. --* s e$, ■ ,-*< Edwin H. Brigham, M. D. fyxmll Itaivmitg |f itaj; BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF SHenrg 399. Sage 1891 .ff: -Ala. 31.0, /.(jft/-a£ 9963 Cornell University Library E596 .P24 Recollections of a naval officer, 1841-1 olin 3 1924 032 779 583 (fi/fygster (Bnilb The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032779583 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER 1841-1865 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICES 1841-1865 BY Capt. WILLIAM HARWAR PARKER, AUTHOR OF " ELEMENTS OF SEAMANSHIP," " HARBOR ROUTINE AND EVOLUTIONS," "NATAL TACTICS," "NAVAL LIGHT ARTILLERY — AFLOAT AND ASHORE," "REMARKS ON THE NAVIGATION OF THE COASTS BETWEEN SAN FRANCISCO AND PANAMA." ' The greatest friend of Truth is Time ; her greatest enemy is Prejudice.' NEW YOKE CHARLES SCRIBNERS' SONS 1883 % % h.&lb •bit COPYKIGHT BY CHARLES SCRIBNERS' SONS 1883 GRANT, PAIRES & RODGERS ELKCTKOTVPKR3 & I'lUNTKHS Philadelphia PKEFACE. During the war with Mexico, 1847-48, a friend of mine, J. Hogan Brown, was the sailing master of the United' States steamship Mississippi. The Mississippi went from Vera Cruz in the squadron to attack Tampico, and had in tow the schooner Bonita — gunboat. During the night a "norther" sprang up, and the officer of the deck let the Bonita go, and did not think it neces- sary to report the fact to the commodore. In the morning the commodore, Matthew C. Perry, came on <\eck, an d not seeing the Bonita, inquired where she was. The officer ol the deck told him that in the night 'they had let her go in consequence of the weather. The commodore, who was not noted for his suaviter in modo, though strong in the fortiter in re, said : " Send the master to me." Upon his appearance he said, " Mr. Brown, where is that schooner?" Brown, who was never at a loss for an answer, instantly replied, " She is S. S. E., fifteen miles distant." "She is, eh?" said the commodore, and turning to the officer of the deck he said, "Steer S. S. E." The officers in the ward room, hearing of the occurrence, said, " Well ! old Brown is caught at last." In about an hour the man at the mast-head called out: "Sail ho! "Where away?" said the officer of the deck. "Right ahead," was the reply ; and in a few minutes : " Can you make her out ?' vi PREFACE. " Yes, sir, a schooner." " By George,'' said the officers in the ward room, "old Brown is right, after all!" After awhile the strange sail was reached, and proved to be a merchant schooner bound to Pensacola. The commodore, in a great rage, sent for Brown and said: "Did you not say the schooner Bonita bore S. S. E. fifteen miles off?" " Well, sir,' said Brown, " the reckoning called for a schooner; but it did not say it was the Bonita !" Now the moral of this is that this reckoning calls for a schooner, but no particular schooner : so if any fellow expects his schooner to be mentioned he may find himself mistaken. I wish to say here, with Captain Kincaid of the rifle battalion : " That this is my' book ; and if any man wishes his name or services to be specially mentioned, let him write a book for himself." 43 York St., Norfolk, Va. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE. Entrance into the Navy. — Join the North Carolina, ,74, at New York. — First Impressions. — Hammocks versus Cotton Bales. — Midshipmen's Pranks. — The V. S. brig Soiners. — The brig Boxer. — Melancholy Suicide. — The " By-No-Meal " Theorem. — Am Ordered to the line-of-battle ship Columbus. — A poetical Sailmaker 1 CHAPTER II. My First Cruise.— The Columbus, 74. — Ghosts. — Cross the Atlantic. — Gibraltar. — Guarda Costa and Smugglers. — Port Mahon. Assassination of Mr. Patterson. — Lieutenant Charles G. Hun- ter. — Squadron Winters in Genoa. — Passed Midshipmen Beale and Murray. — The brig Somers. — A Duel. — Return to Mahon. — The Delaware, 74. — Toulon. — Cape de Gata. — Gibraltar Again. — Madeira. — Sail for the Coast of Brazil. — Saturday Night Yarns.— Target Practice.— Improvement in Gunnery. — Captain Marryatt and American Thunder 10 CHAPTER III. Arrival at Rio de Janeiro. — The East India Squadron. — Anecdotes of the War of 1812.— The Brazil Station.— Slavers.— The Harbor of Rio de Janeiro. — Marriage of the Emperor Dom Pedro.— Salutes. — Promotions in the Squadron. — Monte Video. — The Bishop of Honolulu. — Visit to Buenos Ayres. — Rosas, the Dic- tator. — La Seiiorita Manuelita.— A Day at Rosas' Quinta. — Re- turn to Rio.— Arrival of the frigate Raritan. — Sandy Thomp- son's Win —Return to the United States 22 CHAPTER IV. The frigate Totomac. —The Millerite Excitement.— Sail for Norfolk,— Leave Norfolk for the West Indies.— The Landfall of Colum- vii viii CONTENTS. PAGE. bus. — Gonaives. — Port-au-Prince. — A San Domingo Game- Cock.— The Yellow Fever.— Port Royal.— Havana.— Tomb of Columbus. — Pensacola. — Vera Cruz. — Rumors of War with Mexico. — Return to Pensacola. — Sharks. — A Leak in the Bow. — A Coffer Dam.— The U. S. S. Princeton. — Return Home. 35 CHAPTER V. Return to the frigate Potomac. —List of Her Officers. — First Impres- sions. — Sail for Vera Cruz. — Arrival. — Sacrificios Island. — San Juan de Ulloa. — Sail for Brazos Santiago. — Land a Force at Point Isabel. — Battle of Palo Alto. — Battle of Resaca de la Palma. — General Taylor and Commodore Conner. — An Alarm. — Major Ringgold. — Captain May. — Lieut. Ridgely. — Boat Expedition up the Rio Grande 47 CHAPTER VI. War Declared. — Blockade of the Coast. — Rivers and Towns on the Gulf of Mexico. — Blockade of Vera Cruz. — Green Island. — The Pirates of the Falmouth. — Passed Midshipman Hynson. — Burning a Vessel under the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa. — Midshipman Rogers. — Loss of the brig Somen. — Unlucky Vessels. — Affair at the Rio Antigua. — The gunboat Reefer. — First Attempt on Alvarado. — The British frigate Endymion, . 57 CHAPTER VII. Capture of Tampico. — Slipping off Tampico in " a Norther." — The U. S. S. Hornet.— Vessels of the U. S. Navy lost between 1841-61.— Pensacola. — Yellow Fever. — Second Attempt on Alvarado. — Admiral Joshua Sands. — Attack on Tobasco. Death of Lieutenant Charles Morris. — Captain French For- rest.— Incidents of the Blockade of Vera Cruz.— Anton Li- zardo.— Narrow Escape of the Cumberland.— Loss of the U. S. brig Truxtun.— A Man Hanged at the Yard-arm of the V. S. S. St. Mary's.— Visit Pensacola and return to Vera Cruz, ... 68 CHAPTER VIII. The Fortifications of Vera Cruz.— What Admiral Farragut thought of them.— Campaign of General Taylor.— Lobos Island.— Ar- rival at Vera Cruz of General Scott's Army.— A Reconnois- sance.— Landing of the Army of General Scott at Vera Cruz, CONTENTS. IX PAGE. March 9th, 1847. — Remarks On. — Investment of the City. — Services of the Navy. — Opening of the Bombardment. — A Heavy Norther. — Incidents Connected with. — Sailors on Shore. — Affair at Medellin 79 CHAPTER IX. Opening of the Bombardment of Vera Cruz. — Captain Tatnall and the Spitfire. — Commodore M. C. Perry assumes command of the Squadron. — Commodore Conner's Mistake. — The Navy lands six heavy guns.— The Mosquito Fleet. — The Navy Bat- tery. — It opens fire on Vera Cruz. — Incidents. —Passed Mid- shipman Fauntleroy. — Surrender of Vera Cruz and the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa. — Our Army takes Possession. — Battle of Gerro Gordo. — A visit to the Castle and City. — Our Marines, . 91 CHAPTER X. Expedition to Alvarado — "Alvarado J ' Hunter and the steamer Scourge. — A Coincidence. — An Allegory. — Capture of Tuspan. — Jack Beard's Disappointment. — Grand Expedition to To- basco. — Attack on the Gunboats by the Enemy in Ambush. — Landing at the Devil's Bend. — The March. — Incidents. — The Steamers Raise the Chevaux de Frise and take the Fort. — Capture of the Town of Tobasco. — Captain Bigelow appointed Governor. — An Unfortunate Affair. — Sail for Home in the frigate Saritan. — Yellow Fever. — Arrival at Norfolk, . . . 103 CHAPTER XI. Ordered to Annapolis. — The Naval School of 1847 .^Captain George P. Upshur. — Duels. — The Battle-ground of Bladensburg.— Pro- fessor William Chauvenet.— Swapping Yarns. — Pat Murphy and the Coon Skins. — Captain X.'s Dilemma. — Commodore Chauncey — A Precise Message.— A Sailor's Testimony.— Van Ness Phillip's Visit to Troy,— Thompsonian. Treatment — Mad Jack Percival. — Pass my Examination. — A Bad Quarter of an Hour on Board the Bay State.— A Friend in Need.— Hard Work at the Boston Navy Yard, 117 CHAPTER XII. Ordered to the sloop-of-war Yorktown— Sail from Boston.— Arrival at Porto Praya— First Cruise on the Coast of Africa.— The CONTENTS. PAGE. Gambia River. — Monrovia. — Battle between the Liberians and Natives. — President Roberts.— -A Cruise to Wind ward. — Cadiz, Funehal, Teneriffe, Palmas — Porto Praya Again. — An Old City. — Riding out a Gale on a Lee Shore. — Rescue of the American brig Copperlhwait, 129 CHAPTER XIII. Kroumen. — The brig Porpoite. — A Boatswain's-mate's Poetry. — A narrow escape from Drowning. — Accra. — Elmina. — Cape Coast Castle.— Grave of L. E. L.— Slavers.— A Yankee Trick.— The Slave Trade. — The Bridgton. — Whydah. — Dahomey. — Prince's Island. — African Fever.— Second Cruise to Windward. - Madeira. — Canary Islands. —Wreck of the Yorktown on the Island of Mayo. — Return Home. — How to find the Moon's Age, 140 CHAPTER XIV. A Morning Call. — Ordered to the Surveying brig Washington. — Sur- vey of Nantucket Shoals. — Block Island and No-Man's Land. —Pilot Daggett.— The Pilot of the Bibb.— Anecdote.— Ordered to the Princeton. — A Night with the " Spirit Rappers." — Am detached from the Princeton and ordered to the Cyane, . . . 154 CHAPTER XV. Join the Cyane. — Bad Navigation. — Havana. — The Lopez Expedition. — Key West. — The Dry Tortugas. — Pensacola. — Commodore J. T. Newton. — Greytown. — The Nicaragua Route. — A Trip up the San Juan del Norte. — Castillo. — Join a Flying Squad- ron at Portsmouth, N. H. — Eastport. — St. Johns, N. B. — The Bay of Fundy . — Captain George N. Hollins. — A Sunken Rock. —An Old-time Dutch Commander.— The Gulf of St. Law- rence. — Detached from the Cyane. — The Cyane Bombards Grey- town. — The Isthmus of Darien. — Strain's Expedition. — Captain Prevost's Experience. — The Darien and Mosquito Indians, . . 160 CHAPTER XVI. Report for duty at the Naval Academy —Ordered to the Merrimac. — Auxiliary Steam Power.— Sail from Boston.— Arrival at Rio. — The Ganges, 74.— Double Cape Horn and Arrive at Talca- huana. — Brilliant Performance at Valparaiso. — Chincha Islands. — The Chinese Coolie and the Peruvian Cholo.— First CONTENTS. xi PAGE. Inhabitants of North America. — Callao. — Lima. — The Spanish American Republics and Population. — Payta. — The Bucca- neers. — Alexander Selkirk. — Juan Fernandez. — Dampier. — Circumnavigators. — Magellan. — Drake. — The Early Spanish Voyagers 174 CHAPTER XVII. Cook's Voyages and Discoveries. — Anson's Voyage around the World. — The Mutiny of the Bounty. — Panama. — Indian Names and their Signification. — Tumbez. — Callao Again. — Lieutenant Denny, R. N. — The Sandwich Islands. — Realejo. — Nicaragua. — Chinandegua. — A Voyage in a Bungo, — Panama Again. — Com- modore J. B. Montgomery. — Valparaiso. — The Levant. — The Lancaster. — Sail for Home. — Rio Janeiro. — John Brown's Raid. — The frigate Congress.— Arrival at Norfolk 187 CHAPTER XVIII. Ordered to the Naval Academy.;— Secession of the Cotton States. — Occupation of Annapolis by Troops under General Butler. — Secession of Virginia. — Resign my Commission in the U. S. Navy and enter the Confederate Navy. — Governor Hicks and the State of Maryland. — Secession of the Border States. — The Northern. Democrats. — Harper's Ferry. — General Harney. — The Appearance of Richmond at the beginning of the War. — The Pawnee War. — Arrival of Troops.— A Naval Howitzer Battery. — Evacuation of Norfolk. — Captain A. B. Fairfax. — — The Patrick Henry. — Lieutenant Powell. — Our First Iron- clad. — The Battle of Manassas.— Affair at Acquia Creek, . . 200 CHAPTER XIX. The North Carolina State Navy. — I join the reinforcements for Hat- teras. — Capture of Cape Hatteras. — Commodore Samuel Bar- ron. — Lieutenant Wm, H. Murdaugh. — Roanoke Island. — Ore- gon Inlet. — I assume command of the Beaufort. — Fort Macon. — Colonel Bridges and his Command. — A Pleasant Day. — Reading under Difficulties. — Public School Education. — The Beaufort's Crew — My Cabin Boy. — The Neuse River. — Teach, the Pirate. — A Pilot's Yarn. — Visit to Jacksonville. — A False Alarm. — Washington, N. C. — A cruise on a Canal. — Arrival at Norfolk '. 211 xii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XX. PAGE. A Visit to Newbern.— Change of Officers.— Join the Squadron at Roa- noke Island.— Wise's Brigade.— The Defences of Roanoke Is- land. — Commodore Lynch's Squadron. — The Burnside Expedi- tion. — Flag Officer Goldsborough's fleet. — An evening with Commodore Lynch. — Battle of Roanoke Island.— Incidents. — Retreat of the Squadron to Elizabeth City 224 CHAPTER XXI. The Defenses of Elizabeth City.— Henningsen's Artillery.— Reeon- noissance by Commodore Lynch. — He is chased back to the Pasquotank. — I am placed in command of Fort Cobb. — -The Battle of Elizabeth City. — Incidents.— The Destruction of the Confederate Squadron. — Commodore Lynch. — Retreat from Elizabeth City. Cross the Dismal Swamp. — Incidents along the Route. — Henningsen's Men. — March to Suffolk. — Arrival at Norfolk. — Find the Beaufort there. — Join General Wise at Great Bridge. — Return to Norfolk and report to Commodore Buchanan. — HisSquadron 234 CHAPTER XXII. The Evacuation of Norfolk by the Federals. — Ordnance left at the Navy Yard. — Vessels Burned. — The Merrimac. — Is converted into an Iron-Clad.— Her Designer. — Her construction and ap- pearance. — Her Armament. — Her Engines, and Speed. — Her Draft 246 CHAPTER XXIII. The Federal Ships in Hampton Roads. — The Merrimac and her Con- sorts leave Norfolk — The Battle of Hampton Roads. — The Sinking of the Cumberland. — Arrival of the James River Squad- ron.— The Batteries at Newpor(?s News.— The Frigates Minne- sota, Roamoke and St. Lawrence come up from Old Point. — They get. aground.— Surrender of the Congress.— Fire from Troops on Shore.— Incidents of the Battle.— The Federal Loss.— The Con- federate Loss.— The Ram and Iron-Clad.— Confederate Gun- boats.— Services of the wooden vessels in this Battle 251 CHAPTER XXIV. The Night of the 8th of March.— The Battle Between the Merrimac and Monitor. - Remarks upon this Battle.— Injuries of the Mer- CONTENTS. xiii PAGE. rimac. — What was Expected of her North and South. — What she could not have done. — The Case of Captain Smith and Lieu- tenant Pendergrast. — What a White Flag Signifies. — Lieuten- ant Joseph P. Smith. — Commodore Tattnall relieves Admiral Buchanan of the Command. — His Character. — Preparations for Another Battle 264 CHAPTER XXV. Our Plan for Boarding and Smothering the Monitor. — The Merrimac challenges the Monitor to Battle. — We capture three Vessels. — Operations in Hampton Boads on the 11th of April, 1862. — Remarks on. — The Merrimac drives the vessels employed in Bombarding Seawell's Point under the Guns of Fort Monroe. — The Monitor declines to fight the Merrimac. — Am ordered to command the Dixie. — Evacuation of Norfolk by the Confeder- ates. — Commodore John Bodgers. — His Attack on Drury's Bluff. — Blowing up of the Merrimac. — Commodore Tattnall's Report. — Reflections on the Destruction of this Ship. — Pilots. 273 CHAPTER XXVI. Am ordered to command the Gunboat Drury. — The James River Squadron. — The Seven Days' Fighting around Richmond. — A Board for the Examination of Midshipmen. — Am ordered to the Iron-Clad Palmetto State at Charleston.— Description of her. — An Incident.— A Fire at Sea. — Flag Officer Duncan L. Ingraham. — Battle off Charleston, January 31, 1863, between the Confederate Iron-Clads and the Federal Fleet.- Surrender of the Mercedita and Keystone State.— The other vessels driven off. — Proclamation of General Beauregard and Commodore In- graham. — Remarks upon this Engagement and its Results . . 286 CHAPTER XXVII. Capture of the U. S. S. Isaac Smith.— Torpedoes.— Charleston at this time. — Its Defences. — Blockade Runners. — Arrival of the TJ. S. Iron-Clad Fleet off the Harbor.— Attack on Fort Sumter by Admiral Dupont's Fleet, April 7, 1863.— Result of the Attack. — The Keokuk Sunk. — Admiral Dupont's Captains.— An In- tended Torpedo Expedition.— The Monitors leave Morris Island and go to the North Edisto river 306 xi v CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXVIII. PAGE. • Reconnoissance of the Monitors in the North Edisto river.— I Organize a Torpedo Expedition to attack them. — Arrival atRockville. — A Deserter.— Skilful and Original Flank Movement.— Return to Charleston.— Commander W. T. Glassell's attack on the New Ironsides.— Admiral Daniel Ammen.— I am ordered to Richmond 316 CHAPTER XXIX. Organization of the Confederate Naval Academy. — The School Ship Patrick Henry.— Capture of the U. S. S. Underwriter.— The Iron-Clads Virginia, Richmond and Fredericksburg. — The De- fence of James River by Torpedoes.— Captain Hunter David- son. — His attack on the U. S. S. Minnesota.— Opening of the Campaign of 1864. — General Butler's Lost Opportunity. — Bat- tle of Drury's Bluff. — I am ordered to command the jRicA- mond — Trent's Reach 323 CHAPTER XXX. Curious Target Practice. — Attack on the Monitors in Trent's Reach, June 21, 1864. — The Confederate Iron-Clad Albemarle and her Engagements. — Captain Jas. B. Cook. — Lieutenant W. B. Cashing. — The Alabama and the Kearsarge. — The Florida and the Wachusett.— Attempt to get our Iron-Clads to City Point. — Its Failure. — Blowing up of the Gunboat Drury. — General Jo- seph E. Johnston and President Davis. — Vice President Ste- phens. — The Confederate Government. — State of Affairs in Richmond and on the James River in March, 1865 336 CHAPTER XXXI. The Evacuation of Richmond.— Ordered to take charge of the Con- federate Treasure.— The Corps of Midshipmen.— The Night of April 2d.— Scenes at the Depot.— Departure of the President and Cabinet.— Arrival at Danville.— Go on to Charlotte, N. C. — General Stoneraan at Salisbury.— Resolve to carry the Trea- sure farther South.— Mrs. President Davis and Family.— Leave Charlotte.— Pass through Chester, Newberry, Abbeville and Washington.— Arrival at Augusta, Georgia.— The Armistice between Generals Johnston and Sherman.— Determine to Re- trace my Steps.— Leave Augusta for Washington, Georgia . . 349 CONTENTS. xv CHAPTER XXXII. PAGE. Return to Abbeville. — An Alarm. — Arrival of President Davis and Cabinet. — I transfer the treasure to General Basil Duke and Disband my Command. — Interview with President Davis. — His Departure from Abbeville. — General Joseph E. Johnston's Sur- render.— Am Paroled. — Leave Abbeville on my Return Home. — Bad Travelling. — A Day at Burksville. — Arrival at Nor- folk, Va 363 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER CHAPTER I. ENTRANCE INTO THE NAVY — JOIN THE "NORTH CAROLINA T4," AT NEW YORK — FIRST IMPRESSIONS — HAMMOCKS VERSUS COTTON-BALES — MID- SHIPMEN'S PRANKS — THE TJ. S. BRIG"SOMERS" — THE BRIG " BOXER" — MELANCHOLY SUICIDE — THE " BY-NO-MEAL " THEOREM — AM OR- DERED TO THE LINE-OF-BATTLE-SHIP " COLUMBUS " — A POETICAL SAIL- MAKEE. We are told that when Mr. Toots attempted to write an acrostic to Florence Dombey he carefully prepared the first letters of the lines, and then never got farther than " For when I gaze " ; and I must confess that in commencing these recollections I feel somewhat in the same predicament ; so I think it best to plunge at once in medias res and say that I entered the U. S. navy as a midshipman on the 19th day of October, 1841, being then fourteen years of age. I was almost immediately ordered to the U. S. ship North Carolina, and on the 27th day of the same month reported for duty to Commodore M. C. Perry, then commanding the station at New York. I well recollect my extreme surprise at being addressed as Mr. by the commodore, and being recalled to my senses by the sharp William of my father, who accompanied me to the Navy Yard. 1 2 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. Upon our arrival at New York we had put up at the City Hotel, the favorite resort of naval officers. The night of our arrival we took a Whitehall boat at Castle Garden and pulled off to a transport lying in the North River, to visit my eldest brother who was on board with other officers on their way to join their regiments in Florida. My brother had just gradu- ated at West Point, and was attached to the Fourth Infantry. I never saw him again as he died within a year. I rcpoited on board the receiving ship North Carolina, Captain Francis M. Gregory, on the morning of the 28th of October. She was at anchor in the North River, off the Bat- tery ; had a full complement of officers and men, and was kept in fine order. She was one of the largest of our line-of- battle ships, or 74's as they were generally called. One of the midshipmen informed me the next day that she was called a 74 because she carried 80 guns! When I got upon her quarter-deck the marines were drawn up for drill, the band was playing, a large party of ladies were promenading the poop-deck, and these sights taken in connection with unac- customed smells (for this ship had always a curious odor of rum, tar, bean-soup and tobacco combined), tended to confuse me terribly. The one defined recollection I have is of a midshipman (whom I had met the day before in Commodore Perry's office) passing us, and recognizing my father with a touch of the cap, so jaunty and debonair, that I thought that if I could ever attain to that perfection I would be a naval officer indeed. My father soon left me and I was taken below to be intro- duced to my messmates, of whom I found about thirty, messing in the gun-room and sleeping on the orlop deck. During the first day I was in a constant state of excitement; the frequent calling of all hands, and the running about caused me to think the ship was on fire, and I repaired to the quarter-deck many times to see what the matter was. Several of the midshipmen hung about me, watching a chance to perpetrate their jokes; but a greenhorn, like myself, FIRST IMPRESSIONS. 3 happening to complain to them that he " could not find Cheeks, the marine, anywhere," caused me to smile ; for I was well up in Marryatt's novels — so they let me alone with the remark that they supposed my father and brother (both of whom were ■ in the navy) had put me up to the usual navy jokes. About this time all hands were called to stand by the ham- mocks, and my surprise was great when I saw the hammocks taken out from the nettings ; for I had previously supposed that naval officers, taking the hint from General Jackson's defences at New Orleans, had stuffed the ship's sides with bags of cotton, to resist shot ! Fortunately I did not allow this to escape me, or I should have been called " cotton-bale Parker " to this day. When I was taken down to the orlop deck and saw the hammocks swung I could not imagine how I was to sleep in, or rather on one ; for, not knowing that it was not unlashed and that it contained inside a mattress and blankets, I naturally thought it was the way of sailors to sit a-straddle of it and repose in this unnatural attitude. It caused me much unhap- piness that night in the gun-room, and I thought I had, perhaps, better resign and go home at once ; but at two bells, nine o' clock, when we all went down to turn in, I was much relieved to see the hammocks spread out into a more reason- able shape. Here another surprise awaited me : up to this time I had suffered much with ear-ache, and my mother had caused me to wear night-caps — there was nothing strange to me in this, as other boys wore them at my boarding-school — but it seems it was not a " way they had in the navy." My caps were of many colors : red, blue, green, etc., for they were made of remnants of my sisters' dresses. Now as I made my final preparations for repose I opened my trunk and put on a close-fitting nightcap. It was the signal for an indescribable scene of confusion. If I had put on a suit of mail it could not have caused greater astonishment among these light- hearted reefers. They rushed to my trunk, seized the caps, 4 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. put them on, and joined in a wild dance on the orlop deck, in which were mingled red caps, blue caps, white caps — all colors of cap — in pleasing variety. I had to take mine off before turning in as it really did seem to be too much for their feel- ings ; but I managed to smuggle it under my pillow, and when all was quiet I put it on again ; but when the midshipman came down at midnight to call the relief he spied it, and we had another scene. This was the last I ever saw of my caps. I have never had one on since, and consequently have never had the ear-ache ! I do not propose to give a detailed account of my life on board this ship, but only to present a few scenes as they come to my recollection. My first duty was to carry the daily dispatches to Commo- dore Perry at the Navy Yard, and this kept me in a boat pretty much all day, and involved a good deal of risk in passing the ferries ; but after a few weeks I was, to my great joy, (for I was green then and didn't know any better) as- signed to a watch. About the latter part of November the ship was taken to the Navy Yard, laid alongside the wharf, and made comforta- ble for the winter, by building houses over the hatches, closing in the half-ports, etc. Our time was occupied in keeping our watches and learning navigation under Professor Ward. I, for one, soon learned to work all the rules in Bowditch's Navigator ; though, if the truth must be told, I did not ex- actly understand " what it was about:" nor did I learn until I got fairly to sea on my first cruise. Few explanations were given as to " theory,'' as well as I remember. The navy at that day was, as to the officers and men, very similar to the British navy, as described by Marryatt in his novels : the same jokes were perpetrated and the same charac- ters existed. We had on board the North Carolina some sailors who had been in the Constitution when she captured the Querricre ■ some who were in the United States when she took the Maxe- THE V. S. BRIG " SOMEBS". 5 donian, and others who had served under Commodores Perry and McDonough on the Lakes ; and it was the custom to get them in the gun-room at night, to sing the old sailor ditties of " The Constitution and the Guerriere," " The Wasp and the Frolic," " The Enterprise and the Boxer," etc. Of course I looked upon these men as not only heroes, but Methusalehs as well ! Among my messmates was the ill-fated Spencer. He was a classmate of mine, and joined shortly after I did. I remem- ber him as a tall, pale, delicate-looking young man of perhaps nineteen years of age. It will be remembered that Midship- man Spencer was accused of inciting a mutiny on board the United States brig Somers, in November, 1842. He was tried by a summary court-martial at sea, and hanged at the yard- arm on the 1st of December following, in company with the boatswain's mate, Cromwell, and the gunner's mate, Small. This affair caused an immense sensation in the country, and the commander, Alex. Slidell Mackenzie, asked for and ob- tained a Gourt of Inquiry. His course was sustained by it ; though J. Fenimore Cooper, the no.velist, took up the cudgels, and made a savage attack upon him. Officers of the navy in my time generally declined to discuss this affair. I saw the Somers launched at the New York Navy Yard in the spring of 1842. During the winter the brig Boxer was fitted out for foreign service, and I was anxious to apply for her, but our judicious, and kind-hearted first lieutenant, Charles Armstrong, would not allow me to do so. It was the luck in that day of the small, crowded, ill- ventilated vessels like the Boxer and Dolphin to be sent to the West Indies, coast of Africa, and other sickly stations : on the same principle I suppose, as Dickens says, that in serving out clothing the long men get into the short trousers, and the short men into the long ones. While the Boxer was fitting out out junior lieutenant was ordered to her, much against his will ; he tried very hard to have his orders revoked, but 6 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. ■without success. He was much loved by the midshipmen, and we often went to see Mm. One afternoon while rowing about the dock for amusement, in company with another reefer, I saw a boat under the bows of the Boxer smuggling liquor to the men. We went on board and reported it to our friend, whom we found the senior officer — the captain and executive officer being on shore. I well remember his kindness to us, boys as we were, taking us below and treating us to cakes. The next morning shortly after 4 o'clock we were aroused by the news that the Boxer's men had mutinied and killed this lieutenant. Our marines were immediately sent on board, and I went in charge of the boat. It was a mistake about the mutiny. Our friend had gone on deck at 4 a. m. to keep the morning watch, and a few minutes after he blew his brains out. I saw his body lying cold and stiff upon the quarter-deck. No one ever knew the cause of the fatal act. Our fellows felt the death of this officer very much, and it was some days before we were up to our tricks and deviltries again. The midshipmen were constantly changing during the six months I was on board this ship. As vessels were fitted out drafts of reefers were sent to them, and new ones were con- stantly arriving. In consequence of this our mess was kept in a disorganized condition, and in point of fact our money would give out before the end of the month and we would go for several days without regular meals. I have occasion to remember this fact. I joined on the 28th day of October, when the mess was in this condition. The caterer did not ask me for my mess bill, and I never thought of offering it ; in fact, I did not know how the mess was supplied and had an idea that the government furnished it. The day after I joined, Friday, I was invited to breakfast with the lieutenants in the ward-room. I had not much appetite, and when I left the table Mr. Armstrong said: "Youngster, this will never do ; you must learn to eat your ration." To my extreme sur- prise we had no dinner in the gun-room that day, and no THE " BY-NO-MEAL" THEOREM. 7 supper ! The table was not even set ! It seems that during this dies infaustus kind of a time the midshipmen lived upon the bum-boat and skirmished on the berth-deck for a living ; but I knew nothing about that, and was too proud and bash- ful to make any inquiries, and, strange to say, no one thought of giving me information. All day Saturday it was the same dies non. I frequently thought of the ration alluded to by Lieutenant Armstrong and wished I could see it ! On Sun- day after muster, Mr. Neville, the sailing master, told me my father wanted me to come ashore in the 1 o'clock boat, and said the first lieutenant would give me permission to go if I asked him. I was rather astonished to hear this, for I had supposed that I was to remain on board three years with- out going on shore, and had been wondering how long I could hold out without eating. I think that reading about Admiral Collingwood's long cruises had given me this idea. I went on shore and hurried up to the City Hotel ; the clerk informed me that my father had gone to Brooklyn to dine, and left word for me to follow him. I found I had left my purse on board and had no money to pay my ferriage : but there was a chance to overtake my father. I caught up with him on Fulton Street, just opposite the old Dutch Reformed church (I. have never passed it since without recalling this incident), and .getting some money from him went to a stand and pur- chased some pies and cakes, which I immediately commenced devouring. My father seemed surprised, and well he might Jbe! He asked me how I liked it on board ship. I told him that I did not like it at all ; that they had no meals there. He, thinking that the midshipmen lived, perhaps, on the ship's rations — salt beef and hard-tack — and that I did not like it, replied that I would get accustomed to it. I told him no ; that I had never been used to going without meals and that I was too old to learn ; it might do for other midshipmen, but I could not stand it ; and finally, as to returning to that ship and trying to live without eating, I couldn't and I wouldn't. 8 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. My father naturally failed to entirely comprehend the actual condition of our mess, and we continued the conversation until we arrived at our destination. We had an excellent dinner, and I rather suspect my performance at it somewhat astonished our kind entertainers. We had tarts for dessert. I ate about twelve, and there was one remaining on the dish. Observing me to eye it rather hard, our kind hostess said: "William must have this, because he is a sailor boy." The sailor boy took it accordingly ! It was now time to set off for the Battery as I was ordered to return in the sunset boat. I unwillingly accompanied my father, and though I was dressed in a midshipman's jacket and trousers, with a smart dirk at my side, I was a little enough fellow to hold him by the hand. Upon our arrival at Castle Garden we found one of the older midshipmen who explained the condition of affairs to my father ; he said that the next day, being the first of the month, everything would be all right, and meals would be served regularly. Upon this assur- ance I consented to return, but took the precaution to lay in pies and cakes enough to last me several days. Upon getting back to the gun-room, one of the older midshipmen surprised me by an invitation to an oyster supper that night at 9 o'clock. I cannot say I felt hungry, but I remembered Major Dalgetty's advice as to the laying in of provance, and ac- cepted. The next morning we had a regular breakfast to my great gratification. We always had this to go through with as long as I was in the ship ; it was " bite and cry " for the last three days of every month ; but I " knew the ropes " then, and could skirmish with the best of them, and my experience taught me to look after the greenhorns on such occasions and see that they got enough to eat. Towards the latter part of the spring of 1842 I was detached from the North Carolina and ordered to the line-of-battle ship Columbus, then fitting out at Boston for the Mediterranean. I bade adieu to the old ship with many regrets ; and with this shall close my first chapter, which I found so hard to A POETICAL SAILMAKER. 9 commence. And, after all, when I come to think of it, this is not so much to be wondered at ; for I once sailed with a fellow — a poetical sailmaker — who, after we had been only a few days at sea, remarked to me confidentially, that he would like to read me a piece of his poetry, "if I wouldn't laugh at it:" (the idea !) I having duly promised, he read as follows : " Far o'er the billow the moonlight is streaming, Dispelling the vapor and gloom of the night," and then stopped, with the remark that " that was as far as he had got :" and though I continued with him for two years he never got any farther ! Basta. 1* 10 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. CHAPTER II. MY FIBST CBUISE— THE " COLUMBUS 74 " —GHOSTS — CEOSS THE ATLANTIC — GIBRALTAR — GUABDA COSTA AND SMUGGLERS — PORT MAHON — ASSASSI- NATION OF ME. PATTERSON — LIEUTENANT CHARLES G. HUNTEE— SQUAD- EON WINTEES IN GENOA— PASSED MIDSHIPMEN BEALE AND MUEEAY — THE BRIG "SOMERS" — A DUEL — EETUEN TO MAHON — THE "DELAWAEE 74 1 ' — TOULON— CAPE DE GATA — GIBEALTAE AGAIN— MADEIEA — SAIL FOE THE COAST OF BRAZIL — SATURDAY-NIGHT YAENS — TAEGET PEAC- TICE — IMPROVEMENTS IN GUNNERY — CAPTAIN MAEEYATT AND AMEEI- CAN THUNDEB. The Columbus was an old-fashioned 74, built about tbe beginning of the century. She carried long 32-pounders on her main and lower gun decks, and 32-pounder carronades on her spar deck. She had four 8-inch shell guns, or Paixham3 as they were called from their inventor, on the main deck amidships, and the same number on the lower deck. She had made but one short cruise in the Mediterranean, which was said to have been specially marked by two incidents: first, in crossing the Atlantic, she had " fetched a compass " around about a fly-speck on the chart which the Commodore took to be a rock ; and secondly, her false keel getting slued athwartships she would neither tack, veer nor sail. She was called at that time an unlucky ship. It was fur- thermore said by the men that a woman and child had been murdered on her orlop deck while she was laid up in ordinary at the Navy Yard. In company with many other midshipmen I reported for her early in the summer of 1842, and as she was not ready for her officers and men we took up our quarters at the old National Hotel in Charlestown. Here we remained but a short time in consequence of our mad horseback rides ; for GHOSTS. H some twenty of us happening to gallop past the commodore's house on a Sunday, we were next day ordered on board the receiving ship Ohio for " safe keeping." Some time in July, however, the Columbus was put in com- mission and we all went on board. I suppose that a finer body of men than the Columbus' crew never trod a ship's deck. In all my experience I have never seen their equal. Some eight hundred strong they could, as the boatswain said, "tear the ship to pieces." She was commanded by Captain "William H. Spencer, and had a full complement of officers, among whom were eight passed midshipmen, and about thirty midshipmen — mostly green. In consequence of the ship having a bad name the men commenced to desert while lying in the stream and we were obliged to row guard around her at night to prevent it. In performing this duty I frequently heard the men in the boat declare that they heard a baby crying on the orlop deck — and (as the old sailor says) " being sailor-men, 'taint likely they lied about it ; " but I never heard it myself. The orlop deck, which was below the water-line, and very dark and gloomy-looking even, in the day-time, had a peculiarly ghostly appearance at night, and indeed a ghost was frequently seen descending the ladder of the fore-hatch in the "wee short hour ayont the twal," (whatever that may be) and dis- appearing through the gratings which covered the fore-hold. It was so fully believed that it became difficult at last to get a marine to walk that lonesome post ; but after crossing the Atlantic the story died out, and we heard no more about ghosts ; and now I come to think about it one of our passed midshipmen was detached about that time ! Speaking of ghosts reminds me of a singular circumstance which happened to a great-uncle of mine. He had served in the Eevolutionary war, and rose to be a brigadier-general in the the U. S. Army. He was said to be a very brave man ; but be that as it may, one night while sleeping, with his door wide open as was his habit, a ghost 12 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICES. appeared to him and said, " Aleck, Aleck, get up ! — Aleck, Aleck!" Just then he awakened and replied "Eh!" then instantly recollecting that it was bad luck to answer a ghost, he turned it off into, " Eh diddle dinkum dido," as though he was singing. At this — which showed his presence of mind at least — the ghost disappeared. We sailed from Boston on the 29th day "of August, 1842, and after a very smooth passage across the Atlantic arrived at Gibraltar, which I shall always especially remember as being the first foreign port I ever visited. Gibraltar is a rocky promontory, some 1400 feet high, at the southern extremity of Spain. It is at the entrance to the Mediterranean sea, and the straits here are fifteen miles wide. It is strongly fortified on the western front, and its galleries, cut out of solid rock, are one of the sights of the world. The eastern face is entirely inaccessible to assault. The town is built at the foot of the promontory, and the bay is nine miles across. The name comes from the Arabic words gibel al Tarif (the rock of Tarif ) : the name of the general who took it in 711. The Spanish took it in 1302, and it fell into the hands of the English under Admiral Rooke in 1704. In 1779 the Spanish made a desperate effort to recover it. It was defended by General George Eliott. The siege lasted three years, and has been described by Drinkwater whose book is a model of its kind. The rock is separated from the main by a low, sandy neck of land called the neutral ground. At St. Roche and Algeziras the Spaniards have erected extensive fortifications and a large garrison is kept. The English garrison Gibraltar with their best troops. Gibraltar is generally said to command the straits ; but this must be understood in a " Pickwickian sense " at the present day. There is nothing to prevent steamers going through at any time. It is valuable to the British as a depot for stores, and the harbor gives protection to their vessels, just as Malta does. The current runs in from the ocean at all times— a sin- gular fact;— the surplus water is probably carried out by an under current. GVARDA COSTA AND SMUGGLERS. 13 A stay here of a few days is an excellent introduction to the Mediterranean ; for, I believe, there are natives of most of the countries of Europe to be met with ; as well as many in- habitants of Asia and Africa. I spent many hours in the cap- tain's gig at the mole, and saw Englishmen, Spaniards, French- men, Russians, Germans, Italians, Turks, Jews, Armenians, Egyptians, Arabs, Moors and Negroes intermingled. A novel sight to any one, but especially to a greenhorn ! We sailed from Gibraltar after a short stay for Port Mahon. The day after sailing we saw a Spanish Ghaarda Costa chasing a large smugglers' boat. The smugglers ran under our lee for protection, and as we were sailing only about four knots an hour they easily kept up with us with their oars. There were about twenty men in the boat, and fine, hearty-looking fellows they were, and their red caps gave them a most picturesque appearance. Our captain took no notice of them, and the Ghiarda Costa did not approach any nearer, but sailed along in company. After night fell the smugglers left us, and I pre- sume made for the shore. Gibraltar is a free port, and there was at that time much smuggling done between it and Algeziras and other Spanish ports. Upon our arrival off Port Mahon we fell in with the U. S. frigate Congress, a new frigate on her first cruise. She was built in Portsmouth, N". H., and at that time was said to be the largest frigate afloat. We were struck by a heavy squall that afternoon, the first I had, ever seen. The Columbus came out of it all right ; as she did out of all kinds of weather. Though an old-fashioned ship she was the finest sea-boat. I have ever seen ; moreover she sailed well and could be handled like a pilot boat. It would surprise some of the young officers who have never sailed in anything but the long, narrow ships of the present navy to see one of these old-time ships beating in a narrow channel. Upon our arrival at Mahon we found the entire squadron, consisting of the frigate Congress and sloops^ of-war Fairfield and Preble, assembled there. Commodore 14 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. Charles Morgan, who commanded the squadron, now hoisted his flag aboard our ship, and I was appointed his Aid. Port Mahon is on the island of Minorca. Its harbor is one of the best in the Mediterranean — a natural mole runs along the shore, and is occupied by shops with naval stores. At the time of our visit provisions and clothing were to be had very cheap and in great abundance. It was off Mahon that Admiral John Byng had a partial engagement with the French squadron in May, 1756 ; for his conduct on this occasion he was shot on board the Monarch at Spithead, March 14, 1757. Voltaire says this was done "pour encourager les autres /" The article of war under which Byng was tried, says : " If any person, through cowardice, disaffection or negligence, shall fail to put his ship in readiness for battle, etc., he shall suffer death." The admiral was acquitted of cowardice and disaffec- tion, but found guilty of negligence, which, under the articles of war, required a sentence of death. It is well known now, however, that he was shot to satisfy the clamors of a political party. Not the only man or woman so sacrificed. In point of fact it was the admiral's second-in-command who acted badly in not supporting him, and who richly deserved punishment, b.-t got off scot free. Up to this time Mahon had been the wintering port of the American squadron and we were making our preparations for it when a melancholy event took place : the sailing-master of the Congress, Mr. Patterson, was assassinated ! He had been on shore and was returning to his ship very late at night — some time in the mid-watch in fact — and was descending the hill by the winding path which led to the land- ing-place of his boat. Following Mr. Patterson at some little distance were Lieutenant Charles G. Hunter and the surgeon of the Fairfield; they were startled at hearing Mr. Patterson cry out, and as they quickened their steps, he met them with the expression : " The villain has murdered me," and fell dead at their feet. He had two, or, perhaps three stabs directly SQUADRON WINTERS IN GENOA. 15 tfirovigh his heart, either of which, the doctor said, would have killed him; so that the assassin was no novice in the art. While the doctor knelt down hy the side of the murdered officer, Hunter drew his pistol and started in pursuit of the 'murderer. He saw his 'shadow in the moonlight as he ran towards the house of Blazes (as the sailors called it), but could not get a shot at him, and he finally returned to the assistance of the doctor. I shall have something more to say of this Lieutenant Hunter when I come to relate some incidents of the Mexican war. •' i There was a large number of Spanish au-Prince we found the yellow fever raging and the commodore decided to remain but one day. Only the caterers of the messes were allowed to go on shore, and our caterer went with the others. Whether he had underestimated our powers, or not, I do not know ; but our stores were exhausted, and we had been reduced to the By-no- meal theorem for some days. With much difficulty we raised ten dollars and sent him on shore. We did not expect much for that sum of money, but we had visions of yam and fruit at least. When our caterer returned he brought back a one-eyed game cock, for which he had spent all our money ! We were inclined to grumble, but as he could man-handle any member of the mess we kept our complaints to ourselves. This caterer, who was one of those who go through the world with a " light heart and a thin pair of breeches," said to us : " it 's no use to growl ; this game cock will give you more satisfaction in the end than the fruit," and he did. We turned him loose upon the main deck where he lived upon the captain's chicken- feed as a kind of free lance; he became a great favorite with the men, and many were the fights he gained. He lived in this way many months and was eventually murdered by the captain's steward. His death caused much indignation in the steerage, and his epitaph was. written by our mess poet. It was somewhat after the style of " Old Grimes is dead." With all our care the yellow fever broke out soon after we sailed from Port-au-Prince ; but we only had two cases. Since then I have seen more of this disease than most men, and have had it twice. The first time was at Pensacola in the summer of 1846. I was ashore at the navy yard one night in the gig waiting for the captain, and while there saw that a steamer at the wharf near us was on fire. I gave the alarm and went on board with the gig's crew. The men from our ship soon came to our assistance and we extinguished the fire ; 40 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. and when that was done, we midshipmen got to skylarking with the hose and were soon very wet. Our captain (God bless him) kept me waiting for him in my wet clothes until near midnight and I was chilled to the bone. When I got on board I found the starboard mess " keeping it up ! " Tom Kin- loch I remember was making an omelette in a tin cup over three candles. The caterer of the mess having to write orders for the steward to get the next day's marketing, and having kept it up too high himself, asked me to write for him. Upon taking the pen I found I could not see. I thought it hard times that the others were seeing double, and I not at all ; but nevertheless in a few hours I was down with the yellow fever and I did not get to my duty again for a long, long time. As the ship had a spar-deck cabin in addition to one on the main deck, and our captain could not occupy both, (though he tried to) I was removed to it. Just as I had " turned the corner," though still very weak, one-half of our midshipmen were ordered home for their examination as passed-midshipmen. The night before leaving they came to bid me good-bye, and in the excitement of going home and joy at my probable recovery (I am happy to say), one of them, Harry Bluff by name, danced a horn-pipe on the centre-table with his boots on. The next day our captain — a Tartar if there ever was one — came in to see me, and on leaving the state-room he noticed the state of the table. "Why! what's all this?" he ex- claimed: "Damme, it looks as though some one had been scratching this table with a nail I " I preserved a judicious silence ; but I thought to myself, if you had seen Harry Blufl's performance last night you would not be so much surprised. Less than a year after this, near the close of the war with Mexico, I was returning home in the frigate Raritan and again had the yellow fever. My symptoms were the same as in the first attack. We had many cases on board, but I had not feared it ; indeed, I was under the impression that I could not have it a second time. I was walking the deck and went to look at the compass to see how the ship was heading, pre- THE YELLOW FEVER. 41 paratory to turning in. I could not see the compass and a few hours after I was down again, and this attack was as bad as the first. When we left Port-au-Prince one of our midshipmen was ill of the fever and I used to lie in his cot with him while nursing him, and so did some of the other midshipmen ; but it did not spread. Altogether, I have seen enough to know that it is not contagious, though it may be infectious. I believe doctors are not certain of it, however. That it can be carried in ships admits of no doubt. In 1855 the steamer Ben Franklin conveyed the yellow fever to Norfolk — the men working on her first carried it to Gosport, and it crossed the river into Norfolk with them. This was as plain as a thing could be. There is much yet to be learned concerning this fearful scourge, and one difficulty, which I have myself observed, is that in one place it is of a mild type, and in another of a very bad one ; and even in the same place the fever of one year differs from the fever of another. It prevails every summer on the east coast of Mexico, but is not known, I think, on the west coast. We had on this occasion but two cases; one proved fatal, and the other, being a midshipman, got well. A few days after leaving Port-au-Prince we arrived at Port Royal, Jamaica, the seaport of Kingston. I have since been much in the tropics, but I have never seen any spot that came up so completely to my idea of " tropical scenery " as Port Royal, with its groves of cocoa-nut trees, thatched cot- tages and still life. Our Charges landed here, and in company with many of our officers, visited the governor, Lord Elgin, at his palace, situated somewhere up in the mountains. This being our first convenient stopping place two of our midshipmen took advantage of it to fight a duel. Neither was hurt and the authorities knew nothing about it. From Port Royal we sailed for Havana, touching at the beautiful port of Santiago de Cuba by the way. Off Havana 42 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. we experienced a heavy " norther," which caused us to lie to under a close reefed main topsail for two days. At 12 o'clock on the third day the commodore determined to bear up for the harbor ; I expect he did not happen to bear in mind what a heavy sea there would be off the port. In entering Havana you steer directly for the mouth of the harbor and then haul short round the Moro Castle, which stands on the left hand side. As we went flying before the wind and sea, under double reefed topsails, we commenced rolling our spar deck guns under water as we approached the port. The pilot could not] come off, so our captain had to take the ship in ; and he soon becoming confused, the commodore took charge of the deck ; it was the best thing I ever saw him do. The ship was yawing four or five points, and four men at the wheel could hardly steer her. At one moment she would be heading for the Moro Castle as though she was about to run it down, and the next for the rocks off the playa on which the sea was break- ing higher than our fore-top. It was an anxious moment with all hands ; the braces were led along ready to be manned, and the men were hanging on to the belaying pins, guns, and every- thing else that would yield a support. On shore the playa was crowded with spectators, and as our ship would point her head in that direction as though determined to be among them, there would be an involuntary movement on their part to get out of the way. It must have been a most beautiful sight to them and no doubt they enjoyed it. I was hanging on to the spanker boom myself and could not help thinking at the time what a grand spectacle we must present, and how much I would enjoy it if on shore ! As Ross Brown says in his description of his horse Saladin running away with him : " It would have been so funny to see somebody else mounted upon Saladin ! " As we got nearly abreast the Moro, the frigate gave a heavy roll to port, then to starboard, taking the water in over each bulwark in succession, and nearly" dipping her lower yardarms in the water, pointed her hew toward the playa for one awful moment, and then with the helm hard a-starboard she slowly TOMB OF COLUMBUS. 43 doubled round the castle, and in less than one minute was in smooth water, and nearly becalmed under the lee of the pre- cipitous cliff on which it is situated. Those of us who had been singing to ourselves the long metre doxology drew a long breath, and resumed our every day duties ! Havana was founded in 1511 ; it was taken by the English in 1762 and restored in 1763. The old town is surrounded by a wall and the streets are very narrow. In the new portion they are wide and there are many handsome public buildings. The Tacon, theatre is one of the largest and prettiest I have ever seen. In the cathedral are deposited the remains of- Co- lumbus. Columbus died in Spain on the 20th of May, 1506. His body was deposited in the Convent of St. Francisco, and his obsequies were celebrated at Valladolid. In 1513 his remains were transported to the Carthusian monastery of Las Cuevas of Seville. In 1536 the bodies of Columbus and his son Diego were removed to Hispaniola and interred in the principal chapel of the cathedral of the city of San Domingo. At the termination of the war between" France and Spain in 1795, all the Spanish possessions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to France, and in 1796 the remains were again removed to the cathedral in Havana. A few years ago in consequence of some discoveries in the cathedral at San Domingo an attempt was made to throw some doubt as to whether the body removed to Havana was that of Columbus or not, but as Navarrette in his " collections" has given a circumstantial account of the proceedings, and has minutely described the precautions taken by the Spanish authorities upon the occasion of disinterring the body, I do not see that there could have been a mistake made or a reason- able doubt as to the authenticity of the narrative. In February we sailed from Havana and went to Pensacola where we found the other ships of our small squadron ; they were the Fahnouth and the brigs Lawrence and Somers. The 7th U. S. Infantry was at this time garrisoning Forts Pickens 44 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. and Barrancas, and we became well acquainted with the officers. Pensacola was very gay at this time, and many were the balls given, alternately, on board ship, at Fort Pickens, at the navy yard, and in town. Affairs with Mexico were begin- ning to look squally. General Taylor was assembling a force at Corpus Christi in Texas, which the 7th Infantry soon joined, and Commodore Conner proceeded to Vera Cruz with his squadron. Upon our arrival there we anchored off Green island, which lies 4i miles east of Vera Cruz, and no one was permitted to visit the city. We had only occasional communication with the town — a boat coming off now and then with dispatches for the commodore, and taking his in return. I have always understood that Commodore Conner's dispatches at this time were regarded as models in their way, and were highly ap- proved of at Washington. We remained here for four months and had a hard time of it ; there was no place to visit but Green island — a little spot formed of coral. We had frequent and long exercises at the guns, and worst of all a half allowance of water. It was an idiosyncrasy of the commodore's to keep his men on a short allowance of water. There was in this case no earthly necessity for it. We had only to go a few miles up or down the coast to find rivers where we could have gotten all we wanted. It be- came so unbearable at last that the lieutenants represented it to the Navy Department, and the Secretary issued an order that the allowance should not be reduced unless it was absolutely necessary. It was a joyful moment when we got underway and returned to Pensacola, where we arrived in August, 1845. In consequence of the advance of our army under General Taylor towards the Rio Grande and the threatening attitude of Mexico, it was thought necessary to make large additions to the squadron and we soon had quite a respectable fleet in Pensacola harbor. Many sharks were seen in the harbor at this time — the pilots said it was because of the large number of ships in port, which A LEAK IN THE BOW. 45 they followed in. Among them I particularly remember the Leopard shark, a horrid spotted monster, about 14 feet long. In the fall of this year a fishing party came over from Mo- bile and whilst they were hauling the seine on Santa Rosa island the leader, a large, corpulent man, was seized by a shark and carried off in spite of the shouts and splashings of his com- panions ; I think they did not recover the body. This is the only case that ever came under my observation where a shark actually took a man off. I believe that such cases are rare, and that a shark only attacks a man, in a crowd, when very hungry. I recollect that a boat came alongside of us from the Sara- toga one day with a man's ghastly head in a bucket, for recognition. They had caught a shark and found the head inside. It proved to be that of a man who had fallen over- board from the Falmouth the night before. In this case the man was probably drowned before the shark bit his head off. While on our way from Vera Cruz to Pensacola we dis- covered a leak in the bow of the Potomac, and there being no dock at the navy yard it was thought the ship would be sent north. Mr. Brodie, the naval constructor on the station, how- ever, thought he could get at it by means of a coffer-dam, as he had once succeeded in stopping a leak in the bottom of the Delaware, 74, in that way. Accordingly a false bow was built at the navy yard, and finally launched and brought to the ship. I believe we had commenced pumping it out and it would pro- bably have proved a success, but a gale of wind springing up suddenly the other bower anchor was let go, and this with the wind and sea combined, caused the false bow to open and it was forced asunder on the ship's stem. This was a very badly managed affair throughout, and Mr. Brodie did not have the cordial co-operation of our ofiicers ; indeed, when the news came aft that the thing was done for, it was received with cheers. Poor Mr. Brodie was seized with an apoplectic fit on the •quarter deck, and died before he could be removed to his house. 46 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. The commodore transferred his flag to the Falmouth and early in December we sailed for Norfolk in company with the screw sloop-of-war Princeton, which vessel was sent with us a3 a matter of precaution. The Princeton was the first screw steamer we had in the navy, and I sometimes think the best. She was commissioned in 1843, and during the entire war with Mexico was actively employed. I never served in her myself, but was in squadron with her for three years, and she was always ready for service. At the time of which I am writing screw ships were rare, and the appearance of the Princeton, with her sails furled, going along seven knots an hour — like the ship of the Ancient Mariner, "without or wave or wind" — used to excite much astonishment among the merchant craft. We anchored on the 19th of December in Lynhaven Bay, just inside Cape Henry. The next day was too foggy to pro- ceed up the bay. About noon a merchant schooner passed close to us, aud I was sent in a boat to put some officers on board her. She had a fair wind and tide and it was some time before I caught her up. The captain told me he had not seen the land since leaving Boston, yet here he was in a thick fog steering directly for Norfolk. I had some difficulty in finding the ship again and came near " losing the number of my mess." Fortunately the cap- tain ordered guns to be fired and the ship's bell to be rung. When I heard the first gun I found I had passed the ship, and was pulling out to sea. It was nearly four o'clock when I got on board. We arrived at Norfolk on the 20th day of Decem- ber and, contrary to our expectations, the ship was put out of commission and the crew discharged. RETURN TO FRIGATE POTOMAC. 47 CHAPTER V. RETURN TO THE FRIGATE " POTOMAC " — LIST OF HER OFFICERS — FIRST IMPRESSIONS — SAIL FOR VERA CRUZ — ARRIVAL — SACRIFICIOS ISLAND — SAN JUAN DE ULLOA — SAIL FOR BRAZOS SANTIAGO — LAND A FORCE AT POINT ISABEL — BATTLE OF PALO ALTO— BATTLE OF RE3ACA DE LA PALMA — GENERAL TAYLOR AND COMMODORE CONNER — AN ALARM — MAJOR RINGGOLD CAPTAIN MAT — LIEUTENANT RIDGELET — BOAT EX- PEDITION UP THE RIO GRANDE. The Potomac was put into dock and the leak soon stopped. She was immediately re-commissioned, a new set of officers or- dered to her, and a new crew shipped. Feeling sure that war with Mexico was imminent, I applied to return to her ; and after some difficulty received my orders. I reported on board in February 1846. As the Potomac's officers and men took part in all the naval operations in the Gulf of Mexico during the war, I give a list of the officers so far as my memory serves me : captain, J. H. Aulick ; lieutenants, Lockwood, Jas. Rowan, Humph- reys, North, Frailey and Doyle ; sailing-master, Noland ; pur- ser, Bryan ; surgeon, Dodd ; assistant surgeons, Baxter and Hamilton ; marine officer, Garland ; chaplain, Lewis, passed midshipmen, Moore, Abbott, Tattnall and Hopkins ; midship- men, Monroe, Carmichael, Powell, Pembroke Jones, McLane, C. Hunter, Murdaugh and Somerville. The forward officers I do not recollect. There were many changes in the ward- room during the cruise, but none among the midshipmen. My first impressions were not agreeable. I was the last offi- cer to report, and when I arrived I found the ship in commis- sion and' nearly ready for sea. Full of zeal, I barely stopped to get my breakfast at the hotel, and then slipping on my uni- form I hurried over to the navy yard to report. Our captain 48 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. was known in the service as a martinet and I knew it would not do to delay. After reporting I asked his permission to remain on shore a day or two to purchase my mattress, blankets, &c, and get my things together — it was quite usual to allow this — but the cap- tain refused it ; and indeed it was with some difficulty that I obtained permission to return to the hotel for my trunk. Said he — after saying he would give me one hour to do this — '• Sir, when I get a midshipman on board my ship I never let him go on shore until I know something about him," — and I will do him the justice to say he was as good as his word : for I was with him sixteen months and was only allowed to go ashore on liberty twice in that time ; and yet I was his aid and supposed to be a favorite ! I found the officers much discontented and all hands were prophesying an unpleasant cruise ; but we had a set of mid- shipmen on board that even Captain Aulick could not put down. They were all on their second cruise and knew their duty well. Intelligent, gentlemanly and full of zeal it was hard for the captain to find fault with them. Then they were sworn friends, and all pulled together — indeed, the feeling among seven of them was more like that of brothers than friends, and to this day among the four who survive the tie continues as strong as in the days of our youth. Kept in three and some- times even two watches ; roused out at all hours of the night to take lunar observations ; kept for hours in the tops ; knocked about in boats, and " ridden down like a main tack" gen- erally, all would be forgotten when we got to our own quarters and assembling round the mess table would join in the chorus : " It will never do to give it up so, Mr. Brown ; it will never do to give it up so." The lieutenants were always our friends ; and I cannot cite a better proof of the way these midshipmen performed their duties than by stating the fact that not one of them was ever punished during the cruise. We sailed from Norfolk in March, 1846, and passing through SACRIFICIOS ISLAND. 49 the Turk's island passage and along the south side of Cuba, arrived at Vera Cruz early in April. We found the squadron under Commodore Conner anchored under Sacrificios island, a much better anchorage than under Green island, and the usual anchorage for men-of-war visiting Vera Cruz. Sacrificios island lies E. S. E. 3i miles from San Pedro Bastion, Vera Cruz ; and is about 4 miles from the castle of San Juan de Ulloa, which is 1600 yards N. N. E. from the same bastion. The island lies three-fourths of a mile from the main land, and the anchorage is between the island and the main ; pretty close to the former for protection during the norther season. The Spaniards under Grijalva landed on this island in 1518, and Bernal Diaz says of it : " Our people found on this last mentioned island ,two buildings of lime and stone, well con- structed, each with steps, and an altar placed before certain hideous figures, the representations of the godg of these Indians. They found here also the bodies of five unfortunate persons who had been sacrificed on the preceding night, their hearts cut out, their limbs separated from the bodies and the walls and altars stained with their blood. This island was named Izla de Los Sacrificios. Opposite to it on the continent we landed, and constructing huts, remained some time in expec- tation of trading with the natives for gold." This landing place of Grijalva's followers was precisely the spot where General Scott landed his army in 1847. In reference to the name of the castle of San Juan de XJUoa, Bernal Diaz says : " Our interpreter who showed some marks of intelligence being questioned as to the cause of these victims being put to death in that manner, made answer as well as he could, that it was done by the Indians of Culva or Oulchua, meaning the Mexicans ; but he pronounced this word Ulua, a name which ever after distinguished the place. It was called St. John partly because this was the day of St. John, and partly in compliment to our chief, Juan de Grijalva." The squadron at this time, as well as I recollect, consisted 3 50 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. of the frigates Cumberland (flag ship), Potomac and Raritan; the steam frigate Mississippi; the sloop-of-war Falmouth, John Adams, and St. Marys; the steam sloop Princeton; and the brigs Lawrence, Porpoise and Somers. It -was largely rein- forced from time to time as I shall mention. About the first of May we were unexpectedly signalled to get underweigh, and most of the vessels named stood to the northward in company. As the men were kept constantly ex- ercising with small-arms in obedience to signal from the flag ship, we knew " something was in the wind," though war had not been declared. We anchored off Brazos Santiago, in Texas, about seven miles north of the Rio Grande river on the 6th, and the next day landed some 1200 men, sailors and marines, under Captains Gregory and Aulick, to reinforce the garrison at Point Isabel. We arrived in the nick of time. Previous to our arrival General Taylor with his army had advanced to the Bio Grande, established a post and completed a fort opposite to Matamoras. He then returned to Point Isabel, leaving the 7th Infantry to garrison this fort, which was afterwards called Fort Brown, in honor of Major Brown, of the 7th, who so heroically held it against all the attacks of the Mexicans from the 3d to the 9th of May, and who lost his life in the defence. General Taylor having made his arrangements for the de- fence of Point Isabel (his base of supplies) again left to meet the Mexican army, which was now between Fort Brown and Point Isabel, and threatening the latter point. So that, as I have said, we arrived just in time. Point Isabel was fortified, and we of the Potomac were assigned to some heavy guns at one of the angles. All the men were armed with muskets, but had not been much drilled in their use. Indeed, at that day it seemed impos- sible to get a regular " blue-jacket " to perform a soldier's duty. The prejudice against the small-arm drill. was so strong among the men that during the whole war they made but little progress in learning even the company drill. They were always BATTLE OF PALO ALTO. 51 ready — too ready — to load and fire; but their awkwardness rendered them about as dangerous to friends as foes. As soon as we got on shore at Point Isabel we expected we might have to march to join the army, so the lieutenants went immediately to work drilling their companies ; and I thought the army officers who looked on would die of laughter at the sight. One lieutenant would persist in giving the order double up, when he wished to form two ranks ; and we were all performing the most remarkable evolutions, none of which were laid down in Scott's Tactics. The officers of the present day are so well instructed in infantry tactics at the Naval Academy, and the sailors are so well drilled, that they would find it hard to realize how very green we were at that day. However, we were all full of zeal and pluck, and were always able to hold our own in all our fights afloat or ashore. Each ship had a company of well-drilled and disciplined marines, and in our shore opera- tions they formed a battalion, and this battalion formed the nucleus on which we rallied. General Taylor met the Mexicans on the 8th of May, 1846, and fought the battle of Palo Alto. He stood on the defensive in this battle^ and it was fought principally with artillery. He made good use of a siege train he fortunately had with him. I think it consisted of 18-pounders. The Mexicans made but one attempt to come to close quarters — towards the close of the day a body of lancers rode up as if about to charge, but were soon thrown into confusion by the 5th Infantry. We at Point Isabel could hear the guns all day, and we knew by the sound that our army, if not retreating, was not advancing. As may well be imagined we were in a great state of excitement, and the sailors were dying to go to the assist- ance of the army. About 12 o'clock that night a negro camp- follower came in and informed Major Jock Monroe, who was the senior army officer at the post, that General Taylor was defeated with great slaughter, and that he himself had barely escaped with his life. Captain Gregory of the navy was imme- 52 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. diately called and begged to join the General with his men ; and both he and Captain Aulick were keen to go ; but Com- modore Conner had to be consulted, and an express was sent off to him on board his ship. The commodore positively re- fused to send the men out ; he said that unaccustomed as they were to the use of small-arms, and with no knowledge of for- mations, one regiment of cavalry could cut them to pieces, and that he would not risk crippling his squadron at the very be- ginning of the war ; with many other good reasons no doubt, but here, in my opinion, he made his first mistake in this war : " He either fears his fate too much, Or his deserts are small, That dares not put it to the touch To gain or lose it all !" If we had sent out a thousand men they would have reached General Taylor at daylight on the morning of the 9th of May when more than one officer thought help needed. It was after- wards said that General Taylor called a council of war on the night of the 8th, and after calling upon his officers for an opinion, which was to the effect that the army should fall back on Point Isabel, he broke it up with the remark : " Well, gen- tlemen, we will advance to-morrow morning at daylight." This was characteristic of the General ; but even he, I think, would not have been sorry to see a thousand American blue- jackets on the morning of the 9th. It must be recollected that the Mexican army, under Gen- eral Arista, consisted of six thousand men, while General Tay- lor had barely two thousand. On the 9th of May General Taylor advanced upon the Mexicans at Resaca de la Palma and utterly defeated them. This battle was gained by an advance of our whole line, .and as it was somewhat in the nature of a scrimmage the sailors would have given a good account of themselves, and it would have been said that the navy had saved the army. It was better for the army as it was ; but the navy lost a glorioufl GENERAL TAYLOR AND COMMODORE CONNER. 53 opportunity. "We were all much disgusted at not being per- mitted to march out ; but as no more stragglers came in, but on the contrary dispatches were received to the effect that the army had held its own on the 8th, we were relieved of our uneasiness as to its safety. On the 9th we found the sound of the guns becoming more and more indistinct and towards nightfall our hopes were con- firmed by the news of a glorious victory. I knew Commodore Conner well ; I was his aid for some time. He had served with distinction in the war of 1812, and was in the Hornet when she captured the Penguin; where he was badly wounded. He was an educated man and a brave officer ; but during the war he always seemed to be too much afraid of risking his men ; he lacked moral courage, and would not take the responsibility his position imposed upon him. Con- sequently he failed. Alter General Taylor had defeated the Mexicans at Eesaca de la Palma and relieved Fort Brown he returned to Point Isabel and had an interview with Commodore Conner. The newspapers in describing this interview pictured the commo- dore as appearing in a gorgeous full dress : cocked hat, epaulettes, &c., while the general was represented as being in an old coat and straw hat and very shabby. As well as I re- collect the commodore wore a jacket on that occasion. I know he generally wore one, for he had very little of the " fuss and feathers '' in his dress, though always scrupulously neat. But some persons have the idea that heroes must neces- sarily be dirty and cannot be disabused of it. Just as I have observed that passengers on board ship judge of a captain's qualifications by his size. Only those who are fat, with full round stomachs, are considered " fine old seamen ! " Why if I were a ship owner I would not have a captain in my employ who weighed less than two hundred and fifty pounds and a large stomach should be a sine qua non if the vessel carried passengers. But to return to my story. Although we knew on the 9th 54 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. that General Taylor had gained a victory that day we were still on the qui vive, for it was thought that the Mexican cav- alry might get round to the rear of our army and make an at- tack on Point Isabel ; and considering that it was the base of General Taylor's supplies and the Mexicans must have known it was feebly garrisoned, it did seem reasonable. That night there came up a hard storm, with rain in torrents. In the midst of it the report was circulated that the picket guard had been driven in ; and all was alarm and confusion. We of the Potomac manned our heavy guns, and I, being Captain Aulick's aid, was sent to a distant part of the post to call him. In performing this duty I had to pass through the encampment of the John Adams' crew, and just at this time the men commenced to discharge their muskets to see — as they ex- plained — " if they would go off!" The balls whistled around me like hail, and how I escaped being hit is more than I can tell. I always regarded it as my narrowest escape during the war. However I got to the captain's quarters all right, and returned with him to our battery, which we reached about day- light. I shall never forget the appearance of things there. It seems it was the lowest part of the encampment, and the water had drained into the enclosure until it was knee-high. In the darkness our fellows had lost their clothing, hats and arms — everything that would float did so — and when we ar- rived all hands presented a pitiable, not to say comical, sight. Now it is usual in a man-of-war to receive the captain with a certain amount of ceremony, and upon this occasion the " officer of the guard," Midshipman Murdaugh, did the best he could under the circumstances. Seeing the captain coming he managed to get on a pair of white trowsers and throw an old cloak over his shoulders, but he had no hat. One of the passed midshipmen had a straw one, but declined to loan it, (bless his stingy soul) saying it made no difference, seeing the general condition of affairs in the camp. " But it is just for the sake of appearance,'' said Murdaugh earnestly, and putting it on he received the captain in due form. MAJOR RINGGOLD. 55 This became a by-word with us in the steerage, and Mur- daugh never heard the last of it. If a midshipman had to keep an extra watch, go in a boat, or do anything disagreeable, he would remark that he only did it " for the sake of appear- ance." The incident was even commemorated in a song, one of the verses of which ran as follows : "And then when we landed at Point Isabel, To Taylor's assistance to go. Buck Murdaugh appeared in a battered straw hat, And an old ragged cloak, and 'twas borrowed at that, — ' For the sake of appearance,' you know ! " When General Taylor returned to Point Isabel after hia victories, he was received with great enthusiasm, especially by the sailors, who were generally drunk. They had gotten the run of the sutlers' stores by this time, and knew where to get whiskey; but even without sutlers' stores they would have known where to have found it. I heard a lieutenant say that he once sent a watch of sailors ashore for recreation on an uninhabited island in the middle of the Pacific ocean, and they all came back drunk ! I don't know anything about thai, but I know that our men were drunk, and when General Taylor arrived the sailors almost carried him in their arms and could hardly be kept out of his tent. The General was very tolerant of them ; and here as well as at Vera Cruz afterwards, when we were thrown much with the regular army officers, I noticed that they made a pet of Jack, and allowed him all kinds of liberties. They looked upon him as a sea-dog who should not be held responsible for anything he did on shore. The wounded in the two battles soon commenced to come in, and upon visiting the hospital it struck me as odd to see our soldiers and the Mexican soldiers lying alongside each other so sociably. Poor Major RiDggoId of the Flying Artillery was brought in desperately wounded, and soon after died. We all attended his funeral. He introduced the drill of the flying artillery in the army, and commanded the first battery organized. 56 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. When General Taylor came in his escort was commanded by Captain Charles May who charged the Mexican artillery at Eesaca de la Palma, and captured General La Vega who commanded it. He was the hero of the hour ; six feet in height, and with his hair hanging over his shoulders, he was the picture of a dashing dragoon. Just as May was about to charge the Mexican batteries, Lieutenant Randolph Ridgeley, commanding Ringgold's bat- tery of artillery, and beyond a doubt the most distinguished officer at the battle of Resaca de la Palma, called out : " Hold on, Charley, until I draw their fire ;" which he did, and May then charged. For his services May received two brevets; and Ridgeley but one, which he declined to accept. It was not May's fault, but there was much feeling on the subject among those who knew what Randolph Ridgeley's services really were at both Palo Alto and Resaca. When May re- turned home there was a dinner given him at New Orleans, and upon his rising to respond to a toast, a voice from the lower end of the table called out : " Hold on, Charley, till I draw their fire!" In the interview between General Taylor and Commodore Conner it was agreed that there should be a combined attack upon a place called Burrita, on the Rio Grande. Colonel Wilson, with the First Infantry, was to march by land and we were to send a boat expedition up the river. We accord- ingly weighed and anchored off the mouth of the Rio Grande ; but there being rather a heavy swell on the bar the commodore would not risk the boats. We waited two days, and on the third the expedition started under Captain Aulick. When he got to Burrita he found the First Infantry in quiet possession of it — so here was another disappointment to the navy and another opportunity lost. WAR DECLARED. 57 CHAPTER VI. WAR DECLARED— BLOCKADE OF THE COAST — RIVERS AND TOWNS ON THE GULF OF MEXICO — BLOCKADE OF VERA CRUZ — GREEN ISLAND — THE PIRATES OF THE " FALMOUTH'' — PASSED MIDSHIPMAN HYNSON — BURN- ING A VESSEL UNDER THE CASTLE OF SAN JUAN DE ULLOA — MID- SHIPMAN ROGERS — LOSS OF THE BRIG SOMER3 — UNLUCKY VESSELS AFFAIR AT THE RIO ANTIGUA — THE GUNBOAT REEFER— FIRST AT- TEMPT ON ALVARADO — THE BRITISH FRIGATE " ENDYMION." The war with Mexico was caused by the annexation of the independent State of Texas (which was once a part of Mexico, and had separated by means of a revolution) to the American Union. The advance of the American army to the Rio Grande brought about the first clash of arms. It now became the duty of our squadron to blockade all the ports on the Gulf until such time as we were prepared to take possession of them. These ports were Matamoras on the Rio Grande ; Tampico on the Tampico river ; Tiispan on the Tuspan river ; Vera Onia on the Gulf; Aharado on the Alvarado river ; Coatzacoalcos on the Coatzacoalcos river, and Tabasco on the Tabasco river. This latter town is also called San Juan de JBautista. All these rivers — save the Rio Grande — are insignificant streams, and all have very bad bars at their mouths. Vera Cruz is the only one of the places named that has anything like a harbor. The others, are for vessels of any size, simply open roadsteads. There are some ports in Yucatan, such as Laguna and Cam- peachy, but I think our vessels only visited them for the pur- pose of buying cattle during the war. To the best of my knowledge the State of Yucatan, though belonging to Mexico, took no part in the war. It may have been in a state of revo- lution at the time, but I do not know. 3* 5$ RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. Matamoras was immediately occupied without opposition by the army under General Taylor, and Commodore Conner pro- ceeded to distribute the vessels of his squadron to blockade the other places. The larger vessels were generally assigned to the blockade of Vera Cruz, and of this number was our ship. The squadron was largely increased, and among the vessels that joined it at one time or another were the sloops-of-war Germantovm, Albany, Saratoga and Decatur; the steamers Spitfire, Vixen, Alleghany, Scorpion and Scourge; the brig Truxtun; gunboats Reefer, Bonita and Petrel, and (just be- fore the bombardment of Vera Cruz) the Ohio 74, and bomb vessels Vesuvius, Heela and Stromboli. There were more small steamers and gunboats, but I cannot recall them. Upon our arrival off Vera Cruz we anchored under Green island where we had spent so many weary hours the summer before. Our anchorage was about 3} miles from the castle of San Juan ; out of gun-shot in those days, but not by any means so in these days of rifled 100-pounder guns. The larger vessels remained generally at anchor, but the smaller ones were kept underweigh on the lookout for vessels approaching the harbor. Occasionally a vessel would arrive from Europe and anchor under Green island. I do not know what we would have done for mess-stores had it not been for. these vessels. I think ninety days grace was allowed vessels from foreign ports to give them time to hear of the blockade of the coast ; after that time they were made prizes if caught attempting to go in or out of port. Most of the vessels arriving were from German ports, with assorted cargoes, and their captains would break bulk and sell to our messes such stores as we were in want of. We always kept a prize master in them, and the midshipmen were glad to be detailed for this service as it insured plenty to eat and drink. Our mess was a poor one — we were always hard up for something to eat and for money to purchase it. I don't know how it was ; we had the best set of fellows in the world in the steerage, lived in perfect harmony, but no one would act as caterer — we were divided up into little squads and lived from hand to mouth. PIRATES OF THE FALMOUTH. 59 I recall a piratical trick played on us here by the midship- men of the Falmouth. We had a gander belonging to the mess, brought from Norfolk, but he was in bad condition and not fit to kill— so one day while it was blowing half a gale of wind we thought we would send him ashore on the island for his health— we tied a label on his neck marked : " Potomac's steerage mess," and set him adrift. He was bravely drifting towards the shore and we were congratulating ourselves upon the success of our manoeuvre, when as he passed the Falmouth the midshipmen espied him and sent a boat to pick him up. "We thought it was blowing too hard to lower a boat ; but that was the last we ever saw of our gander — they literally " cooked our goose for us." Officers from all the ships assembled every afternoon on Green island for exercise and bathing — there, too, we used to exchange ideas. One of the finest fellows in the service I often met on Green island. I allude to Passed Midshipman Hynson, of Maryland. He was drowned in the brig Somers when she capsized and sunk off Vera Cruz in the fall of this year. At the time of her sinking Hynson had both of his arms ban- daged and in a sling, and was almost helpless. It was said that when the brig sunk he managed to get hold of a spar with another man, and finding it would not support two he deliberately let go his hold. It was like him. The way he happened to have his arms in a sling was this : While the Somers was maintaining the blockade of Vera Cruz a vessel managed to slip in — I think she was a Spanish schooner. The Mexicans moored her to the walls of the castle of San Juan for safety ; but the officers of the Somers resolved to cut her out or burn her. Hynson was the. leading spirit in the affair, though Lieutenant James Parker, of Pennsylvania, was the senior officer. They took a boat one afternoon and pulled in to visit the officers of an English man-of-war lying under Sacrificios island. It was quite usual to do this. After night- fiill they left the British ship and pulled directly for the 60 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. schooner, which they boarded and carried. This, be it ob- served, was directly under the guns of the castle and the muskets of its garrison. The crew was secured, and finding the wind would not^erve to take the vessel out it was resolved to burn her. Her captain made some resistance, and the sentinel on the walls called out to know what was the matter. Parker, who spoke Spanish remarkably well, replied that his men were drunk and he was putting them in irons. The party then set fire to the vessel and got 6afely away with their prisoners. It was in setting fire to the schooner that Hynson got so badly burned. A short time after this Passed Midshipman Rogers of the Somen, accompanied by Assistant Surgeon Wright, landed in the night on the beach to the southward of Vera Cruz, their object being to blow up a magazine outside the city-wall. A Mexican patrol coming up Mr. Rogers was made prisoner, but Dr. Wright escaped to the boat and got back to the brig. The Mexican authorities threatened to hang Rogers as a spy ; but he wore his uniform at the time of his capture and they could not do so without violating the rules of war. Rogers was held a prisoner until the capture of Puebla by Scott's army in 1847 ; he then joined the Army and went into the city of Mexico with the captors. He resigned after the war, studied law and removed to San Francisco, where I believe he still lives. Although it did not happen until late in this year, I will mention here the particulars in relation to the loss of the Somers. She was lying at anchor under Green island when a vessel was observed close to the main land, evidently with the intention of running the blockade. Captain R. Semmes, who commanded the Somers, got her underweigh and stood out under topsails and foresail to intercept her. The brig was nearly out of provisions and water, and flying light ; so that it made her what sailors call crank A heavy squall from the northward struck her as she was about the middle of the channel, and she went over before her sheets could be let go. UNLUCKY VESSELS. 61 She carried down with her Passed Midshipmen Clemson and -, Hynson and nineteen men. The survivors were saved hy boats from the English and French men-of-war lying at Sac- rificios island. It was said at the time that if the tanks of the Somen had been filled up with salt water she would not have capsized. The brig was named for Captain Richard Somers,. who lost his life off Tripoli in 1804. He was in command of the ketch Intrepid, a fire-vessel loaded with bombs and combustibles, and his object was to destroy the Tripolitan gunboats in the harbor and perhaps the batteries. He intended to set fire to the ketch and to escape with his men in a small boat. The Intrepid blew up shortly after she entered the harbor, and all hands were lost in her. There was not a man left to tell the tale. Some of Somers' shipmates believed he blew her up to avoid capture. He was unlucky, and the brig was unlucky ; and whatever may be said about the superstitions of sailors there does appear to be " something in a name" — why, look at the name "America," so popular with ship owners ; I know myself of the loss of the steamers Central America, North America, South America, and two named "America." I was not at all surprised at reading of the loss of the English sloop-of-war Phoenix the other day. If any man has a doubt in reference to unlucky names let him take up a list of shipwrecks in the British navy and count up the " Phoenixes," " Pandoras," " Martins" and " Magnets." I do not hesitate to say that if I were a marine-insurance man I would charge a premium on vessels named after unlucky ones. Bismillah ! on my head be it. After lying at Green island for some months it became necessary to fill up our water tanks, and the commodore de- cided to do this at the river Antigua, a small stream not many miles to the northward of Vera Cruz. I shall always remem- ber fids river as it is the place where I first heard a hostile shot. We got underweigh with a number of other vessels, and passing just out of gun-shot of the castle, anchored off the mouth of the river about sunset of the same day. Our launch 62 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. with the water casks was to go up the river the next morning in charge of passed midshipman Moore and midshipman Hunter, and I got permission to go in her as a volunteer. In the morning at daybreak we started off, and in company with the boats of the other ships proceeded up the river. The bar was rough, and in crossing it we shipped several seas which wet the muskets packed away in the stern sheets. The ex- pedition was composed of the launches with the water casks, and a number of cutters with armed men and marines to pro- tect them. It was commanded by Captain Engle of the Princeton, an enterprising and dashing officer. We anchored in the river and filled up our water casks ; and I recall now the extreme beauty of the scene ; it was a very narrow river, the shores were covered with tropical ver- dure, and through the groves of palm trees we could catch glimpses of thatched huts — we could hear the birds singing in the trees on the banks, and all bore the appearance of peace and quiet. We had been so long cooped up on board ship that I know I, for one, was wishing I could get on shore. The banks of the river were high, and away off in the dis- tance was seen a solitary mounted vedette, the pennon of his lance gaily fluttering in the light morning air— he did not change his position while we were in the river and his appear- ance made the scene still more picturesque. He was the one thing wanted to give life to the landscape. The boats having filled up their water-casks, we returned to our ships to discharge and get our breakfasts. We then re- turned to the river for another load. Captain Engle did not go the second time, and Lieutenant Boggs was the senior officer. We crossed the bar safely, shipped a few seas as before, and anchored in the river. This time it was thought necessary to take more precautions and two marines were landed from one of the cutters to act as sentinels. They commenced the ascent of a small hill where they could command a better view, and had just reached the top of it when a volley was fired by the Mexicans lying in ambush. Having nothing to do with A DRAMATIC SCENE. 63 the boat I was sitting on the rail watching these marines and wishing I was with them when the firing commenced. To me the scene instantaneously changed to a drama, and I fancied myself in a theatre. I enjoyed it very much. I saw the marines retreat down the hill; I saw one of them turn round when half way down and discharge his musket ; I saw his hat fly away with a bullet through it ; and then I saw both marines run madly into the water and the " play" concluded. Not to put too fine a point upon it, it became now a regular sauve qui peut. There being no understanding as to what we were to do the boats commenced to go down the river and did not stand upon the order of their going. I saw the light boats come flying down the river and pass the marines who were standing up to their necks in the water and begging to be taken in. It began, to look as though they would be left to their fate — (which would have been to our everlasting disgrace), and I was imploring Mr. Moore to pull to them when the last boat sheered in and picked them up. In the meantime the men in our boat did not re- main idle spectators of the scene — not by any means ! They were trying to weigh the anchor and be off with the rest ; but being unable to do so I'm afraid they cut the cable — (we kept dark about this though, and it was not known in the squadron ; other- wise like Mrs. Gradgrind, " we should never have heard the last of it.") As soon as we commenced to retreat the Mexicans, who had never ceased their fire, showed themselves on the banks and followed us down towards the mouth of the river. One of our men received a ball in his shoulder about this time which brought me to a better appreciation of the state of affairs and convinced me that it was not a " play ;" so Hunter and I commenced with the muskets in the stern sheets to see if we could not bring down a Mexican. The muskets being wet would not explode and after trying five or six I got careless in holding them, and. the seventh happening to go off I was knocked heels "over head in the bottom of the boat. The Mexicans reported afterwards that they had killed an officer, and I think they must have seen me fall. Our boat being a 64 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. very slow one we had the honor of bringing up the rear, and we were, I need not say without any effort on our part, the last under fire. The first boat out was the Cumberland's first cutter, as she was anchored nearest the mouth of the river ; but for a long time after, the officer who commanded her had a good deal to bear — nothing could be said about boating or racing that some devil of a reefer did not slyly say : " Well, I'll tell you what, the Cumberland's first cutter is a fast boat." Now it seems that this .whole performance was witnessed from the ships, and the midshipmen by going aloft into the tops could see us all very well. As the current was running out the river, the boats appeared to leave the scene of action with remarkable speed — much to the disgust of our brave boys, who did not comprehend the state of affairs — so when we got back to the ship they were prepared for us. To tell the truth I felt something of a hero. I had been in a battle and I had fired off a musket, (I really believe it was the first I had ever fired, and I was not a little proud of it), so when I went down to the steerage it was with a proud and lofty air. I was received with shouts of derision ; remarks were made of boats rowing twenty miles an hour, etc., etc,, until I was glad to edge in a word and say meekly, that " I was only a volunteer." The upshot of this expedition was that in the afternoon the Princeton anchored nearer the shore and shelled the woods ; a force was landed which drove the Mexicans back, and the boats finished filling up their casks. They may have made one or two trips afterwards, but I do not think we got all the water we wanted for the squadron. The fact is the enemy had us at so great a disadvantage that they should have killed or wounded half of us when they first fired. Sailors in boats cannot row and fire at the same time ; and even the marines fire at a great disadvantage. It seems the force attacking us had been sent from Vera Cruz, and the Mexicans claimed a great victory. The Vera Cruz papers were full of it, and THE G UNBOA T REEFER. 65 stated that we had lost many men ; but I think we had but one man wounded. It was while we were lying off the Antigua river that the first of the gunboats arrived. It was the Reefer, Lieutenant Commanding Sterrett. She was a very small schooner, mount- ing one gun. I went alongside her once in our barge, which was nearly as long, and not knowing any better stepped over her port quarter. The first lieutenant immediately in- formed me in no very gentle tone that " there was a gangway to that vessel ! " Oh ! there was a good deal of style kept up in these schooners, if they were little ; they were gotten under- weigh with the longest of speaking-trumpets and the hoarsest of voices ; and I once saw one of them crossing the stern of the line of-battle-ship Ohio, and carefully throwing the lead. They drew about six feet of water ! These gunboats did good service in Mexico, and took part in all the engagements. In port they looked very cosy and comfortable — at least in good weather — but at sea they were mostly under water ; still I do not remember that one of them was lost during the war. The first important expedition undertaken by us was for the capture of Alvarado, a town near the mouth of the Alva- rado river, which is thirty-three miles S. E. of Vera Cruz. We went there with the squadron and anchored off the mouth of the river, outside the bar, which has only eight or ten feet of water on it. We were within long range of the batteries ; at least I suppose we were within range, as we went to quar- ters and cast loose the guns. The gunboats anchored much closer in. We saw the Mexicans manning their batteries, and there were a number of small armed vessels lying in the river ; among them a fine brig, which should have been cut out that night and added to our squadron. We did not open fire from the ships, but during the afternoon and night the gunboats were engaged with the enemy, both with their heavy guns and small arms. A boat expedition was organiztd to go in the next day, and there was not much sleeping in the wardroom and steerage that night. The lieutenants selected 60 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICES. for the boat-work were writing letters home, and probably making their wills. The midshipmen were sharpening their swords, loading their pistols, eating hard tack and salt junk, and boasting of what they intended to do the next day. There was no drinking in our steerage, but there was noise enough to scare all the Mexicans in Alvarado if they could have heard it. Those appointed to go in the boats were the operators and loud talkers, while we unfortunates who were to remain on board confined ourselves to criticising the com- modore and growling generally. The morning broke cloudy and gloomy, but there was nothing particularly threatening in the look of the weather. About 9 o'clock a general signal was thrown out by the flag-ship, and words cannot express our astonishment at reading : " Return to the anchorage off Vera Cruz." It was said that the pilots predicted a " Norther," but I believe that Commodore Conner's strongest adherents were shaken in their faith after this fiasco. We returned as or- dered, and in beating up the coast that day we were in com- pany with the British frigate Endymion. The Endymion was one of a squadron of four frigates that captured the U. S. frigate President, Commodore Stephen Decatur, in 1814. On that occasion the Endymion was badly crippled by the Presi- dent, and would have been captured had she been alone. The late Commodore Hollins was a midshipman on board the President at the time, and I remember his giving me a full account of the chase and capture in 1876. After a lapse of sixty-two years the commodore related all the circumstances with as much minuteness as though it had happened but a month before. The Endymion had accompanied the squadron to Alvarado to see the fun ; and she saw it ! and as if this was not mortifi- cation enough for one day, she beat us sailing. Whether it was that our captain was laboring under a fit of disgust or not, he would not make any effort to prevent it. Our yards and sails were not properly trimmed and set, and no attempt THE BRITISH FRIGATE " ENDYMION." 67 was made to trim ship — for the Potomac sailed very well when by the head. Midshipman Hodge of the Cumberland " took the rise " out of the Britishers, though, a few days afterwards. He was sent to the Endymion with a dispatch, and upon leaving one of her midshipmen accompanied him to the gangway, and could not resist the temptation to say : " This is the ship that took the President, you know ! " " Ah ! " said Hodge, casting his eye aloft, " I see you have put extensive repairs on her since that day." The best of it was that Hodge, being just " caught," did not know one rope from another. As I have said, this feeble attempt upon Alvarado satisfied the officers that Conner was "not the man for Galway;" and I can attest that while he commanded the squadron any- thing like enterprise or adventure was discouraged. The affair of burning the schooner under the walls of the castle was disapproved ; if a boat at night, out looking for vessels trying to run the blockade, took an opportunity to reconnoitre the castle and defences of the town, it was disapproved-; — everything of the kind, in short, was frowned upon. We should at one time or another have cut out every gunboat at Alvarado and every other place. We had the officers and the men to do it, and all we wanted was the word. Our fiasco at Alvarado was highly ridiculed by American papers and was a sore spot in our memories. 68 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. CHAPTER VII. CAPTUBE OF TAMPICO — SLIPPING OFF TAMPICO IN A. " NOBTHEB " — THE U. S. BMP "HORNET" — VESSELS OF THE U. S. NAVY LOST BETWEEN 1841-61 — PENSACOLA — YELLOW FEVEB — SECOND ATTEMPT ON ALVA- BADO — ADMIBAL JOSHUA SANDS — ATTACK ON TOBASCO — DEATH OF LIEUTENANT CHARLES MOEBIS — CAPTAIN FBENCH FORREST — INCIDENTS OF THE BLOCKADE OF VERA CRUZ— ANTON LIZABDO— NABBOW ESCAPE OF THE "CUMBERLAND'' — LOSS OF THE U. S. BRIG "TRUXTUN" — A MAN HANGED AT THE TARD-ARM OF THE U. S. SHIP " ST. MARTS " — VISIT PENSACOLA AND RETURN TO VEBA CBUZ. Shortly after this attempt on Alvarado the squadron sailed to attack Tampico, a town of about 7,000 inhabitants, on the Tampico river 210 miles north of Vera Cruz, and next to that city the largest and most important place on the coast. It ■was said that the wife of the American consul, who re- mained in the city, had long been in communication with Commodore Conner, and finally wrote him that the city would yield, without resistance, to the appearance of force. This must have been so ; for we went there, and sending in the light steamers and gunboats, the town surrendered to us without a fight. I did not accompany the detail from our ship up to the city, and do not recall any incidents of interest in relation to the expedition. The bar off the mouth of the Tampico river is considered the most dangerous on the coast, and many lives have been lost on it. Sharks are numerous in the vicinity, as though they knew of the dangers of the place and the probabilities of prey. We anchored off the bar in the Potomac, and re- mained for some time after the place fell. Tampico was immediately occupied by the Array, and the Army may have SLIPPING OFF TAMPICO IN A "NORTHER." 69 co-operated with us in its capture ; but I cannot say positively. I only know that there were troops there immediately after its capture, if not before. It was the " Norther " season while we were, there, and as vessels never attempt to ride these heavy gales out at an- chor in the open roadstead, we had our topsails reefed before furling, and a slip-rope and buoy on the chain. These " Northers " spring up suddenly and blow with great violence along this coast from Galveston, Texas, to Alva- rado ; below Alvarado they do not, I think, blow Some, as sailors call it. One very beautiful evening we were all on deck watching the sunset and listening to the music of our band, when we saw a small steamer with troops (sick men I presume) coming out over the bar. She was a river-boat, and not intended for the ocean ; but the exigencies of the times pressed into service many such " rattletraps " for the transportation of troops and stores. I did not wonder at hearing soldiers say they did not like " going to sea" when I saw the kind of vessels the quar- termasters chartered to transport them from place to place during this war. Delightful as the sea is, especially off Cape Horn, in winter, a hard gale, with the hatches battened down and the water knee-deep in the steerage ; or on the coast of Africa in a dead calm, thermometer at ninety degrees, and hatchways covered during a hard rain, — still, packed like herrings in an unseaworthy craft resembling what sailors call the ship " Doodledeaddidee, (I am not sure about the spelling of this tall word) with three decks and no bottom," is quite another thing. But "this," as Mr. Toots says, "is a digres- sion." The steamer crossed the bar safely and stood to the north- ward, bound to New Orleans. I do not know why, but we all watched this little vessel until she disappeared in the gloom of the night. I had no watch that night, and not feeling sleepy — which was an abnormal state for a reefer to be in — I passed the first watch with Hunter (familiarly known as 70 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA YAL OFFICER. " Nag." ) About eleven o'clock a light breeze sprang up from the northward and Hunter was directed to inform the captain, who immediately came on deck and ordered all hands called. It seemed to me that the wind increased to a gale like magic. As we had close-reefed the topsails we had only to sheet them home and slip the chain to be underweigh. The John Adams and the British brig Daring were in com- pany, and it was a grand sight to see them rearing and pitching in the heavy sea that was soon raised. I do not remember ever to have known it to blow harder than it did on this occa- sion. As soon as we got well clear of the land we furled the fore and mizen topsails and hove to under a close-reefed main topsail and fore storm staysail, with the ship's head offshore. We lost sight of our consorts and did not see them again until we returned to our anchorage off Tampico. It was under precisely similar circumstances that the U. S. sloop-of-war Hornet, Captain Norris, slipped from her an- chorage here in September, 1829, and she has never been heard of since — foundered with all hands on board ! She had previously touched at Havana, and while firing a signal gun her first lieutenant, the late Commodore Young, was so much injured by the recoil of a gun as to require the amputation of both of his legs. He was sent home from Havana and lived for more than forty years after the loss of his ship. During my twenty years' service in the U. S. Navy the following vessels were lost at sea, and never afterwards heard of: Schooner Grampus, Lieutenant Commanding Albert Downes, on our coast, in 1841 ; brig Porpoise, Lieutenant Com- manding Bridge, off the island of Formosa, in 1853 or 4; sloop-of-war Albany, Commander Gerry, in the West Indies, in 1855; and the sloop-of-war Levant, Commander William Hunt, near the Sandwich Islands, about 1860. Nothing has ever been heard of any of these vessels. Upon our return to Tampico we heard that the little steamer I have mentioned put back as soon as she encountered the gale, and in attempting to cross the bar was lost with all hands SECOND A TTEMPT ON ALTAR ABO. 71 on board. No wonder we watched her with so much interest the evening she sailed : " "Tis the sunset of life gives me mystical lore, And coming events cast their shadows before," sings Campbell. We had many of these " Northers " during the cruise, and I remember I rather liked them. Our hammocks were not piped up during their continuance, and we midshipmen had fine times below, sleeping as late as we pleased and skylarking. One of our amusements was to turn the mess-table bottom up, get on it, and slide to and fro as the ship rolled. Much we cared for gales of wind in those days ! From Tampico the Potomac went to Pensacola for provisions and water, and we arrived there in July, 1846. The yellow fever prevailed in the town and navy yard at the time ; but we had only two cases on board, of which I was one, as I have pre- viously stated. We remained here only a few weeks and were busily engaged in provisioning the ship during that time. Midshipmen Monroe, Carmichael, Somerville, Powell and Murdaugh left us here to report at the Naval Academy, Annapolis, for examination ; so McLane, Pembroke Jones, Nag Hunter and I were left to " battle the watch '' alone. Upon our return to the squadron at Vera Cruz we heard of the loss of the brig Somen, an account of which I have already given. We heard, too, that in our absence a second attempt had been made upon Alvarado. On this occasion the commodore had a larger force than upon the first. The force was divided into two divisions, each consisting of small steamers having in tow gunboats and cutters ; and the intention was to make a dash across the bar and storm the place with the men in the boats. Commodore Conner was on board the steamer Vixen, Cap- tain Joshua Sands ; his division had crossed the bar, and was nearly under fire when he saw that the second division, under Captain French Forrest, had grounded. " Well, Sands, what is to be done now?" said the commodore. "Go ahead and 72 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. fight like h-11," answered Sands. Unfortunately the commo- dore did not take his advice, hut turned back, when if he had gone a cable's length farther the Mexicans would have sur- rendered. So ended the second attempt on Alvarado, and the papers sent up a howl of derision over its failure. Captain Joshua Sands commanded the steamer Vixen throughout the war. The Vixen was a sister ship to the Spit- fire, Captain Tatnall, and was in all the engagements with her. Sands' name was not so frequently heard, perhaps, as Tatnall's, but he proved himself a gallant officer on all occa- sions. He is' now an admiral on the retired list, and the oldest officer in the navy. When he was a lieutenant returning from a long cruise in the Pacific in the Franklin 74, bearing the flag of Commodore Charles Stewart, while she was lying to in a gale of wind off Cape Horn, under a close-reefed main topsail, a man fell overboard. Sands was under " suspension from duty " at the time and not allowed to go on the quarter-deck, but as the lee-quarter boat was being lowered to save the man, he sprang into it through one of the main-deck ports. The boat was lowered and got away from the ship's side when they found there were in it but Sands, the sailing master E. Peck, and two men. Peck who had been a foremast hand was a fine practical seaman, and getting an oar out aft he managed to keep the boat'sliead to the sea until the ship picked them up, which singularly enough under the circumstances, she managed to do. I forget whether the man was saved or not. Upon the return of the party on board Commodore Stewart put Sands under arrest for " leaving the ship without permission ! " This anecdote was told me by Admiral Sands himself only a few years ago ; he said Peck saved his life. A short time after the Alvarado affair an expedition was fitted out to make an attack on Tobasco, a town on the Tobasco river, seventy-five miles above its mouth. Tobasco contained about 5,000 inhabitants, and the troops of the state were as- sembled there under the command of General Bravo, a bold ATTACK ON TOBASCO. 73 and enterprising officer. I believe General Bravo had sent several messages to Commodore Conner inviting him to make an attack on Tobasco, and we knew pretty well that there would be an obstinate defence on his part. Indeed the To- bascans prided themselves on their courage and they were anxious to emulate their brethren of Alvarado. There is no doubt but that the native Indian of this part of Mexico is physically brave. The river Tobasco was first visited by the Spaniards, under Grijalva in 1518. Cortez stopped here in 1519, and had a desperate encounter with the inhabitants. Bernal Diaz says that after his fight they dressed the wounds of the men and horses with the fat of Indians ! I think the town called at that time Tobasco is the present Frontera, for Bernal Diaz says : " Our troops proceeded to the shore and disembarked at the Point of Palmare, which was distant from the town of Tobasco about half a league." Cortez changed its name to Santa Maria de la Vittoria. Our expedition was commanded by Commodore M. C. Perry, who had lately joined as second in command and who had his flag on the good old steamship Mississippi, a ship that did more hard work in her time than any steamer in the Navy has done since — and she was built as far back as 1841. Commodore Perry's command, consisting of small steamers, gunboats and cutters arrived off" the Tobasco river one after- noon, and dashing across the bar captured the town of Frontera, near its mouth, almost before the Mexicans knew they were there. Two river boats plying between Frontera and Tobasco were lying at the wharf ; one of them with steam up and the supper table spread. The town and vessels were taken possession of without opposition, and the supper was enjoyed by the captors. In one of these steamboats I recognised the old steamer Cham- pion, a boat that once ran between Richmond and Norfolk. She was very fast, and under the command of Lieutenant Lockwood, was very useful to the squadron afterwards as a dispatch boat. The commodore went up the river to Tobasco 4 74 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. with his little fleet and captured a large number of small ves- sels lying off the town. The authorities, however, would not capitulate, and at the prayer of the foreign consuls the com- modore forbore to bombard the place. The soldiers had evac- uated it, and the commodore spared the town from motives of humanity, though I do not think the Mexicans appreciated it. While our men were taking possession of the various prizes the Mexicans kept up a fire from the banks by which Lieutenant Charles Morris, a son of the distinguished Commodore Charles G. Morris, lost his life. He was standing up in his boat when a musket ball pierced his heart. He was a very fine officer, and his death was much deplored by us all. Commodore Perry finding the Mexican military had fallen back a short distance only from the town determined now to land a force and fight the enemy wherever he could find him. The landing party of marines and sailors was under the com- mand of Captain French Forrest, a man who literally did not know the meaning of the word fear. He had a programme written out and after getting on shore was very particular in seeing that every officer and man took his position in accord- ance with this programme. This it took some time to do, and as the party was under a dropping fire of musketry the men became very impatient to advance, but Forrest would have his own way: all of a sudden he called out impatiently: " Where is that base drummer, where is that base drummer ?" then pausing a moment he said quietly : " Oh ! I forgot, he broke his drum-head this morning and couldn't come." Before Captain Forrest had everything arranged to his satisfaction the commodore concluded it would be better not to send the men out from the c6ver of the guns of his squadron. He thought the game was not worth the candle, and it assuredly was not. The landing party was recalled and the commodore proceeded down the river with his prizes. As the town of To- basco was not occupied by us the inhabitants affected to con- sider this a victory for their side, and became correspondingly " cheeky ;" but we took the conceit out of them a few months INCIDENTS OF THE BLOCKADE OF VERA CRUZ. 75 after as I shall relate. This expedition to Tobasco took place while the Potomac was temporarily absent from the squadron. We were all very sorry not to have had a hand in it and to have been on what was known as Forrest's program-me. When we got back to the squadron we resumed the blockade of Vera Cruz, sometimes remaining some days under sail, and then again anchoring under Green island. While the vessels were at anchor they sent their boats out at night to cruise in the channel between Green island and the main. The service was arduous and dangerous. While out on this duty the launch of the Mississippi in charge of Midshipmen Pillsbury and Bridge capsized one night and Midshipman Pillsbury and some men were drowned. The survivors clung to the boat all night and were picked up the next morning in a pitiable condition. Bridge was afterwards drowned in the U. S. brig Porpoise off the island of Formosa. He was in command of her at the time. The Porpoise separated from the sloop-of-war Viiicennes in a typhoon and has never been heard of since. This was in 1853-54. ^ Our boats caught a brig one night attempting to run the blockade, and brought her to us at Green island. We found several military-looking men among her passengers, and Cap- tain Aulick sent for them to come on board the Potomac. They had a long interview with him in the cabin and finally ' were allowed to return to the brig, and it was understood by us that the brig was to be permitted to return to Havana, which was the port she had sailed from. She got underweigh that afternoon with the sea breeze, stood to the northward a short distance, and then putting her helm up, she squared away for Vera Cruz under all sail, and got safely in under the castle. We sent boats to chase her, and pretended to fire on her ; but it was evidently a " put-up job." There was some shenanigan about it, but our captain never referred to it again. No doubt he had secret instructions. It is well known that we permitted General Santa Anna to return to the country (from which he had been banished in 76 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. 1845) during the war. He landed at Vera Cruz with his staff in an English mail steamer ; our hoarding officer per- mitted him to land by order of the commodore. This was a wonderful stroke of policy on the part of our Government. It was thought that Santa Anna would immmediately bring about a peace with us. He commenced bis operations in that way at Buena Vista, and followed them up at Cerro Gordo, Contreras and Chapultepec I It was some time in the summer of 1846 that Commodore Conner determined to make the anchorage at Anton Lizardo the general rendezvous for his fleet, which now began to assume large proportions. Anton Lizardo is twelve miles S. E. of Vera Cruz. The harbor is an excellent one, and is formed by the coral islands lying off the point, and which make a lee from the " northers." There are passages between the islands to the northwest and southeast, and as well as I can recollect, the anchorage is perfectly safe in all winds. It is a pity Vera Cruz had not been located there. The frigates Cumberland, Potomac and Raritan, with some sloops-of-war and numerous small craft started in company for this place one day, leaving the Mississippi and Borne other vessels on the blockade off Vera Cruz. Our station was im- mediately astern of the flag-ship Cumberland, and it soon became evident to Captain Aulick that we were not steering for the proper passage between the coral islands. He hauled his wind somewhat which brought him on the port quarter of the flag-ship. The commodore was warned by his pilot and others that he was attempting the wrong passage, but he was obstinate and held on until he brought up on the reef hard and fast aground. It is a wonder his masts did not go over the bows, but they held. When it was seen that the Cumber- land had struck an amusing scene occurred. It reminded me of a large boy getting into trouble and being deserted by his friends. The vessels scattered in every direction. Our cap- tain hauled on a wind and stood away to the northward as though he intended making for Pensacola, and even the little LOSS OF, THE U. S. BE TO " TBUXTUN." 77 gunboats, which only drew six feet, steered for the open sea. The effect upon the commodore was to make him furious. He immediately made general signal to "anchor near the flag- ship;" but it took a verbal order, communicated by the flag-lieutenant, to bring the Potomac down within hail of the flag-ship. As it was we found a sunken rock not very far astern of us. Signal was at once made to the Mississippi, and about ten o'clock she came to the commodore's assistance. The night was employed in taking out the Cumberland's stores to lighten her — fortunately the weather remained good. The first thing Captain Aulick did the next morning was to take a boat and sound round his ship. I accompanied him, and it being very rough and before breakfast, I was seasick for the first and only time in my life. The Mississippi now got her stream cable fast to the Cum- berland, and during the morning she got her afloat; and if the Mississippi had not been at hand, I do not think the Cumberland would have been gotten off. That afternoon the squadron anchored at Anton Lizardo, which ever afterwards was our headquarters. The Cumberland was so much damaged that it was found necessary to send her home to be docked, and as the Raritan had been a long time in commission and the times of her men were out, it was decided to exchange -the officers and crews of the two vessels. This was accordingly done, and the Cumberland sailed for Boston under Captain Gregory, and the Raritan, Captain Forrest, became the flag- ship. Upon reflection I think that this occurred in the summer of 1846, not very long after the return of the vessels from Point Isabel, and I think the capture of Tampico must have been in the fall of that year, after the visit of the Potomac to Pensacola, and not before as I have stated. In fact the " northers " only blow in the fall and winter. We were lying at Anton Lizardo when we heard of the loss of the U. S. brig Truxtun, Captain Carpenter. The news was brought by Lieutenant Bushrod Hunter. The Truxtun was 78 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. blockading the port of Tuspan, some 120 miles northwest of Vera Cruz, and got ashore near enough to the land to he under, the fire of some small guns which the Mexicans brought down to the shore. The captain sent a boat under Lieutenant Bush- rod Hunter to report the disaster to the commodore, and soon after determined to surrender. This was, I believe, opposed by his officers and crew. It was said afterwards that the quar- termaster on duty positively refused to obey the order to haul down the flag. Either before this was done or immediately after Lieutenant Otway Berryman left with a boat's crew and got safely to the ships blockading Vera Cruz. The remaining officers and men were made prisoners by the enemy and sent to Vera Cruz, and the brig taken possession of. As soon as we got the news Captain Engle with the Princeton was sent there and he made short work of it. He drove the Mexicans out of the brig and burned her ; not, however, before they had gotten some of her armament and stores on shore. The guns of the Truxtun were mounted by the enemy in the forts built to protect Tuspan ; but we recovered them eventually as I shall mention. Early in the winter of 1847 the Potomac went to Pensacola again for provisions and water. During our absence from the fleet a man was hanged on board the St. Mary's for striking an officer — he stepped from his gun at evening quarters and knocked down the lieutenant commanding the division. He was tried by a court martial and sentenced to be hanged. The commodore thought the discipline of the squadron re- quired that the sentence should be carried into effect, and he was right. When this man was hanged at the yard-arm of the St. Mary's the crews of all the other vessels were mustered on the decks of their respective ships to witness it. He acknowledged the justness of his sentence, and was, at his own request, attended in his last moments by the very lieutenant he had assaulted. As soon as we got back from Pensacola in the Potomac we took up the blockade of Vera Cruz again as usual. TEE FORTIFICATIONS OF VERA CRUZ. 79 CHAPTER VHI. THE FORTIFICATIONS OF VERA CEOZ— WHAT ADMIRAL FAREAGUT THOUGHT OF THEM — CAMPAIGN OF GENERAL TAYLOR — LOBOS ISLAND — ARRIVAL AT VERA CRUZ OF GENERAL SCOTT'S ARMY — A RECOSNOISSANCE LAND- ING OF THE ARMY OF GENERAL SCOTT AT VERA CRUZ, MARCH 9lH, 1847 — REMARKS ON — INVESTMENT OF THE CITY — SERVICES OF THE NAVY — OPENING OF THE BOMBARDMENT — A HEAVY NORTHER — IN- CIDENTS CONNECTED WITH — SAILORS ON SHORE — AFFAIR AT MEDELLIN. The city of Vera Cruz contained at this time probably ten thousand inhabitants. Like all the old Spanish towns it is a walled city, and defended by numerous fortifications to re- sist an attack either by land or sea. There was a strong fort on the northern point of the city, and another on the southern point, with guns principally pointed seaward, and a number more along the walls for the land defence. About half a mile off the city lies the castle of San Juan de TJlloa, a well con- structed fortification, built on a coral island of soft coral stone. The island is surrounded by reefe on the north-eastern, eastern and southern sides, and cannot be approached nearer than three-fourths of a mile ; but on the face next the city vessels can go close up to the walls of the castle. The castle mounted it was said about one hundred guns of all calibres. There were a few mortars throwing a ten-inch shell, but the guns were, I think, principally 18 pounders. The water battery was considered very powerful — between it and the citadel or main fort was a wide and deep moat with a drawbridge. If the water battery was carried by assault the citadel commanded it. This is in accordance with my recollection of the castle as it looked to me after its surrender. The castle of San Juan de Ulloa wss taken by a French squadron under Admiral Baudin, 80 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. on the 27th of November, 1838, after a bombardment of five hours. The late Admiral Farragut witnessed it, being present in command of the sloop-of-war Erie. He took notes of all that occurred, and visited the castle a few minutes after its surren- der. He says in his journal : " I visited the castle to ascertain the cause of its early surrender, and a single glance satisfied me that it would have been impracticable for the Mexicans to stand to their guns. The very material which formerly in- sured their safety was now a means of destruction, for the castle is built of a sort of limestone resembling coral, into which a solid shot will penetrate a short distance and remain buried, having little or no effect ; but with shell it was another matter, they would explode and rend the stone in immense masses killing and wounding the men at the guns, in many instances shattering the walls from summit to foundation. I am satisfied that in a few hours more it would have been a mass of rubbish." " The Cavaliero Alto was very much shattered, and a few more shells would have reached the magazine. The guns were rendered useless, with scarce an exception, by the destruc- tion of the carriages." The admiral does not state the exact force of the French ; I think it consisted of three frigates, some corvettes, bomb vessels and steamers ; but any French naval history will tell. The officers of our squadron were very de- sirous of taking the castle before the arrival of General Scott's army, and some presented plans for doing so. The commo- dore must have had a correct plan of it, and he must also have known of the disposition of the French squadron in 1838. He, however, thought it had been greatly strengthened since that time, but subsequent events proved this untrue. Captain John Wilkinson in his book, " Narrative of a Block- ade Runner," speaking of Admiral Farragut, says that during the Mexican war : " he [Farragut] had proposed to Commo- dore Perry, then commanding the gulf squadron, and urged upon him the enterprise of capturing the strong fort of San Juan de Ulloa at Vera Cruz by boarding." The gallant cap- CAMPAIGN OF GENERAL TA YLOR. 81 tain's memory does not serve him in regard to this. Farragut ■was not in the gulf during the Mexican war until after the capture of the castle and town of Vera Cruz. He sailed in the Saratoga from Norfolk in February for Vera Cruz, and he says in his. journal: "But we were just too late; the castle had surrendered to our forces under General Scott (March 26, 1847), and the flag was proudly floating over its walls." But it is well known that admiral, then commander, Farragut was of the opinion that the castle could be taken by the force under Commodore Conner, and it would have been a most fortunate thing for the navy if Farragut and not Conner had been in command at that time. There is no doubt in my mind but that we should have had it some months before we did, and the city of Vera Cruz fell with San Juan de Ulloa : for the latter commanded it. General Taylor occupied Matamoras May 18,~1846, and on the 24th of September following captured Monterey after a desperate fight of three days. He then advanced in the di- rection of Saltillo. It was now decided by the authorities in Washington to abandon the advance on the city of Mexico hy that line, but to capture Vera Cruz, make it the base of operations, and march on the capital via Jalapa and Pu- ebla. The plan of this campaign was intrusted to General' Winfield Scott, and all the regulars were taken from General Taylor save several batteries of light artillery and a squadron of dragoons. This caused much criticism and excited much feeling among General Taylor's friends ; but the volunteers left with him had been drilled and disciplined by General Wool and gave a good account of themselves at the battle of Buena Vista— fought February 22, 1847. There General Taylor with 5000 men successfully resisted all the attempts of General Santa Anna with his army of 20,000 men to force his position, and the latter ingloriously retreated. This was the last battle fought by General Taylor's army. The transports containing the troops of General Scott's army were assembled at Lobos island, 150 miles north of Vera Cruz. Several of the vessels of 4* 82 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. the squadron were ordered there, and the senior captain took charge of affairs afloat. On the 24th of February, 1847, General Scott issued his final orders to his fleet at Lobos island, and we in the squadron now commenced to keep a bright lookout for the transports. About the end of the month the Potomac was lying under Green island in a moderate " norther," when shortly after noon the man at the mast-head reported a sail to the northward, and soon after we saw the long-expected fleet coming down before the wind. What number of vessels were there I do not know, but there were more than we could count — the little brig Porpoise, under her very efficient commander, Lieutenant William E. Hunt, gal- lantly led the way. The first thing that excited our astonish- ment was the great amount of sail carried by the transports, and the next the skilful manner in which their captains threaded their way between the reefs ! But as one of them remarked to me afterwards, " any one could see the channel in a gale of wind ; " meaning that the breakers on the reefs would show the deep water. No words can express our excitement as ship after ship, crowded with enthusiastic soldiers, successively came in ; some anchoring near us, and others continuing on for the anchorage at Anton Lizardo. We had been so long on board our ships, and for some months so inactive, that we were longing for something to do. I cannot answer for others, but the scene of that day — and I recollect it was Sunday — is so vivid, and the events so firmly fixed in my memory, that I can almost see the ship Diadem as she grazed our spanker-boom in her desire to pass near enough to speak us, and I can to this day whistle the " waltz " played by an infantry band on board a transport anchored near us that night, though I have never heard it since. It was indeed " a sight to dream of and not to tell." That night I went in charge of a boat to convey our marine officer, Lieutenant Garland, to the transport contain- ing the Fourth U. S. Infantry, which regiment was commanded by his uncle, Lieut. Colonel Garland, and I shall never forget SCOTT'S ARMY ARRIVE AT VERA CRUZ. 83 my welcome when it was known that I was a brother of the Parker who had died while belonging to the regiment in 1842. Many of the officers of this regiment were afterward killed — among them the gallant and genial Major Graham. After the landing at Vera Cruz I passed many hours at their encampment near the beach and I remember meeting a Lieutenant Grant — the present General Grant— both there and on board the Potomac ; though I suppose he has long since forgotten all about it. A few days after General Scott's arrival, Commodore Con- ner took him with a large number of the principal officers to make a reconnoissance of the fortifications of Vera Cruz, and to select a place for the disembarkation of the troops. The reconnoissance was made in a small steamer, and a bold one it was — the steamer went so close to the Castle and the northern land batteries thai; we expected to see her blown out of water. Why the Mexicans did not open fire was inexplicable to us ; but I suppose it may have been their siesta time. General Joseph E. Johnston, then Captain Johnston of the Topographical Engineers, was on board at the time and he has told me since how very rash he thought Commodore Con- ner on this occasion. The reconnoissance decided General Scott to land the army on the main land abreast of Sacrificios Island. I do not see rnyself how there could have been two opinions as to its being the proper place ; but perhaps the visit to the north side of the city was a blind. At all events all the transports were now assembled at Anton Lizardo and the final preparations made for landing the troops. Early on the morning of the 9th of March, 1847, the frigates and sloops of the fleet having taken on board as many troops as they could carry, and the steamers towing the transports with the others, we all got underweigh for Sacrificios Island, nine miles distant. It was a beautiful day and we had a fair wind, with a smooth sea. On board the Potomac we had two Pennsylvania regiments, under General Pillow, and among the privates I recognized to 84 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. my great astonishment, a Mr. Mc Dougall, who had been a midshipman with me in the Columbus. He had failed to pass his examination and had enlisted. Poor Mac, I never heard of him after this. The vessels anchored under Sacrificios Is- land about one o'clock, and we prepared to disembark the army, which consisted of about twelve thousand men, in three divisions, commanded by Generals Worth, Patterson and Twiggs respectively. The Government had previously sent out a large number of surf-boats for this service — these boats were built at or near Philadelphia, and were admirably adapted to the purpose. They were sharp at both ends, with flat floors and drew very little water. They carried one hundred soldiers with their arms and accoutrements, and were manned by one naval officer and eight or ten sailors. In landing in the surf our practice was to let go a kedge which we carried at the stern just before entering the breakers. Whatever may be said of Commodore Cotfner's management of aflairs up to this time the arrange- ments for this service were simply perfect. The division of Gen- eral Worth formed the advance and was the first landed. The men were put in the boats and the boats were then towed astern of the several men-of-war at anchor. The mosquito fleet under Captain Tattnall ran close in to the beach and kept up a con- stant shelling ; but not a Mexican was to be seen. I had in my boat a company of artillery commanded by Captain and Brevet Major Gardner and Lieutenant McCowan. Everything being in readiness a signal gun was fired from the flag ship, and we all cast off and pulled in line for the shore ; the first boat to touch the beach was one containing a company of the Sixth Infantry, and Lieutenant Edward Fitzgerald sprang out and planted the regimental colors on the shores of Mexico* In less than two minutes after four thousand American soldiers were on the beach, and the landing was a fact accomplished 1 . The boats returned to the ships and took on board and landed the division of volunteers under General Patterson ; and finally the division of General Twiggs. By midnight General Scott SCOTTS TROOPS LAND AT VERA CRUZ. 85 and his entire army were in a position to commence the in- vestment and siege of Vera Cruz. Here I must pause awhile to say something in reference to the landing of troops upon a hostile shore. If the enemy will dispute the landing boldly it cannot be successfully accom- plished. In the landing at Vera Cruz if the Mexicans had concealed themselves behind the sand hills until our boats were nearly in the surf, and had then come down and opened fire, it is my belief that half of the men would have been killed or wounded before reaching the beach. The gunboats could not have fired without endangering their friends, and the men in the boats crowded as they were would have been helpless. If there are no hills a moderately deep trench is all that is necessary for the shore party to shelter itself from the fire of gunboats. The idea is to keep under cover until the landing force gets about fifty yards from the shore and then let them have it with small arms and light artillery. Those of us who served on the James river in the civil war know how very few lives were lost by the shelling of gunboats. If the Russians had followed these tactics the allies would not have made good their landing in the Crimea, nor would the Federal troops have done so" at Roanoke island had the Confederates adopted this plan. Having landed the troops the work of landing material was now commenced. We who were engaged in it were called daily at 4 in the morning, and we worked until 9 or 10 at night. JSach midshipman had charge of four surf boats, and we got our meals when and how we could. One of the officers of the flag ship had the general supervision of this work, and we went to the different transports as he directed. The officers and men worked very zealously in this business, and at the end of a week it was marvelous to see the amount of material put on the beach : guns, ammunition, tents, lumber, provisions, clothing, horses, mules, sutlers' stores, &c, &c. The landing place commenced to assume the ap- pearance of a small town, and still the work went on. Trans- ports sailed as soon as discharged and others were constantly 86 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICES. arriving. The weather fortunately was good and the sea smooth. The quartermaster of the Army and the other heads of de- partments seemed to have everything well arranged beforehand, and were always able to tell us which of the vessels they wished next to be discharged. There were no mishaps, no accidents, no men drowned ; but everything went on with the utmost regu- larity and good order. It was a most creditable performance in every way, and the Navy had every reason to be proud of it. Without our assistance General Scott would never have advanced from Vera Cruz. The Army after landing on the 9th quickly surrounded the city, and it was besieged in due form. General Scott gave the authorities a chance to send the women and children out before opening his fire, but his offer was declined ; later in the siege they wanted to do so, but the general would not then consent ; so they remained in the city during the whole of the bombardment. The castle of San Juan and the other forts kept up a constant fire upon the besiegers from this time till the close of the siege. Some mortars were mounted by our army, and I think they commenced firing about the 20th. The army siege train was for some reason late in arriving. We heard of General Taylor's success at Buena Vista a few days after landing, and General Scott issued the news in a general order. Salutes were fired as a matter of course. Before the regular bombardment of the city commenced the Army had two officers killed, Captain Vinton of the Ar- tillery and Captain Albertis of the Infantry. Both were highly esteemed by their comrades. We had at this time the heaviest " norther " I ever experi- enced. A large number of merchant ships dragged ashore in consequence of their being so badly provided with ground tackle ; and the number of surf boats that broke adrift and went sailing down the coast was simply enormous. During the height of the gale a ship called the Diadem broke from her anchors and drifted across our hawse and it looked as if she A HEAVY " NORTHER." 87 would carry us on shore with her ; but our captain promptly- sent his men on board and cut away her masts. We then gave her the end of our stream cable which we secured to our mainmast, and veering her astern we held her safely through the remainder of the gale. The captain of the transport had the "cheek'' to claim damages for the loss of his masts, but Captain Aulick did not admit the claim. Our men, however, rigged her up with jury masts afterwards and she went to sea. No communication could be held with the shore while this gale lasted, but as soon as it subsided the Navy got most of the grounded vessels afloat, and one of the small steamers went down the coast and picked up many of the surf boats. Happening to be on shore when this gale sprung up I was unable to get off to the ship, and many others were in the same category: among them my messmates, Midshipmen McLane and Jones. I suppose there were two or three hundred officers and sailors ashore. We of the Potomac hauled our boats up on the beach, and told the crews they must " shift for themselves," which they said very confidently they could do^ and we then held a council as to what we should do for some- thing to eat and a place to sleep. We knew nothing about sutlers' stores, and if we had were not provided with money. About 8 o'clock in the evening as we were disconsolately walk- ing the beach we were accosted by a Lieutenant Ward of the Third Infantry, who said he had just heard that some naval officers were on shore unprovided with quarters, and he had come to look for them. So we went with him to his tent where we found Captain Dawson of the artillery. They had charge of some recruits and were messing together temporarily. Dawson received us very hospitably, and we had some beef- steak for supper which we were glad to get ; though in con- sequence of the " norther" blowing it had more sand in it than was agreeable. After supper a field bed was made in the tent, and we all sat or lay about very comfortably and sociably. We were treated to a small allowance of pelos cochos — two Greek words signifying neck oil— the midshipmen of my time 88 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. said — and about 11 o'clock Ward informed us that he knew where some hand grenades could be gotten, and he proposed that we should creep up under the walls of Vera Cruz and throw them over into the city ; he said it would cause a stampede, as I have no doubt it would. My messmates gladly caught at the idea ; it seemed that a march of three miles to reach the city, with a strong probability of being captured by the enemy, if we were not previously shot by our own sentinels, struck them as "just the thing." Captain Dawson, after attempting to dissuade us from the attempt, positively refused to accompany us and I must confess I had " my doubts." However I could never let my messmates go without me ; so we buckled on our swords, and after several unsuccessful attempts to get through the tent door which was tied, and our swords would act as "toggles," we emerged upon the plain. I can see Captain Dawson now rolling on the tent floor with uncontrollable laughter. To obtain the hand grenades we had fortunately to cross the encampment of the Fourth Infantry ; I say fortunately, for the night being very dark we kept stumbling over the con- founded tent pegs, and not being very steady on our feet (pro- bably in consequence of the furious "norther" blowing) we could not hold a straight course ; so that Ward, after each of us had fallen down about twenty times, proposed that we should give it up for that night and return to the tent. He said that perhaps the next night would be better as we could make an earlier start ! To this we gladly acceded, and upon getting back Jones insisted that we should take off our shoes before creeping into the tent. This we did, and the next morning they were gone, of course. Dawson said he had never heard before of putting shoes out to be blacked in an encampment We were much disgusted, but our men loaned us theirs to wear until we returned to the ship. We left our kind friends in the morning and wandered about all day; but when night came (although we declared that three were too great a tax on a mess of two) yet we had to go back as we knew of no other place to sleep, and we did this for three nights in succes- SAILORS ON SHORE. 89 sion and always received the same hearty welcome. We made no more attacks on Vera Cruz, however. Poor Ward was killed in the valley of Mexico, but Dawson still lives, a general on the retired list. Our men somehow managed to take good care of themselves — we used to go sometimes to their mess and get our dinners ; they seemed all to be provided with muskets, though they brought none on shore with them, and they always had fresh beef for dinner. We thought it best to ask no ques- tions. In the midst of this gale a report came that a vessel with a company of dragoons under Captain Thornton had dragged ashore at Anton Lizardo, and it was proposed to send all the sailors down there to assist in getting the horses on shore. The Fourth Infantry was to march on our flank to protect us against an attack, as the sailors were supposed to be unarmed. We assembled on the beach about 10 o'clock at night, and I found, to my surprise, that most of my men were mounted, either on horses or donkeys. Finding that I intended making the march on foot my coxswain said that would never do, and going back from the beach towards the general encampment he soon returned with a horse. I mounted and said nothing. We did not go down, however, after all our preparations ; though I have forgotten why we gave the ex- pedition up. I saw Captain Thornton the next day on his way to report at headquarters — my beau ideal of a dragoon. He was captured by the Mexicans while on a scout before the battle of Palo Alto with his entire command, and had not long been exchanged when he joined General Scott. He was killed by the first gun fired by the enemy in the valley of Mexico. The sailors having nothing to do wandered about, and a band of them went to Medellin (a small village some ten miles down the coast, and named for Cortez' birth place) and com- mitted some outrages. General Scottwas justly indignant and the offenders would have been severely dealt with if they had been caught. These stragglers met their punishment in some instances — every now and then we would find the dead body of a sailor terribly mutilated by the enemy. Most of the 90 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. sailors though contented themselves with quietly getting drunk and riding about the camp. The army officers, as I have said before, took no notice of their pranks. One day an old " salt" rode by General Scott's quarters on a donkey, and some officers standing by observing that he was, as they thought, seated too far back, called out to him to shift his seat more amidships. " Gentlemen," said Jack, drawing rein : " This is the first craft I ever commanded, and it's d — d hard if I cannot ride on the quarter deck." The second dragoons were sent down to Medellin about this time and had a fight with the Mexicans. One of the midship- men of the squadron, Thomas Young by name, was sent with a dispatch to the commanding officer just before the battle. He was mounted on an old cavalry charger, and not being a very good horseman was unable to manage him. When the charge was sounded the horse started off, and Midshipman Young had the honor of leading the way across the bridge just below Me- dellin. He was highly complimented by the colonel of the regiment for his gallantry, and still lives to congratulate him- self upon his narrow escape. BOMBARDMENT OF VERA CRUZ. 91 CHAPTER IX. OPENING OP THE BOMBARDMENT OF VERA CRUZ — CAPTAIN TATNALL AND THE SPITFIRE — COMMODORE M. C. PERRY ASSUMES COMMAND OF THE SQUADRON — COMMODORE CONNER'S MISTAKE — THE NAVY LANDS SIX HEAVY GUNS — THE MOSQUITO FLEET— THE KAVY BATTERY — IT OPENS FIRE ON VERA CRUZ — INCIDENTS — PASSED MIDSHIPMAN FAUNTLEROY — SURRENDER OF VERA CRUZ AND THE CASTLE OF SAN JUAN DE ULLOA — OUR ARMY TAKES POSSESSION — BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO — A VISIT TO THE CASTLE AND CITY — OUR MARINES. As well as I recollect the regular bombardment of Vera Cruz by the Army commenced March 22d, 1847. On that day General Scott formally summoned the town, and notified the authorities of the consequences of a non-surrender. I have omitted to say that the day after the landing, March 10th, we were awakened by the sound of heavy firing, and- going on deck found that it was caused by Captain Tatnall in the Spitfire. He had gone in under Point Hornos and opened a fire upon the town and castle, without orders. He was quickly recalled by the commodore, and as he left his ex- posed position was loudly cheered by the Army. He lost no men by this affair, which was much regretted by the gallant captain — he could not rid himself of the old English idea that there must be a large list of killed and wounded to certify to a brave action. The "butcher's bill" at Algiers in 1816, in Lord Exmouth's squadron, must have satisfied the English , nation in this particular. On the 21st of March, shortly after the hoisting of the colors we were electrified by the signal from the flagship: " Commodore Perry commands the squadron." I think Com- modore Perry had gone north after the Tobasco affair, and had but lately returned in the Mississippi. Commodore Con- 92 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. ner had been in bad health for some time, and willingly turned over the squadron to Commodore Perry ; but the youngest reefer in the squadron felt that he had made a mistake in yielding the command when he did. He should have waited until Vera Cruz fell, at least. The effect of this change was soon seen, and Commodore Perry's first order was to land six heavy guns (three 64- pounder shell guns and three long 32-pounders), and place them in battery to assist General Scott's siege guns. This was the most efficient co-operation we could give the army. It is generally thought that Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan were bombarded by the fleet. I have seen this stated in more than one " history," and recollect going to see a panorama in Boston shortly after the war which represented the fleet bombarding the castle while the troops were being landed on the north side of Vera Cruz. The castle was thought to be too strong to risk the vessels of the fleet against it — there were no iron-clads then — but I believe that if it had not surrendered when it did, we were to have tried the effect of an escalade. On the 22d of March the Mosquito fleet consisting of the steamers Spitfire and Vixen, and gunboats Reefer, Bonita, Petrel and two others, under Captain Tatnall, took up a position under Point Hornos, and opened on the town ; and the next morning the Spitfire and Vixen each having two gunboats in tow stood closer in and opened on the town and castle both, and received their fire in return. The vessels received no) damage and there were no men killed. This diversion was ordered by Commodore Perry, and was the only bombardment of the castle by our vessels. The Spitfire went the next day to the northward of the city to open communication with the left wing of the besieging army, which rested on the beach there. Of the six guns landed from the vessels two were taken from the Potomac with their crews. Lieutenant A. S. Baldwin and three midshipmen went in command of them. Captain Aulick THE NA VY LANDS SIX HE A VY 6 UJSTS. 93 who was appointed to command the naval battery on the first day of its firing, ordered that all the passed midshipmen and midshipmen should draw lots to determine who should go with the guns, and it fell to McLane, Jones and myself. The lieu- tenants also drew lots for the service; of course every one wanted to go. The guns were landed on the 22d, and the one I was assigned to was placed in the bottom of a surf-boat in- stead of being put on skids across the gunwale, so when we got ashore we found great difficulty in getting it out ; we finally accomplished it through the bottom of the boat ! It was then hauled up on the beach by hundreds of soldiers and we waited for the " trucks," of which there were but two, to take it to the naval battery some three miles distant, and to reach which we had to plough through sand knee-deep, and cross many hills. There was no particular road. Four of the guns were sent off the first day and night, but we remained on the beach with ours. The next day, 23d, Midshipman Jones was sent with the gun-carriages, ammunition and implements, and towards sun- set one " truck" came back and Lieutenant Baldwin and Mid- shipman McLane started with one gun, leaving me to take up the other and last. I tried to keep my men together, but had much trouble with them ; missing some of them I went to a sutler's store near by and found them round a cask of ale which they had tapped. I capsized the barrel as the best way to .solve the difficulty. Towards midnight another "truck" arrived with two or three hundred " regulars" and their officers, and a number of mules. The sailors slung the gun, the mules were hitched, the soldiers manned the drag-ropes and off we went. I walked with the officers in advance. The batteries kept up a constant fire upon our lines and the bombs occa- sionally went over our heads, or burst near us. No one was hurt, however, and we kept steadily on. The bombs could be followed with the eye by the burning fuse and presented a grand sight. The " truck" we were using was nearly worn out, and we broke down several times; but we managed to patch it up 94 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. until we got very near General Patterson's headquarters, where the " regulars" were to be relieved by a detachment of volun- teers, and here the " truck" broke down entirely. We found, after' many attempts to sling the gun for one more effort, that we must make up our minds to wait for the other " truck," which had taken up Baldwin's gun, and must be on its return. One of my best men was a negro : a tall, powerful fellow who performed wonders in getting the gun slung, and helping along generally ; he was the life of the party until we got to the bat- tery ; but he succumbed at the first gun from the enemy and was of no further use. After breaking down the last time the senior army officer said to me that if I made no objection he would take his men back to their camp as they had had much hard work, and could do nothing by remaining. Of course I made no objection, so I was left with about twenty half drunken sailors who threw themselves on the ground and were soon asleep. I took a seat upon the gun, and confess to feeling lonesome, and to make matters worse a snake ran over my le^s, and that was more than I could stand — bomb shells were nothing to it. I knew General Patterson had been informed of my condition, and I made up my mind that if the other " truck" did not come, or if it broke down, I would make my way to the battery with my men. However, towards daybreak I heard the welcome creaking of wheels, and soon after the " truck" appeared with a large detachment of soldiers— my men sprung up refreshed and ready for anything; we slung the gun and were soon underweigh. We forded a small stream near General Patterson's quarters, and here Captain Aulick came out and directed me to come back from the battery as soon as I had gotten my gun mounted, and let him know " how affairs were going on." As I had been up for two nights I was not in the best of humors — indeed, for the first time in my midshipman's career I was insubordinate : so I told the captain that as soon as my gun was mounted we would open fire, and that I would not leave the battery after that ! He eyed me keenly for a moment, and a pretty picture I must THE NA VY BA TTER Y. 95 have presented after my two days experience in the sand and dirt; and then told me to take his clerk up with me and send the message back by him, and this I did. Now the naval battery (as it came to be called) was placed by the engineer officers only about seven hundred yards from the walls of Vera Cruz. It was carefully masked and all the guns had been taken to it by night ; so the Mexicans up to this time had no suspicion of its existence ; but my gun being delayed, as I have said, it was broad daylight when we crossed a railroad which ran a short distance from the' princi- pal gate. I believe there were never any cars on it. We rushed the gun across the track as rapidly as possible, but the Mexicans, if they did not make out the gun, saw enough to excite their suspicion ; and probably sent their engineer offi- cers out to make a more careful examination of the surround- ing hills. At all events we got safely to the battery, mounted the gun, and that completed the'number. I went to the brow of the hill and looking through the brushwood which served to mask the battery saw the city of Vera Cruz stretched at our feet; and just over the city and within easy range the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa with its hundred guns. It was a beau- tiful scene, and in the early tropical morning everything looked so tranquil and sleepy that it was hard to realize that in a few minutes the silence would be broken by what Napoleon III. called a " fire of hell ;" or what our volunteers more forcibly called a "hell of afire!" Some distance in the rear of the battery, lying in trenches, was a brigade of volunteers ready to support us in case the enemy attempted to storm our position. The first gun on the right of the battery was the Raritan's 32 pounder, Lieutenant Harry Ingersoll ; the next the Potomac's 32 pounder, Lieuten- ant A. S. Baldwin; then there was a heavy "traverse," built of sand bags of six or more feet in thickness to prevent a rak- ing fire ; then came the Mississippi's 64 pounder shell gun, Lieutenant Sidney Smith Lee ; next the St. Mary's 64 pounder shell gun, Lieutenant C. H. Kennedy ; then another " trav- 96 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. erse," and finally the Albany's 64 pounder shell gun, Lieuten- ant Oliver H. Perry ; and next on the extreme left, the Poto- mac's 32 pounder, Commander Alexander Slidell Mackenzie. Captain Mackenzie was Commodore Perry's fleet captain, and we did not know that he was in the battery. Midshipman Jones and I were of the same date and we had some conver- sation as to which of us would command the Potomac's second gun ; so when we saw Captain Mackenzie take charge of it we growled a good deal ; but there was no help for it, so Jones stayed with the captain, and McLane and I with Baldwin. Captain John H. Aulick of the Potomac, being the senior cap- tain in the fleet, was appointed to command the battery on the first day, March 24, 1847, and after that Captains Mayo, Stringham, Forrest and Breese were to command one day each in succession. The guns were mounted on platforms, on their own car- riages. The recoil was checked with sand-bags, and they were run out with the side-tackles and handspikes. Our gun was fired with a match, as we had the lock blown off early in the fight. I should mention that the battery was constructed entirely of sand-bags. I do not know whether this was the first time that sand-bags were so used, but they answered their purpose so admirably this day that I wonder that any engineer who witnessed the fight should ever have thought of any other fortifications than " earthworks." I am very sorry I cannot give the name of the officer who planned this work. It re- sisted a very heavy fire for two days, and was not injured to any extent. What damage was done was repaired at night and I suppose we could have held it for an indefinite time. We were sponging the last gun mounted, and getting the sand out of it, when the battery opposite us opened with a fire so well aimed that it was evident we were discovered. Orders were immediately given to unmask the battery, and it was soon done. The Mexicans had a cross-fire on us from seven forts and now opened on us from them all ; and the castle INCIDENTS. 97 threw 10-inch bombshells over the city in our midst. For the first five miiiutes the air seemed to be full of missiles, and it did really look as if it was " no place for the bugler." But our men soon settled down to their work and let them know what American sailors could do with navy guns. We heard afterwards that when the Mexican engineers picked up some 64-pounder shells which had not exploded and 32- pounder solid shot they said the place must fall. We fired with great accuracy and after a few hours the enemy's fire commenced to slacken, though it was still heavy. A few minutes after we opened I heard a peculiar " thud," and turning round I saw that a man's head had been taken off by a round-shot at the next gun. I saw Ingersoll wipe the man's brains off his own face with a white handkerchief, and coolly go on with his firing. This was the first man I ever saw killed by a solid shot. Lieutenant Baldwin happening to say about this time that his gun was not entirely unmasked so that he could see Mid- shipman McLane and a* man named Cavanagh sprang through the embrasure and cleared away the brushwood. For this gallant act they were very properly mentioned by Captain Aulick in his official report. Our fire was first directed against the batteries, or forts, and afterwards at the walls of the city. Lieutenant Baldwin fired with .great coolness and -deliberation and soon succeeded in cutting away the flagstaff of the battery opposite us — called by our men the " red " battery, and the most spiteful devil of them all. At this all hands mounted the parapet and gave three cheers. We cut away the walls to the right and left of the forts as cheese is sliced with a knife and soon made a practicable breach, if it had been intended to assault. These breaches were filled up that night with sand-bags and were stronger than ever. This I noticed upon a visit to the town a few days after it had surrendered. Several amusing scenes came under my observation during tli? day. Just in the rear of the guns a trench had been dug 98 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. for the powder-boys to jump into for shelter. They would run from the magazine, a little farther back, and wait in the trench until the cartridge was wanted. A large shell happen- ing to fall just back of the trench the order was given to lie down. A powder-boy threw himself upon the ground very near the shell, and I saw him eye it anxiously. He then com- menced rolling himself towards the trench, and there being a gentle inclination the disturbance of the loose earth caused the shell to roll after him ! Dickens says that Miss La Crevy, the little portrait painter in Nicholas Nickleby, upon hearing of the death of Smike screwed her face, in the effort to prevent crying, into such re- markable contortions that " if she could have transferred it to canvas she would have made her everlasting fortune : " and so it was with that boy's expression if I could but paint it. Finally he rolled into the trench and the shell followed — fortunately not on top of him. No jack-in-a-box ever sprang up with more sprightliness than did that powder monkey I After all the shell did not explode. Upon another occasion a shell fell in the battery and at the order " down ! " a number of us fell on the ground together, with Passed Midshipman Charles M. Fauntleroy underneath. He had a self-cocking revolver in his hand and in the excite- ment involuntarily fired off two barrels ; one of the bullets wounded me slightly in the left knee ; and although itiiply broke the skin, it pained me for some weeks after. Where the bullets went, and why some one was not killed (unless it was because they were midshipmen) is more than I can tell. Fauntleroy was stationed at the next gun to me : at the end of the day's fight hearing Captain Aulick express a desire to send a dispatch to the beach he volunteered to take it. As the Mexicans were playing upon us with all their guns at this time, we being out of ammunition and unable to reply, it was no joke to go from under the protection of our parapet. He got safely through, however, and he should have been specially mentioned for it ; but he was not. He served with much dis- PASSED MIDSHIPMAN FA U1TTLER0 Y. 99 tinction in the civil war on the southern side, sometimes in the navy and at others in the army. At one time he was the in- spector general of General Jos. E. Johnston's army. A better officer or more chivalric man never trod a quarter deck ; and a truer messmate never took his bean soup out of a cigar-box (with a sliding cover to prevent the other reefers from grab- bing) as he told me he once did himself. By the way he was the fellow that bought the one-eyed game cock in San Domingo:' As we got out of ammunition the embrasures were filled up with sand bags, and the men were directed to lie close in under the parapet and traverses. We were the last gun to expend our ammunition, and Lieutenant Baldwin being wounded, I had the honor of being left in command of it. At the very last fire we double shotted it, which was a rash thing to do as the gun was very much heated and there was danger of its bursting. Indeed Captain Aulick said the gun certainly would burst and ordered me to draw one of the shot ; but we had no means to do it ; so sending the men out of the way after aiming it, McLane stood on one side of the breech with a match and I on the other, and we fired it. I suppose our idea in doing this was that if the gun did burst we would not live to be reprimanded by " old Aulick." After filling up all the embrasures we had nothing to do but to sit under the parapet and await the arrival of our "relief" under Captain Mayo. The Mexicans having returned to their~guns, most of which we had previously silenced, sent a storm of shot and shell over our heads and it was rather fun to watch the new fellows coming up, though they probably " did not see it." Our loss this day was four killed ; and one officer and five men wounded. I never heard what the loss of the enemy was from our fire. Upon Captain Mayo assuming the command we were ordered to make the best of our Way to the beach, and the Potomac's men left in charge of Midshipmen Jones and McLane. I went down in a 'wagon to take care of Mr. Baldwin who was wounded. We had four wild mules hitched to an army wagon, and as the road was frequently blocked by other wagons, and 100 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. one of our mules had his tail shaved off by a cannon shot, it ■was with much difficulty and danger that we got through. However by 8 p. m. we were all safely on board the old Poto- mac, eating our supper of hard tack and salt junk, and telling the other fellows " all about it." On the next day, 25th, the navy battery continued its good work under the gallant Cap- tain Isaac N. Mayo. The fire from it confirmed the Mexicans in the belief that the town must fall, and on the evening of that day they sent out a flag of truce preparatory to surrender- ing. Our loss in the battery was Midshipman T. Shubrick of the Mississippi and several men killed and a few wounded. On the 27th commissioners were appointed to arrange the terms of the capitulation, and Captain Aulick represented the navy on the occasion. The fall of Vera Cruz did not neces- sarily involve that of the castle, for the latter commanded the city. For this reason preparations were being made in the fleet to carry the castle by an escalade in case it held out. For some reason it did not do so, and its commander gave up when the city did. Some said that General Scott would have assaulted the city on the night of the 25th had the flag of truce not come out that afternoon ; but I know nothing as to the truth of this report. General Scott probably kept his own counsel. The enemy surrendered five thousand prisoners, and five hundred pieces of artillery of all calibres. Taking every- thing into consideration they made a brave defence. The loss of life among the soldiers was not great ; but I am sorry to say that many women and children were killed. This was not General Scott's fault, as he gave the authorities a chance to send them away which they declined to avail themselves of. When our advance guard entered the town on the 27th to take possession they saw just as they passed through the gate the naked corpse of a woman lying in the middle of the street, placed there for effect, of course. During the bombardment the citizens took refuge in the churches, which was unfortunate for them as the steeples and towers made them conspicuous objects by which to " lay" the mortars. On the 27th our army BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 10l marched in, as I have said, and many of the naval officers ■were allowed to go on shore to witness the ceremonies. I went in a boat to the mole to be ready to transport our captain to the castle. It seemed to me strange to pull in under the guns- of the castle without being fired at. We had been watching it at a distance for so many long months that I could not divest' myself of a feeling of awe as we approached it. The mole was occupied by the lazzaroni who were civil enough while we- waited there. After some hours the " advance" arrived, and I took General Patterson and Captain Aulick to the castle of San Juan. I had a good opportunity to examine it, both then' and afterwards. I have recorded my opinion as to its strength. It is only that of a young midshipman. When I first visited it.it was certainly the filthiest place I had ever been in ; and as for the smells the eity of Cologne itself could not surpass them. General Scott's plans for the capture of Vera Cruz and prosecution of the campaign were admirable. As the troops detailed for the garrison of the castle and town marched in to take possession the division of " regulars" under General Twiggs took up the line of march for the city of Mexico. Only twen- ty-two days after the fall of Vera Cruz Scott defeated the Mexicans at Cerro Gordo, where Santa Anna was strongly posted with an army of twelve thousand men. Captain Joseph E. Johnston of the topographical engineers (the present Gen- eral Johnston) was badly wounded the day before this battle while reconnoitring, and Midshipman McLane of our ship ■who was his brother-in-law went up to look out for him ; so when he returned he told us much about this fight. The marines of the fleet were on shore with the army during the entire siege and behaved with great gallantry, as indeed they did in all the naval operations of the war. A few days after our occupation of the city I went on shore and visited the forts, &c. — they were badly battered. In the churches the organs, pictures and images were generally knocked to pieces, and men were hard at work glueing on the arms and legs of the 102 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. saints. I thought it characteristic of these people to be at this •when there were so many suffering people outside to be attended to. I saw many sad sights that day in the way of wounded non-combatants, and was glad to get back to the ship again. The Potomac now went up and anchored near the castle. We sent a number of the captured guns home. I spent many an hour in carrying them to the transports — they were gener- ally very long eighteen pounders, cast of brass or bronze — the metal was very valuable and the original cost of the arma- ment of the castle and city must have been enormous. Some of the guns were very old, and no doubt had a history. All had names and mottoes inscribed on them ; one was called " the terror of the North Americans." Many of these guns are now at the naval academy in Annapolis — to me they recall' days of hard work, whatever may be the thoughts of others in viewing them. EXPEDITION TO ALVARADO. 103 CHAPTER X. EXPEDITION TO ALVAEADO — «' ALVABADO '' HUNTER AND THE STEAMER "SCOURGE" — A COINCIDENCE — AN ALLEGOEY — CAPTURE OF TUSPAN — JACK BEARD'S DISAPPOINTMENT— GRAND EXPEDITION TO TOBASCO— AT-. TACK ON THE GUNBOATS BY THE ENEMY IN AMBUSH — LANDING AT THE DEVIL'S BEND— THE MAECH — INCIDENTS— THE STEAMERS RAISE THE CHEVAUX DE FEISE AND TAKE THE FOBT — CAPTUEE OF THE TOWN OF TOBASCO — CAPTAIN BIGELOW APPOINTED GOVEENOE — AN UNFOETUNATE AFFAIR — SAIL FOR HOME IN THE FEIGATE " RAEITAN " — YELLOW FEVEB — AEEIVAL AT KOEFOLK. After the capture of Vera Cruz, in which the Navy had played so conspicuous a part, Commodore Perry determined to take Alvarado, which place it will be remembered had suc- cessfully resisted two attempts made on it by the vessels under Commodore Conner. Alvarado, situated near the mouth of the river of the same name, is a small town, thirty-three miles S. E. of Vera Cruz. At this time it was blockaded by the Scourge, Lieutenant Commanding Charles G. Hunter. The Scourge was a very small steamer, carrying one gun, and a crew of perhaps forty men. She had but lately joined the squadron. The Commodore made great preparations for this attack, and to make assurance doubly sure a brigade under General Quitman was to march along the beach arid co-operate with the vessels. We accordingly sailed in the Potomac, and as the signal was made to the ships to make the best of their way, we, being out of trim and consequently a dull sailer, did not arrive oft Alvarado until towards the last. As we approached the bar we saw that something was wrong as the vessels were all underweigh instead of being at anchor. Very soon the Albany 104 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICES. hailed us and said that Alvarado was taken. " By whom ? " asked our captain." " By Lieutenant Hunter, in the Scourge," was the reply. And so it was. Hunter, the day before had stood in pretty close and observing indications of flinching on the part of the enemy he dashed boldly in and captured the place almost without firing a gun. Not satisfied with this he threw a garrison, consisting of a midshipman and two men, on shore and proceeded in his steamer up the river to a place called Tlacatalpan which he also captured. When General Quitman arrived with his brigade and the place was gravely delivered over to him by Passed Midshipman William G. Temple (the present Commodore Temple), he was greatly amused and laughed heartily over the affair. But it was far otherwise with Commodore Perry ; he was furious and as soon as he could get hold of Hunter (which was not so "easy to do as he continued his way up the river, and we could hear him firing right and left), he placed him under arrest, and' preferred charges against him. This was a mistake — he should have complimented him in a general order, and let the thing pass. Lieutenant Hunter was shortly after tried by a court- martial and sentenced to be reprimanded by the Commodore ; the reprimand to be read on the quarter-deck of every vessel in the squadron. This was done, and the reprimand was very bitter in tone and unnecessarily severe. The reprimand said in effect : " Who told you to capture Alvarado? You were sent to watch Alvarado, and not to take it. You have taken Alvarado with but a single gun, and not a marine to back you ! " and it wound up by saying that the squadron would soon make an attack on Tobasco, in which he should not join ; but that he should be dismissed the- squadron. This action on the part of the Commodore was not favorably regarded by the officers of the squadron ; and' as to the people at home they made a hero of Hunter. Dinners were given him, swords presented, etc., and he was known as " Alvarado " Hunter to his dying day. Poor Hunter, his fate was a sad one after all. Soon after A COINCIDENCE. 105 his arrival at home his friends got him the command of the schooner Taney, and*in her he made a sort of a roving cruise in the Mediterranean. He was not allowed a purser, and being' extremely careless with his accounts found himself heavily in- volved upon his return to the United States. His friends came to his assistance and succeeded in getting him another com- mand. He Went to the Brazil station in command of the brig' Bainbridge. I think this was in 1854 or '55. After being on the station for a year or so, he got into some difficulty with' the commodore and deliberately ran away from the squadron in his brig, and brought her home to New York. Relying upon his popularity he issued an " address" to the people as soon as he arrived. As well as I remember he found fault with his commodore for not sending the Bainbridge to the Falkland islands to adjust some matters in dispute and for which business the commodore no doubt considered him too rash. The ■" address " fell to the ground. It would not do — the offence was of too serious a nature to be overlooked, and he was immediately dismissed the service by the President. Not very long after, he died in a New York hospital. In many re- spects he was one of the best naval officers of his day. . Looking over Bernal Diaz' " Conquest of Mexico " not long ago I came across an incident related by him which strikes me as a rather remarkable coincidence : he says, in speaking of the voyage of Juan de Grijalva in 1518, and in which Pedro de Alvarado (afterwards a captain under Cortez) had a command : "Alvarado discovered and entered the river called by the natives Papalohuna, but by us afterwards the river of Alvara- do ; where the natives of a place named Tlatocalpa presented him with some fish. Our chief was much displeased with the eonduct of this officer, for whose return we were obliged to wait for the space of three days, and gave orders that in future no ship should ever separate from the squadron." Upon my return to the United States after the war, while traveling between Baltimore and Philadelphia, I bought a New York . paper which contained an article- which seems not 5* 106 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. to have been generally read ; at least I have never mentioned it to a man who had read it. It was headed : An Allegory, and was so apropos that I am tempted to repeat it : " Once upon a time the inhabitants of a certain village were much annoyed by the depredations of a wolf. Two expeditions had been organized and sent out to kill this wolf, but failed to find him. One day, however, a man came in and reported that he had seen the wolf go into a cave, and he thought that if they went out soon enough they would catch him. The Selectmen of the village immediately called up a countryman and directed him to go out and watch the mouth of the cave to see that the wolf did not escape ; and he, throwing a hoe over his shoulder, and whistling up his dog, started out to do so. The Selectmen now organized a grand expedition with music and banners, and marched out to the cave. Upon their arrival there the countryman met them with the information that the wolf was dead ; he said that while he was watching the mouth of the cave the wolf got his head in a hole and could not draw it out again ; seeing which he went in and chopped his head off with his hoe. The Selectmen were highly indignant at this in- formation, and the chief man stepped forward and reprimanded the countryman in these words : " Who told you to kill that wolf? You were sent to watch that wolf and not to kill him. You have killed that wolf with a single hoe, and only a dog to back you ! But I'll tell you what it is ; we are going on a coon hunt to-night, and d — n you, you shan't go." I never knew who of Hunter's friends wrote this article, but it struck me as clever. Commodore Perry next turned his attention to the capture of Tuspan. The Potomac sent a detachment of fifty men on this expedition, under a lieutenant. Midshipman Hunter went from our mess. The bar at Tuspan is a dangerous one and the small steamers had their masts hoisted out to lighten them. Commodore Perry hoisted his flag on the Spitfire and led the way up the river with the .boats of the squadron in tow. The first fort on the river below the town> JACK BEAR1TS .DISAPPOINTMENT. 107 called the Pana, was silenced by the guns of the Spitfire and then stormed by the sailors ; two other forts were taken in the same way and the town was occupied. . The Mexicans made a spirited defence. Captain Tatnall, Commander Whittle and Lieutenant James Parker were wounded, with some men. We lost but one man killed. The guns taken from the brig Trusdun were found in one of the forts, and restored to the fleet. Upon Hunter's return from this expedition he had many amusing yarns to spin. We had a man named John Beard, captain of the maintop, who was an original in his way. Hunter told us that in the attack -on the town of Tuspan Beard pushed ahead after the retreating enemy and succeeded in capturing a soldier; taking his musket from him, and tying his hands behind his back with his neckerchief, he pro- ceeded to take him to headquarters. On^his way he in- vited those of his shipmates whom he met to turn back as he intended to show his prisoner to the commodore, and then take, him out and shoot him. This interesting spectacle he thought they would not like to miss. Upon the commodore's ordering the prisoner to be put in the guard-house, Jack pre- ferred his modest request to take him out and deal with him in accordance with his deserts. To his surprise the commodore pitched into him most savagely, and came near giving him a dozen with the " cat-o'-nine-tails " there and then. " Well," said Beard, " if I had supposed he was to be put in the guard-house I would have shot him when I had the chance." He always considered himself badly treated in this affair. There remained but one place of importance on the coast in the hands of the enemy and to that we now turned our attention. It was Tobasco, which I have already described ; and as it was well garrisoned and commanded by a brave officer, General Bravo, we expected a serious resistance. Great care was taken in organizing the attacking force. It consisted of the light vessels and cutters. I can recall, of the vessels which 108 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. went up the river, the steamers Scorpion and Spitfire ; the bomb vessel Vesuvius; the brig Washington and detachments from the Raritan, Potomac, Mississippi, Germantown and Decatur. Doubtless there were other vessels represented. The force was divided into two grand divisions; and we had a thousand sailors and marines, and ten pieces of light artillery ready to land. The guns were the Army six-pounders and were drawn by hand. I was detached from the Potomac and ordered to the frigate Raritan, then lying off the mouth of the Tobasco river, and went down in the flag-ship Mississippi to join her. A detachment of fifty men from the Potomac, under Lieu- tenant Stellwagen and Midshipman A. McLaughlin, took passage in the Mississippi as part of the attacking force. Commodore Perry kindly offered me a place on his staff; but finding an old shipmate, Lieutenant L. Maynard, in command of a company of pioneers I preferred joining him. Arriving off the river in June, 1847, the Scorpion bearing the flag of Commodore Perry with the first division in tow crossed the bar and commenced the ascent of the river, followed by the second division, commanded by Captain For- rest, in tow of the Spitfire. I was in a small whale-boat with Midshipman King and the company of pioneers. Our boat towed astern of the brig Washington and she was in tow of the Scorpion, Captain Bigelow. The city of Tobasco, called also San Juan de Bautista and Villa Hermosd, is seventy-five miles from the mouth of the river. We anchored off the town of Frontera the first day and made our final dispositions. The next morning at dawn we started again. About three o'clock in the afternoon as we were going along in fancied security we were fired on by the Mexicans lying in ambush on a high hill. We had no one hurt, the shots going over us, and we returned the fire without stopping. We continued on up the river and about sunset anchored at a place called the " Devil's Bend," seven miles below the town of Tobasco. Here the river was known to be GRAND EXPEDITION TO TOBASCO. 109 obstructed by a ehevaux de frise ; and it was the intention of the commodore to land the men here if it was found impos- sible to raise the obstruction. As soon as the vessels anchored we youngsters assembled on board the Scorpion and commenced discussing the attack made on us in the afternoon. Passed Midshipman Nelson (known as Bully Nelson) was expatiating in a loud voice, after his manner ; the subject of his remarks- was that he did not believe that we had been fired into at all — that it was all gammon, etc. Now the commodore did not intend to have any part of our work depreciated, so Mr. Nelson was promptly suspended and sent below. This was my first introduction to this officer, who was a brave man if he was a bully. He became a major-general in the U. S. Army, dis- tinguished himself at Shiloh, and was finally killed by one of his own brigadier-generals for some affront, real or fancied. The vessels and boats all lay huddled together at the Devil's- Bend, and just about dark a Mexican came to the bank of the : fiver and deliberately shot a man on board the Vesuvius. A' bold fellow whoever he was, and although we opened with great guns, field artillery, and small arms I do not believe he was hit! The next morning at daylight Lieutenants Alden and May were sent up the river in their boats to sound over the obstruc- tions. They had hardly commenced operations when the enemy opened a fire upon them from the banks by which Lieutenant May and some men were wounded. It being impossible to continue the work under this fire the boats returned, and the commodore determined to land the men and march to the city. This was done, and in a short time we had a thousand men and ten field pieces on shore. It was hard work scrambling up the bank, which was steep, and how the guns were hauled up I never knew ; but it was done, and a pretty sight it was as seen from the vessels. Of this force two hundred were' marines under Captain Edson, and a fine body of men they were> The order of march was that the pioneers should con- Btitull' the advance guard, then the marines, and next .the com- 110 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. panies of sailors, with the field pieces in the centre. As soon as the pioneers landed, we pushed ahead to look for the road, and having found it the order was given to the command to march. After marching a few miles we came upon the Mexi- cans who opened fire upon us from an intrenchment. A halt was called by the commodore, and the field pieces were ordered to the front; they commenced firing as they got up. The marines deployed on our right, and we were all in line eagerly waiting for the word to charge. Now I was " flying light" upon this occasion ; instead of being loaded down with arms and am- munition as most of the officers were I had but my dress sword, which I carried in my hand, and a small double barreled rifle pistol in my breast pocket. My haversack I threw away, and being clothed in simple jacket and trousers, with not even a vest, I was ready for a " fight or a foot-race." Commodore Perry was well in front with a sailor holding his broad pen- nant immediately behind him, presumably as a good mark for the enemy. After a few rounds from Blunt's and Frank Mur- ray's guns the order was given to charge, and away we went, pioneers with their axes, marines, artillerymen and sailors in a mass. For my own part I had no definite idea as to what I expected to do ; but I determined at all events to get to the front, and I did so. We went over the intrench ments, from which the enemy fled as soon as they saw us coming. I was by this time in the lead, and was one of the very few who caught sight of a Mexican at this place. I had one in sight and did my best to capture him. Lieutenant Maynard, long as his legs were, could not keep up with me, and I could hear him shouting in an exhausted voice, " catch him Parker." After running my man a half a mile or so, we came to a ham- let ; he ran through a hut, or open shed, and I after him ; and when I got to the other side he had disappeared and was not to be found. It was a narrow escape — for me I mean, not the Mexican, for as I weighed about one hundred pounds only I suppose if I had caught him he would have coolly cut my throat and continued his flight. As our men came up we re- THE CHEVAUX BE FRISE. Ill Burned the search, but without success ; and it has always been a mystery to me where in the mischief he did go. Maynard could testify that he was not like Sarey Gamp's Mrs. Harris ! The march was resumed and soon the men commenced to suffer from the heat, and want of water. The artillerymen, especially, were breaking down. Most of the guns had been thoughtlessly landed without the limbers, and it was almost impossible to draw them with the trails dragging on the ground ; so two men had to stand by to lift them. All the ammunition, too, was in boxes, slung to handspikes, and car- ried across the men's shoulders. It was heartbreaking and backbreaking work, and many men succumbed. It took all the men we had to keep the guns up in position. Sailors can- not march, however ready they may be to attempt it. We struck the river about this time and the men rushed in to drink without much regard to order, and just then to our great surprise the steamers passed by and gave us a broadside. Fortunately no one was hurt, and we hastened to show our flags. The way the steamers happened to be there was this : a cer- tain Captain Taylor had invented a method of raising sunken obstructions, and had been sent out with his apparatus.* He was with us at this time. His method consisted simply in this : India rubber bags were attached to the obstructions by divers; the bags were then inflated with air by means of tubes from above ; and their buoyancy would cause them to rise and bring up the obstructions. In this way. the chevaux defrise had been raised at the Devil's Bend ; and Captain Bigelow immediately started up the river with the vessels under his command. As we advanced with our tired men the pioneers would fre- quently be called back from the front to assist in getting the guns across the rough corduroy roads and bridges we had pre- viously constructed ; and this gave us an extra amount of walking ; but our men stood it very well and we were in the advance. when we came in sight of the fort, situated on the 112 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. left bank of the river, a few miles below Tobasco. We knew the fort contained some heavy guns. Midshipman King was sent back to notify the commodore and we continued to advance. We were in single file, I re- member, and I proposed to Maynard that we should form " line abreast," giving as a reason that a raking shot would bowl us all down like nine-pins. Maynard adopted the suggestion. When we got near enough to distinguish the flag, which was flying from a tall flag-staff, " what words can express our dis- gust and surprise" when we saw that it was the American flag ! ! We had had our toilsome march for nothing. The steamers had arrived before us, and after a short action had captured the fort — the garrison retreating from it. I have always thought that this was a fortunate thing for the land party, as we would have lost many men in taking it by assault with our limited knowledge of military tactics. We would have had to advance a mile across a plain in the face of a fire from a num- ber of heavy guns, and I do not suppose it would have entered our heads to try a flank movement. Upon our arrival at the fort the commodore ordered a halt to allow the line, which now extended for some miles, to close up. We found a well here, and were glad to get a glass of cool water. After some fifty of us had drank, Commodore Perry came up and directed that no one should drink from the well as it was probably poisoned. We who had already done so now suffered excru- ciating pains for a short time ; but there was nothing the mat- ter with the water, and we soon forgot all about it. When the line was closed up we took up the line of march for the city. There was a wide, paved road to it from the fort, and as we marched along in company front, with a fine band of music at the head of the column and flags flying, we no doubt presented a gallant appearance. Most of the inhabitants had fled, I think, and the only persons left to admire us were a few foreigners. We entered the city about sunset, and were assigned quarters by our acting quartermaster. The few people remaining in the town were not at all disturbed by us. There AN UNFORTUNATE AFFAIR. 113 was some drinking by our men the first night, but it was soon put a stop to. The first thing I saw the next morning was the provost guard marching off a lot of sailors to the guard house. Most of the men were dressed in women's clothes and presented a ridiculous appearance. Captain Bigelow was ap- pointed governor of the town, and a garrison of several hundred men detailed ; the rest of the men were sent back to their ves- sels ; the pioneers among the number. The afternoon we left Tobasco on our return, the boats assem- bled alongside the Vesuvius at tie Devil's Bend. I suppose there were six or seven hundred men collected there, and one of them happening to discharge his musket a fusilade com- menced which the officers found it impossible to stop, and finally we had to take refuge in the cabin of the vessel to avoid being shot. The men kept it up until they got out of ammu- nition. That night one of the steamers towed us down the river and the next morning we joined our respective ships. The garrison at Tobasco was not left in quiet possession by the Mexicans. They kept it in a constant state of alarm. Captain Bigelow marched out on one occasion and fought a battle with them and defeated them. The Potomac's men behaved very well in this combat. An unfortunate affair occurred during the summer. The Mexicans were in the habit of stealing up on our outposts at night and opening an annoying fire. Passed Midshipman' Bradford of the Spitfire, to stop it, took a number of his men out one evening after sunset and concealed them in the ehap- parral: — the idea being to surprise the enemy, — but unfortu- nately the officer in command of the field piece at the outpost, Midshipman A. McLaughlin, was not notified of this manoeu- vre ; so when Bradford opened on the Mexicans about 10 o'clock that night McLaughlin opened on Bradford and killed and wounded a number of his men. Fortunately Bradford made himself known before the field piece was fired a second time. The capture of Tobasco was the last of the naval operations of the war, and all the ports were now in our possession. 114 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. The yellow fever broke out during the summer along the«n- tire coast ; it was particularly virulent at Vera Cruz and Anton Lizardo and the navy lost many valuable officers and men. General Scott took possession of the city of Mexico on the 14th of September, 1847, which practically ended the war. The treaty of peace was signed at Guadalupe Hidalgo on the 2d of February, 1848. By this war the United States came into possession of New Mexico and California. Upon my arrival at the mouth of. the river Tobasco I went on board the frigate Raritan, Captain Forrest, for a passage home. My old ship, the Potomac sailed also for home at the same time from Vera Cruz. We sailed for Norfolk about the 1st of July and the yellow fever broke out the day after. The first case was that of Midshipman Robert B. Storer, a most promising young officer, and he died almost before I realized that he was sick. The surgeon at first concealed the iact that " yellow jack" had made its appearance, but we very soon had from 150 to 200 officers and men down with it. It became evident that the worst cases were those whose duties kept them much below decks, such as the purser's clerk, the captain of the hold, &c, and the captain very wisely ordered us all to remain on the spar and main decks, and not to go below under any circumstances. The ward-room officers messed on the spar deck and the midshipmen on the main deck. All etiquette was laid aside, drills were suspended, and everything done to make all hands as comfortable as possible. Of four doctors but one remained on duty; most fortunately he escaped entirely. Captains McCluney and Walker (passengers in the cabin) were down ; all the ward-room officers but the four lieutenants, and all the midshipmen were sick. I have mentioned in a former chapter the fact that it was my second attack. The ship became a floating hospital, and to make matters worse we were frequently becalmed, and when we did have a wind what distance we made to the eastward we would lose by the strong current setting to the westward through the Yucatan channel. Captain Forrest's conduct in this trying time was YELLOW FEVER. 115 admirable ; he frequently visited the sick, and at all hours of the day his cheerful voice could be heard singing in his cabin. No doubt he did it to encourage us. As for myself I determined to get home and that alone saved my life. Those who gave themselves up to despair soon died. I cannot attempt to de- scribe the appearance of the ship, nor the many weary days we passed — " many a day to night gave way, and many a morn succeeded " — but at last we got to Havana where we put in for medicines — we were out of nearly everything. The authorities at Havana treated us in the handsomest manner. We were put in quarantine, of course, but supplies of every kind were sent us: — among other things ice ! I have always been fond of music — in fact I may say I have an ear for music — in my youth I had heard the wonderful Clara Novello, and since then I have listened to the melodious tones of the divine Patti ; but no music ever equalled in my ears the rattling of the ice on a large platter which the hospital steward carried round to the sick that morning, and for which I lay in my hammock awaiting my turn I We remained in Havana but twenty-four hours, and as soon as we got outside the harbor we hove to, and buried Captain Alvin Edson of the Marines and two of his guard with him. We lost on the passage Captain Edson, Midshipman Storer, the purser's clerk, the . purser's steward and a good many men — the exact number I do not know. We arrived at Nor- folk the latter part of July, and the Potomac, with my old messmates, arrived the very same day. There was no fever on board the Potomac ; so, as they said, if I had not left her I would not have had the yellow fever a second time — but then again I would not have been on the famous Tobasco ex- pedition. Captain Forrest ran the Raritan up to the town and anchored off the naval hospital ; the sick were immediately landed, the remainder of the officers and crew granted leave of absence and discharged,' and the ship was taken down and an- chored off Craney Island. The fever did not spread, and I 116 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. never heard that a case occurred in Norfolk or Portsmouth this summer. But if men had been put to work on the Raritan breaking out her holds, etc., it might have been different ; for that the steamer Ben Franklin carried the yel- low fever to those cities in 1855 is " as true as taxes," as Mr. Barkis says. As soon as I obtained my leave of absence I started for Boston. I had had my head shaved, was as yellow as gold, and weighed about ninety pounds, and to crown all my tailor made my clothes too small. Smike himself did not present a more ridiculous appearance. Upon my arrival at Boston I got into an hotel coach which had many other passengers in it ; the driver said he would drive them to their several destinations in Boston and then take me to the Charlestown Navy Yard, which my father com- manded. One young man would not get out at the Lowell depot, but said he would wait. The driver told him that if he went to Charlestown he would miss his train : still he persisted that he would wait ; and I saw that he had made up his mind to see the last of me. I could not understand his behavior at the time, but I knew afterwards. He thought I was being taken to the penitentiary, which is located in Charlestown ! During the summer I remained " on leave " and my physi- cian tried to " build me up," for in the autumn I was to go to Annapolis to prepare for that grand climacteric of a Middy's life, his examination for the grade of Passed Midshipman. ORDERED TO ANNAPOLIS. m CHAPTER XL ORDERED TO ANNAPOLIS— THE NAVAL SCHOOL OF 1847 — CAPTAIN GEORGE P. UPSHUR — DUELS — THE BATTLE GROUND OF BLADENSBURG — PROFES- SOR 'WILLIAM CHAUVENET — SWAPPING YARNS — PAT MURPHY AND THE COON SKINS — CAPTAIN x'S DILEMMA— COMMODORE CHAUNCEY — A PRE- CISE MESSAGE — A SAILOR'S TESTIMONY — VAN NESS PHILIP'S VISIT TO TROY — THOMPSONIAN TREATMENT — MAD JACK PERCIVAL — PASS MY EX- AMINATION — A BAD QUARTER OF AN HOUR ON BOARD THE " BAY STATE " — A FRIEND IN NEED — HARD WORK AT THE BOSTON NAVY YARD. I reported for duty at the Naval School, Annapolis, in Sep- tember, 1847. The school had been established here in 1845 by the Hon. George Bancroft, then Secretary of the Navy. Previous to that time the school was held at the NaVal Asylum, Philadelphia. The first class to graduate at Annapolis was that of the midshipmen of the date of 1840— the class gradua- ted in July, 1846. The class of 1841 was very large, and when the time came for it to report at Annapolis we were in the midst of the Mexican war, so the Secretary of the Navy decided to divide it into two parts — all those appointed be- tween January and July, 1841, joined the school in the fall of 1846 and graduated in 1847 ; and the other part, to which I belonged, went there in the fall of 1847 and passed in 1848. The class was the largest ever appointed in the navy, number- ing 245 I believe, and owing to various causes there remained some forty who went to the school in 1848 and passed in 1849. •It was not until the three divisions had passed that the " num- bers" were assigned. At the time I joined the school it pre- sented a far different appearance from what it does at the present time. The place had been known as Fort Severn and was transferred to the navy by the War Department March 15, 1.845. The fort was built in 1808 and mounted a few 24 118 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. pounders en barbette, at which we were drilled. Near the water's edge six 32 pounder guns were mounted on a platform built to represent a section of a ship's deck, and we were also exercised at these guns. The walls enclosed but nine acres in all and the professors and midshipmen used the buildings left by the army. There was not a new building on the grounds. The large barrack-rooms were used as recitation rooms and quarters. Two small gun-houses were turned into quarters also. We called them " Brandywine Cottage," and the "Abbey ;" the long barracks were called "Apollo Row" and " Rowdy Hall." The curriculum embraced gunnery, infantry tactics, steam, mathematics, navigation and nautical astronomy, natu- ral philosophy, chemistry, English grammar and French — seamanship the midshipmen were supposed to be prepared in and there were no vessels attached to the school. Commander George P. Upshur was the superintendent ; having just re- lieved Commander Franklin Buchanan, to whom is due the honor of having organized the school. Professor William Chauvenet taught mathematics, nautical astronomy and naviga- tion ; Professor H. H. Lockwood, gunnery, steam, infantry tactics and natural philosophy.; Professor Arsene N. Girault, French; Dr. John A. Lockwood, chemistry; and Chaplain George Jones, English grammar. Captain Upshur was assisted in his executive duties by Lieutenant Sidney Smith Lee. The instruction in mathematics, nautical astronomy and navigation was very good, and that in natural philosophy, French, gun- nery and steam was fair. The chemistry, English grammar and infantry tactics we paid but little attention to ; the two last were taught only on Saturday and we made quite a farce of the recitations. In the spring of 1848 Mr. Copeland, a distinguished engineer of New York, gave us some interesting lectures on steam ; and about the same time Lieutenant Dahlgren (afterwards a rear admiral) drilled us a few times at the guns, and gave us some practical instruction in filling shells, driving fuses, etc. "There were about one hundred men in the class, and as we had all CAPTAIN GEORGE P. UPSHUR. 119 been to sea for six years I fear we gave our good superin- tendent much trouble. There have been stricter disciplinarians than Captain Up- shur at the naval school, but never a more honorable, high-toned gentleman than he ; and I doubt if any young man was ever thrown in his company without being the better for it — for my own part I have never ceased to remember his gentle manner, his high honor, his pure character and unex- ceptionable life. If example counts for anything we had it before us in him, and if we did not profit by it it was our own loss. As a rule we studied hard — the class was so large that many were struggling for the first honor — for to be the " num- ber one " of the 41 's was almost equal to a patent of nobility in our estimation. The Hod. John Y. Mason was the secretary of the navy at this time. In many points he resembled Captain Upshur — they were both Virginians. As might be expected of so large a number, of young men assembled together we gave the citizens of the quiet old town something to talk of: the noc- turnal revels of the " Owls " and the " Crickets ; " the " Corn Hill Riot," etc., rather surprised these staid old gentlemen ; but take it all in all there was not much disturbance created. Two duels were fought during the session. The first one was fought inside the walls of the school; the parties left the supper- table in advance of their classmates, and going behind the ten-pin alley in a few minutes one of the principals had a ball in his hip, and the " affair " was over. When he was carried to his room Doctor Lockwood was sent for and it was intended to pass it off as the result of an accident. The doctor silently probed the wound, and then suddenly said : " What distance f " " Ten paces " replied two or three Middies without pausing to think. A short time after this another duel was fought at Bladensburg and one of the party was wounded in the hip as before. The secretary of the navy was very indignant at these affairs ; the impudence of the parties in the first case in selecting the grounds of the school for fighting was what he_ 120 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. said he " could not get over." All the parties engaged— seconds as well as principals— were dismissed the service by President Polk. About three years after they were re-instated by Presi- dent Taylor. Only two of the principals chose to return to the navy ; they were the ones who had been wounded, and are at present commodores in the navy. The seconds are all dead. If these duels had both been fought at Bladensburg I think the Department would have overlooked them. I know Captain Upshur would have " winked " at them ; for though no duelist he did when a passed midshipman resign to fight his first lieutenant ; but the commodore would not accept his resignation. Bladensburg has been a duelling ground since the "Bladensburg races," as the battle fought in 1814 is facetiously called. A Washington poet celebrated this battle in the following lines : THE BATTLE GEOUND. "And here two thousand fought, three hundred fell, And fifteen thousand fled ; of these remain The three where Barney laid them, — they sleep well. . Of the fifteen, part live to run again, And part have died of fever on the brain, Potions and pills— fell agents — but the worst, As Sewell in his pamphlet proves is thirst. And General Winder, I believe, is dead, And General ( ) retired to learned ease, Posting a ledger. He has exchanged the bed Of fame for one of feathers, and the fees Of war for those of trade : and, where the trees Shook at his voice, all's still, as ere began The fight; for, when it did, they cheered, and — ran. All, save old Handspike and his crew — they stood Drawn up, one coolly buttoning his breeches, Another his cheek helping to a quid Of purser's pigtail. No long windy speeches — For valor, like a bishop, seldom preaches — They stood like men prepared to do their duty, And fell as they had done it — red and smutty. PROFESSOR WILLIAM CHAUVENET. 121 Peace to them! men I still have found Though sadly looked on by us land-bred people, High-souled, warm-hearted — true, it must be owned, They're no great predilection for a steeple, And too much for a bottle. But the ground Strongest in tares is so in wheat; the sod May flower as here, whose very earth is blood." But to return to the naval school. To Professor William Chauvenet is due more credit for its establishment than to any other man. Appointed a professor in the navy in 1841 he went to sea in the Mississippi, and here very soon discovered the defects in the method of instructing the midshipmen as pursued at that day. He was soon after sent' to the Naval Asylum in Philadelphia to take charge of the school there, and from that time he applied himself to the task of establish- ing a school more fitted to the wants of the navy. He saw from the beginning that such an institution must be a growth and not a creation. He remained in the navy until 1859 ■when he resigned to accept a professorship in Washington University, St. Louis. In 1862 he was chosen chancellor of the university. Up to the time of his resignation he was the life of the naval school. He was, next to Professor Peirce of Harvard, the best mathematician in the country, and as an in- structor he stood second to none. He left the navy because his salary was too small for him to support and educate his family. A miserable economy on the part of the Government permitted him to leave without an effort to retain him. Pro- fessor Chauvenet died in 1870 ; but he lived long" enough to see the naval school attain the growth he always predicted for it, and to achieve which he gave eighteen years of his life. It was our custom to meet on Saturday nights and hold what Van Ness Philip called " reformed banquets." Coming from different stations we were in the habit on these occasions of " swapping yarns ;" and although I never wrote them in my journal, as Brown did, yet many remain in my memory, and some few I will relate. 6 122 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. A mid who had served on board the Pennsylvania, lying off the Norfolk navy yard, said that one morning at sunrise an old darky who had come down through the Dismal Swamp canal in a canoe came close to the ship, and seeing a man standing in the gangway, inquired : " Is Master Pat Murphy on board dar?" "Yes," was the reply, "what do you want with him ?" " Missis sent him a peck of sweets and a couple of coon skins," said the old man. Another story was of Cap- tain Arthur X. It seems that his friends got him the com- mand of a brig upon condition that he would take no liquor to sea with him in his cabin — he being somewhat addicted to it. After being at sea a week or two the captain felt an inordinate desire for a drink. In that day the ration of grog was served to the men on the upper deck in small vessels. At 12 o'clock the grog tub was brought up, and the captain, after passing it several times, walked up to the purser's steward and said : " What's this complaint I hear of the ship's whiskey ?" " Give me a tot ;" he drank it with gusto, and remarked : " It's as good whiskey as ever I drank ; let me hear no more complaints." It is needless to say there had been none. Old Commodore Chauncey commanded the New York navy yard at the time when there was " no law for post captains." One Sunday in the chapel of the yard the chaplain read a notice which he said was by order of the bishop of the diocese: " By whose order did you say ?" inquired the commodore, standing up : " By order of the bishop of the diocese," mildly replied the chaplain. " Well, the notice will not be obeyed," said old Chauncey : " I'll let you know that I am the bishop of this diocese." One of our classmates was very precise and it was told of him that being directed by the lieutenant of the watch to re- port to the captain that " there was a sail in sight," he did so in these terms : " Captain P. the officer of the deck desires me to inform you that there is visible on the extreme verge of the sensible horizon a small speck, which he conceives to be a sail." A SAILOR'S TESTIMONY. 123 Discussing sailors one day the opinion was expressed that a man-of-war's man would not tell the truth if his interests or desires lay the other way : and no amount of " swearing " would make him do it ; in illustration of which a story was told concerning one Passed Midshipman C. He had been on shore from his ship in some port of the Mediterranean and upon his return to his boat, lying at the mole, was intoxicated. Here he happened to fall in with an English chaplain who was waiting for a boat to take him to his ship, and after some words C. knocked him overboard. A shore boat picked the unfortunate man up and took him to his vessel. 0. was too drunk to know what he was about. The fact coming to the ears of the commodore he promptly brought C. to a court- martial, and, as the chaplain generously declined to appear as a witness, the judge advocate had to rely upon the boat's crew to make out his case. The first witness testified " that Mr. C. was down on the mole when he saw the chaplain approaching in an intoxicated condition. The chaplain walked up to Mr. C, and in making a pass at him, he fell overboard." This was the coxswain's testimony and the remainder of the boat's crew swore to the same effect. Of course C. was acquitted, and equally of course he made the amende honorable to the chaplain. This C. was a very humorous fellow, though he would " crook his elbow." Being at the old Bowery theatre one night — in that happy condition when " another glass of claret would spoil him " — he went in front of the curtain and gave out the following announcement : " Gentlemen and ladies, to- morrow night will be performed the drama entitled, ' The babes and the woods ; ' Babes, Mr. Brown ; Woods, Mr. C. ; to be followed by the roaring farce called ' Moses and the bulrushes : ' Moses, Mr. C. ; Bulrushes by the troop.' Mr. C.'s sailors may or may not have given the testimony attributed to them ; but I have often noticed their great objec- tion to appearing before a court as a witness. They seem to have some extraordinary superstition in regard to their " com- 124 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. mitting themselves " as they call it. Old Junius B as a witness in a case of assault and battery once testified that he " saw the accused give the accuser several kicks, or," he cau- tiously added, " words to that effect." Midshipman Van Ness Philip used to tell a very good story on himself: He once carried his niece to Troy and en- tered her at Mrs. Willard's famous school. He was invited to attend a party at Mrs. Willard's the same evening and re- mained in town to accept it. Philip enjoyed a joke more than most men, and during the day he came across a conun- drum which amused him much. It was: "What is the difference between Tom Thumb and Queen Elizabeth?" The answer was : " He is a wonder and she was a Tudor." He said that when he attended the party that night this abominable conundrum kept running in his thoughts and he was dying to ask it ; but he did not know a soul in the room save Mi's. Willard. After awhile, however he seized an opportunity and propounded it to her. It seems the old lady was somewhat deaf, and after Philip had asked it she said: "What did you say, sir?" Philip repeated the conundrum in rather a loud voice, and as this drew the atten- tion of all in the room he said he began to get pretty red in the face. "Ah!" said Mrs. W., "what is the difference be- tween Queen Elizabeth — and whom did you say, sir ? " " Tom Thumb," roared Philip in a stentorian voioe and much to the astonishment of the company assembled. Of course Mrs. W. gave it up, and Philip had to repeat the answer several times in a loud voice and was then doubtful whether the old lady "took." He said he left the party as soon after as possi- ble and determined never to ask a conundrum unless sure of his listener. One of our fellows told a yarn concerning the " practice " of a merchant captain who treated his crew by the Thompsonian method, in which all the medicines were marked from number one to ten. On one occasion a man complained of being unwell and the captain judged he required the medicine marked MAD JACK PERCIVAL. 125 number six ; but on looking in the medicine chest he found "that he was out of number six, so he gave the man two threes. Many of our stories were of the captains we had sailed with, and old Captain Percival, or mad Jack, as the sailors called him, came in for his share. Captain Jack was eccentric, but he always took a fatherly interest in his midshipmen. He wrote once to the father of one of them that his son had entered a profession " where he would either go down to his grave wept, honored and sung, or unwept, unhonored and unsung. A few days after, he got angry with the young man and at once sat down and wrote to his father : " Dear Sir — Your son is going down to his grave unwept, unhonored and unsung." Captain Jack being upon a board for the examination of midshipmen announced the passing of one of them to his father (who was a commodore in the Navy) in the following -delicate way : "Dear X — Your son has passed. Do you recollect our taking the Columbus out of dock? She just grazed. — Yours truly, Percival." But this is a digression. " When to the sessions of sweet silent thought I summon up remembrance of things past,'' I get off the regular track as it were. The Board of Examiners, consisting of Commodores Morgan, Wyman, Mayo, Dulany and Gwinn assembled in Annapolis in June, 1848, and in July I passed my examination and be- came a passed midshipman, eligible to promotion to all grades above it and entitled to wear a star on my collar to back the anchor already worn there. I could bring in a great many elegant quotations here in relation to stars, but I'll " pass." Upon passing my examination I received orders to the Boston navy yard and upon getting as far as New York on my way there found myself short of funds. There was nothing re- markable in this, because I generally got home in that con- dition. Upon going to Brooklyn and applying to a friend for a loan, he informed me that he was going to Boston 126 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. that afternoon and would meet me on the boat, pay all my ex- penses, &c. I gave myself no further trouble and at 5 o'clock went down to the Bay State, Captain Brown, of the Fall river line. Having some small change I bought the evening papers and a magazine or two and ensconced myself comfortably on the hurricane deck which was crowded with ladies and gen- tlemen on their way to Newport — it being the height of the season there. As the boat shoved off I happened to look up and words cannot express my dismay when I saw my friend standing on the wharf carpet bag in hand, left ! My first feel- ing was that of anger that he should have allowed himself to be left under the circumstances, and I felt a diabolical desire for a rifle that I might put a bullet in his block of a head ; but that soon gave way to despair and I felt in a moment that the ladies all knew I had no money ! What to do was the question ; the fare was five dollars, and I had but one. Now the Bay State had been repaired in the dock of the Boston navy yard a short time before this and my father having extended some civilities to Captain Brown, he (the captain) had since been especially polite and hospitable to him and his family. I had heard of this, and though I had no personal acquaintance with the captain, I resolved to make myself known to him and explain my peculiar (or pecuniary) condition ; so I went to the purser's office and asked to see the captain. " He is in the pilot house," said the purser ; " won't I do ?" (I'm sure the rascal suspected my impecunious state). " No," I answered, " I wish to see Captain Brown," and I went to the pilot house. One of the waiters pointed out the captain. He was a stout man, with a white beaver on the side of his head, and as he stood talking with a number of gentlemen to save my life I could not introduce myself and break the subject to him ; so I walked aft. The confounded negro rang his bell and requested the passengers to " call at the purser's office and settle" oftener than I had ever known him to do before. Not feeling able to remain on the hurricane deck where I felt that all hands knew THE BOSTON NA VY YARD. 127 I was short of funds I went down on the main deck. I had no sooner gotten there than I saw the mate belaboring a shabby- genteel man, and upon my interfering and inquiring as to the cause of such harsh treatment the mate said : " Well, sir, this man has no money" — (just my case thought I) — " and he knows we cannot put him on shore until we get to Newport : We have many such stowaways," he continued. Well ! to make a long story short, while I was deliberating whether to make another attempt to see Captain Brown, or jump overboard, I was accosted by a young man who seemed to know me well ; he said he had been on board the Ohio with me in 1842. He informed me that he had just returned from a cruise in the Albany, where he had. served as captain's clerk, and had just been paid off. These words sounded well, and as soon as he got through his story, I told mine. I will never forget the joy with which he pulled out a handful of bank-notes and thrust them upon me. He wanted me to take a hundred dollars, but I only took twenty which I put in my pocket and became " a man again." I saw this gentleman the following day in Boston at the old United States hotel and returned the loan. I have never been able to recall his name, nor have I any recollection of his being with me on board the Ohio. I have never met him since. I have always believed that he was in some humble position on board the Ohio and that I had done him a service of some peculiar kind ; for he could not have been kinder if he had been my own brother ; and, as I have said, it seemed to be a real joy to him to be able to assist me. Even Macaulay's " schoolboy " can see the moral of this story. I remained attached to the navy yard in Boston about two months and cannot say I rendered any material service to the Government in that time. In fact there seemed to be no scope for a young man of my transcendent ability. I was a passed midshipman, and consequently a " gnostic ;" moreover I was a 41, and we 41 's did not hold ourselves cheap, I assure you. It rather surprised me to see everything going on all right with- 128 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. out my assistance, but so it was. I was zealous enough, but for the life of me I never could find anything to do. One day the executive officer, Lieutenant Timothy Hunt, tired I sup- pose of seeing me " standing about " told me to see what Lieu- tenant Handy was doing, and to help him. I called upon Lieutenant H. and asked him what he was doing ; he replied : " nothing ;" " well," said I, " I've come to help you." This was all the duty I remember to have done at the yard. . ORDERED TO SLOOP-OF-WAR TORKTOWN. 129 CHAPTER XII. ORDERED TO THE SLOOP-OF-WAR "YORKTOWN" — SAIL PROM BOSTON — ARRI- VAL AT PORTO PRATA — FIRST CRUISE ON THE COAST OF AFRICA — THE GAMBIA RIVER — MONROVIA — BATTLE BETWEEN THE LIBERIANS AND NATIVES— PRESIDENT ROBERTS — A CRUISE TO WINDWARD — CADIZ, FUN- CHAL, TENERIFFE, PALMAS — PORTO PRATA A8AIN — AN OLD CITY — RIDING OUT A GALE ON A LEE SHORE — RESCUE OF THE AMERICAN BRIG " COPPERTH WATTE. " Ik September of this year I was ordered to the frigate Con- stitution, fitting out at the Boston navy yard for the Mediter- ranean ; but the ship was largely stocked with passed and other midshipmen and not wishing to pass another cruise on the forecastle or quarter deck carrying messages and calling the " relief," I applied to have my orders changed to the York- town,- a, sloop-of-war fitting out for the coast of Africa. The Secretary of the Navy granted my request and remarked that he expected I was the only officer who had preferred a sloop- of-war on the coast of Africa to a fine frigate in the Mediter- ranean; but I was looking forward to promotion and a " watch," and I got it. The Yorhtown was a third-class sloop-of-war of 560 tons, and carried a battery of sixteen 32-pounders of 27 cwt. She was a staunch little craft and a good sea-boat. We went into commission in October, Captain John Marston. The other officers were : Lieutenants, Eootes, Spottswood, Frailey and Fleming; Sailing Master, Caldwell ; Purser, Semple; Sur- geon, Fox; Passed Assistant Surgeon, Potter; Passed Mid- shipmen, Coleman, Seawell, Selden and Parker ; Midshipmen, Bruce, J. Parker, Fyffe and Means ; Boatswain, Young ; Gun- ner, Oliver; Sailmaker, Frankland, and Carpenter, Mager, Our iunior lieutenant left us as soon as we got on the station, J 6* 130 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. and the passed midshipmen were promoted to fill vacancies ; otherwise there were absolutely no changes in our officers, which in a two years' cruise is rather remarkable, especially on what is called a sickly station. We had a very fine crew and num- bered in all 150 souls. Commodore Benjamin Cooper took pas- sage with us ; he was appointed to succeed Commodore Bolton in the command of the African squadron and intended to hoist his flag on board the Portsmouth, a very fine first-class sloop. I do not propose to give a detailed account of the cruise. A two years' stay on the African coast does not, as a general thing, present much variety of incident. The object of keep- ing vessels on the coast was to capture slavers and protect our own lawful traders. The English and American Gov- ernments kept squadrons of a certain number of guns in ac- cordance with a special agreement or treaty — (since abrogated). The English took many slavers but our vessels, being bound by our interpretation of the " right of search " took very few indeed. The explorations of Livingstone, Burton, Stanley and others have added very much to our knowledge of Africa in the last thirty years ; and the introduction of steam-packets along the coast has no doubt made the aspect of it very dif- ferent from what I remember it in 1848-9-50. We sailed from Boston November 22, 1848, and had a very rough passage across the Atlantic. I had been in heavy gales in the Gulf of Lyons, pamperos off Monte Video, and " north- ers " in the Gulf of Mexico and thought I knew what bad weather was; but this experience in the Atlantic on the " fortieth parallel " exceeded anything I had before dreamed of. When we were not scudding we were lying to ; and had not the little ship been, as I have said, a very good sea-boat she must have foundered. I have seen her hove to with only a tarpaulin in the mizen rigging and not a rag of sail on her forward rising to the seas and not shipping one. She had a way as Joe Seawell said of making two " butts " at a sea, and then going around it. For many days we in the steerage did not pretend to wear shoes and Btockings-7-everything was wet ARRIVAL A T FOR TO PR A YA. 1 31 for the steerage was ankle-deep in water. However, we ar- rived safely at Madeira and found the Jamestown, Commodore Bolton, in port. Kemaining but a few. days we sailed for the Cape de Verde islands, looked in at Porto Grande, and early in January, 1849, anchored at Porto Praya. Here we found the Portsmouth, and Commodore Cooper transferred his flag to her. Lieutenant Fleming accompanied him as " Flag " ; Caldwell was made junior lieutenant, and I succeeded him as sailing master. After filling up our provisions and water we sailed to make the usual four months' cruise on the coast. While crossing the Atlantic we found that our rudder-post was decayed, and as Porto Praya did not offer the facilities re- quired we went first to Bathurst on the Gambia river to repair it. The Gambia is a pretty sheet of water and the appearance of Bathurst is picturesque in the extreme. I{ was from Pisanea on this river that Mungo Park set out on his last expedition to discover the mouth of the Niger river, in 1805. We found here several companies of one of the English West India regiments. These regiments have white officers, and the privates are recruited from the captured slaves. All the English posts on the coast were garrisoned by these troops. The officers of the regiment at Bathurst were individually very polite and hospitable ; but I observed here, what I after- wards noticed at the other posts, that the officers did not agree well together and were split up into several small messes. I had expected to see them a " band of brothers " — exiles in a sickly clime as they were — but it was otherwise. Thinking of this curious state of affairs I came to the conclusion that it must be the effect of the climate ; their livers get out of order and they become irritable and quarrelsome. We put an iron band on the rudder-head which we thought would answer temporarily and then sailed for Monrovia. This town is situated on Cape Mesurado which is elevated about 80 feet above the ocean. The small river Mesurado enters the sea on its northern side. Monrovia was named in honor of President Monroe, one of the earliest friends of the American 132 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. Colonization Society, and is the capital of Liberia. The first settlement was made in Liberia in 1822 ; it remained under the protection of the Colonization Society until 1847 when it be- came a free and independent republic, and Mr. Roberts, for- merly a slave in Petersburg, Virginia, was elected President. The republic was modeled after the government of the United States. At the time of our first visit the town of Monrovia was much excited at the probability of a war with a tribe on the southern coast. It appears that some Spaniards (slave dealers) held possession of a strip of coast which the Liberians claimed to have purchased some years before and refused to give it up. They had a factory in the neighborhood of Sinou, and a large quantity of stores, such as rum, cotton-cloths, muskets, pow- der, &c, &c. on hand for the purchase of slaves. It must be understood that the tribes on the coast are not opposed to the slave trade, for the reason that the " slavers" make it a rule never to carry them ofF — the coast tribes make war upon those in the interior and all the slaves they capture they sell to the " factors," who put them in barracoom until an opportunity occurs to ship them. The Spaniards, therefore, felt perfectly safe in arming the tribe at Sinou and defying the Liberians. Great preparations were going on at Monrovia, reinforce- ments were arriving from the different settlements, and Queen Anne muskets, second-hand uniforms, swords, epaulettes, cocked hats and top boots were at a premium. President Roberts, a mulatto, (about three fourths white I should judge), was a man of character and some education. As he was on board the Yorktown a month or more I had an opportunity of observing him. He was very quiet in his deportment and modest withal. We were of course full of curiosity as to the object of the grand expedition and Roberts being close- mouthed we used to " pump" one Colonel Hicks who kept the hotel in Monrovia where we were in the habit of dining when on shore. Hicks was a regular old time darkey and very talkative. Upon one or two occasions whc*rc the Liberians had BATTLE BETWEEN LIBERIANS AND NATIVES. 133 come in collision with the natives Hicks had incontinently fled — he was a born coward, and it was well understood. Hicks, however, did not know much about matters although he was on the President's staff. As he himself acknowledged, upon his propounding a few questions to the President, he had replied : " Colonel Hicks mind your own business." " Oh !" said Hicks in relating this : " That Koberts is a smart nigger !" It was well for him that Roberts did not hear him ! When all was ready the army under Brigadier General Lewis, (also a mulatto, and a former slave in Virginia) was put on board some small schooners, and these were taken in tow by a French steam gunboat which co-operated with the Libe- rians. We sailed in company with President Roberts on board and soon anchored off Sinou. The force was landed the next morning and although we had orders to take no part yet at the request of Roberts our captain consented to let four unarmed boats pull in with them, for effect. I went in charge of one and had a good view of the battle. When Colonel Hicks landed, which was towards the last, he was a sight to see, in his cocked-hat, epaulettes and top boots. Our purser, an old acquaintance, chaffed him unmer- cifully because he did not go to the front ; but Hicks did not advance ; he " saw from the beach when the morning was shining " all he wanted to see. The opposing parties with their old fashioned arms kept up a heavy fire at long range the whole of the first day. The natives lay hidden in the woods or bushes and the Liberians would not leave the sea-side. The second day the French captain thinking he might be kept there a lifetime decided to take a hand in it himself; so twenty sailors were landed under a lieutenant, the woods were shelled by the steamer, and with the Frenchmen in advance the Liberians advanced into the country. Having given them a " start " the Frenchmen re- turned and left the army to pursue its victorious career ; the enemy retreating up the country to the factory where the Spaniards had established their head quarters, and which was 134 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. General Lewis' objective. After the Frenchmen left, the ad- vance was led by a company of Congo negroes who had been captured in a slaver and were now apprenticed in Monrovia. They were the bravest men in the army. The Liberians were absent four or five days and at night we could track them by the burning villages. They reached the factory and burned it and returned to the beach with the Spaniards as prisoners. There was great rejoicing in all the land when the victorious army got back to Monrovia. We had orders to take Presi- dent Roberts on board again, which we did, and visited Cape Palmas, Grand Bassa, Tradetown, Cape Mount and other places. The president lived in the cabin and conducted himself with much propriety. We fell in with an English man-of-war at Cape Mount and as soon as her captain saw the Liberian standard at our mast- head he came on board in full uniform to call upon President Roberts. In fact, at all the places visited he received the same honors as would have been extended to a crowned head. We carried Mr. Roberts back to Monrovia, and in June re- turned to Porto Praya. Here we replenished our stores of provisions and water and sailed for Cadiz in Spain. This was off our station ; but our rudder-post was in such bad con- dition that it became necessary to replace it, and this could not be done at any port on the coast. It may readily be believed that we were glad to have so pleasant a break in our cruise. We touched at Madeira on our way for a few days. We found the Portsmouth in port and Commodore Cooper whose health had long been failing went home in her. In a few months she rejoined the squadron bearing the flag of Commo- dore F. S. Gregory. We were in Cadiz some weeks while a new rudder-post was made for us at the dock-yard. We then sailed and spent the summer in visiting Madeira, Teneriffe and Palmas ; and in October returned to Port Praya. The cruise to windward was a most delightful one, and was of much service to us all. The merchants of Funchal, Madeira, are famed for their hospitality PORTO PRAYA. 135 and the people of Palmas, Grand Canary, we found equally- kind. I shall have more to say of these islands in my next chapter. Porto Praya is on the island of St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verdes. It is a small town, inhabited by a few Portuguese, half breeds, and negroes ; the latter constitute the bulk of the population. It is situated on a high bluff overlooking the hay and is not particularly unhealthy or warm. The harbor is a good enough one during the continuance of the " trades," which blow about ten months in the year. In the months of August and September heavy gales sometimes blow from the southwest, and as the harbor is open in that di- rection vessels which happen to be in the port must slip their cables and go to sea. It was to Porto Praya that Commodore Charles Stewart brought his two prizes, the Oyane and Levant, which he had captured in the frigate Constitution eighteen days before : February 20th, 1815. While lying there an English squad- ron of superior force made its appearance and the commo- dore fearing it would not observe the neutrality of the port stood out to sea with his ships, and endeavored to make his escape. The Constitution and the Oyane got safely to New York, but the Levant was recaptured. On the north side of the island are the ruins of an old Portuguese city. It was abandoned in consequence of having no harbor ; but from the appearance of the ruins it must have been rather an imposing place. I saw there the stone walls of the churches and other public buildings. Upon the occasion of my visit I went to a monastery, some portions of which are inhabitable ; indeed we found several black monks in posses- sion. There was a library there and some of the books were in a good state of preservation. These books must have been very old and rare and would be worth their weight in gold in London. Being fond of old books I have since regretted not purchasing some of them which I could readily have done. The Cape de Verdes were discovered in 1449, and I expect 136 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. this city was founded not many years after. It was called Santiago, and it was here that the Vittoria, one of Magellan's squadron, touched, July 10th, 1522, upon her return to Spain after having accomplished the first circumnavigation of the globe. The old city presented a mournful appearance ; but we found a few negroes there. Dr. Potter being with me all the sick were brought out for him to prescribe for as soon as it became known. It is indeed sad to fall in with people in these out-of-the-way places and witness their sufferings for the want of medical and especially surgical assistance. The fever they can manage themselves, but any accident to body or limb must go uncared for. The only people' more to be pitied in this respect are the American merchant sailors. The Government established a depot at Porto Praya some time in 1842 I believe, and it was the general rendezvous of the squadron. The island furnishes very fair mess stores — fruits in great abundance, and the oranges the best I have ever seen anywhere. The inhabitants raise turkeys in great numbers, and at all the places on the coast we found them in abundance. This rather surprised me, for I do not remember seeing them in any numbers in the tropics anywhere else. We were caught here on this visit by a southwest gale which came near driving us ashore. The wind sprang up at night and increased so rapidly that our captain did not think it prudent to attempt to get underweigh and he decided to ride it out. All hands were called about two a. m., the topmasts were housed and the lower yards sent down. We were riding by the starboard bower anchor, and immediately let go the port bower and sheet anchors ; we veered chain on all until the star- board bower had 120 fathoms out. I had never before seen a vessel ride out a gale on a lee shore ; and as the sea rose and came rolling in it seemed impossible that anything could hold the ship. The port chains did not get an even strain with the starboard bower, and as the ship rose to a sea she would straighten the latter out as stiff as an iron bar and the strain would squeeze the stay-bolts out of it. But it held. We were RESCUE OF THE COPPER THWAITE. 137 in the habit of overhauling our chains once a quarter and knew that everything was in good order. The stern of the ship was not very far from the rocks at the base of a steep cliff, and if the ship had gone ashore not many of the hundred and fifty men on board would have reached- the shore alive. We were up all night and well into the next day making all snug. The starboard sheet was hemp and it took some time to bend it, which we did. At noon just as the order was given to pipe to dinner an American brig — called the Copperthwaite, from Philadelphia on a trading voyage- — dragged ashore and hoisted her colors union down. It was my special duty, as Master to attend to this kind of work so I volunteered to go to her assistance. The captain hesitated some time about low- ering a boat — indeed there was such a fearful sea running that most of the lieutenants thought that a boat could not reach the shore — but he finally consented to let me make the attempt. The boatswain was ordered to call down the main hatch for volunteers and the whole ship's company promptly responded. Passed Midshipman Selden volunteered to go with me and we picked out thirteen men, most of whom were petty oflicers. The boat was lowered with Selden, two men and myself in her, and towed astern by a hawser ; the other men jumped overboard with lines and we pulled them in the boat as best we could. Watching a favorable opportunity we let go the hawser, pulled short round, and made for the stranded brig. I cannot attempt to describe the trip ; but we could only see the top of our ship's masts when we went down in the hollow of the waves, and from the ship they did not see us at all. There was an American whaler between us and the shore and her boats were much better adapted to the work than ours but her crew looked upon it as our " pigeon," and con- tented themselves with giving us three cheers as we went flying by. The brig was lying broadside to the beach, the sea was making a clean breach over her and the men were lashed in the rigging. I pulled in under her lee to turn round, and having done so, pulled directly for her main rigging in which I saw her 138 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICES,. captain waiting. As we got near I ran forward to be the first on board and as the boat touched the brig's side I made a spring and caught the captain's hand, at the same time the re- ceding wave carried the boat back towards the shore. I hung on for a moment, but our hands being wet and perhaps a little greasy, my hold slipped and overboard I went. The anxiety of my men to save me came near drowning me ; for as soon as my head appeared one fellow stuck a boat-hook in the back of my neck which pushed me under again, and I could not get a chance to catch my breath. When I did catch it I ordered them in terms more forcible than polite to let me alone, and being a tolerable swimmer I was soon on board the brig and my men after me. As is the custom in such cases I took command of the brig and gave some necessary orders as to sending down the upper yards and masts, and to execute which my men sprang aloft like cats. The captain relieved of all responsibility seemed another man, and his first words were : " Well gents, what will you take to drink ? " At sunset the gale had somewhat moderated ; but fearing the brig might go to pieces during the night, and knowing that no assistance could be expected from the shore, we decided to leave her and watch her from the beach. As I had previously sent the boat ashore under the lee of the brig, where she had been hauled up by the natives, we all jumped overboard and swam ashore in a body. The gale still moderating we went ofi" to the brig again shortly after midnight and got an anchor out to windward. About daylight the land breeze made, we set sail, and by 8 A. m. she was afloat. The brig was really not much injured ; she leaked a little, but not more than the pumps could clear very handily ; the men however were tampered with by the Portuguese merchants in Porto Praya and went before the American Consul and protested against going to sea in her. The Consul ordered a survey, and we sent a gang of men, discharged her cargo, and hove her down. Our carpenters stopped the leak, and we put her all a-taunto again ; the men still refused to go in her and she was sold. A COMPLIMENTARY LETTER. 139 She was worth about six thousand dollars and brought fifteen hundred. A few days after, she sailed for the coast under a Portuguese captain with a full cargo of rice ! Not the first American vessel sacrificed in this way in a foreign port by a long shot. I felt very much for the poor captain, and after all the men did not make very much by their motion as mo3t of them died of fever. In spite of the exposure and hard work our men did not suffer at all. We did not have a single case of fever. For my services on this occasion I, some months afterwards, received a letter from the Hon. Secretary of State ; all I remember about it is that it was tied with a blue ribbon. 140 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. CHAPTEK XIII. KRO0HEN — THE BRIG "PORPOISE" — A BOATSWAIN'S MATE - S POETBY — A NAB- BOW ESCAPE FROM DROWNING — AOCBA — ELMINA — CAPE COAST CASTLE — QEAVE OF L. E. L. — SLAVEES— A YANKEE TEICK— THE SLAVE TEADE— THE "BEIDQTON" WHTDAH — DAHOMEY — PRINCE'S ISLAND — AFRICAN FEVEE — SECOND CBUISE TO WINDWAED — MADEIRA— CANARY ISLANDS — WEECK OF THE " YOEKTOWN" ON THE ISLAND OF MAYO — BETUBN HOME — HOW TO FIND THE MOON'S ABE. Upon our first visit to Monrovia we had provided ourselves with twenty Kroumen to do the boat work of the ship. These men belong to a tribe on the coast near Tradetown ; but there are always a number of them to be found at a little village of their own near Monrovia. They are sober and obedient, and the best boatmen in the world. They are regularly enlisted and borne on the ship's books and as their proper names can- not be pronounced— much less spelled — the purser names them to suit himself. These names are printed inside their Sunday hats and if the hat is lost the man loses his identity. On Sun- days they were mustered with the rest of the crew, and it was hard to resist a smile at hearing called out such names as-: Jack Fryingpan, Giraffe, Upside Down, Bottle of Beer, &c. When I went on shore to take observations with the artificial horizon (a small trough filled with quicksilver) the boat's crew of Kroumen would sit on their haunches near by and gravely watch the operation. As they saw me do this always before sailing from a port they not unnaturally gathered the impres- sion that as I looked in the quicksilver with the sextant / was looking for the way to the next port ! I encouraged them in this belief to keep them quiet. At Porto Praya, especially, they were always very anxious to know what vessels were anchored off Monrovia, and as I generally knew what vessels should be there I could give a correct answer. A BOATSWAIN'S MATE'S POETRY. 141 We sailed from Porto Praya on our second cruise down the coast in November, 1849. Upon our arrival at Monrovia we found the brig Porpoise at anchor (as I had previously pre- dicted.) The second lieutenant of the brig, Israel Waite, was one of the most humorous men I have ever known. Alas poor Yorick ! he lost his commission a few years after this time and went to Nicaragua with Walker's filibusters where he was either killed or died of fever. The captain of the Porpoise was a nervous man and had a habit of calling everything a " chap ;" he would say : " What do you think of that chap," meaning perhaps a rising squall. Waite in turning over the deck to his relief would frequently say : " It looks a little chappy on the lee bow." The Porpoise had a fine set of fellows in her wardroom and we were very intimate with them. She had, too, that vara avis, a poetical boatswain's mate ! Here is one of his parodies which I happen to recall : 1. I knew by the smoke that so gracefully curled Around the fore hatch that dinner was nigh ; And I said if there's anything good in this world "lis made in our mess and they call it sea-pie. 2. "Kb 12 and the boatswain is ordered to pipe, His mates they stand ready to answer and bawl; The grog-tub is out and the line stretched along, Each hand is awaiting the sound of the " call." 3. By the side of yon grog-tub how sweet 'tis to Rtand And listen to catch the dear sound of your name : But oh I how much sweeter when the tot's in your hand You drink and are off some sea-pie to claim. 4. And thus in a snug man-of-war did I say, "With a cook to attend me and make me sea-pie; With my half pint of whiskey to drink every day, How sweet could I live, and how calm could I die! 142 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER The mess on board the Porpoise kept a book called the " goss" book ; I do not know the etymology of the word " goss;" but that was its name. All such effusions as the above were entered in it, which is why I remember it. My memory pre- serves, fortunately for the reader, but one more. TO ANNAPOLIS. For many months we happy were In drinking juleps, eating crabs, Without a thought, without a care, We smoked away — not penny grabs I But oh ! the day at length arrived To pony up the good and just Bound sum of three seventy-five But very few put down the dust. But: Satis superque, de reste, bastantemente ! All this is digression and a long one too. Let me pull myself together and resume. While at Monrovia upon this visit I made a pretty narrow escape from drowning. When we went on shore we never attempted to land in our own boats — the custom was to lie out- side the breakers and wait for a canoe to come out and take us in. One morning I started with two of our lieutenants to go on shore to hold a survey on some naval stores, and when we got near the beach the senior officer said it was too rough to land. My friend, Dr. Thomas M. Potter, (now a medical director on the retired list) was in the boat and as we wanted to go on liberty we waited for a canoe and very imprudently both got in her — I in the bow and he in the stern. When we entered the breakers the first one went completely over and' swamped us. I knew the Krouman was all right, but as soon as I got my head above water I turned to look for Potter ; see- ing him diving for his umbrella I concluded he could take care of himself, so I struck out for the shore which I was the first to reach. Fortunately there were a number of Kroumen on the beach watching us and they joined hands and hauled us up as soon as we struck the beach : otherwise we would in- CAPS COAST CASTLE. 143 evitably have been carried back by the undertow and drowned. I remember that when I struck the beach the sand seemed to me to be receding at the rate of 40 miles a minute ; " or words to that effect." In January, 1850, we sailed from Monrovia for a cruise down the coast. "We first stopped at Cape Palmas, which struck me as the prettiest of all the settlements in Liberia, and I believe it is the most healthy. From there we went down along the gold coast into the Gulf of Guinea, stopping at Accra, Elmina, and Cape Coast Castle. Elmina and Cape Coast Castle are fortified places ; the former is held by the Dutch and the latter by the English. All these places were originally held by the Portuguese who made the first discoveries on this coast; they discovered Madeira in 1419; Cape Bojador in 1439; Cape Verde in 1446; the Cape de Verde islands in 1449 ; Sierra Leone in 1450 ; Congo was visited in 1484 ; and finally Bartolomeo Diaz reached the Cape of Good Hope — called by him the Cape of Storms- — in 1486. They were the great navigators of the world at this time. ,Cape Coast Castle presents a very imposing appearance from the sea. It is built of brick or stone, and mounts some large guns, principally for the land defence. It has resisted several attacks by the Ashantees. It was here that the poetess, Miss Landon, (l. e. l.) died. She married Governor McLean, and died soon after her arrival at the Castle under somewhat mys- terious circumstances. I had a commission from a lady to gather something from her grave — a flower or even a tuft of grass — but I found only a slab, to mark where she had been buried in the parade ground, and no green thing within a mile of it. At Elmina and Cape Coast Castle we were most hospitably entertained by the officers. Poor fellows, they were much cut off from the world and a strange face was a real pleasure to them. These places along the coast, called factories, were originally established for the trade in slaves. At Accra we fell in with H. B. M. brig Contest, Captain Spencer, who told 144 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICEk. us of a certain American brig Bridgton being on the coast and strongly suspected of being a slaver. I had always had a desire to catch a slaver with the slaves on board, for I wanted to see if what I had heard of them was true ; but I knew the trouble it gave if one were only taken on suspicion. The difficulty with these vessels was that the slavers took out the same cargo as the regular traders, viz. : rum, tobacco, cotton- cloths, fire arms, &c, &c. Under a cargo of this kind the slavers had lumber for the slave deck, water casks, &c. When they arrived at the place where the slaves were ready to be shipped they would discharge cargo, fill up their water, take the negroes on board with inconceivable rapidity, and put to sea. A neat trick was played upon the English brigs Contest and Kingfisher by the captain of one of these vessels. He was in port with them, and at first was suspected ; but as he flew the American flag the Englishmen were chary of searching him. After some time, as he continued to sell his goods as a regular trader, their suspicions were allayed and he became quite sociable with the two English captains. He had just arrived on the coast, had plenty of good liquors and cigars, and was very hospitable. The captains frequently dined with him and no doubt found it pleasant to be relieved of the restrictions of a man-of-war. One evening the conversation turned on the sailing qualities of their respective vessels and the American said he would like to give them a trial. The next morning he got underweigh with the land breeze and in passing the English brigs hailed their commanders and challenged them to a race. They both got underweigh, followed him out, and in the afternoon when the usual sea breeze set in they had a trial of speed "on a wind." At sunset the English vessels parted company as they were obliged to return to their stations. The American bid them an affectionate adieu. "When the brigs got back they found he had taken on board a full cargo of slaves the preceding night, and as he had 24 hours start it was useless to pursue. THE SLAVE TRADE. 145 When slaves are actually on board a vessel it is hard to say whether their condition is ameliorated by being recaptured or not. If they are recaptured they cannot be restored to their homes; for they are taken from the interior, and if landed, the eoast tribes make them prisoners again : so some other dis- position must be made of them. If captured by an English man-of-war they are sent to Sierra Leone, or enlisted in the West India regiments ; if an American man-of-war captures them they are landed at Monrovia and apprenticed to the Liberians for a term of years ; and if they are not slaves their condition is so near it that I was unable to perceive the difference. On our way down to Whydah we fell in with the brig Bridgton. I boarded her and brought her captain back with me, with his " papers." He was a Portuguese and had not an American in his crew. He was evidently much frightened, but after some conversation with our captain he convinced him that his " papers " were all right : as indeed they seemed to be. The brig was cleared from Bahia and her " papers " were countersigned by the American consul. When the cap- tain found we intended to let him go he became as saucy as a Pasquotank man in tie herring season. We furnished him with an anchor and cable, for which he gave us an order on his owners in Philadelphia. The Bridgton accompanied us to Whydah, and here we found the launch of the Kingfisher, commanded by a Lieutenant Hamilton. The English used to keep their boats stretched along the coast, at intervals of ten miles, and in this way one vessel watched a long strip of coast. The brig Perry, commanded by Commander Foote (afterwards a distinguished admiral) was the only vessel of our squadron that adopted this plan and she was rewarded by the capture of several slavers. One was a large ship with six or eight hundred slaves on board. The Perry was under English colors when she saw her, and the ship hoisting American colors, Captain Foote took pos- session of her. Hamilton of the Kingfisher had been after 7 146 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. the Bridgton for some time. He was very glad to spend his nights with us while at Whydah ; but I observed he kept a bright lookout for the Kingfisher, and was always off bright and early. He was a capital fellow and we were glad to have him. He told us that the captain of the Bridgton was very " cheeky " since our arrival and would point to our flag and tell him he could not " touch him now.' ; Hamilton always told him he was only waiting for him to get his slaves on board to capture him. We heard afterwards that the Bridgton got off with a full cargo of slaves a few days after our de- parture, in spite of Hamilton. Whydah is the principal seaport of the kingdom of Da- homey, of which we have heard so much of late years. An Englishman who had been in the country for some time gave me an interesting account of the king and his people. Speaking of their snake temples — for they worship snakes — he said that an English cooper, not long in the country, was one day coopering a cask, and seeing a large snake near by he chopped its head off. It was with much difficulty that the foreigners saved his life; he was sent out of the country and a large fine paid. He told me that when the king desired to send a message to a deceased friend yr relative he would send for a slave, give him the message and have his head cut off; he said he had never seen a slave exhibit any fear, and I have been told the same of the Chinese when about to suffer death. From Whydah we went to Prince's island to water ship. This is a beautiful spot, nearly on the equator ; the land is very, high and as vessels anchor near the shore the hills seem to be nearly overhead. We enjoyed our visit here very much, princi-, pally on account of the fresh-water bathing. Many streams run- into the sea from the mountains near the village, and in a hard, rain it is wonderful to see the rapidity with which the water rises. In company with half-a-dozen officers I walked across the island to visit an old city which had been abandoned. I found there the ruins of stone churches, monasteries, etc., simi-. SECOND CRUISE TO WINDWARD. 147 lar to the old city on St. Jago island. It had evidently been a place of importance. These old cities all have romantic his- tories if one could only get at them. The Portuguese seemed in those days to build cities first, and look for a harbor afterwards. St. Paul de Loanda, in about nine degrees south latitude, was the largest and most important of all their cities on the west coast. It still belongs to Portugal, but is of little conse- qirence now ; though the recent operations on the Congo river may resuscitate it. Our ship was perfectly healthy the whole time we were - on this station. We were never allowed to remain out of the ship after sunset, and the ship never entered the rivers. In 1844 the Preble lost many of her crew while lying in a river on the coast, since which time it is forbidden by the Depart- ment to do so. I think the health of the station compares favorably with the West Indies or coast of Brazil. We had but one case of real African fever and the patient recovered. Leaving Prince's island we sailed for Porto Praya, touching at many ports on our way up the coast. We sailed from Porto Praya for a cruise to windward in June, in company with the Portsmouth. We beat up through the islands (Cape de Verdes) and I was much surprised at the strength of the trades. • As we got to the northward of Mayo the wind freshened to double reefs, and at noon we were actually hove to under a close- reefed main topsail and fore storm staysail. At 4 p. M. the same day we had the royals set. . We arrived at Funchal on the 1st of July and for the month we remained there did nothing but enjoy ourselves. It was our third visit and we had many acquaintances. We commenced the round by having all of our friends on board to a d&jeuner a la fourchette on the 4th of July, and after that there was a succession of picnics, dinner parties, etc. Mr. Howard March, our consul, kept open house and his partner, Mr. Beyman, did the honors. About the 1st of August we left Madeira for the Canary islands and spent another month between Teneriffe and Palmas. These islands belong to Spain. They were known to the' 148 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. ancients under the name of the Fortunate Islands. One can readily understand why they were known as they can be seen from the coast of Africa. The peak of Teneriffe, 12,000 feet high, is visible in clear weather at a distance of 150 miles. The Spaniards discovered these islands about 1330. They were inhabited at that time by a race called Guanches, probably Arabs from the adjacent coast. All trace of these people is now lost, which is much to be regretted. The Spaniards ex- tirpated them during the 16th century. From Gomera, the most westerly island, Columbus sailed to discover the new world. We sailed from Palmas about August 30th, 1850, on what was to prove the last cruise of the Yorktown. We had fresh trades and fine weather and steered to make Bonavista the northernmost of the Cape de Verde islands. We expected to meet our relief, the sloop-of-war Dale, at Porto Praya whence we would sail for home. It may be imagined that we were all in fine spirits. Our cruise was up ; we had lost but one or two men by sickness ; there had been no courts-martial, and nothing had occurred to break the harmony existing on board. The second day out I remember that when I marked the chart in the wardroom I called attention to the fact that we were abreast the point where Captain Riley was wrecked in the brig Commerce in the early part of the century, and he and his crew made prisoners by the Arabs. We made the island of Bonavista as expected, and on the 4th of September ran along the eastern side of the island of Sal with a strong trade wind blowing. At sunset that day we hauled round the south point of that island and shaped a course to pass to the northward of the island of Mayo. There was some discussion as to this, for the usual course was to go to the southward of Mayo; but no danger was anticipated as there was plenty of room and to spare between Mayo and the island to the northward of it. The ship was under top gallant sails and the lee clew of the mainsail, and running 9 knots, with the wind on the starboard quarter. At 1 a. m. we hauled WRECK OF TEE YORKTOWN. 149 up the mainsail. I had the morning watch and at 4 A. M. re- lieved Lieutenant Caldwell, who, after passing the orders, ex- patiated upon the good breakfast he expected to wake up to in Porto Praya, where we expected to arrive by 8 A. m. The island of Mayo was in sight on our port beam, and the island of St. Jago ahead; the weather was clear with flying trade clouds. The captain who had been up all night came out of his cabin and asked me how far I thought we were from Mayo. The peaks visible to us were some distance inland, and it was difficult to judge. Our lookouts were cautioned to be on the qui vive, and I had scarcely issued the order when the forecastle lookout called out: "breakers ahead." It was just before 5 o'clock, and the day was beginning to dawn. I imme- diately slapped the helm hard down and manned the lee main braces, intending to brace up aft, brace abox the head yards, and wear short round on her heel ; but she had hardly come up a point when she struck, and fetched up all standing. It was a miracle that the masts did not go over the bows. We now braced up fore and aft, and attempted to force her over. Upon sounding the well it was found that there was already much water in her, and we manned the pumps and commenced pumping. By this time all hands were on deck, and the first lieutenant, Mr. Rootes, had just relieved me when the carpen- ter came up, and in a low, calm voice. said: "It is of no use to pump ; the ship's bottom is knocked out !" And so it was ; ■ she had struck on sunken, sharp-pointed rocks, and as she rose and fell with the sea which was pretty heavy the bottom was crushed in, and the water tanks, &c, in the hold were rammed up against the berth deck beams. Finding that it was useless to attempt to save the ship we now turned our attention to the saving of life and material. The boats were hoisted out and lowered and towed a-stern with marines in them to prevent any one getting in without orders, and the upper masts and yards were sent down on deck. The ship had now settled down on the rocks with the water about knee-deep on the berth deck. When day broke we found we were on the north end of 150 HE COLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. Mayo island about a mile from the shore. Outside of us, at a distance of a mile, was a reef on which the sea was breaking heavily ; had we struck on that reef not a man would have been saved. The purser's safe with the ship's money and books were taken up into the cabin, and the men were ordered to bring their bags up on the spar deck. "While we were en- gaged in this the ship suddenly fell over on her starboard beam ends, and there was a rush for the boats, which were soon filled with the marines, landsmen and idlers. The officers and our best men, however, stuck to the ship and clambered up the sides to the weather rail. The masts were cut away, and although some men were aloft at the time they were rescued unhurt. As soon as I got on the weather side I turned to take a view of the scene, and the first man I noticed was Caldwell sitting on the weather main brace bumpkin with a loaf of bread under his arm, and a very tall plume sticking up in his old straw sombrero. It seems that as the ship cap- sized he had grabbed at the captain's flower-pots and seized the plume which he stuck in his hat. The ship now lay com- pletely over on her starboard side, with the water over her hatchways. Lieutenant Frailey who was below when the ship went over made a narrow escape ; he found all the ladders carried away and could not get on deck ; as the water came pouring in it swept him aft, and with a receding swell he was carried to the hatchway, where the boatswain caught sight of him, and with the assistance of the gunner hauled him up on deck in an exhausted condition. The ship had no air-ports and the lower deck was lighted by dead lights let into the spar deck. As the ship capsized, the pressure of the air forced out all those on the port side. Two of the wardroom servants (Portuguese) who were caught below took refuge in the mas- ter's room, and thrust their hands through these openings with loud cries for assistance. The boatswain, Mr. Young, and the gunner, Mr. Oliver, who were conspicuous for their activity and courage on this occasion, cut the hole larger with axes and soon got them on deck. They certainly came up WRECK OF THE YORKTOWN. 151 through a very small hole, and were so dreadfully frightened that they forgot all the English they had previously learned, nor did they recover it while I was with them. The boats being loaded to the water's edge were sent ashore to land their men, and we hung on to the wreck to await their return. Our best men stuck by the officers and were perfectly unconcerned ; the only fear I had was that she might slip off the. rocks and go down in deep water. In the course of an hour the boats returned, and the ship was formally abandoned without the loss of a man. Mr. Rootes was the last man to leave the wreck. As soon as we got on shore we picked out good boats' crews and returned to the ship where we commenced getting sails and spars for tents and sent them on shore. All the provisions we could get at were also landed. The water was spoiled five minutes after the ship struck, and it was well for us that we found it on the island. As it was we suffered much for the want of it the first day. By sunset we had sent ashore many necessary articles and we all landed. I shall never forget the headache I had when I got on shore, nor the magical effects of a cup of tea which a sailor brought me in a tin pot. We slept that night on the beach in the tents we had erected. The next morning we went again to the wreck, and the Kroumen who were demoralized the first day now proved very efficient. The ship's money which consisted of doubloons and silver dol- lars in bags had been put on the transom in the cabin, and was now lying to leeward of it under water with debris of all kinds. The Kroumen recovered a good deal of it by diving. I noticed that when they became exhausted they would say they would make one more dive and stop. At the last dive they would come up with both hands full of money and their mouths also ! We winked at this proceeding, remembering the old adage that you should never " look a gift horse in the mouth." Had it not been for these water-dogs we would not have re- covered a cent. As the ship broke up, different articles floated on shore ; among them many quarter casks of good Madeira wine. These we had to stave to prevent the men from getting 152 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. at it. "We remained here several days and then removed to the southern end of the island, where there was a town inhabited by negroes. Some of us went by land and the rest in the boats. Upon our arrival the officers and men were distributed among the houses, and Lieutenant Spottswood was sent in the launch to Porto Praya to notify the Consul of our condition. He soon returned with a schooner loaded with provisions from the naval store-house. There were a few Portuguese in the village ; a commandante, of course, and about twenty black soldiers. The American Consul was a Portuguese negro who had received some education in Lisbon. We found him a very sensible and hospitable man. Mayo exports salt only. Ships go to the town I am writing of for it. There is no harbor, and the salt is taken off with much difficulty ; it is collected in pans. We remained on the island 33 days anxiously looking for the arrival of the Dale. Our amusements were salt-water bathing, riding donkey races and shooting. We found large numbers of quail and guinea fowls on the island ; the latter the most difficult bird to shoot I have ever met with. Our men remained healthy and we lost but one man by sickness. The huts we lived in were comfortable enough in dry weather ; but in rainy weather the roofs leaked badly. Calling upon one of the midshipmen one morning I found him in bed read- ing Shakespeare ; he was smoking a pipe and had a glass of aguadiente convenient ; and to make himself still more com- fortable had an umbrella hoisted to protect himself from the rain which was falling heavily, and from which the roof of his shanty did not protect him. On the 8th of October the Dale arrived, and the next day we went in her to Porto Praya where we found the Portsmouth, Commodore Gregory, and the John Adams, Captain Powell. To this latter ship we were now transferred and sailed in her for home. We ran the trades down to the island of St. Thomas where we stopped to water. We remained but a few days and then sailed for Norfolk where we arrived in December, 1850. Captain Marston was tried by a court martial for the loss of his ship and honorably acquitted. HOW TO FIND THE MOON'S AGE. 153 Before closing this chapter I am reminded to give a " rule for finding the moon's age," given me by Captain Marston — not that it is new, for I have seen it in almanacs many times since then, but because I have never known any one, save myself, to make a proper practical use of it. I am reminded of it here, because I wanted to know if there was a moon on the night the Yorldown, was wrecked and have applied the rule to find out. Of course all almanacs give the moon's age ; but then one cannot always have an almanac at hand. The rule is used by the Church in determining festivals, feast days, etc. It is as follows : " To the epact, add the day of the month, and to this sum add the number of the month from March {inclusive). This sum if less than 30 will be the moon's age ; should the sum exceed 30, subtract 30 and the remainder will be the moon's age." The moon's age calculated in this way may be one day in error. The epact can be found in the Book of Common Prayer of the Episcopal Church. Knowing it for one year it is easily calculated, as it increases by 11 from one year to the next, and 30 is dropped when the sum exceeds 30. It should be observed that the epact is reckoned from March to March. I will give an example of the application of this rule : Required the moon's age on the 5th day of September, 1850. Epact for 1850 17 Number of months from March to September (inclusive) . 7 Day of the month - 5 Moon's age , 29 So there was no moon on that night. 7* 154 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. CHAPTER XIV. A MORNING CALL — ORDEBBD TO THE SURVEYING BBIS " WASHINGTON '" — SURVEY OP NANTUCKET SHOALS — BLOCK ISLAND AND NO MANS LAND — PILOT DAGGETT — THE PILOT OP THE " BIBB " — ANECDOTES — ORDEBED TO THE " PRINCETON" A NIGHT WITH THE '' SPIRIT-RAPPERS " — AM DE- TACHED FROM THE "PRINCETON" AND ORDEBED TO THE " CYANE." Upon the conclusion of the court-martial on Captain Mars- ton, before which I appeared as a witness, I was granted the usual three months' " leave." While at home on this " leave " I was frequently requested by my mother and sister, who were not visiting at the time, to call on their friend Miss Zanes, who was living at one of the largest private boarding-houses in the city. I never returned from a walk that I was not asked if I had called upon Miss Zanes, until it became at last a house- hold word. Being very bashful I did not like the idea of calling alone and introducing myself, but finally I screwed my courage up to the sticking place. Calling at the house I inquired if Miss Zanes was in, and being answered in the affirmative, I sent up my card and entered the parlor. I had not been long seated when the door opened and a lady appeared. I met her, introduced myself as Passed Midshipman Parker of the navy, and shook hands with her. I thought she seemed embarrassed, but she advanced to the fire and sat down. I drew up a chair and commenced the conversation with an allusion to certain atmospherical changes, etc., but I made but little headway. Miss Zanes is quiet and timid, I thought, I must endeavor to bring her out. While re- volving in my mind the best manner of accomplishing this the door opened and another lady appeared ; she had her hat on. It flashed across me in a moment ! I had made a mistake. This was Miss Zanes ; she had been out walking, and had just come in and heard of my being in the parlor. I advanced to the ORDERED TO BRIG WASHINGTON. 155 door, bowed, introduced myself as Passed Midshipman Parker of the navy, and shook her warmly by the hand ; at the same time congratulating myself upon my self-possession and per- ception. She went to the fire, took a seat, and entered into conversation with the first lady. I also took a chair and occa- sionally tried to get a word in edgeways, (so to speak) ; but in a little while they both rose and went to the window and sat down in the alcove. Well, I thought, this is a most extraor- dinary proceeding on the part of Miss Zanes ! But I could not remain alone at the fire-place, so I picked up a chair and followed them. The mischief of it was that I was not certain now which was Miss Zanes ! I became somewhat confused and rather red in the face. I did the best I could under these novel circumstances and put in a remark now and then to which they did not deign to reply. While meditating a retreat, and not exactly sure as to which one to shake hands with in making mes adieux the door opened, and a third lady appeared upon the scene ! By George, said I to myself, I have been all wrong, this must be Miss Zanes ! I advanced to meet her, introduced myself as before, and fortunately for my brain it was Miss Zanes : the real Simon pure. I begged her to explain to the other ladies that I was not an escaped lunatic with a mania for introducing myself to people; shook her very warmly by the hand and evaporated through the front door. If Miss Zanes had not made her appearance when she did I would have introduced myself to all the boarders in the Butler house (as it was just before the dinner hour) and would probably have ended by being sent to an asylum. I have not had the pleasure of meet- ing Miss Zanes from that day to this. At the expiration of my " leave " I was ordered to the survey- ing brig Washington, lieutenant commanding S. Swartwout. The party was in charge of lieutenant commanding Charles H. McBlair, and consisted of the steamer Bibb, the brig Washing- ton and a small schooner which we chartered for the season. We spent the summer of 1851 in surveying the Nantucket 156 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL- OFFICER. Shoals, and what with gales of wind and fogs we did not get a great many working days. I had the command of the " tender," and when we did have fair weather would have to sit upon deck from about 4 A. M. till 8 in the evening taking an angle every five minutes. I found it uninteresting as well as hard work and was not sorry when the season was over. Happening to ride out a gale on the shoals I compre- hended how so many small fishing vessels are lost on the banks ; for if one holds on too long she will swamp before a man can get forward to slip the chain ; indeed it is impossible to do so. We did some independent work in the Washington after- wards off Block island and No-man's-land. Block island and Nantucket were primitive places in those days, but are now popular summer resorts. Our pilot, Mr. Daggett, had been the pilot of the frigate Congress in the war of 1812, and re- lated many interesting incidents concerning it. He said they were once nine months at sea without going into port. The present Commodore Ingraham who was a midshipman in the ship has since corroborated many of Daggett's statements. The pilot of the Bibb was quite another character ; brought up on Nantucket island, going to sea in the summer and working at his trade in the winter, he was one of the most original men I have ever met. He had a fund of anecdotes, and most of them were out of the usual run of sea-yarns ; one was of a man who was taken very ill from having eaten twelve lobsters. The doctor not relieving him of his pain, he went off and commenced praying as follows : " Oh Lord, you know I am not like those Methodist fellows who are always praying for help and doing nothing for themselves — but if you will relieve me of six of these lobsters I'll try and grapple with the other half-dozen myself." We laid the Washington up in New York in October, and then went to Washington for the winter, where we were em- ployed in office work. In the spring of 1852 preparations were being made for A NIGHT WITH THE " SPIRIT RAPPERS." 157 Commodore Perry's Japan expedition. I was ordered to the Princeton, a new screw sloop just completed at the Boston Yard and designated as one of the vessels of the squadron. I had a very curious experience with the " spirit rappers " the night I arrived in Boston. It was in the midst of the ex- citement caused by the revelations of the Fox girls, and there were more or less believers in every town in New England. I met at the Tremont House my friends Passed Midshipmen Hare and Selden, the first a " true believer," the latter a sceptic in the rapping business, and they proposed that we should visit a " me- dium " that night. Before starting it was decided that Hare should be the questioner and that he should summon up the spirit of a Passed Midshipman Simmons, who had been drowned ofi the coast of Brazil a year before. Simmons was a friend of mine, but an enemy of Hare. "We got to the house of a Mr. Leroy Sunderland about midnight and were ushered into a back parlor where we found the " medium " seated. She was a pale, delicate-looking young woman, of nervous temperament and a frightened air. She had the appearance of a person addicted to the use of narcotics. She was very lady-like in her dress and manner, and for a few minutes we sat around the table, which was an ordinary mahogany centre-table, engaged in conversation. After awhile the spirit of Simmons made its arrival known by a series of raps under the table, and we proceeded to business. I should mention that we were each provided with a pencil and a card with the alphabet printed on it. All communications were made by means of this al- phabet, the questioner putting his pencil on each letter in succession, and the spirit designating the correct one by a rap, until the word was spelled out. Suffice it to say that all Hare's questions were answered with the most remarkable accuracy, though we knew the " medium " could have no sus- picion of who we were. Finally the spirit said to Hare : " I do not like you and will not answer any more questions." I must say I was staggered at this reply and I suspect showed it. The " medium " then said to the spirit : " Is there any person 158 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. in the room you will answer?" The reply was indicated by the table moving sharply up against my breast ! The " medium " directed me to ask a question and I confess that the whole proceeding had astonished me so much that I could scarcely keep my hand from trembling. However, I asked a question, and it being by this time very late I thought it well to break up the seance ; so I put my foot under the table and tilted it. The " medium " instantly rose and said there would be no more communications, that some one had tilted the table. I " acknowledged the corn " (no pun-ish-ment), and we all en- gaged in conversation again. The " medium " now turned her attention especially to me ; she said I could become a first- class medium ; that she knew I was sceptical then, but that if I would only have faith I would become a far better medium than she ; that my appearance indicated it ; (by the way, con- sidering the appearance of the young lady, and that of Mr. Leroy Sunderland himself, this was not so much of a compli- ment as one might suppose), and gave many other good reasons for her belief. So earnest was she in this that after we had left the room she called me back and said the " spirits " would do almost anything to make me a " true believer," and that if I wished it they would rap on the head of my bed that night! I assured her that I would come again to see the " spirits" and that I did not wish them "to rap on the head of my bed ; I was most impressive on this point. I felt nervous enough without that. We returned to the hotel and I went to bed. I was awakened by hearing a spirit talking to me. I opened my eyes and saw a dim outline of something clothed in white robes. Although I could not exactly hear the words I knew that the spirit said : " We are anxious to convert you ; get up and you will see something wonderful ;" I rose in bed and saw directly in front of me a cross of fire ! I lay down again completely dazed, and convinced that this was a revelation. Just then I heard the " boots" in the passage, and this gave me courage. I rose again and at first saw the cross of fire as before — gazing ORDERED TO THE GTANE. 159 steadily at it I rose and walked towards it. The inside shut- ters of my room were in two parts, and the first gleam of the rising sun shining on them had made the burning cross. It was not until I had actually touched the shutter that the illu- sion was dispelled, and if I had not risen the second time I suppose I should have become a spiritualist. I went many times after this to see them, and I observed that while my friend Hare's questions were always answered correctly, mine never were. I thought that perhaps the " mediums" were ex- pert physiognomists — they watched the face of the questioner as he rested his pencil on the letter, and remembered that " the wish is father to the thought." I reported for the Princeton as ordered. She was a long, narrow vessel with a great shear, and not at all adapted to the naval service. We were towed to Baltimore by the Mississippi to take in the machinery, which had been contracted for. Com- mander Sidney Smith Lee was ordered to command her, and my dear friend and mentor, Frank Murray, was one of the lieutenants. I should have been charmed to sail with them, but finding there was no chance "of the ship getting to sea be- came impatient and exchanged into the sloop-of-war Oyane, Captain George N. Hollins, at Norfolk, bound to the West Indies. I may say here that the Princeton never did get to sea ; she was a miserable failure in every respect, and was finally sent to Philadelphia to end her days as a receiving ship. 160 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. CHAPTER XV. JOIN THE "CYANE" — BAD NAVIGATION — HAVANA — THE LOPEZ EXPEDITION — KEY WEST — THE DRY TORTUGAS — PENSACOLA — COMMODORE J. T. NEW- TON — GREYTOWN — THE NICARAGUA ROUTE — A TRIP UP THE SAN JUAN DEL NORTE — CASTILLO — JOIN A FLYING SQUADRON AT PORTSMOUTH, N. H. — EASTPORT— ST. JOHNS — THE BAY OF FUNDY — CAPTAIN GEO. N. HOLLINS — A SUNKEN ROCK — AN OLD TIME DUTCH COMMANDER — THE GULF OF ST. LAWRENCE — DETACHED FROM THE " CYANE" — THE " CYANE" BOMBARDS GREYTOWN — THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN — STRAIN'S EXPEDITION — CAPTAIN PREVOST'S EXPERIENCE — THE DARIEN AND MOSQUITO IN- DIANS. I reported on board the Cyane in July, 1852, and did not much fancy going into the steerage again after having been sailing master of a ship for two years ; but my rank did not entitle me to be detailed as such from the navy department, so I had to take my chance of an acting appointment as I had done in going to the coast of Africa. We went from Norfolk to New York for a draft of men to complete our crew, and in the Fall sailed for Havana. Our master was not by any means an expert in the art of navigating a ship, and in attempting to go through the Hole in the Wall came very near plumping us on Abaco Island ; however we got to Havana without further mishap and after remaining there a few days sailed for Pen- eacola. Here we found orders to return to Havana, On this trip our master got entirely out of his reckoning ; we made the land on the fourth day out, and at sunset hove to off what he said was Havana. We thought it very strange that the light could not be seen ; but there is always much delicacy observed in such cases in ,the navy, and no one had a word to say. That night I had the mid watch, and at 12 o'clock re- lieved the master who told me the orders were to keep the beach in sight. The ship was under topsails, foresail and jib and BAB NAVIGATION. 161 was sailing along the land with a light breeze, instead of being hove to with her head off shore as she should have been. Not liking the look of things I made the master write the orders on the log slate. About 1 o'clock the lookout in the lee gangway reported a boat in sight, and stepping to leeward I saw a fishing boat at anchor. Knowing we must be pretty close to the land I wore ship close around the boat, and stood off shore. At 3 A. M. I tacked ship and stood in shore again for the purpose of putting the ship as near the position in which I took charge of her as possible. At 4 when the watch was called we were nearly as close to the land as at 12, and when my relief (who was a slow coach) came up we just had the beach in sight as directed. I told my relief that he had better tack ship at once, stand off shore for an hour, and by that time it would be light enough for him to see. He said he would do so. I went below and waited anxiously to hear the order " ready about," which at last came. As the ship went round I commenced to undress, but just as she came head to wind she struck and was soon hard and fast aground. All hands were soon on deck and the stream anchor was carried out astern. The ship did not make any water, and by 8 o'clock we had her afloat again without having had to start the water or throw anything overboard ; but it was a narrow escape. We found upon inquiring of some fishermen who cam£ off that we were near Bahia Honda, 45 miles west of Havana ! Captain Hollins was a very cool, prompt seaman, and handled his ship well on this occasion. I was much struck with his manner upon reaching the deck. He did not ask any unnecessary questions ; he recognized the fact that the vessel was on shore and must be gotten off, and he proceeded to take steps to accomplish it. Indeed he never did call the master to account either for being so much out in his reckoning, or for not heaving the ship to with her head off shore as he had ordered him to do. I thought myself he should not have over- looked this latter point. 162 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. Upon our arrival at Havana our third lieutenant was in- valided which promoted me to master, and a few days after- wards the Fulton came in with Vice President King on board, short of officers. Our former master was sent to her, and I became an acting lieutenant, and Passed Midshipman Van Zandt was made master. Our stay at Havana was not marked by any incidents of importance. The relations between the United States and Spain were rather strained in consequence of the expedition of Lopez in 1850. In April of that year Lopez landed at Car- denas with about six hundred men, and after an obstinate engagement succeeded in taking the town. He was afterwards forced to fly, and with some others escaped to the United States. The Cubans treated the prisoners with unnecessary cruelty, not to say barbarity ; and the feeling against Americans was very bitter at this time. It will be remembered that Lopez made another attempt in the 8ummer"of 1857 with 480 men. On the 11th of August he landed on the northern coast of Cuba, where he left Colonel Crittenden and 100 men, and started to the interior expecting to be joined by the people. He was disappointed. His army was attacked and dispersed. Crittenden and his party were captured and shot. Lopez and six of his companions were also captured, and afterwards executed at Havana by the gar- rote. The recent attempts of the Cubans to attain their in- dependence, and the shooting of Captain Fry and others need not be repeated here. These expeditions cannot be justified by any international laws or customs. We gave a ball during our stay, but it was principally at- tended by Americans and English, and we saw but little of Cuban society in any of our subsequent visits. "We managed to enjoy ourselves riding about the neighborhood in volantes, visiting the Tacon theatre and the cafe' Dominica, the most charming caf6 I have ever seen in any country. From Havana we went to Key "West where we spent two weeks very pleasantly. The citizens we found very kind and THE DR Y TOM TUG AS. 163 hospitable and several balls were given us. The Cyane had now been several years in commission and was overrun by rats. The men were so much annoyed by them that they could find no comfort in their hammocks. Reinforcements joined them at every port in spite of all our precautions, and it had come to such a point that we had to take steps to get rid of them ; so Captain Hollins decided to go to the Tortugas islands and " smoke" the ship. The Tortugas were surveyed in 1829 by the late Commodore Tattnall and the following year the Gov- ernment commenced extensive fortifications on them. At the time of our visit the fort was not garrisoned, an ordnance sergeant being in charge. We ran the ship alongside the coral reef and made her fast as though alongside a wharf. The air ports and hatches being carefully caulked in, charcoal fires were lit along the berth deck and in the holds, on platforms of sand. The carbonic acid gas formed, being heavier than the air, sinks and the rats are driven up from below. Tubs of water were placed along the deck, and as the gas makes the rats thirsty they are found around these tubs. The officers and the crew bivouacked on the island for two days and nights. "We then returned to the ship and removed the hatches. I am afraid to tell how many dead rats we took from the berth deck and store rooms ; but we were not troubled with them again during the cruise, nor did any seem to have died in the hold of the ship. From the Tortugas we went to Pensacola where we found the frigate Columbia, bearing the flag of Commodore John T. Newton. Commodore Newton, though brave and intrepid, met with almost as much ill fortune at sea as Admiral Byron who was nicknamed by his sailors " Foul-weather Jack." He was a lieutenant on board the Hornet when she took the Pen- guin in 1815, and a sword presented to him for his gallantry on this occasion bore the inscription, "Fortune favors the brave." It did not apply in his case, however. He was un- fortunate enough to once lose an officer and boat's crew off Havana ; he commanded the old steamer Fulton which blew 164 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. up at the New York Navy Yard by the explosion of her magazine ; in 1852 he was ordered to command the steamer Missouri, a sister ship to the Mississippi ; in her he went to Washington — the ship got ashore in the Potomac, and a lieu- tenant and some men were drowned in carrying out an anchor in the launoh ; finally the Missouri was burned at Gibraltar. The commodore was a remarkably handsome man, of tall, elegant figure and graceful carriage. He was extremely courteous to his officers. At this time (March, 1853,) the Nicaragua route between New York and San Francisco was doing a good business ; the trip between the two places was sometimes made in nineteen days, which was shorter than via Panama. The steamer from New York went to Greytown (San Juan de Nicaragua) and there the passengers were put on board fight-draft, stern-wheel steam- boats, which went up the San Juan river to Lake Nicaragua. Here, at a village called Fort San Carlos, they were transferred to commodious side-wheel steamboats in which they crossed the lake to Virgin Bay, and from Virgin Bay they crossed in a conveyance of some kind to San Juan del Sur, a distance of ten miles, and went on board the ocean steamer for San Fran- cisco. Greytown on the Mosquito coast claimed to be under the protection of England, though this was a matter of dispute. The whole Mosquito coast had been under the protection of the British for many years ; but in 1850 the jealousy of the United States having long existed on this subject, the two j governments covenanted " not to occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any dominion over any part of Central America." The matter was finally settled in 1857 by Nica- ragua taking possession of it. The town at the time of our visit in the spring of 1853 was inhabited by a lawless set of desperadoes, of all nations, who had organized some kind of a city government. The mayor was said to have been an escaped convict from Sing Sing, and I believe it was so, for the others were evidently tarred GREYTOWN. 165 with the same brush. They resembled the old buccaneers in everything save courage. These people made a living by preying upon the passengers passing to and from California, of whom large numbers were detained at Greytown a day or two at a time on their passage : more by design than by accident. Nearly every house in town was a hotel. The harbor here is formed by an island at the mouth of the river lying opposite Greytown ; on this island the steamship company had its store-houses, and as long as the passengers were detained occasionally and sent ashore in the town to pass a night or two everything went smoothly ; but finally the company decided to build a hotel on the island to keep the passengers on their side of the river during the transit and to prohibit their landing at Greytown at all ; to do all the " skinning" itself in fact. This was more than the Greytowners could stand and they declared war to the knife. Getting wind of this state of affairs the Cyane went there to keep the peace. "We arrived the very night the island was to be stormed and sacked, and landed a force to protect it. The Greytown gen- tlemen decided to postpone the attack until our departure. We kept our men on the island for a few days and the captain then issued a proclamation which he had posted in Greytown forbidding the inhabitants going there without first obtaining permission from the Cyane. He was soundly abused by them for this, but bore it philosophically, especially as the proclama- tion was obeyed. We remained here seventy mortal days, the dreariest time I ever passed in any foreign port, and that is saying a good deal. Our only excitement was caused by the arrival of the steamers from New York and New Orleans which made fortnightly trips and brought us our mails, and the arrival of the steamers from Lake Nicaragua with the San Francisco passengers. I noticed a- difference in the deportment of the outgoing and incoming passengers ; those going out were full of fun and frolic, while those returning were more quiet, I suppose be- cause they had either lost all hope or had made small fortunes 166 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. which they carried about their persons and were careful not to exhibit. In company with some of our officers I made a trip up the river as far as Castillo in one of the company's boats. Castillo, so called from an old Spanish fort built here to command the river, is about 15 miles from the lake. It was once taken by the English under Lord Nelson (then a post captain) and he lost a large number of men by fever. It is situated on a high hill overlooking a bend in the river and presents a most romantic appearance — all ruins do. In travel- ing in these countries one is surprised to see so many solidly built fortifications. The old saying is: "The Spanish build forts, the French take them, and the English hold them." We remained in Castillo a week and then went down the river in a crowded boat with the California passengers which we had not bargained for — there was no distinction made between cabin and steerage passengers, and as the latter made a practice of shooting across the deck at alligators on the banks, promenading was unhealthy — so we had to sit huddled together for three days. The man next me had the small-pox. To add to our discomfort on board the Cfyane we would oc- casionally find snakes; they would come floating down the river on drift wood, &c, and run up our cables. This was a thing I never could become used to, though they were said to be harmless. Our amusements consisted in fishing, and shoot- ing alligators, or I should say of shooting at alligators — for I never saw one killed. We caught one in our seine once, and wild work he made of it. The men towed him off to the ship, and we hoisted him on board with the yard-tackle. The seine was about ruined ; but we got the alligator ! I here first eat the Iguana, cooked by a Mosquito Indian, and found it very palatable. At last the time came when we were getting out of provi- sions, so we sailed for Pensacola. Here we found orders to sail for Portsmouth, N. H., there to join a flying squadron under Commodore W. B. Shubrick. We met the squadron at Ports- mouth, having touched at Norfolk on our way up. The object THE JBA Y OF FUND Y. 157 of this flying squadron, which consisted of four vessels, was to protect the fisheries. The vessels now separated, each to visit different ports. We went first to Eastport, Maine, and thence to St. Johns, K B. The tide rises and falls from twenty to twenty-five feet at these places and it is necessary to bear this in mind in selecting an anchorage. St. Johns, as seen from a vessel, presents at high water quite a different appearance from what it does at low water. We sailed from this place with a southwesterly wind, and proceeded to beat out of the Bay of Fundy. The night following was one of the most disagreeable I have ever passed at sea. I was navigating the ship again, and we were trying to make the light on Seal island. It was blowing and rain- ing: thick as mud; the tide running four or five miles an hour, and no soundings to be had. Take it all in all it was a most trying night. The Seal islands are marked by the. wrecks of many vessels, and no wonder — the frequent fogs alone are enough to account for it, to say nothing of the tides and the absence of soundings. We made the light at 4 A. m. and shortly after, I shaped a course for Cape Sable and turned in. I had a good joke on the captain a little later in the day. We were running along the land, about seven miles off, and steering due south. While I was breakfasting, the cap- tain (who was a very bold navigator but much given to " chafiing '•') looked down the hatchway and inquired why I kept so far from the land, and "what I was afraid of?" I replied that I would explain, and going to his cabin I pointed out to him on the chart a rock marked with twelve feet water on it, about four miles off the land and directly in our track. It was marked "doubtful," and was not on all the charts, but as I said; the sea was so smooth it would not break on it and there would be nothing to indicate it ; that it might be there, and I thought it better to " guard against all precautions," to use a slang of his own. The captain laughed at it, said there was no rock there, and compared me to old Bainbridge who "went forty miles out of his way to avoid a fly-speck," etc., etc a 168 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. and directed me to haul the ship in to within three or four miles of the land. This I did, and soon forgot all about the matter. At meridian I observed the latitude and reported the result to the captain as usual, and then went to my room to compute the longitude. I had hardly reached it when the orderly came down and said the captain wanted me immedi- diately. I hurried up to the cabin and found Captain Hollins plotting our position, from the latitude and estimated dis- tance from the land, and it put us right on top of the rock! He had consulted some other charts which had the rock marked down, and I found him somewhat disturbed. We were under starboard studding-sails and royals, and not know- ing what better to do — for he knew we would strike the rock before seeing it if it were really there he took in all sail and hove the ship to. This extraordinary proceeding on a fine, clear day, with a fair wind, no doubt caused " Jack " much surprise: but we gave no explanation, and "Jack" is not much given to asking one. About 2 o'clock we filled away and made all sail without seeing any signs of the rock; whether it exists or not I do not know, but it was a long time before the captain said " rocks " or " fly-specks " to me again. Captain Hollins was one of the most agreeable men I have ever sailed with ; a prime seaman, he did not bother himself about trifles ; but in a time of danger all under his command looked up to him and depended upon him. As an example of his readiness I may mention one incident, although it occurred after I had left the ship. The Cyane was running along the coast of New Jersey, in thick weather, and getting too close in struck on one of the dangerous shoals off Little Egg har- bor. Captain H. sprang up on deck, clewed up everything, and let go the anchor. The weather clearing up just at this time several boats were seen making for the ship (which was then afloat and riding to her anchor) in great haste. As the first boat got alongside a man sprung up the ship's side and called out in an excited manner : " I'll wreck this ship ; I claim her," etc., etc. Captain H. in a quiet manner asked GULF OF ST. LA WHENCE. 169 him what he meant. "Why, I thought you were on shore and wanted assistance," said the man. " Oh no," said Hol- lins— " I've only come in to take a look at the harbor." After some conversation of the same kind the man agreed to pilot the Cyane out through the shoals for the sum of ten dollars ! The captain used to relate a conversation he once had with a Dutch captain who took part in the bombardment of Algiers under Lord Exmouth in 1816. Three Dutch frigates which happened to be lying at Gibraltar when the English squadron arrived asked for and obtained permission to join it in the pro- posed expedition and they rendered good service. The Dutch- man was complaining to Captain Hollins that the English papers did not give them proper credit for their action, &c, &c. " But," said Captain H., " the Dutch papers mentioned it, did they not ?" " Oh yes !" was the reply, " de Dutch papers mentioned it, but who de debble ever reads de Dutch papers ?" It used to be said when I was a midshipman that one of our vessels once killed a man on board a Dutch frigate while firing a salute — the gunner had neglected to draw the shot from one of the guns. The American captain was much mortified and distressed at the occurrence and sent a lieutenant on board to express his regrets. The lieutenant found the Dutch captain coolly smoking his pipe and made the proper explanations, &c. " Oh !" said the captain : " There are plenty more Dutchmen in Holland!" "We rounded Cape Sable, and passing by Halifax went through the Straits of Canso into the Gulf of St. Lawrence. We saw here some of the grandest scenery I have ever be- held; Cape Breton island on one side and Nova Scotia on the other. I really had no expectation of it as I had never seen it mentioned. It only proves, what is often said, that Americans need not leave their own continent for magnificent scenery. I should like to describe the appearance of these straits as we entered them in the Cyane in September, 1853. I have the idea, but cannot find words to. express it. I am, in point of fact, somewhat in the condition of Mr. Toots' tailor " who had 8 170 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. a pair of pantaloons in his mind, but couldn't cut them out." Not the first author who has found himself in the same pre- dicament. Our orders were to " sight " the Magdalen islands, and then sail around Cape Breton island on our way home. We had a fair wind and shaped a course directly for these islands which we expected to see about 11 p. m. I had read in the sailing directions that the " light " was very carelessly kept and some- times not lighted at all, and as the night was very dark I could not help feeling uneasy and I several times remarked to the captain that perhaps he had better heave to until daylight. But he was anxious to get home and did not wish to lose any time ; he told me that all he wanted was to " make the light," and he would then bear away for Cape North. I went forward and told the boatswain, whom I found on the forecastle this, and remarked that all we wanted was to make the light which we should do at 11 o'clock. The boatswain said he would keep a lookout himself, and that he had no doubi but that we would make the light very soon ! Singular to say just as the bell struck for 11 the lookout forward reported a light right ahead! "Hard aport" said the captain, and directing me to set the course he went below and turned in, and I shortly after followed his example. We returned to Portsmouth where we found the commodore and reported the particulars of our cruise. We then went to Philadelphia where I was detached and ordered to the Naval Academy, Annapolis, as an Assist- ant Professor of Mathematics. The Oyane returned to Greytown in 1854 and bombarded it. I have really forgotten on what grounds Captain Hollins did this ; but it was a nest of pirates, and the pity is he did not destroy the inhabitants and spare the houses. We often hear by the way of a man-of-war knocking towns down, blow- ing them to pieces, &c. ; but it is easier said than done, and this I have always held to. Greytown was built entirely of wood, yet it stood a fire of shot and shell for four or five bom's, and then a landing party had to be sent to set it on fire ! THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN. 171 In the years 1853-4 great interest was felt in the explora- tions of the Isthmus of Darien, the object being to find a suit- able place for a canal between the two oceans. Not that the idea of a canal was a new one by any means, for the Emperor Charles V sent a peremptory order to his governors on the isthmus to " cut a canal," and this was not many years after the discovery of the Pacific ocean or South sea as it was then called. It had long been thought that the Darien Indians knew of a short route across the isthmus if they could be got- ten to reveal it. But these Indians were known to be jealous of strangers and very warlike in their disposition. They re- main unconquered to the present day. Dampier who knew them well, having crossed the isthmus from the Gulf of San Miguel in 1681, says in speaking of a tribe living on the Atrato river : " They are very dreadful to the Spaniards and will not have any commerce with them nor with any white people. They use tubes about eight feet long out of which they blow poisoned darts." Several travelers about this time (1853) professed to have crossed the isthmus in a few days time, and to have met with no very high elevations. These stories are now known to be false. In reading the accounts of Davis, Ringrose, Wafer, Dampier and others — all buccaneers, and who were frequently crossing in the latter part of the 17th century — I observe that the journey occupied from twelve to twenty days. The Indians did not know of a shorter route then or they would have shown it, be- cause they were friendly to the buccaneers who they knew were crossing to the South sea to make war upon the Spaniards whom they held in deadly enmity. Lieutenant Isaac G. Strain of the navy got permission to organize a party and attempt to cross. The Oyane took him and his companions to Caledonia Bay in January, 1854. Captain Hollins called a council of the Indians in his cabin and finally they consented to allow the party to cross and to furnish guides. We all know the fate of this ex- pedition. They started with 1 2 officers and 1 3 men on the 20th of January with ten days provisions — their guides left them the 172 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. second day after starting and they wandered helplessly in the woods until the men commenced to fall down and die of hunger. They were searching for the Savanna river to lead them into the Gulf of San Miguel and they struck the Chuquinaque which leads there by a much longer route. February 13th, Strain seeing that he would lose his entire party if help was not obtained took two of his strongest men and pushed on ahead leaving the others to follow under Passed Midshipman W. T. Truxtun (the present Commodore Truxtun.) Strain succeeded in getting to the Gulf of San Miguel on the 9th of March, and there fortunately found the English man-of-war Virago. A boat expedition was immediately fitted out and sent up the river with the necessary supplies. It found the party, March 23d, on the banks, in a half starved condition. It arrived just in time. Had it not been for the indomitable courage and perseverance of Truxtun and Jack Maury (an assistant engineer in the navy) the whole party would have died of starvation. Messrs. Polanco and Ca3tilla, the Colum- bian commissioners, and six men perished. The survivors were taken to Panama, and finally returned to the United States in the Cyane, sailing from Panama April 25th. The mistake made by Strain was in taking sailors for a land exploration ; he might as well have taken a party of children. These men, with arms in their hands, were starving in a coun- try abounding in game ! Had he taken a few western hunters the fate of the expedition would have been different. The history (so called) of this expedition was written by Head- ley, and published in Harper's Magazine. It is much to be regretted that Commodore Truxtun, almost the only sur- vivor, cannot be prevailed upon to write out a full account of it. In 1858 I met in the Pacific a Lieutenant Moore of the British Navy who gave me an interesting account of his experience on the Isthmus. He set out with Captain Prevost and a number of men to cross from the Pacific to the Atlantic side. They went up to the head of the Gulf of San Miguel (I THE DARIEN AND MOSQUITO INDIANS. 173 think) in boats and there, hiding a portion of their provisions, they left four men to guard the boats, and started for the interior. They met with such difficulties that they made but slow -progress, and finally had to return. When they got back to the boats they found the four men lying dead, shot by the Indians with poisoned arrows. The rest of the party got back safely to their ship. These Indians told Captain Prevost afterward they would not have killed these men had they known they were English. They thought they were Spaniards, for whom they have an undying hatred. It is curious to note how this feeling has been handed down among them by tradition. They still remember that the English crossed the Isthmus in the early days to fight the Spaniards, who at the time held their ancestors in the most cruel servi- tude wherever they could lay hands upon them. The same friendship for the English exists at this day among the Mosquito Indians, the foundation of which was laid by these same buccaneers. Dampier says of them : " They are tall, well made, raw-boned, lusty, strong and nimble of foot, long visaged, lank black hair, look stern, hard favored, and of a dark copper-color complexion. They are but a small nation, and not one hundred men of them in number, inhabit- ing on the main near Cape Gratias a Dios. They are very ingenious at throwing the lance, fishgig, and harpoon. They have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a sail at sea farther, and see anything better than we. Their chief employ- ment in their own country is to strike fish and turtle. For this they are esteemed and coveted by all privateers ; for one or two of them in a ship will maintain a hundred men ; and it is very rare to find privateers destitute of one or more of them when the commander or most of the men are English. But they do not love the French, and the Spanish they hate mor- tally." 174 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. CHAPTER XVI. REPORT FOR DUTY AT THE NAVAL ACADEMY — ORDERED TO THE " MER- RIMAC" — AUXILIARY STEAM POWER— SAIL FROM BOSTON — ARRIVAL AT RIO — THE "GANGES" 74— DOUBLE CAPE HORN AND ARRIVE AT TAL- CAHUANA — BRILLIANT PERFORMANCE AT VALPARAISO — CHINCHA ISLANDS— THE CHINESE COOLIE AND THE PERUVIAN CHOLO— FIRST IN- HABITANTS OF NORTH AMERICA — CALLAO— LIMA — THE SPANISH AMERI- CAN REPUBLICS AND POPULATION— PAYTA — THE BUCCANEERS— ALEX- ANDER SELKIBK — JUAN FERNANDEZ — DAMPIER — CIRCUMNAVIGATORS — MAGELLAN — DRAKE — THE EARLY SPANISH VOYAGERS. I reported for duty at the Naval Academy in October, 1853, and remained there until June, 1857. For the first two years I was an instructor in mathematics, and afterwards, in navigation and astronomy. In the summer of 1855 I made a cruise in the practice ship Preble with the midshipmen, as in- structor in navigation and watch officer ; we visited Eastport, Portland, Cape Cod and Boston. I found the Academy much improved since my examination ; the curriculum more expan- sive ; the grounds greatly enlarged ; and many new buildings erected. In September, 1855, I received my commission of lieutenant ; having served just fourteen years for it. In the fall of 1857 I was ordered to the screw frigate Merrimac, fitting out at Boston for the Pacific. She bore the flag of Commodore J. C. Long, and was commanded by Commander Hitchcock. The Merrimac was one of a class of steam frigates just built. She was over 3,000 tons, and carried a battery of 9 inch Dahl- gren guns on her main deck ; and on the spar deck two 11 inch Dahlgren guns as bow and stern chasers, and sixty-four pounder shell guns. She and her sister ships were much the largest frigates of their time. She was a fine-looking ship, and her main deck with its powerful battery was a picture for a sailor to be- hold ; but I cannot say much for either her sailing or steaming ORDERED TO THE " MERRIMAC" 175 qualities. She was very long (for those days) and correspond- ingly sluggish in her movements. She could "tack," how- ever, and in that had the advantage of some of the men-of-war of the present day ; but I believe that with a smart breeze an old time line-of-battle ship would have worked round her in spite of her " auxiliary " steam power. Before I joined her she had made a six months trial cruise and her officers gave fabulous accounts of her speed under sail. I never discovered it myself though I was in her over two years. I recollect we made the passage from Panama to Callao in company with the Decatur, and she beat us in all the weather we experienced on the trip, yet she was the ship that Joe Watkins said, one morning got under the shade of a large tree while sailing along the coast of Africa, and did not get out of it though she had a fair wind all day ! " I cannot tell how the truth may be ; I say the tale as 'twas said to me." As for her speed under steam, 7 knots was the maximum when we left Boston ; at the end of the cruise 5 knots was all she could keep up for 24 hours. The fact is the " auxiliary " steam power was an absurdity ; the ships would neither steam nor sail. It has always seemed to me that men-of-war should be provided with engines and boilers calculated to give them very great speed ; they need not use steam in cruising unless in a case of emergency, and the exercise of a ship under sail would be of inconceivable benefit to the younger officers. While the " naval officer " is really a soldier, that is a military man, and must not be confounded with the merchant captain who simply follows a mercantile pursuit, yet it must be borne in mind that it is just as essential that he should know how to manage a ship as it is that a dragoon should know how to ride ; therefore too much attention cannot be paid to this important point in the education of the young officers of the navy. The Merrimae had a full complement of officers and men and we mustered about six hundred souls. On the 17th 176 RECOLLECTIONS OF. A NAVAL OFFICER. of October we sailed from Boston on what was to prove a dull uninteresting cruise. We had on board the Hon. K. Kidder Meade who had just been appointed Minister to Brazil. We had fine weather on our way out, and arrived at Rio Janeiro in December. Here we found the English 74, Ganges, Admiral Baynes, on her way to the Pacific. We frequently fell in with her afterwards and knew her officers well. Burgoyne, who was lost with most of his crew in the iron clad ship Captain in 1870 was her commander. He was a bright, pleasant fellow, and I remember was very popular with his messmates though he had been promoted (for his services in the Crimea) over most of their heads. We sailed from Bio towards the latter part of December for the Pacific ocean. We had intended going through the Straits of Magellan, but for some reason the idea was abandoned when we got near the entrance ; so passing through the Straits of Le Maire we rounded the much dreaded Cape Horn without encountering any bad weather, and arrived safely at Talcahuana, Chili, early in February, 1858. We remained here a couple of weeks to refit and paint ship. It is the sea- port of the more important town of Concepcion, situated a few miles inland, and is a large and safe harbor. We gave our men liberty here — a watch at a time. They got into a row with the native police, or vigilantes, and many came off with cracked skulls. We sailed from Talcahuana for Valparaiso, where news had been received of our being on the coast, and where our arrival was anxiously looked for. They had heard of the splendid new steam frigate Merrimae, and expected to see us dash into the port at the rate of twenty miles an hour ; conse- quently when we were signalled every man, woman and child made haste to arrive at a point where they could view this magnificent spectacle. They feared the ship would arrive be- fore they could reach the points selected. It is to be hoped they carried their dinners with them. We " slowed down " to about four knots an hour as soon as we made the land, and to- THE CHINESE COOLIE. . 177 wards sunset crept in, and after making a "Judy Fitzsimmons " of ourselves, anchored so far Out that if it had been at all hazy our arrival would not have been known in town. This was our usual method of taking up an anchorage : but I have seen the Ganges, a ship of reasonable length and beam, run a half-mile inside of us under all sail and make a " flying moor," somewhat after the manner of the " ancients." From Valparaiso we sailed for the Chincha islands. These islands lie a few miles off Pisco on the Peruvian coast, about 120 miles southeast of Callao. The custom house is at Pisco and all vessels going to the islands for guano enter and clear there. The use of guano was known to the ancient Peruvians. Humboldt was one of the first by whom it was brought into notice in Europe, and its importation into England com- menced about 1839. At the time of our visit there were forty or fifty American vessels here — all large, fine ships and all of which we boarded. Nothing can be more dismal than the appearance of these islands, and nothing more horrible than living on them. Not a green thing to be seen — nothing but guano ; the men live in it ; they smell it, breathe it, and I suppose taste it in their food. The laborers were Chinese coolies, in charge of a few Peruvian soldiers. I was told that they would become so desperate that gangs of them would commit suicide to- gether by joining hands and leaping from the cliffs into the sea. I could well believe it after a brief visit to the islands ; and when a Chinaman once makes up his mind to take his life nothing will stop him. It is well known that when the Panama railroad was being built the Chinese would drown themselves in two feet of water by sticking their heads in the mud and keeping them there until life was extinct. The coolies in Chili and Peru are (or at least were at this time) little better than slaves. They are brought over from China, where they are bought or kidnapped, and bound for a term of years. Very few live to return to their own country. I have been on board the Spanish vessels engaged in the coolie 8* 178 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. trade, and with their armed officers, iron gratings over the hatchways, etc., they are fao-rimiles of the African slavers. By the way, I frequently heard while on the coast that the first Chinese taken to Peru could communicate with the native Indian or Cholo. I do not know if this be true, but I heard it from several sources. That a point of so much importance should not excite much attention will not surprise those who know the very little interest these South Americans attach to anything relative to the former history of their country. Now I have very little doubt that North America was peo- pled by tribes coming from Asia by the way of Behring's Straits. They could have crossed in their canoes without trouble, and the climate probably modified the type of the North American Indian. More than one traveler has noticed the similarity of the Indians on different sides of the Straits ; their customs, some of which are very peculiar, are the same. There is absolutely no reason for looking any further than this for the actual peopling of the continent. But the Aztecs of Mexico, and the Children of the Sun in Peru, who were they? Chinese or Japanese in all probability. Chinese and Japanese junks have been wrecked and cast away on the coast of Oregon, we know ; they are brought over by the Kuro Siwo, or Japan current, and a vessel could be drifted down the coast towards Mexico by the coast current. Supposing such to have been the case would it not be just like a Chinaman, with his intelligence and cunning, to take advantage of an ignorant tribe and announce himself as a superior being ? This is my theory in regard to the matter : and it need not interfere with the theory that Yucatan was a Phoenician colony, as its monuments, etc., would seem to indi- cate. The equatorial current would carry a vessel there fast enough from the Canary Islands, which were known to the ancients certainly as far back as 140 b. c. Columbus found the mast or rudder of an European vessel at one of the "West India islands ! When the Merrimae got to Callao, we found a revolution in LIMA. 179 progress. The Peruvians had two fine screw frigates, the Apurimae and the Amazonia, and the party holding these commanded the coast. At this time Montero commanded the Apurimae and we heard much of him. The rumor was that he would attack Callao, so we were on the look-out for him. One fine morning I was surprised to see the frigate steaming quietly into port. Montero landed and went to Lima. There was no excitement — Cosa de Espana, I suppose. He gave up the ship, and no doubt got his reward. I expect it is the same Montero who now claims to be the President of Peru. He was considered an enterprising officer, and would have been a good one in a navy under proper discipline. Lima, the City of the Kings, has been often described. I believe the name is a corruption of the Peruvian word Rimac, a river. It was founded by Pizarro, in 1535, who gave it the name of Oiudad de los Reyes. It has frequently suffered from earthquakes ; in that of 1746 not more than twenty houses out of three thousand were left standing, and of twenty -three ships in the harbor of Callao nineteen were sunk. The town of Callao was utterly destroyed by a tidal wave during this earthquake; of four thousand inhabitants but two hundred escaped. The town was rebuilt farther back from the old site. Vessels now anch6r where the first city stood. Lima is 700 feet above the sea and is to be seen from Callao, from which it is distant six or eight miles. A railroad connects the two cities. The city of Lima is beautifully laid out, and small streams of water, conducted from the river Rimac, contribute to its cleanliness. It has many fine public buildings, and on the plaza are situated the magnificent cathedral, the government house (once the vice-regal palace, where Pizarro was assassinated), and the hall of independence. The convent of the Franciscans, the mint, the palace of the inquisition, and the cabildo are all worthy of notice. Under the cathedral I saw the skeleton of Pizarro, at least the priest said it was Pizarro ; and Mr. Clay, our minister, who had been a long time in the country said he saw no reason to doubt it. The 180 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. bones of the hands and feet had been carried off by visitors, and I am afraid that one of our party imitated this abomi- nable example. There is much of interest to be seen in Lima, and I spent many hours in endeavoring to identify the places mentioned by Prescott and other writers, such as the stream the conspirators had to cross on their way to assassinate Pizarro, his palace, etc. A friend told me he one day met a ■well-dressed man on the plaza and inquired of him if he could tell him where the palace of Pizarro formerly stood. " What Pizarro ? " said the. gentleman. " Why, the great Pizarro, the grand conqueror," replied my friend. " I do not know him," said the man, and, bowing politely, he walked off. In my visits to different parts of Central and South America and Mexico I have observed much ignorance exhibited by the inhabitants of the early his-. tory of their country. They not only do not know, but they seem to take no interest in learning anything about it. One can readily account for this. It is caused by the frequent re- volutions. The schools are broken up ; and the people, chil- dren included, are kept in a constant state of excitement. Why, what must be the condition of affairs in Peru at the present time? The Chilians are better informed than most of these people. They are much better men ; not on account of the climate, as some suppose, but because they have not intermarried to so great an extent with the negro and Indian. It is this which causes the degeneration of the white man. We hear a great deal of the regeneration of Mexico. It is all humbug ; it is an absurdity if applied to the present inhabitants, because it isn't in them, ! What is a Mexican ? Is he a Spaniard, or an Indian, or does the fact of a man's being born in Mexico, be he white, red or black, make him a Mexican ? The best man in Mexico is the man of pure Spanish descent (very hard to find) ; the next best man is the pure Indian, and the next the pure negro. The mixed race is the worst and unfortunately by far the most numerous j and this applies to THE BUCCANEERS. 181 every country on the continent south of the United States. The only regeneration of Mexico will be by throwing open the doors and introducing some millions of ' pure-blooded white men. None of the Spanish American Eepublics, save perhaps Chili, are in as prosperous a condition as -they were under the old Spanish rule. They want a strong government to keep them in order. Brazil is kept quiet by it ; and Brazil has the most detestable population of all these countries. We sailed from Callao in March and first stopped at Payta, so.me 480 miles up 'the coast. Payta is the site of an old Peru- vian village, and I think Pizarro landed here in 1526 on his way to Cuzco. It is the seaport of the town of Piura, which lies in the midst of a fertile country ; but Payta not only has no vegetation, but there is absolutely no fresh water within ten miles of it. All the water is brought from a river at that distance ; and the road to it is strewed with the bones of dead donkeys: Sam Weller, to the contrary, notwithstanding. The dogs here have a hard time of it ; they are forced to go to the river to drink, and by the time they get back home are so thirsty they have immediately to start back again ; so that their lives are spent in travelling. I believe the English Steam Navigation Company have works here now and distil water for the inhabitants as well as for their steamers. Payta has a fine harbor and a good climate. It was taken and burned by Lord Anson in 1742, and before his time was several times sacked by the buccaneers. Speaking of the buccaneers, I know of no more interesting reading than is to be found in the pages of Dampier, Ringrose, Wafer, Woods Rogers and others giving an account of their exploits on the western coast of North and South America in the' latter part of the seventeenth century and the beginning of the next. Alexander Selkirk was a buccaneer who sailed with Captain Stradling in the Cinque Ports in 1703. Quar- relling with his captain he requested to be put on shore at the island of Juan Fernandez, which lies about 375 miles due west 182 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. of Valparaiso. He was landed in 1705 and remained solitary and alone until 1709, when he was taken off by Woods Rogers. He must have been a good hater ; for it is said that when Captain Rogers sent a boat for him the first question he asked was whether Stradling was on board, for if he was he would remain on the island. Selkirk's adventure gave De Foe the idea of his romance of Robinson Crusoe, published in 1719, and Juan Fernandez is generally known as Crusoe's island ; but in point of fact De Foe places his hero on one of the Windward or Carib islands ; for his ship sailed from Brazil for the coast of Africa and was blown off her course by con- trary winds. NHmporte. Dampier tells of a Mosquito Indian who passed three years alone on the island twenty years before Selkirk's time. He says : " March 22, 1684, we came in sight of Juan Fernandez and presently got out our canoe and went ashore to seek for a Mosquito Indian, whom we left here when chased hence by three Spanish ships in 1681, a little before we went to Arica. This Indian lived here alone above three years and although he was several times sought after by the Spaniards, who knew he was left on the island, yet they could never find him." After describing the manner in which this Indian contrived to live he says : " He saw our ship and came to the sea side to congratulate our safe arrival. And when we landed, a Mosquito Indian named Robin first leaped on shore and running to his brother Mosquitoman threw himself flat on his face at his feet, who helping him up and embracing him fell flat with his face on the ground at Robin's feet, and was by him taken up also. We stood with pleasure to behold the surprise, tenderness and solemnity of this interview which was exceedingly affectionate on both sides." Juan Fernandez was discovered in 1567, and is named for its discoverer. It is at present a penal settlement belonging to Chili. It has no harbor. Dana in his " Two Years Before the Mast" gives a good description of it. Of all the bucca- neers this man Dampier was the most remarkable. He wrote MAGELLAN. 183 a full account of his voyages, and his book not only abounds in nautical information, but is full of philosophical remarks. Nothing seemed to escape him, and his chapters on winds and currents may be read to advantage at the present day. He was born in Somersetshire, England, in 1652 ; served in the Dutch war in 1673; was an overseer of a plantation in Jamaica; and in 1675 was a logwood cutter in Campeachy. He gives an excellent description of the country and this trade. We then hear of him in Virginia, from whence he sailed to the coast of Africa, and thence to the South sea— '■from the South sea he went overland to the Caribbean sea, and home to Eng- land. He sailed again for the South sea, and gives a most in- teresting account of his operations on the west coast from Chiloe island, Chili, to Acapulco in Mexico. He then crossed the Pacific ocean to Nicobar and New Holland where he made valuable discoveries, and after remaining some time in the East Indies he returned to England, having been absent on his last voyage more than eight years. The first circumnavigator of the globe was Magalhaens or Magellan as he is generally called, a Portuguese in the service of Spain. He sailed in 1519 and discovered the straits which bear his name. He sailed with a squadron of five ships, but only one succeeded in making the voyage. An account of the voyage was written by the Chevalier Pigafetta, an Italian, who accompanied Magellan as a volunteer. It is. in this voyage that the first mention is made of the log line. Pigafetta gives an amusing account of the origin of the name Patagonia. He says that the natives with whom they communicated had their feet bound up in hides which made them so awkward in their movements that the sailors called them patagones (clumsy- footed)— hence Patagonia. The island of Tierra del Fuego was named from the large number of fires observed on the land. The straits of Magellan were used by all the first circum- navigators, for Cape Horn was not discovered by Le Maire until 1616, nearly a hundred years after Magellan. The 184 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. Spaniards had a fort here, called Fort Famine, because the garrison perished for want. Magellan proceeded across the Pacific (which he so named from its smoothness) until he arrived at the Philippine islands. He remained there some time and taking sides with the natives in their wars was killed. His ship finally reached Spain under one of the subordinate officers by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, having been absent just three years and twenty-nine days. They had been long given up, and when they stated that they had " sailed round the world " were not believed. Upon examining the log-book it was found they were a day be- hind in their " reckoning," and this was to the scientific the best proof of their assertion, for as they sailed to the westward and had not corrected the "reckoning" by dropping a day at the 180th meridian (as is now the custom) they naturally were a day behind the time in Spain, or as sailors say had lost a day. The first Englishman to sail round the world was Sir Francis Drake, in 1577-80, and to read the English accounts of him one would suppose he was really the first circumnavigator. The fact is the Spaniards sent many vessels to the Pacific ocean between Magellan's time and Drake's. One has only to read Na- varrete's " Collection of Spanish Voyages " to be assured of this ; and by the way, interesting as the books of Irving and Prescott are, they do not in my opinion compare with Navarrete's ac- counts of the early Spanish voyages to the South Sea and East Indies. Some time after Magellan sailed the Spanish government commenced to send out vessels to look for him ; and even Cortez, who had just completed the conquest of Mexico, ac- tually built vessels at Tehuantepec and sent them to the East Indies on the same errand. The Portuguese it will be remembered were prosecuting their discoveries by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, which had been doubled by Vasco de Gama in 1497. Vasco de Gama went to Goa on the west coast of Hindostan ; and as I THE EARL T SPANISH VO YA OERS. 185 have mentioned that Columbus found the rudder of a Euro- pean ship in the "West Indies, I will also mention that the natives of Goa told Vasco de Gama they had been visited by three ships similar to his before his arrival. Where did they come from and what became of them ? As the navigators of those days did not correct their " reckoning " at the 180th meridian, instances are known of islands in the East Indies where the people on the western end are a day ahead in their computation of those on the eastern end : the western end being discovered by the Portu- guese sailing east, and the eastern end by the Spaniards sailing west. I confess that in reading of the performances of the Spaniards in those early days I am filled with surprise. Cortez completed the conquest of Mexico in 1520, and a few years after we find him fitting out vessels to look for Magellan. The rapidity with which Cortez, Pizarro and their companions spread over the countries conquered by them is marvellous to read of. Alvarado, having conquered Guatemala, thinks nothing of going to Peru to join Pizarro. A' few years after, we hear of his building ships and sailing for Navidad, in Mexico, to assist in suppressing an insurrection in Guadala- jara. This is a long voyage for sailing ships at the present time. He was killed near Colima by his horse rolling over a precipice. As for traveling across the country for hundreds of miles these men thought nothing of it. There were no roads, and any one who has seen an Indian cutting his way with his machete wonders how an armed man could ever pass. Acosta says that soon after the conquest of Peru the Span- iards were constantly crossing the isthmus of Darien, and penetrating the country towards Bogota. He says that men in armor and on horseback crossed the mountains by paths which a naked Indian of the present day can hardly travel on foot. Whatever the old Boatswain may have said of iron men, the 186 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. old Spaniards were iron if ever men were. But after all it was the search for gold that made them iron. As Hood sings : "Gold! gold! gold! gold I Bright ami yellow, hard and cold ; Molten, graven, hammered and rolled ; Heavy to get, and light to hold ; Hoarded, bartered, bought, and sold, Stolen, borrowed, squandered, doled : Spurned by the young, but hugged by the old To the very verge of the church-yard mould ; Price of many a crime untold : Gold! gold! gold! gold! Good or bad a thousand fold ! How widely its agencies vary " — CO OK'S VO YA GES AND DISCO VEBIES. 187 CHAPTER XVII. cook's voyages and discoveries — anson's voyage abound the world — the mutiny op the bounty — panama — indian names and their signification — tumbez — callao again— lieutenant denny, r. n. — the sandwich islands — realejo— nicaragua — chinandegua — a voyage in a bungo — panama again— commodore j. b. montgomery — valparaiso — the " levant" — the " lancaster " — sail for home — rio janeiro — john brown's raid — the frigate congress — arri- val at norfolk. The first English circumnavigator was Drake ; and he was followed by Cavendish, Cowley, Clipperton, Anson, Byron, Wallace, Carteret and Cook. The last was the most cele- brated, and made three voyages. He made many important geographical discoveries ; but of all his discoveries the most important was his establishing the fact that it was possible for a ship to make a long voyage without losing half her crew by the scurvy ; such had been the case up to his time. He was killed by the natives of Owhyhee, Sandwich Islands, in 1779. But of all these early voyages, commend me to the history of Lord Anson's voyage, as related by the Chaplain of the Cen- turion. It is simply a romance from beginning to end. An- son left England September 18th, 1740, with eight vessels — the Centurion, Severn, Gloucester, Wager, Pearl, Tryal, and two store-ships, — the object of the expedition being to attack the Spanish vessels in the South Sea. The vessels separated off Cape Horn, where they experi- enced frightful weather. Here the Severn and Pearl put back to England, and the Wager was wrecked on the coast of Pata- gonia, north of the Straits of Magellan. Byron, afterwards a commodore and a circumnavigator, was a midshipman on board, and wrote an account of the shipwreck and subsequent suffer- ings of the crew. His book, called " Byron's Narrative," is a 188 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. poem in itself. The survivors were conducted by the Indians to Chili, and got back to England in 1745. The shipwreck and sufferings of Byron and his companions are commemo- rated by Campbell in his " Pleasures of Hope : " " And such thy strength-inspiring aid that bore The hardy Byron to his native shore. In horrid climes, whence Chiloe's tempests sweep Tumultuous murmurs o'er the troubled deep, 'Twas his to mourn misfortune's rudest shock, Scourged by the winds and cradled on the rock, To wake each joyless morn, and search again The famished haunts of solitary men, Whose race, unyielding as their native storm, Knows not a trace of Nature but the form ; Yet, at thy call, the hardy tar pursued, Pale, but intrepid, — sad, but unsubdued, Pierced the deep woods, and, hailing from afar The moon's pale planet and the northern star ;* Paused at each dreary cry, unheard before, Hyenas in the wild, and mermaids on the shore, Till, led by thee o'er many a cliff sublime, He found a warmer world, a milder clime, A home to rest, a shelter to defend, Peace and repose, a Briton and a friend ! " The Centurion was three months trying to double Cape Horn, and finally succeeded in doing so, and made her way to Juan Fernandez with the loss of half her crew. The re- mainder were in so enfeebled a condition that it was with the utmost difficulty the vessel could be brought to an anchor.. Though many had died from the effects of the unheard-of weather, yet the most fell by that fearful scourge of the early navigators, scurvy. The commodore and most of his men were landed and buried up to their necks in the earth, this being the treatment for scurvy at that time. Indeed, I have known officers in my time who had experienced this treatment. •"Hailing from afar the northern star" in this southern latitude, must be taken cum grano talis : it is a poetical license. ANSON'S VOYAGE ABOUND THE WORLD. 189 Bad as was the condition of the Centurion that of the Glovr cester was worse, and when she made her appearance off Juan Fernandez men had to be sent to her to bring her in. The Tryal and one store-ship arrived in like condition. Having refitted his ships, Anson with his two frigates cruised along the coast of Peru. The Tryal was burned, and the store-ship sent back to England. He burned Payta, and then stood to the northward to Acapulco, in Mexico, with the intention to intercept the royal galleon, sailing between that port and the Philippine Islands. The trade between Spain and the Philippines was at that time carried on by the way of Vera Cruz and Acapulco ; the goods being shipped to Vera Cruz, and then sent overland to Acapulco. The Royal galleon sailed yearly, leaving Acapulco in April and arriving at Manilla in June, and leaving Manilla so as to arrive at Acapulco about Christmas — " never more than eight or ten days before or after," as old Dampier observes. The old Spanish books give very quaint descriptions of the galleons and their voyages, and their cargoes being immensely valuable great care was taken in selecting their commanders. The sailing directions for making the voyage to and fro were minutely drawn up and required to be strictly adhered to. In going to Manilla they had only to get into the " trades " and run them down to the Ladrone islands (where they stopped a few days to refresh), and thence to Manilla ; but in return- ing it was far different, as it was necessary to stand to the northward to about the fortieth parallel in order to. get the westerly winds. They then stood to the eastward until they made the coast of California which they ran down to Cape St. Lucas. Here they communicated with the shore to learn if any enemy were on the coast and so to Acapulco. Dampier says that before reaching. Acapulco they stopped offSallagua to land the passengers for the city of Mexico ; this I take to be what is now known as Navidad bay. This was before the days of chronometers which have only been in gen- eral use since the beginning of the present century ; and the 190 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. longitude was found by lunar observations. It was often two or more degrees in error ; so that the instructions to the re- 1 turning galleons required them to be very careful to notice the color of the water, appearance of the sea-weed, and even a particular kind of fish in approaching the coast of California. Cuts of these vessels show that they carried large jars of water suspended from their rigging to lengthen their supply. The route from Manilla to Acapulco was first followed by Urda- neta in 1654, and was called for many years after " Urdaneta's Passage." Anson arrived off Acapulco and saw the galleon in the harbor ; but she was moored close to the shore, and the entrance being defended by a strong fort (another of those grand works of the early Spaniards which I have often visited) did not think it prudent to attack her. From the chaplain's narrative it is easy to locate, as I have myself done, the exact spot where the galleon was moored. After blockading the port for some time he went up the coast to Point Tejupan to water ship ; he then returned to Acapulco and finding the galleon would not come out he at last bore away with his two ships for China. To show the fearful ravages made by the scurvy among his men he was actually forced to burn the frigate Gloucester on the passage to get men enough to handle the Centurion ! The Centurion stopped at Tinian, one of the Ladrone islands, and here again landed most of her officers and men for treat- ment against the scurvy. Whilst here it was discovered that an attendant of one of the officers was a female. She may have been the heroine of the old sailor-song of Billee-i- Taylor which says : "Then she took a sword and pistols, , Took a pistol in each hand ; And she fell to shooting on Billee-i-Taylor As he was walking along the strand. " Which the captain when he heard it, Very much approv'd what she had done, And straightway made her First Lieutenant Of the gallant Thunder Bomb." ANSONiiS VOYAGE AROUND THE WOULD. 191 If Captain Luce has omitted this elegant production in his " Naval Songs " it is a su disposieion. The Centurion being left with but few men on board was blown to sea in a gale of wind. The party on shore waited anxiously for her return and she not making her appearance they commenced building a schooner, on which the commo- dore worked with his own hands, to carry them to China. Fortunately the ship got back and they all embarked for Ma- cao, where the ship arrived in 1743. The English flag was then hardly known in the East, and the authorities at Canton refused to furnish the ship with provisions, of which they stood in great need. When the "Mandarins visited the ship, Anson to make a show had the marines drawn up on the quarter-deck ; and so many of the guard had died that he supplied the deficiency by dressing some of his sailors in ma- rines' uniform, much to their disgust no doubt. Upon the Mandarins refusing to furnish provisions, Anson told them he regretteji theji? '"decision as his men must have meat ; and if they could" not obtain it in any other way they would seize the Chinese in their boats, and eat them ! This brought them to terms and the supplies were forthcoming. It must be remem- bered that at this time the Portuguese had the trade with China, as the Dutch had with Japan. After remaining a month Anson announced his intention to sail for England, via Batavia, and he actually took the mails on board. He sailed accordingly, and after getting out of sight of land he called up his crew and announced his intention to cruise off the Philippine islands and try to inter- cept the galleon from Acapulco. The men responded with three hearty cheers and the Centurion proceeded to cruise off Espiritu Santo in the hope of encountering her. To show how sanguine all hands were as to the result of an engagement it is recorded that the commodore having asked his steward why he did not have a certain turkey, or something of the sort, for dinner, he replied that he was keeping it to entertain the captain of the galleon when he dined with the commodore. 192 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. The galleon at last made her appearance, and although supe- rior to the Centurion, was captured, and with her the largest sum of prize money ever taken in a single bottom. The Centurion having sold her prize (worth two million dollars) in Macao, sailed for England, where she arrived June 15, 1744, after an absence of three years and nine months. Prize money to the amount of five million dollars was divided among her crew. The freaks of her discharged sailors, the reckless scattering of money, etc., were long re- membered in England, and have been preserved in the songs of Dibdin and others. What romance exceeds in interest the story of the Mutiny of the Bounty ? Lady Becher has written a full and interest- ing account of it; but I believe I can add a few particu- lars not to be found in her book. The brig Bounty, Lieu- tenant Commanding Bligh, sailed from England in Decem- ber,- 1787, for the Society Islands, the object of the voyage being to take a number of bread-fruit trees to the West India Islands. [This was afterwards done.] The vessel met with unusually rough weather off Cape Horn, and Cap- tain Bligh finally determined to proceed by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, which he did, and arrived safely at Otaheite. Here he took on board the trees and sailed for the West Indies in April, 1789. Three weeks after sailing the crew mutinied under the officer next in command to Bligh — one Christian, a mate. Captain Bligh and eighteen men were put in an open boat, with a scant allowance of food and water, and set adrift. He made a most remarkable voyage. The mod remarkable boat voyage probably ever made. He sailed from the Friendly Islands to the island of Timor, a distance of nearly 4000 miles, and arrived without the loss of a man. It was only by the utmost firmnesss in keeping his men on a proper allowance of food and water, and refusing to land on unknown and probably unfriendly islands that he accom- plished this. From Timor he got back to England with his party. In the meantime the mutineers under Christian, TEE MUTINY OF TEE BOUNTY. 193 twenty-five in number, returned in the Bounty to Otaheite, and here most of the men determined to remain, among them a young midshipman named Heywood. Christian, Midship- man Young and eight men took on board a number of Ota- heitan men and women (four men and eleven women) and sailed away to the eastward. For some years nothing was heard of them. As soon as Captain Bligh reported the facts to the ministry the frigate Pandora, Captain Edwards, was sent to look for the mutineers. She proceeded to Otaheite and there took on board Mr. Heywood and thirteen others ; but all search for the Bounty proved ineffectual. The mutineers were treated with unnecessary severity on board the Pandora, (their place of confinement was afterward called the " Pandora's Box,") and to add to their sufferings the vessel was wrecked and some of them were drowned. The others finally arrived in England and were brought to trial in 1792. Captain Bligh who was a tyrant and one of the last men who should have been put in authority over others, (he was afterwards made Governor of Australia, and for his tyranny was deposed by an insurrection in 1808), was also one of the most vindictive of men. He did his utmost to have every man, old or young, hanged. Mid- shipman Heywood was a mere lad — he knew nothing of the projected mutiny ; but when in the morning he was offered the choice to remain on board or go in the boat he elected to re- main : no doubt because he did not fully comprehend the situar tion. His youth and ignorance of the plans of Christian and his associates would account for this. He was, however, con- demned to be hanged with the rest, and Captain Bligh tried to have it carried into effect. Fortunately he had influential friends, and his case being properly presented to the throne he was pardoned with two of the men — the others were hanged. Heywood lived to become a captain in the navy, and devoted his whole life to expiating what he considered his crime ; but what others considered an error of judgment. He was at sea twenty-five years out of twenty-seven years in the service, and 194 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. I was told by an officer who knew him that never was a man so passionately loved by his officers and crew. One of the men pardoned with him never left him afterward ; he went with him on all his cruises as his coxswain, and at the end of the cruise lived at the captain's home. Captain Heywood died univer- sally beloved and esteemed, which is more than can be said of Captain Bligh. Nothing more was heard of the Bounty until 1808 when Captain Folger of Boston touched at Pitcairn's island in the Pacific expecting to find it uninhabited. As he approached it he was much surprised at seeing a canoe coming off with two men in it, and still more surprised at hearing one of the men exclaim as he got alongside the ship, in good English, " throw us a rope." When he came on board the captain asked him his name, and he replied : " Thursday October Christian." Captain Folger found upon the island one of the mutineers who called himself John Adams, but who is supposed to have been Alexander Smith, who gave an account of the colony. He was the only survivor of the Bounty's crew. Christian had destroyed the vessel soon after their arrival. A few years afterwards the English were all killed by the Otaheitans except three who concealed themselves. The Otaheitan men quarreled among themselves and were all killed or died of their wounds. Two of the Englishmen died soon after, and Adams or Smith with several women and children remained the only inhabitants of the island. Adams described Christian's remorse to have been extreme. The whole story is most agreeably told by Lady Becher, who is a grand-daughter of the late Captain Heywood. In 1 814 the island was visited by the British frigates Briton and Tagus. The visitors thus described the inhabitants at that time : " This interesting new colony consists of forty-six persons, mostly grown up young people, besides a number of infants. Their native modesty, assisted by a proper sense of religion and morality, instilled into their youthful minds by John Adams, has hitherto preserved these interesting people perfectly chaste." PANAMA. 195 An English officer who had visited Pitcairn's island told me that when the British frigates arrived there in 1814, old Adams thought they had come for him, and that he would be taken to England and hanged. When the captain of the frigate landed, Adams stood on one side with his hat off, as is the custom of English sailors in the presence of an officer, and his long, white hair flowing over his shoulders. The govern- ment, however, if it did not pardon him, never took any notice of his crime. He died in 1830. The officer told me that Adams kept a journal which he had read — after telling of the killing of the Otaheitans, and there being but three white men left — it went on to say : " It was observed of Jack B. that his conduct was strange, and we feared he might kill us in our sleep ; it was therefore decided to put him to death, which we accordingly did with an axe ! " The Pitcairn islanders were removed to Norfolk Island in 1856. A few years after, some of them returned to Pitcairn's Island, where they still are. But avast ! Should I go on with these reminiscences I will exhaust the patience of my reader. The truth is, that being very fond of this kind of reading I had, during my four years'^ stay at the naval academy, taken advantage of an excellent library to read up the early voyages of the Spanish, English, and French in these seas ; and now, being on the spot, I was in the habit of recalling these incidents during many a weary night's watch. We left the Merrimae in Payta. From Payta we went to Panama, and here, being within eight days' sail of New York, we felt almost like returning home after our long voyage around Cape Horn. Old Panama was founded soon after the discovery pf the Pacific. It was built principally of cedar. About 1673 it was sacked and burned by the buccaneers under Morgan. The present city is situated about four miles west of the old town. It is a walled city, and was in its day strongly fortified. The bay of Panama, in spite of what the " sailing directions " usually say, affords good anchorage. Vessels cannot lie very near the shore, 'tis true, and -southerly gales sometimes blow. 196 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. I have known it well for twenty-five years, and have never in that time heard of a ship dragging on shore. Should Lesseps succeed with his canal (and I think he will), he will find no difficulty as to making a harbor at Panama. The anchorage under Perico Island is now a per- fectly safe one ; and a moderate sum spent in building breaks waters will make a basin large enough to hold all the vessels that will ever want to use it» The name Panama, it is said, means in the Indian language " a place abounding in fish ; " (it should be filth). I confess I have no great faith as to the rendering of these Indian names into English. When Cordova, in 1517, landed on an unknown coast he asked the name of the country, and was answered by the natives : /' Tectetan ; " meaning " I do not understand you ; " and this the Spaniards corrupted into Yu- catan ! And on the same voyage Bernal Diaz says the na^ tives came off to the ship in their canoes, and tried to induce them to land, saying : " Con Escotoch," meaning " Come to our town : " and from this we get Cape Catoohe ! It has long been a wonder to me how Mungo Park managed to translate the touching song of the negro woman in Africa : considering that he did not understand the language ! Verb umsap. From Panama the Merrimac went to the south coast again, touching at Tumbez, on the Guayaquil river, and Payta, on the way. At Callao I met my friends Moore and Denny of the Eng- lish steamer Vixen. Moore had accompanied Captain Prevost in his attempt to cross the isthmus. Denny had served in the Baltic under Admiral Napier during the Crimean war, and used to relate many interesting particulars of it. He was tell- ing me one day of their raising a torpedo (or " infernal machine " as we called them then) and taking it aboard Vice Admiral Seymour's ship. The admiral who was walking the deck with a cane professed to " know all about it ;" so he attempted to explain how it was made, and in so doing gave it a rap. It exploded; killed some men, and the admiral lost an eye. " What a dreadful thing !" said I ; " Oh no ! not at all," said LIEUTENANT DENNY, B. N. 197 Denny : " He gets a pension ; he is laying back in Greenwich hospital — two-six a day !" " but," he continued in the same breath, " There was a poor beggar of a marine officer had his shin knocked off; he didn't get anything." I could have said to Denny " a pension covers a multitude of shins ;" but I regret to say I did not. It was one of those vexatious arnere-pens&es. This was the same Denny who told me of the fight at Simon- oseki, where he was wounded. He was not promoted as he thought he should have been and this was his " grievance ;" " for," he would say in a melancholy tone, " perhaps I shall never have another chance to get hit !" In September, 1858, we sailed from Callao for the Sandwich islands, and arrived at Honolulu in October. Here our com- modore went on shore for the first time since leaving Boston. In inspecting the ship there he fell down a hatchway and in- jured his leg. During the entire cruise he passed his days seated in a chair with his leg propped up. The Sandwich islands were named by Cook for Lord Sandwich. The Eng- lish claim that Cook discovered this group, but the Spaniards knew them a century before his time. The islanders were an amiable race, and though they have been accused of being cannibals it is not probable. The early voyagers were very fond of scoring men down as man-eaters; in some cases — notably the Indians of Alaska — because it was the custom to keep the bones of their ancestors in their huts. There are few pure-blooded islanders to be seen now, and the decrease in the population since Cook's time is simply fright- ful — in another century there will be none left to tell the tale. The natural result of the intermixture of races. The little Dolphin, Captain Percival, was the first American man-of-war to visit these islands, I have been told. We had expected to remain some time at Honolulu ; but the unsatisfactory relations existing between the United States and Nicaragua called us there. One cannot wonder that the expeditions of the filibusters under Walker had caused bad feeling in - Nicaragua. Indeed Nicaragua and Costa Rica 198 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. appealed to the great European powers for protection in May of this year. We arrived at Realejo in December. We anchored off what is now called Corinto, Realejo being in fact situated on a small creek seven miles distant. It shows the terror caused by the buccaneers on this coast — most of the towns were located away from the shore. The squadron assembled here in January, 1859 ; and we had a visit from the President of Nicaragua and his cabinet. We were here about three months. The harbor is an excellent one and the climate tolerably good. We took advantage of our long stay to land our battalion of small-arm men frequently, and have what the marine officer in Cooper's " Pilot " so often longed for : " a good steady drill." The Merrimac's crew were the smartest men at their guns, great and small, I have ever seen. The ship passed an excellent ordnance inspection upon her return home, and I doubt if her " time" in transporting, dismounting, and general handling of guns has ever been equalled. The town of Realejo is small, and is now an insignificant place, though one can see the ruins of an old stone cathedral and other public buildings. We used to go to the town of Chinandegua occasionally for a few days' stay. I met there an American doctor, from Tennessee, who kept a hotel or boarding-house ; he had married a native and had a large family. Asking him how he happened to find himself in the place, he told me his history. In 1849 he started for Califor- nia to dig gold. Upon reaching Panama he found it crowded with " gold searchers," and no vessels in port to carry them on their way. He and a number of others bought a bungo (a large canoe), and in it actually started for San Francisco, a distance of more than three thousand miles. The party chose for leader one Chris. Lilly, a pugilist, who had just before killed a man named McCoy in the prize ring. They coasted along the shore, landing frequently for provisions and water. Upon landing at Realejo the doctor left; he said he had enough, and I suppose he is in Chinandegua now. Inquiring about this bungo subsequently, I was told that she got past COMMODORE J. B. MONTGOMERY. 199 Cape St. Lucas, and was wrecked. The party, still under Lilly, made their way to San Francisco on foot. This voyage of over two thousand miles in a bungo almost, if not quite, equals Captain Bligh's. About March, 1859, we went to Panama, and here Commo- dore Long was relieved by Commodore John B. Montgomery — a most estimable man and gallant officer. He served with distinction on the lakes in the war of 1812. In the summer the Merrimac went to Valparaiso to await the arrival of her relief— the new ship Lancaster. We found here the Levant, Commander Wm. E. Hunt. She was afterwards lost at sea, as I have before mentioned. She had a fine set of officers, and not a vacancy in her complement when lost. In October the Lancaster arrived, and we sailed for home. Our captain made great preparations for rounding Cape Horn ; he considered the ship " top heavy," and everything was sent below that could be stowed there, even the oars of the boats ! At my earnest solicitation the oars were kept in one boat, in case of a man falling overboard ! We had a good passage to B,io de Janeiro, and no bad weather off the Cape. In fact we did not experience a gale of wind during the entire cruise. We heard in Bio of John Brown's raid against Harper's Ferry. It created great excitement and some warm discus- sion, but not an officer on board justified it. We found in Rio the frigate Congress. The Merrimac was to meet this vessel in Hampton Boads not many months after, under far different circumstances. We arrived at Norfolk in December, 1859, after a monotonous cruise of 26 months. I wrote " Naval Light Artillery " during this cruise, which was adopted by the Navy Department, and has ever since been the text-book at the Naval Academy. I also translated the French " Tactique Navak," which was also used at the Academy. 200 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. CHAPTER XVIH. ORDERED TO THE NAVAL ACADEMY — SECESSION OP THE COTTON STATES — OCCUPATION OF ANNAPOLIS BY TROOPS UNDER GENERAL BUTLER — SECESSION OP VIRGINIA — RESIGN MY COMMISSION IN THE U. S. NAVY AND ENTER THE CONFEDERATE NAVY— GOVERNOR HICKS AND THE STATE OF MARYLAND — SECESSION OF THE BORDER STATES — THE NORTH- ERN DEMOCRATS — HARPER'S FERRY — GENERAL HARNEY — THE APPEAR- ANCE OP RICHMOND AT THE BEGINNING OP THE WAR — THE " PAWNEE" WAR — ARRIVAL OF TROOPS— A NAVAL HOWITZER BATTERY — EVACUA- TION OP NORFOLK — CAPTAIN A. B. FAIRFAX — THE ''PATRICK HENRY" — LIEUTENANT POWELL — OUR FIRST IRON-CLAD — THE BATTLE OP MANAS- SAS — AFFAIR AT AOftUIA CREEK. In the summer of 1860 I was ordered to the Naval Academy for the second time, and in September reported for duty as an instructor of seamanship and naval tactics, and entered upon my duties. Captain George S. Blake was at this time Super- intendent of the Academy, and Lieutenant C. R. P. Rodgers the Commandant of Midshipmen. Instructors in the strictly professional branches at the Aca- demy at the present time, with text-books, models and apparatus at their command, can scarcely understand how extremely arduous we found our duties in 1860. There were no books on seamanship or naval tactics exactly adapted to the wants of the Midshipmen, so that the instructor had to do a good deal of compiling and translating. I wrote the Seamanship used by the senior class, and translated Chopart's Naval Tactics for them also ; and as the class had to copy the manu- script it gave them much additional labor. My book on Naval Light Artillery being adopted as a text- book, I was put in charge of that branch in addition to my other duties, and found I had my hands full. The secession of South Carolina in December, quickly fol- SECESSION OF THE COTTON STATES. 201 lowed by that of Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas, convinced all reflecting minds that a civil war was impending; indeed I had long been of that opinion myself. I was satisfied in 1857 that the subjects in dispute between the Northern and Southern states would finally be decided by an appeal to arms. I have my opinion as to the cause of the war — and a pretty decided one it is — but it is not my intention in this book, which is simply a memoir of what I saw myself of the war, to obtrude it. At some future time I may bring up some points which have not yet been considered — contenting myself with saying that the men who suffered most by the war (the Southern army and navy officers inasmuoh as they lost a profession) had less to do with bring- ing it about than any other class of citizens. It may well be imagined that the constant state of excite- ment in which we were kept was not conducive to hard study ; yet so good was the discipline that everything went on as usual, and the midshipmen were kept closely to their duties. As the states seceded, the students appointed from them gen- erally resigned with the consent of their parents ; but their departures were very quietly taken, and the friendships they had contracted at the school remained unimpaired. Affairs remained in this state until the bombardment of Fort Sumter, April 11-13 ; but after that, as war was now certain, the scho- lastic duties were discontinued and the place assumed more- the appearance of a garrison. I resigned my commission on the l-9th of April, 1861, upon hearing of the secession of Virginia. On the afternoon of that day a collision occurred in Baltimore between a Massachusetts regiment and a mob, and the railroads in the vicinity of the city were torn up to interrupt travel. Troops were sent to Annapolis on their way to "Washington which was supposed to be threatened by the Confederates. The first troops to arrive were the New York 7th regiment, a Ehode Island regi- ment and battery, and a Massachusetts regiment all under the command of General B. F. Butler. 9* 202 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. The authorities of the Academy were under the impression that an attack upon the school and the frigate Constitution ■was projected by the secessionists in the neighborhood ; but I think there never was any serious foundation for their fears. While waiting to hear of the acceptance of my resignation I remained on duty, and was one night placed in a most unpleasant position. An alarm was given that the secessionists were coming up the river to attack us ; the long roll was beaten, and all hands were sent to their stations. I was in charge of the howitzer battery, and like many of the midshipmen manning it who had resigned and were waiting to hear from Washing- ton, had either to refuse to do duty or fire on our friends. The alarm was a false one ; I do not hesitate to say, how- ever, that had we been attacked I should have stood by my , guns and performed my duty by the school. I was still an officer of the navy ; and, moreover, Maryland had not seceded, and if it had, war had not been declared. It was now determined to remove the school to Newport, R. I., and preparations were made accordingly. About the 23d of the month (April) I received private information from a friend in Baltimore that a steamboat would be at the wharf that night at 9 o'clock to take Governor Hicks to Baltimore, and was advised to seize the opportunity to leave. I did so, and many of my brother officers were at the boat to see me off". As we approached Baltimore the boat sheered in to a wharf near Fell's Point, landed the Governor and his friends, and then went on to her usual wharf. This was done to prevent the secessionists from getting hold of the governor. Not very long before, they had done so in Baltimore, and he had on that occasion made a very good secession speech. The object of Governor Hicks was to get to Frederick where he had called the Legislature to assemble, and where those members profess- ing, southern sympathies were arrested and cast into prison a short time after. Thus was the State of Maryland seized by the throat by the United States government before the begin- ning of hostilities. SECESSION OF VIRGINIA. 203 The State of Virginia seceded on the 17th of April, and was soon followed by Arkansas, North Carolina and Tennessee. This action was precipitated by President Lincoln's call for 75,000 troops on the 15th of April. I confess I could never see the philosophy of it. The Union men of these States by their persistently voting against secession, in convention and otherwise, induced President Lincoln and his advisers to believe that they would not consent to it under any circum- stances, and they strengthened his hands to that, extent. In a measure they invited him to issue his call for 75,000 men! After, as I say, voting against secession and thus preventing their States from making preparations for war they suddenly turned round and voted for it when the U. S. government had taken the action their attitude had seemed to approve! This inconsistency was rivalled by the action of the northern Demo- crats. They had generally supported the attitude of the sece- ding States, and were patting them on the back with the advice " to go in and win ;" but as soon as the " flag was fired on " (to use the expression of the day) they jumped over the fence. "Why ? The South had only done what the northern Demo- crats had encouraged it to do ! Did they not see that every- thing was tending to an appeal to arms, and that they were in- citing the South to it? or did they suppose that " war" meant throwing oyster shells at each other? I think I could give a pretty good reason for their action if this were the place for it ! I suspect that at the meeting of the northern governors the manner in which the war was to be precipitated was all arranged. Not the only thing of the kind concocted by " the party," both before and after the war, if I am not mistaken. Whatever our wise statesmen may say, I thought then, as I think now, that after the action of the six extreme Southern States and the formation by them of a Southern Confederacy, the Border States — if they held the ground that a State could not be lawfully coerced, — and if, also, they were opposed to the abolition of slavery — had no choice but to join their sister States ; and true statesmanship should have shown them this, 204 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. and their action should have been united and prompt. It might have averted the civil war. To return to my narrative. Upon my arrival in Baltimore I found it would not be prudent to attempt to reach Norfolk by the Bay Line, and I decided to go to Richmond via Har- per's Ferry, which was then occupied by the confederates. As we approached the bridge at the Ferry the cars were stopped and several confederate officers walked through the cars and gravely inspected the passengers. I am sure I do not know what for, nor did they probably. In fact the whole proceedings at this time — in Virginia at least — seemed so like a comedy that were it not for the fearful tragedy which fol- lowed one would be tempted to indulge in a hearty laugh over them. I stopped at Harper's Ferry and took the cars for "Win? Chester ; they were crowded with colonels and majors, but few privates were to be seen. I learned to my surprise that they were either going off on leave or were " bearers of dispatches." The carrying of dispatches — no matter of how little impor- tance — seemed to attach a certain dignity to the carrier. Accustomed as I had been all my life to order and discipline I was somewhat depressed at the absence of it, as well as by the total ignorance of military affairs everywhere observed while on my way to Richmond. How little could I foresee that these men were to fight and gain battles which were to be immortalized in history ! I found in the cars next day General Harney of the army, who had been made prisoner at Harper's Ferry, while on his way to Washington. There was of course no reason in this, as war had not been proclaimed, and he was promptly released upon his arrival in Richmond. We stopped a night at Manassas Junction and here, as in every other town through which we passed, we saw the people drilling — in companies, however. At this time the State had not one organized regiment. Where we had companies, the North had regiments, Upon my arrival in Richmond I reported to Governor Letch- er,' and was immediately commissioned a lieutenant in the THE "PAWNEE" WAR. 205 Virginia State Navy ; and I may as well say here that as soon as the State was regularly entered into the Confederacy I was commissioned a Lieutenant in the Confederate Navy. Eichmond at this time was in a state difficult to describe. The hotels were thronged, troops were coming in, messengers were riding to and fro, and everybody was in motion. I par- ticularly noticed this fact : even at the hotels the seats were not occupied ; no one could sit still. I suppose the great ex- citement accounted for this. The dispatches coming in hourly, the reports spread from mouth to mouth, the news contained in the daily papers even, were enough to drive a reasonable man crazy. "We heard the most wonderful rumors ; nothing, was too absurd or ridiculous for belief, and men's time seemed to be taken up in spreading stories that would have put Gulli- ver to shame and made Munchausen hide his diminished head. The emanations from the brain of a maniac were logical in comparison ! Only the Sunday before my arrival there had been what was afterwards called the " Pawnee War." The steamer Pawnee was reported to be coming up the river, and all Eichmond went to arms. What they thought the Pawnee with her few guns and men could do with the city of Richmond, or what they expected to do by arming themselves with shot-guns, horse-pistols and broad-swords and going down to Rockett's wharf to meet her, I could never discover. No doubt they only regretted that they could not arm themselves, in addition, with a few culverines, falconets and sakers (whatever they may be) ! Hector's arming at the siege of Troy was nothing in comparison. But the Pawnee did not come up the river and the good citizens re- turned to their homes to lay aside their arms and anxiously await new " reports." The companies coming in from the country were dressed in the most extraordinary uniforms the eye ever rested on ; but they were full of fight. As they arrived they were sent to a camp near the city to be drilled. It is useless to say they stood in need of it. " What," said a drill-master to a captain 206 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. who was speaking of his ignorance of the company anil, " What, then, do you propose to do with your men in time of battle ?" " Just turn them loose," was his reply, and this ap- peared to be the general idea as to how the impending war was to be fought. Men insisted upon carrying a bowie-knife and revolver in addition to a musket, in the belief that a battle was a scrimmage; but they soon knew better, and after the first campaign our generals could say with Moliere's mock doctor, nous avons change tout cela. I was ordered to organize a battery of howitzers, to be manned by sailors to serve with the army, and as I had to have the guns cast at the Tredegar works, the carriages made, etc., I was kept in Richmond some months, and had an oppor- tunity of seeing all that was going on. Soon after Virginia seceded the Southern troops commenced coming in, and were sent to the front as they arrived. I recol- lect that when the first regiment arrived from South Carolina the men announced that they " had come to fight the battles of old Virginia ; " and the city papers inculcated about the same idea. One would have supposed that South Carolina was not at war with the United States and had had nothing to do with bringing it about ! Nothing was said about " old Virginia " bearing the brunt of it, as she was about to do ! There was no use in trying to combat the nonsensical ideas that were put in circulation ; the fact is that about this time one half of the people were crazy and the other half non compos mentis, both north and south. The evacuation of Norfolk by the Federals was a most fortunate thing for the Confederates. Why the Federal authorities did this was always beyond my comprehension. They had the place, and with the force at their command could not have been driven out. No batteries could have been put up by the Confederates in the face of the broadsides of their ships, and it being only twelve miles from Fortress Monroe (Old Point Comfort) it could have been reinforced to any extent. But they did give it up, and had hardly done CAPTAIN A. B. FAIRFAX, 207 so when they commenced making preparations to retake it. The navy-yard contained a large number of heavy cannon, and these guns were used not only to fortify Norfolk and the batteries on the York, Potomac, James, and Eappahannock rivers ; but were sent to North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama; Mississippi and Louisiana. They were to be found at Roanoke Island, Wilmington, Charleston, Mobile, New Orleans, Vicksburg, and many other places. Soon after our occupation of the Yard Commander Archi- bald B. Fairfax was put in charge of the ordnance depart- ment, and he immediately turned his attention to the banding and rifling of the 32-pounders of 57 and 63 cwt. I do not know who invented the machine for rifling the guns (the band- ing was taken from the Parrott gun probably), but the work was done under the supervision of Captain Fairfax, and was, in my opinion, the most important improvement made in our ordnance during the war. I well remember that when the first gun was finished he mounted it on the small steamer Harmony and experimented with it on a frigate lying off New- port's News: taking a position outside, the range of her guns, he succeeded in hitting her several times. Large numbers of these banded and rifled guns were prepared for the ships and batteries. I never heard of any of them bursting, though I saw them fired many times ; * the charge was eight pounds, and the projectile weighed about 70 pounds. After the battles of Roanoke island and Elizabeth City, Admiral Louis Goldsborough, U. S. N., in his report to the Secretary of the Navy, says : " His (the confederate's) favorite gun is the 32-pounder of 57 and 63 cwt., beautifully fortified at the breech-end by a long and massive wrought-iron cylin- drical ring, and so rifled in the bore as to admit of the use of round shot and grape as well as shells by the simple interposi- tion of a junk wad between the charge of powder and the shot or stand of grape. His ordnance arrangements through- out exhibit great skill and ingenuity." Our vessels in these battles were fitted out by Captain Fairfax. I am glad to 208 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. render him this tribute as he never received the credit due him. Whilst I was organizing my battery the steamer Patrick Henry was fitting out at Richmond for a cruise on the coast ; she had been called the Yorktown, and belonged to the Old Dominion line running between New York and Richmond. She was not at all fitted for a man-of-war, but we had to take what we could get, and by taking off her upper cabins, strengthening her decks, etc., made her answer pretty well. She carried a bow and stern pivot, and ten guns in broadside, 32 and 64-pounders. Lieutenant William Llewellyn Powell was her executive officer. He was, from the very beginning of the war, im- pressed with the necessity of having iron-clad vessels. I had many conversations with him on this subject. He was cer- tainly the first man I met in the Confederate navy who saw that all navies must eventually come to it. He communicated his views to the Secretary of the Navy and got permission to try iron on the Patrick Henry. She was our first iron clad ! Powell put one-inch iron on her hull abreast the boilers — it extended a foot or so below the water line, and ran a few feet forward and abaft her engines and boilers. One inch was not much protection, but it was all she would bean. On the spar deck he put iron shields, in the form of a V, forward and abaft her engines. These shields were of heavy timber and covered with one or two inches of iron. In fighting head or stern on, they afforded good protection against a raking shot, and it must be remembered that as the Patrick Henry was a side-wheel boat with a walking-beam engine this protection was very important to her. It must not be understood by the non-pro- fessional reader that the use of iron to- protect ships was original with either the Federals or Confederates. The French had iron-clad gunboats or batteries in the Crimean war, 1854 ; and at the beginning of our civil war they had the powerful iron- clad frigate Gloire, and the English had the Warrior. For the matter of that, Haydn in his dictionary of dates, says : " The Santa Anna, the property of the knights of St. John, of THE BATTLE OF MANASSAS. 209 about 1700 tons, sheathed with lead-, was built at Nice about 1530. It was literally a floating fortress, and aided Charles V in taking Tunis in 1535. It contained a crew of 300 men and 50 pieces of artillery." Lieutenant Powell seeing no chance of distinction in the navy resigned to enter the army. He was made a brigadier general and ordered to command Fort Morgan at Mobile. Here he put everything in a good state of defence ; but he died of fever before the place was attacked by the fleet under Far- ragut. He was one of the purest of men and a most reliable and accomplished officer. July 21, 1861, the battle of Bull Eun or Manassas was fought. We in Eichmond knew very little of it until the next day ; but when the news did come we had the most marvelous accounts of it. The regiments decimated were innumerable, and the meaning of this word was as little understood then as it is now. The men-of-war (?) on the James river at this time were the Patrick Henry, Jamestown and Teaser. The Jamestown was a sister ship to the Patrick Henry, but not so strong. She mounted two 32 pounder rifled guns. She was christened the Thomas Jefferson by the Con- federate government ; but she was always known by her old name of Jamestown. The Teaser was a tug boat mounting one gun. It was found impossible to ship crews for these vessels ; there was a great scarcity of sailors at the South, and the lands- men naturally preferred the army. About the time I had my guns ready and the men enlisted, they were taken for the Pat- rick Henry, and Commodore Samuel Barron who had been put in command of the squadron destined to operate in the waters of North Carolina offered me the command of the gunboat Beaufort. I gladly accepted the offer as I had given up all hope of getting my howitzers into action with the army after the battle of Manassas. I saw soon after I commenced drill- ing the men, that guns drawn by hand cannot operate with troops to advantage unless very near their base of supplies. It was wise in the Secretary to send my men back to their legiti- 210 RECOLLECTIONS OF. A NAVAL OFFICER. mate sphere, and I cheerfully consented to it. They were a ,fine set of fellows, and Captain Tucker stationed them together at the bow gun of the Patrick Henry where they never failed to give a good account of themselves afterwards. The first hostile shot I saw fired in the war was at Acquia Creek, where I went in June or July simply to see what was going on. Upon arriving there I found several small steamers bom- barding our Fort at Cockpit Point. Captain William F. Lynch commanded the battery, and General Ruggles the department. He had quite a force assembled to resist an invasion ; but I thought any one might have seen that the enemy had no idea of landing troops — indeed there were no transports in sight. The bombardment was, I suspect, only for the purpose of drawing our fire, that they might see the strength of the battery. It was carried on at long range and there was nobody hurt. Upon my return to Richmond the next day I met at a " turnout " a train conveying the 1st Arkansas regiment to the seat of war. The men were greatly excited and eager for the fray. I gave them the news as the trains stopped side by side. When their train moved off every man who could get his arm out at a window did so, and the flourishing of bowie-knives made it look like a steel-clad ! The result of the battle of Manassas which filled our people with joy and gladness was, I confess, a disappointment to me, and though it may seem a strange thing to say I lost hope of our final success at the time of our first great victory. I do not care to enter into my reasons for this impression ; but that such was the case a few of my most intimate friends know. I trust I did not exhibit this feeling in my after career, but the results of our after victories only tended to confirm it. Ay de mi, AUiama I THE NOB TH CAR OLINA STA TE NAVY. 211 CHAPTER XIX. THE NORTH CAROLINA STATE NAVY — I JOIN THE REINFORCEMENT FOE HATTERAS — CAPTURE OP CAPE HATTERAS — COMMODORE SAMUEL BAR- RON — LIEUTENANT ¥1. H. MURDAUGH— ROANOKE ISLAND — OREGON INLET — I ASSUME COMMAND OF THE " BEAUFORT" — FORT MACON — COLONEL BRIDGES AND HIS COMMAND — A PLEASANT DAT — READING UNDER DIFFICULTIES — PUBLIC SCHOOL EDUCATION — THE " BEAUFORT'S " CREW — MT CABIN BOY — THE NEUSE RIVER — TEACH, THE PIRATE — A PILOT'S YARN — VISIT TO JACKSONVILLE— A FALSE ALARM. — WASH- INGTON, N. C, — A CRUISE ON A CANAL — ARRIVAL AT NORFOLK. The Governor of North Carolina had, before the state regu- larly joined the Confederacy, been going it on his own hook, as it were. He fitted out privateers, sent out blockade-runners, etc., and got in so many stores, that it was observed at the beginning of the war that the North Carolina troops were the best armed, and best clothed men that passed through Richmond. The steamer Winslow, a small side-wheel boat, under Captain Thomas M. Crossan, formerly of the Navy, was very active in cruising outside of Cape Hatteras as a privateer, and captured some valuable prizes. The men found in them were generally foreigners and many of them entered our service, as I have reason to know. When the State became one of the Confederate States, her vessels were all turned over to the navy and became men-of-war, and not privateers. The vessels thus turned over were : the Winslow, Commander Arthur Sinclair ; the Ellis, Com- mander W. B. Muse ; the Raleigh, Lieutenant commanding Alexander ; and the Beaufort. The Winslow and Ellis were at Hatteras ; the Raleigh at Oregon Inlet, and the Beaufort at Newbern. Commodore Barron being in Norfolk, I went there early in August to report. He directed me to remain and fit out a 212 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICEB. launch for service in Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds, and when ready to take her to Cape Hatteras and leave her. The three entrances into Pamlico Sound, — Oregon, Hatteras and Ocracoke inlets, — were guarded by fortifications and garrisoned by North Carolina troops. Hatteras, being the principal entrance, was especially well fortified. I had the launch well fitted out with sails and a howitzer and when ready to start, began to consider how I was to get to Hatteras, as I had no men. About the 24th of August we heard that a squadron under Flag Officer Stringham, with troops under General Butler, had appeared off the place ; and the 3d Georgia regi- ment, which up to this time had been stationed at Norfolk, was ordered to reinforce the garrison there. Captain Thomas Hunter of the navy was put in command of the expedition. The 3d Georgia- was a remarkably fine regiment, commanded by Colonel Wright, and was afterwards highly distinguished. Up to this time it had never been in action, and the men were very eager for one. Captain Hunter offered to tow me down, and I gladly accepted his offer. We had one small steamer for the officers, and the men were towed in canal boats. We left Norfolk about the 27th of August, and went through the Chesapeake and Albemarle canal. We stopped at several places along the canal, and at landings on the Croatan river, but got no news. I think it was on the afternoon of the 30th that, as we were making the best of our way down Albemarle Sound, we met a schooner under full sail for Edenton. Upon hailing her, we were told that Hatteras had fallen the day before, and all but I a few of the garrison were prisoners. There were a few officers on board who had escaped in small boats. I never knew much about this affair ; but it seems that after the ships had bom- barded the two forts for a day or two, a force was landed. Our men abandoned the upper fort, and retreated to the lower one, seeing which the enemy took possession of it. Commodore Barron who arrived at this time landed with his Flag Lieu- tenant William Sharpe, and Lieutenant W. H. Murdaugh, LIEUTENANT WM. H. MUBDAUOH. 213 and was earnestly solicited by Colonel Martin, who com- manded the fort, to assume the supreme command. This he unwisely did, hi his great desire to render all the aid and assistance in his power. The Federals in the upper fort now opened a fire with their rifles in addition to the fire from the ships, and on the 29th the place surrendered. The steamers Winslow and Ellis got away, the former to Newbern and the latter to Washington on the Pamlico river, after taking off the garrison at Ocracoke inlet. Lieutenant Murdaugh was badly wounded while serving a gun by the explosion of a shell ; but was gotten off to the Winslow and escaped being made prisoner. The officer who gave us the information spoke of his gallantry in the highest terms as well as of that of Commodore Barron. Murdaugh who resembled Somers, inasmuch as he " had no more dodge in him than the mainmast," suffered for some months from his wound ; but he did gallant service to the end of the war. He as well as Powell were midshipmen with me in the old Potomac. Our papers were loud in their remarks about the Hatteras affair (of course) and Commodore Barron's action was the sub- ject of much unkind and unjust criticism. The fact is the gal- lant commodore in his desire (as I have said) to do all he could for the cause, acted as nine out of ten men of spirit would have done under the circumstances. I have spoken of it as unwise for the reason that his eU)g cochos in his hand — and said he had been or- dered to remain in Newbern to take charge of the few men left behind. He growled about it so much that one of the officers (upon what we all considered good grounds) offered to take his place and let him go. " No," says M , " I'll obey orders." "Well give us your jug'' said the officer, and off we went. Upon our arrival at Fort Macon we were received with great joy by Colonel Bridges, the officer in command. The colonel had distinguished himself at the battle of Bethel as a captain, had been promoted, and placed in command of Fort Macon. As he said himself he knew nothing about heavy artillery or the defence of fortified places. " I only know " said he, " that that flag must not come down " and no one who knew this gallant man could doubt that it would only be COLONEL BRIDGES AND HIS COMMAND. 217 lowered after a desperate defence, if at all. The colonel re- ceeived me as the ordnance officer most cordially. " Now," he remarked, " my mind is at rest ; " and I am sure that as soon as he felt that his men had been properly instructed and that his ammunition was all right, he would have welcomed the presence of an attacking force. We found in Fort Macon Mr. Euffin, who had fired the first gun at Fort Sumter. He was an old man, an English- man by birth, and I thought, was very much out of place. The first thing I did upon assuming my duties was to send a few crews to their guns and direct them to fire at a target which had been already placed. I had previously made up my mind not to openly correct any small mistakes, fearing to discourage the garrison on the eve of an engagement ; but I was glad to see that the men did their work very well, and made some fair shots. I expressed myself to the colonel as very well pleased, but my pleasure was nothing compared to that exhibited by the other naval officers. Their delight, surprise and admiration were loudly expressed ; they said that the sailors were not wanted, that they could not do as well as the soldiers, and in fact, that they might as well return to Newbern. So by the afternoon train the whole " kit and boodle '' of them (so to speak) left, and I was alone in my glory. Fort Macon was garrisoned by six companies of North Carolina troops, recruited in the neighborhood ; and a more orderly, obedient, well-behaved set of men I did not fall in with during the war. Lieutenant Colonel Sloan was the second in command, and Lieutenant Coleman was the ordnance officer. I only wish I could recall the names of more of the officers, the adjutant's especially, for their hospitality to me was unbounded. The spirit of the colonel was reflected by the men. All hands were full of enterprise and pluck ; and I had been with them but a few days when I felt ready to go into an engagement with them with pleasure. Fort Macon at that time would not have fallen without a brave defence. 10 218 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. The fort is on a strip of sand lying about two miles off the main land, and is reached from Beaufort and Morehead City by boat. On the beach below the fort was encamped a regi- ment commanded by Colonel Zebulon Vance, afterwards Gov- ernor of the State, and at present U. S. Senator. I recall a very pleasant day sailing over to his camp from Morehead City, in company with Commodore Lynch, of the Dead Sea Expedition, Colonel Vance, and Mr. Burgwyn, of North Car- olina, all brilliant conversationalists. Mr. Burgwyn's son was the Lieutenant-Colonel of Vance's regiment — he was killed at Gettysburg, while in command of it. I could never account for the feeling of confinement I used to experience in the fort. It is true I had never lived in case- mates before ; but I had passed years in small vessels, in apart- ments ten feet square. Yet when the gates were closed at night I always had a " shut up " feeling — I could not seem to breathe freely — and as soon as they were thrown open in the morning I was the first man out, and many were the long walks I took with Colonel Bridges on the beach. On one occasion I had to pass some days alone at the tavern in Morehead City. I do not recollect now why I was there, but I not only had no companions, but no books. Not a book was to be had on the premises. One afternoon after walking wearily about the village looking in vain for reading matter I went to my room, and my eye happening to rest' on my trunk I observed that it was lined with newspapers ; it was what is known as a " shoe trunk." I took out the clothing, held the trunk up in a good light, and read everything I could get at without twisting my head off! This was not the only time during the war when, if I did not regret knowing how to read, I did regret being fond of it. I have always held the opinion that it is of more importance to a man who has to make a living by making boots, (for example), to know how to make a good one than to know how to read and write; and it would be well if our wiseacres in their howl for more public-school education would pause to reflect PUBLIC SCHOOL EDUCATION. 219 whether the country is not feeling the want of skilled labor, and our streets are not being filled with idle young men — whether, in fact, the public schools are not teaching the work- ing classes everything but how to make an honest living ! It is not all of education to know how to read and write. I have seen many a man-of-war's man who could do neither, and yet be quick of apprehension, prompt to execute, truthful, brave and self-denying ; and as far superior to the city hoodlum or country bumpkin in all the qualities that go to make a man, as it is possible for one man to excel another. During the dreary time I was watching the movements of the enemy at Hatteras in the Beaufort whilst I was bored to death for the want of something to read — there being little else to do after the morning exercise — my pilot, who had passed his life on these waters, managed to pass his time very pleas- antly, every bird that flew overhead, or fish that swam along- side gave him some occupation or food for thought. He was a philosopher, inasmuch as he had learned to live in the present. It is a mistake to say that education (understood in its or- dinary sense) cannot injure a man. It depends upon his man- ner of living, and in many cases it renders his life unhappy, and to that extent injures him. " Oh," said the keeper of a lock on the canal when I remarked upon the loneliness of the place : " I don't know, sometimes we have as many as five or six boats passing in a day !" So after all every man looks upon life from a different standpoint and all happiness is com- parative. But all this philosophizing has nothing to do with Fort Macon! During my two weeks' stay the U. S. steamer /Susquehanna arrived to blockade the port. She anchored out of gunshot of the fort, though near enough to the beach to have shelled Vance's regiment if Captain Lardner had felt so in- clined. Beaufort which is 25 miles from Newbern has an ex- cellent harbor, and I wonder that more blockade runners did not use it the first year of the war. The Nashville, Captain Pegram, was the only one I knew to go there.. The fort was 220 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. taken and the town occupied by the Federals in April, 1862. Upon the arrival of an army officer to relieve me I left the fort and returned to Newbern to resume the fitting out of the Beaufort. I made up a crew principally of men who had been in the prizes captured by the Window. I had but one American in the crew — a green hand who shipped as a coal heaver. My officers at this time were midshipmen Charles K. Mallory and Virginius Newton, pilot James Hopkins, engineer Hanks, and captain's clerk Richard Byrd. The crew was composed of Englishmen (two of whom were splendid specimens of man-of-war's-men) Danes and Swedes. I never sailed with a better one, and I never knew them to fail in their duty ; indeed I used to wonder at their eagerness to go into battle considering the fact that they knew nothing at all about the cause of the war ; but a sailor is a sailor all the world over. I found it difficult to ship a cook and stew- ard, and finally took as cabin-boy a youth of 14 years of age who told me he had been " raised in the neighborhood." I did not doubt it, for as captain Simon Suggs says : " You could see the marks on his legs where he had stood in the swamp while gathering berries the previous summer." I remember his appearance well. The first day he came into the cabin to announce dinner he stuck his head suddenly into my very small state room and, as I was sitting in my bunk, this brought his face within six inches of mine ; this seemed so to startle him that he could only open his eyes and mouth : " Well !" said I, " what do you want ?" " The vittels is up," he gasped and evaporated. That night he deserted, and I saw him no more. My appearance, whatever it was, was too much for him. During the month of October, 1861, we remained in the Beaufort at the mouth of the Neuse river on the lookout for any movement from Hatteras. No enemy appeared, but as I had occasion frequently to go up and down the river I ran some risk from the fort below Newbern. I could never get them to understand my signals. When I passed them at A PILOTS YARN. 221 night they would give me a shot first and then send off a boat to make inquiries ! However it did me no harm and it gave them practice. I used to hold long conversations with a pilot I met at the mouth of the Neuse river. He had passed his life on the sound, and was a real old-fashioned fellow, a believer in signs and tokens. He told me of his many attempts to find the money buried by Teach the pirate. Teach frequented Pamlico Sound and used to lie at an island in it from which he could watch Hatteras and Ocracoke Inlets. I visited this island and every square foot of earth on it had had a spade in it in the search for Teach 's money. Everybody hereabouts believed that Teach had buried a large amount of money some- where on the shore of the sound. This pilot told me he had sometimes seen lights on the shore, which lights indicated the spot where the money was buried. The great point was to get to the place before the light was extinguished. He said he had several times jumped into a boat and pulled for one, but unfortunately the light always disappeared before he could reach the shore. " Such was the tale that was told to me By that shattered and battered son of the sea. " I went in the Beaufort one afternoon to a place called Jack- sonville, situated on a creek emptying into Pamlico Sound. I had some doubt about leaving the mouth of the Neuse, but something of importance took me to Jacksonville. I arrived there at sunset and made fast to the wharf. The inhabitants knew nothing of the Beaufort and thought it was a gunboat from Hatteras ; so every man, woman and child took to the woods. There was not a soul left in the town when I arrived. My pilot went on shore and by throwing out friendly signals at last brought them down, and very soon the vessel was crowded with people. About 10 o'clock that night a report came that the enemy had landed at the mouth of the Neuse river ; it was brought by two young men who said they were there and had barely time to jump on their horses and escape. 222 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. Here was a " category " as Captain Truck says. The creek was so narrow and intricate that my pilot said he could not take the steamer down before daylight, and by that time the enemy would be well on the way to Newbern. After some delay I persuaded a man to ride back to the river for further informa- tion. I do not think I ever suffered more in my life than while awaiting his return. Towards morning my scout re- turned. It was a false alarm — there was no enemy there. It seems that near the mouth of the river there lived a widow with two pretty daughters who were the belles of the neighbor- hood. The two Jacksonville young men were paying them a visit when some soldiers on leave from Newbern arrived. The soldiers saw one of the young ladies outside the house, and learning of the presence of the two young men determined to get rid of them ; so they put up a joke which the ladies entered into with spirit. They charged up to the house hurraing at the top of their lungs, the ladies cried " Yankees," and our two heroes " vamosed the ranche." The next morning I made the best of my way back to my station, and about the end of October went to Newbern for coal. Shortly after, Commodore Lynch arrived in the Seabird accompanied by the Raleigh, Fanny, and Forrest. The Fanny which had been captured near Oregon Inlet by the Seabird and Raleigh was commanded by Lieutenant Tayloe, and the Forrest by Lieutenant Hoole. Each carried a 32 pounder rifled gun. I was sent in the Beaufort to Washington to re- lieve the Ellis, Captain Muse. We went up the Pamlico river by night, passed the fort without being seen, and went through the " obstructions" (of which we knew nothing) without diffi- culty. This "obstruction" consisted of piles driven in the channel, and like all such amounted to " a row of pins." The good people of Washington were much surprised at seeing us quietly at anchor the next morning, and it taught them a lesson. It being the opinion of the authorities in Richmond that the enemy would soon make an attempt on Roanoke island Commodore Lynch determined to assemble his squadron there. ARKIVAL AT NORFOLK. 223 The Beaufort was ordered to Norfolk to have the gun re- placed by a rifled 32-pounder. We went through the Chesa-' peake and Albemarle canal, which was my first experience in that kind of navigation. I believe we kept the mast-head look- out as usual. We had fine weather and a smooth sea in the canal, doubled the locks without difficulty, and arrived at the Norfolk Navy Yard about the middle of December. 224 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. CHAPTER XX. A VISIT TO NEWBERN — CHANGE OF OFFICERS — JOIN THE SQUADRON AT ROANOKE ISLAND — WISE'S BRIGADE — THE DEFENCES OF ROANOKE ISLAND — COMMODORE LYNCH S SQUADBOH — THE BUBNSIDE EXPEDITION — FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUQH'S FLEET— AN EVENING WITH COMMO- DORE LYNCH — BATTLE OF ROANOKE ISLAND— INCIDENTS — BETBEAT OF THE SQ.OADRON TO ELIZABETH CITY. On the 24th of December I was sent by Commodore Lynch by rail to Newbern to appraise a small steamer bought by him for the Navy. I found Newbern in an excited state, fearing an attack from Hatteras, and the scene of constant alarms. Only the night of my arrival I was sent for by the colonel in comand to whom I had offered my services, and informed that they had signalled from one of the posts below that the enemy was coming up the river. While we were waiting further news a captain came in and requested to be relieved from the command of a battery on the river. He said he knew nothing about guns, and if the enemy was coming up he wished to be relieved. He proposed that I should take his place. This did not look well, but I suppose it was an isolated case. Newbern made a good defence when the time came for it. Upon my return to Norfolk I found the Beaufort nearly ready. Mr. Hopkins, my pilot, left me here and I secured another. Mr. Bain relieved Mr. Byrd as my clerk, and Lieu- tenant Johnson joined as executive officer. Johnson, who was from Fredericksburg, was a classmate of mine. He had been engaged in a duel, as second, while at the Naval Academy and was dismissed, as I have before mentioned. He went in 1848 to California, and though afterwards reinstated in the Navy de- clined to return. He told me he was living on his ranche in JOIN THE SQUADBON AT BOANOEE ISLAND. 225 California when he heard of the secession of Virginia, and that he turned the key in his door and left for home. He left me after the battle of Elizabeth City and was ordered to New Orleans. After the fall of that city he went to Wilmington where he was drowned while going to the assistance of a blockade runner. He was a very modest man, but a most determined and courageous one— every inch a gentleman he was as cool a man under fire as I ever saw. About the middle of January I proceeded in the Beaufort to join the squadron at Eoanoke Island. This island, which lies on Croatan Sound between Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, was garrisoned by a regiment of North Carolina troops, in command of Colonel Shaw. The district was com- manded by General Henry A. Wise, and his brigade was. ordered to assist in the defense of the island. His brigade, as far as I have been able to find out, was distributed between Elizabeth City and Nag's Head. Nag's Head, which is abreast of Eoanoke Island, on the sea shore, about three miles across, was General Wise's head-quarters. Why General Wise when he was ordered to the command did not establish his head- quarters on Roanoke Island, and order all his troops and artillery there, was what I have never been able to discover. Nag's Head itself could have been rendered untenable by the fire of one Federal gunboat. Three forts had been constructed on the island to protect the channel. The upper one was on Weir's Point and was named Fort Huger. It mounted twelve guns, principally 32- pounders of 33 cwt., and was commanded by Major John Tay- lor, formerly of the Navy. About If miles below, on Pork Point, was Fort Bartow ; it mounted seven guns, five of which were 32-pounders of 33 cwt., and two were rifled 32-pounders. This fort, which was the only one subsequently engaged in the defense, was in charge of Lieutenant B. P. Loyall, of the Navy. Between these two points was a small battery. On the main land opposite the island, at Bedstone Point, was a batteiy called Fort Forrest. The guns, which were 32-pounders, were mounjed on 10* 226 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. the deck of a canal-boat which had been hauled up in the mud and placed so that the guns would command the chan- nel. The channel itself was obstructed a little above Fort Huger by piling- It was hoped that these batteries, with the assistance of Commodore Lynch's squadron, would be able to prevent the enemy's ships from passing the island. The great mistake on our part was in not choosing the proper point at which to dispute the entrance to the Sound. The fortifications and vessels should have been at the " marshes," a few miles below, where the channel is very narrow. I do not know who was responsible for the selection of the points for- tified as I was not at the island when ground was first broken. The squadron under Commodore Lynch consisted of the Seabird (flagship), Captain McCarrick ; Curlew, Captain Hun- ter ; Ellis, Captain Cooke ; Appomattox, Captain Sims ; Beau- fort, Captain Parker; Raleigh, Captain Alexander; Fanny, Captain Tayloe, and Forrest, Captain Hoole. Of these vessels the Seabird and Curlew were side-wheel river steamboats ; the Seabird of wood and the Curlew of iron. The others were screw tug-boats, built for the canal, and- were similar to the Beaufort. The Appomattox and perhaps the Fanny were wooden — the others of quarter-inch iron. Each mounted one 32-pounder rifled gun, except the Seabird which had a smooth- bore forward and a 30-pounder Parrott gun aft. In addition we had a fine large schooner called the Black Warrior, armed with two 32-pounders and commanded by Lieutenant Harris, The expedition under General Burnside and Flag Officer Goldsborough was assembling at Hatteras Inlet, and although we did not know positively that it was not intended to attack Newbern yet the chances were in favor of Roanoke island. About the 1st of February the Curlew and Raleigh were sent to Hatteras, and upon their return reported the enemy nearly ready to move. The commodore now held a council of war to determine whether the vessels should dispute the ad- vance of the enemy's ships at the " marshes," or assist in the defence in conjunction with the forts. It was decided to adopt FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGWS FLEET. 227 the latter plan, though some of the captains favored the first. The majority thought it better not to divide our forces at the eleventh hour. It was at nine o'clock on the morning of February 6th, 1862, that the enemy's fleet made its appearance. It consisted ac- cording to the report of Flag Officer Goldsborough, of the Stars and Stripes, Louisiana, Hetzel, Underwriter, Delaware, Commodore Perry, Valley Oity, Commodore Barney, Hunch- back, Souihfield, Morse, Whitehead, Lockwood, Brinclcer, Sey- mour, Ceres, Putnam, Shawsheen and Granite. These vessels were armed with 100-pounder rifled, 80-pounder rifled, 30- pounder rifled, 20-pounder rifled, 12-pounder rifled, and 9-inch, 8-inch and 6-inch smooth bore guns. Some of them carried four guns each. Their number of guns, exclusive of the Com- modore Perry, and Commodore Barney, was forty-eight ; if these two vessels carried three guns each, the total number of guns opposed to us was fifty-four. The enemy's fleet was accom- panied by a large number of transports bearing the troops of General Burnside ; and it was evidently his plan to silence our batteries — particularly the one at Pork Point — and land the troops under the protection of the guns of the ships. The weather at the time the enemy made his appearance was cold, gloomy and threatening, and about 10 A. M. we ob- served that he had anchored below the " marshes." We had gotten underweigh and formed line abreast, in the rear of the obstructions, and we remained underweigh all day, as the weather was too thick to see very far, and we did not know at what moment the ships might commence the attack. The galley fires were out, and we could have no cooking done, and as the weather was cold with a drizzling rain at intervals, we passed considerably more than one mauvais quart d'heure ! About 4 in the afternoon Captain Sims in the Appomattox was sent down to reconnoitre. He went very close to the enemy, but was not fired at. Flag Officer Goldsborough says in his allusion to it : " She met with no opposition from us simply because we were not unwilling that she should accom- 228 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. plish her -wishes." I presume he wanted us to know what we were to expect the next day. Sims gave a very correct re- port of the number of men-of-war in the fleet ; the number of transports was what " no fellow could find out ;" there were too many to count. At sunset, as we saw no disposition on the part of the enemy to move, we anchored and all hands went to supper. We kept guard boats out during the night to avoid a surprise. After getting something to eat I went on board the Seabird to see Commodore Lynch. I found him in his dress- ing gown sitting quietly in his cabin reading Ivanhoe. He expressed great pleasure at seeing me and said he had thought of signalling me to come aboard, but knew I must be very tired and he did not wish to disturb me ; and I must say for the commodore that I never served under a man who showed more consideration for the comfort of his officers and men. We talked for a long time of what the next day would pro- bably bring forth, and our plans for defence, &c. We neither of us believed that we would be successful, nor was there a naval officer in the squadron who thought we would. The force opposed to us both naval and military was too over- whelming. Ten thousand men to our two thousand on land, and nineteen vessels and 54 guns to our eight vessels with 9 guns on the water. After talking some time on the subject, we insensibly got upon literature. Lynch was a cultivated man and a most agreeable talker. He had made some repu- tation in the navy by his book upon the Dead Sea exploration. We commenced on Scott's novels, naturally, as he held one of the volumes in his hand ; incident after incident was recalled and laughed over, and I never spent a more delightful evening. We were recalled to our senses by the ship's bell striking 8 (midnight). I jumped up exclaiming that I did not know it was so late and that I had not intended keeping my gig's-crew up so long. The commodore's last words to me at the gang- way were : "Ah ! if we could only hope for success ;" " but," said he : " come again when you can." For my own part I looked upon it as an adieu and not an au revoir ; for I had BATTLE OF ROANOKE ISLAND. 229 made up my mind that it would be death or a prisoner before the next day's sun had set ; but as I rowed back to my vessel I thought what strangely constituted and happily constituted beings we are after all. Here were two men looking forward to death in less than 24 hours — death, too, in defeat not vic- tory — and yet able to lose themselves in works of fiction. Well may Scott be called the Wizard of the North ! Unknown to ourselves it must be as Campbell writes : " Hope springs eter- nal in the human breast !" At daylight the next morning the Appomattox was dispatched to Edenton, and as she did not return till sunset and the War- rior did not take any part in the action, this reduced our force to seven vessels and eight guns. At 9 A. m. we observed the enemy to be underweigh and coming up, and we formed " line abreast" in the rear of the obstructions. At 11.30 the fight commenced at long range. The enemy's fire was aimed at fort Bartow and our vessels, and we soon became warmly en- gaged. The commodore at first, directed his vessels to fall back in the hope of drawing the enemy under the fire of forts Huger arid Forrest ; but as they did not attempt to advance, and evidently had no intention of passing the obstructions, we took up our first position and kept it during the day. At 2 p. m. the firing was hot and heavy, and continued so until sunset. Our gunners had had no practice with their rifled guns, and our firing was not what it should have been. It was entirely too rapid and not particularly accurate. Early in the fight the Forrest was disabled in her machinery, and her gallant young captain (Lieutenant Hoole) badly wounded in the head by a piece of shell. She got in under fort Forrest and an- chored. Some time in the afternoon, in the hottest of the fire, reinforcements arrived from Wise's brigade, and were landed on the island. The Richmond Blues, Captain O. Jennings Wise, were, I think, part of this force. Pork Point battery kept up a constant fire on the fleet, and the enemy could not silence it. The garrison stood to their guns like men, encouraged by the spirited example of their 230 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. instructor, Lieut. B. P. Loyall. Forts Huger and Forrest did not fire, the enemy being out of range ; but the small battery between Pork Point and "Weir's Point fired an occasional gun during the day. Towards 4 o'clock in the afternoon a shot or shell struck the hurricane-deck of the Curlew in its descent, and went through her decks and bottom as though they had been made of paper. Her captain, finding she was sinking, started for the shore, and as he passed me, hailed ; but I could not make out what he said, and he being a very excitable fellow (the North Carolinians called him Tornado Hunter) I said to Johnson that I thought there was nothing the matter with him. " Oh, yes there is," said J., " look at his guards." And sure enough he was fast going down. I put after him in the Beaufort, but he got her ashore in time. Hunter put his vessel ashore immediately in front of fort Forrest, completely masking its guns, and we could not fire her for fear of burning up the battery, which, as I have said, was built on an old canal- boat. As it turned out, it did not much matter. To show what an excitable fellow Hunter was : he told me afterward that during the fight this day he found to his surprise that he had no trousers on. He said he could never understand it, as he had certainly put on a pair in the morning. I told him I had heard of a fellow being frightened out of his boots, but never out of his trousers. Poor Hunter ; he served gallantly during the war, and was second in command at the battle of Sailors Creek, where he was made a prisoner. He dropped dead as he was taking an evening walk, a few years after. We in the Beaufort did our best in maintaining our position, and I had reason to be proud of the way in which every officer and man performed his duty. Johnson as staunch as the main- mast, the two midshipmen full of zeal, and my clerk, Mr. Bain, standing by me on the hurricane deck coolly taking notes of the fight. The first shell that exploded over us scattered the pieces over our decks. Midshipman Mallory, a youth of 14, brought some of the pieces to me with much glee ; he looked upon the whole proceeding as great fun. Poor boy ! he met INCIDENTS. 231 ■with a sad end at last. After serving with me in three engage- ments he -was ordered to the gunboat Chattahoochee at Colum- bus, Ga., and lost his life by the explosion of her boiler. He was from Hampton and was an honor to his birth-place ; had he lived and had the opportunity he would have become a great naval officer. My men worked their gun coolly and deliberately, and as the captain of it, Jack Eobinson, was an English man-of-wars man, trained on the gunnery ship Excel- lent, I think we did some good firing. My gunner's mate, John Downard, was also from the same ship and knew his duties thoroughly. Both of these men had the Crimean medal. I must not forget to mention my engineer, Mr. Hanks, who was always ready with his engine. About 4 p. m. I observed that the enemy's troops were land- ing to the southward of Pork Point under the guns of a division of their fleet, and could not perceive that any successful re- sistance was being made to it. A little after sunset the firing ceased on both sides, and as we felt sure the enemy would not attempt to pass the obstructions by night as he had declined to attempt them by day we ran in and anchored under fort Forrest. We lit our galley fires, and as we had been fighting all day were glad enough to get something to eat. Upon the whole I was rather surprised to find myself alive, and con- gratulated myself upon having one night more before me. I directed my steward to serve out the cabin stores to the men and let them have a good supper — that was about what I thought of what would be the result of the next day's fight. During the afternoon when the battle was at its height I ordered the engineer to send me all the men he could spare from the fire-room to work at the gun ; one of the men sent up was my green coal-passer, who evidently did not like the appear- ance of things on deck. However he went to the side tackles of the gun as ordered ; after awhile a shell bursting overhead I called to the men to lie down, and when it was over I ordered them to jump up and go at it again. All promptly obeyed but the coal-passer, who still lay flat on his stomach. " Get 232 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICES. up," I called to him from the hurricane deck just above him : he turned his head like a turtle and fixed his eye on me, but otherwise did not move. " Get up," I said, " or I will kill you," at the same time drawing a pistol from my belt and cock- ing it. He hesitated a moment and then sprang to the gun, and behaved well during the rest of the engagement. As I went aft to my cabin after the battle, my steward being busy forward, I called to the engineer to send a man to make a fire in my stove. I had just seated myself before it when who should come in but my friend the coal-passer — he kneeled down in front of me and commenced blowing up a fire. Knowing that the man had not the slightest idea of the discipline of a man-of-war, and wishing to encourage him, I remarked, " Well, my man ! I am glad you did your duty so well at the gun after I spoke to you." He blew awhile, and then looking back he said : " I tell you what, captain, I was mighty skeered ;" " but," said he after another blow, " I saw you were going to kill me so I thought I inout as well take my chances with the enemy." After a few minutes more blowing, he said : " I warn't much skeered after that ; it's all in getting used to it, Cap-" Well, I thought, you have got at the philosophy of it, after all. I do not remember our loss in the squadron in this day's en- gagement; but Lieutenant Hoole was dangerously waunded, and lost an eye, and Midshipman Camm of the EUisfiost an arm. \ \ Soon after we anchored signal was made by the flag ship for the captains to report on board. Upon my entering the cabin I was informed by Commodore Lynch that we must re- treat from Roanoke Island. Much surprised and mortified, I asked why, and was told that the vessels generally were out of ammunition. A council was held as to whether the vessels should retreat to Norfolk through the Chesapeake and Albe- marle Canal, or go to Elizabeth City on the Pasquotank river. We would have saved the vessels by going to the former place, but the commodore's orders were to do his utmost to defend the waters of North Carolina ; so we decided to go to the latter, RETREA T OF THE SQ UADRON. 233 where it was understood a fort had been built to protect the town. Elizabeth City was the terminus of the Dismal Swamp Canal, and we hoped to get ammunition that way from Nor- folk in time to act in conjunction with the fort. I was sent to Roanoke Island to communicate all this to Colonel Shaw, and confess did not relish my mission. It looked too much like leaving the army in the lurch ; and yet to have remained with- out ammunition would have been mere folly. I took an officer on shore with me who had gotten on board the Seabird some- how—probably he had come in the Appomattox from Edenton — he had just been released from a northern prison, and here he was going to meet the same fate again, as we all knew — but he did what he considered his duty. I think he was a Major Dinwiddie, — a noble fellow, whatever his name. I met Colonel Shaw at his quarters, and stated the facts in relation to the vessels, and then returned to the Beaufort. All lights were now extinguished, and the squadron got under- weigh for Elizabeth City, the Seabird taking the Forrest in tow. It was one of the darkest nights I ever knew, and as none of the vessels showed a light it was difficult to ayoid a collision. My pilot got confused early in the evening and I had to do the best I could alone ; and, considering I had but a faint idea of where Elizabeth City was, I did remarkably well. We fell in with some vessels carrying reinforcements to the island on our way — I think it was Green's battalion — and the Beaufort had the credit of colliding with them. This was not true, however, — for while I was speaking one of the schoon- ers, another of our gunboats carried away her head booms. I anchored in the mouth of the Pasquotank river some time during the night, and the next morning went to Elizabeth City, where I found the remainder of the squadron. This was on Saturday, February 8th. 234 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. CHAPTER XXI. THE DEFENCES OF ELIZABETH CITY — HENNINGSEN'S ARTILLERY — RECON- NOISSANCE BY COMMODORE LYNCH — HE 13 CHASED BACK TO THE PAS- QUOTANK 1 AM PLACED IN COMMAND OF FOET COBB — THE BATTLE OF ELIZABETH CITY — INCIDENTS — THE DESTRUCTION OF THE CONFEDEEATE SQUADRON — COMMODOEE LYNCH— EETEEAT FEOM ELIZABETH CITY — CEOSS THE DISMAL SWAMP — INCIDENTS ALONG THE ROUTE— HENNING- SEN'S MEN — MARCH TO SUFFOLK — ARRIVAL AT NORFOLK — FIND THE " BEAUFORT" THERE — JOIN GENERAL WISE AT GREAT BRIDGE — RETURN TO NORFOLK AND REPORT TO COMMODORE BUCHANAN — HIS SQUADRON. Elizabeth City is on the Pasquotank river, twelve miles from its mouth. The river here is very narrow and on the right bank, at Cobb's Point, some two or three miles below, was a battery of four 32-pounder smooth-bore guns. The fort, as it was called, was a wretchedly constructed affair and not by any means a credit to the engineer officer who built it. I afterwards met this officer. He acknowledged that it was badly done ; he said that when the citizens of Elizabeth City applied to General Huger to have a battery put up to protect the town, he was sent to do it. He thought that " Elizabeth City was the last place the Federals would attack," and slighted his work. It shows how uncertain war is, and how important discipline is. The magazine of this fort resembled an African ant-hill more than anything else, and had its door fronting the river, and was of course entirely exposed. The guns were good enough, but they were badly mounted — only one could be trained to fire across the river, the others looked down the channel. We found at Elizabeth City General Henningsen with one or more batteries of light artillery, and after our arrival the militia were called out, and some of them were THE DEFENCES OF ELIZABETH CITY. 235 sent into the fort. "We learned that the Dismal Swamp canal was out of order, and vessels could not pass through. Commo- dore Lynch sent Captain Hunter by express to Norfolk for ammunition, and men to repair the canal. We could hear firing in the direction of Roanoke island until about noon of this day ; it then ceased and we knew the island y had fallen. We felt sure Elizabeth City would be the next place attacked, and the commodore ap- pointed me to concert a plan of defence with General Hen- ningsen. My idea was to land the guns of the vessels and mount them on shore, not together, but distributed on both sides of the river, and to place Henningsen's guns in pits or behind temporary embankments in the same way. By this method the enemy, after getting up with the fort, would have been brought under a very heavy cross fire, and his vessels being of light construction Henningsen's guns would have done them as much damage as our large cannon. The infantry were to seek the- best cover they could find and act as sharpshooters along the bank of the river, which was not two hundred yards wide. But there not appearing to be time enough to make this disposition of our guns, it was decided that the schooner Black Warrior should be put over on the left bank of the river a little below the fort, and the remainder of the squadron which now consisted of the Seabird, Ellis, Appomattox, Beaufort, Raleigh and Fanny, should form line abreast across the chan- nel, opposite the fort, and that Henningsen's artillery should , be held in reserve. After making these dispositions Commo- dore Lynch started in the Seabird on the 9th for Roanoke island to reconnoitre, and took the Raleigh with him. During the afternoon of this day the Beaufort towed to the mouth of the canal a, schooner loaded with quartermaster's stores ; she eventu- ally got to Norfolk with her very valuable cargo. About sunset Commodore Lynch returned in the Seabird having been chased by the enemy's vessels, which anchored at the mouth of the river about ten miles below the fort at 8 p. m. The Raleigh was 236 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. either sent to Norfolk via the C. and A. canal, or she escaped' in that direction while being chased. The enemy's squadron consisted of fourteen vessels, mount- ing 33 guns ; to oppose which we had six vessels, mounting 8 guns, and the guns of the fort. The Curlew had been left at Roanoke Island, where she was burned by her crew. The Forrest was hauled up on the ways at Elizabeth City, and the Raleigh was probably in Norfolk. Commodore Stephen C. Rowan was in command of the Federal vessels, and we knew him to be a dashing officer. We anchored abreast the fort in our position, and spent most of the night in dividing the ammunition, so that each vessel should have an equal share. I passed the evening talking over matters with the commodore, and we both concluded that affairs looked blue. The canal being out of order, escape was impossible in that direction, and nothing remained but to fight it out. I went back to the Beaufort about two o'clock in the morning and sent for Johnson to give him directions for the next morning. After telling him to give the men breakfast before daylight and then to have everything ready for action, and to call me as soon as he saw the enemy getting" under- weigh, I went to my cabin and threw myself on my berth " all standing.'' I really believe I did not take off my sword and pistol ; and I know I did not remove my cap. I never was so tired in my life. For more than a week I had not had my clothes off, had had but little sleep, and been in a constant state of excitement. I soon dropped off, and in less than a minute (as it seemed to me) Johnson called me to say the enemy was underweigh and coming up. " Have the men had their breakfast ? " said I. " Yes, sir," said Johnson. " Is the gun cleared away and ready for ac- tion ? " " Yes, sir," he replied, " the men are at their quarters, the fires are out, the magazine is opened, and we are all ready for battle." " Very well," I answered ; and Johnson went for- ward. I fell back on my pillow and commenced to moralize : how delightful, thought I, 'twould be to be on shore in the PLACED IN COMMAND OF FORT COBB. 237 woods where I can hear the birds welcoming the rising sun: " The breezy call of incense-breathing morn, The swallow twittering from the straw-built shed," and all that sort of thing ; here are these confounded fellows • coming up to break the peace when I so particularly wish to remain quiet ; why will men fight, and before breakfast, too ; why not lead a life of peace ? why not . " Look here, Captain," said Johnson, " the enemy is right on top of us !" I sprang up and bade adieu to my moralizing. Upon reach- ing the hurricane-deck I think I saw the relieved expression of my men. I had not thought of it before, but my non-ap- pearance had given rise to some anxiety. The enemy were coming up at full speed and our vessels were underweigh ready to abide the shock when a boat came off from the shore with the bearer of a dispatch for me ; it read : " Captain Parker with the crew of the Beaufort will at once take charge of the fort — Lynch." " Where the devil," I asked, " are the men who were in the fort?" "All run away," said the messenger. And so it was ; they had recollected that : "Souvent celui qui demeure, Est cause de son meschef, &o." and had taken to their heels. The enemy's vessels were by this time nearly in range, and we were ready to open fire. I did not fancy this taking charge at the last moment, but there was no help for it, so I put the men in the boats with their arms and left the Beaufort with the pilot, engineer and two men on board. I directed the pilot to slip the chain and escape through the canal to Norfolk if possible, otherwise to blow the steamer up rather than be captured. He " cut out," as Davy Crockett says, accordingly. While pulling ashore the officers and men were engaged in tearing some sheets into bandages to be used for the wounded men : a cheerful occupa- tion under the circumstances ! but it was one of the delights of serving in these gunboats that no surgeons were allowed. 238 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. All the wounded had to be sent to the flag ship for treatment. Upon getting into the fort I hastily commenced stationing the men at the guns, and as quickly as possible opened fire upon the advancing enemy. Some of the officers and men of the Forrest made their way to us upon learning that the militia had fled. I must not forget to say that the engineer officer who had been sent from Richmond for service in the fort remained bravely at his post. He asked me to report this fact in case he was killed. He was a Prussian, and I think his name was Heinrich. He was not the engineer who built the fort. I found Commodore Lynch on shore ; his boat had been cut in two by a shot and he could not get off to his ship, as he informed me, and he furthermore said I was to command the fort without reference to his being there ; that if he saw an opportunity to get off to the Seabird he should embrace it. The enemy's vessels came on at full speed under a heavy fire from our vessels and the fort. The fire from the latter was ineffectual. The officers and men were cool enough ; but they had not had time to look about them. Everything was in bad working order, and it was difficult to train the guns. Just before we commenced to fire two of my men brought a man to me and said in the most indignant manner : " Captain here's a man who says he don't want to fight !" The idea of one of the Beaufort's not wanting to fight seemed to irritate them exceedingly. I looked and beheld my poor cook tremb- ling before me. The men held him up by the collar, for his legs refused to do duty. He was a delicate-looking Spaniard and, poor fellow, could speak very little English. He had been captured in a prize and had shipped in the Beaufort for the want of something better to do. He knew nothing about the war and cared less. In the fight at Roanoke he had been stationed in the magazine, and as it was pitch dark there had fondly imagined himself in a safe place ; but it was different here in the broad daylight. " Que diable allait-il faire dans cette galbre !" Falling on his knees before me, he could only say : " captain, me no wantee fight," which he kept repeating. DESTRUCTION OF CONFEDERATE SQUADRON. 239 Poor fellow, I thought, I don't wantee fight either — at least, not until after breakfast. " Put him in the magazine," said I, re- calling his former station, and thought no more about him. But he was to be my bite noir that day, for in the heat of the battle two of Henningsen's horsemen brought him to me be- tween them. He had fled from the magazine, and they had captured him. He was in an exceedingly limp condition ; but I said, as before, " put him in the magazine/' which was done. He got away again, however, and beat us all to Norfolk — and that's saying a good deal. Commodore Rowan's steamers did not reply to our fire until quite close, and without slackening their speed they passed the fort and fell upon our vessels. They made short work of them ! The Seabird was rammed and sunk by the Commodore Perry. The Ellis was captured after a desperate defence, in which her gallant commander, James Cook, was badly wound- ed. The schooner Black Warrior was set on fire and aban- doned, her crew escaping through the marshes on their side of the river. The Fanny was run on shore near the fort and blown up by her commander, who with his crew escaped to the shore. Before the Ellis was captured some of her officers and men attempted to reach the shore — among them, Midshipman Wm. C. Jackson, a handsome youth of 17 — he was to have joined my ship the next day. He was shot in the water while swim- ming on shore. I do not blame the enemy for this — it was unavoidable — but it was a melancholy affair. He was taken on board the U. S. steamer Hetzel and received every atten- tion. He died at 10 p. m. the same day, and was buried on shore. Captain Sims, of the Appomattox kept up a sharp fire from his bow gun until it was accidentally spiked ; and he then had to run for it. He had a howitzer aft which he kept in play ; but upon arriving at the mouth of the canal he found his ves- sel was about two inches too wide to enter ; he therefore set her on fire, and she blew up. The Beaufort got through to Nor- folk. We in the fort saw this work of destruction going on with- 240 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. out being able to prevent it. As soon as the vessels passed the fort we could not bring a gun to bear on them, and a shot from them would have taken us in reverse. A few rounds of grape would have killed and wounded all the men in the fort, for the distance was only a few hundred yards. Seeing this, I directed Johnson to spike the guns, to order every man to shoulder his musket, and then to take down the flag. All this was promptly and coolly done, and upon the fact being reported to me by Johnson, I pointed to some woods in our rear and told him to make the best of his way there with the command. All this time Commodore Lynch had stood quietly looking on, but without uttering a word. As his command had just been de- stroyed under his eyes, I knew pretty well what his feelings were. Turning to him I said : " Commodore, I have ordered the fort evacuated." " Why so, sir ?" he demanded. I pointed out the condition of affairs I have just stated, and he acqui- esced. Arm in arm we followed the retreating men. The enemy had by this time turned their attention from the ships to the fort and commenced firing shot and shell in our direc- tion. We had to cross a ploughed field, and we made slow progress. I wished very much that the commodore was twenty years younger. I felt that instead of a slow walk, a sharp run would have been better exercise — more bracing, as it were. We had nearly reached the woods when I met my two men, Robinson and Downard, posting back in great haste. They took their hats off when they saw me and looked a little sheepish. "Were you not ordered into the woods?" I in- quired. " Yes, sir," answered they. " Then where are you going?" I demanded. " Come back to look for you, sir," said Robinson. They had missed me in the woods, and fearing I had been killed or wounded were going back to carry me offl And here was my first lieutenant, Johnson, aiding and abetting them ! As soon as we struck the road we procured a guide, and as we had to pass Elizabeth City which was now in pos- session of the enemy, we hurried up for fear of being taken prisoners. We had observed that some of the vessels carried COMMODORE LYNCH. 241 troops — in fact there was a Rhode Island regiment present — and we expected they would land and intercept us. The offi- cers and men of the Fanny and Forrest, and stragglers from the other vessels, reported to me and I found I was, next to ihe commodore, the senior officer on shore. I soon got the commodore off in a buggy, and I begged him to make the best of his way to Richmond. It was the most extraordinary- looking vehicle I ever laid my eyes on, and I felt sure it would cause a sensation in Richmond if the commodore's report did hot. I had been told by Commodore Lynch that if I evacuated the fort I was to fall back on Henmngsen. I fell back as fast as I could, but did not see anything of his command. After we had gotten by Elizabeth City we felt pretty safe against capture, particularly as by twelve o'clock I had my entire command mounted or in country wagons, and I got them in something like military organization, with commissary, quar- termaster, etc. The scenes along the road were distressing, and yet some- times so comical that one found himself laughing with the " tear in his eye." We passed at one place the smoking ruins of a house. The neighbors told me it had been occupied by a Union man who upon learning of the success of the Federals' at Elizabeth City had refused even water to the retreating troops of Henningsen. Locking up his house he took up a position in the upper story, and finally ended by firing on the soldiers who were about the house and killed one of them. The soldiers burned the house with the man in it. Passing another place I saw a young girl in convulsions and screaming at the top of her lungs. Her parents were trying to pacify her in vain. I added my persuasions, I told her everything would be all right, the war would soon be over, etc. " Oh ! what does it matter," said she, " if the war is soon over, if all the men are killed ? " I" passed," ' The kindness and hospitality of the people along the route was unbounded. . Just before sunset my quarter-master, who 11 242 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER, had been riding in advance, reported that a gentleman living near by had offered to give us all supper and a night's lodg- ing. I gladly accepted his offer. At this time I overtook General Henningsen and his staff— I never did catch up with his guns. The general was opposed to 1 my remaining on that side of the river for the night, and said we would be captured. I told him the offer was too good to be declined, and added (for the recollection of his troopers bringing back my unfortu- nate cook to the fort, and their remarks, had left a sore spot) : " General, I was told to fall back on you and have been doing so all day ; now I intend to stop." I wish I could recall the name of the gentleman who entertained us. I had about 150 officers and men, and to supply us all was no light tax — to say nothing of the animals. The men were given a good supper and quarters in the barn, and the officers received in his house. There were many ladies there — refugees from Elizabeth City. They forgot their own troubles and insisted on waiting upon us at table. It was only one of the many instances of the noble and inspiriting conduct of the Southern women. They never gave up. In the darkest hour of the war they had an encouraging word. As for the sick and wounded, God knows what they would have done without their kind nurses. Scott has rendered woman a tribute; but the wars of the world have never produced the equal of the Southern woman. We left our kind friends at 3 o'clock next morning, and I sent our quarter-master on ahead to order breakfast at a tavern where I knew we should arrive about 8 o'clock. I was told that it would take us two days to reach Suffolk as the road across the Dismal Swamp would not permit of rapid traveling; but I made up my mind I would be there that night if it were possible. The Merrimac, I knew, would be soon ready for her crew, and it was most important to get the men with me to Nor- folk as quickly as possible. There were no sailors to spare at the South. We arrived at the tavern and breakfasted — the la- dies there (refugees) attending to our wants at table, and every- body doing all in their power to assist us in getting on. - The MARCH TO SUFFOLK. 243 proprietor would .take no pay, so we could only offer our thanks, and after giving three cheers we started. About 12 we came to a cross-road country store and were told that Com- modore Lynch had passed and ordered dinner for the men ; but as they had so lately breakfasted I would not stop. I rode in the rear of the command and kept the horses moving. About 3 in the afternoon I was hailed from a house and found there Commodore Lynch. The hospitable owner would not hear of our continuing on our way without stopping for some refreshment, so I consented to remain ; and in a short time he and his wife and daughters, with their sewants, were busily engaged preparing it The commodore started off alone in his gig for Suffolk. We remained an hour and then left, and traveling at good speed arrived at Suffolk at 9 p. m. We had made nearly forty miles since leaving the fort the day before, which, under the circumstances, was not bad traveling. The first news I got was that the commodore had not arrived. He told me afterward he took the wrong road and did not get to Suffolk until the next day. We were most kindly received at Suffolk, and learning that a special train was about returning to Norfolk I put my command on board and sent the horses and wagons baek to their owners. We got safely to Norfolk, and at midnight I awakened Commodore Forrest at the Navy Yard and reported the disastrous result of the battle of Eli- zabeth City. I learned to my great gratification that the Beaufort was safely alongside the wharf at the Yard. Upon Captain Hunter's arrival a force had been put to work on the canal, and the Beaufort had succeeded in getting through. After the fall of Koanoke island General Wise had retreated from Nag's Head in the direction of Norfolk on the line of the Chesapeake and Albemarle canal, and I was sent up the canal in the Beaufort .to co-operate with him. We went up about the 12th of February, and after making a reconnoissance as far as North river I returned to Great Bridge where I met the General and his men. We had very cold, disagreeable weather, and Wise's, men as they arrived looked in bad condition. The 244 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. General's son, Captain O. Jennings Wise, was killed at Roanoke island, and he himself seemed in poor health and worse spirits. In fact the result of the past week's fighting had dispirited us all, and the cold, sleeting weather did not tend to cheer us up. Wise had in his brigade all the Nicaragua filibusters I had ever heard of. I do not know how they happened to congregate in his brigade, but they did. The most noted of these men and the one who particularly interested me was Henningsen. He had been Walker's right hand man and military adviser in all his operations in Central America. He was a tall, gaunt man with sandy hair .and florid complexion — of Scandinavian origin, he looked the picture of an ancient Viking. He wore a slouched hat and a monkey jacket and walked with a staff. Commencing life as an officer in the British army he had served in the Don Carlos war in Spain, and after serving in various armies of Europe and in Nicaragua had finally turned up in the confederacy. He was the most perfect Major Dalgetty I ever met, and he frequently came on board the Beaufort to see me. At this time he was a colonel in the Confederate army ; but for some reason he was "not employed after the operations I am describing. As I have before said, Wise's brigade was scattered between Elizabeth City and Nag's Head at the time Roanoke island was attacked. Why it was not concentrated on the island I have never learned. A portion of it was in the battle and a battalion belonging to it was on its way there. One regiment was at Nag's Head and Henningsen with his artillery was at Elizabeth City. There may have been good reasons for this, want of transportation or something, but I have failed to dis- cover them. I know now that if our force had been assembled at the " marshes " and proper fortifications put there we could have kept the Burnside expedition at bay. And even as it was, if there had been more men on the island and they had stood to their guns the troops of Burnside could not have landed. The vessels not only did not pass the island, but did not attempt to do so until the forts had been turned and cap- REPORT TO COMMODORE BUCHANAN. 245 tured by the army. Pork Point battery which stood the brunt of the bombardment on the 7th was hardly damaged. Cap- tain Loyall has since told me that by the aid of some thirty negroes they had there on the night of the 7th, the fort was in as good condition on the morning of the 8th as it was the morn- ing before. Only another instance of the impossibility of demolishing an earthwork by a distant and non-continuous bombardment. I returned to Norfolk about the 20th of February for repairs. My executive officer was here detached and ordered to New Orleans, otherwise there was no change in my officers. I was now ordered to report to Flag Officer Franklin Buchanan who had been put in command of the vessels in the waters of Vir- ginia. His command consisted of the Merrimac (iron clad), Beaufort and Raleigh at Norfolk, and the steamers Patrick Henry, Jamestown and Teaser on the James river. There were several vessels building in Eichmond and five or six new gun- boats in Norfolk. Two of the latter, the Hampton and the Nansemond, were nearly ready. I shall speak of these vessels in another place. They were none of them engaged in the operations in Hampton Roads which were so soon to follow. 246 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. CHAPTER XXII. THE EVACUATION OP NORFOLK BT THE FEDERALS — ORDNANCE LEFT AT THE NAVY YARD VESSELS BURNED— THE " MERBIMAC " — 13 CONVERTED INTO AN IRON-CLAD — HER DESIGNER — HER CONSTRUCTION AND APPEAR- ANCE — HER ARMAMENT — HER ENGINES AND SPEED— HER DRAFT. As I have said before, the evacuation of Norfolk by the Fed- erals on the night of April 20th, 1861, was one of the most ex- traordinary proceedings of the war. They were in possession of the navy yard with its large amount of ordnance stores ; they had several vessels in , commission, and were within 12 miles of reinforcements from Fortress Monroe. By keeping the Pawnee running between Old Point and Norfolk they could have prevented any attempt to obstruct the channel, and the corvette Cumberland with her broadside sprung upon the town would have kept the citizens quiet. The spirit of mad- ness or folly prevailed, and I know of no better exhibition of it than the fact that while they were trying to get out, our people were actually trying to obstruct the harbor so as to keep them in. During the seven days' fights around Richmond, after the Federals were driven to Harrison's Landing on the James river, I was one day in the Spottswood hotel. Officers were constantly arriving with the latest news ; and the most won- derful rumors were put in circulation. We heard that " Lee was about to bag McClellan's entire array ;" " that they could not get away ; " " that they wanted to get away," etc., etc. An old planter, who had been driven from his farm on the river, after listening to all this, impatiently exclaimed : " then why, in God's name, don't we let them go." One would have thought the people of Norfolk would have ORDNANCE LEFT AT THE NA VY YARD. 247 looked upon the going of the United States vessels in the same light. To say nothing of the other stores left at the Navy Yard and afterwards used by the Confederates, the following is a list of the guns as given in the report of Mr. Wm. H. Peters, who took an inventory by order of the Governor of Virginia : 1 11-inch columbiad. 2 10-inch gang. 52 9-inch " 4 8-inch 90 cwt. guns. 47 8-inch 63 " " 27 8-inch 55 " " 1 8-inch 57 " " 4 64-pounders, of 106 cwt. 225 32-pounders, " 61 " 173 32-pounders, " 57 " 44 32-pounders," 51 " 28 32-pounders, " 46 " 116 32-pounders, " 33 " 44 32-pounders, " 27 " 235 61-cwt. guns, old style. 50 70-cwt. " " 44 40-cwt. Shubrick guns. 63 42-pounder carronades. 35 32-pounder " Here we have 1195 guns of large calibre ! The vessels destroyed or partially destroyed were the Penn- gylvania, three-decker; the Delaware, 74; the Columbus, 74; the frigates Merrimac, Columbia and Raritan; the sloops-of-war Germantoum and Plymouth, and the brig Dolphin. The old frigate United Slates was left intact, and was used by the Con- federates as a receiving ship most of the war. Of these vessels the steam frigate Merrimac was scuttled and sunk, and burned to her copper-line and down through to her berth-deck, which, with her spar and gun-decks, was also burned. She was raised, and the powder in her magazine (put up in air-tight copper tanks) was found to be in good condition ; and it was afterwards used by her in her engagements. 248 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER Who first proposed to turn the Merrimac into an iron-clad I am not prepared to say. It was claimed by Commander John M. Brooke and by Naval Constructor John L. Porter. I have previously stated whom I believe to have been the first officer in the Confederate Navy who fully appreciated the use of iron in naval warfare and advised its adoption, Lieutenant Wm. L. Powell. In the case of the Merrimac, the originality consisted in the design and not the use of iron. Lieutenant Catesby Ap. R. Jones says that on the 21st of June, 1861, the Hon. S. R. Mallory, Confederate Secretary of the Navy, or- dered that the Merrimac should be converted into an iron- clad on the plan proposed by Lieutenant John M. Brooke, C. S. Navy. The ship was raised as I have said, and what had previously been her berth deck became now her main gun deck. She was 275 feet long as she then floated, and over the central portion of the hull a house or shield about 160 feet long was built. This shield was of oak and pine wood two feet thick ; the sides and ends inclined, according to Lieutenant Jones, 36 degrees, and the roof which was flat and perhaps 20 feet wide was covered with iron gratings, leaving four hatchways. Upon this wooden shield were laid two courses of iron plates two inches thick — the first course horizontal and the second per- pendicular, making four inches of iron armor on two feet of wood backing. The iron was put on while the vessel was in dock, and it was supposed that she would float with her ends barely submerged. So great was her buoyancy, however, that it required some 800 tons of pig iron (according to boatswain Hasker in his account of her) to bring her down to her proper depth. I know myself that a quantity of iron was put on, though I cannot say how much. Now as this iron was put on, the whole structure sunk, and when she was ready for battle her ends, which extended about 50 feet forward and abaft the shield, were submerged to the depth of several inches and could not be seen. I have reason to recollect this, for I had occasion to go close alongside her several times in the Beaufort on the THE "MERRIMAC" 249 8th of March, and I was always fearful of getting on top of her extremities. I could not see where she commenced or ended ! The appearance of the Merrimac was that of the roof of a house. Saw off the top of a house at the eaves, (supposing it to be an ordinary gable-ended, shelving-sides roof), pass a plane parallel to the first through the roof some feet beneath the ridge, incline the gable ends, put it in the water and you have the Merrimae as she appeared. When she was not in action her people stood on top of this roof which was in fact her spar deck. Lieutenant Catesby Jones says : " The prow was of cast iron, wedge shaped, and weighed 1500 pounds. It was about, two feet under water, and projected two feet from the stem ; it was not well fastened." I may mention that it was so badly fast- ened that the best judges said it would certainly break off when used. It will be seen hereafter that perhaps it was as well that it was not well fastened. Lieutenant Jones says: The rudder and propeller were unprotected. The battery consisted of ten guns; four single banded Brooke rifles, and six 9 inch Dahlgren guns. Two of the rifles, bow and stern pivots, were 7-in. of 14,500 pounds; the other two were 6. 4-in. 32-pounder calibre, of 9,000 pounds, one on each broadside. The 9-in. gun on each side nearest the furnaces was fitted for firing hot shot. A few 9-in. shot with extra windage were cast for hot shot. No other solid shot were on board during the fight. The engines were the same the vessel had whilst in the U. S. Navy. They were radically defective and had been condemned by the U. S. government. Some changes had been made, notwithstanding which the engineers reported that they were unreliable. They performed very well during the fight, but afterwards failed several times, once while under fire. Commodore Tatnall commanded the Virginia (Merrimac) forty-five days, of which time there were only thirteen days that she was not in dock or in the hands of the navy yard. Yet he succeeded in impressing the enemy that we were ready for active service." 250 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. The chief engineer of the Merrimac, Mr. H. Ashton Ramsay, had been a shipmate with me in the last cruise of the Merri- mac in the Pacific. He was then a passed assistant engi- neer. He knew the engines well, and I doubt if another man in the Confederate Navy could have gotten as much out of them as he did. He deserved all the credit Admiral Bu- chanan afterwards gave him. The draft of water of the Merrimac upon her first appearance in Hampton Roads was about 21 h feet. After she was docked on the 9th of March and more iron put on, she drew about one foot more. When she went down to the Roads on the 8th of March she steamed about seven knots an hour. Ramsay and I agreed that she steamed quite as well as when we made our cruise in her. After docking, her speed was reduced about one knot per hour. She carried a full complement of officers and 320 men — among the latter were not many regular man-of-war's men. She was christened the Virginia by the Confederate authorities and was officially known by that name ; but I shall continue to call her by the name which has become historical. THE FEDERAL SHIPS IN HAMPTON ROADS. 251 CHAPTER XXni. THE FEDERAL SHIPS IN HAMPTON EOADS— THE " MEREIMAC " AND HEE CONSORTS LEAVE NORFOLK — THE BATTLE OF HAMPTON ROADS — THE SINKING OF THE " CUMBERLAND " — ARRIVAL OF THE JAMES RIVER SQUADRON THE BATTERIES AT NEWPORT'S NEWS — THE FRIGATES "MIN- NESOTA," " ROANOKE " AND " ST. LAWRENCE '' COME UP FROM OLD POINT — THET GET AGROUND — SURRENDER OF THE "CONGRESS" — FIRE FROM TROOPS ON SHORE — INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE — THE FEDERAL LOSS — THE CONFEDERATE LOSS — THE HAM AND IRON-CLAD— CONFEDER- ATE GUNBOATS — SERVICES OF THE WOODEN VESSELS IN THIS BATTLE. About the 6th of March, 1862, the Merrirnae being ready to go out, the Norfolk papers published an article to the effect that she was a failure, and would not be able to accomplish anything. It was intended, of course, to deceive the enemy, who we knew regularly received our papers. The Federal squadron then in Hampton Roads, consisted of the following vessels, viz. : the Congress and Cumberland, lying off Newport's News ; and the Minnesota, Roanoke and St. Lawrence, at anchor below Old Point. There were also at Old Point the store-ship Brandywine, the steamers Mt. Vernon and Cambridge, and a number of transports and tugs ; these, however, took no part in the subsequent engagement. The Congress was a sailing frigate of 1867 tons, mounting 50 guns, principally 32-pounders, and a crew of 434 men ; the Cumberland was a large corvette (a razee) of 1700 tons, mounting 22 nine-inch guns, and a crew of 376 men ; the Minnesota was a steam frigate of 3200 tons, mounting 43 guns, of 9-inch and 11-inch calibre, and a crew of about 600 men. The Roanoke was similar to the Minnesota, and the St. Lawrence to the Congress. Newport's News is 6 J miles from Old Point and 12 miles from Norfolk. It is on the left bank of the James river, and above Old Point. The enemy had a large number of guns 252 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL 0i mounted there to protect the mouth of ;SJif ijiver, and |j$j had $ large garrison. At Seawell's Point, 3£ miles from Old Point, the Confederates had a powerful battery to protect the entrance to the Elizabeth river. It also, in a measure, commanded the approach to Newport's News; but the main ship channel is at a? distance of 2 or 2J miles' from it. At Seawell's Point was mounted the only 11-inch gun we had in the Confederacy. , Everything being ready, it was determined by Commodore Buchanan to make the attack on the 8th of March. The nigh!,: before, he sent for me and gave me my final orders. The last change made in our signal-books was that if the Commodore's flag was hoisted under number " one," it meant " sink before you surrender.' 7 Mr. Hopkins, who had formerly been my pilot, came on board the Beaufort as a volunteer, and Midship- man Ivy Foreman, of North Carolina, reported to me as volun- teer aid. They both rendered excellent service the next day.? At 11 A. m., March 8, 1862, the signal was made to sail, and the Beaufort cast off from the wharf in company with the Merrimac and Raleigh, and stood down the harbor. The, weather was fair, the wind light, and the tide half flood ; the , moon was nine days' old. Nearly every man, woman and ; child in the two cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth were at %& same time on their way to Seawell's Point, Craney Island and other points, where they could see the great naval combat which they knew was at last to take place. Some went by land, others by water. All the batteries t were manned ; all ' work was suspended in public and private yards, and those who were forced to remain behind were offering up prayers for our success. A great stillness came s over the land. - Flag Officer Forrest who commanded the station, accom-, panied by all the officers of the navy yard went down with us in the Harmony as far as Craney island, 4} miles belqw Nor- " folk. Everything that would float, from the army tug-boat to. the oysterman's skiff, was on its way down to the same point loaded to the water's edge with spectators. As we steamed, down the harbor we were salgted, by the waving of capsN ami THE BATTLE OF HAMPTON ROADS. 253 handkerchiefs ; but no voice broke the silence of the scene ; all hearts were too full for utterance ; an attempt at cheering would have ended in tears, for all realized the fact that here was to be tried the greSt experiment of the ram and iron-clad in naval warfare. There were many who thought that as soon as the Merrimae rammed a vessel she would sink with all hands enclosed in an iron-plated coffin. The least moved of all, were those who were about to do battle for the " Cause " they believed in. On board the Merrimae the officers and men were coolly employed in the multifarious duties that de- volved upon them, while the men of the Beaufort and Raleigh were going into battle with the same careless insouciance they had exhibited in the battles of Roanoke island and Elizabeth City. The James river squadron, consisting of the Patrick Henry r Jamestown and Teaser, under the command of Captain Tucker, had been previously notified by Commodore Buchanan that the Merrimae would go out on the 8th, and Tucker was direct- ed to come down the river as close to Newport's News as he deemed prudent, so as to be ready to dash by the batteries and join our division when the action commenced. The commo- dore could not have given the order to a better man — eager to engage the enemy, Tucker, the most chivalric and bravest of men, ably seconded by his gallant captains, Nicholas Barney, Webb, and Rochelle, was only too ready to fly the Confederate flag in Hampton Eoads. At daylight that morning he was at anchor off Smithfield Point — some ten miles above Newport's News — and in full view of the enemy, as afterwards reported by Lieutenant George Morris who, in the absence of her com- mander, fought the Cumberland. As we got down towards the mouth of the Elizabeth river, about 12.30 p. m., the Beaufort took a line from the port bow of the Merrimae to assist her in steering — being very near the bottom she steered very badly. Mr. Cunningham, one of her pilots, came on board at the same time by order of Commodore Buchanan. This gave the Beau- fort three pilots ; . the Merrimae remained with three, and the Ral- 254 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. eigh with one. We turned up the James river. The Congress and Cumberland were lying off Newport's News and were riding to the last of the flood tide. They had their " washed clothes " up at the time we saw them, I remember, which shows how entirely unexpected our appearance was — in fact the captain of the Cumberland, Commander William C. Radford, was at this time on board the frigate Roanoke below Old Point attend- ing a court-martial. Lieutenant George Morris was left in com- mand, and the ship could not have been better fought by any officer of the U. S. navy. The Cumberland was lying at anchor just above Newport's News, and the Congress abreast the Point. As soon as our vessels turned up the James river the enemy saw that our attack would be made upon the frigates, lying off Newport's News, and the two ships there commenced getting ready to receive it. At 1.30 P. M. we cast off the line from the Merrimac, and all three vessels steamed for the enemy, the Beaufort maintaining her position on the port bow of the Merrimac; and exactly at 2 P. M. we fired the first gun of the day, and at the same time hoisted the battle flag we had used at Roanoke island at the mast-head. This flag resembled the French flag — it was, I think, the colors reversed. It was devised by Commodore Lynch and was used by his squadron. I had not thought of referring the matter to Commodore Buchanan ; but I deter- mined to hoist it " for luck," and I will not deny that I had some superstition in connection with it. The men were all for hoisting it, and that decided me. I do not wonder that Cap- tain Marston of the Roanoke said in his report : " It was the impression of some of my officers that the rebels hoisted the French flag." The Merrimac now hoisted the signal, " close action," and from that time until the surrender of the Congress she made no signal, nor did she answer one. I mention this particularly as it caused me to consider that I must use my own judgment during the battle — only recollecting to obey the signal for close THE SINKING OF THE CUMBERLAND. 255 action — and I know that other officers commanding gunboats thought as I did. The fire of the Cumberland on the Merrimac was so heavy while it lasted that it was impossible for a man to stand on her upper deck and live — so perhaps was the fire of the Con- gress. I only mention the fact stated ; and I have no recol- lection of seeing a man on the deck of the Merrimae from the beginning of the fight until after the Congress surrendered. During the afternoon, in the heat of the action, the Raleigh came alongside me and her commander, Lieutenant Alexander, told me the carriage of his gun was disabled and he could not fire a shot. He said he could not get his signals answered by the Merrimac, and wanted to know what he should do. I directed him to return to Norfolk. This is in corroboration of what I have said above. Fortunately Alexander repaired the damage and did not have to leave the fight. As we approached the enemy, firing and receiving their fire, the Merrimae passed the Congress and made for the Cumber- land — which vessel was either just turning to the ebb tide, or had her broadside sprung across the channel. The Beau- fort and Raleigh engaged the Congress and shore batteries, and the firing became fast and furious. I took up a position on the port quarter of the Congress and used the rifled gun with effect. The Merrimac rammed the Cumberland, striking her just forward of the starboard fore channel — firing and re- ceiving a heavy fire in return — and stove her bow in so com- pletely that she at once commenced to go down. As she took the bottom she turned over on her beam-ends. She made a gal- lant defence, her crew fighting their guns to the last, and went down with her colors flying. This was at 2.40 p. m. precisely. Boats went off from Newport's News to save the drowning men. The Merrimac reversed her engines immediately upon ramming the Cumberland, and had some difficulty in extri- cating herself— indeed her bow sunk several feet. When free, she proceeded a short distance up the river to turn round, having done which she stood for the Congress. 256 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. As soon as the Congress observed the fate of her consort she slipped her cable, set her fore-topsail flying, and with the assistance of a tug, ran on shore below Newport's News. At this time I observed the James river squadron coming gal- lantly into action ; they were under a very heavy fire while passing the Newport's News batteries, but got by without re- ceiving much damage. All of our vessels now directed their fire upon the Congress. I took up a position on her starboard quarter and kept it until she surrendered. The fire on this unfortunate ship was perfectly terrific. She returned it with alacrity, principally from her stern guns, and was assisted by the batteries on shore. We saw now the frigates Minnesota, Roanoke and St. Law- rence coming up from Old Point to the assistance of the Congress, towed by powerful tugs. They were under a heavy fire from the batteries on Seawell's Point as they passed, and received some damage. The Minnesota received a rifle-shot through her mainmast, " crippling it," according to her captain's report. Strange to say all three of these vessels ran aground ; the Minnesota about one and a half miles below Newport's News, the St. Lawrence farther down, and the Roanoke below her again. The Minnesota was near enough to take part in the engagement and the St. Lawrence fired a few broadsides. The Roanoke and St. Lawrence were soon pulled off by the tugs and made the best of their way back to Old Point. They took no farther part in the battle. The Minnesota remained aground. The Congress made a gallant defence and did. not surrender until one hour and twenty minutes after the sinking of the Cumberland. Her decks were running with blood, and she bore the brunt of the day. At 4 o'clock she hoisted a large white flag at her mainmast head, and as it went up, Midshipman Mallory in charge of our bow-gun, waved his cap and exclaimed : " I'll swear on the Bible that we fired the last gun ! " So the Beaufort fired the first and last gun in this memorable battle. When I saw the white flag I immediately lowered, a boat, and sent Midshipmen Mallory SURRENDER OF THE CONGRESS. 257 and Foreman -with a boat's crew of three men to take posses- sion of the prize and bring her commander on board the Beaufort. As the boat approached the Congress a marine at the gangway levelled his piece, and threatened to fire; but Mallory told him he was ordered to board the vessel, and was "bound to do it," and pulled alongside. He and his com- panions got on board, and Midshipman Foreman hauled down the colors and brought them to me. The firing having ceased, the Merrimae signalled me to come within hail, which I did. Commodore Buchanan then ordered me to " go alongside the Congress, to take the officers and wounded men prisoners, to permit the others to escape to the shore, and then to burn the ship." I went alongside her in the Beaufort, at the port gangway, and sent an officer to direct her commander to come to me> at the same time sending my men aboard to help to get the wounded men to the Beaufort. I did not think it proper to leave my vessel myself as I had but two young and inexperienced midshipmen with me, and I saw an enemy's gunboat not very far off In a few minutes Lieuten- ant Austin Pendergrast came down the side of the Congress accompanied by an officer whom I took to be the purser or surgeon of the ship. It proved to be Captain William Smith who had been in command until a few days before, when he had been relieved by Lieutenant Joseph B. Smith. Lieutenant Smith was killed in the action, which left Pendergrast in com- mand. Captain Smith was acting as a volunteer ; but this I learned afterwards. These two officers landed on the hurricane deck of the Beaufort where I was standing, and surrendered the ship. As they were without side-arms I thought it proper to re- quest them to return to their ship and get them. This they did, though Pendergrast delivered to me a ship's cutlass instead of the regulation sword. I now told Pendergrast my orders and asked him to get his officers and wounded men on board as quickly as possible as I wanted to burn the ship. He said there were 60 wounded men on board the frigate and begged me not to burn the vessel. I told him my orders were per- 258 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. emptory. While we were engaged in this conversation the wounded men were being lowered into the Beaufort, and just then the Raleigh came alongside me. Lieutenant Tayloe came on board and said Captain Alexander had sent him to me for orders. I directed him to take the Raleigh to the starboard side of the Congress and assist in getting off the wounded men. I had scarcely given him the order when a tremendous fire was opened on us from the shore by a regiment of soldiers — Medical Director Shippen says it was the 20th Indiana. The firing was from artillery as well as small arms. At the first discharge every man on the deck of the Beaufort — save Cap- tain Smith and Lieutenant Pendergrast — was either killed or wounded. Four bullets passed through my clothing ; one of which carried off my cap cover and eye glass, and another slightly wounded me in the left knee, precisely in the spot where my friend Fauntleroy had accidentally wounded me at the siege of Vera Cruz. Lieutenant Pendergrast now begged me to hoist the white flag, saying that all his wounded men would be killed. I called his attention to the fact that they were firing on the white flag which was flying at his mainmast head directly over our heads. I said I would not hoist it on the Beaufort ; in fact I did not feel authorized to do so without consulting Commodore Buchanan. I said: "Tell your men to stop firing ;" he replied : " They are a lot of volunteers and I have no control over them." This was evident. The lieu- tenant then requested permission to go on board the Congress with Captain Smith and assist in getting the wounded down. This I assented to ; in the first place, I was glad to have their assistance; and secondly, I would not have been willing to confine them in my cabin at a time when the bullets were going through it like hail — humanity forbade it ; I would not have put a dog there. I now blew the steam-whistle, and my men came tumbling on board. The fire of the enemy still continuing from the shore, I cast off from the Congress and steamed ahead so that I could bring my bow gun to bear. I had no idea of being THE FEDERAL LOSS. 259 fired at any longer without returning it, and we had several deaths to avenge. "We opened fire, but could make little im- pression with our single gun upon the large number of men firing from intrenchments on shore. The sides and masts of the Beaufort looked like the top of a pepper-box from the bul- lets, which went in one side and out at the other. Being much encumbered with the prisoners, five of whom were wounded, and having no medical officer on board, I ran alongside the steamer Harmony and delivered them to Flag Officer Forrest. They consisted of Master's Mate Peter Hargous and 25 men. We then steamed immediately back and joined the other ves- sels in the attack on the Minnesota, which vessel was still on shore. The air seemed to be full of shot and shell from this time till some time between 7 and 8 p. m., when we hauled off in obedience to signal, and anchored between SeawelFs Point and Craney island. Dr. Herbert Nash kindly came off from the latter post and attended to the wants of the wounded ting in an arm-chair on the shield of the Richmond readings when a shell was fired from one of the monitors in our direc- tion. It exploded just at the river bank and scattered the pieces about the forward deck of the Virginia, wounding three men. Whilst we were wondering at this, another shell came and exploded just after it had passed over us, and again another. As we could not return the fire, and there was no necessity to remain and be made a target of, we got underweigh and went back to Chapin's Bluff. As the guns had to be pointed by directions from those in the tower I have mentioned, I thought this the most remarkable shooting I had ever seen or heard of; but happening to mention this circumstance after the war to a naval officer present at the time on board one of the monitors he informed me that they were not shooting at us at all. He said that some officials had come from Washing- ton on a visit, and they wishing to- see a large gun fired, the monitors had obliged them. In those days they were not particular as to where they fired, and the result was as I have mentioned. A curious incident certainly, but the facts were precisely as I have stated them. The authorities in Richmond now became very anxious that the navy should make some demonstration on the river in order to relieve the great pressure on the army. Commodore Mit- chell held a council of war ; and it was decided to attack the monitors lying in Trent's reach, at long range, in connection with the heavy guns we had by this time mounted- at Howlets. Our vessels could not go fairly up to the obstructions and face the monitors, for we knew that the Richmond and Fredericks* burg could not stand the 15-inch shot. We thought then that the Virginia could, but were afterward undeceived. On the 21st of June the vessels got underweigh, and stood down. The Fredericksburg was to take a station in a bend in the river, about two miles (in an air line) from the monitors, and the Virginia and Richmond, with the gunboats, were to 15 338 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. anchor on the north side of Dutch gap, about a mile and a half above them. In getting underweigh my vessel, the Riahr mmd, parted a wheel-rope and it got wound up round the shaft and disabled her. We got a gunboat to tow us down, but did not get to the Virginia until the afternoon. "We only fired a few shots. The whole affair, however, was a. fiasco. We could not see the monitors, and they could not see us. They were not hit once during the day by us, and the reports speak of the firing of our vessels as extremely wild. How could it be otherwise under the circumstances ? The battery at How- let's struck the monitors but once. The fact is we were wrong in yielding to the clamor of the army to " do something." We knew that we could do nothing with the monitors at long range, even if we could see to hit them ; we knew equally well that we could not stand the effect of their guns at close quarters. We might have gotten our gun- boats through the obstructions, and made a dash at them with torpedoes ; but it must be remembered that the enemy had a battery on shore to cover the obstructions. Our army anticipated a great naval engagement that day, and we were expected to accomplish wonders. The soldiers were all on the lookout; they looked to see us run over the obstructions like smoke, and destroy the monitors in no time. The result being so much of a disappointment to them, we were much ridiculed. The whole affair was a mortification to us of the navy. From this time until the close of the summer cam- paign we remained below Chapin's Bluff, shelling the batteries put up by the enemy on the left bank of the river occasionally, and assisting the army so far as we could. The enemy made no advance on the right bank of the river, but advanced on the north side. On the 19th of September, 1864, the Federals captured Fort Harrison, near Chapin's Bluff. We were on pretty short rations in the squadron this summer — the allowance was half-a-pound of salt pork and three biscuits per man a day. A permanent bridge was built across the James river about two miles below the city, and just. THE "ALBEMARLE" AND HER ENGAGEMENTS. 339 above Drury's bluff was a pontoon bridge. General Lee had occasion to cross his men from one side to the other frequently during the fall and winter — so I very often saw portions of his army. I well remember the appearance of the poor fellows, half-starved and badly clothed as they were. They were full of fight, though, and showed no signs of giving up. General Grant had crossed to the south side of the James river on the 14th of June, after his bloody repulse at Cold Harbor, June 1st, and had settled down to the siege of Peters- burg. All eyes were consequently turned in that direction. In the squadron we were gladdened by the success of our iron-clad ram Albemarle, which vessel, under Captain James B. Cooke, had (after overcoming innumerable difficulties) suc- ceeded in descending the Roanoke river, April 19th, and dis- persing the Federal squadron off Plymouth, N. C. She sunk the steamer Southfield,axid drove the other vessels off; and her presence led to the recapture of Plymouth by the Confed- erates. On the 5th of May the Albemarle started from Plymouth with the small steamer Bombshell in company, on what was called a secret expedition. I think it probable the intention was to destroy the wooden men of-war in the sounds, and then tow troops in barges to Hatteras and retake it. If this could have been done the Albemarle would have had it all her own way, and Roanoke island, Newbern and other places would again have fallen into the hands of the Confederates. Shortly after leaving Plymouth the Albemarle fell in with the Federal squadron, consisting of the steamers Mattabesett, Sassacus, Wyalusing, Whitehead, Miami, Ceres, Commodore Hull and Seymour — all under the command of Captain Melanc- ton Smith, and after a desperate combat was forced to return to Plymouth. Here Captain Cook had to leave her, as his health, was much broken by his hard work and previous wounds. The Albemarle was sunk by a torpedo-boat under Lieutenant W. B. Cushing, U. S. K, on the night of the 27th of October, 340 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. 1864 — one of the most dashing acts on the part of Lieutenant Cushing ever recorded in the history of war. Immediately after the Albemarle was sunk Plymouth again fell into the hands of the enemy. I had not known Captain Cook in the old navy, but I saw enough of him at Roanoke island and Elizabeth City to know that he was a hard fighter. Few men could have accomplished what he did in taking the Albemarle down the river with the carpenters still at work upon her. It was only done by his energy and persistence. He was deserv- edly promoted for his services. Young Cushing had been a pupil of mine at the Naval Academy in 1861. He was rather a delicate-looking youth ; fair, with regular, clear-cut features, and a clear, greyish-blue eye. He stood low in his classes. He was first brought to my notice during the war by my happening to get hold of his report of the loss of the U. S. steamer Ellis, under his com- mand, at New River inlet, Nov. 24, 1862. I was impressed with this part of his official report (the italics are mine) : " and the only alternatives left were a surrender or a pull of one and a half miles under their fire in my small boat. The first of these was not, of course, to be thought of." Knowing him to be at that time but 19 years old, I comprehended his heroic qualities and was not at all surprised to hear more of him. Immediately after the war I went to San Francisco, and my first visitor was Cushing. He was the hero of the hour, and the citizens made much of him. Under the circumstances I thought he conducted himself with much modesty. He died in 1874. But if we were gladdened by the success of the Albe- marle we were depressed by the news of the capture of the Alabama by the Kearsarge June 19, 1864. This action has been described by the two commanders, and by English and French spectators, so that we now know all about it ; but the Hon. Secretary of the Navy in his report for 1864 says in re- lation to Captain Semmeg and his surrender : " when beaten and compelled to surrender he threw overboard the sword that ' THE "ALABAMA" AND TBE " KEARSARGE." 341 was no longer his own." " Having surrendered, he cannot re- lieve himself of his obligations as a prisoner of war until he shall be regularly exchanged." As the -captain of the frigate Congress acted precisely in the same manner, and as he served without being regularly exchanged one might consider this a little strained. But the Hon. Secretary was a tremendous fel- low with his pen, as we shall see in his account of the capture of the Florida : " He could distinguish and divide A hair 'twixt south and south-west side." Captain Semmes in his report of the combat finds fault with Captain Winslow of the Kearsarge for " faking" his chain cables up and down his ship's sides so as to protect the machinery and boilers. I can see no reason in his complaint. He might as well have objected to his slinging his yards in chains, or making any other preparation for battle. We are told that at the battle of Fontenoy there was some altercation between the commanders of the English and French "guards" as to which should take the liberty of " firing first ;" mais nous avons change tout cela ! Captain Winslow was fortunate in having for his executive officer Lieutenant Commander James S. Thornton ; a fighting man every inch of him. I could never understand why he was not made a commander for his great services on this occasion. Not very long after the loss of the Alabama we heard of the capture of the Confederate man-of-war Florida by the U. S. steamer Waehusett, October 7, 1864 The circum- stances as is well known were these : The Florida, Captain Charles M. Morris, entered the port of Bahia, Brazil, and found there the Waehusett, Captain Napoleon B. Collins. Being in a neutral port Captain Morris took no more precautions against an attack than he would have done if commanding a vessel~in time of peace. He gave his men liberty, a watch at a time, and kept on watch only the usual harbor sentinels. On the night of October 7, he himself with many of his offi- 342 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. cers and half his crew being on shore, and the crew on board being in the usual condition of men who have just returned from liberty, his vessel was unexpectedly attacked by the Wachusett, and after a slight resistance captured. The Florida was taken to Hampton Roads, and upon a de- mand being made for her delivery by the Brazilian Govern- ment, she was designedly run into by a vessel appointed for the purpose and sunk. I have heard an account of this whole affair from Captain Morris, his executive officer Porter (who was on board at the time she was captured), and from an officer who was on board the Wachusett. I have reason to believe that Cap- tain Collins' action, and the subsequent course of the TJ. S. authorities, were not generally approved of by the officers of the U. S. Navy. It is understood that Captain Collins' course was prompted by the American Consul at Bahia. He probably lived to regret it. The following is the account given of this affair by the Hon. Secretary of the U, S. Navy, in his report for 1864. As it is not to be found in Disraeli's " Curiosities of Literature," I must give it a place here : " Subsequently, entering the Bay of San Salvador, she (the Florida) encountered the steamer Wachusett, commanded by Commander Collins, to whom she surrendered, and by whom she was brought in a leaky and dilapidated condition to Hampton Roads. Here, while at anchor, an army transport came in collision with the shattered vessel, which sunk a few days after near the wreck of the Cumberland." Shade of Sir Percie Shafton ! But the spot for sinking her was ill-chosen. Could the noble men who lay coffined in that gallant craft (the Cumberland) have risen from the dead and spoken, they would have pro- tested against the act as a shameful violation of the laws of honorable warfare. In the fall of 1864 1 was ordered back to the Patrick Henry, and the exercises of the school were continued during all the exciting scenes of the winter. Captain James H. Rochelle, an BLOWING UP OF THE GUNBOAT " DRUMr." 343 officer of high professional standing, and who had served with .distinction during the entire war, joined us as Commandant of Midshipmen and executive officer. I think it was on the night of the 23d of January, 1865, that an attempt was made to get the iron-clads down the river, the object being to destroy General Grant's transports and stores at City Point. Had this succeeded it would have made a very great difference in the result of the next campaign. City Point was the base of General Grant's supplies, and if they had been destroyed, and we had resumed the control of the river, it is difficult to say what would have become of his army. It might, have led to his surrender, and in any event would have seriously crippled him. The affair was wisely planned. There was but one monitor, the Onondaga, on the river, and the design was to push boldly through the obstructions at night and strike for City Point. The gunboats were to go down under the lee of the iron-clads, and sink the captured transports at Harrison's bar, below City Point, to prevent any more vessels being sent to Grant's assist- ance. Upon approaching the obstructions the leading vessel, the iron-clad Fredericksburg, Captain Frank Sheppard, passed through safely ; but the next vessel, the Virginia, got aground and barred the way for the others. The monitor, which had been lying in Trent's reach, retired down the river, but the battery at Howlets opened a heavy fire. Finding it impos- sible to get the Virginia off, Commodore Mitchell pulled down to the Fredericksburg in an open boat, and finally recalled her, and the attempt was abandoned. The next morning the moni- tor returned and opened fire on the Virginia, still aground. We here saw the effect of the 15-inch shot upon the strongest of our iron-clads. One of them struck the Virginia's shield, bow on, and shattered it very much. We had no vessels in the Confederate Navy that could withstand the 15-inch shot. This was very evident. Fortunately the Virginia succeeded in getting off and out of range, otherwise she would have been destroyed. The gunboat Drwry was also aground. A shot 344 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. from Howlet's battery passed through her magazine, and she blew up. Providentially the officers and men had been re- moved to the Virginia. So ended this affair. It was thought by some that if the Fredericksburg had been permitted to go alone to City Point she might have accomplished our purpose, as she had a torpedo on her bow for the single monitor. Her commander was a dashing officer and would have accomplished as much as it lay in the power of any one man to do. I must add in justice to the captain of the monitor Onondaga, that he explained that he retired down the river so as to have more room to manoeuvre ; he said he had no intention of retreating below City Point Certain it is that, finding he was not pursued, he returned to the seat of action, and opened fire upon the Virginia, with the effect I have described. He was, however, relieved of his command and placed on the retired list. General Grant was very much annoyed at his retreating below Trent's reach ; and to show the importance the Federal authorities attached to this movement of ours, Admiral D. Farragut was immediately placed in command of the James river squadron, in the ab- sence of Admiral Porter, who was at this time at Wilmington with most of his vessels. Admiral Farragut, however, did not assume it. After General Joseph E. Johnston had fallen back to At- lanta in the summer of 1864 he was relieved of his command, and General Hood appointed to succeed him. This was a fatal mistake — we all see it now. President Davis has been much blamed for this ; but I happen to know that great press- ure was brought upon him to relieve General Johnston by the citizens of the south-western states. Many of these gentlemen were very quiet about it afterwards and are now ; but when they found General Johnston continually falling back, and even the President could get no satisfactory information from him as to how far he intended to retreat (for Johnston is not the most communicative of men) a clamor was raised to relieve him. General Hood had been a successful colonel, brigadier VICE PRESIDENT STEPHENS. 345 general, major general and lieutenant general, so that it was reasonable to suppose he would do well in command of an army. Suppose he had captured Nashville as he could have done had he advanced upon it immediately after the battle of Franklin, how then. I yield to no man in my admiration for General Johnston. I know him to be a soldier born, and his friendship I value. We know now that his campaign of 1864 was a model of tactics and strategy — Moreau's retreat through the black forest did not equal it — but the general belief that President Davis relieved him of his command entirely of his own motion I know to be a misapprehension, and the Southern papers of that day prove it. February 3d, 1865, Vice President Stephens accompanied by two commissioners went to Hampton Roads and met President Lincoln and Secretary of State Seward in the hope of arranging terms on which to make peace. Here again President Davis has been most unjustly criticised since the war. It has been said that we could have made better terms than we finally got. I suppose we could ; but what I mean to say is that the majority of the army and navy would not have been satisfied with any terms that Mr. Lincoln was prepared to offer us at that time. Nothing would have con- vinced them that the cause was hopeless but exactly what hap- pened. I speak for myself, and it is reasonable to suppose that thousands felt as I did, and say that my wish was to fight it out to the bitter end. It has been also said that President Davis and the Confederate government were harsh and intoler- ant. There was never a greater mistake. Treason stalked triumphant o'er the land, and many a man was spared who should have had his neck stretched. While every man had a right to his opinion before the war, yet after war was actually declared every man should have been made to stand by the Confederacy or leave the country. Perhaps if we had had something like Mr. Seward's " little bell " it would have been all the better for us. The Confederacy had " set its life upon a cast." I think our statesmen failed to fully appreciate this 15* 346 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. fact. War is an unequal thing at best ; but why some men should have been expected to give up everything for the " cause," and others permitted to reap money by the war, is something I fail to understand. My observation during the war was that the generals in the field did not have that strong support from the government which was so necessary to them. It is a singular fact that while the war produced many gen- erals it produced absolutely no orators or statesmen. Charleston was evacuated February 18, and Wilmington was captured February 22, 1865. The naval officers and sailors arriving in Richmond from these and other places were or- ganized as a naval brigade under Commodore Tucker, and sent to man the various batteries below and in the neighborhood of Drury's Bluff. Admiral Raphael Semmes, who had returned from Europe, landed in Texas and made his way to Richmond/ was put in command of the James river squadron February 18, 1865. During the winter we were visited in the squadron by the Secretary of the Navy and the naval committees of the two Houses several times. I remember that on the occasion of one of these visits the chairman of the Naval Committee in the House fell to me to escort. While ascending the hill at Dru- ry's Bluff I expatiated upon the value of the ram and torpedo as defensive weapons. I said that even if the Confederate Navy had done nothing else but to develop these two great weapons, it would have immortalized itself, etc., etc.' At the lunch which Mr. Mallory gave on the bluff that day, this gen- tleman upon being called on for a speech, " stole my thunder ;" but as I am not much given to public speaking myself per- haps it did not very much matter. Affairs were looking very badly for us about this time — the winter of 1865. Men were deserting in large numbers from General Lee's army and from the James river squadron. The cause of the large desertion in the army was the march of General Sherman through Georgia and South Carolina. The letters received by the soldiers from their wives and families THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT. 347 describing their sufferings, maddened these poor fellows, and they could not resist their appeals to return for their protection. In the squadron, where very few of the men were " to the manner born," the scanty ration was the principal cause of their leaving. A man shut up in an iron-clad with nothing to do after the morning drill, broods over his hunger — it is not like being on shore, where a man can move about and forage a little. Still the sailors, with all their sufferings, were better off than General Lee's soldiers, inasmuch as they were well- clothed and had always a dry hammock at night. One of my officers, who was remarkably neat in his dress, told me that coming on from Charleston he had a seat along- side a soldier who was returning to his regiment in the field. The soldier was very badly clad and looked haggard and care- worn. Eyeing my friend critically and earnestly, he asked him a number of questions : " If he was a general ?" (we wore silver stars on our straps, as the brigadier-generals did) ; " if he was returning to his regiment ; " " where it was stationed," etc., etc. My friend finally told him that "he belonged to the navy." After some reflection, the soldier said, confidentially : " I tell you what it is, if things don't soon look better, I'll be dogged if I. don't try to navy it a little too." We knew in February, if not before, that everything de- pended upon General Lee's being able to hold his lines about Petersburg. I was in constant and confidential communica- tion with the Secretary of the Navy, and knew, how very anxious our authorities were. It was strange how Mr. Mallory clung to the idea of. keeping up the Naval School, even if Richmond had to be abandoned. By his direction I sent Lieutenant Graves into North Carolina and Georgia to select buildings, with a view to our leaving Richmond and establish- ing ourselves inland. Graves made two or more trips for this purpose, but we could not settle upon any locality. What with Sherman and Wilson to the south, and Stoneman to the wes t — to say nothing of other commands — it was difficult to hit upon a quiet spot. What we wanted was " a pleasant cot, 348 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. in a tranquil spot, with a distant view of the changing sea ; " but it was hard to find. I did not take much interest in this search myself, having long before considered our success hope- less ; and I felt sure that the loss of Richmond involved the fall of the Confederacy. After the capture of Fort Harrison by the Federal troops, the Patrick Henry was ordered up to protect the bridge above Wilton. The enemy were making demonstrations on the north side of the river the entire winter, and not a day passed that we did not hear the booming of great guns and the rattling of musketry ; yet the midshipmen pursued their daily routine. We had at this time sixty midshipmen, and these with their officers constituted a force of about seventy men, armed with rifles and extremely well disciplined and drilled. We had among them representatives of the best families of the South. I need not say that, under the circumstances, the care of these young gentlemen gave me many anxious moments. Towards the end of March the Patrick Henry was moved up the river near Eocketts, and I was directed to prepare her for sinking in the obstructions. I commenced getting her ready, and rented a warehouse on shore to which to remove the mid- shipmen and stores. Many families were now leaving Rich- mond, among them the President's and Mr. Mallory's. The squadron under Admiral Semmes was at anchor between Chapin and Drury's bluff, and the naval brigade under Com- modore Tucker was distributed among the batteries near by, as I have before said. Such was the position of affairs on the river on the evening of April 1st, 1865. THE EVACUA TION OF RICHMOND. 349 CHAPTER XXXI. THE EVACUATION OF RICHMOND — ORDERED TO TAKE CHARGE OF THE CONFEDERATE TREASURE — THE CORPS OF MIDSHIPMEN — THE NIGHT OF APRIL 2D— SCENES AT THE DEPOT — DEPARTURE OF THE PRESIDENT AND CABINET— ARRIVAL AT DANVILLE — GO ON TO CHARLOTTE, N. C. — GEN- ERAL STONEMAN AT SALISBURY — RESOLVE TO CARRY THE TREASURE FARTHER SOUTH — MRS. PRESIDENT DAVIS AND FAMILY— LEAVE CHAR- LOTTE — PASS THROUGH CHESTER, NEWBERRY, ABBEVILLE AND WASH- INGTON—ARRIVAL AT AUGUSTA, GEORGIA — THE ARMISTICE BETWEEN GENERALS JOHNSTON AND SHERMAN — DETERMINE TO RETRACE MY STEPS — LEAVE AUGUSTA FOR WASHINGTON, GEORGIA. On the afternoon of Saturday, April 1st, 1865, 1 went up to Richmond — not having left the ship for some little time be- fore — intending to pass the night there. Wishing to learn the latest news I drove direct to Mr. Mallory's house. It was then near sunset. I found Mr. Mallory walking to and fro on the pavement in front of his house, with a revolver in his hand. I presumed he had been perhaps shooting at a mark, though I did not ask him. In reply to my question Mr. Mal- lory informed me that the news that day from General Lee was good, and that affairs about Petersburg looked promising. I told him I had proposed spending the night in the city, if nothing was likely to happen in the river requiring my pre- sence on board the Patrick Henry. He said he knew of nothing to prevent, and after some further conversation I left him. I passed the night in the city. If I recollect aright our Home Guards were out on the Brooke turnpike to repel a threatened raid in that direction — but the night passed quietly. The next morning I walked down to Rocketts, and went on board my ship. We had the customary Sunday muster and inspection, and as we piped down I observed a company of 350 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. Home Guards going out in the direction of Wilton, and I wondered at it. Shortly after I received a dispatch from the Secretary of the Navy which read as follows : " Have the corps of midshipmen, with the proper officers, at the Danville depot to-day at 6 p. m., the commanding officer to report to the Quartermaster General of the Army." Sending for Captain Kochelle I directed him to carry out the order and to have three days provisions cooked to carry. He asked me if I would go myself. I told him no ; that he would go in command and I would remain and take care of the ship; that he would probably be back in a few days. While preparations were being made, it struck me that it would be as well to go to the Navy Department myself and obtain more definite information. I landed, and as I passed Rocketts (the landing-place of our river steamboats) I met a large number of prisoners on their way to the boats to be sent down to be exchanged. It passed through my mind at the instant that in the case of the evacuation of Richmond this was just what would be previously done, and it had not been the custom to send them off in the middle of the day — they were always sent off at daylight. However I pursued my way up Main street and in a few moments met a clerk who inquired of me how he could get down to Drury's Bluff. I told him, and observing him to be excited inquired if there were any news. " Why don't you know," said he with his eyes starting out of his head, " Richmond is to be evacuated this evening I" I at once returned to the Patrick Henry and gave orders for all hands to be at the Danville depot at 6 o'clock with the exception of Lieutenant Billups and ten men whom I left to burn the ship. I then went to the Navy Department and saw Mr. Mallory. He told me the news. The city was to be evacuated that evening, and my command was to take charge of the Confederate treasure and convey it to Danville. Everything was being packed up for carrying off about the departments, though a good many things had been sent away in March in anticipation of this event. In the city those who had anything to do were at work at it, and THE CORPS OF MIDSHIPMEN. 351 yet in the midst of all the excitement there was a peculiar quiet — a solemnity — I have never ceased to remember ; perhaps the pale, sad faces of the ladies aided to bring it about — they knew it was impossible for them to leave, and they prepared to share the fate of their beloved city with the same heroism they had exhibited during the past four years. The provost marshal had given orders to his men to seize and destroy all the liquor -they could find in the stores, and they did so — a wise precau- tion. I went to the depot at 6 o'clock and found the treasure packed in the cars, and the midshipmen under Captain Ro- chelle in charge of it. So far as I know there was about half a million of dollars in gold, silver and bullion ; at least that is what the senior teller told me, as well as I recollect. I saw the boxes containing it many times in the weary thirty days I had it under my protection, but I never saw the coin. The teller and his assistant clerks had charge of the money, and the corps of midshipmen guarded and eventually saved it. In addition to the Confederate money, there was also some belonging to the Eichmond banks. It was in charge of their officers, and travelled with us for safety. I had nothing to do with it ; but, of course, gave it our protection. - At the depot, the scene I find hard to describe. The Presi- . dent's train was to precede mine, which was expected to be the last out of the city ; both trains were packed— not only inside, but on top, on the platforms, on the engine, — everywhere, in fact, where standing-room could be found ; and those who could not get that " hung on by their eyelids." I placed sen- tinels at the doors of the depot finally, and would not let another soul enter. And here I must pay a tribute to the midshipmen who stood by me for so many anxious days; their training and discipline showed itself conspicuously during that time— the best sentinels in the world — cool and decided in their replies, prompt in action, and brave in danger, — their conduct al- ways merited my approbation and excited my admiration. During the march across South Carolina, foot-sore and ragged 352 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. as they had become by that time, no murmur escaped them, and they never faltered. On the 2d day of May they were disbanded in Abbeville, South Carolina, far from their homes. They were staunch to the last, and verified the adage that " blood will tell." Their officers I cannot say too much for. Our professors, as I have before said, had all seen service in the army, and they resumed their campaigning with ala- crity. From the time we left Richmond until we disbanded, they set the example to the corps to obey orders, with the watchword: "guard the treasure." I am sure that Mr. Davis, and Mr. Mallory if he were alive, would testify to the fact that when they saw the corps in Abbeville, way- worn and weary after its long march, it presented the same undaunted front as when it left Richmond, and that it handed over the treasure, which had been confided to it thirty days before, intact; and that, in my opinion, is what no other organization at that time could have done. While waiting in the depot I had an opportunity of seeing the President and his Cabinet as they went to the cars. Mr. Davis preserved his usual calm and dignified manner, and General Breckenridge (the Secretary of War), who had deter- mined to go out on horseback, was as cool and gallant as ever — but the others, I thought, had the air (as the French say) of wishing to be off General Breckenridge stayed with me some time after the President's train had gone, and I had occasion to admire his bearing under the circumstances. The Presi- dent's train got off about 8 p. m. ; but there was much delay with mine. Hour after hour passed and we did not move. The scenes about the depot were a harbinger of what was to come that night. The whiskey, which had been " started" by the Provost guard, was running in the gutters, and men were getting drunk upon it. As is the case under such cir- cumstances (I noticed it, too, at the evacuation of Norfolk), large numbers of ruffians suddenly sprung into existence — I suppose thieves, deserters, etc., who had been in hiding. These were the men who were now breaking into stores and searching ARRIVAL AT DANVILLE. 353 for liquor. To add to the horror of the moment (I say horror, for we all had friends who had to be left behind), we now heard the explosions of the vessels and magazines, and this, with the screams and yells of the drunken demons in the streets, and the fires which were now breaking out in every direction, made it seem as though hell itself had broken loose. Towards midnight, hearing the rumbling of artillery crossing the bridge below us, I sent an officer to see what it was. He returned with the information that it was Lightfoot's battery and the rear guard of the army. I thought the name suggestive. Shortly after, to our relief, our train started and crossed the bridges ; and after a short delay in Manchester we steamed away at the rate of some ten miles an hour. I must pause here to say that the Federal troops under General Ord, upon their entrance into the city about daylight next morning, soon put an end to all disorder, and conducted themselves with much moderation and propriety towards the citizens of Richmond. We went along at a slow rate of speed, stopping at Amelia Court House and other places, and arrived at Danville on the afternoon of April 3d. We found the Cabinet here; and President Davis issued a short and stirring proclamation. During the night, Admiral Senimes arrived in a train with the officers and men of the James river squadron. It seems he had but scanty notice of the evacuation ; but he blew up the vessels, seized upon a train, and made his way to Danville under great difficulties. He was commissioned a Brigadier- General, and his force organized as a brigade. He was put in command of some batteries around Danville. The sailors in the batteries below Drury's Bluff, under Com- modore Tucker, had also very scanty notice of the evacuation, if any ; but they got away together, and formed part of the rear guard of the army in General Custis Lee's division. They were in the battle of Sailor's creek and fought desperately. After the brigades on either side of them had surrendered, Tucker still continued to fight. The general in command 354 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. could get no word to him to surrender ; and the Federals, not understanding why that particular body of men held out were massing a large number of guns upon it, when a staff officer finally made his way to Tucker with the order to give up. The commodore told me afterwards he had never been in a land battle before, and he had supposed that " everything was going on well." The Federal troops cheered the sailors after their surrender. The creek was not named for the sailors engaged in this fight, as some have supposed. It bore the name Sailor before — rather a singular coincidence ; though, as Mark Twain says, every man must take this " at his own risk." Lieutenant Billups faithfully carried out my orders, and burned the Patrick Henry. He then attempted to join me, but by the time he got to Charlotte, N. C, I was down in Georgia, and the war was over. I did not meet him until 1878. Happening to be in Barnum's hotel, in Baltimore, a gentleman accosted me. Seeing that I failed to recognize him, he exclaimed : " I am Lieutenant Billups of the rear guard." Said I : " report," and he did so accordingly. I am glad to say he is doing well in the merchant marine, and is recognised as a trustworthy officer and most estimable man. We did not unpack the treasure from the cars at Danville, except that taken for the use of the Government at the time. How much was taken, or for whom it was taken, I never knew— it was not my business to inquire. The midshipmen bivouacked near the railroad station. We were very anxious to hear from General Lee's army as may well be imagined, and for some days had fears for General Brecken ridge's safety, but he finally rode in with his staff. We remained in Danville several days, and I was then ordered to convey the treasure to Charlotte, N. G, to deposit it in the mint there, and then await further orders. I here requested Mr. Mallory to see the secretary oi the treasury (Mr. Trenholm) in reference to the Confederate treasurer and assistant treasurer accompanying the treasure as its appointed custodians. It was their duty to be with it at this time. I did not think it right that it should be left with GENERAL STONEMAN A T SALISB URK 355 a Teller sis the senior civil officer. This was a source of annoy- ance to me from that time forward ; not that I had anything against the Teller, (I did not know him) but I thought it was a time when every man should be made to do his duty. It was not a time to be falling sick by the wayside, as some high officials were beginning to do. I thought so then, and am of the same opinion now. We left Danville about the 6th of April and went to Greens- boro where we remained for a day, and then continued on to Charlotte. As we approached Salisbury we saw cavalry de- scending the hills in the vicinity and we stopped to reconnoitre — for the times were troublous ; but it turned out to be some of our men and we passed on. We reached Charlotte about the 8th, and I deposited the money in the mint as directed, and left it in the custody of its proper officers. I thought I was rid of it forever. We remained here several days, and upon going to the telegraph office at the end of that time to telegraph the Secretary of the Navy I found the wires had been cut by General Stoneman who was then in possession of Salisbury, with his command. It was supposed he would obtain information there concerning the treasure, and that he would soon make his appearance in Charlotte where there were no troops to oppose him. I was the senior naval officer present on duty in Charlotte, and had to decide as to the necessary steps to pre- serve the treasure. After consultation with the treasury officers I determined to remove it farther south — probably to Macon, Georgia. Mrs. President Davis and family were in town, and I called to offer her the protection of my command. After some demur she decided to accompany us. I rather pressed the point as I feared she would be captured, and I could not , bear the idea of that. We found in the naval storehouse here large quantities of sugar, coffee, bacon and flour, and I took enough to support my command several months. It was a most fortunate proceeding on my part as the result will show. The storekeeper rather objected to it ; he wanted requisitions approved by the Secretary of the Navy, &c. ; but I told him 356 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. it was no time for red tape, and that moreover I had the force and intended to have it — " Tom Collins whether or no." He gracefully acquiesced and rendered us all the assistance in his power in selecting the best of the stores. A company of uniformed men from the navy yard, under Captain Tabb, vol- unteered to accompany us. These men were principally from Portsmouth, Va., and they remained with me to the end. A better set of men I never served with. During the entire march I always found them cheerful and ready for any duty. They left me finally at Abbeville, S. C, after all was over, and I have a distinct recollection of their marching off in gallant array, with their field music playing Dixie, on their return to Charlotte. Just before they started a keg of cents was pre- sented to them to be divided out — they indignantly refused to accept it — who authorized this magnificent donation I do not know. We left Charlotte in the cars on or about the 11th of April, and arrived at Chester, S. C, the next morning. We here packed the money and papers in wagons and formed a train, having to cross the country to Newberry, S. C. We were not ready to start till late in the afternoon ; but I thought it better to get out of town and organize, and accordingly marched out about five miles, and went into camp near a " meeting-house," which afforded shelter for the ladies accompanying the party. I here published orders regulating our march, declared mar- tial law, and made every man carry a musket. I had about 150 fighting men under my command, and expected, if at- tacked, that we could give a good account of ourselves. Mrs. Davis came out in an ambulance and took up quarters in the church with the other ladies. I slept in the pulpit my- self, being the head of the party. The next morning early we took up the line of march, with the Charlotte company in ad- vance, and during the rest of the march the midshipmen led the advance one day and the Charlotte company the next. All hands were on foot, myself included, and I gave strict orders that no man should ride, unless sick. NEWBERRY. 357 The first night in camp I heard the midshipmen discussing the prospects of a long march, and the probability of " Old Parker's " breaking down ; but I had walked too many mid- watches to have any fears of it. I had an idea that naval of- ficers should be good walkers. It was so in my case, at least ; for, upon our arrival at Washington, Georgia, I was almost the only officer who had not, at some time during the march, ridden in an ambulance or wagon. I did not have a blister on my feet during the whole time, and found I could make my three miles an hour with great regularity and without dis- comfort. One day we marched 30 miles, between our camp at Means' and Newberry ; and, as I had to be sometimes with the rear guard and at others in advance, I did more walking than anyone else. About sunset of the first day's march we went into camp, and I was arranging a place for the ladies to pass the night, when a gentleman came from a neighboring house ; I found it was Mr. Edward C. Means, who had been a midshipman with me in the U. S. S. Yorhtown, and who was then a Lieutenant in the Confederate Navy. He had lately had command of a gunboat on the James river. Means took all the ladies to his house and made them comfortable for the night. His planta- tion had fortunately escaped the ravages of General Sherman's army. Sherman's left wing had just cleared it ; but he told me he had only to go a few miles to see the ruins of many houses burned by Sherman's troops, and most of them had been owned by his relatives. He was a descendant of Gover- nor Means. He showed me that night a trap-door under his dining-room table, where a pit had been dug in which to con- ceal the family silver, etc. We started very early the next morning, and about noon crossed the Broad river on a pontoon bridge. I was surprised to see so beautiful a sheet of water. It reminded me of some- thing I had read of General Sumter or Marion in the revo- lutionary war. That afternoon we arrived at Newberry, after a mareh of twelve hours' duration. We had marched rapidly, 358 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER as we supposed General Stoneman to be in pursuit with his cavalry. I left rear guards at every bridge we crossed, to be ready to burn it if necessary to check a pursuit. I am not sure now whether General Stoneman (the present Governor of California) was after us or not; but we thought at the tune he would get news of the treasure at Charlotte and follow us. Durin-the march I never allowed any one to pass- us on the road, and yet the coming of the treasure was known at every village we passed through. How this should be was beyond mv comprehension. I leave it to metaphysicians to solve, as also the fact that when an army meets with a duster, mys- terious rumors are circulated concerning it before one would suppose sufficient time had elapsed for the news to travel the distance. I had sent a courier on ahead to Newberry asking the quartermaster to have a train of cars ready to take us on to Abbeville, S. C, distant some 45 miles, and upon our arrival we transferred the treasure to the cars and left the same even- ing at sunset. We arrived at Abbeville at midnight and passed the remainder of the night in the cars. Mrs. Davis and family here left me and went to the house of the Hon. Mr. Burt, a former member of the U. S. Congress. We formed a wagon train again here and set off across the country for Washington, Georgia. The news we got at different places along the route was bad : " unmerciful disaster followed fast and followed faster." We " lightened ship " as we went along — throwing away books, stationery and even, as we heard the worst news, Confederate money. One could have traced us by these marks and formed an idea of the character of the news we were in receipt of. From Abbeville to Washington is about 40 miles, and we made a two days march of it. The first day after leaving Abbeville we crossed the Savannah river on a pontoon about 4 p. m., and went into camp for the night. We arrived at Washington the next day, and here I heard that General Wilson, U. S. A. had captured Macon, and was on his way farther north, so I resolved to halt for a time, to deliber- ate, We transferred the money to a house and put a strong ABBEVILLE AND WASHINGTON 359 guard over it. The ladies were accommodated with rooms at the tavern. There were no meals served there; but we had an abundance of provisions. Our coffee and sugar was as good as gold, and by trading it for eggs, butter, poultry and milk we managed to keep up an excellent mess. All the men, teamsters and all, were allowed plenty of bacon, coffee and sugar, and if they were ragged they were at all events " fat and saucy." After a day's deliberation and a consultation with some of the citizens of Washington I resolved to go to Augusta. I knew there was a general in command there, and also a naval ofiicer senior to myself, and I thought I would at least have the benelit of their advice. We left the ladies behind at the tavern in Washington for we expected now a fight at any. time. Affairs were looking very threatening. We left Wash- ington on the cars for Augusta on the 18th of April, I think. We were on a branch road, and when we arrived at the junc- tion with the main road across Georgia — running from Augusta westward to Atlanta— we fell in with the train from Atlanta and stopped to allow it to pass. Captain Eochelle went to inquire for news, and he soon returned with information that General Lee had surrendered on the 9th of April; To show how completely isolated we had been, it never entered my head that the news could be tele- graphed via Nashville and Atlanta. Our lines I knew were down, and as I was the last to arrive from Danville, I supposed I had the latest news. I thought that some speculator on his way to Augusta was circulating this news for his own pur- poses, and I directed Captain Rochelle to take a guard and arrest him. Fortunately for him, and for me too, I suppose, the man could not be found. We followed on after the mail train, and I really did not believe the report until it was con- firmed to me upon our arrival at Augusta that night. We did not unpack the money from the cars in Augusta. The midshipmen bivouacked near by. I called upon General Fry who commanded the post, and upon Commodore William Hunter, senior naval officer present. There was a gunboat or 360 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER- two in the river, which had escaped from Savannah. General Fry said he could offer us no hope of protection, that he had but few troops, and that the place must fall when attacked, which would be very soon. However, Generals Johnston and Sher- man had just entered upon a convention, and I decided to take advantage of the armistice existing to look about me. I found in Augusta one of the Confederate Treasury offi- cers. I called upon him and requested him to take charge of the treasure and remain with it. This he seemed disinclined to do, but I insisted that he should do so for the reasons I have before assigned. I finally called upon him in company with General Fry and Commodore Hunter, and finding that they took the same view of the matter that I did, he consented to do so ; with the proviso that I would continue to guard it. This I readily consented to do. I had no idea of giving up my control of it to any other command, even if there had been one to assume it, which there was not. In a letter to the Southern Historical Society papers, my paymaster, Mr. Wheliss, says that upon the return of the corps to Abbeville and the ar- rival there of the President : " Captain Parker, feeling the great responsibility of his position and satisfied that his com- mand was wholly inadequate to the protection of the treasure, earnestly requested to be relieved." He is mistaken. He did not understand. I was anxious to be relieved of the moral responsibility of being the custodian of the money ; but I con- sidered my command the best protectors of it to be found at the South, and I never requested to be relieved, as I shall show. Paymaster Wheliss, (the present General Wheliss of Nashville, and a very gallant officer), of course only meant to describe the matter as he understood it. His account of our mai-ch, etc., is very accurate, and his views I most cordially agree with as to the final disposition of the Confederate trea- sure, so far as I know anything about it. The simple fact is that I had made up my mind to hand that treasure over to President Davis, if it were in the power of one man to do so. I sought no advice on that point. The JOHNSTON AND SHERMANS ARMISTICE. 361 money had been confided to my keeping, and I determined to hold it as long as the war lasted. The war was not over, as some in Augusta would have had me to believe. So long as an army remained in the field the war to me existed. I knew that it must be soon over ; but what I mean to express is, that until I knew that General Johnston, under whose com- mand I now considered myself, had surrendered, my duty was plain to me. If any man supposes that his opinion, or advice, had anything to do with governing my action in the case, let him disabuse his mind of it now and forever. "Whilst in Augusta, and afterwards, I was advised by certain persons to divide the money out, as the war was over, and it would otherwise fall into the hands of the Federal troops. I was told that we would be attacked by our own men, and might, at the very end of the war, fall by the hands of our friends. To this I made but one reply : The treasure had been put in my keeping, and I would hold it until I met President Da- vis ; and that, if necessary, the command would be killed in the defence of it. My officers and men stood firmly by me in this, and all advances were met by a quiet reply to this effect. The armistice continuing,. I took up my quarters at the hotel, and there met, for the last time, the gallant veteran Commodore Tattnall. He was not on duty at this time, and during the few days I was in Augusta I was much with him. The Commo- dore preserved his cheerfulness, and I remember his telling me many incidents connected with his early naval career. One I recall : He said that in 1833 he was in Key West, Florida, and was taken ill with the cholera. His medical attendant was Dr. Bailey Washington, a character in his way. Becom- ing more and more ill, the doctor finally gave him up, and so informed him. He said : " Now, Tatnall, I have told you all ; I can do nothing more for you — if there is anything you would like to eat or drink, take it ; it can do you no harm." Tatnall replied : " Well, I believe I will take a mint julep." " You shall have it," said Dr. Bailey ; " and I'll take one with you." The julep was probably just what was wanted to save Tat- nall's life. 362 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. i While waiting in Augusta I received a telegraphic dispatch from Mr. Mallory, directing me to disband my command, — but, under the circumstances, I declined to do so. At this time we heard of the assassination of President Lincoln ; an event which gave much pain to all with whom I conversed, and which cast a gloom over all thinking men. It was universally condemned at the South ; but " that goes without saying." On the 20th General Fry notified me that the armistice would end the next day, and he advised me to " move on." I decided to go back, and try to meet President Davis in his re- treat. I knew he would cross the Savannah river at one of two points — between Abbeville and Washington, or lower down. After much reflection, I determined to retrace my steps, in the hope of intercepting him at some point on the former route. Accordingly we left Augusta on the 23d in the cars for Wash- ington, Georgia, again. RETURN TO ABBEVILLE. 363 CHAPTER XXXII. RETURN TO ABBEVILLE — AN ALARM — ARRIVAL OP PRESIDENT DAVIS AND CABINET — I TRANSFER THE TREASURE TO GENERAL BASIL DUKE, AND DISBAND MY COMMAND — INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT DAVIS— HIS DE- PARTURE PROM ABBEVILLF — GENERAL JOS. E. JOHNSTON'S SURRENDER — AM PAROLED— LEAVE ABBEVILLE ON MY RETURN HOME— BAD TRAVEL- INGS — A DAY AT BURKSVILLE— ARRIVAL AT NORFOLK, VIRGINIA. We formed a wagon train again at Washington, picked up our ladies, and started for Abbeville. On the way we met Mrs. President Davis and family, escorted by Mr. Burton Harrison, the President's private secretary. They could give me no news as to the whereabouts of the President. I have forgotten where they told me they intended to go. They had a com- fortable ambulance, and two very fine led horses, which I thought they would very likely lose. In crossing the Savan- nah river I remember saying to Captain Rochelle that if the money were mine I would throw it overboard rather than be longer burdened with it. I had had it nearly thirty days; the midshipmen were suffering for shoes, hats and clothing, and the care and responsibility weighed upon me. We arrived at Abbeville about the 28th, and here I stored the treasure in a warehouse on the public square, and placed a guard over it as before. I also kept a strong patrol in the town, which was now full of General Lee's paroled soldiers on their way to their homes. Threats were frequently made by these men to seize the money, but they always received the same reply. Abbeville was on the direct route south, and all the trans- Mississippi troops passed through it, as well as others. The citizens had known but little of the sufferings of war. They were very kind and hospitable to us. On the night of the 364 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICES. 1st of May, I was invited to a May-party, which I attended more to find out what was going on in the town than anything else. While there a paroled officer of General McGowan's brigade approached me and said he had information that the paroled men intended to attack the treasure that night, and he thought it his duty to tell me. I thanked him and went to my quarters, where I issued ordera to double the guard and patrol. I had given directions as soon as I arrived in Abbe- ville that a train and engine should be held ready for me, with steam up, at all hours of the day and night. My inten- tention was, if threatened by the enemy, to run by steam to Newberry, and then take to the dirt road again. Everything seeming to be in a state of quietude, I retired about midnight : leaving directions with the officer-of-the-guard to call me if anything occurred. I had quarters in a private house, and slept on the floor of the parlor where I could be easily aroused. About 3 o'clock in the morning Lieutenant Peek the officer of the guard tapped at my window. I can hear him now : " Captain/' said he in a low voice, " the Yankees are coming." Upon inquiry I learned that a detachment of Federal cavalry had captured two gentlemen at Anderson about thirty miles distant the evening before. One of the gentleman had escaped and brought the news to Abbeville, and as Mr. Peek told me, " thought the Federals would arrive about daylight." I imme- diately called all hands and packed the money in the cars, and by daybreak had everybody on the train in readiness to move. I walked the platform in thought — for I had not quite decided to run. About sunrise we saw a company of cavalry winding down the hills in the distance, and I sent out two scouts who shortly returned with the information that it was the advance guard of President Davis' escort. So I had judged rightly in returning to Abbeville. About 10 a. m. President Davis and his Cabinet rode into town and were well received by the population of Abbeville. It was a sad enough sight to me, I know. It reminded me of scenes I had witnessed in Central American revolutions ! By order of Secretary Mallory I trans- DISBAND MY COMMAND. 365 ferred the treasure to the acting Secretary of the Treasury, and by him was instructed to deliver it to the care of General Basil Duke, which I did at the railroad station. By Mr. Mallory's order I then immediately disbanded my command, and the Charlotte company marched off for home before I left the depot. The midshipmen left in detached parties, and an hour after President Davis' arrival the organization was one of the things of the past. And yet to show how unwilling we were to acknowledge that the Confederacy was broken — how hard we died, in fact — I present here a copy of the letter I furnished every midshipman under my command, when I bid them fare- well: Abbeville, S. C, May 2, 1865. Sir : You are hereby detached from the naval school, and leave is granted you to visit your home. You will report by letter to the Hon. Secretary of the Navy as soon as practicable. Paymaster "Wheliss will issue you ten days rations, and all quartermasters are requested to furnish you transportation. Respectfully your obedient servant, Wm. H. Parker, commanding. Midshipman C. S. Navy. We had about thirty colored servants in the command, and they started for Richmond in a body. They went off in high spirits, singing a song in chorus, and all walking lame in the left leg as it is the habit of the colored population to do. I gave them all as much bacon, sugar and coffee as they could carry; and did the same to the midshipmen and the Charlotte company. The remainder was then divided into equal parts and distributed among the officers who remained with me. Mr. Davis had with him four skeleton brigades of cavalry, viz.: Duke's, Dibbrell's, Ferguson's and Vaughn's. Many of the men traveled with him, I believe, to get their rations. Some of them were throwing away or selling their arms, as they looked upon the war as over. There were many noble 366 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. spirits among them who were ready, and anxious, to follow and defend the President to the death : but the force taken as an organization was demoralized. President Davis went to the house [of the Hon. Mr. Burt. After finishing my duties in regard to transferring the trea- sure, and disbanding my command, I called upon him. I never saw the President appear to better advantage than during these last hours of the Confederacy. He was captured eight days after this, near Irwinsville, Georgia, about 175 miles from Abbeville. His personal appearance has been often described. I remember him as a slender man, of about 5 feet 10 inches in height, and with a grey eye as his most marked feature. His deportment was singularly quiet and dignified. At this time he showed no signs of despondency. His air was resolute ; and he looked, as he is, a born leader of men. [His cabinet officers, with the exception of General Breckenridge and Mr. Beagan, stood, I thought, rather in awe of him. General Breckenridge presented his usual bold cavalier manner ; but Mr. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy, and Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, were much depressed and showed it. I do not recall Mr. Reagan — he was the Post- master-General, and acting Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Trenholm, Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. Davis, Attorney General, had been taken ill by the way and were not with the party.' In addition to the four brigades of cavalry the President had in company more Brigadier-Generals than I thought were in the army. Many of them had ambulances and wagons, and the train must have been several miles long. It seemed to me that it was half a day coming in. Referring to the Federal cavalry I have alluded to, it was said that it was marching on Abbeville, when it met Mr. Davis' escort and turned back. I never knew the truth of this report. After shaking hands with President Davis, whom I found alone, I first gave him an account of my taking his family INTER VIEW WITH PRESIDENT DA VIS. 367 from Charlotte, and told him of my having met Mrs. Davis a few days before. He thanked me, and then inquired after my command. I told him I had disbanded it. He said: "Captain, I am very sorry to hear that," and repeated it several times* I told him I had but obeyed Mr. Mallory's order ; that my command had been on the march for thirty days, and was without shoes and proper clothing. The Pre- sident seemed to be in deep thought for a few moments, and • I, wishing him clearly to appreciate my position, said : " Mr. President, I must beg you to understand that I acted upon the peremptory order of the Secretary of the Navy." He then replied: "Captain, I have no fault to find with you, but I am very sorry Mr. Mallory gave you the order." After seeing the escort, I understood Mr. Davis' regret. I told the President of my trip to Augusta, and of General Wil- son's movements, and asked him what he proposed to do. He said he should remain four days in Abbeville. I then men- tioned the affair of the previous night, and said I looked upon his capture as inevitable if he prolonged his stay. He replied that he would never desert the Southern people ; that he had been elected by them to the office he held, and would stand by them. He gave me to understand that he would not take any step which might be construed into an inglorious flight. He was most impressive on this point. The mere idea that he might be looked upon as fleeing, seemed to arouse him. He got up and paced the floor, and repeated several times that he would never abandon his people. I stuck to my text ; said I : " Mr. President, if you remain here you will be captured. You have about you only a few demoralized soldiers, and a train of camp followers three miles long. You will be captured, and you know how we will all feel that. It is your duty to the Southern people not to allow yourself to be made a prisoner. Leave now with a few follow- ers and cross the Mississippi, as you express a desire to do eventually, and there again raise the standard." The interview lasted an hour, and I used every argument 368 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NA VAL OFFICER. I could think of to induce him to leave Abbeville ; but it was in vain. He insisted that he would remain four days. Upon leaving the President I found Messrs. Mallory and Benjamin awaiting me. The latter very nervous and impatient to con- tinue the retreat. Mr. Mallory was more phlegmatic, but was of my opinion, that they would all be captured if they re- mained. During the afternoon the soldiers packed the treasure in the wagons again, preparatory to moving. After it was taken away from Abbeville, which was on that night, I have no further personal knowledge of it. The admirable letter of Captain M. H. Clark published in the Southern Historical So- ciety papers December, 1881, gives the best account of it I have seen. A day after the party left I yielded to the solicita- tions of my officers and sent Paymaster Wheliss to Washing- ton, Georgia, to see if he could not secure money enough from Mr. Reagan to enable us to get back to our homes. We were paid fifteen hundred dollars, which was divided pro rata. It gave us each about twenty days pay. A reference to Captain Clark's letter shows that several of the President's aids received each as much as my entire command. But everything was in confusion, and no justice was to be expected. I think the President took as little account of the money as I did myself, and I cannot say more than that. As to the charge that he took an undue portion of it, I scorn to notice it. I asked Mr. Mallory to come to my quarters to tea that eve- ning, and about 8 o'clock Mr. Benjamin came in. He begged me to see the President again, and to urge him to leave. After some demur I consented to do so. I found Mr. Davis alone as before, and apologizing for my intrusion, said my intense anxiety for his safety must excuse it. I remained some time, and saw that he had a better appreciation of the condition of affairs in Georgia than when I had seen him in the morning. I pro- posed to him that he should leave Abbeville with four naval officers, (of whom I was to be one) and escape to the east coast of Florida. The object of taking naval officers was that they HIS DEPARTURE FROM ABBEVILLE. 369 might seize a vessel of some kind and get to Cuba or the Ba- hamas ; but this he rejected. I left the President at 9 o'clock, and as I went out he sent one of his Aids to call the Cabinet together. I went to my quarters, and not long after received a note from Mr. Mallory saying they would leave that night, and he notified me so that I might accompany them if I desired. As they were all mounted and I was on foot and could not get a horse, I was obliged to decline. About 11 o'clock the President and his escort left Abbeville for Washington, Ga. If I have given undue prominence to myself in relating the occurrences of this day at Abbeville it is only because I had just returned from Georgia, and was supposed to have a better knowledge of the condition of affairs there than any one else about the President. C'est tout. A few days after this a passing soldier told me General Johnston had surrendered, and showed me his parole. I called together the few officers still with me, and told them that as we were in General Johnston's command we must accept the conditions — and now after the four years war, in which I cer- tainly never desired, to figure as a prisoner, I did wish to be captured so that I might obtain my parole : without it I did not like to set out upon my return to Virginia. We had several alarms that the Federals were coming, and upon such occasions the officers would assemble at my quarters, where we would await our fate like the Roman senators, but they came not, and finally hearing that a troop of cavalry was in Washington, Ga., I sent a Lieutenant there with a letter to the commanding officer, explaining my condition and inclosing - a list of my officers. He very kindly spared us the trip to Washington by sending us paroles, only requiring the officer I had sent over to swear us in, which he accordingly did. Our party now consisted of Captain Rochelle, Professor McGuire and wife, my wife and myself, and being "far away from home," we began to cast about for means to get back to Virginia. We went in the cars to_Newberry, S. C, where I 370 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. fell in with Surgeon Lynah, who had been a messmate of mine in the Palmetto State; and he kindly found quarters for us whilst we were .detained there. "We hired a wagon for our baggage, and an ambulance for the ladies — paying for them in sugar and coffee — to take us to Chester. On the way there we passed a night with my old friend Means.^and were most hospitably entertained. The trip across the country passed without incident, except the stalling of our wagon the morn- ing we left Means'. We would never have left that spot, I believe, had it not been for the superhuman energy of Pro- fessor McGuire, who with a small sized tree finally persuaded the mules to pull together. We stayed a day or two in Chester, and then took the cars for Charlotte, N. C, where we first fell in with the Federal troops. It seemed strange to see them walking around, and no one shooting at them ! From Charlotte we went to Danville by easy stages. The roads were out of repair and the cars went very slowly, get- ting off the track every few hours. We slept in the cars, which were always crowded. All the negroes in the country were making for Richmond, with their " things." They did not feel free until they had left the plantations ; a very natural feeling. We clung to our seats day and night, determined not to " let go our hold " until we reached Burksville, where we intended to take the south-side railroad for City Point, on the James River. I really do not remember how many days we were in going from Charlotte to Burksville ; but we got there at last, one day about four o'clock in the afternoon. The first news we got was that there would not be a train to City Point until the next afternoon. Twenty-four hours to remain in Burksville. Ye gods and little fishes ! Our previous sufferings sank into insignificance in comparison to ft— and to make matters worse it was raining. I went out to find quarters for the night. If there was a tavern it was full. I believe I went to every house in town to inquire for rooms, but they were all full. I ex- plained that I only wanted accommodations for two ladies, but A DAX AT B URKS VILIE. 371 all my entreaties were in vain — not a room could I get. Noth- ing better offering, we determined to remain in the cars ; so Rochelle and I made the coffee as usual, and after supper we went about making the ladies comfortable for the night. The rain had driven the negroes and soldiers into the cars,^and, to make matters worse, some of them were drunk. While we were making our preparations, a Federal surgeon passed through the cars, and, noticing the state of affairs, very kindly told me I could have a room at the hospital. lie said it was a poor enough place, but, he thought, better than the cars. We were glad to accept his offer, and accompanied him to the hospital. It was a frame building, and the room had neither windows nor doors. We pinned up blankets as substitutes, and, leav- ing McGuire to sleep across the doorway as a guard, Rochelle and I went to the railway station, where we made a delightful bed of sacks, full of shelled corn, and passed the night alfresco. I never slept better. The next morning early I called at the hospital to see how the ladies were getting on, and found that, for the first time, they had broken down. They had bivou- acked by the wayside, slept in the cars, and undergone hard- ships of every description ; but Burksville was entirely too much for them. In despair I set out again to look for quarters : although I was assured it was useless to do so. I determined to try the country, and walked up the road intending to continue on until I found a house. I had not gone a mile before I came to a deserted mansion. The window frames and doors were gone, and the house was much torn to pieces ; it evidently had been a well-kept, pretty place. . " A jolly place," said he, " in times of old ! But something ails it now : the spot is cursed." While looking over the fence, pondering, a negro woman came to the door of the kitchen, and as soon as I caught sight of the bandanna handkerchief on her head I knew she was the cook. She told me the family had " done run away," a 372 RECOLLECTIONS OF A NAVAL OFFICER. long time before. She said she would gladly cook our pro- visions for us; that the rooms had no furniture in them, but there was plenty of fresh water, etc. I returned in triumph to Burksville and brought back my entire party. We enjoyed the luxury of a bath and as we had an abundance of provisions we soon had a smoking breakfast on the table. I had kept three servants with me, so there was no lack of attendance. I passed here one of the most pleasant days of my life. We made a sort of a pic-nic of it, and en- joyed it beyond measure. We were " far from the madding sword," and had for the time at least no cares. About 4 p. m. we packed up and went to the train, which soon after left for City Point. We arrived within a mile of the Point at dark, and here the engine left us and the con- ductor coolly informed us that the cars would be taken down the next day. But we did not mind; the cars were not crowded. We got out to cook our supper, and we sat around our camp-fire that night for the last time. From the time of our leaving Charlotte until we got to City Point we were constantly thrown with the Federal soldiers as well as our own, and I do not remember in that time hearing an unpleasant word spoken on either side. The fighting men on both sides were the most tolerant. In the morning the engine took us to City Point, where we were to take the boat to Norfolk. Professor and Mrs. McGuire left us here, and I discharged my last servants and sent them to their homes. At 10 o'clock the boat arrived from Rich- mond, and we went on board. It seemed strange to find my- self on board with nothing to do. I could hardly realize it. About 4 we arrived in Norfolk and were at home again — just three years after our evacuation of it in 1862. So ended my career as a Naval Officer. " Farewell ! Othello's occupa- tion's gone." LIFE OF Lord Lawrence BY R. BOSWORTH SMITH, M.A., LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE ; ASSISTANT MASTER AT HARROW- SCHOOL. With Maps and Portraits, 2 vols., Svo, $5.00. "As a biography, the work is an inthralling one, rich in anecdotes and incidents of Lord Lawrence's tempestuous nature and beneficent career that bring into bold relief his strongly- marked and almost colossal individuality, and rich also in in- stances of his courage, his fortitude, his perseverance, his self- control, his magnanimity, and in the details of the splendid results of his masterful and masterly policy. . . . We know of no work on India to which the reader can refer with so great certainty for full and .dispassionate information relative to the government of the country, the characteristics of its people, and the fateful events of the forty eventful years of Lord Lawrence's Indian career." — Harper's Magazine. " John Lawrence, the name by which the late Viceroy of India will always be best known, has been fortunate in his biographer, Mr. Bosworth Smith, who is an accomplished writer and a faith- ful, unflinching admirer of his hero. He has produced an enter- taining as well as a valuable book ; the general reader will certainly find it attractive ; the student of recent history will discover in its pages matters of deep interest to him." — London Daily Telegraph. *#* For sale by all booksellers, or sent, post-paid, upon receipt of price, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. NOW COMPLETE. In three volumes, 12mo, with Maps and Plans. THE Navy in the Civil War '"pHE WORK OF THE NAVY in the suppression of the Rebellion was -I certainly not less remarkable than that of the Army. The same forces which developed from our volunteers some of the finest bodies of soldiers in military history, were shown quite as wonderfully in the creation of a Navy, which was to cope for the first time with the problems of modern warfare. The facts that the Civil War was the first great conflict in which steam was the motive power of ships ; that it was marked by the introduction of the ironclad ; and that it saw, for the first time, the attempt to blockade such a vast length of hostile coast — will make it an epoch for the techinal student everywhere. But while the Army has been fortunate in the number and character of those who have contributed to its written history, the Navy has been com- paratively without annalists. During a recent course of publications on the military operations of the war, the publishers were in constant receipt of letters pointing out this fact, and expressing' the wish that a complete naval history of the four years might be written by competent hands. An effort made in this direction resulted in the cordial adoption and carrying out of plans by which Messrs. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS are enabled to announce the completion of a work of the highest authority and interest, giving the whole narrative of Naval Operations from 1861 to 1865. I. THE BLOCKADE AND THE CRUISERS.— By Pro- fessor J. Russell Soley, U. S. Navy. II. THE ATLANTIC COAST.— By Rear-Admiral Daniel Ammen, U. S. Navy. III. THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS.— By Commander A. T. Mahan, U. S. Navy. Uniform with "Hie Campaigns of the Civil War," with maps and diagrams prepared under the direction of the Authors. Price per Volume, SI.OO. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 & 745 Broadway, New York. THE Navy in the Civil War I.-THE BLOCKADE AND THE CRUISERS. By Professor J. Russell Soley, U. S. Navy. "The book is well arranged, written clearly, without technical terms, and shows great familiarity with the subject. It is marked by thoroughness -\ of preparation, sound judgment, and admirable impartiality. It is a promis- ing beginning of the projected series ; and if the other volumes prove worthy of this, they will make a valuable addition to the Army series, which has proved so useful and popular." — The Nation. II.-THE ATLANTIC COAST. By Real-Admiral Daniel Ammen, U. S. Navy. Admiral Ammen's history of the naval operations on the Atlantic coast, from 1S61 to the close of the war, describes the active work of the navy in attacking the defensive strongholds of the Confederacy from Hampton Roads to Florida Keys. It includes a full account of the long siege of Charleston, and the scarcely less arduous operations against Fort Fisher, the capture of Hatteras Inlet, Roanoke Island and Newbern, and other minor movements along the coast. Ill— THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS. By Commander A. T. Mahan, U. S. Navy. The achievements of the Naval force on the Mississippi and its tributaries, and on the Gulf and the Red River, either independently or in co-oper- ation with the Army, form one of the most thrilling chapters in the history of the Civil War. The exploits of Farragut, Foote and Porter, with their gallant crews and improvised vessels, teem with acts of daring, marvelous escapes, and terrific encounters. Commander Mahan has done full justice to this side of his narrative, but he has given at the same time a record of this part of the war that has greater claims to historic value than any which , have preceded it. Each One Volume, 1 2mo, with Maps and Plans. Price per Volume, $I.OO. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 & 745 Broadway, New Tork. [By Arrangement Tvith the Author.] The Best Biography of the Greatest of the Romans. C^SAR: A Sketch. BY JAMES ANTH ONY FROU DE, M.A. Library Edition, 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, $2.60. POPtJLAIl EDITION (from name plates), 12mo, 75 Cent*. Uniform wt'h P*mtJ*r Edit*** rf A-m/tfj BUtory of England, and Short Studies. There is no historical writer of our time who can rival Mr. Fronde in vivid delineation of character, grace and clearness of style and elegant and solid scholarship. In his Life t>f Cmaar, all these qualities appear in their fullest perfection, resulting i.i a fascinating narrative which will be read with keen delight by a multitude of readers, and will enhance, if possible, Mr. Fronde's brilliant reputation. CRITICAL NOTICES. ** The book is charmingly written, and, on the whole, wisely written. There are many admirable, really noble, passages : there are hundreds of pages which few living men could match. * * * The political life of Caesar is explained with singular lucidity, and with what seems to us remarkable fairness. The horrible condition of Roman society und.r the rule of the magnates is painted with startling power and brilliance of coloring. — Atlantic Monthly. "Mr. Froude*s latest work, ** Caesar," is affluent of his most distinctive traits. Nothing that he has written is more brilliant, more incisive, more interesting. * * * He combines into a compact and nervous narrative all that is known oi the personal, social, political, and military life of Caesar ; and with his sketch of Caesar, includes other brilliant sketches of the great men, his friends or rivals, who contemporaneously with him formed the principal figures in the Roman world."— Harper's Monthly. " This book is a most fascinating biography, and is by far the best account of Julius Caesar to be found in the English language."— London Standard, " It is the best biography of the greatest of the Romans we have, and it is in some l respects Mr. Froude's best piece of historical writing."— Hartford Cemrant. Mr. Froude has given the public the best of all recent books on the life, characta and career of Julius Caesar."— Phila. Eve. Bulletin. %* For sale by all booksellers, or will be sent^ prepaid, upon receipt of price, by CHARLES SCRTBNER'S SONS, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York, Turkish Life in war time. By HENRY O. DWIGHT. One Volume, 12mo, $1.50. Mr. Dwight's familiarity with the languages and manners of the capital, ,and his numerous sources of information from almost all parts of Turkey, have enabled him to give a most faithful account of the transactions of the war as seen from a Turkish point of view, and also incidentally to put his reader in possession of much information respecting the motley races under Turkish rule. . + 11 The work can be especially commended as a graphic, and clear, and never-wearying story." — N. Y* Commercial Advertiser. "The book fills a place in the literature relating to its subject which, so far as we can judge, would be empty without it" — Boston Congregationalist. " It is even more charming than a good book of travel ; for the author pictures scenes with which he is familiar, and knows the iull value of every incident he records." — Ciu- -cinnati Christian Standard. "It abounds in stirring incident of most rxcitlng times, graphic descriptions o( thrilling scenes, and information of importance to statesmen and of great interest to the general reader." — N. Y. Observer. "Abetter idea of the Turkish character may be sained through the many anecdotes and descriptions of scenes given by the writer, than by the study of any previous history with which we are acquainted." — Baptist Weekly. " No book yet published covers precisely the same ground, or handles the subject in precisely the same way. We find ourselves, in its perusal, lendingvery much the sort of attention to it that we should to the narrative of a friend who had passed through the scenes whi h Mr. Dwight 5 s letters portray." — Syracuse Herald. "This book is the mo^t vivid and faithful sketch of Turkish character that we have ever seen. ... It is mainly a series of interesting notes and sketches, giving those ftitle details of life and thought from day to day, in a time of great excitement, which are so essential in order to gain an accurate knowledge of any people." — The Nation. " The book has more than a transient value. It is a contribution to history. The author has not only descriptive talent, but a gift f t discerning the meaning of the political and military manoeuvres, which encompassed Constantinople. While sufficiently inter- esting to the general reader, the book is full of information for the student of manners and of pol tieal affairs." — 1$. Y. Christian Advocate. " It is to us admirable in every sense. It is judicious, discriminating, comprehen- sive, impartial, free from animosity in its thorough and candid criticisms; eminently clear, vigorous, and animated in expression; tells us just what wc wish to know, and wastes no time in doing it The b->ok is one to which the reader can sur- render himself and simply enjoy." — W. Y. Christian Intelligencer. " ' Turkish Life in War Time,' does not pretend to be a history of the Russian war, hut it is a more valuable work than any so-called history we have seen. It is a record, the almost daily record, of a very keen observer, who set down the events that he saw, and who, from acquaintance with the Orient, understood the bearing of those events. It has all the interest of a personal narrative, and all the weight that we accord to an honest and well-informed observer. It is to such records of eye-witnesses as these that future historians must resort." — Hartford Courant. *£* For sale by all booksellers, or sent, post-paid, upon receipt of price ^ by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York Army Life in Russia. By F. V. GREENE, Lieutenant of Engineers, United States Army, Late Military Attache to the U. S. Legation in St. Petersburg* and author oj " The Russian Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in. 1877-78/* One Volume, 12 mo, .... $1.50. Lieutenant Greene's opportunities for general as well as technical observation while with the Russian army in Turkey were such as have perhaps never fallen to any other student of the war. The story of this personal experience is embodied in this volume, which contains most vigorous and vivid descriptions cf battle scenes, in the chapters on the Shipka Pass, Plevna, and in the very strong and excellent chapter on the winter campaign across the Balkans with Gourko. The chapters en the Tsar and the Russian generals, and the sections devoted to the Russian soldier, to St Petersburg, and the army life of the Russian at home, are of absorbing interest. ♦ "His sketches are excellently well done, graphic, evidently not exaggerated, and very readable. It is a book that will be read with pleasure, and one tl>«( contains a great deal of information." — Hartford Courant. "This volume is in every way an admirable picture of army life in Russia. It is clear, concise, discriminating, and often very picturesque. The author, besides pos- sessing an excellent style, is extrem ely modest, and there are very few books of t avel in which the first person is kept so absolutely in the background." — International Review. ** Lieutenant* Greene writes in a soldierly way, unaffected, straightforward, and graphic, and, th »ugh he has a keen eye for the picturesque, never sacrifices to rhetoric the absolute truthfulness so eminently to be desired in a narrative of this sort.— New York World. *' He was with the Russian army throughout the campaign, enjoying perfect free- dom of movement, having every opportunity to visit the points of greatest activity, and to see the operations of greatest mom-nt, in company with the officers who conducted them. His book is, therefore, for all the purposes of ordinary readers, a complete and satisfactory history of the war, founded upon intimite personal knowledge of its events, and of its spirit. It is a work of the rarest interest and of unusual merit." — New York Livening Post. "It is mos' fortunate for the reputation of our cnuntry and our army that we had such an officer to send to the far-away land of Turkey in Europe, and most creditable to our War Department that it sent such a man. His book deseves to be universally read, and we are sure that no person whom these lines may lead to purchase it will fail foj rejoice that they have been written." — The Nation. *#* For sale by all booksellers ; or sent, post-paid, -upon receipt o\ price, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. RE-ISSUE OF THE Complete Writings of Dr. J. G. Holland. It is believed that the aggregate sale of Dr. Holland's Books, amounting as it does to half a million volumes, exceeds the circulation of the writings of any other American author. There is not a single book of his which has not had an unquestionable success, and most of them have been in such constant and increasing demand that the plates, are actually worn out. Since The Bay Path, Bittersweet, and the Titcomb Letters were first published, twenty millions of people have been added to our population, and an entire new generation of readers has come upon the stage. For these reasons, a new edition has become imperatively necessary, and the publishers have done their best to make their part of the work correspond with the importance which the popular verdict has given to Dr. Holland's productions. It is believed that the whole work will compare favorably with the best issues of the American press. TITCOMB'S LETTERS, EVERY-DAY TOPICS GOLD FOIL, "First Series. THE JONES FAMILY, EVERY-DAY TOPICS.— LESSONS IN LIFE, Second Series. (Now first PLAIN TALKS, published.) BITTERSWEET, KATHRINA, MISTRESS OF THE PURITAN'S GUEST, and .MANSE, Other Poems. SEVENOAKS, NICHOLAS MINTURN, ARTHUR BONNICASTLE, BAY PATH, MISS GILBERT'S CAREER. Each one volume, 12mo, - - Price, $1.25. *** For sale by all booksellers, or sent, post-paid, upon receipt of price, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. STANDARD WORKS OF FICTION. THE ERCKMA NN-CHAT RIAN NOVELS. 2fetv Edition in Handsome Jiinding. JUach one vol. 12mo, ■uniform. JSjcra Cloth, 91.25 per vol. " These delightful works well deserve their great success. . . . Not only is the couleur locate admirably preserved, but the very spirit of those who took part in. the events is preserved." — President Andrew D. White, LL.D, FRIEND FRITZ. A Tale of the Banks of the Lauter. In- cluding a Story of College Life. — "Maitre Nablot." * % 'Friend Fritz'' is a charmingly sunny and refreshing story." — N. Y. Tribune. THE CONSCRIPT. A Tale of the French War of 1813. With four full-page illustrations. ** It is hardly fiction — it is history in the guise of fiction, and that part of his- tory which historians hardly write, concerning the disaster, the ruin, the sickness, the poverty, and the utter misery and suffering which war brings upon the people." — Cincinnati Daily Commercial. WATERLOO. A Story of the Hundred Days. Being a Sequel to u The Conscript." With four full-page illustrations. " Written in that charming style of simplicity which has made the Erckmann- Chatrian works popular in every language in which they have been published,"— New York Daily Herald. THE PLEBISCITE. The Miller's Story of the War. A vivid Narrative of Events in connection with the great Franco-Prussian War of 1871. THE BLOCKADE OF PHALSBURG. An Episode of the Fall of the First French Empire. With four full-page illustrations and a portrait of the authors. " Not only are they interesting historically, but intrinsically a pleasant, well-con- structed plot, serving in each case to connect the great events which they so graph- ically treat, and the style being as vigorous and charming as it is pure and refreshing." — Philadelphia Daily Inquirer. INVASION OF FRANCE IN 1814. With the Night March past Phalsburg. With a Memoir of the Authors. With four full- page illustrations. *' All their novels are noted for the same admirable qualities — simple and effective realism of plot, incident and language, and a disclosure of the horrid individual aspects of war. They are absolutely perfect of their kind." — N. Y. Evening Mail. MADAME THERESE, or, the Volunteers of '92. With four full-page illustrations. *' It is a boy's story — that is, supposed to be written by a boy — and has all the freshness, the unconscious simplicity and naivete which the imagined authorship should imply ; while nothing more graphic, more clearly and vividly pictorial, has been brought before the public for many a day." — Boston Commonwealth. * # * For sale by all booksellers, or sent, post-paid, upon receipt of price, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York.