BY George H. Pepper THE great series of ruins in northwestern New Mexico known as the Chaco Canyon group was first brought to public notice in 1776, when Don Bernardo de Mier y Pacheco visited and mapped the region ; but it was not until 1844 that these ruins were mentioned in print/ Several de- scriptions of the ruins were published during the late forties and early fifties, notably those of Lieut. J. H. Simpson and William H. Jackson ; but it remained for Professor F. W. Putnam to plan the first expedition for the exploration of one of these walled-in towns. He had been interested in this group of pueblos from the time the first Government reports concerning them appeared, and had looked forward to the day when he could investigate one of them. In 1895 he received promise of cooperation and pecuniary aid from Messrs B. Talbot B. Hyde and F. E. Hyde, Jr., of New York City; and in the spring of 1896 an expedition was sent to the Chaco canyon with instructions to confine the work of that year to the ruined Pueblo Bonito. Owing to other duties that claimed his time, Professor Putnam could not assume active charge of the field operations, and it was the good fortune • Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, 1844, BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 197 of the writer to be appointed to that position. The scientific work was planned by, and the investigations were conducted under, the direction of Professor Putnam, and whatever results were obtained may be ascribed to his untiring interest and efforts. The following description concerns one of the most inter- esting rooms explored, and the object of the paper is to record the remarkable ceremonial objects and other material found therein. This room is situated in the northwestern part of Pueblo Bonito, and near it are several other rooms in which bodies had been buried and ceremonial objects stored. It is 33 of the author's notes, and will be so designated when reference thereto is made. Room 33 is directly west of and connected with room 32. When the latter was first entered, it was found that the sand had almost filled the western doorway, but there was enough space remaining to allow passage through it, and into room 33. En- trance was gained by the writer, and, with the aid of a candle, certain objects were seen which were in keeping with the cere- monial sticks that protruded from the sand in the room already examined. The room proved to be somewhat smaller than room 32; but the sand had not filled it so deeply as the other room. The first object to claim attention in room 33 was a bunch of five ceremonial sticks that had been thrust between the ceiling beams in the southwestern corner of the room. Directly under them, and protruding from the sand, was a burial-mat made of osiers sewed together side by side. In the southeastern corner the tops of two ceremonial sticks projected above the sand; in the northwestern corner was another ceremonial stick; and in 198 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the northeastern corner of the room were what afterward proved to be two wooden flageolets. The ceremonial sticks in the southwestern corner of the room were the first objects to be removed. The beams extended east and west. The points of the sticks had been thrust into the spaces between the beams, the carved ends projecting at least a foot below the ceiling. Not having been exposed to dampness, all the sticks are in a state of perfect preservation (see pi. VII, 2). Three of them are of the subdivision of type i shown in plate V; that is, of the type having a carved knob on the end, drilled and having a groove on the raised band at the opposite end of the handle. These sticks measure in length i m. 8.5 cm., i m. 3.5 cm., and i m. 7 cm. respectively, the average diameter being 1.3 cm. A deposit of nearly three hundred sticks was found in room 32: the five show clearly one feature that could not be studied to advantage in the specimens from this room, owing to the fact that the tapering ends of most of them had been destroyed; namely, the gradual and symmetrical tapering of the ends oppcb site the carved handles. Great care was evidently employed in making this end of the stick cylindrical. On certain parts of the sticks the marks of the grinding implement may be seen, but it is evident that the surfaces have been polished, probably by means of a finely powdered substance and deerskin. The drilled ends of these sticks have practically the same diameter. On one speci- men, directly below the drilled portion, is a two-strand yucca cord, a knot at one end marking the point of attachment of a feather. The fourth specimen is of the third type (pi. V, 3) ; that is, the one having the flattened end. Instead of uniformly plane, BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 199 this stick is elliptical in parts; the one surface, however, always preserving the full rounded form. The specimen is absolutely perfect, and measures i m. 28.2 cm. in length, having a width of 2.9 cm. at the blade-end and 2 cm. at the opposite end, and an average thickness of 1.3 cm. The fifth specimen is of the fourth type (pi. V, 4), and is somewhat irregular in shape. It is 2 cm. in diameter at the end opposite the blade, and tapers gradually toward the opposite or blade-end. The blade itself is 1.6 cm. in width, and the stick is I m. 6 cm. in length. After these sticks were removed, the flageolets in the north- eastern corner of the room were uncovered. As already stated, there were two of these; one (H-4563) protruding 11 cm. above the surface, the other (H-4560) 8 cm.: they were standing in an upright position between two posts and the northern wall. It was deemed advisable to remove the flageolets before the general work of excavation was begun, in order that there might be no danger of anything falling upon them. Specimen H-4563 (pi. I, 3) was the first to be removed. This was covered with a deposit of earth and vegetable mold; but on parts of the surface of the portion protruding from the sand could be detected decorative designs in black and in colors, over which was a coating of gum having the appearance of shel- lac or varnish. When the specimen was cleaned in the Museum, it was found that the entire surface was covered with an elabor- ate decoration in black, orange, and green. The note-holes proved to be four in number, with intervals, on the average, of 6.1 cm. between them, each 6 mm. in diameter. 200 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME This flageolet is of the "self" type; that is, the kind that was played without a mouthpiece. It is 69 cm. in length, 2.3 by 2.1 cm. in diameter at the bell-end, and 1.5 cm. in diameter at the mouth-end, and tapers from the former to the latter. In plate I, 2, the design is shown as it would appear if on a plane surface — • a combination of cloud-terraces and circles separated by encircling bands. This flageolet is extraordinary on account of the elaborate decoration. Another interesting feature is the coating of gum which covers the entire surface. This use of such material by the ancient Pueblo Indians was suggested by the late Frank H. Gushing; but some students doubted whether any process of this kind was ever employed. The finding of this flageolet having the part that was above the surface in perfect condition, sets at rest all doubts on this point. The exact nature of the material used, however, has not been ascertained. When applied, the coating was no doubt transparent, but at the present time the surface is semi-opaque and cracked. The drilling of this specimen is also an interesting feature. At the bell-end the sides are only 2 mm. thick; from this point they gradually increase in thickness to 6 mm. for one side and 3 mm. for the opposite side, at the center. Thus it is evident, that, in making the flageolet, the hole was not drilled uniformly in the center. The periphery of the aperture in the mouthpiece is bev- eled so that it is reduced to an average thickness of r mm. When discovered, the second flageolet (H-4560) was lying but a few inches from the one just described. It is absolutely plain, there being no decoration on the surface. This flageolet, as shown in plate ii, i, is 69.5 cm. long. The bell-end averages V t ?3 ^ z o BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 201 2.5 cm. in diameter, and the mouth-end 1.7 cm. As in the other specimen, there is a gradual taper from the bell-end to the mouth-end. This flageolet is not so finely made as the decorated specimen. At the bell-end the sides average 4 mm. in thickness, while the hole is 8 mm. in diameter; the corresponding dimen- sions are somewhat more than 4 mm. and 8 mm. respectively. This specimen is warped, and is broken in two near the center. There are four holes, the distances between the first and second, beginning at the mouth-end, being 5.6 cm. ; between the second and third, 6.8 cm. ; and between the third and fourth, 5.6 cm. : the holes average 6 mm. in diameter. This also is a "self" flageolet. It is made of cottonwood carefully dressed smooth, but devoid of polish. Both ends are flat, and the edges are not rounded. Below the surface of the sand-deposit, within a few inches of the flageolets just described, the mouth-end of another flageo- let was found. It is practically the same in style as the end of the undecorated specimen, and has been broken at a point which leaves in evidence half of the first note-hole. The fragment is 13 cm. long and averages 1.5 cm. in diameter near the mouth- end, the aperture at this point being 8 mm. in diameter. This specimen also is undecorated. Among the objects found in the northeastern corner were ceremonial sticks, the description of which will be given after that of a series of flageolets found in the southeastern corner. These flageolets, five in all, were found beneath the surface, in the space between a post and the southern wall. In form they are similar to the plain specimen found in the northeastern cor- 202 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME ner; but there are individual differences that make them espe- cially interesting from the scientific standpoint. The first flageolet (H-4557) differs from the plain one just mentioned in having a ridge 1.2 cm. broad, which forms a band at the end of the bell (pi. II, 3). From the evidence at hand, it would seem that this form typifies the squash-flower, which, in the modern flageolets used by the Flute priests of the Hopi, is represented by a bell-shaped piece of squash-rind attached to the end of the flute. Dr J. Walter Fewkes and the late Mr Frank H. Gushing mentioned this fact on examination of these specimens. With the exception of the carved end, the flageolet is absolutely plain. It is 36 cm. long, 2.6 cm. in diameter at the bell-end, and averages 4 cm. in thickness. The opening opposite the mouth-end, as in all of the flageolets of this series, is caused by a tapering countersink carried to the hole which is drilled through the instrument. The distance from the edge to the point where the main hole begins averages 2 cm., the diameter of the general boring averaging 7 mm. In this speci- men, only two note-holes, averaging 3 mm. in diameter, have been preserved: the interval between them is 4.2 cm. The second flageolet removed (H-4558; pi. ll, 4) is of the same shape as the plain one from the other corner. It is 35 cm. long, 2.1 cm. in diameter at the bell-end, and averages 1.3 cm. at the mouth-end; the taper from the bell-end is gradual. The rim at the bell-end averages 3 cm. in thickness. The mouth- end is missing, the flageolet having been broken at a point just below the second hole. The interval between the holes is 4.1 cm. ; the holes are 3 mm. in diameter. All of the flageolets in this series were found lying with the bell-end upward; the BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 203 mouth-ends of all but one specimen were decayed to so great an extent that they could not be preserved. The third flageolet (H-4559; pi. 11, 2) is a perfect specimen: it has the bell-shaped end, and, as in the flageolet last described, there is a gentle taper from the bell-edge to the main part of the flageolet. There are no decorations on the surface. The specimen measures 51.5 cm. in length, and in diameter 2.5 cm. at the bell-end and 1.5 cm. at the mouth-end. There are four holes, as in the other specimens. The hole at the mouth-end is 5 mm. in diameter. The interval between the first and the second hole from the mouth-end is 4.5 cm. ; between the second and the third, 4.7 cm.; and between the third and the fourth, 4.3 cm. : the holes average 4 mm. in diameter. The fourth flageolet (H-4561 ; pi. II, 5) is of exceptional form in that it bears on the surface an animal figure carved in relief, identified by the late Mr Gushing as that of a bear. The specimen is 4.2 cm. in length and 2.1 cm. in width at the shoulder: the head is 10.3 cm. from the bell-end. The height of the figure above the general surface of the flageolet averages 3 mm. As may be seen in the plate, the head and legs are brought out in relief, and the eyes are formed by a slight pro- tuberance on each side of the head. The snout is flat, resembling the snout of a frog rather than that of a bear. The bell-end of the flageolet has a raised collar-like piece, similar to that of figure 3, this band being 1.5 cm. in width. The fragment of the flageolet here shown is 36 cm. in length, and the bell-end is 2.5 cm. in diameter: the edge averages 4 mm. in thickness. Only two holes, each 4 mm. in diameter, remain, the interval between them being 4.3 cm. The surface of this instrument was carefully 204 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME smoothed; but, apart from the carved figure, there are no decorations. The fifth flageolet (H-4562; pi. II, 6) bears on its surface an animal figure carved in relief, the work being similar to that on the specimen just described. The figure is 4.2 cm. in length. The nose is 6.5 cm. from the bell-end. The breadth from the outer extremities of the paws is 2.3 cm. Only half of the animal is shown. The head, the upper part of the body, and the front- legs are carved in relief. At the posterior end the figure is raised seven millimeters, and on a level with the ears, eight millimeters above the surface. The animal represented is evi- dently a mountain-lion, as the end of the tail is shown lying along the median line of the back. The paws are flattened, as they naturally would be in the case of the animal mentioned; and the eyes and ears are carved in relief. The long taper- ing head causes the figure to resemble that of a lizard rather than that of a lion, especially as there is a portion cut away under the head, causing it to appear very thin; but, even though the tail were not shown in position on the back, the pres- ence of the ears indicates clearly that the figure was not meant to represent one of the lower forms of vertebrates, as a lizard. The fragment of the flageolet illustrated measures 38.5 cm. in length, and averages 2.5 cm. in diameter at the bell-end. The thickness of the edge averages 4 mm. Three holes, each 3 mm. in diameter, are shown, the intervals between them being 4.1 cm. In most of the flageolets, the holes are not perfectly round, the longer axis being always on the median line ; but whether this was intentional, or was due to the mode of drilling, cannot be BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 205 determined. Apart from the raised figure, this flageolet is devoid of ornamentation. Returning to the northeastern corner of the room where the first flageolets were unearthed, there is a series of ceremonial sticlcs to be considered. These were found between the post and the northern wall; none of them projected above the surface. These specimens having been protected to a great extent from the action of water, the upper halves of most of them are in a state of perfect preservation. There were eight of the long cere- monial sticks in this deposit, and two of the small curved sticks which were evidently used with them. Types of Ceremonial Sticks Type No. i has two knobs carved on the handle. The specimens are of vaxious forms and sizes; but all of this type are characterized by the plain prox- imal knob. A subdivision of this type has a hole drilled through the proximal knob; while the second knob, or collar, is grooved. Type No. 2 has the handle-end carved in the shape of a bear's claw. All specimens of this type have an enlargement at the base of the claw. A subdi- vision of this type shows no enlargement at the base of the claw. Type No. 3 has a spatula-shaped end, and the stick itself is hemispherical in cross-section. Type No. 4 has a wedge-shaped end, the stick itself being round. A sub- division of this type shows the handle with a binding of sinew and a second one with a binding of cord. There were also three sticks having flattened ends, and a variant of this type, which is No. 4 of the types given above. The largest specimen of type i has a head 4 cm. high and 4.5 cm. broad; the other two are very much smaller. One specimen, of peculiar form, in this group, has a barrel-shaped piece carved on the end, through which a cylindrical hole was drilled laterally. At each end is a ridge, giving the object the 2o6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME appearance of a spool. It is 2.3 cm. long and 1.5 cm. in diameter. All of these specimens have a groove in the collar-like piece, which in three of them is quite deep. This deposit contained two specimens of type 3, the ones having the thin blades, which, in these specimens, average 3 cm. in width. There is one specimen of the fourth type, having the FiG- 1— Types of angular ceremonial sticks. end flattened: as in the case of some sticks found in room 32, a portion directly under the end of the blade is worn away to some extent, as though from use. The eighth specimen is only a fragment; but the taper at what would be the carved end in the other specimens is very pronounced. The two small ceremonial sticks, which were evidently meant to be thrown, are shown in figure i; one of these n r. ^. C X ^ ■^ z -■ r £ ■ 2;; o ; BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 207 is plain, the other has carved arms. The carvings are in the form of collars, similar to those of the ceremonial sticks belonging to the subdivision of the first type. Directly above one of these collars are remains of two bands of heavy yucca cord. The specimen having carved arms measures 9.5 cm. from end to end, the arms being 7 cm. in length. In the southeastern corner, where the five flutes were found, were discovered eleven ceremonial sticks. One of these, of a very unusual form, was standing with the carved end protruding above the surface. This stick is a variant or subtype of type 2, which has the end carved like a claw. It would seem that a natural branch of the end of the stick had been utilized; at all events this end of the stick is smaller, rounded, and bent into a circle, with the end brought back to the starting-point. As with most of the sticks in this deposit, the opposite end is broken; and its original length, therefore, cannot be ascertained. It is the only specimen of the form found in this group. Of type I, having the flattened knobs on the ends and the plain collars below, there were two specimens, one of which had a two-strand yucca cord tied just above the collar. The subdivi- sion of this type having the ends drilled and the collar grooved is represented by three specimens and one freak, the end of the latter not having been drilled, although, as in the other speci- mens, the collar is deeply grooved. One of these has a very large end, through which a semicircular hole is drilled. This knob is 5 cm. long, 4.3 cm. broad, and 2.1 cm. thick: it is ground to a well-defined edge, and in its original condition the surface was no doubt polished to some degree. 2o8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Among the specimens found in this deposit are the distal ends of two specimens of type 3 ; that is, those having the thin flattened ends. Most of the specimens in room 32 having been standing with this end downward, water had affected them, caus- ing this portion to decay. It was therefore interesting to find a specimen that showed the finish and the taper of the opposite end of a stick of this type. There is a small fragment of a ceremonial stick of type 4 and a specimen representing a subdivision of this type ; namely, that having the end covered with bands of knotted cord, which is similar to sticks found in room 32. Fortunately, this stick is complete. Its length is I m. 22 cm. The surface is rounded, but the knots still project from it. In the northwestern corner were found three fragments of ceremonial sticks, from one of which the end is missing: this has a round handle, similar to the handles in types 2 and 4. The second is of type 2 form, but has the end merging into the handle, this feature placing it in the subdivision of this type. The third stick is round, except at the end, where it is flattened on both sides: from the polish on both surfaces, it had been used appar- ently as a digging-stick. Standing between the post and the northern wall, in this corner, was a large pole nearly i^ m. in height, and more than 5 cm. in diameter. The ends are squared, but the surface does not seem to have been worked. Its purpose, and the reason for placing it in the room with the ceremonial sticks, could not be determined. In the southwestern corner were brought to light one stick of type I and a fragment of the end of a second stick. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 209 While considering the ceremonial sticks, it may be well to complete the description of the various objects of this nature found in the room. It is deemed advisable to follow this pro- cedure even at the risk of anticipating the work, as none of these objects properly could be associated with any of the room burials. One specimen of type 4 (H-4514) was found near the north- ern wall, lying parallel thereto; the upper surface being five feet below the ceiling-beams. This specimen has a secondary binding of sinew four centimeters from the end; also a binding near the end of the blade — a feature noted in some of the specimens of this type from room 32; but the addition of the second band is unusual. This specimen is complete. It meas- ures I m. 24 cm. in length, and 1.7 cm. in width at the blade-end. Another specimen (H-4531) is a ceremonial stick of type 4. It is the crudest of all the specimens found in this room, the bases of the twigs projecting from the surface in places. This specimen was found four feet below the ceiling-beams, lying par- allel with, and almost against, the western wall. Scattered through the debris in the room, and intermingled with the burials, were three specimens of type i and a fragment of another ceremonial stick, probably of this type; two speci- mens of type 3, having the thin blade-end; and two of type 4, both of which are devoid of binding at the blade-end (making in all thirty-nine ceremonial sticks) ; one large ceremonial pole; and two of the small angular ceremonial sticks made to be thrown. In considering the contents of this room, it must be remem- bered that the greater part of the material had been afifected from time to time by streams of water that no doubt poured 210 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME through the eastern doorway after each heavy shower. The swirling water displaced the parts of the skeletons to so great an extent, that, of the fourteen skeletons unearthed in this room, only two (Nos. 13, 14) remained in situ; in most cases the under jaw had been detached, and was found some distance from the skull. With the two skeletons just mentioned was found a mass of material that will be described as having been found in situ. The other objects from this room — with the exception of the skulls, the pottery vessels, and some of the turquoise objects — wil be treated in a general way, as it was impossible to determine with which skeletons the various pieces had been buried. The first skeleton found (No. i) was lying on its back, the head resting on the occiput. The lower jaw was not in place. The head was lying parallel with the southern wall ; but the body extended in a northeasterly direction. The distance from the ceiling-beams to the nearest part of the skull was 4 ft. 6 in., the bones of the body being from three to four inches higher. Skull No. 2 was 3 ft. 8 in. from the ceiling-beams; it was lying on the occiput. To the left side of the head a piece of burial cloth still adhered. Only the cervical vertebrae re- mained in place, the remaining bones being scattered through the sand. Skull No. 3 was 3 ft. 10 in. from the ceiling-beams, resting on its side. Part of the skull was covered with fragments of decayed cloth. Scattered about in the sand near skulls Nos. 2 and 3 were a great many turquoise beads and pendants, which will be considered later (see page 240). BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 211 A short distance northeast of skull No. 2 a corrugated bowl was found (A-H-3656; pi. III). This bowl is oval in form, and is of the type having a finely polished black interior; the outer surface in general is also black. This specimen measures 19.6 cm. in length, 12.5 cm. in width at the central part, and 7 cm. in depth; from the rim it tapers gradually toward the bottom. But few vessels of this kind and shape are found in the Chaco region. To the northeast of the bowl just described a ceremonial object made of reeds was found (B-H-3673 ; fig. 2). The reeds had been put together in the form of a mat, and then rolled, thereby form- ing a cylindrical bundle, which was covered with a coating of cloth. This object is 9 cm. long, 4 cm. wide, and 3 cm. thick, and in shape and size it is similar to an object found in room 32. The flatening of the object evi- dently resulted from the pressure of the earth above it, it having been originally no doubt cylindrical in form. The head of skeleton No. 4 was ly- ing with the lower jaw against the eastern wall. The right occipital eminence was the highest point, and the distance from it to the ceiling was 4 ft. 6 in. Near the head was a piece of galena. Fig. 2- Ceremonial object made of reeds. 212 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The next object found was a pitcher (C-H-3674), which was lying on its side. Southwest of pitcher C was another pitcher (D-H-3623), of gray ware and of rather unusual form. The base, handle, and lower half of the upper part, are similar to corresponding features of the ordinary cylindrical-top pitchers. A white band separates the designs in black on the upper part, and from this band the vessel tapers to the mouth, as may be seen in plate III. It is 12 cm. in diameter at the widest part, which is just below the base of the handle, 16 cm. deep, and averages 6 cm. in diam- eter at the mouth. The next object found was a shell bracelet (E-H-3632), which had decayed to so great an extent that the surface was the consistency of hard chalk. The head of skeleton No. 5 was found 4 ft. 3 in. from the ceiling-beams. Remains of a piece of cloth were found on the face, and three strings of yucca cord were lying over the right eye-socket. The body was lying on its back, with the head turned so that it rested on the left side. Most of the bones of the body were in place, the skeleton having suffered less from the action of water than those above it. On the eastern side of the head, resting against the occiput, was a cylindrical jar (F-H- 3637; pi. III). This jar is of the ordinary gray ware, all of the decorations being in black: they consist of vertical bands between the handles, which are placed in perpendicular posi- tion, and perforated. There is an open "life line" on the upper rim. The vessel is 18 cm. deep, 12 cm. in diameter at the bottom, and averages 9.5 cm. at the top, where the vessel is slightly flattened. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 213 Directly below this specimen was a bowl of gray ware (G-H-3645). As shown in plate III, this bowl is of ordinary form, the diameter at the rim being 15 cm. and the depth 5.7 cm. The only decorations on this bowl are a band on the inner rim and an open "life line" on the edge of the rim. Bowl G rested on another bowl of gray ware (H-3675; pi. iii). This bowl is 1 1.5 cm. in diameter and 4.8 cm. deep. The design, which is in black, covers the interior surface, and there is an open "life line" on the edge. South of jar F, and resting against it, was a pitcher of gray ware (I-H-3676; pi. III). This pitcher averages 11.5 cm. in diameter at the lower part and 7.6 cm. at the rim. It is of the usual form, the design being in the form of a meander. The rim is slightly flaring and the handle is devoid of decoration. An isolated jaw was found four inches from the eastern wall, four feet from the northern wall, and 4 ft. 10 in. from the ceiling-beams. Northeast of this jaw, a jar-cover was dis- covered (J-H-3677) : this is of sandstone, of the usual flat, circular form. A pitcher of gray ware (K-H-36r9) was lying on its side when disclosed. This pitcher is of the type having a long cylin- drical top. The decoration, as shown in plate ill, is of the inter- locking fret pattern. The handle is decorated, and the edge of the rim is ornamented with a series of dots. The specimen is 18 cm. in depth, and averages 8.5 cm. in diameter at the rim. A gray-ware bowl (L-H-3618) which, when brought to light, was lying in a natural position, averages 12 cm. in diam- eter at the rim, and is 6 cm. in depth. The decoration is confined to the inner rim, as shown in plate III. 214 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME A pitcher (M-H-3678) was found lying in a slanting posi- tion, the mouth being uppermost. As shown in plate III, this pitcher is of gray ware, of the type having a finely polished sur- face, the general appearance being that of a very much finer grade of earthenware than is usually found in this region. The design is in two bands, and the handle and rim are decorated. The greatest diameter is 14.3 cm., the diameter of the mouth averaging 7 cm., and the depth 16.4 cm. Just west of pitcher M, a lower jaw was found; this was situated i ft. 2 in. from the southern wall, i ft. 4 in. from the eastern wall, and four feet from the ceiling-beams. Another jaw was lying against a post in the southeastern corner, nine inches from the eastern wall, four inches from the southern wall, and five feet from the ceiling-beams. Skull No. 6 was lying, with the face upward, at a point four feet eight inches below the ceiling-beams. The greater part of the skeleton had been scattered, but most of the cervical vertebrae were in place. North of skull No. 6 a number of pieces of pottery were uncovered, the first a bowl (N-H-3613). Southeast of bowl N, another bowl was found (O-H-3612; pi. Ill), resting in an upright position, as was the bowl just de- scribed. Bowl O is of gray ware, with black decorations on the interior surface and a band of black on the edge of the rim. The design is formed by a band on the inner rim; the bottom space contains three circles, the lines forming them being of a wavy character. This bowl is somewhat irregular in shape, averaging 16 cm. in diameter at the rim, with a depth of 6.3 cm. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 215 West of bowl O, a gray-ware pitcher was uncovered (P-H- 3614), resting on its side. Plate III shows this pitcher to be of very unusual shape; the bottom part, as well as the neck, being ovoid in form: the lower portion is contracted on both sides at the central part, — a feature giving it the appearance of a two- lobed vessel. The handle is composed of four strips of clay, in imitation of the crude handles of baskets. The handles of most pitchers of this type have their under surfaces smoothed; but this specimen shows the separate strands of clay on the under side as distinctly as on the upper. The decoration of the vessel is confined to two bands: one spanning the bowl, and the other a space directly below the rim. The handle is decorated with four wavy lines, and there is a line of black on the edge of the rim. The greatest breadth of the bowl is 19.5 cm., and its great- est width 14.5 cm. The neck at the opening is 9 cm. long and 6 cm. wide ; the depth of the pitcher is 20.5 cm. A great many vessels having sides compressed through carelessness in the firing are found in this region; but from the uniform contour of this pitcher, and its general appearance, the conclusion is inevitable that it embodies the conception of its maker. A bowl of gray ware was resting against and partially cov- ering the mouth of the pitcher P. This bowl (Q-H-3610), as shown in plate III, has four wavy lines forming a band on the inner rim ; there are a band of black on the edge of the rim and a large cross on the bottom, this being the only decoration on the exterior. The interior has a peculiar brown finish, which is unusual; whether this was caused by grease, or by some slip dissimilar to that usually used, cannot be stated. This specimen is 1 1 cm. in diameter at the rim and 4.7 cm. deep. 2i6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME To the northeast of bowl Q, and resting against it, was a gray-ware pitcher (R-H-3615). This pitcher, as shown in plate III, has a dull brownish-gray finish. The decorations forming bands around the lower part, and below the rim, were evidently black when they were applied; but they have changed from some cause, and at the present time have a decidedly reddish hue. The handle is of the rod type, being formed of three strips of clay: the under surface has been smoothed until the division- lines have been obliterated. Each of the three strips forming the handle is marked by a line that extends from the rim to the point where it joins the vessel. The greatest diameter of this vessel is at the bowl-part, which measures 15 cm. ; at the rim, the edge of which is decorated, it averages 8 cm. in diameter, the depth being 16 cm. Northeast of pitcher R, and resting against it, was a small pitcher of gray ware (S-H-3616), which is shown in plate III. It has two bands composed of interlocking scrolls, — one about the upper part of the bowl and the other below the rim. The handle is solid and undecorated ; but there is a line on the edge of the rim. The pitcher is 1 1 cm. in diameter at its widest part, which is the upper portion of the bowl. The cylindrical top is contracted toward the rim, where it averages only 7 cm. in diameter; the depth is 11.6 cm. West of pitcher P, and resting against it, were the frag- ments of a bowl of gray ware (T-H-3631). The interior is decorated with an elaborate design; but the entire inner surface has been discolored in some way, presumably from use as a food- vessel. This specimen is 24 cm. in diameter at the rim and II cm. deep. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 217 North of bowl T, and resting thereon in such a way that the pressure of the earth above had crushed it, was another gray- ware bowl (U-H-3630). The decorations on this vessel are confined to the interior surface, with the exception of an irregu- lar black band on the bottom. The decoration of the interior surface of this bowl may be seen in plate III, likewise the open "life line" on the rim. The peculiar discoloration on the interior surfaces of these vessels is quite marked, the present specimen having a decided buflf-color. The bowl averages 20 cm. in diameter, and is 7.5 cm. in depth. South of bowl T, its mouth resting against this bowl, was a small pitcher (V-H-3611). Another pitcher of gray ware (W-H-3620) was resting on the rim of bowl T. This pitcher, as shown in plate in, is of the tall cylindrical-top form, having decorations in black. The handle is a solid piece, decorated; and the rim is ornamented with a series of dots. The upper part of the bowl of this vessel is 1 1.7 cm. in diameter, the diameter at the mouth being 8.5 cm. and the depth 17.6 cm. At a distance of i ft. 10 in. from the southern wall, three feet from the eastern wall, and 4 ft. i in. from the ceiling- beams, an object was found, which, owing to the amount of debris attached to its surface, appeared to be an ordinary cotton- wood-limb; further investigation revealed three other pieces, which show it to be a flageolet of extraordinary size. This mu- sical instrument (pi. I, i ) was in four pieces when found. From the space between the note-openings, it would seem that a small portion is missing. In its present condition the flageolet meas- ures I m. 8 cm. in length; it averages 4.2 cm. in diam- 2i8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME eter, decreasing in size at the mouth-end, and increasing grad- ually toward the opposite end. The hole drilled through the stem averages in diameter 1.8 cm. at the mouth-end, and 2.5 cm. at the point directly below the second hole from the bell-end, and is nearly 3.5 cm. in diameter at the end just mentioned. The flageolet is made from a cottonwood-root. The mouthpiece has been destroyed by rats, but it was evidently formed like the end of the small flutes found in this room. The finger-holes, avera- ging I cm. in diameter, are carefully drilled. The only absolute interval that could be measured is that between the first and second holes from the bell-end, the distance being 10 cm. There are no decorations on the surface, nor has the surface been care- fully smoothed. Small projections formed by knots are in evi- dence, in some places rising to a height of more than two milli- meters above the general surface. The next object uncovered was a bowl (X-H-3628; pi. Ill) of gray ware. The decoration is in the form of a band on the inner rim, and there is an open "life line" on the edge of the rim. The interior surface of this bowl is discolored to so great an extent that the design is almost obliterated. The specimen is 14.3 cm. in diameter and 6.2 cm. in depth. Resting inside of bowl X was an incurved bowl (Y-H- 3617). This specimen possesses unusual features. It is of gray ware, and the decoration is confined to the inner surface, with the exception of a band which spans the outer rim. A handle is attached near the rim. The rim is exceptional, as the design on the inner curved portion extends within five millimeters of the edge. The reason for this feature is hard to understand; for in looking from above the entire upper portion of the design BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 219 is concealed by the overhang of the rim, the general effect being shown in plate III. The greatest diameter of this vessel is 10. i cm., the opening being 7 cm. in diameter, and the depth of the bow^l 5 cm. Southwest of the two bowls just described, another bowl of gray ware was found (Z-H-3629). This contained the remains of cord and of what was once evidently food. The specimen is of gray ware, decorated on the interior. Its diameter at the rim averages 14.5 cm., and its depth is 6.5 cm. Resting inside of bowl Z was another bowl of gray ware (Ai-H-3627). This vessel also contains what appears to be the remains of food. The specimen is decorated on the inner rim, as shown in plate III. It is 11.5 cm. in diameter at the rim and 6 cm. deep. After removing the objects above described, skull No. 7 was found. It was lying with the frontal bone resting against the post in the southwestern corner of the room, at a depth of 4 ft. 7 in. from the ceiling-beams. The lower jaw was not found with this skull. Skull No. 8 was resting in an unnatural position, the teeth being uppermost. It was 4 ft. 6 in. from the ceiling-beams. As in the case of skull No. 7, the lower jaw was not with the skull. A lower jaw was discovered in the southwestern corner, seven inches from the southern wall and three inches from the western wall, and at a distance of 5 ft 5 in. below the ceiling- beams. Another skull (No. 9) was resting face downward, four feet below the ceiling-beams. 220 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The next object of pottery unearthed was a gray-ware bowl (Bi-H-3624). As may be seen in plate III, there is a decoration in black on the inner rim, also a line of black on the edge of the rim. The rim-diameter is 15 cm., and the depth 5.7 cm. Another lower jaw was found 4 ft. 4 in. from the southern wall, I ft. 3 in. from the western wall, and five feet from the ceiling-beams. East of the jaw just mentioned, a fragment of a corrugated jar (Ci-H-3525) was found. The next vessel (Di-H-3622) discovered was a pitcher of gray ware. The entire exterior surface, with the exception of a small area at the base, is decorated, as may be seen in plate III. Its greatest diameter, which is at the upper part of the bowl, is 1 2. 1 cm.; the diameter at the rim averaging 7.5 cm., while the depth is 15.3 cm. The next skull uncovered (No. 10) was lying on the occiput, but it evidently had been crushed, as the bones of the head were broken. Unlike most of the skulls, the jaws had held together and were in their natural positions: from them (the highest part of the skull) to the ceiling-beams, the distance was 4 ft. 11 in. South of skull No. 10, a leg and foot were found. They were in a desiccated condition, and fragments of cloth were wrapped about them. These specimens were lying on the same level as skull No. 10, and probably belonged to the same body. Skull No. 1 1 was found resting on the occipital and parie- tal bones, with the teeth uppermost. It was 5 ft. i in. from the ceiling-beams. Skull No. 12, when discovered, was in an upright position, resting on the occiput. From the frontal bone to the ceiling- ;ffix; I I OJ OJ Oj a^ 0> CT^ ^J Ki M CO tsj ON o o 1^- W- 1^ BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 221 beams was a distance of 4 ft. 10 in. The body extended toward the west, and many of the bones were in place. The lower jaw, however, was not with the cranium. A cylindrical jar of gray ware (E1-H-3621) was found near the eastern wall. This jar, as shown in plate III, is of the undecorated variety, with three handles placed in a horizontal position, and equidistant. The specimen is 12.5 cm. in diameter at the base, and tapers toward the rim, the diameter at that point averaging 8.8 cm. ; its depth is 23.8 cm. The next objects found were two sandstone jar-covers. These were in the northwestern corner, one foot from the northern wall, and resting against the eastern wall; they lay 5 ft. 2 in. below the ceiling-beams. Associated with them were shell and turquoise beads, which seemingly had been grouped around the posts in the corner. On the removal of the above-mentioned specimens and the debris about them, a floor appeared. This was made of boards which averaged a foot in width and from three-quarters of an inch to an inch in thickness. These boards were laid side by side, in an east and west direction ; and the floor thus formed no doubt presented a flat surface when it was new. When found, the boards were somewhat decayed, and were warped, from the effect of the water, to so great an extent that the surface was very uneven. The boards curved upward from the center, ow- ing to the decaying of the bodies in the sand below them and to the pressure of the material above. From the appearance of the boards, it was evident that they had been made for the purpose indicated. In the eastern end of one of them, a hole about four 222 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME inches in diameter had been cut, for what reason, it is impossible to say. Under the floor, at a distance of 5 ft. 5 in. below the ceiling- beams, skull No. 13 was found resting on its right side. The body extended toward the southwest, and the bones were in place. Scattered about the lower part of the leg-bones were 2997 disk-shaped beads of turquoise. Over and about the right ankle were 698 beads of the same form and material. Around the upper part of the left arm were grouped 1628 similar beads, and with these were a small turquoise set and a large turquoise pen- dant. Scattered about the skeleton were 567 beads of the kind described, and one having the edge rounded. There were also three turquoise sets made for use in inlay work. With these were nine turquoise pendants, ranging in length from 8 mm. to 4.5 cm. One of these is interesting in that it has been drilled from each side to the extent that the thin wall that remains is translucent. Besides the objects mentioned there were found a piece of turquoise matrix, three of the disk-shaped shell beads, and a small piece of shell. Only two pottery vessels were found beneath the wooden floor, both of them being bowls. Bowl Hi-H-3635 on discovery was resting against the northern wall. This bowl is of gray ware, as shown in plate III. It averages 16.5 cm. in diameter at the rim, and is 6.5 cm. deep. It is decorated on the inner rim, and there is an open "life line" on the edge of the rim, the decoration being in black. Another bowl (Ii-H-3634) was unearthed near bowl Hi. This bowl is of black ware, undecorated. It averages 11.7 cm. in diameter at the rim, and is 4.9 cm. deep. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 223 The next skeleton found (No. 14) was in situ. The head was in an upright position, and was 7 ft. 9 in. from the ceiling- beams. The face was turned toward the southeast, and the lower jaw was in place. The upper jaw was broken, and had fallen apart. The right side of the cranium was crushed, and there were two holes and a gash in the frontal bone. The skeleton, which was intact, was extended about north and south. The arms extended along the sides of the body. The legs were spread and bent upward, the feet being close together, and resting against the southern wall. In view of the fact that the objects found with this body were in place, they will be considered before a general resume of the specimens found with the other bodies is given. The skeleton itself was resting on a layer of wood-ashes which had been spread on the leveled floor of yellow sand. From the gen- eral care bestowed on this body, and from the character and quantity of the objects found with it, the deceased must have been a person of rank. Apparently, an ornament made of turquoise beads once either hung from the neck, or was fastened to the clothing at the breast, for here 1980 such beads were found. These are of the disk-shaped type, and range from very small beads to large ones having a diameter of 8 mm. With them were a turquoise pen- dant 2.3 cm. in length and 1.6 cm. in breadth, and eight small turquoise pendants. These ornaments were scattered through the sand in such a way that the form of the object of which they were once parts could not be determined. Over the abdomen another mass of beads and pendants was found. In this mass were 2642 small turquoise beads similar 224 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME to those found on the breast, also i68 small turquoise pendants, and four turquoise pendants of unusual form, — two of the last- named made in crude imitation of a rabbit, a third in the form of a shoe, while the fourth is interesting, owing to the fact that it represents the object in the course of construction. With these specimens were three turquoise sets used for inlay work, and five jet inlays. From the position of the beads found about the right wrist of the skeleton, it would seem that these once formed a wristlet. There were 6i6 of the disk-shaped turquoise beads, 147 small turquoise pendants, one small flat turquoise bead having the edges rounded, and one turquoise pendant having the usual perfora- tion at one end, and another hole drilled for a distance at the opposite end. There were also four turquoise sets, one shell bead, and two small stone beads. Special mention should be made of two carved pieces of turquoise. These are approxi- mately the same length (1.2 cm.), one representing a bird, and the other having a flat surface with incised lines. At one end of the latter specimen, which may have been meant to represent an insect, is an indication of a head. Both of these objects are drilled on the under side for suspension. Surrounding the left wrist were 2384 disk-shaped beads, 194 pendants, and four cylindrical beads (all of turquoise), one of which is I cm. in length and 6 mm. in diameter, the other three being smaller. There were five pendants of unusual form, — two in the shape of birds, one in the shape of a human foot, one having a bifurcated base, and the fifth of irregular shape. There was also a pendant which had been drilled and broken, with a BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 225 second hole drilled in the opposite side. With the turquoise beads were five shell pendants of irregular form. Over and around the ankle were 322 disk-shaped turquoise beads, ranging from large to very small, as was the case with each group of beads found with this skeleton. With the beads were five small turquoise pendants, also two cylindrical turquoise beads. The left ankle was surrounded with a mass of disk-shaped turquoise beads, numbering 432 in all. With them were eight small turquoise pendants and two of the disk-shaped turquoise beads having the edges rounded, eight very small shell and stone beads, and a fragment of a cylindrical bead made of shell. In addition to the foregoing, a turquoise set or inlay was found in the mass; but it is quite probable that this specimen had fallen from an upper level, as it would be impossible to use such an object in connection with the turquoise beads, unless, perchance, it may have formed part of the contents of a medicine-bag which was buried with the body. The presence of so many ornaments made of turquoise would seem in itself sufficient evidence for concluding that this person had been of high rank. It is to be regretted that the cords, or perhaps sinew, on which the turquoise pieces were strung, had decayed, thereby removing all traces of the form and char- acter of the ornaments attached respectively to neck, breast, waist, wrists, and ankles. The ornaments already mentioned contribute interesting material for study of the decoration used by the old people ; but a cache of objects discovered just west of skeleton No. 14 revealed 226 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME a number of ornaments of new forms, and furnished a mass of shell and turquoise beads. Four inches from the right knee, on the western side of the body, a shell trumpet (Ki-H-3653) was found. This trumpet (plate IV) is made from the shell of a Strombus galeatos Swainson. The lip of the shell is cut away in the manner noted in the case of a shell from room 13 of this pueblo. Two holes are drilled near the edge of the lip, at the central part, probably for the attachment of a carrying-cord; and a third hole is drilled near one of these. A little farther from the edge is a fourth hole more than two centimeters from the hole nearest the mouth-piece. The shell evidently cracked while in use ; for, on each side of a break near the whorl-end, holes are drilled, evi- dently for the purpose of mending or strengthening the shell at that part. The mouthpiece of the trumpet is ground, to some extent; but there is no evidence of the specimen having had a mouthpiece of clay, and none was found with it, although two trumpet mouthpieces were found in the debris in the room. This trumpet was, when found, 7 ft. 4 in. from the ceiling-beams. It rested in a haliotis shell (L1-H-3651) . This shell shows no signs of having been worked. It rested on a shell of the same kind (M i-H-3650). North of these shells, and lying against Mi, was a third haliotis (Oi-H-3654). Lying on edge in shell Or, were twenty-six perfect shell bracelets and fifteen fragments. These bracelets, averaging 8.5 cm. in diameter, are probably made from pectunculus shells. Another haliotis shell (Qi-H-3652) was found a little above, and slightly to the east, of the deposit of shells just mentioned. Under this shell was brought to light a peculiar deposit of turquoise sets. At first, in clearing away Pepi'i'r Pueblo Boxito Tlate IV Shell trumpet found with skeleton 14 \ -1 T i-Sr^A^-...'H/.if • • • t I i # • • 1. Cylindrical basket covered with mosaic of turquoise. -. Turquoise pendant and set, showing inlays of the same material. 3. Turquoise frogs and tadpoles OBJECTS FROM RURT^L ROOM, PUEBLO BONITo BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 227 the surrounding sand, the small turquoise pieces seemed to be in place: subsequently, as the sand was brushed from about them, many fell from their original position. It required sev- eral hours to determine the shape of the object covered by these turquoise pieces; but, owing to the fact that fragments of the material on which the turquoise had been fastened still remained, it was possible to ascertain that the object had been a cylindrical basket, three inches in diameter and six inches in length. The basket-work had decayed ; but the fragments showed conclusively that it had been made of very slender splints over which a layer of some material, probably pinon-gum, had been placed, this be- ing the medium that held the turquoise pieces in position. A restoration of this specimen is shown in plate IV, i, the individual pieces being represented as adjusted in the manner noted by the writer in uncovering the specimen. The cylinder was practically filled with sand, and was also covered by the same material, which had drifted over it. Thus, though the basket-work had decayed, the several inlays were held in place by an equaliza- tion of pressure. This condition made it possible to determine, not only the general form of the object, but also the irregular arrangement of the various pieces of turquoise. In his legends concerning the Navaho Indians, Dr Washington Matthews shows that several references to "turquoise jewel-baskets" are made by them. But whether their traditional knowledge of the subject is of mythical origin, or whether their ancestors saw such baskets in use by the Pueblo Indians in the early days, cannot now be stated with certainty; but the Navaho legend is none the less interesting on this account. 228 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME There were 12 14 pieces of turquoise forming the mosaic which covered the cylinder, and so closely were these placed, that hardly an opening was left in the whole surface. Partially filling the cylinder, and lying directly below its mouth, was a mass of turquoise and shell beads and pendants. In this deposit there were 2150 disk-shaped turquoise beads. With these were 152 small turquoise pendants, of various forms, and twenty-two large pendants of the same material, the largest of which meas- ured 3.6 cm. in length, 2.7 cm. in width, and 3 mm. in thickness. One of these (H-3769) is of irregular form, having the edges on all sides notched. Another (H-9250) is carved so as to give the appearance of a bird with a crest. A third pendant is crescent- shaped; this was made from a fragment of a disk-shaped bead. Still another (H-3852) is in the form of a bird, the head and bill being outlined by a deep incision ; there is also an incised line about the neck. Associated with the turquoise beads and pendants were 3317 shell beads and small pendants. Among these were a few beads made from olivella shells, but most of them were disk- shaped. There were also seventy shell beads of cylindrical form, and eight specimens of the same kind having holes drilled in the sides, in which turquoise sets no doubt had been inlaid. Still other objects unearthed were sixty-eight large shell pendants of irregular shape, most of them of the flat form; nineteen of these have holes drilled in the sides for the reception of turquoise in- lays. This fact might be deemed purely conjectural, were it not that a pendant of similar form still retains one of the turquoise sets in place. Two of the shell pendants found in this deposit are in the shape of moccasins; these are drilled for suspension. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 229 Fig. 3 — Shell bead with bird-bone inserted. Three cylindrical beads of shell, averaging three centimeters in length and eight millimeters in diameter, were found. These beads are similar to specimens discovered in the same room, each provided with a bird-bone passing through the central opening (fig. 3). The deposit contained also four shell pendants representing bird-forms: one of these specimens still retains a piece of turquoise inlaid in the side. A fifth specimen is of the ordinary form of pendants drilled for the reception of an inlay, and still retains a piece of turquoise in a groove cut just below the drilled portion. In the center of the mass of shell and turquoise ornaments, below the turquoise mosaic cylinder, an object having an animal form was found. This figure (Ri-H- 3657) is made of a soft but very compact stone. The greater part is of a light pink color ; but there is an area of chalky white on the under side, extending through to the tail. This latter part is so much disintegrated that the material rubs off at the slightest touch. The object in its entirety is 8.7 cm. in length, and 3.3 cm. in width at the widest part, that is, across the shoulders. It is 1.6 cm. in thickness at the shoulder, tapering from this point to the nose, also to the wedge-shaped tail. The general form of the object is shown in figure 4. The body is marked off Fig. 4 — Incrusted stone ornament found with skeleton 14. 230 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME from the head by a deep groove on each side. The head is carefully carved. One feature is a shovel-like projection, evi- dently made to represent a flat nose. There are pits forming eyes, which evidently were once inlaid with pieces of turquoise. A band of the same material passes across the neck. This object was obviously made to be used as a pendant. To prevent the cord from wearing away the very soft material, the makers in- serted a bird-bone in a hole drilled just above the neck; the open- ing on each side was countersunk, and the space was filled with gum. Over each end a large turquoise bead was placed, one being in position when the object was found. These completely covered the ends of the bone, which otherwise would have de- tracted from the finish of the figure. Whether this object was made to represent a real or a mythical animal is not determined. Near skeleton No. 14, but not associated with the deposit just described, were the remains of another object made of tur- quoise and shell mosaic inserted on basket-work (H-12758). Owing to the fact that the basket-work had been woven over a wooden body, or at least over a form of fibrous material (as a piece of cactus-stalk), several fragments of the object still re- tained their form, and could be removed. From the contour of the largest fragment, the object must have been about four cen- timeters in diameter and more than six centimeters in length, although the length of the portion found is but three centimeters. Unlike the mosaic cylinder above described, this specimen is made of turquoise beads and ovoidal thin pieces of shell. The beads were strung on a cord and placed on edge against the body of the cylinder, in parallel rows separated by two rows of the thin shell pieces which overlapped like shingles. The number of n ,1J « M I « a 1-1 o a o O BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 231 beads in each transverse row was from six to seven, according to the thickness of the pieces. There are the remains of three of these rows of beads, and of three of the alternating rows of shell which occupy more than half the diameter of the object. With this specimen were a number of beads very much larger than the ones which remained in place, the former averaging six millime- ters in diameter, while the latter are under four millimeters. Sections of the larger beads were found, showing that they had been strung in the same manner as the smaller ones. How they were applied is, of course, conjectural: possibly they formed a row at each end of the specimen. There were discovered more than five hundred loose beads that had formed a part of this interesting object, which was used no doubt ceremonially. With skeleton No. 14 were unearthed a long inlay of red stone, several fragments of shell ornaments, pieces of turquoise matrix, and small turquoise sets, which were used no doubt in ornamenting the shell pendants. Nine inches east of the skull, in a standing position on the same level, was one valve of a bivalve shell (Pi-H-3649)., Nothing was found with it. Measurements Indicating the Positions of the Skulls No. I. I ft. 8 in. from W. wall and 8 in. from E. wall. 2. 3 ft. 3 in. from N. wall and 2 ft. 7 in. from E. wall. 3. 2 ft. 7 in. from N. wall and 3 ft. from E. wall. 4. Against E. wall and 2 ft. 2 in. from N. wall. 5. 4 ft. from N. wall and i ft. 3 in. from E. wall. 6. Against S. wall and i ft. 8 in. from E. wall. 7. 7 in. from S. wall and 4 ft. 11 in. from E. wall. 8. I ft. 9 in. from S. wall and 4 ft. 5 in. from E. wall. 232 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME 9. 2 ft. 7 in. from S. wall and i ft. 6 in. from W. wall. 10. Against W. wall and 4 ft. 7 in. from S. wall. 11. II in. from N. wall and 2 ft. from W. wall. 12. I ft. 4 in. from N. wall and i ft. from E. wall. 13. 2 ft. 6 in. from S. wall and i ft. 4 in. from E. wall. 14. I ft. 5 in. from N. wall and 2 ft. 5 in. from W. wall. The lower jaw of skull No. i was 2 in. below it. The lower jaw of skull No. 2 was i in. E. of it. The following measurements indicate the respective posi- tions of the specimens described, including the distance of each from the ceiling-beams. A. Corrugated bowl, (H-3656) 2 ft. 7 in. from N. wall, i ft. 5 in. from E. wall, and 4 ft. below ceiling-beams. B. Ceremonial object (H-3673), 2 ft. 5 in. from N. wall, li in. from E. wall, and 4 ft. 2 in. from ceiling-beams. C. Pitcher (H-3674), 2 ft. 8 in. from N. wall, 6 in. from E. walli and 5 ft. below ceiling-beams. D. Pitcher (H-3623), 2 ft. 10 in. from N. wall, i ft. 4 in. from E. wall, and 4 ft. 9 in. from ceiling-beams. E. Shell 'uracelet (H-3fci32), against E. wall, 3 ft. 4 in. from N. wall, and 5 ft. below ceiling-beams. F. Cylindrical jar (H-3637), 3 ft. 9 in. from N. wall, 9 in. from E. wall, and 4 ft. 3 in. from ceiling-beams. G. Bowl (H-3645), same position as F. H. Bowl (H-3675), same position as F. I. Pitcher (H-3676), same position as F. J. Jar-cover (H-3677), 2 ft. from E. wall, 3 ft. 10 in. from W. waU, and 4 ft. 10 in. from ceiling-beams. K. Pitcher (H-3619), I ft. 5 in. from E. wall, 3 ft. 6 in. from N. wall, and 5 ft. from ceiling-beams. L. Bowl (H-3618), 3 ft. I in. from N. wall, i ft. 9 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. I in. from ceiling-beams. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 233 M. Pitcher (H-3678), i ft. from S. wall, i ft. 4 in. from E. wall, and 4 ft. I in. from ceiling-beams. N. Bowl (H-3613), 2 ft. from S. wall, i ft. 10 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. below ceiling-beams. O. Bowl (H-3612), I ft. 9 in. from E. wall and 5 ft. 2 in. from ceiling- beams. P. Pitcher (H-3614), 2 ft. 4 in. from E. wall, i ft. from S. wall, and 5 ft. below ceiling-beams. Q. Bowl (H-3610), I ft. 7 in. from S. wall, 2 ft. 8 in. from E. wall, and 4 ft. 10 in. from ceiling-beams. R. Pitcher (H-3615), i ft. 8 in. from S. wall, 2 ft. 6 in. from E. wall, and 4 ft. II in. from ceiling-beams. S. Pitcher (H-36i6)> 2 ft. 2 in. from S. wall, 2 ft. 5 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 2 in. from ceiling-beams. T. Bowl (H-3631), II in. from S. wall, 3 ft. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 2 in. from ceiling-beams. U. Bowl (H-3630), I ft. 4 in. from S. wall, 2 ft. 11 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 2 in. from ceiling-beams. V. Pitcher (H-3611), 7 in. from S. wall, 3 ft. 2 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. I in. from ceiling-beams. W. Pitcher (H-3620), 11 in. from S. wall, 3 ft. 4 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 4 in. from ceiling-beams. X. Bowl (H-3628), I ft. 6 in. from S. wall, 3 ft. 10 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 3 in. below ceiling-beams. Y. Bowl (H-3617), found in bowl X. Z. Bowl (H-3629), I ft. 2 in. from S. wall, 4 ft. 4 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 4 in. from ceiling-beams. A-i. Bowl (H-3627), found in bowl Z. B-i. Bowl (H-3624). 3 ft. 2 in. from S. wall, 2 ft. 4 in. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 3 in. below ceiling-beams. C-i. Jar fragment (H-3625), 4 ft. 5 in. from S. wall, i ft. 11 in. from W. wall, and 5 ft i in. below ceiling-beams. 234 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME D-I. Pitcher (H-3622), 3 ft. 7 in. from S. wall, 7 i"- from W. waU, and 5 ft. below ceiling-beams. E-i. Jar (H-3621), against N. wall, i ft. from E. wall, and 4 ft. 2 in. from ceiling-beams. H-i. Bowl (H-3635), against N. wall, 2 ft. from E. wall, and 5 ft. 10 in. from ceiling-beams. I-i. Bowl (H-3634), I in. Southwest of bowl H-i, 2 ft. 3 in. from E. wall, and 6 ft. 2 in. from ceiling-beams. K-i. Shell trumpet (H-3653), with skeleton No. 14, 7 ft. 4 in. from ceiling- beams. L-i. Haliotis shell (H-3651), with K-i. M-i. Haliotis shell (H-3650), with K-i. O-i. Haliotis shell (H-3654), with K-i. P-i. Shell bracelets (H-3649), with K-i. Q-i. Haliotis shell (H-3652), with K-i. R. Animal figure (H-3657), with K-i. In the northeastern corner of the room, grouped about the post at various depths, were 983 turquoise objects, as follows: disk-shaped beads, 926; one bead of the same type, with rounded edges ; three cylindrical beads ; and forty-seven small and six large pendants. The most interesting of the larger pendants (H-10417) is shown in plate IV, 2. This was found near the post in this corner. The specimen has a turquoise front and a back of trachyte. It is 3.8 cm. long, 2.3 cm. wide at the top, 2.7 cm. wide at the bottom, and has a thickness of three millime- ters. It is drilled at the narrow end for suspension. In the left side, another hole (four millimeters in diameter) is drilled, the side of which is beveled. In this hole a piece of turquoise, fashioned with edges angulated perfectly, is adjusted with all the skill of a modern lapidary. The hole is drilled through both layers; but the turquoise inlay extends only to the trachyte BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 235 stratum. Other pieces of turjuoise and shell treated in the same manner will be described, but none of them approaches in work- manship the specimen under consideration. Four pendants are matched ear-drops. Both of these pairs of pendants have turquoise matrices, while the larger pair has a backing of trachyte. The smaller pair averages 2.8 cm. in length, and 2 cm. in width at the widest part; the larger, 3.3 cm. in length, and 2.2 cm. in width at the lower part. Besides the pieces mentioned, there were found in the northeastern corner twenty-six pieces of turquoise, many of which had been worked, twenty-seven turquoise sets, six sets made of stone and jet, and a small shell bead, also two fragmentary reed arrows provided with wooden foreshafts. Around the post in the northwestern corner were discovered turquoise objects as follows: fifty-one disk-shaped beads, four large pendants and a small one, five worked pieces, also a piece of malachite, and a disk made of haliotis shell. This disk (H- 3680), which is concavo-convex, is five centimeters in diameter. The inner edge is decorated with a series of incised lines. A fragment of a reed arrow-shaft was also found in this corner. In the southeastern corner the following turquoise objects were brought to light: 586 of the disk-shaped beads, fifty-one pendants of small or of medium size, six large pendants, seven turquoise sets, and sixty-five pieces of worked material and matrix, also a jet inlay and a thin shell pendant made of haliotis shell. To the foregoing should be added three turquoise beads, the diameter of which averages 1.5 mm. The holes through these beads are so small that they cannot be strung on an ordinary pin. 236 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME In the southwestern corner of the room, forty-two pieces of malachite were found, fragments of shell bracelets, and a bracelet made of bone (H-9270) , but no turquoise ornaments. The bone bracelet is 5.6 cm. broad on the longer axis. The bone is 1.6 cm. in width, and has an average thickness of a millimeter. At each end is a drilled hole, through which a cord was probably passed to fasten the bracelet to the wrist. Bracelets of this kind have been found in a fragmentary condition in other parts of the ruin, but, judging from their scarcity, it would seem that they were not in general use. In referring to the objects found when this room was en- tered, mention was made of a burial-mat, the ends of which pro- truded from the sand in the southwestern corner (see page 197) . When removed, this mat proved to be made of thin osiers fastened together at three points by means of a two-strand yucca cord which passed through holes provided for the purpose. Why the burial-mat was placed in this position, instead of being wrapped about one of the bodies, is conjectural, but it had no doubt ceremonial significance. Among the interesting objects found in the general debris surrounding the skeletons in this room were two tadpoles, five frogs, and seven buttons; all of these objects being made of turquoise. The tadpoles (plate IV, 3) are 2.5 cm. in length, and the larger is eight millimeters in width at the head, which is flat and pointed. The eyes are represented by protuberances which project more than a millimeter from the general surface. These large eyes are typical of the frog family as represented by the old Pueblo people. Directly back of the head is a con- striction forming the neck; and back still farther on the body, BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 237 in both specimens, is a kind of lump, or shoulder. From this point the body tapers gently to the tail. Both specimens are drilled on the under part for suspension, the drilling following the longer axis of the body. Four of the frog-forms in turquoise above mentioned are shown in plate IV. Two of these have the eyes in their natural position, and in each there is an incised line marking ofif the head from the body. In these two specimens, the eyes and the lines forming the neck are the only physical characteristics retained. In room 38 was found a frog made of jet, having turquoise eyes, a band of turquoise across the neck, and legs carved in re- lief. This specimen is the highest type of frog discovered in Pueblo Bonito; that is, the most realistic representation. It is flattened and of the same general form as the two turquoise speci- mens now under consideration. In the turquoise frog it will be noticed that the body is rounded and that the head is smaller than the opposite end. The other two frogs shown in the same plate have the eyes carved in relief, but no care was taken to place them in their natural position; nor have the bodies the taper noticeable in the other two specimens. The largest of these four frogs measures 1.3 cm. in length, 9 mm. in width, and 4 mm. in thickness ; while the length of the smallest is 8 mm., the width 5 mm., and the thickness 3 mm. In the seven pieces of turquoise of similar form, represented in plate IV, 3, none show the physical features of the frog. In shape and general technique they are exactly similar to the other specimens, and to the Indian mind they typified the frog, no doubt, in as great a degree as did the more elaborate ones. Each specimen of this form is drilled laterally through the central part of the body for suspension. 238 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The specimen from room 38, representing the highest type of frog, and the specimens from room 33, constitute an inter- esting series. The jet frog shows most of the physical features in relief ; the next graduation shows the eyes and the neck divis- ion only; in the next stage the eyes remain, but not in their natural position; while in the fourth and last stage is repre- sented a mere utilitarian form that would not be suggestive of the frog, were it not for the fact that the other specimens are in evidence. Another specimen, made entirely of turquoise, found asso- ciated with the skeletons in the room, is a pear-shaped object made by combining three pieces (H- 10425). This is 2.8 cm. in length, 1.8 cm. in width at the widest part, and 6 mm. in thick- ness. The stem part is rounded, but the lower part of the body is perfectly flat. There are evidences that it once was covered with a mosaic. The turquoise used is of the matrix variety, and, from the general color, it is reasonably certain that all three sec- tions were cut from one piece. The only plausible explanation why the ancient workers should have taken great trouble to square the edges of the sections in forming an object of this kind is, that the shape of the original piece would not admit of cutting out an object of the size desired. The labor spent on this speci- men must have required a great many days, for each face at the joints is perfectly smooth and polished; and so carefully has the work been done, that, at a distance of a few feet, the lines where the pieces join can hardly be seen. Without doubt the present object is one of the most perfect specimens ever found in the Pueblo area, demonstrating conclusively the skill of the old lapidaries. BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 239 A qrlinder of hematite inlaid with turquoise (H-10420) is shown in fig.5. When entire, evidently this object represented a^^^s^ ^ijaf bird. 1 he wings are Fig. S — Hematite cylinder ornamented with turquoise. indicated by pyram- idal pieces of turquoise so let into the surface of the hematite that their edges are practically flush therewith. Both pieces are rounded to conform with the contour of the cylinder. There was evidently a mosaic band at each end of the cylinder, and vestiges of the gum that held these bands in place are still visible. One end of the hematite portion is rounded, and is evidently complete. The opposite end is drilled, and, from its appearance, it seems quite probable that there was once another piece attached thereto. When the material from this room was being studied, a drilled piece of dark red stone (that had been considered a bead) was fitted to the hematite cylinder, and proved to be the missing part. Having this connecting piece, it was an easy matter to find the remaining portion, which was a pointed piece of tur- quoise bearing a bird-figure carved in relief. Originally the object must have been one of great beauty: even in its present state, it proves the skill of the old Pueblo makers as workers of stone. In its entirety this specimen measures 5.4 cm. in length, and 8 mm. in diameter at the widest part. A portion of a mosaic object was taken from the debris. The work was done on a haliotis shell, and, although the speci- men is merely a fragment, it shows the manner of using the large turquoise sets, a great many of which were found in this room. The design is formed by combining turquoise, jet, and 240 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME shell, the pieces being attached to the shell by means of gum. The general technique of this object is similar to that shown in connection with the mosaic band on a scraper found in room 38 of this ruin.^ In describing the shell trumpet unearthed in tliis room (see page 226), mention was made of a mouthpiece (H- 12787; fig. 6) found with the skeletons. It is made of some composition, chiefly gum. The mouthpiece is irregular in shape, the longer axis being 2.5 cm. in length. The opening is rounded and the sides are covered with crude turquoise mosaic. The under part shows the con- ''stii\TnS??JrcrusteI tour of the shcll to which it was attached. with turquoise. ^ Specimen similar, but somewhat larger, was found in room 48. In considering the general objects of turquoise taken from this room, the pendants first will receive attention. There were 503 perfect specimens and nine broken ones found with the bodies, excluding the specimens already described as having been found with skeletons Nos. 13 and 14, or in the corners of the room. These 503 objects comprise 71 large pendants and 432 small ones. A series of the large pendants is shown in plate VI. In the first group are represented four matched pairs and one single pendant. The pair in the upper row are more nearly free from the trachyte matrix than are any of the other specimens. They are 3.2 cm. long, 2.5 cm. wide, and average 3.5 mm. in thickness. As is the case with all the specimens shown on this plate, with exception of the pair represented in the center • Ceremonial Objects and Ornaments from Pueblo Benito, American Anthropologist, n.s., VII, No. 2, 1905. ?3 BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 241 of the upper and lower rows, these pendants are drilled for sus- pension. The surface is heavily mottled with trachyte, and the backs of both specimens consist entirely of a layer of this mater- ial. The pair represented in the lower row on the plate is similar to the pair just described, both in appearance and in being com- posed equally of turquoise matrix and pure trachyte. The pair shown with the central pendant are the largest found in this room. The back of each is solid trachyte. These specimens measure 4.8 cm. in length, 3.7 cm. in width at their widest part, and 5 mm. in thickness at the center, the thickness decreasing toward the edges. The central pendant is of very light turquoise interspersed with matrix. It is entirely different in character from the other specimens on the plate, in that it is more nearly round in form, and of greater thickness for its length, than any of the other pendants. The four pendants represented in the center of the right half of plate VI were found in the north- eastern corner, and are described with the other objects found in that part of the room. The pair in the upper row are free from matrix, and both sides, as well as the edges, are highly polished. The central pendant is of irregular form, and is pitted with bands and veins of trachyte. The pendants on each side of the central one in the lower row are interesting on ac- count of their size, and also as showing the great variety of tints in the turquoise from this region. Among the other large pen- dants which were probably used as ear-drops are a number that are matched and evidently formed pairs. These are of various forms and sizes; but the plate already described gives a very comprehensive idea of the general form and the variety of the pendants found in the room. 242 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME In plate Vii, i, is represented a series of turquoise pendants, beads, ornaments, and inlays. The small pendants give a fair idea of some of the forms made of this material. The only speci- men that needs special mention is the one illustrated in the lower part of the plate. This pendant (H-3735) is a flattened cylinder 3.2 cm. in length and i cm. in diameter on the average. There is a large hole drilled in the upper part, as shown in the illus- tration. Just above the hole, in the end, two holes are drilled, both of which meet the larger one. A bead or other object was evidently fastened to the top of this piece. The turquoise beads discovered numbered 24,932; of these eight were of cylindrical form with the edges rounded, and six- teen were of the figure-eight form, the remainder being of the disk-shaped type, three of which are shown in the second row of plate VII, r. Just above these are shown two of the same form with the edges rounded. With the groups of beads, a great many pieces of turquoise that had been worked, and small pieces of matrix, were discov- ered, numbering in all 1052 pieces; also 451 turquoise sets or in- lays, probably used in mosaic work. A series of these is shown in the lower part of plate VII, i . Some of them are very small, while others measure 2.3 cm. in length. The set in the right-hand cor- ner is mended with a piece of turquoise in the same manner as the pendant found in the northeastern corner of the room (pi. IV, 2). In this instance, a pendant was used, no doubt, to form the inlay, the hole drilled for the suspension of the object being filled with a turquoise set. ,•. ; In plate VII, i, three ornaments of turquoise are shown; the one at the top (in the center) representing a bird, while the one o o •/, V a ■5 -». 8? ^ ST 1 2 8 5 BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 243 directly below the circular piece has a bird carved on the sur- face. In studying the material taken from the room since this illustration was made, it has been found that this object was a part of the hematite cylinder, and may be seen in the illustration of that object in figure 5. The circular figure above the speci- men just described is a thin piece of turquoise having a rectangu- lar hole in the center. The edges of this hole are beveled, and it is quite evident that it once contained a set. On the opposite side of the piece are the remains of gum, which would seem to show that the whole surface was once covered with mosaic. Another specimen of similar form, and about the same size, was found in the room, but it was in fragments. Among the shell objects unearthed in removing the skele- tons were 2042 beads of various forms, most of these being of the disk-shaped and figure-eight types, and specimens made of olivel- la shells. There are twelve beads of a long cylindrical type; these average a centimeter in diameter, and the longest one is 4.5 cm. in length. They are so drilled that only a thin wall remains. Provision was thus made for the insertion of a bird-bone, and three of the beads still retain the bone-sections. One of these is shown in figure 3. One is in a fair state of preservation, but the other one is so far disintegrated that only a fragment of the shell remains. Other objects secured were ten disks of haliotis shell, similar to the one described as taken from the northwestern corner of the room, eight pieces of shell that had been worked, eighty-nine fragments of shell bracelets, seventeen shell pendants of various forms, two large beads made from oliva shells, and an inlaid shell (H-12783). This object was evidently once a pendant, but the 244 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME hole is filled with a shell set in the same manner as that shown in some of the turquoise pieces. A large bird-form made of shell was also found. The wings are represented as outstretched as in flight, the tail as having a notched base, while the head also is well formed. From tip to tip of the outstretched wings it measures 6.2 cm., and from the head to the end of the tail 4.7 cm. A hole is drilled through the head, another hole where the wings join the body, and the third at the bifurcation of the tail. This object seems to have been merely a form on which a mosaic figure was developed. From the curvature of some of the sets, and from the angular form of others, it would seem that the sur- face had not only been covered with turquoise, but that the whole figure had been outlined with a broad band of the same material. The hole at the point where the tail joins the body is filled with gum, and the whole upper surface of the shell still retains a layer of similar material. In the debris there were 173 sets or inlays made of stone and jet, and also a few beads made of red and gray stone. In figure 7 a fragment of a jet ring is shown. From the con- tour of the fragment, the ring must have been about 2.3 cm. in diameter, and the width of the band 1.4 cm. The most interesting feature of this specimen is a repaired portion. On each side, the surface was cut away, for the width of nine millimeters, to a depth of a millimeter. In the cavity a rectangular con- ■ . • ^.^t^™^"* ?* cavo-convex piece of jet is glued. This inset jet ring with jet inset. jo had fallen from its original position when the Fig. 7- BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 245 specimen was found. There are evidences that a similar piece of jet had been adjusted to the opposite side of the specimen. The only object of metal found in this room is an inlay or set made of iron pyrites. This specimen is 1.6 cm. in diameter and 2 mm. in thickness. Another specimen was discovered by an Indian who was shoveling the dirt from room 33, and it is safe to assume that he found it in that room. It is slightly smaller than the other specimen, but is of the same thickness. Objects made of iron pyrites are rare among the Pueblos of the South- west, and there is but little evidence that the ancient inhabitants utilized this material to any considerable extent, although its use in Old Mexico in the manufacture of mirrors, beads, etc., is well known. Among the general objects found buried with the bodies were fragments of canyon walnuts, pinon-nuts, a number of seeds, a circular piece of gourd-rind having a hole drilled through the central part, fragments of textiles that no doubt had been wrapped about the bodies, a perfectly transparent quartz crystal and another crystal chipped into the shape of a crude knife, pieces of gypsum, a piece each of limonite, azurite, mica, and of pink stone used in making inlays, pieces of yellow ocher, of gyp- sum, of arrow-shafts, and of chalcedony (some of the last named having been worked), six arrow-points of chalcedony and obsi- dian, pieces of chalcedony ground by the action of a turkey's gizzard, a few fragments of pottery, a small circular mat made of yucca cord (which may have been used as a jar-rest) , a number of fragments of animal bones (some of which had been broken to obtain the marrow) , and the fragment of a bone awl. 246 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The room under consideration is very small compared with the rooms in the northern part of the building. It is situated in a section where there evidently was a great deal of reconstruc- tion work, to which fact, no doubt, may be attributed the presence of so many small rooms grouped about room 33. The length of the northern wall of the room is 6 ft., of the southern wall 6 ft. 3 in., of the eastern wall 5 ft. 10 in., and of the western wall 6 ft. 10 in. ; that is, the room is almost square. The door- way in the eastern wall is 2 ft. 3 in. from the southern wall. It is of the ordinary rectangular type, — i ft. 10 in. high and 2 ft. 3 in. wide, — provided with poles for a lintel. This is the only entrance to the room. The sides of the doorway are plastered, as are all of the walls. There are no decorations on the walls, nor are there evidences of the room having been made for a burial-chamber. In the southwestern corner is a post that was placed under the crossbeams, which extend north and south, as a precautionary measure. These beams enter the nor- thern and southern walls; but, in adding new rooms above this series, the builders evidently thought it advisable to strengthen the floors with posts. The top of the post mentioned had fallen against the western wall. Its base stands about a foot from both the western and the southern wall. The largest post in the room was found under the beam in the northwestern corner. Its dis- tance from the walls is about the same as in the case of the post in the southwestern corner. In the northeastern corner are two posts, one of which supports the ceiling-beam, standing three inches from the eastern wall and a foot from the northern wall; the other post is four inches west of the one just mentioned, about the same distance from the northern wall, and extending through BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 247 the ceiling into the room above. A post in the southeastern corner at the base is six inches from each wall, but has fallen against the eastern wall. The ceiling is composed of thirteen beams, of various sizes, over which is a layer of cedar-bark. In the southwestern corner, at a distance of i ft. 6 in. from the ceiling-beams, were five willow-sticks protruding from the wall, and forming a sort of rack; but nothing was found in it. The room in its entirety is in a very good state of preservation, the only defect being a slight bulge in the ceiling. Conclusions The use of this room for burial purposes was evidently a secondary one. It is in an old part of the building, where many of the rooms had been abandoned and others reconstructed. The surrounding rooms had been taken for burial purposes and for the storage of ceremonial material. Although skeletons were found in rooms in other parts of the pueblo, none presented con- ditions similar to those existing in the case under consideration. As no burial-mounds were in evidence near Pueblo Bonito, and as there were comparatively few rock burials in the vicinity, intramural inhumation was to be expected. But when it is considered that valuable jewelry and ceremonial paraphernalia were buried with practically all of the bodies in this series of rooms, it would seem that in life the deceased must have belonged to the priesthood, and have been buried within the walls of the pueblo both as a mark of respect and as a means of protecting their graves from possible spoliation at the hands of semi-no- madic tribes. The Navaho and the Ute prize ornaments of turquoise above all other possessions; and their greed for this 248 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME material, both for personal ornament and for use as a medium of exchange, would cause them to go to almost any extreme to obtain it. From the exploration of burial-mounds near pueblos of the Chaco group, it is known that practically no turquoise was buried with the bodies, the non-perishable material being confined almost exclusively to fictile productions. This fact suggests that the pueblos of this region, probably without excep- tion, contain the remains of those who were either members of the priesthood, caciques, or who held other positions of impor- tance in the community. This is known to be true of Pueblo Bonito and of Peiiasca Blanca; for in both these pueblos masses of turquoise ornaments have been found associated with bodies buried in the rooms, and further research in these and other ruins should result in similar discoveries. The series of burial-chambers that includes room 33 at one time was connected with room 28, which adjoins room 32 on the south. The doorway connecting these rooms was filled with masonry which appeared to be part of the original wall. This may have been done when the pueblo was abandoned. The door- way between rooms 32 and 33 was open, as were all of the other doorways of the group. The rooms themselves show no evidence of having been prepared for burial purposes, and there are no decorations on the walls. Owing to the havoc wrought by the inflow of water, the only preparations for burial that could be noted were those in connection with skeletons Nos. 13 and 14. In this instance the floor had been covered with a layer of yellow sand on which a layer of wood-ashes had been placed. The bodies were placed near each other, and, from the positions in which they were BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 249 found, it would seem that they had been buried at the same time. The skull of one of them was crushed, — a feature which suggests an accident in which the two persons, and perhaps others buried in this room, may have lost their lives. The floor that separated the burials is worthy of notice. It was made of boards that had been shaped and smoothed until of uniform thickness; these were adjusted so as to cover com- pletely the floor-space presented by the sand placed over the first burials. The boards bore no evidences of ornamentation; the only feature worthy of note was the hole cut in the eastern end of one of the boards. This may have been an opening of symbolic character, similar to the sipapu, the entrance to the underworld, that plays so important a part in the mythology of the Hopi. But, whatever the purpose of the opening or the import of the floor, here is evidence of the skill of the ancient people in working wood, which, with their primitive stone, bone, and shell tools, was a task requiring no little dexterity. In studying this and all other classes of work, the fact must be borne in mind, that, so far as can be learned, they had no metal implements. Unfortunately, the twelve burials above the floor were dis- turbed to the extent that the positions and the character of the objects buried with the several skeletons respectively could not be determined. The fact that so many bodies were placed in so small a room, and that they had been covered with sand as they were buried, presents a phase of intramural burials somewhat uncommon. Apart from this feature, the burials furnish but meager data for study. 250 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The materials found with the bodies were in an unusually good state of preservation, especially as the effects of surface drainage in the room were so apparent. In most cases the ob- jects made of wood (a really remarkable series) were fortunately intact. To students of Pueblo life, the flageolets are undoubtedly the most interesting specimens. Instruments of this nature have been found in other ruins, including cliff-dwellings, and frag- ments were unearthed in other parts of Pueblo Bonito; but the series taken from this room furnishes conclusive evidence of the type of flageolet used in this pueblo, and demonstrates also the style of decoration employed and the application of the decora- tive elements. Judging from the prevalence of Flute observances and the large Flute fraternity among the Hopi, it may be safe to assume that certain persons at least, if not all of the men buried in this room, had been members of a similar order. Students of Pueblo rites and societies assert that the Flute clan is a very old one; and as the flutes used in the Hopi ceremonials of the present time are similar to those found in room 33, it may be that the type has been handed down from the early days; nor would it be surprising to find that the Flute societies had their beginning in the Chaco region, as many of the clan migrations have been traced from this group to their present home in the province of Tusayan in Arizona. The ceremonial sticks also point to a Flute clan origin. Similar sticks are used to-day by members of the Hopi Flute societies in certain of their ceremonies; but the details of this similarity must be deferred to another time, when the great BURIAL-ROOM IN PUEBLO BONITO 251 mass of ceremonial sticks found in the adjoining room is de- scribed. Pottery vessels were buried with the dead in all parts of the Pueblo area, but none of the tribes were given to the practice of making special mortuary vessels. Sacrificial pottery was made in some pueblos to a greater or less extent, but this generally took the form of mere models, oftentimes unbaked. These are found especially in and about springs. Many pieces of this kind were discovered in the rooms of Pueblo Bonito, but under such conditions that it is hard to determine whether they were made for ceremonial purposes or for use as toys : none were found in room 33. The vessels buried with the bodies are of the common forms, such as were found in the living-rooms. There was one exception, namely, the cylindrical jars; but judging from the numerous specimens of these vessels taken from room 28, and from the fact that none were found in the mound or rock burials, they were used, no doubt, primarily in ceremonies, probably con- stituting part of certain altar paraphernalia. Turquoise was one of the most common materials employed in the pueblos for ornamental purposes. The major portion of the supply used by this group of towns came from Los Cerillos, near Santa Fe. There are evidences of great mining activity in the prehistoric period, and the mines are worked, to some extent, at the present time. This turquoise is found in a trachyte matrix ; many of the veins are very thin, as shown by the backing of stone on some of the large pendants. The great quantity of ornaments in room 33, made from this material, presents a wide range of forms; many variants of known types are available, while pendants of new forms were also found. 252 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The mosaic and the incrusted objects from this region, although not new to science, show the high degree of skill at- tained by these people and their esthetic tendencies. Their idea of proportion and of color-values is evidenced by the careful portrayal of detail in the incrusted objects, as illustrated, to some extent, by the objects from this room, and still more by the series obtained from other rooms of the ruin. The mosaic cylinder — the only incrusted basket that has come to the notice of the writer — is especially interesting. The covering of ceremonial packages, and the incrusting of trumpet mouthpieces, suggest the extent to which the embellishment of ornaments and cere- monial objects was carried. A final survey of the objects discovered in this room tends to prove that the burials were made at a time when the esthetic arts of the ancient people were at their height. These specimens are in keeping with the most ornate productions from other parts of the ruin, and, viewed as a whole, these productions afford conclusive evidence that the people of Pueblo Bonito reached as high a degree of proficiency in the arts as those of any other pueblo in the Southwest. Further investigation doubt- less will establish the fact that the arts of the Chaco Canyon group mark the zenith of Pueblo estheticism. American Museum of Natural History New York TRIBAL STRUCTURE: A STUDY OF THE OMAHA AND COGNATE TRIBES BY Alice C. Fletcher WHEN the natives of America were first encountered by the white race, the name bestowed on the people, and the terms used to designate the groups into which they were divided, were all necessarily borrowed from the East- ern continent, and represented conditions which obtained among the peoples of that region. The employment of the designation "tribe" for the different groups that spoke different languages and occupied different localities, served its purpose fairly well, and still serves the student of ethnology. Tribes have been classed into dialect groups, and these related groups have formed linguistic stocks. In all this classification on the basis of lan- guage, the term "tribe" has been convenient and serviceable, and has not led to any confusion. When the tribe was more closely examined, it was found that the people composing it were divided into groups, and these groups were designated as "bands," "clans," "septs," and "gentes." All these terms had their definite European meaning; they had arisen out of social conditions, which, upon close obser- vation, are not to be found on this continent. The term "band" is of so general a character that it can be made to mean much or little, and be applied in an elastic manner 254 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME to almost any group of people associated together for any pur- pose, either of a temporary or of a more permanent nature. It can hardly be used as a distinctive designation to indicate the character or composition of any group. It is entirely negative, and leaves the group to which it is applied without any distinc- tive designation by which to classify it. The terms "clan," "sept," "gens," however, have each a defi- nite meaning. They have come into use as designations of an organized group of people subject to certain conditions and to the control of certain officials. They have been, and are still, applied to the subdivisions which exist in the tribe as it is found in this country; and the question as to whether or not they can properly be given to the subdivisions of the American tribe is one that has engaged the attention of students. It is the pur- pose of this paper to present a picture of the tribal structure of a small group of cognates which has been under the observation of the writer for more than twenty-five years, and to note, in passing, how far these terms are applicable to the subdivisions of these tribes. A clan is defined to be "a body of kindred having a class name, and ruled by an hereditary chieftain." Some years since, Major J. W. Powell, then director of the Bureau of American Ethnology, suggested that the term "clan" be employed spe- cifically to indicate descent through the maternal line rather than to indicate a form of government. Following this sugges- tion, the word has since been so used by many American writers, and has proved to be a convenient term. A sept is stated to be "a group of persons claiming descent from a common ancestor, and subject to the authority of an TRIBAL STRUCTURE 255 hereditary chief." This word is rarely used by American writers, except in a loose way, as a synonym for clan. The term "gens" has a more definite meaning, as its use in ancient Roman society is well known. It may be said to repre- sent a group of families claiming descent from a common ances- tor from whom the gens took its name. Common religious rites bound the members of the gens together, and descent was traced solely through the father. This term Major Powell proposed should be used to indicate those American kinship groups which traced their descent through the paternal line, and it has since been so used by several American students. It has been asserted by an eminent scholar, that "the Grecian gens, phratry, and tribe, and the Roman gens, curia, and tribe, find their analogies in the gens, phratry, and tribe of the Ameri- can aborigines. In like manner, the Irish sept, the Scottish clan, the phrara of the Albanians, and the Sanskrit ganas, without extending the comparison further, are the same as the American Indian gens, which has usually been called a clan." At the time when Dr Lewis H. Morgan made this statement, thirty years ago, there had been few careful studies made of any of the native tribes of America. His broad generalizations served a good pur- pose: they stimulated the research which has, in a few instances, necessitated qualification of some of his statements. There are points of similarity among the organizations men- tioned by Dr Morgan in the quotation given above, but there are also points of divergence; and these latter, in some instances, are important factors in determining the tribal structure. The tribes considered in this paper in reference to their tribal structure are the Omaha and its close cognates, — the Pon- 256 PUTNAM AJMNIVERSARY VOLUME ka, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw. All of these tribes belong to the Siouan linguistic stock. Their habitat, when they were first encountered by the white people, was west of the Mississippi and the Missouri rivers. While the tribes followed the buffalo, in their tribal hunts, as far west as the foothills of the Rocky moun- tains, their villages were located in the rolling country near the rivers mentioned. The tribes were hunters, and depended upon the game for food, and on pelts for clothing; but they also culti- vated the maize, and raised beans, melons, and other vegetables with which they varied their diet. Their traditions all refer to their having migrated from the eastward, and considerable evi- dence has been obtained which bears out these traditions. Their traditions also declare that they were once one people. Their languages confirm this statement, as they have not yet differenti- ated so as to be wholly unintelligible to one another. Their tribal organizations are similar, and give evidence of having been modeled on a common plan, which may have been the plan of the parent organization from which these tribes split off, probably under circumstances not unlike those which brought about the separation of these cognates from one another. The Omaha tribe will be taken to exemplify the tribal struc- ture of the group, while the other tribes will be referred to in less detail. The Omaha word for "tribe" indicates the native view of the organization. This word is u-ki'-te. As a verb, it means "to fight" ; as a noun, it means "the tribe." It is the only word in the language which means the battling of warriors fighting for the protection of people, the conflict being of such a character that in it honors could be won. It would seem, from a study of the TRIBAL STRUCTURE 257 term, that the word for "tribe" meant those who fought together against the incursions of outsiders, in order to maintain them- selves as a body. Around the group of families composing the tribe stood this cordon of warriors, who by their valor made safe the community from outside enemies. A detailed study of the duties of the men of the tribe bears out this interpretation of the meaning of u-ki'-fe, the word for "tribe"; that is, a group of people girded about by those who with their lives defended the integrity of the group. The distinctive name "Omaha" is a descriptive term mean- ing "against the current," or "up stream," and is the complement of the name "Quapaw," which signifies "with the current," or "down stream." These names refer to the accidental parting of the two tribes, — an event which could not have taken place after the beginning of the sixteenth century, as, early in that century, Spanish adventurers encountered the Quapaw bearing this name, which referred to the manner in which they became separated from their kindred, the Omaha. This event must have occurred some time previous for the name to have become fixed on the people. The names "Ponka," "Osage," (a corrupt form of the native term TV a-zha-zhi) , and "Kansa," are all old designations which appear as the names of cognate tribes, and also as the names of groups within these tribes. All of the tribes are divided into bands or groups, which together go to make up the tribe. These groups bear a general name which means "village." This name is applied by the Omaha to all white settlements, — to the little towns which border their reservation in Nebraska, as well as to cities like Washington and Chicago. Besides this general name, each group has a particular name. These particular 258 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME names refer to rites, religious in character, which are under the special charge of the group. Some of these names are tropes, and all are more or less metaphorical. The question arises, Which of the terms — "clan," "sept," or "gens" — can be best applied to the ion-vfzn-gthon,^ or village, of the Omaha tribe? The to«-waw'-g/Aon is a band of kindred who trace their descent through one parent only, — the father; but they are not ruled, nor do they appear ever to have been ruled, by an hereditary chieftain. They are not, therefore, strict- ly speaking, a clan. The term "clan" bearing the significance suggested by Major Powell does not apply to them, as they acknowledge only paternal descent. Clan must therefore be ruled out as applicable to the Omaha tow-waw'-g//ton. Nor will sept do; for the people do not claim descent from a common ancestor, nor are they under the rule of an hereditary chief. Gens in some ways comes nearer to the conditions found among the Omaha ton-waw'-g^/zon/ but, unlike the Roman gens, the Omaha village does not trace its descent from a common ancestor, nor is the group named after any individual. The members of the group, however, practise a common religious rite, and trace their descent through the father only. Because of these two points of resemblance, and following the suggestion made by the late director of the Bureau of American Ethnology, the term "gens" has been applied to the Omaha ton-wan'-gthon, with the restriction that the resemblance to the Roman gens ceases with the two points of resemblance mentioned above. In this restricted sense the term "gens" is used in this paper. I All vowels have the continental sound ; italicized n is nasal, like en in French ; italicized th has a lisping sound of th. TRIBAL STRUCTURE 259 The Omaha tribe is divided into two parts : five gentes be- long to each part. This division of the tribe into two parts is common to all the cognates, except the Ponka. The Ponka tribe did not separate from the Omaha tribe until some time within the past two or three hundred years. It is said that the Ponka were formerly a gens of the Omaha tribe, and that, when the sep- aration took place, the sub-gentes of the Ponka gens became the gentes of the Ponka tribe. This statement, however, is not defi- nitely known. The Omaha speak of the Ponka as an "orphan," because of the fragmentary condition of their organization and tribal ceremonies. Looking at the Ponka tribe, after a study of the Omaha, one can detect the outlines of the organization, so clearly defined in the latter tribe, reflected in the former, as though seen in a shattered mirror. The Omaha camped in a circle, as did the other cognates, when they camped in a ceremonial order. This method of camp- ing as well as the circle thus formed was called Hu'-thu-ga, — ■ a name common to some of the cognates. Its opening was toward the east. Only when on the annual tribal hunt did the Omaha tribe camp in this manner. When the people were at home in their village, this order was not maintained. When the tribal rites took place, the Hu'-thu-ga was always actually oriented: at other times the opening was in the direction toward which the people were moving — but the opening was always symbolically toward the east. This was efifected by turning the tribal circle as on a hinge placed at the side opposite the opening, so that, if the opening chanced to be to the west, when one entered the circle, he would find the five gentes whose place was on the north half of the circle when the opening faced the east still on the north, just 26o PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME as if the opening was actually at the east. This interesting fact shows how fixed in the minds of the people was the order of the oriented Hu'-thu-ga, so that, when pitching their tents on the wide prairie, the order of the Hu'-thu-ga was always as though the east was before the opening in the line of tents. Such persistence in an order must take its rise from some equally persistent ideas — • ideas that will probably be found to be fundamental to the organization of the tribe. The organi- zation of the Omaha tribe, upon close study, is found to rest upon certain religious ideas which seem to lie at the root of their beliefs and customs. These ideas refer to the conception of how the visible universe came into being, and how it is maintained. The primary belief of the Omaha, which is shared by all its cognates, seems to be that an invisible, continuous life permeates all things, seen and unseen. One of the primal manifestations of this life is movement: all motion or action, whether of mind or body, is because of this permeating, invisible life. Another is permanency of structure and form, as seen in the physical fea- tures of the landscape — mountains, plains, rivers, lakes, etc. Such forms were the outward manifestation of this invisible life and power. But the invisible power had a psychical aspect as well as a physical side. The former was conceived of as similar to the will-power of which man was conscious within himself, and by which he brought things to pass, set things in motion, and determined his ovs'n actions. Moreover, because of this mysteri- ous and continuous life which ran through every thing, all things were related to each other and to man, — the seen to the unseen, the dead to the living, a fragment of any thing to its entirety. This union of life, and power to bring to pass, the Omaha called TRIBAL STRUCTURE 261 "Wa-kow'-da." The word does not denote "a great spirit," and while it is somewhat of a vague entity, yet there is an anthropo- morphic coloring to its conception. This is shown in the prayers offered and the appeals made for compassion and help, and in the ethical quality attributed to certain natural phenomena, as well as in the approval by Wa-ko?z'-da of the practice of certain virtues by man, as truth-telling, justice, faithfulness to friends. Anthropomorphism was a controlling factor in the Omaha mind which caused him to project human conditions upon nature. He everywhere recognized the operation of male and female forces. The Above was masculine, the Below was femi- nine: the sky, therefore, was father; the earth, mother. The heavenly bodies partook of sex, — the sun was masculine, the moon feminine; so the day was male, the night female. The union of these two was regarded as necessary in the perpetu- ation of all living forms. They were not only necessary to the continuance of man's life, but they secured the maintenance of his food-supply. This order or method for the perpetua- tion of life in all its forms was believed to have been arranged by Wa-ko«'-da, and man had to obey it, if he was to live. To keep the belief in this order ever present and alive in the minds of the people, it was symbolized in religious rites, in social usages, and in the tribal organization. Looking at the Omaha tribe in the light of these beliefs and ideas as to their enforce- ment upon the attention of the people, we find that the two divisions of the tribe represented the dual cosmic forces; one representing the sky-people, the other the earth-people. The north half (turned as when the opening of the Hu'-thu-ga was toward the east) was called the "In-shta'-/Aun-da," a metaphoric 262 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME term which may be roughly translated as "the flashing eye," and which referred to the phenomenon of the lightning. This was the general denomination of the division representing the sky- people. The southern half of the Hu'-thu-ga was called the "Ho«'-ga she-nu" ("the Hon-ga people"). How-ga means "leader," and is a term that occurs in all the cognates, and refers to the gens, or group of gentes, having charge of the material welfare of the people. Each of the five gentes which made up the northern half of the Hu'-thu-ga, and also of the five which made up the southern half (always speaking as when the opening is oriented), had its designation, its rites, its place, its set of personal names. These two divisions of the tribe were not phratries ; they were not based on ties of blood or a common rite, but on mythic ideas concerning the creation and the means by which life must be continued on the earth. Myths relate that human beings were born of a union between the sky-people and the earth-people; and in accordance with a general belief that the creation of any natural form, or institution, or society, must be ceremonially rehearsed in order to insure its continuance, so the union of the sky-people and the earth-people was conceived to be necessary to the existence of the tribe, and we find this idea fundamental to its structure. There was a teaching or explanation preserved among the old men of the tribe, which said that the division of the tribe into the In-shta'-/Aun-da and How'-ga she-nu was for marital purposes, — an explanation which bears out the mythic symbol- ism of these two divisions. It is possible that this symbolic arrangement may throw light on the force which made possible the artificial practice of TRIBAL STRUCTURE 263 exogamy; and in this connection it is an interesting fact, that, of the marriages in existence twenty-five years ago, a good ma- jority represented a union between members of gentes belonging to the two divisions rather than between members of gentes which belonged to but one of the divisions. Amid all the changes that have taken place involving the loss of ceremonies and rites, exogamy is the one ancient custom that is still faithfully observed in the tribe. In the government of the tribe, two tribal pipes were used, representing the dual forces denoted in the two divisions. There were also two principal chiefs within the governing Council of Seven, who also represented the dual character of the tribe. Each gens in the tribe had its rite or rites, of which it was the special custodian; and the keeper or priest belonged to the gens having the rite in charge. In these different rites there was always some symbol — generally an animal form — which oc- cupied a prominent place, and stood for the leading idea in the rite. This animal, as the symbol of the rite, became taboo to those who practised the rite. Some part of the animal that was a symbol in the rite of a gens might not be touched or eaten by members of the gens, as the animal because of its symbolism was held sacred. All these rites were spoken of as Ni'-ki-e, a composite word made up of ni'-ki (from ni'-ka-sht-ga, "people") and i'-e ("words" or "speech"). From the same word ni'-ka- shi-ga is derived the word ni'-ka-ga-hi ("chief"), ni-ka, part of the word, meaning "people," ga'hi "thrown upon"; the word meaning literally, "he upon whom the people are thrown, or who carries the people." Ni'-ki-e^ therefore, signifies the words or 264 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME utterances of the people, or of the chief, who is the voice of the people. Sometimes, when a person was asked by a stranger who was not familiar with the names of the gentes, to what gens he belonged, he would reply by mentioning the symbol of the religious rite of his gens, the taboo. So, he might say, "I am a buffalo person" or an "elk person"; but in no case would the reply be understood as meaning that the man thought of himself as a buffalo or an elk, or as descended from one. It would be recognized that to his gens that animal was a symbol in the rite which was in charge of the man's gens. Each gens had its set of Ni'-ki-e names, all of which referred to the Ni'-ki-e rite of the gens. These names were bestowed upon the child after it was able to walk alone freely and steadily, and in a ceremony in which the cosmic forces were recognized. The ceremony during which the child received its gentile name was practically the same in all the cognates. The Omaha ritual has been secured in nearly complete form, and presents many interesting and suggestive phases of Omaha beliefs — phases which throw light on the fundamental ideas of the tribal organization. After the child had been given its Ni'-ki-e name, his hair was cut to sym- bolize the animal form which was the peculiar symbol in the religious rites of his gens. An interesting problem as yet unsolved is to ascertain the psychical relation between the animals which form so dramatic a part of the rites of the gentes, — which furnish the taboos, are referred to in the personal names, are typified in the cut of the children's hair, — and the ethical teachings and religious consolation received by the people in the practice of these rites. TRIBAL STRUCTURE 265 That an ethical stimulus and a religious sustaining force exist for the Omaha and cognate tribes in the ceremonies in which these animals bear so important a part, cannot be questioned; but how these ceremonies and animals appeal to man, how it comes about that they can so appeal, is a problem which will one day be solved, and its solution will help to unravel many difficult questions touching the religions of mankind. The reason why the Omaha and cognate tribes camped in a circle has been stated to be in order to have a safe place into which to drive their ponies at night, and that this arrangement enabled the people to defend themselves better against enemies than any other form of camping; but the Hu'-thu-ga was some- thing more than a mere camp arranged for the safety of ponies. It was an order that probably antedated the possession of the horse. It was an order which permitted each gens to have its place in relation to its rites, — • rites which had a share in promot- ing the tribal welfare. All the rites of the gentes on the north side had to do with the creative forces and with the securing of supernatural aid. These rites enforced the belief that the life and death of each person were in the keeping of a power greater than man, — a power that could punish an offender, — the only power that could give authority to the words and acts of the governing Council of Seven. Such were the rites and duties belonging to the division which represented the sky-people. The rites and duties belonging to the opposite side, the earth-people, all had a direct relation to the physical welfare of the tribe. These rites pertained to the warrior as the protector of the tribe, to the hunter as the provider for the family, and to the maintenance of social order. The control of war, the quest 266 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME of food, and the direction of the governing council, were all vested in the gentes which made up the south side of the Hu'- thu-ga. The duality of the tribe was also represented in the only form by which an orator could address the tribe. He could not say, "Ho! Omaha!" but must say, "Ho! I«-shta'-/Auw-da, How'- ga-she-nu, ti-2.-gthon ka hon!" In-shta.'-thun-da. and Hon'-ga- she-nu were the names of the two divisions of the Hu'-thu-ga; n-a.-gthon ka hon means "both sides of the house." This form of address emphasizes the meaning of the term Hu'-thu-ga as given by the old men, who said that "the word carried the idea of a dwelling." An old Omaha, speaking of the opening of the Hu'-thu-ga at the east, said: "It represents the door of a dwelling. Through it the people go forth in quest of game, and through it they return with their supply of food, even as one enters the door of one's own home. The warriors pass hence to defend the tribe from its foes, and here they are welcomed when they come back victorious." The Hu'-thu-ga, regarded as the dwelling of the entire tribe, presented the type that was to be reproduced in the dwell- ing of each member of the tribe, wherein were to be united the masculine and feminine forces, drawn from two distinct groups or regions, as symbolized in the Hu'-thu-ga by the union of the earth and sky people. The regulation of mating by exogamy seems to have been demanded in order to typify what was be- lieved to be a cosmic regulation. By this splitting of the family, it became possible to interweave the split parts so as to bind together the different gentes composing the tribe by a natural tie of kinship. This natural tie of kinship that bound TRIBAL STRUCTURE 267 together the gentes of the Omaha tribe came through the mother in the tribe. Descent in the gens was traced only through the father: the father held the gens together, distinct from every other gens. Through the father, the child inherited his name, his place, his share in the rites of his gens; but it was through his mother that his kinship was extended beyond his birth gens, and he thus became conscious of being a part of a great kinship community. Peabody Museum, Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts THE DATES AND NUMBERS OF PAGES 24 AND 46 TO 50 OF THE DRESDEN CODEX BY Charles P. Bowditch IN order to discuss this subject intelligently, I shall be obliged to repeat some of the elementary facts of Maya study, assum- ing however that the reader is acquainted with the Dresden Codex and with the works of Forstemann, Seler, and others. The very close connection which exists between page 24 and pages 46-50, and which will appear from what follows, i3 strong evidence that there never was a break in the Dresden Codex. Dr Forstemann, however, believed that there was such a break when he wrote in 1880 ' and in 1886,^ and he apparently still held this belief in 1901, if I understand him rightly,^ al- though he then discarded the idea of the two parts being inde- pendent manuscripts. The chief reasons which Dr Forstemann advanced for his opinion that the two parts of the Codex were never joined to- gether, are I. That there was a separation between them when Aglio, who copied the Codex for Lord Kingsborough's work, under- took his task. 1 Die Mayahandschrtft der Kiiniglichen offentlkhen Bibliothek zu Dresden, pp. 4 and 5, Leipzig, 1880. 2 Erlauterungen zur Mayahandschrift der Kdntglichen offentlichen Bibliothek zu Dres- den, p. I, Dresden, 1886. 3 Commentar zur Mayahandschrift der Kdntglichen offentlichen Bibliothek zu Dres- den, p. 47, Dresden, 1901. DRESDEN CODEX 269 2. That the two parts of the Codex treat of different subjects and that their pages are differently divided. I do not think that these reasons are sufficient, since also pages 1-2 (and their reverses 44-45) were separated from the rest of the first part, either being torn apart intentionally or being separated by wear, and they were actually placed in a wrong position in the first edition of the reproduction of the Codex: and yet there is no question that these pages belong in the places now assigned to them. It is therefore very possible that the separation of the parts of the Codex between pages 24 and 46 was caused in the same way. Indeed, Dr Forstemann suggests this possibility, and even that Aglio tore them apart so as to work more easily with the pages. Moreover pages 24 and 46-50 treat, not of different subjects, but of identically the same subject (as shown by Dr Forstemann himself) and therefore Dr Forstemann's second reason does not apply to them. And, more than this, if the pages should be separated on account of different subjects or of different spacing of the leaves, then a division should take place between pages 23 and 24; but this is absolutely impossible, as the reverses, or pages 25-26, are devoted to the very same subject — the new year ceremonies. It is very probable that the two parts of the Codex should never have been separated and that pages 1-24 are followed by pages 46-60, and that then the opposite side is to be read, run- ning from 61-74, followed by 25-45. But as many articles have been written upon the Codex with its present numbering, it would be wise not to make any change, but merely to remember that the manuscript was originally in all probability in one piece. 270 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Taking up pages 46-50, we find, as has been very clearly shown by Dr Forstemann, that on each page a period of 1.11.4. (584) days is shown — the time that elapses in a synodical revo- lution of Venus ^ (the exact time being 583.92 days). On the five pages, therefore, five such revolutions are shown, equal to 8.2.0. (2920 days, or 8 years of 1.0.5. (3^5) ^^7^ each). This period is shown in the black line of numbers running through the centres of the pages, each black number being equal to the sum of the preceding black number and the red number found beneath this sum at the bottom of the page. These red numbers at the bottom of the page are always the same on all five pages; namely, 11. 16. (236), 4.10. (90), 12.10. (250), and 8. These numbers divide the revolution into four parts, the longer two of which have been supposed to represent the periods when the planet is visible, and the shorter two the periods of invisibility at the superior and inferior conjunction respectively. The upper thirteen rows are filled with day signs, each sign in each row being distant from the preceding sign by the number of days recorded in the red numbers at the bottom of the page and below the day reckoned to.^ When the end of the row is reached on page 50, the day in the first place on the next row on page 46 is distant from the last day in the preceding row by the number of the days given in the red number at the left-hand lower corner of page 46. And this is also true when we reach 1 As the synodical revolutions of Venus are the only revolutions of Venus treated of in this article, I shall not hereafter repeat the word "synodical", in speaking of them. 2 The words "distant from" or "distance from" are used to denote the number of days from one day to another, not counting the day reckoned from, but counting the day reckoned to; thus the "distance from" i Kan to 6 Muluc is s days. While "interval" between two days means that neither day is counted; thus the "interval" between these two days is 4. DRESDEN CODEX 271 the end of the whole series, for the first day of the first row on page 46 (though obliterated) can be proved by counting back- ward to be 3 Cib, which is distant from the last day I Ahau of the thirteenth row on page 50 by the red number 236 found in the left-hand lower corner of page 46. Thus the series re- enters into itself. If then the five pages, reading from left to right, show a period of five Venus revolutions, or 8 years, reading across one row of day signs, the whole thirteen rows show 13x5=65 Venus revolutions of 584 days, or 104 years of 365 days. The calculations up to this point are exact, but one or two apparent errors occur in the month days, of which I shall now speak. On the line immediately below the day signs is a row of month signs, each accompanied by its number. The first of these on page 46 is the month Yaxkin, and the number, which is erased, can be found to have been 4, if the rule is followed here which is followed in 57 out of 60 of the other month dates. Starting then with 4 Yaxkin, each month date is distant from the preceding month date by the red number which is found at the bottom of the page under the date reckoned to. And the first day of the month series, 4 Yaxkin, is distant from the last day of the same series, 13 Mac, by 11. 16. (236) the first number in red at the bottom of page 46; that is, the month series re- enters into itself as the rows of day signs run into each other, making the whole day and month series a continuous one. Immediately below the black numbers in the centres of the pages is a second row of month signs, each accompanied by its number. The first four dates are 8 Zac, 18 Muan, 4 Yax, 12 272 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Yax, the black numbers being very clear. The red numbers are 1 1.16., 4.10., 12.10., and 8, as has already been said. Now, 8 Zac + 4.io. = i8 Muan; but 18 Muan+ i2.io.= 3 Yax, and not 4 Yax ; whereas 4 Yax + 8. = 1 2 Yax. There is evidently some error here, and we find that the last date of this row on page 50 is clearly 18 Kayab. If this row re-enters into itself, the first date would be 9 Zac, since 18 Kayab + ii.i6.= 9 Zac, and 9 Zac + 4.io.= 19 Muan. If then we read 9 Zac and 19 Muan instead of 8 Zac and 18 Muan, the whole row runs on regularly, as did the last one. It is very dangerous to assume that mistakes have been made in the Codex, but this seems to be a case where the scribe was in error. Still it is not impossible that the change from 9 Zac to 8 Zac and from 19 Muan to 18 Muan was made intentionally. If this is so, however, it is hard to say why all the dates following the second should be given as if no such change had taken place. It can hardly be for the purpose of calling attention to intercalary days, since two days, and not one, are needed in a period of eight years. Immediately over the red numbers at the bottom of each page is a third row of month dates, each with its number attached. Each of these dates is distant from the preceding one by a num- ber of days equal to the red number at the bottom of the page below the date reckoned to, and the series re-enters into itself as did the first series. The first date on page 50 should be o Yax or 20 Xul, according as the months begin with o or i ; but as this date has been treated of by me in a pamphlet entitled JVas the Beginning Day of the Maya Month Numbered Zero (or Twenty) or One? I shall not dwell on it here. Practically then, we have here in the lower red numbers. DRESDEN CODEX 273 certain numbers which added together give 1.11.4. (584) on each of the five pages and each number marks the distance, r. From one day sign in each of the first thirteen rows to the next one in the same row. 2. From one month date in each of the three rows of month dates to the next one in the same row. 3. From one black number in the centres of the pages to the next black number. We have here in the centres of the pages a series of black numbers, which tell the distance of each column of day signs or month dates from the beginning, and reach at the end of page 50 the period of 8.2.0. or 2920 days, equal to 5 Venus revolu- tions or 8 years of 365 days each. We have 13 rows of day signs which form a single series and which carry forward the previous series of black numbers thirteen times, thus recording 65 Venus revolutions or 104 years. We have 3 rows of month dates, each containing a series of dates re-entering into itself, which are to be used in turn with each row of day signs above them. But there is apparently no direct connection stated on pages 46 to 50 between the different rows of month dates. We find that the dates reckoned from (and therefore the last date of each on page 50, as each row re-enters into itself) are as follows: ist row, I Ahau 13 Mac (S) ' 2d row, I Ahau 18 Kayab ® 3d row, I Ahau 3 Xul @ while the first days of each series are the days following these, or I The numbers surrounded by a circle, which follow a date, show the number of the year as given in the Archaic Annual Calendar of J. T. Goodman. 274 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME I St row, 2 Ymix 14 Mac @ 2d row, 2 Ymix 19 Kayab ® 3d row, 2 Ymix 4 Xul @) It will now be necessary to consider page 24. In Table I, I give a reproduction in print of the numeri- cal part of page 24. The page is in general very clear, the chief exceptions being at the top and in the two lower corners. The order of reading the numerals is from the right lower corner to the left, for four terms, then for four terms from right to left on the next row above, and in the same manner on the third row from the bottom. The term G 5 is 8.2.0., 9 Ahau. This is the same number as the last black number in the centre of page 50. The day from which 8.2.0. is counted must be i Ahau, and the first day of the series must be 2 Ymix. But 8.2.0.= 2920 days = 8 years of 365 days = 5 Venus revolutions of 584 days, exactly the term set out in detail on pages 46-50, and 9 Ahau is the day sign we find by calculation to be the last day sign of the first row of page 50. The second term, F 5, is 16.4.0., 4 Ahau, which is distant from the first term by the number 8.2.0., and which is the last day sign of the second row of page 50. This difference appears also between the 2d and 3d terms, the 5th and 6th, the 6th and 7th, the 7th and 8th, the 8th and 9th, the 9th and loth, the loth and nth, and the nth and 12th. In fact the only place in rows 3, 4, and 5, where this difference does not occur is be- tween the 3d and 4th, and between the 4th and 5th terms; and here the distance between the 3d and 5th (that is the space of two normal terms) is twice 8.2.0. The 4th term as given is 7.17.0. from the 3rd, and the 5th is 8.5.0. from the 4th. DRESDEN CODEX 275 B 9 16 6 2 Table I C D 16 G [I] [I] [15] [10] [5]' I [16] [10] [5] 6 16 8 14 I Ahau I Ahau I Ahau I Ahau I 9 4 I 5 II 12 5 14 4 7 8 5 I Ahau I Ahau I Ahau I Ahau 4 4 4 3 17 9 I 13 6 4 2 6 Ahau II Ahau 3 Ahau 8 Ahau 9 3 2 2 2 9 4 16 8 9 16 14 12 10 13 Ahau 5 Ahau 10 Ahau 2 Ahau I I 16 8 2 4 5 6 4 2 4 Ahau I Ahau i Ahau 8 Cumhu 18 Kayab 18 Uo 7 Ahau 12 Ahau 4 Ahau 8 Ahau ^ ' The numbers in brackets are erased by wearing or by injury. ^ This date appears to be 8 Ahau, but there is a faint outline of a fourth dot above the other three dots. 276 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME If, however, the 4th term were 1. 12. 8.0. instead of 1. 12. 5.0., the dififerences would be the normal sum between the 3d and 4th, and 4th and 5th terms. Three dots over the of the uinal number would bring everything into harmony. Although I am not in favor of assuming error on the part of the Maya author, this seems to be a case where it would be safe to make the change from to " especially as there is ample space for the insertion of these dots. And this view is upheld by reference to the day signs beneath the numbers. These day signs are regu- larly 2920 days apart. As 2920 is exactly divisible by 20 (the number of days in a month or uinal), Ahau, the day counted from, reappears in each case. And as 2920 divided by 13 gives a remainder of 8, each day number is 8 in advance of the pre- ceding day number. Thus 9+8=17. Strike out 13 and we have 4 as the day number of the 2d term, F 5. So also 4+8=12, the day number of the 3d term; and 12+8=20—13=7, the day number of the 4th term; while 7+8=15—13=2, the day number of the 5th term, and so on through the 12th term in D 3. Notice also that these days reappear in the last columns of days on page 50 as we should expect them to. Thus, though the nu- merical part of the 4th term does not have the proper difference from the preceding and succeeding terms, yet the day and its number have this difference. The numerical part of the 4th term does not agree with its day and its number, and one or the other must be wrong. In fact 1. 12. 5.0. (the number given) counted from the original date of i Ahau would give 12 Ahau, while 1. 1 2. 8.0. (which would be 8.2.0. from term 3) would give 7 Ahau, the day number found in D 5. This then would seem to be a proper correction to make. DRESDEN CODEX 277 Row 2 has apparently no connection with the difference of 2920 and I omit all discussion of this row for the present. Parts of all the numbers of Row i are erased, but Dr Forst- emann has, without much doubt, given the true numbers. In all the terms of Row i we find that the day sign is i Ahau, and this shows that the numbers of these terms must all be multiples of 260 from the first date reckoned from, which is also I Ahau. The last (left hand) term of Row 3 is 4.17.6.0. = 12 times 8.2.0. and has the day sign 6 Ahau below it. If then the same difference of 8.2.0. is used between the last term of Row 3 and the first term of Row i, the latter would be 13 times 8.2.0. or 5.5.8.O., I Ahau. We actually find -i-: — which, to be symmetrical, must be 8, then a o and then a i, the two upper numbers and the Ahau being erased. Now it is common to find in the long series of numbers, on other pages, that in the first part of the series one term differs from another by a small difference; this is carried on until a higher term is reached, when the higher term is used as a differ- ence and so on. Thus on page 59, 3.18. (78) is used as a differ- ence until 10 X 78 or 2.3.0. (780) is reached, when 780 is used as a difference. On pages 71-73, 3.5. (65) is used as a difference, until 28X65, or 5.1.0. (1820) is reached, when this number is used as a difference in the continuation of the series. If then 13 times 8.2.0. or 5.5.8.0. were used as a difference after this sum is reached, we should have for the three following terms: 10.10.16.0. ; 15. 16.6.0. and i.i.i. 14.0. Now we find actu- ally in Row 1 : 16.0., 6.0. and 1.14.0. as the lower terms of these numbers, and it is therefore probable that the series is continued as given on Table I. 278 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The number 5.5.8.0., found in G i and used as a difference in reaching F i, E i and D i, is the high number reached on pages 46-50. It is 13 X 2920 = 37,960 = 104 years = 65 Venus revolutions = 2 calendar rounds of 52 years each ; and the high- est number 1.1.1.14.0. is four times as great and = 260 Venus rev- olutions = 416 years = 151,840 days. There are also month and day dates given on page 24. They are 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,® i Ahau 18 Kayab, ® i Ahau 18 Uo @. Of these the first two alone are recorded by the long count. Which date, if either, can fairly be considered as the present time, referring of course to the time at which the original Codex was written and the calculations made? In the lower part of Column B we find 9.9.16.0.0., which counted forward from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu@ — the date far in the past and the zero point of the great majority of dates in the inscriptions and codices, — gives again the date 4 Ahau 8 Cum- hu ®, found in Column A. In Column C is the long number 9.9.9.16.0. and this counted forward as above gives I Ahau 18 Kayab ©, found in Column B. The date in Column C, i Ahau 18 Uo @,^ has no long number attached to it and on this account I think cannot be considered as the present. Neither can 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu @ be so considered, for I think this date, with its long number, was inserted here merely to show how near the then present time i Ahau 18 Kayab ® was to the end of the great period which is reached with another 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (7), I Dr Forstemann changes this date to i Ahau i8 Zip, and on this change founds a great deal of his discussion of this page. This change is an error, for, as will be seen, no number given on this page leads to i Ahau i8 Zip; but two numbers lead to i Ahau i8 Uo. DRESDEN CODEX 279 at the end of 9.9.16.0.0. = 1,366,560 days = 12 X 312 years of 365 days each = 2340 Venus revolutions = 72 calendar rounds. This great period is composed of many other interesting factors.' The number of days from i Ahau 18 Kayab ® before this great period point is reached is shown in Column A, in the number 6.2.0. This number added to 9.9.9.16.0. gives 9.9.16.0.0., found in Column B. My opinion is that the date 9.9.9.16.0., i Ahau 18 Kayab ® is the present with reference to the time of writing the Codex, and is the date from which the whole calculation starts. This opinion is supported by I. The fact that i Ahau 18 Kayab (T) is the date from ' It may be well to show here how division may be performed through subtraction by the use of Maya tables such as we find on page 24. Let the question be to find how many Venus revolutions of 1.11.4. (584) days are contained in 9. 14.15. 6.0. It has been seen that the long number 9.9.16.0.0. equals 12 times 312 solar years. As in the Maya system the solar is five-eighths as long as the Venus revolu- tion, there will be five-eighths as many Venus revolutions as there are solar revolutions in a given number of days. There will be, then, in 9. 9.16.0.Q. 2340 Venus rev'ns. Subtracting this from the first number, there remains Now look over the table of page 24 and find the next smaller number to this remainder. This is found in D3, viz: 4.17.6.0., which contains 12X5 Venus revolutions, since each term represents five Venus revolutions, and 4.17.6.0. is the twelfth term. Subtracting this number from the former remainder there remains The last remainder contains one revolution. Deducting therefore 4.19.6.0. 4.17.6.0. 60 Venus rev'ns. 1.11.4. I Venus rev'n. there is left 7.16. or 156 days. Thus the answer to the original question is 2340+60+1^2401 Venus revolu- tions and 156 days. 28o PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME which the second row of month dates on pages 46-50 is reckoned and the date with which the row ends. It is also the only date given on page 24, which begins one of the month rows on pages 46-50. 2. The fact that 18 Kayab coincides with our June 19, if Landa is right in saying that the beginning of the Maya year coincided with July 16. Now, June 19 is almost exactly the summer solstice, and is a very natural date with which to begin an astronomical calculation. 3. The fact that the numbers in Row 2 of page 24, except that of G 2, have a meaning when calculated from i Ahau 18 Kayab (1), but have none, so far as I can see, if calculated from any other date. 4. The row of month dates on pages 46-50, which counts from the date, is given in immediate proximity to the black numbers which enumerate the number of days which have passed from the beginning of the calculation. 5. The glyphs which, in Dr Forstemann's opinion, repre- sent the gods presiding over each division of the Venus revo- lution, are placed, one set above and one set below the row of month dates which have i Ahau 18 Kayab ® as their starting point. We will then start with i Ahau 18 Kayab, ®, and take up the discussion of Row 2. In E 2 we find the number 9.1 1.7.0. (68,900). This is equal to three calendar rounds plus 1 1,960, the latter being the number to which the long series on pages 51-58 leads up. Counting forward 9.1 1.7.0. from 9.9.9.16.0., i Ahau 18 Kayab®, we reach 9. 19. 1.5.0., i Ahau 13 Mac@, the very date from which the first row of month dates on pages 46-50 DRESDEN CODEX 281 is reckoned and with which it ends. This begins to show a con- nection between these rows of month dates which was not ap- parent before. In the Temple of the Foliated Cross at Palenque we find an Initial Series of 1. 18.5.4.0., i Ahau 13 Mac @, — a date 61 calendar rounds before our date as calculated here. In F 2 we find 4.12.8.0. = 33,280. Counting forward this number from 9.9.9.16.0., i Ahau 18 Kayab ®, we reach 9.14.2.6.0., I Ahau 18 Uo @, which we found at the foot of Col- umn C without any long number. If we count forward again this same number 4.12.8.0 we reach 9.18.14.14.0., i Ahau 3 Xul (|8), a date from which the third row of month dates on pages 46-50 is reckoned and with which it ends. On D 2 we find 1.5. 14.4.0. = 185,120 days. This also equals the sum of the two numbers found on D i and F2; thus, 1.1.1.14.0. + 4.12.8.0. = 1. 5. 14.4.0. Counting forward this number from 9.9.9.16.0., I Ahau 18 Kayab®, we reach 10.15. 4.2.0., i Ahau 18 Uo @ , and again counting forward the same number, we reach 12.0. 18.6.0., i Ahau 3 Xul @,as before. As the num- bers in D 2 and F 2 both count forward to the same date (as they must do since i.5.i4.4.o. = 8 calendar rounds + 4. 12.8.0.), the date i Ahau 3 Xul @, can be reached by counting forward from I Ahau 18 Kayab® to i Ahau 18 Uo® with either of these numbers, and counting forward again from i Ahau 18 Uo @ with the other. This would give a possible value to i Ahau 3 Xul @) of 10.19. 16. lo.o. I am inclined therefore to place the dates in the following order in the long count: 282 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME (Possible dates) 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (j) (date far in the past) 13. O. O. o. o. I "18 Kayab (T) Column B 9. 9. 9. 16. O. 4 " 8 Cumhu " A 9. 9. 16. o. o. I " 18 Uo @ " C 9. 14. 2. 6. O. (10. 15. 4. 2. O.) I " 3 Xul (®) 9. 18. 14. 14. o. (10. 19. 16. 10. o.) (12. o. 18. 6. o.) I " 13 Mac @ 9. 19. I. 5. O. It is impossible to say at present what the meaning is of the number 1.5.5.0., found in G 2; but there are several striking coincidences connected with it. This number is equal to 9100 days, or five times the well-known period of 5.1.0. (1820) days. This is 25 periods of 364 days or 25 days less than 25 years. It is also a coincidence that 25 is the number of intercalary days required after the passage of 104 years, (a period which is given in G I, as 5.5.8.0., immediately over 1.5.5.0.) in order to bring the seasons and calendar into harmony. If this were done by calculation without the actual insertion of the intercalary days, one method of accomplishing it would be by counting back the necessary number of days and finding the month day reached thereby. Thus if, at the end of 104 years when the date i Ahau 18 Kayab ® was reached, the priests wished to know what needed to be done in order to bring the calendar into harmony with the seasons, they would see that by counting back 25 days from 18 Kayab and reaching 13 Pax, and then counting for- ward again to 18 Kayab, the day 18 Kayab would again coincide with the summer solstice. Now, as a matter of fact, this day 13 Pax would be reached by counting forward 1.5.5.0. from 18 Kayab. This is necessarily so, since the sum of 1.5.5.0. and 1.5. DRESDEN CODEX 283 (25) equals 1.5.6.5., or 25 years of 365 days each. Surely it is a striking coincidence that, where the number recording 104 years is given, there is found directly below it a number which, on being counted forward, brings the month day to which it would be necessary to count back in order to insert the 25 inter- calary days needed to bring the calendar and seasons into unison. This correction could be calculated at the end of each 104 years. The same result would also follow if we consider the 104 years as ending with the other dates found as the starting and ending points of the other rows of month dates ; namely, i Ahau 13 Mac @ and i Ahau 3 Xul(28). The date 13 Mac would represent March 26, within five days of the vernal equinox, if Bishop Landa is correct in his statement that the Maya year began on July 16. Another interesting coincidence is the following. We have found on page 24 the date i Ahau 18 Kayab® stated as 9. 9. 9.16.0. and again on page 46 the same date is the point from which the second row of month days, which ends with i Ahau 18 Kayab (T) on page 50, takes its start. By counting for- ward the distance which is probably record- ed on page 24, D i i. i. 1.14.0. the day reached is i Ahau 18 Kayab 10.10.11.12.0. If, now, the additional number of days recorded in G 2 I. 5. 5.0. is counted forward, there is reached the month day 13 Pax 10.11.16.17.0. In this long period within 108 days of 2612 Venus revolutions 284 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME have passed, calculating 584 days to a revolution. But the true length of a Venus revolution is not 584 days but 583 ^%\ days; so that there is an error of ^-^-^ of a day in each revolution. The Mayas however did not use decimals, and, if they corrected their calculation of the Venus revolutions, as I think they did, it would probably have been accomplished by calculating an error of two days in 25 revolutions, this bringing the same result as if an error of j^ of a day had been reckoned in each revolution. In 2612 revolutions there are 104 times 25 revolutions and 12 revolutions over. The error in 2612 revolutions would then be twice 104, or 208 days, to which another day could be added for the extra 12 revolutions, making an error of 209 days in all. That is, on reaching 13 Pax, it would be found that the position, which by calculation Venus should have then reached, had actually been reached 209 days before, or on 4 Xul, this month day also being the first day of the third row of month days on pages 46-50. This is true however of the month day only, since the day reached would be 13 Cib 4 Xul, and not 4 Ymix 4 Xul. This discrepancy may however be accounted for on the supposi- tion that the priests, in calculating the error of the Venus revolu- tions, were only anxious to discover the true position in the year and not in the calendar round. Still another coincidence is connected with 1.5.5.0. Page 24, D 2, gives the number 1.5. 14. 4.0., equal to 185,120 days, or 317 Venus revolutions less 8 days. The error here would be 24 days for the 300 revolutions, and, approximately, i day for the other 17 revolutions, making 25 days in all. The position of Venus which had been calculated as occurring at the end of 1.5. 14.4.0. DRESDEN CODEX 285 days, had actually been reached 25 days earlier, and the same month day is reached by counting forward 1.5.5.0. days (the number in G 2) as by counting baclc 25 days. The only explanation, then, which I have to ofifer for this number 1.5.5.0., and I offer it with a great deal of doubt, consists of three parts: 1. The writer wished to show that, by counting forward 25 times 364 days, he reached the same month date as if he had counted back 25 days; and that he selected the number 25 as a multiple of 364, simply because it was the number of intercalary days needed in 5.5.8.0., (the number directly above 1.5.5.0.), and because one method of intercalating these days would be to go back and count them over again — practically the same meth- od adopted in the case of the Roman bissextile. 2. The writer wished to show that, on passing over the number of days set down in D 2, 1.5. 14.4.0., the error in the observed point of the revolution of Venus was corrected by counting back 25 days. 3. He further wished to show that on reaching 13 Pax, 10.11.16.17.0., (reckoning with the second row of month days on pages 46-50 which start from the date i Ahau 18 Kayab ® ), the error in the calculation of the Venus revolutions was such that the correction of the error brought back the count to 4 Xul, the first month day of the third row of month days on these pages. Taking up the rows of glyphs., which lie between the rows of month dates, we find none on page 46 which have numbers connected with them. But the following are found on the other pages: >86 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Page 47, above the black numbers, Column 3 below (( 48, " a above 11 below it 49, above a 50, below ii above ii below i( • fSI • • U^^ • • t) rpi;vy • 3 Figure i 4 4 katuns 4 Figure 2 I 4 katuns or 4 Zac 2 Figure 3 3 " 4 4 " 5 I " 6 3 " 7 4 " 8 Fig.l Fiff.5 Fig. 6 It would seem as if these glyphs might have a numerical or calendrical meaning. They form part of tv\^o rows of glyphs — one of which is the second row above, and the other is the second or third row below, the rows of black numbers in the centres of the pages. In most cases, if a glyph appears in the first, second, third, or fourth column of the upper of the two rows, the same glyph also appears in the next following column of the lower row. Thus figure 5 appears in the fourth column of page 49, and figure 6 in the first column of page 50, and these glyphs are nearly identical. Also figure i appears in the third column of the upper row of page 47, and figure 2 in the fourth column of the lower row of the same page. The lower parts of figures DRESDEN CODEX 287 I and 2 are not exactly alike, but the upper parts and the num- bers attached to the glyphs are alike. Taking up figures i and 2, we find that the number of days, counted through Columns 3 and 4 of page 47, are as follows, according to the number of the rows of day signs on the top of pages 46-50 (each of which rows equals 8.2.0.), which we have counted. The numbers reached, counting from the begin- ning, are COLUMN 3 COLUMN 4 I 3- 4- 0.= 1,160 3- 4- 8.= 1,168 2 II. 6. 0.= 4,080 II. 6. 8.= 4,088 3 19. 8. 0.= 7,000 19- 8. 8.= 7,008 4 I. 7- 10. 0.= 9,920 I. 7- 10. 8.= 9,928 5 I. 15- 12. 0.^12,840 I. 15- 12. 8.=i2,848 6 2. 3- 14- o.=i5,76o 2. 3- 14- 8.^15,768 7 2. II. 16. o.=i 8,680 2. II. 16. 8.=i8,688 8 3- 0. 0. o.=2i,6oo ' 3- 0. 0. 8.=2i,6o8 9 3- 8. 2. 0.=24,520 3- 8. 2. 8.=24,528 10 3- 16. 4- o.=27,440 3- 16. 4- 8.=27,448 II 4- 4- 6. o.=30,36o 4- 4- 6. 8.=30,368 12 4- 12. 8. o.=33,28o 4- 12. 8. 8.=33,288 13 5- 0. 10. o.=36,200 5- 0. 10. 8.=36,2o8 If the glyph 4 katuns in Column 4 means that at this point 4 katuns have passed, it will be seen that there are but two dates in Column 3 in which 4 katuns have been reached; namely, No. II (4.4.6. o.=30,36o) and No. 12 (4.i2.8.o.=33,28o) except No. 13, when 5 katuns have been reached and passed. In the same way, in Column 4 these distances are 4.4.6.8. and 4.12.8.8. which equal 30,368 and 33,288 respectively. ' It is interesting to note that this is exactly 3 katuns. 288 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME If the glyphs, figures i and 2, are confirmatory of the 4 katuns glyph, meaning that the distance reached is 4 katuns or over, and is divisible by 13, as would appear to be the case judg- ing by the number attached to these glyphs, we must take in Column 3, No. 12 = 33,280, which equals 13 X 2560, whereas in Column 4, we must take No. 11=30,368=13X2336. 2560 = 5 X 2', while 2336 = 4 X 584. As these pages deal with the Venus revolution, it would seem therefore that the latter number is the one to be con- sidered. Here, then, we have a possible statement that at this point 30,368 days have passed, which equals 13 X 4 X 584, or 52 revolutions of Venus. If this be so, the glyph to which the 13 is attached would mean 4 X 584, or 4 revolutions of Venus. Another possibility of the meaning of this glyph should be considered, namely that the 4 katuns and figures i and 2 are not confirmatory of each other, but that the glyph with 13 gives the number of days to be added to 4 katuns to give the distance reached. In this case the numbers denoted by figures i and 2 would be, in Column 3, No. 11 (4.6.0.= 1560) and No. 12 (12.8.0. = 4480), and in Column 4, No. 11 (4.6. 8. = 1568) and No. 12 (12.8.8 = 4488) Of these numbers. No. 11 in Column 3 (1560, which equals 13X120) is the only one of the four numbers divisible by 13 without a remainder. The only significance in this is that 120 equals one-third of a tun. It would seem then that the author may have wished to de- clare that in Column 4 of page 47, after having passed through the day series of pages 46-50 ten times, and having reached the end of the second page on the eleventh round, 52 revolu- DRESDEN CODEX 289 tions of Venus had passed. The date reached from i Ahau 18 Kayab ® would be i Lamat 6 Zip @i ; from i Ahau 13 Mac (34) would be I Lamat 6 Kayab @ and from i Ahau 3 Xul{28) would be I Lamat 16 Chen (7), — all of which appear in the rows of month dates. Taking the dates for i Ahau 18 Kayab ®, i Ahau 13 Mac @, as we have determined them in the long count, and taking the earliest date for i Ahau 3 Xul (28) , of the three which are possible, we get the dates when the passage of 52 Venus revo- lutions would have culminated as — ■ I Lamat 6 Zip (o^ = 9. 13. 14. 4.8. I Lamat 6 Kayab (^ =10. 3. 5.1 1.8. I Lamat 16 Chen (7) =10. 2.19. 2.8. the latter nearly coinciding with the Initial date found in Chichen Itza, of 10.2. 9. 1.9. The number given in No. 12 (4.12.8.0.) is the number found in F 2 of page 24, and is the distance from i Ahau 18 Kayab ® to I Ahau 18 Uo (41), as is shown by 18 Uo appearing in Column 3 of page 47. This number 33,280 = 91 X 365 + 65 or 13 X 2560. The so-called Bacab sign, or a sign like the Bacab sign, ap- pears immediately below (as it does elsewhere) ; and the Bacab sign, in Dr Forstemann's opinion, is associated with the num- ber 91. Again, on page 48, figure 4 appears next but one glyph below 17 Mac. Here we find that we have reached within 8 days of the end of the 3d, 8th, 13th, etc., revolutions of Venus. 290 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME If we consider that i full revolution of 104 years has passed = 65 Venus revolutions and two sets of 2920 days (5 Venus rev- olutions) or of the day signs at the top of the pages = 10 Venus revolutions and three revolutions for the three pages, = 3 Venus revolutions we have a total of 78 Venus revolutions. This is a significant number. If the glyph attached to the num- ber 6 refers to the number of revolutions which have passed it would equal 13 Venus revolutions. I have already expressed my suspicion that the Ben-Ik symbol equals 13. If this be true, the lower part of the glyph would equal i Venus revolution. But I have thought that figure 2 might equal 4 of such revolutions. The lower parts of figures 2 and 4 are very similar, if not identical; and if this lower part ^'^'^ equal i Venus revolution, and if figure 2 equal 4 such revolu- tions, then the upper part or figure 9 would have the meaning of 4. Now, in 78 Venus revolutions, the error would be 6^4 days and here we find the glyph which may mean 78 synodical revolu- tions in the third column, — 8 days before the calculated end, — an error of but 1% days.^ On page 49, Column 4, and page 50, Column i, appear the two similar glyphs, figures 5 and 6. This is a Bacab sign so- I It should be noted here that figure 3, which appears in column 3 of page 48, above the black series of numbers, and which would naturally be the companion glyph of figure 4, has no Ben-Ik sign as a superfix. DRESDEN CODEX 291 called, and we should naturally associate the number 91 with it; but neither the black numbers in these columns (6.8.16. or 7.2.12.), nor these numbers plus any multiple (up to 12) of 8.2.0. (2920), are divisible by 91. Neither is the black number im- mediately preceding 6.8.16. (namely 6.8.8.) nor this number plus any multiple (up to 12) of 8.2.0., divisible by 91. At present, therefore, the meaning of the Bacab with the number i attached to it cannot be determined. The only other glyphs referred to above, which require to be considered, are those of figures 7 and 8. They look like 7 Mol, and, if this is the date, it may have some significance at- tached to it. If, on page 24, as I suggest, the i Ahau 18 Kayab (1), from which the series of these pages counts, is 9. 9. 9. 16.0. then, at the end of the series on page 50, we shall have, after 104 years or 65 Venus revolutions, a further passage of time of 5. 5. 8. o. giving another i Ahau 18 Kayab®, 9. 14.15. 6.0. This equals 2400 Venus revolutions and 720 days. If we allow a variation or recession of 2 days in 25 revolutions, we shall have a recession of about 192 days. This would carry the date back from 18 Kayab to 6 Mol, and 7 Mol appears below 18 Kayab. This distance also equals 3840 years of 365 days each + 720 days. 3840 years equal 36 X 104 + 96 years. Allowing an error of 25 days in each 104 years, and 3 days in each 13 years remain- ing, we get a correction of 36X25 + 96 -^13X3 = 900 + 2 1 = 921 = 2 years 191 days. If, then, we count back 2 years 191 days from i Ahau 18 Kayab ® , we reach 7 Mol, which is given 292 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME here; and from this we must count forward a second time to i8 Kayab in order to bring the calendar into accord with the sea- sons. But practically the years may be neglected ; and by count- ing back the 191 days and then re-counting them, we shall again bring 18 Kayab and the summer solstice together. Here then we have the striking fact that by going back to the date of the end of the Venus revolution (corrected) and counting forward 191 days a second time the calendar and the seasons would be brought together. In the lower parts of pages 46-50, there appear the fol- lowing glyphs: on page 46, a glyph composed of a head with a uinal glyph below, and with a number 2 before it (figure 10) ; on page 48, the same head that was found on page 46, but now appearing with a superfix in the form of a knot, and with the number 3 before it, followed by a uinal glyph, with a net-like superfix and also with the number 3 before it (figures 11, 12). On page 49 practically the same glyphs appear, except that the knot is a subfix, instead of a superfix, of the head, the uinal glyph has no superfix, and the number before each glyph is 7 (figures 13, 14). On page 50 the two glyphs are again united as they were on page 46, with the number 10 before them, (figure 15). Fig. 10 Fig. 11 Fig. 12 Fig. 13 Fig. 14 Fig. 15 Placing these together, on the assumption that the numbers belong to both glyphs where they are found together, the fol- lowing table results — Page 46. 2 head 2 uinal 47- No corresponding glyphs DRESDEN CODEX 293 Page 48. 3 head 3 uinal 49. 7 head 7 uinal 50. 10 head 10 uinal It would seem that these glyphs, occupying the same posi- tions on the various pages, must have something to do with the lapse of time; but the glyphs on pages 46 and 50 alone show this. If, at the end of one period of 584 days, two of the periods represented by these glyphs had elapsed, ten of the same periods would have elapsed at the end of five periods of 584 days. We actually find the glyphs with two on page 46 and ten on page 50; and in both cases the united form of glyph is used. But why, after the lapse of three periods of 584 days, the number 3 is found on page 48, and after the lapse of four periods the num- ber 7 is found, in both cases with the glyphs separated, I can- not tell. Judging from the fact that the Venus revolutions are the subject of these pages, we should be led to suppose that on page 50, the passage of 2920 days would be likely to be recorded, so that, if the uinal represents 20 and the method of addition is used, the uinal part would mean 10 X 20= 200, and the remain- der of the glyph would represent 2920-200 or 2720, or 10 X 272, the head meaning 272. Similar reasoning would give the uinals on page 46 as 2 X 20 = 40, and the remainder of the glyph as 584-40, or 544, or 2 X 272, the head again meaning 272. But this plan does not suit the numbers on the other pages; for on page 48, where the lapse of 1752 days is given, if 3 uinals or 60 days is subtracted, 1692 days are left. Again, subtracting 3 X 272 or 816, there is a remainder to be accounted for of 876 days. On page 49, 2336 days have elapsed. Subtracting 7 uinals, 2196 Fig. 16 294 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME days remain, and again subtracting 7X272 = 1904, there is a remainder of 292, which may possibly be represented by a third glyph with the number 4 at- tached to it (figure 16) . In this case the crouching figure would mean 73, or one-fifth of a year of 365 days. But this is all prob- lematical. Before closing this article, reference should be made to the views that have been given by Dr. Forstemann in his Commentar zur Mayahandschrift zu Dresden, in regard to the meaning of these pages. ^ It is with some doubt that I venture to criticise any views of Dr Forstemann, since I have the greatest admira- tion for the work that he did in the line of deciphering the Maya hieroglyphs. While it may be true that the Mayas desired to find a number which would contain an even number of solar years, Venus revolutions and Tonalamatls, etc., as Dr Forste- mann suggests, they still saw, I think, a deeper meaning in the hieroglyphs which we have under consideration. This further meaning was probably the rectification of errors which in a long series of years would show themselves with unfailing certainty in the calculations of the revolutions of heavenly bodies. A considerable proportion of Dr Forstemann's remarks are based on a period of 1,352,400 days, which he calculates to be the distance from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (?) the starting point far in the past, to the present day i Ahau 18 Zip @. In order to find this number, he has changed the date at the bottom of page 24 from I Ahau 18 Uo @ to i Ahau 18 Zip®. This change must be considered untenable, as has been shown above. It is owing to this change also that Dr Forstemann says ' Pages 46, etc., io6, etc. DRESDEN CODEX 295 that the second row of numbers on page 24 is "without rule," except that he obtains certain results by adding and subtracting the first and second numbers and the second and the fourth. I have shown above the possible meaning of the numbers in the second row. Another large part of Dr Forstemann's reasoning depends on his considering that the Mayas calculated the synodical revo- lution of Mercury at 115 days. As a matter of fact, we know that the snyodical revolution of Mercury is 115.877 days. It is almost impossible to believe that the Mayas, if they actually observed the planet Mercury, would have used this calculation, when in a single year there would have been three of these rev- olutions and the error would have been over 2^ days. Further- more, Dr Forstemann speaks of a certain number being equal to 11,864 revolutions of Mercury, calculating that revolution at 115 days. The error in this number of revolutions would be 10,404 days, or nearly 30 years. I think this estimate of 115 days for a synodical revolution of Mercury must be abandoned. In speaking of the date i Ahau 18 Kayab ®, Dr Forste- mann calls attention to the fact that the Temple of the Cross at Palenque has a date one Tonalamatl before this, and says that the distance from i Ahau 18 Kayab (T) to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu 0, which date also occurs in the Inscription a short distance after the Initial series, is given in Ci D2 as 2200 days, the same dis- tance as is given on page 24. The distance really given in Ci D2 is 8.5.0. and not 6.2.0. To account for this number of 2200 days, Dr Forstemann suggests that it may have been reached by add- ing the following periods : 296 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Solar year 365 days 12 revolutions of the moon at 29 f 356 days Mercury revolution 115 days Venus " 584 days Mars " 780 days 2200 In order to bring this about, it is necessary to take 12 revolu- tions of the moon at 29 2/3 days; and Dr Forstemann justifies himself in doing this, by stating that he found on pages 51-58, 6 revolutions of the moon to be stated in some places at 177 and in others at 178 days. It is to be noted that these two sums make 355, and not 356, and it is also true that the long series on pages 51-58 gives 405 revolutions of the moon in 11,958 days, which gives a litle over 293^ days for each revolution. Moreover, there would seem to be no reason for this computation, as these periods do not follow one another. In speaking of the prevalence of the number i and the day Ahau in the Tonalamatl, he states that this number and this day are used very much more than any other number or day. This is true of the days, not only in the Dresden, but in the Tro- Cortesianus, but the number i in the Dresden is not used very much oftener than the number thirteen, and in the Tro, so far as a hasty calculation goes, it appears only twelve times, while 4 appears twenty-four times and 13 thirteen times, at the head of the Tonalamatl. In Dr Forstemann's comments on pages 46-50, there is a great deal of value and a great deal that will carry conviction. There are several points, however, which I think should be alluded to. He refers to a row of Akbal signs.' May it not be ■ Commentar zur Mayahandschriften zu Dresden, p. 107. Translation, p. 183. DRESDEN CODEX 297 that he is mistaken in this identification? Are not the signs really Chuen, and do they mean "close"? Xul has been used with this meaning heretofore by Dr Forstemann. He also refers ^ to the second month sign in the first row of month signs on page 50 as being the 20th day of the i8th month Cumhu. I think that he, on further consideration, would have agreed with others that the date is really the zero day of the five supplementary days, Uayeb meaning, as I think, the beginning day of these days, though Dr. Seler thinks, (without sufficient evidence, in my opinion), that the meaning is the evening before that day. Dr Forstemann also says ^ that, in the Anales del Museo Nacional, eight days are given as the time of the obscurity of Venus. In the volume to which he refers, Sr. Troncoso quotes from the Anales del Quauhtitlan that Quetzalcoatl did not go to heaven, when he disappeared from earth, but went to hell for eight days. This is not as clear a statement of the invisibility of Venus as it might be, though, of course, it is open to that interpretation. Dr Forstemann ^ is in favor of reading the three rows of month dates one after the other from bottom to top — a direc- tion directly opposite to that of the days signs. As a matter of fact, whenever the reading is from bottom to top, the glyphs have to be read almost, if not absolutely, invariably from right to left; but here the reading of the glyphs is clearly from left to right. Dr Forstemann '' sees a Mercury-lunar period inserted be- ■ Commentar zur Mayahandschriften zu Dresden, p. io8. Translation, p. 184. 2 Ibid., p. 109. Translation, p. 185. 3 Ibid., p. no. Translation, p. 186. 4 Ibid., p. III. Translation, p. 187. 298 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME tween two of these month series, and a Mars period between the other two. I think that Dr. Forstemann's reasoning is unsound. He says that the Mayas first counted by Venus years, then by Mars periods, then by Venus periods, then by Mercury periods for thirty years, and then again by Venus periods. It is difficult to see of what value such a computation would be. Moreover, the wonderfully constructed method of calculating and recording time which the Mayas had devised, would un- doubtedly have been thrown out of gear by such a plan. The total period thus computed would not have been divisible by any of the periods used in its construction — solar, Venus, Mercury, and Mars periods — without a remainder. In discussing what he calls the "god signs," Dr Forstemann ' calls the katun sign with the number 4 attached to it. the God N, and the glyph with the number 13 the Moan sign, while he describes the glyph, which I have commented on as meaning 7 Mol, as unknown. I do not think that these interpretations are entirely correct, though it is very possible that the same sign may be the symbol of a god as well as a date. But the 4 katun of page 47 is very different from the 4 Zac which appears at the end of the 236 day period on page 48. I regret that I am unable to agree fully with many of Dr Forstemann's numerical calculations, very ingenious and inter- esting as they are; but very little dependence can be placed on the wonderful results which can be obtained with numbers which have the same factors. Boston, Massachusetts • Commentar zur Mayahandscriften zu Dresden, p. m. Translation, p. i8 NOTES ON RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS OF THE NAVAHO BY Alfred Marston Tozzer The Navaho and their Relations with other Peoples THE Navaho together with the Apache form the southern extension of the great Athapascan family which stretches northward to the farthest tip of the continent. Traces of the affiliations of the Navaho with the northern Athapascan peoples are for the greater part lacking. There are very few, if any, similarities in material culture which can definitely be made out between the Dene of the north and the Navaho and Apache of the south. On the ceremonial side of the religion we find nothing. In the mythology there may be a few faint traces of the early parent- age of the Navaho. Dr Boas ^ sums up the matter when he says, "I was much interested in finding on a close examination of the Navaho legends that there was interwoven with a large mass of material foreign to northern tribes many tales undoubtedly de- rived from the same sources from which the northern tales spring. Most of them are so complex and curious that, taken in connection with the known northern affiliations of the Navaho, I Northern Elements in the Mythology of the Navaho, American Anthropologist, X, p. 371, 1897. 300 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME they must be considered either as a definite proof of a survival of ancient myths or as proving a later connection." Language serves to point out clearly and with certainty this affiliation of the Navaho and Apache with the northern Athapas- can. Even on the side of language, much seems to show that there was a comparatively early breaking-away of the Navaho and Apache, or the main elements which later went to make up these peoples, from the parent stock in the north. The colorless culture of the Athapascan has been pointed out many times and the receptivity of those of Athapascan origin, resulting in the different peoples composing this division taking on and borrowing, almost without change in some cases, the culture which is the prevailing type in the country where they find themselves. In the southward migration of the Navaho and Apache to their present home in New Mexico and Arizona and the adjoining part of Mexico, they left a culture not marked by any especially positive traits. They passed through a country far different in character from that of the north and one that possessed a distinct and far from negative culture of its own, — the culture of the Plains or a mixed culture of the Plains and the Basin Area, — and finally they came into their present habitat, again with a totally different environment on the physical side and one quite as distinct on the side of custom and belief. We therefore rightly expect to find a curious result, with an Athapascan beginning, whatever that beginning was, the influ- ence of the Plains type or a modified Plains type of culture as the second, and finally that of the Pueblo peoples as the third dom- inant power that contributed on the cultural side of the molding of the Navaho tribe. The last alone can be determined satis- NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 301 factorily. But we may account for some features at least of the culture of the Navaho as the result of the middle stratum of influence. The Navaho on the purely physical side are far from being a homogeneous people. Just as the Apache gradually suffered a certain amount of absorption with several tribes, especially to the south, so the Navaho in turn counted among their number from very early times certain small bands of peoples mostly from the eastward. The origin legends of the Navaho represent them as a mixed people. The original clan, according to the traditional account, was added to from time to time by other clans of the Navaho, by a number of Ute (a family of whom remained, and founded a new clan), by bands of Apache who in turn founded clans among the Navaho, and by people from Zuni, Jemez, and other pueblos driven from their homes by famine. These traditions have some historical basis of fact, as noted by Hodge. ^ The Navaho were a nomadic, hunting people, not only at the start, but through their first period of influence from the out- side; and they came finally into a territory occupied by a people given to agriculture and village life. Moreover, the Navaho were a people with very little social organization and in the Southwest they entered a territory where there was a well-defined social system. The Navaho were a people with no strongly de- I The Early Navaho and Apache, American Anthropologist, vili, p. 227, 1895. He states that about the year 1560 the Navaho tribe had nineteen clans distributed about as fol- lows: one Athapascan (the original Navaho, evidently cliff-dwellers), three Apache, two Yu- man, one evidently of Keresan stock, one possibly of Shoshonean, a single Ute family, one doubtless of Tanoan stock, three miscellaneous Pueblo clans, and six of unknown origm. "We may safely assume," he adds, "that at this period the language as well as the insti- tutions and industries of the Navahos underwent the greatest and most rapid change." 302 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME veloped religious ceremonials, and the country of their final adoption was characterized by a complexity of religious ritual. Thus we might go on pointing out the obvious and very striking contrast between that which we assume to have been the primitive form of culture of the Navaho and that into which they came. Influence of Ceremonials of the Pueblo Peoples ON those of the Navaho On the religious and especially on the ceremonial side of the Navaho do we find the heterogeneous character very strongly brought out. Starting with practically nothing that may be said to be distinctive of the Navaho themselves, we find a large mass of ceremonials now practised by them, every act of which has been borrowed from another people. Dr Matthews seems to think that the Navaho borrowed little directly from the Pueblo peoples, but that both took their inspiration from a common source. ^ The Navaho, according to their legends, obtained much of their culture from the cliff-dwellers found inhabiting the pueblos now deserted. As these cliff-dwellers were probably the ancestors of the present Pueblo peoples we can say that the latter inherited their culture from their ancestors whereas the Navaho borrowed the same ideas in part at least. This was a one-sided bargain, as the Navaho had nothing to offer in ex- change; they alone were the ones to reap a benefit from the transaction. Obviously, however, a people with no distinct clan organi- zation, and accustomed to a wandering life as hunters and, with- in very recent times, as shepherds, could not use these borrowed ' Navaho Legends, Memoirs American Folk-Lore Society, p. 41. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 303 rites without some adaptation, some alterations. The ceremonies of the Pueblo peoples were suited to a sedentary, agricultural tribe whose main religious life was centered around the act of obtaining rain for their crops in an arid country. It has only been within a comparatively few years that the Navaho have taken up agriculture, and an extensive rainfall was, therefore, not looked upon as the end and aim of life. The contrast between a sedentary and a migratory people is well brought out in one respect in the examination of the kiva of the Pueblos and the /zo^an' of the Navaho. The former always celebrate the secret part of their rites in a room set apart for the purpose in their village. The Navaho, on the other hand, usually build a new hut each time that an elaborate ceremony is to be celebrated. Permanency of structure is of little account among the Navaho. The Navaho retained, however, enough of the religious ideas of the north to cause them to influence them in the south in one respect at least. In other words, the cure of disease became the fundamental feature of the borrowed rites. A cere- mony intended for rain-making would naturally need some alter- ation in order to serve as a cure of disease. Dr Fewkes^ notes in the case of the Hopi that it is difficult to separate the present object and real meaning of rites in interpretation. "The object of a ceremony," he adds, "may change when a people change their environment, or as their prayers change. Ancient rites are thus made to do duty for purposes wholly new and thereby become greatly modified, so far as their objects are concerned. ' For convenience of reference, I have employed Dr Matthews's method of recording the Navaho names. 2 Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi, American Anthropologist, xi, p. 104, 1898. 304 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME The tendency always is to adapt old rites to new conditions, and interpret them accordingly." Thus we naturally expect to find among the Navaho much that shows the new purpose of their rites. As this paper is not a comparison in any way of the cere- monies of the Navaho with those of the Pueblo peoples, it is not necessary to point out in any great detail similarities bet\¥een the rites of the two peoples. To a certain point, both sets of ceremonies go along almost parallel. As previously noted, however, the change in the object of the rites must necessitate a different point of view. It is interesting to note the frequent use of corn-meal and corn-pollen in the religious rites of the Navaho. This clearly points to the origin of the rite. Pollen is the symbol of fertility, and the rite at bottom is for rain. The Navaho took over the use of the corn and the pollen together with the other features; but the corn no longer served its previous purpose as a prayer for rain and the ripening of the crops: it was used for the cure of disease. Mythology and Ritual I shall not enter at this time upon a discussion of the com- plicated question of the precedence of ritual and myth, nor is it necessary to discuss Navaho mythology as a whole. It is, however, well to point out a fact noted by all writers on this question; namely, that all the main ceremonies of the Navaho are accompanied by myths which explain minutely the different acts in the various rites. They often do more: they account for the origin of the ceremony by stating how a god or hero wan- NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 305 dered among other tribes, learned the rites, and returned to teach them to his people. Since, as we know, the ceremonies of the Navaho are bor- rowed, their myths, which often fit perfectly the rites, must also have been adapted in great part from the same outside sources. It seems far more natural to think of the rite as being taken up prior to a myth explaining this rite. So that here at least we seem to find a rite selected first and then the myth which belongs to the rite taken ; or, as in many cases, it seems evident a new one was invented to suit the ceremony in its altered form. The Navaho certainly adopted many of the myths of the Pueblo peoples as their own, but there is far more originality in many of the rite-myths of the Navaho than in the corresponding cere- monies themselves. This goes toward proving that the ritual is borrowed, and adapted to the conditions of an intrusive people, either before the myth explaining the former rite was taken possession of or a new one was created to meet more fully the altered form of the ceremony. Shamans and their Duties All the ceremonial life of the Navaho is in the hands of the medicine-man or shaman. His name in Navaho, ha.ta.H, means "the singer of sacred songs," "the chanter." The individual character of the chants seems clear in contrast to any idea of com- munal origin. These chants were probably at one time in the nature of incantations, and their recital served in a magic way to constrain the deities to act along certain definite lines. It is difficult to say how firmly this class of shamans is bound together, and whether or not there are classes within the 3o6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME main division. It is certain that we do not have any well reg- ulated societies of priests as among the Ojibwa, the Sioux, or the Zufii. The office of shaman is in no way hereditary. The lack of any central control or government among the Navaho makes the power of the individual shaman rest entirely upon his suc- cess in curing individuals. There is no centralization of au- thority, and when a man does succeed in making himself famous in his capacity of doctor, his power is often very great. It is certain that some shamans are believed to have greater power than others, and naturally they are looked up to. They are the ones most frequently employed to celebrate the various cere- monies and they thus come in time to possess great wealth. Ac- cording to Dr Matthews, ' one shaman usually contents himself with knowing only one of the several nine-days ceremonies. The different rites are so complicated and the chants so numerous, that it is practically impossible for a man to perfect himself satisfactorily in the machinery of more than one of these long ceremonies. These shamans are paid for their services by those in whose behalf the rites are held. The cost is sometimes heavy, amount- ing to two or three hundred dollars' worth of horses, sheep, deer- skin, and other goods. All the family of the sick person con- tribute to the shaman's fee. It is the duty of the officiating priest to provide the permanent paraphernalia for the different rites, such as the undecorated masks and the various "medicines." He does little active work in the preparation, but directs the labor of the others and sees that all the necessary details are car- I The Night Chant; a Navaho Ceremony, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Anthropology, v, 1[ 5, 1902. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 307 tied out, a failure in one of which will render the whole cere- mony of no value. He leads in the chanting in many cases, and it is he who knows the order and the words of the large number of songs sung during the various rites. When a person becomes ill, the first question to be answered is not so much the nature of the disease as its cause. Some law of the tribe has been broken, a spirit has been offended or neglected in some way; hence the disease is sent as a punish- ment. The diagnosis is often difficult, and a shaman is usually called in. It is he who is able to state the cause of the arrival of ill health, and he also is the one who suggests a means of propitiating the god, and hence there follows a removal of the malady. Sometimes it is necessary to go back some distance in the history of the individual in order to find out the time when the offence against the god was committed. In a case of one woman at least sixty years old, the shaman had to look back not only through those sixty years of life of the woman, but farther away still — to the time of the pregnancy of her mother. At that time, the latter had unwittingly looked at an eclipse of the moon, and had thus broken a tribal law. Rite of A'^delni The facts in regard to the breaking of some tribal taboo are often ascertained by the shaman in a rite called Ndelni, or "Shivering." He first washes his hands, and sprinkles lines of corn-pollen on the inside of his right hand, along the length of each finger, and in a zigzag from the palm to the lower arm. He then throws himself into a semi-trance state, or pretends to do so. The hand thus marked begins slowly to tremble and 3o8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME shiver in much the same way as when the elbow rests upon a nerve. In this case, however, the arm is held out straight from the body. The actions of the hand and arm become more vio- lent. The shaman mutters a prayer, rubs his eyes, dips his fin- gers into water, and rubs his body. After the trembling becomes still more noticeable, the hand finally makes some movements which are interpreted as showing the cause of the illness. In one instance the hand dug into the earth, and this was interpreted as showing that the patient had been digging in a ruin where he had found a human cranium. He had touched it, thus breaking a tribal taboo, and illness had resulted. In this case, I am quite sure that the shaman was sincere in what he did. I have no doubt that in many cases there is much humbug. Law of Exactness Efficacy in the different rites can alone be obtained by exact repetition of the minutest details of the different acts, not only in the rites themselves, but in the preparation of the objects used in the ceremony. In Dr Matthews's paper on "A Study of Butts and Tips," ^ he shows the necessity of carrying out the most minute rules in making the reed cigarettes which are cut, filled, lighted, and offered to the gods. He gives another strik- ing example of this necessity of careful detail in the preparation of kledze aze, or night medicine : ^ "The collector enters a field at night, in the rainy season, during a violent thunderstorm. He culls in the east of the field a leaf from a stalk that produces white corn. Passing sunwise, he culls in the south a leaf from ' American Anthropologist, V, pp. 345-350, 1892. 2 The Night Chant, II204, 1902. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 309 a stalk of blue corn ; in the west, a leaf from a stalk of yellow corn; in the north, a leaf from a stalk of variegated corn. . . . Each of these things must be collected at the instant that it is illuminated by a flash of lightning." The same exactness of order is seen especially in the various chants which accompany the ceremonies. There is a long series of songs which must be sung in a prescribed order and in a prescribed way, otherwise the ceremony is of no avail. The ritual demands exactness, and it is this exactness which is the seat often of the power to be derived from the rite in question. In the religion of the Hupa, another Athapascan tribe, the power rests in the exact repetition of certain formulae. This feature among the Navaho may be found to have been inherited by them from their Athapascan ancestors. Classification and Character of Ceremonials The Navaho ceremonials may be divided into the major and minor classes, the nine-days ceremonies and the short rites, which vary greatly in character and importance. Although the fundamental feature of all is the cure of disease, yet planting and harvesting, desire for rain, house-building, birth, marriage, death, and travel are also factors in some of the rites. The Navaho ceremonials consist of several elements, all of which are present in the longer rites, and many of which occur in the shorter and less important ones. These elements are sacrifice and prayer, masquerade, and the dance. As the ceremonials are the means taken to placate the gods, sacrifices naturally occupy the most important place in the ritual. Ceremonial objects — such as bits of feathers of certain birds; 310 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME pollen; beads; the so-called "kethawns," which are round wooden cigarette-like objects; feathered sticks; food usually prepared according to some ancient formula; medicines of various kinds, including sacred drinks — - are among the many objects offered. The sand pictures may also be considered under the same heading, as these are offered to the gods, or serve as a sort of holy place or altar where certain acts can alone take place. In connection with the various offerings there are always prayers, which serve to point out to the deities the presence of the gifts in return for which the patient desires health. The other two constant elements in the ritual of the Navaho may be considered together; namely, the masks and the dances in which these are worn. Those who carry out the various requirements of the ritual are not the shamans, as might be supposed, but rather the gods, each impersonated by a man wearing a definite mask. These masks are made of deerskin and are furnished by the shaman. They are painted and decorated anew for each ceremony, and supposedly represent the countenance of the gods. When a man wears one of these over his face, he is supposed to be the god himself, and as such he is powerful to carry out the requirements of the different acts in which this special god figures. These masked men dance together on the last night of the long ceremonies in what might be called a "dramatization" of the myth on which the ritual is founded. The same gods are also represented by the figures in the sand pictures. The festival nature of ceremonials in general among primitive people should be emphasized, together with their great importance on the social life of the tribe. Among a peo- ple like the Navaho, living family by family, disseminated over NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 311 a wide stretch of country, with no towns and no settlements larger than those composed of two or three families at the most and these not permanent, there is little opportunity for congre- gation other than that furnished by the religious ceremonials. These are taken advantage of and made the occasion of large gatherings. Foot-races, gambling, and other games are in- dulged in, and, although few of the visitors take an active part in the rites themselves, they are present in large numbers to witness the public dances on the last night of the long cere- monies. Any participation in the more secret rites of the hoga.n necessitates a payment according to the amount of benefit that it is hoped will be derived from the rite in question. Conse- quently only those visitors who are ill and are at the same time able to pay something to the shaman, take advantage of the opportunity of having themselves treated. Major Ceremonials Similarities between those of the Navaho and those OF THE Pueblo Peoples, — The main ceremonies of the Nava- ho, as has been stated, are nine days long, and are composed of a constant succession of rites. The Pueblo peoples also have ceremonies of equal length. Dr Fewkes ^ reports twelve of these long ceremonies among the Hopi, with five variants, mak- ing sixty in all. Dr Matthews ^ states that he has known of seventeen dififerent nine-days ceremonies among the Navaho. Most of the details in these long successions of different rites are similar, not only among the Navaho and Pueblo peoples, but ' Morphology of Tusayan Altars, American Anthropologist, X, p. 130, 1897. 2 The Mountain Chant; a Navaho Ceremony. Fifth Report Bureau of Ethnology, II158, 1883-84. 312 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME also in general, and they show striking similarities with the rites of the Apache. There are certain differences, however, in the long ceremonies of the Navaho and Pueblo peoples. Those of the former come only in late autumn and winter, whereas many of the rites of the Hopi, for example, come in midsummer. There is no sharp distinction between masked and unmasked dances among the Navaho, as among the Hopi. The seasonal element is not in great evidence among the Navaho. Among the Hopi, the different Kachina ceremonies, or masked dances, come from late December to July, and the nine-days ceremonies and the unmasked dances from August to November. Several of the long ceremonies of the Navaho have been described in detail, and it does not seem necessary, therefore, to repeat what has already been treated at length. It may be in- teresting, however, to note some of the objects which are used in the Navaho rites, and their similarity to those used in the religious practices of neighboring peoples. The kethawns, or prayer-sticks, of the Navaho are the same as the pahos of the Pueblos. Many of them are identical, even to the facets cut at one end and on which are painted dots representing eyes and mouth. These are regarded as female among both peoples. Sex distinctions are made throughout the rites of the Navaho and Pueblo peoples. The plumed wands are found among the Navaho, the Apache, and the Pueblo peoples, and they are re- ported among the northern tribes on the upper Missouri. ' Pollen and corn-meal, and their use as offerings and as purifiers, the bull-roarer, the sacred water and other liquids used as medi- cine, the use of masks, — all are found among the Navaho and I Matthews, Plume Sticks among the Northern Tribes, American Anthropologist, ll, p. 46, 1889. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 313 Apache and the Pueblo peoples in their religious practices. Thus the outfit of the Navaho shaman is very much like that of the priest among the Pueblos. The same general acts are carried out, such as the ceremonial bath, the cleansing by vom- iting, the sweating, the ceremonial begging, the rites of initia- tion, the disposal of objects used in the ceremonies, often the car- rying of the offerings to rude shrines, and the play of clowns, in addition to other minor similarities which need not be men- tioned. Night Chant The most important of the nine-days ceremonies of the Navaho is the Night Chant (Kledze Hatal), or Yebityai. It is always celebrated in the late autumn or early winter. The ceremony is composed of a succession of different rites, day after day and night after night, for the greater part of the nine days. Both the number and the order of the different rites in the Night Chant are variable. In fact, we may say that there are wide limits in the celebration of the ritual of this ceremony. The number of rites depends upon the amount of money which the patient or patients are willing and able to pay the shaman and his assistants. There seems to be a minimum number which must of necessity be given, and all in addition to this may be omitted without bringing disaster to the ceremony. It follows, however, that the greater the number of extra rites performed, the greater the pleasure of the gods, and consequently the more effective the cure. It is not my intention to repeat the data already given in Dr Matthews's most excellent memoir on this ceremony; but it might be well to point out certain other variants in the different 314 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME rites making up this ceremony, which were witnessed by me in a single celebration of the Night Chant. This celebration took place in the Chaco canyon near Pueblo Bonito, in 1901. In order to compare the ceremony as described by Dr Matthews with the one witnessed by me, I have arranged the various rites occurring on the different days in the two versions in parallel columns. Comparison of the Principal Events of the Ceremony of THE Night Chant as witnessed by Dr Wash- ington Matthews and the Writer Dr Matthews Evening: — Circle kethawns. Consecration of lodge. Talisman of Yebitrai. Morning: — Kethawns (4 cigarettes). Sudatory, in east. Afternoon: — Rite of Succor. Dry painting. Evening: — Rite of Evergreen Dress. A. M. Tozzer FIRST DAY Evening: — Consecration of lodge. Talisman of Yebityai. Circle kethawns. SECOND DAY Morning: — Sudatory out of doors, in east. Afternoon: — Kethawns (4 cigarettes, 4 ke- thawns, 2 long cigarettes, 2 cig- arettes). Evening: — Rite of Evergreen Dress. THIRD DAY Morning: — Kethawns (4 to 10 cigarettes, 2 long cigarettes). Sudatory, in south. Morning: — Sudatory out of doors, in south. Kethawns (4 cigarettes, 2 cigar- ettes, 4 kethawns, 2 long cigar- ettes). NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 315 Afternoon: — Kethawns (4 cigarettes, 4X12 kethawns). Evening : — Offering of 4X12 kethawns in basket. Afternoon: — Preparation of medicine by girl. Initiation of boy and girl. Evening: — Rite of Tree and Mask. FOURTH DAY Morning: — Kethawns (8 cigarettes). Sudatory, in west. Afternoon : — Amole bath. Dog kethawns. Rite of Tree and Mask. Evening: — Vigil of the gods. Banquet. Morning: — Kethawn (i long cigarette). Sudatory out of doors, in west. Kethawns (8 cigarettes). Amole bath. Afternoon: — Kethawns (4 kethawns). cigarettes, 4X12 Evening: — Talisman of Yebityai. Offering of 4X12 kethawns in basket. Vigil of the gods. Banquet. FIFTH DAY Morning: — Kethawns (i long). Sudatory, in north. Afternoon: — Small dry painting. Evening: — Initiation (first time). Morning: — First of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Begging gods. Evening: — RehearsaL Morning: — Dog kethawn (i long cigarette). Sudatory out of doors, in north. Kethawns (8 cigarettes). Evening: — Initiation (first time). SIXTH DAY Morning: — First of large dry paintings. Manufacture of gourd rattle. Rite with painting. Begging gods. Evening: — Initiation (second time). Rehearsal. 3i6 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME SEVENTH DAY Morning: ■ — - Second of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Evening: — Rehearsal. Morning: — Second of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Evening: — Rehearsal. EIGHTH DAY Morning: — Third of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Toilet of the gods. Afternoon: — Initiation (second time). Rite of Succor. Evening: — Rehearsal. Morning: — Third of large dry paintings. Rite with painting. Toilet of the gods. Afternoon: — Rite of Succor. Evening: — Initiation (third time). Rehearsal. NINTH DAY Morning: — Preparation of properties. Kethawns (3 cigarettes). Arrangement of masks. Rite of Succor. Afternoon: — Preparation of dancers. Evening: — Rite of First Dancers. Dances. Work in lodge. Morning: — Kethawns (3 cigarettes). Initiation (fourth time). Afternoon: — Preparation of properties. Arrangement of masks. Preparation of dancers. Rite of Succor. Evening: — Rite of First Dancers. Dances. Work in lodge. In comparing the two columns it will be seen that there is a settled order for certain rites in the ceremony, but some of the more or less auxiliary ones may come at various times during the nine days. I have spoken of the carefulness of detail and the NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 317 necessity of a certain order. This applies to the various songs and chants and to the rites considered as units rather than to the ceremony as a whole. This point will be brought out by reviewing briefly some of the additions, omissions, and substitu- tions of the various rites as given by Dr Matthews in his account of this ceremony. I shall follow the order in which the different rites occur. Those of the first evening were similar, although the sequence was different. In the sets of kethawns made and offered to the gods during the days of the ceremony there was often a change in the character and the number throughout the two par- allel ceremonies. ^ These differences will be noted by compar- ing the two columns. The rite of succor and the small sand picture of the second day were omitted in the celebration which I witnessed. The patients did not feel that they could afiford to pay the shaman the extra fee demanded. In the late afternoon of the third day there was a general clearing up of the hogan. Several holes in the wall were stopped up, the floor was swept, and the ashes of the fire removed. After the hut had thus been cleared, a girl of about ten came in bringing a stone metate and mano or rubber. She took her place at the west of the fire, placed the metate on a sheepskin, and began to grind up the feathers of a yellow bird (sidibeta) furnished by the shaman. This was medicine to be administered later to the two patients and it was efficacious only when prepared by a virgin. In the evening of this day, the young girl who had ground the ' I have used kethawn as a general term, including the cigarette and the kethawn proper. By cigarette, I mean the reed which is filled and symbolically lighted; by kethawn proper, the solid wooden sticks which are designated as to sex. 3i8 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME feathers and a young boy were put through the rite of initiation similar in every point to that described by Dr Matthews.' The rite of the Tree and Mask came on the evening of the third day rather than on the afternoon of the fourth. The large sets of kethawns used in the basket, and made on the evening of the third day in Matthews's account, were prepared on the afternoon of the fourth day. The sets were, however, similar in number and character. These were administered on the fourth night. The picture of the Trembling Place, occur- ring on the fifth day in the earlier account, was omitted. The initiation rite was celebrated four different times, not including that when the boy and girl were initiated as contrasted with a twofold celebration in the older account. This repetition was probably due solely to the fact that there were more people at the later time who desired it and were able to pay the fee de- manded. Dr Matthews states ^ that a person must go through this rite four times before he is allowed to impersonate one of the gods. I know from personal experience that a single cele- bration enables the initiate to participate in the rites, wear a mask, and personate one of the gods. I shall not pause to ex- plain this initiation, as Dr Matthews's rite was exactly similar to the ones I witnessed. It is interesting to note, however, the presence of such a rite in the midst of a ceremony primarily for curing the sick. I have described elsewhere ^ the character of the gourd rattle manufactured on the morning of the sixth day. This 1 The Night Chant, Hlj 495-511. 2 Ibid., II 507. 3 A Note on Star-Lore among the Navaho, Journal of American Folk-Lore, xxi, pp. 28-32, 1908. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 319 rattle contained holes made to represent stars, and was used in the chants sung during the last four nights of the ceremonial. At odd moments during the latter days of the ceremony, certain individuals employed the shaman in their own behalf. These people had minor ailments and paid the shaman a small sum, or made him a gift, in return for which he endeavored to cure them. In one case, a woman became hysterical. Her friends assured me that the gods were angry because I had been granted certain privileges, and had visited their displeasure, not upon me, but upon a woman whom I had never seen before. Straightway I was advised to do my share toward curing this woman. She came into the hoga.n, and lay down at the west of the fire. I covered her with several yards of calico which I had bought. The shaman then took two of the feathered sticks used in the sudatory, and the sand pictures, and rubbed the body of the woman, turning and twisting her until the hysterics disap- peared. She then rose, took half the calico, and gave the shaman the other half. I was able to quell an epidemic of hysteria by announcing that I had no more calico. Apart from the sand paintings, which I shall describe later, the only other important difference between the ceremony as de- scribed by Dr Matthews and that witnessed by me was in the sudatory or sweat-house. Dr Matthews' mentions the alterna- tives — four sweat-houses, one sweat-house, or the kownike or out- door sudorific. I did not see the ceremony where the sweating rite occurs in a house built for the occasion. In the ceremony of 1901 the outdoor sudorific was employed. As Dr Matthews's notes are not full in regard to this variety of the rite, I add a ' The Night Chant, HH 243-256. 320 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME few additional facts concerning the outdoor sweating ceremony. This act was performed four times — -once each morning, be- ginning with the third day. Each time, two shallow grave- like holes were dug, about a hundred feet distant from the hogan, first to the east, then, on successive mornings, in turn to the south, the west, and the north of the ceremonial hogzn. There were, as has been stated, two patients, and these occasioned the two holes. These were about six inches deep, five feet long, and two feet wide, with ends pointing east and west in the first instance. In my description, the directions will apply only to the first or eastern celebration. In the two holes a quantity of juniper and piiion was burned. After the fire had died down, seven layers of different woods and herbs were spread over the glowing coals. The roots of the plants all pointed toward the east, and therefore away from the hognn. After the prepara- tions were completed, the shaman, two assistants, and the two patients came from the hoga.n to the two smoking green mounds. The latter two sat down, the woman behind the man, to the west of the two heaps of green, and proceeded to remove their clothes. The shaman carried a basket of ground corn in his hands from which he sprinkled a line of the powder in a circle around the two mounds, leaving openings two feet wide on the eastern and western sides of the circle. Directly inside the first circular line he sprinkled another of white corn-pollen. He then took from a second basket the twelve feathered sticks, which were also used around the sand paintings (see plate l). He placed the six blue sticks at even intervals between the two lines of pol- len on the north side of the circle. These were for the female patients, and were to keep off the evil spirits. The six black o 5 o 'S. > o ?; ^ NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 321 sticks were placed on the south side of the circle, and were for the male patient. At this stage the two entered the circle from the western opening. The man lay down on the mound to the south; the woman, on the one to the north, both with their heads toward the hogan. Two assistants then entered the circle from the western opening, using great care not to step on the lines of pollen, and covered the two patients with blankets. The shaman and his assistants sat on the ground to the south of the circle, and kept up a continuous round of singing. The shaman next placed a gourd in front of him which he filled with an herb (zani/) mixed with water, and on top he sprinkled some ground yellow corn. In a cup he prepared another drink (ketlo), consisting of some bright green substance the nature of which has not been ascertained. When these preparations were complete, the singing was started, accompanied by a gourd rattle. After three seemingly distinct songs had been sung, the shaman entered the circle from the west, lifted the blankets from over the heads of the patients, and washed their faces with the contents of the cup. Another period of singing followed, after which two masked men came from the hoga.n. They repre- sented i^astyeyald (the most important character appearing in the Night Chant) and i7ast.febaad (one of the important female gods). ' The two entered the circle from the west and removed the blankets from the two patients. They were by this time in a violent perspiration. Each sat upright on the mound as HsLStseyalti took the cup prepared by the shaman and marked with the contents the bottom of the feet, the palms of the hands (which were held upright in the lap), the breast, the back, and I For full description of these gods, see Matthews, The Night Chant, HH 26-31, 64-72. 322 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the heads of both patients, besides placing a particle in their mouths. He finally had them drink from the cup. The two patients then washed themselves with the remaining contents, ifastjey.al/i next collected the twelve feathered sticks which had been placed around the circle. He selected the two which had stood on either side of the eastern opening of the circle, and gave the remainder to the shaman. With these two sticks, one in each hand, he rubbed down the legs, the arms, and the body of one patient after the other. Between each point of application, he held them up and pointed them to the east. The other masked man then repeated the same acts, with the same two feathered sticks, over the two patients, iifastjeyal/i next took the gourd and made the patients drink from it, first the man, then the woman, and the same repeated. The two men representing the gods then returned to the Ao^^an. The others formed a proces- sion and marched slowly in single file back to the same place. As soon as the two patients and the others had left the mounds, helpers gathered up the green shrubs and the evergreen, and carried all to a short distance to the north of the Ao^an, where they deposited them on a bush. The coals were also raked into two piles at the eastern end of the shallow holes, and what fire remained was put out with water. The rite inside the hogzn at the completion of these acts was similar to that described by Matthews ' when a sweat-house is used. With the exception of the differences noted above and those connected with the sand pictures about to be described, the two celebrations of this Night Chant were exactly similar on the I The Night Chant, jj 347. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 323 side of the rites themselves. I am unable to compare the two on the side of the songs and chants, which are given so fully in the account by Dr Matthews. Sand Paintings The sand pictures of the Navaho have been many times de- scribed and pictured. It is not my intention, therefore, to con- sider them in detail, their method of manufacture, nor the rites held in connection with them. I desire only to mention certain variants of the pictures which have come to my notice. These dry paintings or sand pictures are the most important single feature of the ceremonials of the Navaho. The largest of them are made on the three last days of the nine-days ceremonies. They differ in the different ceremonies, and often in the same rite. Picture of the Four Rain-Gods. — In the celebration of the Night Chant in 1901, the first picture, coming on the sixth day of the ceremony, was entirely different from that of the "whirling logs" described and pictured by Matthews. ^ This latter is probably the usual picture made at this time, as Steven- son saw a similar painting of the "whirling logs" in 1885, ^ and Curtis gives a slightly different variant. ^ The sand picture made as the first of the three in the ceremony which I witnessed is, therefore, not the usual one painted at this time, and I have never seen it described. I cannot give any reason for its substi- tution in place of the usual picture. Plate I shows this painting, taken from a photograph of a model in the Peabody Museum; 1 The Night Chant, 1[ 513, plate VI. 2 Ceremonial of Hasjelti, Eighth Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87, plate cxxi. 3 The North American Indian, I, p. 112, 1907. 324 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME plate II, taken from a colored drawing, gives a better idea of the same picture. The completed painting measured roughly nine by thirteen feet. Twelve feathered sticks (inJia) or plumed wands were placed around three sides of the picture. These are shown in plate I. Dr Matthews ' mentions that there were eight of these used around the pictures which he saw. In this set of twelve, six were painted black with white tops, and were for the male patient; the other six were colored blue with yellow tops, and were for the female. Each stick was decorated with two tufts of ten turkey-feathers each, tied around the stick and pointing upward. From each tuft of feathers there hung down one small feather taken from the breast of an eagle, the so-called "breath- feather." The shaman stuck these twelve wands in the founda- tion sand just outside the rainbow border, four on each of the three sides. The eastern side had no border, and consequently no feathered wands, as none other than good spirits lived in the east and no protection was needed from that quarter. The model (plate l) also shows the small gourd vessel, with the sprig of cedar on top, resting on the hands of the rainbow goddess of the border. The heads of the four figures of this painting point toward the east. The four main personages shown are the i/asttebaka or simply Yebaka. In this special rite their function is con- nected more or less closely with the rain. The first figure, col- ored black, belongs to the north; the second, blue, to the south; the third, yellow, to the west; and the fourth, white, to the east. These gods are male, and are shown as wearing the blue painted I The Night Chant, Iff 279-284. en > z D > Z H Z a I F1 -n c a) > o D ^ ^5=^:^ 141 NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 325 deerskin mask which is seen in many of the rites of this cere- mony of the Yebitjai. They are represented as coming from a cloud from the south, blue, and this, in turn, rises from a three-colored line denoting the other three cardinal points. Each figure carries in his right hand a gourd rattle painted white, and, suspended from the same wrist, a tobacco-pouch elaborately decorated, and having in the center a representation of the aboriginal form of stone pipe. In this bag the god car- ries a ray of the sun with which to light his pipe. The god then smokes the pipe, and from the clouds thus formed there comes the rain. The combination of the ray of the sun inside the bag and the rain which these gods are supposed to send, is seen in the rainbow-colors (red and blue) which outline the bag, and which decorate the four points projecting from the bag. From the left hand of each figure hangs a round water- bottle, the emblem of his office, and here, too, as you would expect, we find the rainbow-colors in the line from the top of the water-bottle to the hand. The line around the wrist and knees also shows the same colors. From the elbows and wrists hang red and black ornaments the nature of which I have been unable to find out. The yellow and blue line, by which these objects are suspended, represents strips of fox-skin. The deco- ration at the left side of the head is a combination of owl and eagle feathers. Each god wears ear-pendants and necklace of turquoise and coral. From the left of the top of the neck hangs a fox-skin. The yellow line below the mouth, a counterpart of a line of the same color at the bottom of the masks which are worn by the Indians in this same ceremony, represents the yellow evening light. 326 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME Coming to the lower part of the figures, we find hanging from the left side a bag. The four white lines which run from the bag to the figure are the cotton cords by which it is attached to the wrist. It is only in the decoration of this bag and the bottom of the skirt that the individual skill and inclination of the painter are allowed full play. Every other line in the en- tire picture is prescribed and unchangeable. The red and blue stripe running around the north, west, and east sides of the picture, is still again the rainbow. It is pictured as female, with its head at the northeast, and feet and skirt at the southeast, corner of the painting. The head is square, and represents the square mask worn by a man imper- sonating a female god. This mask covers only the front part of the face, whereas the male mask fits over the entire head, and in the sand pictures is shown as round. From the top of the head of this rainbow goddess projects a turkey-feather, the white lines representing the strings by which the feather is tied on. The ear-pendants, the yellow line at the base of the mask, and the necklace are the same as are seen on the four other gods. The skirt and bag, together with the rainbow-colors at the wrists and knees, are also identical with those on the other figures. I have described elsewhere the rite carried out in connection with this painting. ^ Picture of the Naak//ai Dance. — The second sand pic- ture in the celebration of the Night Chant in 1901 also varied from that given by Dr Matthews, although it was not radically I A Navajo Sand Picture of the Rain Gods and its Attendant Ceremony, Proceedings of the International Congress of Americanists, Thirteenth Session, pp. 150-156, New York, 1902. TozzER- Xavaho Ckremoniat.s Pirate III W. ' 1$ 1^ 6 as 6 m di IS) S Jm:§...l ' s .. , - - ,(■ ; -a <0 (3 (S (v3 (^ ixi (0 izzi (^ 13 (|i m...i m..^...m... | m.^.-m- II A .i.M'" A « n » 4'» I^ii/]^"- lA " Zd'^ a'i' Zd'i" A a (V (^.j3 (^,,e) (Si., ^* Affil^ I'Ait^WA r^T^Jr^«»^:|'^ JJ4JI1 ^ SAND PAINTING OP TIIR NAARHAI DANCK NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 327 dififerent, as in the first case. Both Matthews ' and Stevenson^ show two rows of figures. In Stevenson's drawing the rows of figures are placed head to head; in the picture given by Matthews the figures all face the same way. Above the feet of the upper row in the former, and above the heads in the latter drawing, there is a double line of blue and yellow. Below the second row in both versions there is a line of black and yellow. The first line of figures shows six female dancers with square masks, and at the left of this line, To'nenili, the Water Sprinkler. The second line shows six male dancers with the round masks, and at the left ilastyeyalfi or Yebitrai. My variant of this picture is shown in plate ill. There are four rows of figures, twelve in each line, representing alter- nately male and female dancers. Each row stands on a difi'erent colored line. The latter have the following colors, starting from the east or open side: the first, white, belonging to the east; the second, yellow, to the south; the third, blue, to the west; and the fourth, black, to the north. The only exception to the rule of alternate male and female figures is in the south- east corner, where HsLStseyalti replaces the ordinary figure. The details of the figures are exactly the same as those in the draw- ing by Matthews. The bags alone show individual variation, according to the fancy of the painter. The rite in connection with this picture was exactly similar to that described in the other accounts. Picture with the "Fringe Mouths."^ The third pic- ture (plate IV), which came on the eighth day of the ceremony, 1 The Night Chant, plate vn. 2 Ceremonial of Hasjeiti, plate cxxil. 328 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME was exactly like the one described and figured by Matthews, * by Stevenson, ^ and, with slight variations, by Curtis. ^ Even to the minutest details I could not detect the slightest change other than in the bags, which, as stated before, are allowed decoration according to the individual taste. It has been sug- gested that these bags may show an imitation of the porcupine- quill work of the Ute. It is clear that the Navaho were in intimate relations with the Ute. They have a myth accounting for the origin of the Ute, and showing them as an offshoot of the Navaho. "* Returning to the question of the striking similarity, I might almost say identity, of this picture as figured by Matthews and that shown on plate IV, it is interesting to note that Dr Matthews has the following to say on the point of the lack of variation of the same rite at any two times :^ "The shamans declare that these pictures are transmitted unaltered from year to year and from generation to generation It may be doubted if such is strictly the case. No permanent design is anywhere preserved by them and there is no final authority in the tribe. The pictures are carried from winter to winter in the fallible memories of men." To my mind this is not a matter of doubt. As proof of this I would say that Dr Matthews collected the material for his memoir twenty years before the picture which I give was painted. Still this sand picture — which he calls "the Gods with the Fringe-Mouths," and which came on the eighth day of ' The Night Chant, plate VIII. 2 Ceremonial of Hasj'elti, plate CXXIII. 3 The North American Indian, I, p. 122. 4 Matthews, Origin of the Utes, American Antiquarian, VII, pp. 271-274, 1885. 5 The Night Chant, If 164. 7". > > 5 '^^■"'■- "■»■'*"■ -•-••' Ti^l "Li .«if»»»»»». , m. :I w o n « « O > > H M NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 329 the ceremony — is the identical picture, even in many minor details, with one which was made on the eighth day of a similar ceremony witnessed twenty years after and at least a hundred miles to the east of where Dr Matthews worked. For two decades at least we can prove that the designs have remained unchanged; and the past twenty years have been lived in close contact with the whites, many of whom have done their utmost to make the Navaho put away and forget his former beliefs and ceremonies. Picture of the God of the Whirlwind. — In addition to the sand pictures made in connection with the several nine- days' ceremonies, there are often smaller and far less elaborate sand pictures made to serve less important rites. Among the smaller sand paintings is one called Niltjebeyika/, or "Picture of the Whirlwind." Plate V is taken from a photograph of this sand picture on the floor of the hoga.n, looking from the head to the feet of the figure: consequently the lower part of the body is in bad perspective. The figure represents the God of the Whirlwind. The head points toward the east. The face of the mask is a dark brown. It has across the top a white line, and on each side a red line broken by white dots, and the usual yel- low line at the bottom. From the top of the mask projects a "breath" feather represented as being tied with white cotton strings. The neck is painted blue, with four transverse red lines. The usual coral and turquoise ear-pendants and necklace are indicated. The body of the figure is black with a white border. The usual red and blue lines from the wrists and elbows, to which are suspended the black and red objects outlined in white, are found. These lines represent strips of fox-skin. The bag 330 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME at the side shows the usual elaborate design. The rainbow gar- ters appear, but the feet are represented as bare, not covered with the usual moccasins. The upper of the two serpents at the top has a blue body and a yellow border and spots, and belongs to the south. The upper of the two serpents at the bottom has a yellow body and a blue border and spots, and belongs to the west. The lower of the two at the top has a black body and a white border and spots. He belongs to the north. The lower of the two at the bottom has a white body and a black border, and he is connected with the east. The law of con- trasting colors is well brought out here. What is white with a black border in one case is black with a white border in an- other. The serpent at the right of the -figure has a black body and a white border. The one at the left has a blue body and a yellow border, representing respectively the north and south. The god is shown dressed in a suit covered with stone arrow- points, two of which are shown fastened to the top of the mask, and five on either side of the body, the latter sets being outlined in white. The position of these along the body suggests a whirling motion. Sometimes a more elaborate picture is made with four figures in place of one, gods painted blue, white, and yellow, as well as black. The rite of the Whirlwind God is said to be carried out to cure any one with a twisted body or bent leg. The sick per- son has arrow-points attached to his dress. Snakes are also used in an elaborate celebration of this special rite, which, how- ever, I did not see. Sympathetic magic readily accounts for the God of the Whirlwind being prayed to in cases of bodily deformations. The rite held in connection with this picture TozzER- Na\-aho Ceremonials Peate \' SAND I'AIXTIXG OF TIIK CrOI) ol" THK WHIRLWIND NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 331 differed little from the usual acts over one of the more elaborate sand mosaics. Pollen was placed as usual on the head of the figure and the heads of the snakes. Potions were offered to the figure and then given to the patient, and finally the latter took his seat on the figure, facing the east. The shaman then de- stroyed the heads of all the six serpents. Sand was taken from the different parts of the picture and rubbed on the cor- responding portion of the body of the patient, thus obtaining directly the full curative power of the god himself. It is interesting to compare the picture in connection with this rite with one given by Dr Matthews in the celebration of the Mountain Chant. ' The serpents in this picture are also represented with spots. Four sets of two serpents each are shown. Each set is colored differently and belongs to a different cardinal point. There is in addition a single serpent at each side of the picture. The two pictures present few similarities, however, other than in the serpents. Picture of the Sun and Moon. — Another small and comparatively insignificant sand picture was noted. It was made out of doors under a clump of sagebrush. Plates VI and VII show the shaman in the act of preparing this painting. The small deerskin bags in the foreground contain the different col- ored sands. The figure at the right is that of the wife of the shaman, who is watching the operation. The picture is a rep- resentation of the sun and moon. The upper face is that of the sun, colored blue, outlined in yellow, and shown with two horns. The lower face is that of the moon, colored white, outlined also in yellow and with the two horns. The four yellow zigzag lines ' The Mountain Chant, plate XV. 332 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME coming out of the top of each circle and the four straight paral- lel lines at the bottom are the roads over which the sun and moon travel in their course from east to west. There are four sets of minute lines of blue and yellow arranged at equal distances around each face. These are said to represent an eclipse. They do not appear in the photograph. This simple picture was made as a means of counteracting the evil effects which came to a woman who, when pregnant, had seen an eclipse of the moon. The sun and moon in eclipse are considered as dead. If they are seen in this condition by a pregnant woman, her child will become ill and his mouth will be drawn up on one side. The rite over the picture did not differ from those which have been described in connection with other sand paintings. Many of the acts were shortened, and some omitted. Sand Pictures among other Peoples. — It is interesting to compare the sand pictures of the Navaho with those of peo- ples surrounding them. The Navaho probably borrowed the idea of making pictures in different colored sands from the Pueblo peoples. That the Navaho developed this to a far great- er elaboration than that found among other peoples seems clear after comparing the sand pictures, especially those of the Nava- ho, with those of the Pueblos. Among the former the sand mosaics are altars in themselves. There are few accessory ob- jects used in connection with the picture. These are limited usually to the twelve feathered sticks and the bowl or gourd of some ceremonial drink (see plate l). Among the Pueblo peo- ples the sand picture is only one feature of their altars, and often not an important one. There is usually an elaborate reredos composed of carved sticks of various shapes and various uses, TozzER — Navaho Ceremoxiai.s Plate VI SAND PAINTING OF THK SUN AND :\I(:)ON NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 333 together with other objects. There are figures of gods at either side of the picture, or else these gods are represented by living people, as the Corn-Maid and the Snake-Boy in the Antelope altar of the Hopi. The Navaho gods are rep- resented in the sand pictures themselves. This is seldom the case among the Pueblos. There is a large variety of objects placed around the sand pictures of the latter, including the stone fetishes. The palladia of the clan are often, although not al- ways, present in the Pueblo altars. Here we have an example of another fundamental difference between the Navaho and the Pueblo rites. Among the former there is no clan ownership of ceremonial or other objects, no ancestral possessions, which among the Pueblo peoples are among their most valued ones. The Navaho are divided purely upon a geographical basis. The Navaho speaks of the place where his ancestors lived. This is the important feature. The Pueblo, on the other hand, men- tions the clan to which he belongs and his share in the common ownership in that clan with all one line of ancestors. Another striking difference between the sand mosaics of the two peoples is, that those of the Navaho are never allowed to remain for any length of time after they are completed. The rite in connection with them and in which they are mutilated, comes immediately after they are finished. Among the Pueblos, the sand figures often remain for several days before they are destroyed. The more or less permanent and altar-like charac- ter is evident in the latter. The Hopi make the greater part of their sand pictures in the summer, in connection with the ceremonies of the Antelope fraternity. They always begin at the edge of the picture, and follow a prescribed order: first the 334 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME north, colored yellow; then west, with green or blue; south, with red; and east, with white. Among the Navaho, the east is white; the south, blue; the west, yellow; and the north, black. It will be noted that the Navaho colors correspond to different cardinal points, with the exception of white, which is also for the east. These are the colors used for the cardinal points on the earth. They differ slightly when used for the underworld. This ceremonial importance of color is marked among all the peoples of the Southwest, and a further development of it is seen in Mexico and Central America. The sand pictures of the Navaho may be used not only as a sort of temporary altar, but also in other ways; as for dedi- cating a sweat-house, where the figures in sand are made on the top of the hut. The sand pictures in general may be said to correspond, in part at least, to the figures painted in moist colors on skins by the Indians of the Plains. The Apache, as stated before, have sand pictures; but they are far less elaborate than those of the Navaho. The rites in connection with them, however, are, in some points at least, sin- gularly similar to the Navaho ceremonies; as, the coal purifica- tion, the seating of the patient on the picture, and the basket drum. The medicine-hat and the medicine-shirt of the Apache serve as curative agents. It is interesting to note that some of the designs painted on the latter are not dissimilar to certain elements of the figures on the sand pictures of the Navaho. With the use of these shirts there is far less need of elaboration in the designs of the sand mosaics. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 335 The Navaho speak of the Ute and the cliff-dwellers as painting pictures with colored sands; but, as Dr Matthews sug- gests, the latter may refer to one or more of the Hopi clans which occupied Canyon de Chelly within comparatively recent times. It is interesting to note in connection with sand pictures that the Cheyenne and Arapaho make use of colored sands in their religious rites. The sand feature is, as in the case with the Pueblo peoples, only a component part of an altar, and plays a much more inferior role even than among the Pueblos. Dotted lines and straight lines made with dififerent colored sands rep- resenting the morning star, are made in connection with the altars used in the Sun Dance. ^ The Luisenos, the southernmost Shoshonean stock in Cali- fornia, also use colored sands in connection with several rites, including the girls' and boys' initiation ceremonies, when the world with the earth and sea are pictured in sand. ^ Minor Ceremonials The class of minor rites not connected in any way with the long ceremonies is a large one. These are more or less informal in their nature, and far less exacting than those of longer duration. They are usually carried out in the domestic hogzn, around the fire in the center of the room. In many of these rites, one of the less important and therefore less expensive shamans is en- I Dorsey, The Cheyenne, Field Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Series, IX; also The Arapaho Sun Dance, iv. ^DuBois, The Religion of the Luiseno Indians of Southern California, University of California Publications in American Arc/neology and Ethnology, vm, No. 3. 336 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME gaged. I have already described two of these minor rites in connection with the consideration of sand paintings in general. Rite of NitSEGEHATAL. — Another rite in which there is no sand picture is called Nit^egehatal. I was unable to verify the meaning of this term. It was given to me as signifying the Wing Dance, but I am not at all sure of the correctness of this. The rite began about nine o'clock in the evening and lasted until dawn. Four sticks (hone^gis) about two feet long were placed around the fire, at the four cardinal points, and pointing away from the fire. These served as the ceremonial pokers and were used only at this time. The shaman then took a round pot (assa) containing a stew of corn and mutton (a/tanabez), and, after moving it along the length of each poker, placed it in a position at the north of the fire. A bull-roarer (sindini) was then made, after which the patient was asked to enter the hut and take his place at the north of the fire. Feathers were tied to the hair of the sick man, and a line of corn-pollen was drawn across his forehead. The leader then went outside the hut and walked around the house clockwise, swinging the bull-roarer. He turned before reaching the door and retraced his steps contra- clockwise around the hut, never in each case completing the circle, but always leaving an opening at the east, in front of the door, untouched by his feet. When he entered the hogzn he touched the bottom of each foot of the patient and the other specified parts of the body with the instrument. A basket was next utilized as a drum in the rite, which has been often described. ' The singing now began, accompanied by a gourd rattle, and it was kept up until dawn. Pollen 5 The Night Chant, Hlj 287-291. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 337 (^aditdin) was administered to the patient, who placed a small particle on his mouth, another on his head, and cast a third into the air. This was repeated once during the night, as was also the journey by the shaman around the house with the bull-roarer, followed by its application on the body of the patient. Just before sunrise the patient ate from the contents of the pot con- taining the stew. The leader then filled with water the basket which had served as a drum, and marched with it around the fire four times, followed by the patient. Their direction was clockwise, starting at the east. The patient left the hoga.n just at sunrise, walking out, and greeting the sun by raising his arms over his head four times. The simple rite was completed, when the utensils were gathered up and the few spectators went through the self-administration of pollen. Summer Dance. — Dr Matthews states ' that in none of the ancient Navaho rites is there a regular drum or tomtom em- ployed. The inverted basket covered with a blanket serves the purpose of a drum in all the ceremonies described by him. This form of drum may have been the only one in the former rites of the Navaho, but at the present time there is sometimes used a drum made from a pot over which a piece of goat-skin is stretched (fig. l). The drumstick is made of a piece of bent wood, and is similar to the stick used by some of the Pueblo peoples. The use of the drum itself is undoubtedly one of the results of close contact with these people. This drum was used in a short rite called Nda, or "Summer Dance." It began at seven in the evening, and continued until eleven o'clock at night. The manufacture of the drum was the first act 1 The Basket Drum, American Anthropologist, vii, p. 203, 1894. 338 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME in this rite. An earthen pot which had not been used for any secular purpose was obtained, partially filled with water and a top of goat-skin was stretched over the mouth of the pot. This was done by four men working together, one of whom served as leader. Four minute holes were made in the head of the drum at the four cardinal points as the pot was Fig. 1 — Drum and drum-stick used by the Navaho. held by the handle by the leader, who faced the east. The stick was then made. After a short chant the drum was struck by the leader four times, the hand pointing in turn to the east, the south, the west, and the north. The head of the drum and the sides were then sprinkled with pollen. Each of the four men administered pollen to themselves in the way described before. NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 339 This ended the consecration of the drum, and it was delivered into the hands of one of the younger men of the tribe, who beat it throughout the remainder of the rite in which informal dan- cing was the principal feature. Men and women danced together side by side or facing each other. A woman had the privilege of capturing any man she could, and compelling him to dance opposite her in addition to paying her a small sum of money or making her some other present. Each woman carried in her hands a stick decorated at the top with a piece of cedar, below which there were two white eagle-feathers tied by two streamers of bayeta cloth. I am inclined to think that Spanish influence may be noted in the form of this dance. There was no special act in connection with the dancing, although it was stated that it was held in order to cure a sick man living more than a hun- dred miles to the south. Rite of Charcoal Painting. — I wish to describe one other of the shorter rites, as there are features in it which have not been recorded. The rite in question was to cure a man of a sickness which, it was thought, had come as a consequence of his having killed another Navaho in a fit of anger. The rite came at the very end of August, beginning just before noon and lasting until the middle of the afternoon. As a preparation for the cere- mony, a quantity of willow-sticks (gaii/ba'i) were burned and made into charcoal together with several pieces of pine-bark (distjebaatoz)^ These were burned in the regular fire of the hog^n. There were also burned on a flat stone two different kinds of weed (a/tadeglil) . The ashes of two small feathers were added to those of the weeds. The leader then furnished a large piece of mutton-fat (a^a) together with a small quantity of a 340 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME mixture (^lanatjin) of the fat of the mountain-sheep and several other animals. Two small balls were made of these fats, one being mixed with the ashes of the feathers and the t\vo weeds, and the other combined with red sandstone {tsi) ground to a powder. The family of the patient presented the shaman with a large piece of calico, on which each article was placed as soon as it was prepared. A small forked stick was then wound with a leaf of a cactus- plant and the whole, in turn, covered with a piece of deerskin, colored with the red grease. Two braids of three cactus-leaves each were then made, and the ends of the braids tied together and the braids themselves placed side by side, making a double braided bracelet. A chain (^ahazdze) was next made by tying together the long slender leaves of the cactus end to end, and finally the ends of the chain were tied together. Fifteen bow- knots (woltad) were made in fifteen other leaves, and these were all placed in a line on the calico before the shaman. He then prepared an infusion made of water and two herbs whose names I could not secure. This was made in a gourd ladle, and also placed on the calico. Finally a bowl containing water mixed with twigs of cedar was prepared, and the rite proper began. It seemed to be so entirely a family affair that the number of singers was restricted to the members of the immediate family of the patient. In this case there were three men in addition to the leader. The women present did not sing. The shaman started the chanting and at the same time he took up one of the knotted leaves. After pressing it along the right leg and over the foot of the patient, he untied the knot with one pull directly over the big toe of the left foot. This NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 341 act was probably similar to the use of the "circle kethawns" in the Night Chant. In the same manner as before, the other knots were untied over the following places on the patient's body: the right and left knees, the right and left hands, the breast, the back, the right and left shoulders, the right and left cheeks, and the right and left sides near the hip. A part of the contents of the gourd was then given the patient to drink in three potions, according to the song which was sung throughout the rite. After the patient had chewed up the herbs in the drink, he pressed them on the several parts of the body previously named, and bathed his entire body in the liquid remaining in the vessel. The shaman next marked the specified parts of the body with pollen, after which there was a long period of singing. Finally, the bowl filled with cedar and water was taken by an assistant and the contents daubed on the several parts of the body of the patient, after which some of the contents was taken in- ternally; and those present as spectators also took a sip from the bowl. The portion remaining was used to bathe the body of the patient. Sweet-grass (gloni/t.yin) and a quantity of black seeds (hazelta'i) were given an assistant to chew. After they had been thoroughly masticated, he blew on his hands, waved them once in the air, and pressed on the body of the patient — one hand on his chest, the other on his back. He then blew three times into the face of the sick man, and finally went around the circle of spectators, blowing once in the face of each, or else on a special part of the body where a pain was felt. The next act in the rite was to daub the usual parts of the body of the patient with the grease from the black ball made of 342 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME the ashes. The faces of the spectators were also marked in the same way. The large mass of clear fat was then rubbed over the entire body of the patient and also along one lock of his hair. That remaining was eagerly seized by the rest of the family, and smeared on their own bodies as well as was possible without removing their clothes. The mothers took great pains to cover the bodies of their small children with the grease. This was but a preparation for the blackening of the entire body of the patient with the charcoal. Not an inch of skin was left uncov- ered except the upper part of the face, the grease acting simply as a means of holding the charcoal. The red ball of grease was next rubbed on the upper part of the patient's face above the chin. Two spots were made on each cheek from the contents of a deerskin bag. Red powder made of sandstone was then rubbed on the hair, after which a small pile of white ashes was placed at his feet. At certain parts of the song, the patient blew a pinch of the ash into the air. A new pair of sandals was placed in front of him and a pinch of dust or dirt was sprinkled on each by the shaman, after which the patient put them on. The leader then took the double braided bracelet and went with it up and down the length of the right arm, finally tying it around the right wrist. The chain of cactus-leaves tied end to end was then hung over the left shoulder. The stick wound with the leaves and with a strip of deerskin was given the patient, and he walked out of the hogzn. These different objects were worn by him, and he was declared cured. It will be seen from the preceding accounts of these minor rites that they all follow about the same line, and are similar NAVAHO RELIGIOUS CEREMONIALS 343 in most respects to the individual rites which go to make up the longer and more complicated ceremonials. Sacrifice and prayer are the main components in all the rites. Dancing and masquerade are less common features in the minor rites. In considering the ceremonials of the Navaho, especially in comparison with those of the Pueblo peoples, there is danger that we shall fail to give the former enough credit for their reli- gious ideas. They borrowed, to be sure; but they were by no means simply borrowers : they adapted, they developed, and in many cases, especially in regard to the sand pictures, they did everything but actually invent the idea of the painting of pictures in different colored sands. After having once obtained the main religious ideas from their neighbors, they were successful in building up an elaborate ritual and a complicated mythology along quite different lines. At an early time, when they pos- sessed little in the way of ceremonials, their willingness to bor- row was great. Later, when the rich ritual of their own was developed from the adopted beginnings, their ceremonials were for the most part fixed. I have tried to show this comparative permanency in the case of the most interesting and most im- portant feature of the religious life of the Navaho — the sand paintings. Harvard University Cambridge. Massachusetts CERTAIN QUESTS AND DOLES BY Charles Peabody IN its simplest form the title means "demands and answers"; in the history of culture some of them may become cus- tomary and recurrent. In any religion the sacramental or sacrificial elements are of this character; the spiritual bless- ing follows upon prayer made good by offering. The formal demands for temporal benefits, however, are not necessarily sacramental, and it is of these the paper will most treat. With primitive people, secular formalities are more often controlled by religious ideas, and directed by religious leaders: so, in a society whose recurrent feasts are fixed by a hierarchy, any for- malities, secular or religious, tend to follow the church calendar, and that order will here be observed. Quest and dole do not necessarily accompany each other. As fruitless quests are of no use they disappear, and the words survive in literature, or are revived in hymns and carols used in reminiscent festivals ; ' but doles without quests are numerous. It is not unlikely that the quest is a later comer than the dole. Feasts to and for the dead are true doles among primitive people, and here the idea of the quest is present only in that of duty to the departed. I In one school in Cambridge the custom of the Christmas waits has been revived; the singing being in return for the Christmas greens and hospitality extended by friends. CERTAIN QUESTS AND DOLES 345 The principal actors in the game or drama are the poor, the helpless, and children, and it takes place much oftener in the country than in the city. We shall take up the less known instances and the less familiar aspects of the greater occasions. Such customs as those connected with the children's dole from Santa Claus, the chil- dren's quest of eggs at Easter, many carnival rites, etc., have often been described, and need no extended description here. The quest may be: i, A demand in words of the appli- cant's choosing; 2, A demand in a set verse or prose form, with blanks to be filled according to the circumstances; or, 3, A de- mand in a conventional form, sung or said, partly appropriate to the occasion, and partly of general application. The quest may be directed to a single individual, or (com- monly) take place from door to door. It may or may not con- tain a bribe. If it should, the bribe may be: i, A direct pay- ment for the bounty; 2, Its own reward, that is, the bounty is in return for the pleasure the listener receives from the verse or the music; 3, A prayer for blessings temporal and spiritual upon the giver; 4, A compliment or bit of flattery; or, 5, A promise of action on the part of the speaker, for example, to go away if the demand is satisfied. The bribe may be made more intense: i. By calling attention to the misery of the quester; or, 2, By a masquerade in the form of a historical or super- natural character whose importance justifies a dole. The quest is often made more impressive by a threat, the converse of the bribe. It may be: i, A prediction of misfor- tune; 2, Actual damage; 3, Uncomplimentary remarks; or, 346 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME 4, A veiled threat, such as is implied in the last class of bribes; that is, "If you won't give, we won't go away." Doles, more numerous than quests, may be given: i, From a superior to an inferior, as from rich to poor, prince to people, godparents to godchildren, priest to parish; 2, From an inferior to a superior, as compliments (the old-fashioned country sur- prise-party, etc.) ; or, 3, By some one acting for another, as a monk for his patron saint, priest as vicar of God, etc. Doles may also be given: i, For the quester's own use, or for a secondary use; 2, Through the quester to a benefici- ary not concerned in the quest; or, 3, To the supernatural, the dead or their substitutes. Finally, doles may consist: i. Of objects, in kind or in money, asked for; 2, Of special appropriate conventional gifts, very often of cakes of particular form; or, 3, Of spiritual reward. Christmas and New Year's Day. — Whatever the origin of the solemnities at this season, — whether a solstitial feast of the prehistoric Eurafricans ^ and Eurasiatics, or a feast of the dead,^ or a "druidical cutting of the mistletoe," ^ — • whencever derived, the survivals known as the "hogmanay" quests are the most in- teresting of the countless rites we have received and still keep. They occur in western Europe, from the Isle of Man to France, and vary in time from late Advent till into January. In the Isle of Man mummers begin their petition in these words: "Tonight is New Year's night, Hogunnaa," etc. This used to be sung on the eve of November 12, corresponding to ' Cf. H. Heinecke, Revue des traditions populaires, XI, p. 626. ■2 Cf. M. Hofler, Archiv fiir Anihropologie, pp. 94 ff., 1905. 3 Cf. Murray's Neiu English Dictionary, s.v. Hogmanay. CERTAIN QUESTS AND DOLES 347 October 31 or November i O. S., which Professor Rhys thinks was the Celtic New Year.' The custom is still kept up by mummers at that time. It will not be out of place here to call attention to the complicated evolutions of the mummers in Philadelphia on New Year's eve and to the importance that Celtic (Welsh) traditions have in the inheritance and place- names of southeastern Pennsylvania. In Scotland,^ on December 31, the children demand oaten bread or cake with the lines — ■ "My feet's cauld, my shoon's thin, Gie's my cake and let me rin." Here is the idea of poverty and the motive of going farther. Note that oats-straw and oats are traditional about Christmas, reminiscent of the straw of the manger.^ In northeast Scotland on December 31 hogminay is demanded. Here the verse recounts the cold feet, etc., and the purpose of going farther; but the serious side of the quest has become a game, and the children explain that they are not real beggars.'* In parts of England,^ on December 31 the children sing verses beginning — "Hogmanay, trollolay Hagmena, Hagmena," ■ Of. J. Rhys, Celtic Folk-Lore, I, p. 316, where he quotes Vallancey in Kelly's Manx- English Dictionary. 2 Cf. Chambers, Book of Days, 11, pp. 788, 789; cf. also Folk-Lore Society, northern counties, p. 77. On the Scottish borders. New Year's is the same as Cake Day. Cf. also Murray's Dictionary, s. v. Christmas, quoting Sclden (1689) : "The coffin of our Christmas Pies in shape long is in imitation of the cratch." 3 In the author's family, Christmas cakes, called "oat-straws," are always made. 4 Cf. W. Gregor, Folk-Lore Society, 1881, northeast Scotland, p. 162. 5 Cf. Denham Tracts, 11, 95. 348 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME demanding bread and cheese, and in return they are given farls of oaten cakes and cheese. That there should be many ways of spelling "hogmanay" is not remarkable when two variants occur in the same song. In Northumberland/ on Christmas eve, hogmena is asked for, and Yule doughs given; and in the same county hogmanay is the name of the cake given to children on New Year's. In some parts of Yorkshire ^ the name becomes the refrain: "Hag- man heigh," which is an exclamation. In the departments of the Orne,^ Seine Inferieure, and Eure, on New Year's eve the children demand aguignettes from door to door with the piteous appeal of no cap to cover them. Near Rouen,'* on January 6 the dole is asked for St Luke and St Thomas, instead of for the questers; this is somewhat rare in the hogmanay songs. In parts of Touraine,' on the eve of January 14 (St Hilaire) le gut Fan neuf is demanded. In the village of Tournon St Pierre, the guilloneu is given to the boys who make the quest. It is a long and narrow cake, and in case of refusal the boys sing the threat: "Toiimer la chambriere au feu.'''' In Vierzon,^ near Christmas ai-gui-lans (cakes of peculiar form) are sold; and in Vendee,^ on December 31 the young men ask for the guiUanu with the implied blessing, "Mettez vos coeurs en Jesus Christ," much like the "God rest you!" of the waits. ■ Cf. County Folk-Lore, Folk-Lore Society, 1903, p. 79. 2 Cf. Folk-Lore, northern counties, p. 77. 3 Cf. H. Menu, La tradition, x, p. 49. 4 Cf. H. Sincere, La tradition, VIII, p. 7. 5 Cf. L. Pineau, Revue des traditions populaires, xix, pp. 294, 295, 481. 6 Cf. Laisnel de la Salle, Croyances et Legendes du Centre de la France, 1, p. 11. 7 Cf. J. de la Chesnaye, Revue des traditions populaires, xviii, p. 460. CERTAIN QUESTS AND DOLES 349 In Tarn-et-Garonne there is an interesting quest before Christmas for flour with which to make the bread to be blessed, — the pains bentts, that play such a role at the midnight Christ- mas-eve mass and in the subsequent distribution. This is the quest of the Guilhone. Here ^ are found the tale of the cold wind and the threat of discontinuing the song. One of the uses of the pains benits is — - "Pain benit, je te prends. Si la mort me surprend Sers-moi de sacrement." In Franche Comte ^ a comic variant appears on New Year's. The gamins demand alms, etc., with the cry, ^^La guille au nez^'' evidently a popular etymology. Of all the New Year's quests, this is perhaps the least in- fluenced by Christian tradition, and therefore it is the most diffi- cult to explain. Various etymologies have been ofifered — 1. Au gui I'an neuf, from the supposed custom (see above) of cutting the mistletoe at New Year's. This sounds like a pop- ular derivation based on several variant derivatives of a word which originally may or may not have had a corresponding sound. 2. The forms roguignon (Picardy), hoguignete, hogtii- lanno (Caen), hoguilanne (Saint L6), are referred to Hoc in anno, that is, a New Year's gift or wish.^ 3. Hagmena, from hagman heigh, or a call to the hagman or woodman in the winter time ; " or, 1 Cf. C. Daux, Croyances et traditions Montalbanais, p. 15. Cf. also Soleville, Chants, Bas-Quercyy, p. 277. 2 Cf. C. Beauquier, Revue des traditions populaires, XIV, p. 8. 3 Cf. H. Menu, La tradition, x, p. 49. 4 Cf. County Folk-Lore, Folk Lore Society, 1899, p. 282. 350 PUTNAM ANNIVERSARY VOLUME 4. Hagmena, irom S.yLov /xJjva^ a reference to the Christmas season.' 5. Guillaneu, from Breton equin an eit {le ble germe) } 6. Ai-gui-lan,^ from gue gue gue, a joyous exclamation {gue or gui) . 7. The Spanish forms aguilando and aguinaldo from a corrupt Kaletidae, meaning first month or year/ 8. Aguinaldo, from Celtic eguinand or a regalo for New Year's.^ 9. Aguinaldo, from Basque aguindu or Breton eghinad d'e or Etrennes a moi.^ The balance of evidence is, that the quest itself goes back to a pre-Christian solstitial ceremony that obtained throughout northern and western Europe, and that a name or names in some Aryan dialect or dialects were given, of which the Celtic form has survived in the many modern variants. Etymologically, then, the following variants and their connections may probably boast a common ancestor: Hogmanay (Scotland), hagman heigh (England), hoguinane (Normandy), la guille au nez Franche Comte), le gui I'an neuf (Touraine), ai-gui-lan (Vierzon), guillanu (Vendee), guilhone (Bas Quercy) , agui- lando (Spain). Finally, certain other names should be mentioned. 1 Possibly dyia ix-fivq Modern Greek is a better analogy. 2 Cf. H. Carnoy, La tradition, xi, pp. 36 S. 3 Cf. Laisnel de la Salle, Croyances Centre France, I, p. 55. 4 Cf. Murray's Dictionary, s.v. Hogmanay ad fin. 5 Cf. Zerolo, Spanish Dictionary, s. v. Aguinaldo. 6 Korting, Latein-Roman. JVorterbuch, Art. 376. CERTAIN QUESTS AND DOLES 351 In Treguier' (C6tes-du-Nord), on December 26 (St Ste- phen) the children make a quest for couignowa or gifts. Now, these are also little fruit-cakes, and the word takes the form of couignan or couignaneu (Vannes). The usual derivation is from couign or corner, as these little three-cornered cakes were baked in the corners of the oven where the great round loaf would not reach. In Lorraine the Christmas cakes are cognes and cogneux; in Bray, one name is quignot; in Arras, queugnot; and in French Flanders, queniole, cimtole, and keniole. Here the derivation is made from cttnae or cradle (creche), as the Christ-child is often represented on them. Now, it is likely that all these forms are related, and it is not improbable that such forms as queniole and guilhone, couignaneu and agutgnette, or hoguinane, may be descended from a common parent. Later, as the word took dialectic forms, and local Christian conditions modified the original processes, popular fancy seized upon certain resem- blances suggesting appropriate etymologies. Brief mention may now be made of customs at this season other than hogmanay. The English waits are familiar to all. In Porrentruy,^ Switzerland, the boys sing Noel, Bon an, and Les rots, complaining of the cold, and wishing for the par- don of the listeners' sins. The fruit of the quest becomes, in turn, a sort of dole from the singers to the Christ-child. The Noels of the Jura make a collection both interesting and charming. ' Cf. G. le Calvez, Revue des traditions fopulaires, I, pp. i8 ff. 2 Cf. A. d'Aucourt, Sch