Q^ornell Unineraitg Slthtarjj Htlfara, SJem Ifark CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION CHINA AND THE CHINESE THE GIFT OF CHARLES WILLIAM WASON CLASS OF 1876 1918 Date Due "^ III ncrrt « ^ JWTT""" MaMhi ■illllMMIJlUli S^ ^ im. ■ iQCfl r a* wwiMk^ MAR 10 t 36aj#^ ^^^ ^'i|i^^ *d(^i-ft^ 5aw^^ 1^ ^ nciiWiSil^^M tewA Cornell University Library DS 703.4.A51 China social and economic conditions 3 1924 023 104 726 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023104726 THE ANNALS of THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE Vol. XXXIX JANUARY, 1912 Whole No. 128 China Social and Economic Conditions Issued Bi-monthly by the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Philadelphia, Pa., PER YEAR, $6.00, PER NUMBER, $1.00 Entered at the 2>ost-office at Philadelphia as aecond-dass matter^ 1S90 SPECIAL VOLUMES The United State* as a World Power The United States and Latin-America Political and Social Progress in Latin-America The Government in its Relation to Industry American Colonial Policy and Administration Foreign Policy of the United States— Political and Cominercial . 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To rule China with a system of prefectures such as are found in civilized France, would not only be to use a system under which it would be hard to adjust the law to varying provincial needs, but would run counter to the traditions of the Chinese. Government does not bulk large in Chinese life. The detailed regulation to which we in western countries are accustomed is absent. The government taxes, it con- trols appointments and examinations for office. Farther than this there have been only occasional assertions of authority. Local self-government is left to work itself out almost without interfer- ence. Whatever the theory of the government, the average Chi- nese is still an ardent advocate of laissez faire. The introduction of parliamentary government in China in- volves therefore a balance of local autonomy and a strong gov- ernment. The organization will almost certainly be federal in fact, even if a semblance of the present theoretical centralization be preserved. Since the central government has occupied in the past so restricted a field, how to secure for it the power it should have under the new conditions will be a difficult problem. It seems that whatever form Chinese parliamentary institutions may assume they will more closely resemble those of the more conservative European federative governments than those of the United States. Germany and Austria, perhaps even Russia, seem likely to be the countries whose experience will offer institutions most easily adapted to Chinese conditions. The constitution of the former country has been given lavish praise by Chinese scholars. The preferences already shown by the Chinese in both provincial and municipal reforms indicate the popularity of the principle of indi- rect election, examples of which are found in the Prussian and Austrian electoral laws. The method of selection of the Central Parliament in Austria-Hungary, through co-option of a number of members from the local parliaments, is an expedient by which a national body is secured without a national organization of the electorate with its attendant expense, and the disadvantage of en- forcing uniformity where diversity is needed. The right of wealth to be represented even to the exclusion of numbers is a rule of prac- 38 The Annals of the American Academy tice in the Chinese municipal elections so far set up. Even if the popular demands bring a wider suffrage the predominance of the well-to-do may be preserved by the adoption of the Prussian three class system of voting assuring to those who have the greatest economic stake in the community, the control over its government. Partly prompted by similar reasons many Chinese scholars have urged the adoption of a scheme of representation of interests such as has been used in Russia and Austria-Hungary. Spiritual inter- ests, boards of trade, representatives of great landed estates, mu- nicipalities, universities and rural communes have in the practice of these countries been given a legal share in governmental control. The legislature has become representative of the institutional life of the state rather than of its individual members. Such a plan fits in well with Chinese conditions, the extra-legal guild organizations would if granted representation under such a system prove a valua- ble support to the government. As has been found in Russia, this method of organization of the state gives great flexibility for the representation of the most diverse sorts of interests and a large variety of governmental units having quite as little in common as Manchuria and Yunnan. In summary, China will probably find the experience of the countries of Eastern Europe suggestive of what may well be done in the Far East. For this there are many reasons ; in the countries of Eastern Europe (i) Federal relations are well elaborated. (2) A large degree of local autonomy is kept. (3) Local customs and preferences are respected. (4) Wealth receives consideration in representation. (5) The popular element is introduced into government,— dis- tantly it is true, but perhaps as much as Chinese conditions render safe; and (6) All this is done while the central administration is left in a commanding position. The Chinese have sufifered too long from inaction. It can hardly be wondered if they desire now to turn to strong govern- ment to rescue them from the failures of a government strong only in theory. THE ONE SOLUTION OF THE MANGHURIAN PROBLEM By Putnam Weale, Peking, China. I. The time has come when it is necessary to face the situation in Manchuria with the utmost frankness. The settlement of the Russo-Japanese war, described by that eminent jurist, the late Monsieur de Maartens, as the most hasty and imperfvsct settlement with which he was acquainted, still remains the question of all questions in the Far East. If the future is not to be marred by a further weakening of the Chinese polity, if the employment of such an expression as "The Break-up of China" is really to fall into innocuous desuetude, it is essential that the actual issues should now be generally understood, and the whole weight not only of public opinion but of neutral diplomacy thrown quite openly on China's side. Outlines have year by year grown clearer and better defined; the issues have been fined down; we know now what is and what is not. It is no longer a question of this or that opinion ; it is a question of certain simple facts ; and the facts now set forth, and the construction placed on them, may be quickly verified by any reasonable person. The first thing to write down clearly is the international status of Manchuria. Manchuria is as much a part of China as the metropolitan province of Chihli. No one, of course, denies that Manchuria has long been an integral part of the Empire; never- theless there has been a suspicion abroad that it merited being classed with Mongolia rather than with the home provinces. Nothing could be more erroneous; it is as purely Chinese as Shantung. The population is entirely Chinese, since the word Manchu to-day has only an academic value; their sympathies are entirely Chinese ; the bonds which unite North China and Manchuria are closer than the bonds which unite the Yangtze provinces with South China, Manchuria having for many years been simply what (39) 40 The Annals of the American Academy the great western plains were to the older states of the American union — a land to emigrate into; and, of all the many Chinese colonists Manchuria has received, ninety per centum come from Shantung and Chihli. To put it concisely, the region is as much Chinese as Australia is British. This view is not original. It was even shared by the late Lord Salisbury's government in 1900, and was one of the reasons why the Anglo-German Agreement of 1900 regarding China proved absolutely abortive ; Germany, after her signature of that document, having stated in no uncertain language that she considered Man- churia outside the scope of the agreement. Yet what a shallow and unreasonable view ! Amongst the first acts of the Manchu Dynasty, after it was firmly established in Peking in 1644, is to be found the constant dispatch of expeditionary columns to the northern and northwestern limits of that land to effect the subjugation of nomad tribes, who still lingered in mountain fastnesses, and to check the infiltration of Cossack freebooters who were even then active along the upper reaches of the Amur. Two and a half centuries ago an open title to the land was claimed and made good. The sovereignty of China, publicly established over every inch of the present prov- inces, and far beyond, by the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1698 has never been an uncertain sovereignty. Russia, then the only Asiatic power of international importance, solemnly admitted by that treaty all Chinese claims. By subsequent acts Russia half a century ago modified this ancient arrangement; she acquired the uninhabited left bank of the Amur and the uninhabited Primorsk, or Pacific Province, thus giving her an outlet on the Pacific as well as certain valuable riparian territory fit for colonization. In this there was no proper question of territorial robbery, the region acquired had been clearly proved by the flux of' time to be too far north for Chinese colonization. It all belonged legitimately to Siberia, which fate has marked as Russian and nothing but Russian. Since then, that is for fifty years, there has been no question of frontier rectification, no question of upsetting a settlement first conceived by Muraviefif Amurski, a man with a vision as clear as crystal, for the good and ample reason that a proper and final delimitation had at last been made in i860, based on what may be called ethnical grounds. It is important here to insist upon this point very earnestly; The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem 41 it was the question of Korea, a totally different question, which blurred the outlines and suddenly complicated a simple problem. The policy of the Japanese in 1895, after they had driven the Chinese out of Korea, in attempting forcibly to annex the Liaotung Peninsula, by which term was included all the territory south of a line drawn from the Yalu River, via Fenghuangcheng and Hai- cheng to the port of Newchwang, was a false policy, a political error of the first magnitude. The question of the overlordship of Korea, it was only that then, had nothing to do with Manchurian territory; by deliberately mixing the two questions the seed of immense troubles was sown by Japan, both for herself and for others. Frustrated by the action of three European Powers in her attempt to annex Southern Manchuria, Japan publicly admitted in terms which admit of no misconstruction, "that such permanent possession would be detrimental to the lasting peace of the Orient." These are the words of no less a personage than the Emperor of Japan; and, as events soon showed, not only were they a declara- tion of policy but a grim prophecy as well. The sequel proves it. The action of Russia in the years fol- lowing the retrocession of the Liaotung territory, an action pri- marily induced by the false lead Japan had given, culminated in two far-reaching tragedies, the Boxer uprising and the Russo- Japanese war. Briefly, as the result of the first tragedy Russia openly attempted to take a great step forward; as a result of the second she was forced to take a half-step backward. Pier so-called occupation of Manchuria had never been effective even in a military sense, since had it been so the conflict of 1904-1905 would not have come. Her deliberate attempt to argue that Korea was a geograph- ical part of the Chinese hinterland was as cruel as had been Japan's attempt to argue that the northern littoral of the Yellow Sea, be the country Korean or Chinese, openly fell within her sphere of sovereignty. Thus it may be legitimately claimed that no right of eminent domain in any part of Manchuria has been suc- cessfully advanced by an alien Power for half a century and that no such right can be advanced. The frontiers of fifty years ago, by virtue of a law as inexorable as that great physical first-truth, the survival of the fittest, call their claims — the Chinese have settled on and cultivated the soil and own the soil. Modern frontiers consist not of rivers or mountains, but of masses of men. Races 42 The Annals of -the American Academy occupy their final abodes, and so long as a race does not die a slow political death, the death which Korea died, the right of eminent domain cannot really pass to alien hands. The Chinese as a race are more vigorous to-day than they have been for hundreds of years. Manchuria is for them a microcosm of their future national exist- ence — they cannot any more relinquish their sovereignty over that region than they can forsake their ancient capital. And this is precisely the view which a study of every important public document loudly proclaims. Let us see it. It is now generally accepted that the Treaty of Peace, signed by Russia and Japan at Portsmouth, was nothing but an annexure to the real treaty which made war impossible, the second Anglo- Japanese alliance. Formally entered into at London before the plenipotentiaries at Portsmouth had settled any of the chief points of difference, it is this document which gives absolute guidance regarding the post bellum status of Manchuria, the point of peculiar interest at the present moment. For at the time of its making, this treaty, in a higher sense, was not so much an alliance as a pro- nouncement of policy, of exactly the same nature as the no less far- reaching declaration of President Monroe regarding the American continent. England laid down certain principles; Japan accepted them. It is a fact which is not disputed that Great Britain, through her control of the Suez Canal, not only controls the Oriental trade but dominates the political relationship that Europe bears to Asia, a relationship which is still almost entirely decided by sea-power, a condition amply proved by the Manchurian campaign. The strategic possessions, beginning with Gibraltar and Malta and ending with Singapore and Hongkong, are the outward and visible signs of that domination which is by no means as shaken as many suppose. Certain principles flow naturally from that domination; those prin- ciples found clear expression in the arrangement made in London. The preamble of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty stated the three- fold subject of the alliance thus : (a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in the regions of Eastern Asia and of India. (6) The preservation of the common interests of all Powers in China by insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and the. principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations in China. (c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high contracting The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem 43 parties in the regions of Eastern Asia and of India, and the defence of their special interests in the said regions. It is manifestly only the last paragraph of these three which concerns us here. Though the second paragraph deals specifically with the question of insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire, the third paragraph may seem to qualify that declaration by speaking of "the special interests" of the high contracting parties in the regions covered by the agreement. But a careful study of the eight main articles of the treaty proves conclusively that there was no question at all of Manchuria in the minds of the signatories; in the year 1905 this agreement was purely a defensive agreement from the point of view of both the signatories. The full explanation of the expression "the special interests of the high contracting parties" is to be found in Articles III and IV — the only two of the eight articles which say anything at all about territory or interests — the other six being in the nature of a military convention and nothing else, aimed at Russia. To quote these two articles is to show their singular force: Article III. Japan possessing paramount political, military and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of Japan to take such measures of guidance, control and protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests, provided always such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations. Article IV. Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier as she may find necessary for safeguarding 'her Indian possessions. It must be at once apparent to the least reflective that these two articles, carefully set together, balance one against the other just because they are so juxtaposed. Japan had special interests in Korea, which was not then annexed; England had a special interest in all that concerned the Indian frontier. That is to say that the annexation of Korea and British action in Afghanistan and in the Persian Gulf as defensive measures against Russia, who was still the enemy and an unbeaten Power in both an economic and military sense, were contemplated as possible and even prob- 44 The Annals of the American Academy able. As regards Manchuria it was simply anticipated that, though military evacuation must come as soon as peace was officially regis- tered by a solemn decree, it would require the passage of years to allow a vast region which had been the scene of such dissimilar ambitions and such heroic conflicts to revert completely to Chinese control. The writer has recently assured himself in London in the highest quarters that this view is absolutely correct. No one, then, who is not wilfully perverted, need now argue that England has acquiesced at any time in the dismemberment of Manchuria. What many suppose to have been a conspiracy of silence has been proved to have been nothing more than the indifference of an ignorance now happily dispelled. A brief examination has now been made of what may be called, in Bismarck's phrase, the Imponderabilia of the Manchurian situa- tion, the things which still exert influence and which qualify or modify, as the case may be, the active factors of the day. In other words, the general view is now complete. In the next section it becomes necessary to be much more specific and to show that all published diplomatic documents dealing with Manchuria, which China has given to the world in good faith, proceed clearly and abso- lutely on the only assumption which can be drawn from the text of the Anglo- Japanese alliance of 1905, to wit, that it would require the passage of years to allow a vast region which had been the scene of such dissimilar ambitions and such heroic conflicts to revert completely to effective Chinese control. II. The particular status of Manchuria, from the Russo-Japanese standpoint, finds no better definition than in those articles both of. the Portsmouth Treaty and the confirming Chino-Japanese Treaty of the same year which deal with the question of military evacuation. From these articles it is likewise made absolutely and unquestionably clear, no matter what claims may have been subsequently essayed, that Manchuria is inevitably destined to revert completely to Chinese control, provided that the Chinese Empire as a political unit is consolidated and modernized. It is well to mention also at this point, though the argument belongs to later paragraphs, that it was just as specifically and clearly laid down as a condition of peace that China be at once allowed an absolutely free hand in developing The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem 45 the resources of the entire region. There can be no more argument about these points than about the solar system. Article III of the Portsmouth Treaty states : Japan and Russia mutually engage : 1. To evacuate completely and simultaneously Manchuria, except the territory affected by the lease of the Liaotung Peninsula, in conformity with the provisions of Additional Article I annexed to this Treaty ; and 2. To restore entirely and completely to the exclusive administration of China all portions of Manchuria now in the occupation, or under the control, of the Japanese or Russian troops, with the exception of the territory above mentioned. The Imperial Government of Russia declares that they have not in Manchuria any territorial advantages or preferential or exclusive concessions in impairment of Chinese sovereignty or inconsistent with the principle of equal opportunity. And this is followed by this frank admission : Japan and Russia reciprocally engage not to obstruct any general measures common to all countries which China may take for the development of the commerce and industry of Manchuria. It is well that there is on permanent and clear record such a political confession as this. For the use of this language makes it unalterably clear that save for the Manchurian railways and the leased territory, the redemption of each of which is specially pro- vided for, neither Russia nor Japan can claim to-day in Manchuria any right whatsoever. But there is more to confirm the leading idea so loudly insisted upon in the historic year 1905, that every possible vestige of alien political predominance should be removed as soon as China proved herself capable of maintaining law and order. The text of the Chino-Japanese Treaty of December, 1905, besides confirming matters relating to Manchuria dealt with in the formal Treaty of Peace, has the following remarkable declaration which it should be easy for the Chinese Government to give effect to, when consti- tutional government is in full working order two years from now. Article II states: In view of the earnest desire expressed by the Imperial Chinese Govern- ment to have the Japanese and Russian troops and railway guards in Manchuria withdrawn as soon as possible, and in order to meet this desire, the Imperial Japanese Government, in the event of Russia agreeing to the withdrawal of her railway guards, or in case other proper measures are 46 The Annals of the American Academy agreed to between China and Russia, consents to take similar steps accord- ingly. When tranquillity shall have been established in Manchuria, and China shall have become herself capable of affording protection to the lives and property of foreigners, Japan will withdravif her railways guards simultaneously with Russia. As soon as this article is enforced, we shall get the final and proper view of the situation in Manchuria, that is, the true perspective. It will be this. Until 1923, Japan, manifestly the predominant power from the Chinese standpoint because her position is coastal and not inland and because she is at home in the Far East, will administer the leased territory of Port Arthur, the Antung-Mukden Railway, and the main double-track railway from Dairen to Chang- chun. After that date (a) the rendition of the leased territory, specifically provided for by Article III of the original lease agree- ment of March, 1898, and {b) the sale of the Antung-Mukden fine specifically provided for by Article VI of the additional agreement of 1905, which says that "the railway shall be sold to China at a price to be determined by appraisement of all its properties by a foreign expert, who will be selected by both parties," will simply leave in Japan's hands the double-track commercial railway run- ning from the port of Dalny to the Central Manchurian town of Changchun. In the year 1939 this railway can be bought back on terms clearly laid down by the original statutes of the Chinese Eastern Railway Company, Section 30 stating unequivocally that "on the expiration of thirty-six years from the time of completion of the whole line and its opening to traffic, the Chinese Government has the right of acquiring the line on refunding to the company in full all the outlays made on it." And on the same date the Russian trans-Manchurian system, the last remaining right which Russia possesses in Manchuria, should pass by purchase in the same way into Chinese hands. There is nothing complicated or obscure about these facts; they are as clear as crystal. The only possible complication which can arise is not in Manchuria, but in China. Should China fail to modernize herself completely, that is, fail to take her place as a first-class military and political power amongst the family of nations within the period named, then, of course, this argument fails. Fundamentally, then, the solution of the Manchurian Problem has The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem 47 nothing to do with either Russia or Japan; it is simply a part of the general problem of the modernization of China. The two Powers, having years ago proclaimed to the world what their only possible policy can be in Manchuria, evacuation and sale of all concessions to the sovereign Power, provided that sovereign Power proves conclusively that she has become master in her own house and is therefore able to prevent any disturbance of the balance of power and peace within the limits of her territory, these two Powers cannot to-day put forward new claims. To do so would be to place themselves outside the family of nations, by declaring their pledged faith to be a matter of pure opportunism and nothing else. It is indeed just as essential for Russia and Japan to secure the restoration of natural conditions. It was mutual suspicion and jealousy which brought them face to face in Manchuria; which made them go to war ; which cost them untold millions ; and the effective garrisoning of Manchuria by strong Chinese corps and the complete restoration of Chinese sovereignty will once and for all remove the danger of collision, which must always exist so long as they remain as they now are, by interposing a strong buffer state. Only in the frontiers of Korea should the three rival empires meet ; and there the nature of the country is such that there is no more incentive to a forward movement than there is in the exactly parallel case of the Pamirs. The case being such as has been detailed, it is to be regretted that the after-effects of a misleading obscurantism should still tend to mar the natural solution of a problem which can be resolved into the simplest elements. This obscurantism, the fear what it may lead to, alone blurs the outlines, alone disturbs the future. The clause in the Treaty of Peace which is of the very greatest importance just now to the world at large in view of the large financial accommodation being given to China, is the Article IV already quoted, that "Japan and Russia reciprocally engage not to obstruct any general measure common to all countries which China may take for the development of the commerce and industry of Manchuria." Obviously this clause is susceptible of many construc- tions ; but the natural construction is the simple one that China should be given a free hand so long as her action is not dictated by a crude desire to upset the delicate balance existing between two alien Powers — before the time for complete evacuation has arrived. 48 The Annals of the American Academy Now economic development in the modern world is impossible without modern appliances; and of all modern appliances railways are probably the most important. That China should be virtually restrained during a period equivalent to a whole generation, say from 1905 to 1939, from building railways in Manchuria is in itself an intolerable state of affairs. Yet something suspiciously resembling a veto was placed by Japan, and then by Russia, on the Chinchow- Aigun scheme, Japan basing her action primarily on a private arrangement virtually forced on China and conflicting directly with the solemn international engagement made at Portsmouth not to obstruct general measures for the development of the commerce and industry of Manchuria. It is best to state this matter frankly, as it must come up again very shortly. The Chino-Japanese Agreement of 1905, ratifying the Russo- Japanese Treaty of Peace, was not brought to a successful conclu- sion without the danger of a summary rupture of negotiations. One of the rocks on which the conference nearly split sevtral times was this particular question of railways. Japan was at great pains to insist that the building of any line parallel to her South Man- churian railway could not be tolerated because of the injury it would inflict upon the one and only financial compensation she had drawn from her great war. Consequently she pressed for a formal undertaking on the part of China that no such parallel line would be constructed. The Chinese plenipotentiaries, after a great deal of discussion, believing that Japan deserved special consideration in view of the special circumstances surrounding the outbreak of war, finally consented to this provision, but in return requested a definite explanation to be included in the definition "parallel railway." The persistent Japanese answer was that if China assented tb the prin- ciple, she might in confidence leave it to Japanese honor not to oppose any legitimate Chinese scheme which did not conflict with the undertaking given. The Chinese, in a moment of generosity, assented. The net result has been that Japan, by a policy which has been given very hard names even in diplomatic communications, practically stultified the solemn declaration she made in Article IV of the Portsmouth Treaty. The pressure of public opinion — and diplomacy, has been such, however, that she has already been forced to modify materially her original attitude of blind opposition, and now simply alleges in semi-official publications that her real The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem • 49 objection to the scheme was based on the fact that she was excluded from a participation in that in which she was entitled to participate on the principle of the open-door and equal-opportunity-for-all. The ground, therefore, has already been cleared for a fresh approach toward a solution of this vital matter. It is one that cannot be much longer delayed, since more railways are urgently needed in Manchuria. A second danger point which may be classed under the term obscurantism is to be found in Article XI of the same agreement. On the surface it is an innocent enough article, but in the near future it may be productive of most serious complications unless China's case is properly supported and properly fought. Article XI states: The Governments of Japan and China engage that in all that relates to frontier trade between Manchuria and Korea the most-favored-nation treat- ment shall be reciprocally extended. Now the most-favored-nation clause, as experience has amply proved in many parts of the world, is a most dangerous clause whenever one nation is very much stronger than another. In the present instance this clause can be so interpreted by Japan that she may claim on the Yalu frontier the two-thirds land-frontier tariff enjoyed by Russia on the Amur and Transbaikal frontiers, and by France on the Yunnan frontier. By landing goods brought from any part of the world at the Korean port of Wiju, which is just across the Yalu River, and then taking them into Manchuria across the new railway bridge by train, a land-frontier tariff can be technically claimed, irrespective of the fact that the economic condi- tions on this frontier are precisely the same as those encountered anywhere along the China coast, and therefore entirely different from the economic conditions obtaining in distant frontier points such as Manchuria station on the Transbaikal frontier, or Aigun on the Amur, or Szemao and Mengtsz on the Tonkin frontier. On the narrow margins of profits now prevalent in the foreign trade in China, a preferential Yalu tariff is sufficient to give a very decided advantage. Furthermore, there is the deeper question of the free trade zone which may be also claimed on the Yalu under Article XI. Russia has managed to extend the free trade zone, designed only for nomad peoples, from Mongolia to Manchuria ; and at Aigun on the Amur the Chinese customs practice is to-day to pass Russian so • The Annals of the American Academy imports across the frontier free of duty when certified for consump- tion within a loo-li zone. If this procedure were forced on the Yalu, it would be necessary for the Chinese customs to fall back to Fenghuangcheng and re-establish the old line of the Willow Palis- sade as the virtual frontier. But the danger would not end here. The coming extension of the Kirin railway via Chientao into Korea will provide a second line of commercial invasion under the much- abused most-favored-nation clause, and complete the breakdown of what is a vital defence if Manchuria is to remain really independent, a strong customs frontier. Already experience has shown that the Dairen customs house has not an effective control over the import trade, and cannot have an effective control, until Chinese customs barriers are established on the frontier of the leased terri- tory, Kinchow, and all freight trains searched and checked. Without further dwelling on these important points it must be evident to every impartial person that though on the surface every- thing is now clear, beneath the surface powerful disintegrating factors exist in embryonic form or requiring prompt and careful treatment. The unfortunate clause in the original Port Arthur Agreement which permits a discussion of the question of the renewal of the lease on the expiration of the present term rises like a distant cloud on the horizon. The desire to make the Manchurian railways a permanent possession is scarcely less masked. And there are other minor points which discretion bids leave here undiscussed. If Manchuria comes through the ordeal of these many difficulties successfully, it will be simply due to the fact that Chinese dead- weight has at last assumed a more militant form and that Japan recognizes the change. For that Russia does not care to associate herself in any way with Japan in Manchuria; that she is bound in the end to fall back on her Amur railway seems unalterably plain. Here we reach the third and last phase of this examination — the immediate Chinese task. By examining in the next section the vital points on the Chinese side we are able to understand once and for all the last limits of this vexing question. III. The situation being such as has been described, first from the general international standpoint and secondly from the more par- ticular Russo-Japanese standpoint, it seems plain that if there is The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem 51 one thing above all others on which Chinese efforts in Manchuria should immediately be concentrated it is on questions of finance: First, the primitive question of currency, and then the more com- plicated question of a general Manchurian budget which will harmonize taxation and expenditure, and oppose an effective modern system to the alien forc^ in the country. In no part of the empire has currency been in such an inchoate condition as in Manchuria. For many years in certain marts there were actually no coins at all, not even copper cash, the entire business being conducted on a basis just one stage above primitive barter, a credit system which was peculiarly pernicious because it was grounded not on currency but on commodities. Conditions have been lately improved by a large importation of copper coins, subsidiary silver, and even silver dollars, but the absence of token coins is still so marked and primitive ideas show themselves still so tenacious that banks, such as the modern Bank of Communication, issue silver dollar notes promising to pay bearer not one silver dollar but ten lo-cent pieces ! A region that measures its wealth in a petty subsidiary coinage, that is admittedly badly minted and debased in value, is surely deserving of the worst censure. Were Gresham's Law an infallible law this debased currency should have swept the country clear of all sound currency, such as Japanese yen-notes and Russian roubles. But this law, although applicable in ordinary circumstances, is proved the very opposite in Manchuria, thanks to the existence of that formidable imperium in imperio, the Manchurian railway system, which knows no money but its own. Thus to all intents and purposes not only does the present defective Chinese currency penalize the people, but it exposes them to far greater political dangers by allowing the rapid expansion of these alien currencies which are becoming more and more highly prized because they are based on sound finance and not on makeshifts. Furthermore, so long as there is no sufficient stock of minted Chinese money in the country, neutral European banks — themselves a powerful guarantee of the open door — cannot be expected to open offices in Manchuria. Had there been in Manchuria even the relatively small circulation of silver dollars which there is in the other eighteen provinces, European banking agencies would have been opened long ago at the principal marts of Harbin, Changchun, Mukden and Newchwang. It has become 52 The Annals of the American Academy absolutely essential then that silver dollars and subsidiary coins, to the gross amount of at least two dollars per head of native popula- tion, or say forty million dollars in all, be put at once into circula- tion, and that the forced retirement of all the heterogeneous mass of paper money, such as tiao notes, merchants' transferable drafts, and subsidiary silver notes be forthwith ordered. This means nothing less than that the whole of the new cur- rency reform must be directed first of all on Manchuria, where modern methods have become for political reasons so vitally essen- tial. A proper banking scheme must go hand in hand with mere currency reform; and in this one matter there are years of hard and conscientious work. The capital of the only two modern Chinese banks, the Ta Ching Government Bank and the Board of Communications Bank, is at present wholly insufficient even for the Manchurian provinces; that they, as at present constituted, should be expected to manage the internal finance work of an immense empire in the throes of modernization is ridiculous. The second point which demands treatment equally urgently is the question of the complete policing, as distinguished from the mere garrisoning, of the country on a modern basis. A Man- churian mounted constabulary, of precisely the same nature as, for instance, the Canadian mounted police, or the Italian carabinieri, is urgently needed. Taking the latter illustration as a peculiarly useful comparison at the present moment, it may be mentioned that the Italian carabinieri, consisting of some 25,000 men, cleared Italy of a brigandage much older and better established than Manchurian brigandage, and speedily won that confidence in law and order which is precisely what is needed at the moment all over Manchuria. A mounted military police, distributed in chains of posts in every part of the country and centralized in the viceregal seat, Mukden, would soon- secure the execution of Article II of the Chino- Japanese Treaty and thus immeasurably strengthen China's hand. A Chinese commission of study could not do better than proceed abroad, enlisting skilled technical aid in the establishment of the necessary training centers in Manchuria. The third point, which is equally urgent if the future is properly measured, is the question of Chinese emigration to Manchuria, that is, assisted emigration. A proper government department is required which will steadily fertilize and strengthen the vast The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem 53 resources of a region as extensive as France and Germany com- bined, by the simple method of directing a great stream of migration on to the unoccupied land from the more congested provinces. This will be the best monetary investment it is possible to find; in the modern vi^orld, as in all times, the greatest riches are industrious men, of whom China has tens of millions living on the verge of starvation. The most generous estimates give Manchuria to-day a population of only twenty millions ; there is room for one hundred millions and more; and remembering that modern frontiers are formed by flesh and blood and nothing else, it will be at once apparent that every extra million of men that go into the country will increase China's strength and resisting power immeasurably. These three points are undoubtedly the essentials which demand immediate attention: finance, police and migration. Automatically they will bring in their train that astounding progress which has marked Canada's latest years of development. But hardly less important is the need of better communications throughout the country. Vast regions are still virtually isolated save during the winter months, when the rude tracks which do service as roads are frozen over. A system of light railways, independent of the present system or of any future trunk system, is certainly needed, and in proportion as the strength of the country grows so should the means of rapid intercommunication be improved. Likewise it should be borne in mind that in Manchuria there are few or none of the prejudices which linger in many of the older provinces, and therefore in the two great fields of agriculture and mining there is also room for instant action. In the matter of agriculture some progress had been made already in experimental work; but it is an open question whether the government should not have recourse at once to the methods adopted with success by Russia in Siberia; that is, of becoming a dealer on a large scale in agricultural machinery, and in securing the general introduction of that machinery amongst the peasantry by inaugurating a system of gradual payments for relatively high-priced articles. In Northern and Western Manchuria large model farms could be very success- fully established; every one admits that. Similarly in the matter of mining it is senseless not to take the bull by the horns, and promote modern mining not by a system of concessions, which has proved so unsatisfactory in China, but by a claims system. By 54 The Annals of the American Academy making it a sine qua non that registration of mining companies can only be effected in Peking and that Chinese jurisdiction must be admitted in the articles of association, the beginning of a modus vivendi might be secured which could eventually be extended all over the empire, and lead not only to a great development of Chinese wealth, but to a great development of Chinese political strength as well. China should learn a lesson from Japan's signal failure in this field, where excessive protectionism has made the introduction of neutral capital next to impossible, and thereby directly arrested what should be in the modern world a normal and far-reaching growth. Mining in Japan is utterly unimportant compared with the development it has received in Europe and America ; and unless mining becomes important in China her general industrial expan- sion will be directly impeded, whilst a new and profitable source of taxation will be left untapped. That a proper beginning on a modern basis should now be made in Manchuria is moreover a political necessity. Whilst the truth of all this need not be doubted, it is now amply evident that in the last analysis, as the writer has already insisted again and again, the solution of the Manchurian question is no longer a local question, that is a question of this or that improve- ment, of this or that activity, but a question of pure Peking politics. That is to say, Manchuria is destined to be the infallible touchstone by which the success of the Peking Government as a modern gov- erning instrument will be coldly measured. A plan needs now to be publicly laid down which will secure that in a single decade, before 1923, the currency, the complete system of railways, the army, will be in full working order. In the modern world the one argument that counts is the argument of readiness. Every access of strength in Peking will be automatically reflected iti Manchuria ; every sound move in Peking will strengthen the forces of conserva- tion ; every honest word will find its resonant echo on the banks of the Yalu as on the banks of the Amur, and tend to revive those spa- cious days when the decrees of a Chien Lung were not only listened to with awe from the deserts of Mongolia to the swamps of Annam, but unhesitatingly obeyed. Finished will then be those dreary times when the meticulous attention devoted to some petty question by the highest officers of the Chinese state awoke the derision not only of satirists, but of the sim.ple-minded as well ; and only in the halting The One Solution of the Manchurian Problem 55 periods of some unperceptive traveler, whose footsteps had blindly guided him to a land falsely held to be steeped in unfathomable mystery, will it be possible to recover a confusing impression of vanished treaty-port and leased-territory days, with their vain talk of spheres of influence, of inalienable rights belonging to mediaeval- ism and only the mediasvalism. Modernization is all that is re- quired, rapid modernization, instant modernization. /• Out of chaos thus springs order, the order based on the proper development of inalienable ethnical rights. A general admission that this is so, that the curtain must be rung down on stupid days, is already growing. When everyone at last openly proclaims it, even the brain of a Moltke could not conceive of a militarism which would deny it. ("There is somebody more clever than Monsieur Voltaire," said Talleyrand, "c'est tout le monde." ) It is, then, nothing more than the world's moral support that China sorely needs. May it soon be openly given! THE OPEN DOOR By Frederick McCormick, New York. At the beginning of this century the attention of world men, by which I mean those who think in terms of nations not of pockets like the provincial, was called to the fact that as to nations, the future is to the Russians and to the Chinese. Of the two the advan- tages seem to favor the Chinese because of their moral solidarity, civilization, competence, Lnd industry, which no internal or external disorder has ever been able to break down, and their extensive natural resources. The Russians hold these views, and the directors of Russia's destiny are guided by them as a vague and impressive fear. Of the present great political doctrines of the world the fore- most are the Monroe Doctrine, and the Open Door. Both are American. Unless America repudiates her place and responsibilities in the world at large, these two doctrines will dominate the politics and progress of this century, because they concern the undeveloped industrial regions of greatest potential wealth and power, and toward which mankind is turned. Of these two doctrines the foremost is the Open Door, whose importance has been great enough to have dominated the first decade of the century. Here are a few of its influences: its prin- ciples caused the most extensive military pilgrimages of modern times — those to Peking in 1900 — and a few years later were the avowed cause on Japan's part of what was in some ways the greatest war of civilization, the Russo-Japanese War. Besides causing all the wars of the decade (Open Door Decade) it became the bone of contention, dividing the great powers of the world into two strong groups, one under the leadership of Japan, the other under that of America, whose interests are apparently irreconcil- able, and in this way it has created foreign affairs in their largest sense for the United States. And finally the war danger surrounding this contention over the principles of the Open Door has been the chief alarm behind the arbitration and peace movement in America (56) The Open Door 57 and Europe, and its complications were the direct means of bringing forward the arbitration treaties signed between America and Great Britain, and America and France, August 3, 191 1, furnishing as they did, the opportunity for Great Britain by signing the treaty to remedy the evils which the Anglo-Japanese alliance had wrought in the position of Anglo-Saxons in the Pacific, the effect being to unite the British colonies with the United States in the causes of the West, and by effacing herself from the list of America's pos- sible enemies leave the United States free to promote the principles of the Open Door. The world of international affairs has thus laid down the lines of an Open Door Era, or conflict, with America in the breach, and with problems in the solution of which there are no guiding parallels. America's geographical and political position is midway between the theatres of these two doctrines of the Americas and Eastern Asia. America is a strong, unbroken, untried, and powerful nation of vast ideas and intense purposes. For several reasons, therefore, she is the center of the international stage of the Pacific, and one of several unknown elements of vast potentiality there, of which China is another. She has done several things to deserve this position, and the chief reason why she is the power in the breach of these Pacific questions is, that, after acquiring the Philippines and her Pacific territories in 1898 she, in 1899, established the Open Door, equal opportunity, and integrity of China doctrine among the Powers, in 1900 sent an army to Peking in its interest, in 1908^ a battleship fleet to Eastern Asia and around the world for this purpose, and the Japanese question, and began with striking energy to open the Isthmus of Panama to let her navy and all Atlantic commerce into the Pacific — a work worthy of China that built the great wall and the grand canal — and in 1910 and 191 1, with surprising diplomacy in which she challenged all the great Powers, she forged for her finance, industry, government, and national ideals, a firm place in China's industrial and political development equal with the greatest nations. And last, if she so elects, she is the "god in the car" of the future of the Pacific because she is the largest and most powerful state in the Western Hemisphere * The dispatch of a division of the American Army, composed of all arms of the service and fully equipped for a campaign, was one of the most extreme acta of executive authority In the history of the United States. — John W. Foster, Ex-Secretary of State. 58 The Annals of the American Academy and in the Pacific. What she is to do is a subject in the determina- tion of which every citizen may now take a permanent interest, and most have already discovered a relation, if not along political lines, at least with respect to the question as represented by the presence of Mongolians in America and of the word in the American federal laws. When the word Mongolian was employed in the federal laws, none imagined that it was itself to be the emblem of foreign affairs of immense magnitude for a nation whose first President warned against foreign entanglements. Those entanglements were ours at the end of what I have called the Open Door Decade (1900-1910). The United States was involved with Eastern Asia and Europe on the west (Open Door), as she is involved with Europe on the east (Monroe Doctrine). And since the greatest questions exist there, foreign affairs in their widest sense have come from Eastern Asia. Even the constitution was made in an age of darkness respecting Eastern Asia; Confucius was merely a name; the statesmen, sages, builders, artists, writers, of China and of Japan were not then known, as they are nearly unknown to-day. Since that age Eastern Asia has written its own mandate across the European tradition respecting Asia, and across some of our federal laws, the latter circumstance involving one of the problems in the Pacific, and the enlightenment respecting Eastern Asia that has now begun both in Europe and in America may be written down in the words Open Door Doctrine better than 'in any other form. The Pacific question to Americans is locked up in the affairs of three countries, Japan, China, and America. Western Asia gave religion to the world. If China is the key to "the world's politics of the next five centuries," as John Hay said it was. Eastern Asia has given grand politics to the world, and Eastern Asia is China and Japan. Japan is now a first-class Power in the Western sense, having a highly organized government with a competent military, and she is steadily increasing in enlightenment, prosperity, strength and power. China is the nation of greatest bulk in the world, is in a state of change and progress, possesses the sinews and has the visible prospects of being a first-class .Power, and furnishes not only the most important example of effort at constitutional and representa- tive government ever attempted, but the most important attempt at reform in the history of man. The Open Door 59 These two nations and races are America's permanent asso- ciates in the "world's politics of the next five centuries." A study of the world's politics during the awakening of China shows that in times of crisis over China a majority of Western nations, influ- enced by the American disseminated doctrine of the Open Door have held back in Eastern Asia, generally willing to be led by America, and this opportunity and responsibility has been perma- nently accepted by America in the interest first of her present trade and future commerce and peace, and second in the interest of China and all the Powers equally. American financiers entered the field of China's industrial regeneration, 1909, and now the United States has physical interests there identical with those of the greatest Powers, thus giving adequate support to the position she has taken as the advocate of the Open Door. The natural effect upon Japan of the active material interest pol- icy adopted by the United States in Eastern Asia, and the setting up of the Open Door principles of equal opportunity and especially that of the integrity of China's sovereignty and territory, has been to introduce along with it the influences and principles of the Monroe Doctrine upon which Japan seized and has now made a part of her policy towards the world. The Monroe Doctrine for Eastern Asia means that Western Powers are not to expect to extend their sovereignty and institutions there. This policy upon the part of Japan would exactly suit this country if it were a certainty that Japan herself was not destined to extend her own authority on the continent of Asia and thus traverse the principles of the integrity of China and the equal rights of Western Powers. The fact is that to Japan American policy introduces the principles of no extension of Western authority in Eastern Asia, because it throws into such insistent relief those facts of Japan's position on the Asian continent and her political alliances and complications with Russia and European Powers that make her an opponent of the integrity of the Chinese Empire. It cannot be disputed that for several years now a diplomatic battle has been going on between Japan and America, until recently much to Japan's advantage, which has divided the Powers interested in Eastern Asia into two camps. The superior political and diplomatic sagacity of Japan in Eastern affairs enabled her to marshal the frontier powers of China into a frontier compact. These frontier powers, Great Britain and Japan, 6o The Annals of the American Academy France and Russia, are allied offensively and defensively, while France and Japan have agreed together respecting frontier interests, Great Britain and Russia have agreed together regarding frontier interests, and finally Russia and Japan themselves reached an agree- ment on Chinese frontier interests July 4, 1910, the main point of which agreement is the maintenance of the status quo in northern China. Needless to say the "status quo" of Russia and Japan in north China is something which China considers to be contrary to the Portsmouth Treaty, the Ching-Komura Convention, a violation not only of treaties but of the Open Door, the integrity of China's sovereignty, and of her territorial integrity. But with respect to influencing the great Powers in their atti- tudes toward China, the American policy, upon the success of Japan in getting Russia to sign with her an agreement, was thus out- manoeuvered at the end of the Open Door Decade. The political forces of the Powers in Eastern Asia were then marshaled by Japan upon the side of material frontier interests, and America saw that the Open Door was becoming more of a name than anything else. It was at this juncture that the government in Washington devised a plan for marshaling the financial and capitalistic interests of the Powers in China proper and in Manchuria, and centering those interests on the policy of industrial development, persuading China of the wisdom of a liberal use of foreign capital in the development of her empire. In this way the political interests of Japan and of Russia especially, were combatted, so as to offset the tendency to territorial and jurisdictional encroachment, and as both Russia's and Japan's weaknesses were found in their several incapacities to furnish capital to China and therefore to formidably oppose this movement, this plan succeeded, and America was able to see formed in China an alliance of the interests of the four capitalistic powers already mentioned on financial and commercial lines which stand in opposition to the political interests of the frontiers. It may be said, therefore, that the Open Door Doctrine already has led the United States to undertake unusual measures, and assume unprecedented responsibilities, in the promotion and perpetuation of it in Eastern Asia. Unless China is broken up by some unexpected though not wholly impossible cataclysm her future will largely depend upon the outcome of the struggle between these forces of the frontier (or Manchurian) allies whose interests and The Open Door 6i political action tend to disintegrate China, and the capitalistic allies whose interests tend to build up China from the center out- ward, and if China could have peace within might conquer the evils she has allowed to form about her frontiers. America's course for several years now has served to fasten upon her the respon- sibility of maintaining a foremost place in this contest, and these latest activities of 1910-1911 only leave her on the threshold of yet greater possibilities and responsibilities. What these are may be imagined by those students of Eastern aflfairs whose knowledge of the forces working within the Chinese race and nation equals their understanding of the necessities, aims, opportunities, and intentions of the frontier powers. That, in fact, is the Open Door question. THE LIFE OF A GIRL IN CHINA By Miss Li Yieni Tsao, M. D. Within the last thirty years, a great deal of literature has been produced on China and things Chinese. The prevailing tendency among writers is to belittle and condemn. Each writer tries to draw his own conclusion from a carefully selected set of facts ready for his manipulation. One-sided facts could very successfully hoodwink the readers who are not acquainted with other than what are fur- nished. However, it has been generally acknowledged that critics usually present the dark side more energetically than the bright. Recently, sociological studies have broadened the minds of men so that the attitude of one people for another has changed from one of off-hand condemnation to sympathetic interest. In depicting the life of a Chinese girl in China, the writer would neither defend the position of her country-women against the onslaught of critics, nor paint a rosy picture, but make a faithful description of the situation, with the hope that some of her readers might volunteer to furnish help in breaking down the bad religious and social customs that fetter the girls and women of China. Realizing the difficulty in ameliorating the condition of Chinese women without first locating the chief social bulwarks that have been responsible for it, it is with a deep sense of responsibility that the writer proceeds with the discussion. Since it is not the writer's intention to prove any definite con- clusion advocated, it would be well to lay down at the start certain fundamental sociological principles that have been generally acknowledged and which might likely serve to elucidate the situation. I. — Man and woman dififer, as Tennyson has it: "Woman is not man undeveloped but diverse." This is univer- sally true. II. — A. The society that is based upon the old, is conservative. This is true of China. B. The society that is based upon the young, is progres- sive. This is true of the West. In China the young obeys the old, in the West the old yields to the young. (62) The Life of a Girl in China 63 III. — A. Chinese home-life emphasizes solidarity. B. Western home-life emphasizes individualism. The Chinese family is a co-operative community which necessitates a constant self-sacrifice. The western family is an independent unit which develops a self- reliant aggressive spirit. IV. — In the struggle for existence, the protected becomes weak ; the unprotected strong. Space does not permit the amplification of the above state- ments, but a little reflection would be sufficient to convince any one of their validity as they have been universally admitted. However, in the course of description, whenever occasion arises reference will be made to them explicitly. Wherever possible, comparisons between the eastern and western life will also be used. China is now undergoing a period of transition and so many conditions have changed that one is often placed on the horns of a dilemma in g.ving a faithful portrayal ; one is either tempted to present too much of the modern life or else of the life prior to the influence of Christianity and western culture. Inasmuch as modern ideals have only affected the coast provinces and treaty ports, it is deemed advisable to depict a Chinese girl's life which was universally true throughout China some thirty years ago. A . Early . Childho od The advent of a girl in a Chinese family has rarely been an event of joy as compared with that caused by the arrival of a boy; of course this is not true of Chinese Christian homes. Aside from the economic, the chief reasons for disappointment are because a daughter cannot offer the annual ancestral sacrifice, glorify the family by official appointment through literary attainments, and perpetuate the family name. In a society where reverence for the old (II A) has become ancestral worship, the above considerations assume an alarming degree of importance. In general, the baby girl receives the same tender care as a boy would as soon as maternal philoprogenitiveness overcomes the first impulse of disappointment as shared by friends and relatives alike. Up to the age of five or six, the child participates equally in the privileges of her brother, excepting those that would tend to make her a "Tomboy." (I). At the age of five or six, however, the line 64 The Annals of the American Academy of demarcation becomes more distinct between the boy and the girl. This landmark is the wicked and senseless custom of foot-binding, which has done much to weaken the constitution of our women and harden the natural love of mothers for their young. A pair of small feet though at first considered as a form of beauty, has, in course of time, become a mark of gentility, and therefore all families which could lay claim to a genteel ancestry would feel duty bound to cramp the toes of their girls. This custom is by no means uni- versal, for the Manchus of the north, the Hakkas of the south, and the agricultural class in many sections of the country do not appreciate this form of "hobble" beauty. The duty of administering this unnatural torture devolves upon the mothers who, in stamping their own flesh with the mark of gentility, have for generations gone about the task with dogged determination and oftentimes with many a bitter tear. Fond fathers have interceded in vain against this invulnerable custom which has served time and again as a cause for an unquiet bouse. Rare excep- tions are known when both parents agree to supply their daughters with stilted shoes as a measure to defeat the practice. Generally, the mothers have forgotten their past sufferings, and feeling proud of their own small feet, apply bandages to their daughters' feet desperately. On the other hand, the child is henceforth placed in a different sphere from the boy. Cries, protests, lamed feet and a sedentary life label her as a Chinese girl. B. Her Education The education received by the Chinese girl before the advent of the Mission Schools and the modern school system was a neg- ligible quantity. Kindergarten and domestic science were unknown from the modern educational standpoint; physical education was impossible on account of the bandaged feet; for even walking was too painful at the beginning. Under the old tutorial system, educa- tion had as its aim, the training of men for business or government service, and since women were not supposed to receive official posi- tions, their education was therefore not deemed as absolutely necessary. This, however, does not imply the utter negligence of female education ; for loving parents had often given their daughters the rudiments of knowledge in common with their sons under the The Life of a Girl in China 65 same family or village tutor, and sometimes even an advanced literary education was imparted to them. Under such circumstances, the children of the ignorant and the poor are wholly neglected as a matter of course, and it is only with the advent of universal and compulsory education that this condition can be remedied. But in the upper and middle classes, girls gener- ally go to school till the age of adolescence when it was considered improper for them to be seen constantly out of doors, so it is only in families where tutors could be afforded that their education so far as reading and writing are concerned may be prolonged. The curriculum covered coincides with what a boy generally learns up to the age of twelve or fourteen, excepting a few books which have special reference to the duties of a girl. This implies a general knowledge of reading and writing letters and some ciphering. After that time till marriage, the greater part of the time would be devoted to sewing, embroidery, cooking and general domestic art. These duties often mean an endless task in helping to furnish the house- hold with simple articles of dress and food, such as hats, shoes, socks, shirts and preserves, pastry, etc. In households of reduced circumstances piecework in sewing, pastry, lanterns, making match- boxes, weaving baskets and the minor employment of the silk and tea industries might be carried on as a means of keeping the wolf out (III A). C. Her Social and Moral Life A Chinese girl has very little social life to speak of. This is also true of the boy when compared with Tom Brown at Rugby. In fact, the rigid paternalistic oversight (IV) has reduced the initiative of Chinese youths to a considerable extent. As eastern society is based upon the principle of filial piety, it has become almost a second nature to obey one's parents', elders and superiors. While obedience is a good discipline, pushed to the extreme it has a weakening effect upon the moral fibre of the young. Often times, children have to put up with unreasonable parents just because cus- tom requires it, and any infringement would be eyed with disappro- bation from all. "Well, it may not be the best, but what of that, she is after all your mother," is a phrase constantly heard addressed to a revolting child. Westerners have watched with great surprise 66 The Annals of the American Academy the meek submission with which Chinese children, and even adults, receive the reasonable and unreasonable chastisement of their parents. It is likewise a surprise for the easterners to see the west- ern youths behave towards their parents. In the East, society is based upon the old, and in the West, upon the young; thus in the former the young has no voice while in the latter, the old is con- sidered a back number (II A, B). Since of children is required so much obedience, a boy's climb- ing, swimming and fighting instincts are curbed as far as the apron strings could reach. As girls lead a much more indoor life, constant supervision has made freedom of action almost impossible. Physical exercise beyond the most rudimentary such as is seen in the kinder- gartens of the West, is practically unknown. The few social enjoyments usually mean dressing up and being on behavior. The chief occasions that send a ripple of cheer and excitement through the heart of a Chinese girl would be attending a fair, a theatrical performance, a sewing circle, a birthday or a wedding. Short trips are sometimes made to gardens during the flowering seasons, to a temple for worship or to witness a religious procession." But upon all occasions she is chaperoned. To go out with young men by themselves for a walk or a ride would shock the people as much as it would a nice old French aunt. Exceptions are made to this rule of near relations and intimate friends of the family in case of parties. Judged from the western standpoint, none of the above so-called enjoyments would appeal very strongly, but to a Chinese girl she would be lucky to have one every now and then. The moral teaching is chiefly derived from two sources, namely : from the books she has studied and from parental teachings. If she is an untutored girl then her moral ideas are acquired chiefly from moral stories or through the incidents of daily life. Chinese folk-lore is rich with anecdotes and stories, and a few of them would expound certain morals as definitely as .Ssop's fables do. Religious training is often no more than a series of minor household duties connected with sacrifices to gods and ancestors. On very rare occasions, young girls come into contact with Buddhist monks at masses either said at the house or at the monastery. These monks have often proven to be men of the world, and the learned ones are able to expound the doctrines as emphasized by Buddhism in a very convincing manner. But what has Buddhism The Life of a Girl in China 6^ done for Chinese womanhood ? It has degraded it. As long as the numerous superstitions of this religion and others remain in the Middle Kingdom, Chinese women will never be placed upon an equal standing with men. Therefore, the first duty is to enlighten the darkened minds, and with this enlightenment, superstitions will take their natural flight. It is needless for the writer to say, that only Christianity can accomplish this tremendous task, no human power ever can. D. Engagement and Marriage Foot-binding is the first landmark to a girl at the age of five, the other two landmarks of greater importance are engagement and marriage at the age of twelve to fourteen and sixteen to twenty, respectively. From these, the boys also are not exempted; only such a catastrophe is with them deferred by two to four years. Marriage is a universal custom in China, and spinsters are rare. Marriages are arranged by parents. This is most unrea- sonable, viewed from the western standpoint, but if we give it a little consideration, this social custom is quite rationally evolved. Be it understood, that engagements and marriages are much earlier in China, and therefore to expect a girl of twelve or fourteen to make a free choice of her own would be disastrous. Therefore, in the West a law raises the age of consent, and in the East, pater- nalistic assistance comes to the rescue (II A, III A. B). While it is generally acknowledged that a girl should not marry earlier than eighteen, oftentimes, due to the desire of a grandfather or a sick parent on either side, marriages are hastened. In compliance to the last wish of such a parent (II A), youths are united in their early teens, and this is made feasible by the communistic family life (III A) or else the wherewithal for self-support could not be earned by the youthful bridegroom. With regard to what part the personal consent of the parties thus united will play, the wishes of the parents will determine. Generally they alone would decide, but sometimes an opportunity for interview between the parties might be arranged. As parents would reasonably select a party of the same station of life and pay some attention to personal appearance and temperament, the youthful parties could be reasonably expected to give a blushing consent. The chief reasons why they do not protest and show so 68 The Annals of the American Academy much insubordination as a western youth would, are first, because they are young, and second, because they never had anyone of their own choice in view. It is not Romeo and JuHet, but the story of The Tempest universahzed. Both the boy and the girl accept the other as the first love and as soon as they are united, each is willing to go half way to meet the wishes of the other. In addition to this, the difficulty to obtain a divorce further increases the mutual desire to live peacefully together. Marriage in the West often means the removal of sentimental masks of mutual consid- ration; while in the East, it is the beginning of love-making. To sum up briefly, we cannot say exactly that the children have no voice in the engagement, but as a fact they have nothing to say, being young and having no one else in view; neither can we say that marriage is not sacred, for only the first wife enjoys the full privileges of a wedding ceremony and this binding tie is very difficult to annul; nor can we say there is no love, although no party ever openly admits it. Even foreign critics say that love does exist only in a manner that is to be taken for granted. E. Her Married Life The married life of a Chinese girl is doublefold, namely: her relation to her husband and to his family. She is married to the family (II A), more than to her husband, as he is often so young that he is merely a student or an apprentice. The bride is received into the family as an additional child to be trained in the duties of life. She is indeed no mistress in the house. Why should she and how could she be? The relation of a wilful bride and an unreason- able mother-in-law can assume all the critical degrees of such strained relations. But if the girl knows her duties as a daughter-in- law and fully realizes as most girls do, that she is merely on the par with her junior husband in his father's home, then things can proceed smoothly (II A). In a country where marriage is so early and education so limited among girls, to give control of the house- hold to the inexperienced brides would wreck many a home. This paternalistic and sometimes galling supervision is only reduced when the son becomes a self-supporting man or when the bride becomes mother to a son. It is motherhood and not wifehood that increases the privileges of independence in China. Wives are given to sons by parents that they may have an additional junior to The Life of a Girl in China 69 serve them. The old people expect service from the young who in turn may expect the same from their juniors later on, but not while seniors are still living in the same household — in a word, family solidarity rests upon obedience and service to the elders (III A). In contrast to this, we find in the West later marriages by personal choice, while the parents resign themselves to a lonesome old age, alleviated only by an occasional visit from their children and grand- children (III). Communistic family life oppresses the young wife and individualistic life sends the old widowed mother to a boarding house or a home. Another phase of a woman's life which may possibly fall upon her is widowhood. There is no greater calamity which can befall a Chinese woman than that of early widowhood. Of the four great virtues, patriotism, filial piety, fidelity and righteousness, to which monuments are erected all over the land, fidelity of women is the most commemorated. The moral reasons for this custom are not far to seek, but the practice of it is the most pitiful. Widows that have children and are in good circumstances would never think of remarrying, but the pitiful aspect is the struggle of poor widows practising fidelity. F. Motherhood and Old Age In the East, motherhood is the crowning period of her life in spite of cares for the young and worries over household affairs (II A, B). Old age is a continuation of motherhood, then she rules supreme in the family in the absence of her husband. Her past sufferings, experiences and maternal cares combine to make her a matron obeyed by her children and respected in the community. In conclusion, a Chinese girl's life has none of the privileges and pleasures of her western sister. She has less education and social knowledge, but she is taught to be filial and self-sacrificing. This paternalistic policy assures her of marriage and she is not expected to earn her own living. The western sister is better educated and more independent, but she is expected to take care of herself. Communistic life is conservative and weak as compared with the individualistic (III A), but progress has been bought with the trying struggles of self-supporting girls and bachelor maids. No doubt, with the coming of more universal education and better 70 The Annals of the American Academy economic life in China, the individual will be raised. Already, among the rising generation, constant rebellions of children against parental authority in early engagement and marriage are heard of (II A, B). Truly, the problem of the Chinese girl is a great one and nothing will solve it except that which will raise the standard of womanhood. Education alone does not accomplish it, for go back to the days when Rome and Babylon and Egypt were in the height of their education; what was the condition of womanhood in those days? It was demoralized beyond words. Therefore, the only solution to this tremendous problem is the widespreading of Christianity and Christian education. If the readers of this short and incomplete article could only go with the writer, first to a non- Christian home and then to a Christian home in China, even the most bigoted could see the difference and also find the factor which brings about this change — for to be a Christian in China is to live as one. A WEDDING IN SOUTH CHINA By Miss Ying-Mei Chun, Wellesley, Mass. A wedding in South China is characterized by gay and noisy parades, and big and elaborate -feasts. It is more attractive and expressive of merriment than an American wedding, but is less solemn and almost too trivial to mark the turning point of the history of two lives. There is no occasion, unless it is New Year, in China which gives a greater pleasure to youths and children than a wedding. There is nothing which grown people as well as children so thoroughly enjoy. Every person in town may enjoy seeing the parades and every friend or relative, no matter how distant, is invited to participate in the feasts which are prepared at the wedding. Since a wedding is such an elaborate affair, it is not confined to one day. The ceremonies begin at least ten days before the actual marriage. They begin with what is called in the Cantonese dialect "The passing of the big parade." This "passing of the big parade" is a gift made by the bridegroom's parents to the bride's family. Unlike the gift which is either delivered by the postman or express- man, it is one that is carried in trays measuring three feet by six by twenty or thirty men dressed in festive costume. The gift consists largely of eatables, such as cakes, candies, nuts, ham, both cooked and live geese, chickens and ducks. Besides the eatables there are two or three articles which are meant especially for the bride. They are ornaments for the hair and a small sum of money. The bride's family accepts almost everything in the trays. In order to show their gratitude and appreciation they send back in the trays their good wishes, which are expressed in small red packages of money and also baked pigs, which are a sign of prosperity. As both families are unable to consume all the eatables on hand, they distribute them among their friends and relatives. While they are making this distribution they take the occasion to invite the wedding guests. From the time the invitations are issued to the wedding day the two families are busily engaged in (71) 72 The Annals of the American Academy completing their preparations. In a tactful manner the mother of the bride first announces the marriage to her daughter. Immediately the girl runs to her room to hide and weep, as a sign of her deep sorrow at having to leave her home. She refuses to appear at meals or come out to see anybody. During this time her intimate friends and companions come to stay with her and cheer her up. Since the marriage has been announced, nothing needs to be kept secret. The mother openly packs the trunks and puts in them articles which her daughter has expressed her desire for. She employs tailors to make her daughter's dresses and bed clothes; packers to fasten the furniture together ; and decorators to decorate and arrange the trunks, bureaus, chairs, tables, cooking utensils and other things, so that they may look attractive in the parade. Three days before the wedding these articles are removed by men in festive costume to the house of the bridegroom. While the bride's mother is preparing the trousseau the bridegroom's parents are vacating several rooms where they may place the furniture of their daughter-in-law. As soon as the furniture arrives, they put it in place and the house is ready for wedding feasts and guests. On the third day, that is, the wedding day, a long procession composed of lanterns, bands, flags, clowns and a gilded sedan chair, reaches the door of the bride at the time set by the augur. This arrival of the procession means that the bride is to be taken away from her parents' home. The two Chinese words, one used for the marriage of a man and the other for the marriage of a woman, are very descriptive of a Chinese marriage. The word for the marriage of a man is "take," that is, to take possession of some one or to take some one to his home. The word applying to the marriage of a woman is "cross over the door." The procession comes to take some one who is to cross the door or come out of her home. The bride never intends to leave her home as soon as the procession arrives. She lingers until night assures the mother that it is unwise for her daughter to tarry any longer. She pleads at the door of her daughter's room for admittance. When she fails in her attempt, she, with the help of the servants, forces the door open. Finally the daughter and her companions give up resisting and she herself permits the servants to dress her. After she is properly covered with red, the color of the wedding garment, from head to foot, she is brought out to the parlor, where she listens to A Wedding in South China 73 the prayers of an augur employed for the occasion, and where she bows before the household gods, ancestral tablets and her parents, to bid them farewell. Although the wedding is represented as very gay and happy, this moment of separation is almost too sad for the friends and relatives to bear. It is evident that the merrymaking pertains mostly to the family that is to receive the bride and not the family that is to part with her. After the parting ceremony the girl is taken to the gilded sedan chair. Amid the noise of fire- crackers and inharmonious music the procession moves on. It is customary for the younger brothers to accompany their sister to her destination and then return to report her safe arrival. While the groom's family are drinking and feasting the parade arrives. The groom comes out and knocks at the door of the sedan chair with his fan. He makes a bow to the chair and one to each of the bride's brothers. After having done so, he returns to the house. By this time the door of the sedan chair is open and the bride is taken into the house. Both the bride and groom kneel before the ancestral tablets and household gods and pay their honors to the aged relatives. After this the bride is taken tO' her room, where she awaits the groom to lift her veil. After the veil is taken off she puts on a beautiful court robe and a pearly crown. She is ready to appear before the relatives and friends of her husband. She, with the assistance of her servants, bows before the guests and serves them tea. Each guest in return for this kind favor hands over to her a gift in money. The amount varies according to the ability of the donor and his relation to the family. After feasting, and as a means of amusing themselves, the guests play jokes mercilessly upon the newly married couple, especially the bride. They make the bashful bride guess conun- drums, puzzles, do tricks which belong only to magicians, and answer embarrassing questions. Should she fail or refuse to do anything that is asked of her, she is subject to a forfeit either in money or in kind. Such merriment and joking last all night. On the morning of the third day after marriage the bride makes her parents a visit. The evening of that same day the groom pays his first respects to his father-in-law and mother-in-law. In his honor the parents-in-law give him a feast. After the feast is over he returns home. This formal ceremony of the third day marks the close of the wedding festivities. CAUSES OF CHINESE EMIGRATION By Pyau Ling, University of Wisconsin. Chinese emigration is a movement of the most singular char- acter. It is one which differs in purpose from emigration from European countries. Europeans come to America because of a sur- plus of population which depresses wages and drives the ambitious to better their economic conditions or to secure a greater degree of personal freedom. Apparently the same conditions lie back of Chinese emigration. In China the land is truly thickly peopled and the economic condition wretched. Still we cannot safely say that the Chinese emigrate entirely for these two purposes. Europeans may leave their abodes for political freedom or for religious toler- ance. The Chinese do not. The Chinese government is indeed despotic at the top, but it is democratic at the bottom. Religious persecutions, such as Catholics against Protestants and churchmen against dissenters which have been so prevalent in Europe, are entirely unknown in China. There are other factors which make Chinese emigration peculiar. Europeans come from all parts of the country; the Chinese come from certain parts only. Europeans go everywhere; the Chinese go somewhere only. Europeans come to teach, to trade, to work and to till the soil; the Chinese primarily come to labor, although trading is a later result. With Europeans, no matter male or female, old or young, they all come; with the Chinese only the young men emigrate. Europeans intend to settle permanently; the Chinese intend to go back. Europeans become citizens and are assimilated into American citizenship; the Chinese do not care for naturalization, nor for the native customs, manners and dress. Europeans go to places where they can find the greatest fortune; the Chinese crowd to countries where they can find the greatest number of friends and relatives. Europeans emigrate to countries where they are most favored ; the Chinese persist in land- ing where they are opposed by legislation and public opinion. With Europeans only the most favored class come ; with the Chinese only the least favored classes come. Chinese emigration has peculiar territorial limits not only in (74) Causes of Chinese Emigration 75 its destination but in its source. It is chiefly composed of young peasants coming from only six prefectures of the two southeastern provinces, Fookien and Kwantung, lying between Foochow and Canton. These adventurous emigrants have for centuries pene- trated through the Indian archipelago, have pushed through the Indian Ocean to Ceylon and Arabia, have reclaimed Formosa and Hainan, have established a remarkable trade with Cochin China, Cambodia and Siam and have introduced useful arts into Java, the Philippines and the Malay Peninsula. To-day they venture southward to Australia and far westward to Peru, Mexico, Canada, Cuba, and America in spite of the stringent laws those uncourteous countries have adopted to exclude them. When we think of the peculiarities surrounding this emigration, we cannot help believing that there are certain local characteristics which make Kwangtung and Fookien dififer from the other provinces of the empire. The inborn independent idea, the seafaring spirit, the early contact with western nations, the stress of war, the "Golden Romance," the traveling facilities, the social prejudice at home and the attachment to kindred — all these are factors that are laboring to make the Cantonese and Fookienese a migratory people. Still while we are pointing out the reasons why the other pro- vincials would not emigrate and why only the Cantonese and Foo- kienese emigrate, we cannot deny that the density of population in these provinces has an important influence. It is a world-known fact that China is overpopulated. Comparing the area and popula- tion of the Chinese empire and America, we find that in territory China is just about as large as the United States. But her popula- tion is five times as great. In China every square mile supports a hundred people, but in America twenty only, one-fifth as many. The mild climate of Southern China also encourages the increase of population. So Canton, one of the treaty ports, has an enormous population which, by the census of 1899, was 2,500,000, — compared with that of the northern cities, we find that this is more than thrice that of Hankow (709,000) or four times that of Shanghai (615,- 000), the great commercial center at the mouth of the Yangtse River. Much has been written by travelers about people living in boats on the Pearl River and about growing potatoes in the kitchens. Both these facts, though more or less exaggerated, show that the southeastern provinces are densely inhabited. 76 The Annals of the American Academy Aside from rapid multiplication, another influence impelling the people to emigrate is the peculiar family tradition which entitles the eldest son of the family to occupy the ancestral house. Suppose a man has five sons, which is not uncommon in Canton; his eldest son will have the house. The other four sons have each to build themselves a house. Again supposing these five sons each has a family of five children, how can these children, the land in Canton being so dear and labor so cheap, manage to house themselves? Generally they cannot, and emigration is the result. If China is overpopulated, why do not the people of other prov- inces emigrate ? Because China is not a migratory nation. The Chi- nese are home loving ; the Middle Kingdom is to them the center of civilization and all the surrounding countries are savage nations, nations where there is little to gain but much to lose. Until the present time the' outside world has been a chaos of mystery, un- known and forbidding to the Chinese. Not only would the respect- able people not voluntarily go outside the limits of the Celestial Empire, but even the desperate convicts and exiles dreaded ban- ishment to these distant lands. It is in democratic Canton that every man is considered the equal of every other man and all countries worthy of consideration. Even there the well-to-do do not emigrate. Students and merchants who can afford to stay, consequently stay. Conventional ideas, of course, keep the women at home. It is the wretched economic condition that has driven the young peasants out. What is this economic condition then? The! emigrants are almost exclusively peasants. At home they till their own soil and support their own families. Their income is little, but their families are enormous. When the harvest is good, they get barely sufficient to satisfy their hunger. In time of droughts which often occur in winter in the southeastern provinces, they suffer from the failure of crops. We have also to remember that it is the well-to-do pea- sants that have their own land to till. Those that have no land, labor for those that have. The misery of these laboring peasants in times when food is scarce we need not picture. When they are out of work, they seek to cut wood in the hills. By this new occu- pation they can obtain only enough to meet the demand of their homer and an extra meal, the reward of the whole day's labor being twenty or thirty cents. But hills are soon deforested and their Causes of Chinese Emigration 'py families are constantly threatened with starvation. Naturally these able-bodied, young peasants aspire for something greater, something by which they can better their own economic conditions and secure the ease and comfort of life. At home such excellent opportunities are lacking. They have to seek them abroad. But the economic condition like overpopulation, though having a good deal to do with emigration, cannot be said to be the sole cause. This is shown by the fact that in the north the provinces along the Yellow River are often not less disturbed by floods than are Kwangtung and Fookien by droughts. The great plague that ravaged the North last spring is one of the calamities that often befall those provinces and drive many to starvation and untimely graves. Yet the Northerners do not come out, not entirely because they are less ambitious, but because China is primarily not a migratory country. The emigration of the Cantonese and Foo- kienese can be accounted for only by the peculiar local character- istics of those two provinces. A marked characteristic of the people of Kwangtung and Foo- kien is their independent, adventurous and unbending spirit. The independent spirit of the Cantonese for instance, has long been fostered by the independence of their province which despised sub- mission to the Son of Heaven and which did not join the Celestial Empire till the Ming Dynasty about three hundred years ago. This unruly spirit their northern neighbors designate as "savageness,'' and they call the Cantonese tauntingly "the southern savages." Whether savage or not, Kwangtung preferred independence to ser- vile submission to the despotic rule of the central government and homage which their northern neighbors take pride in as a sign of civilization. The tribute, however, they did not fail to send to the throne even during the turbulent time of anarchism at the latter part of the Tong Dynasty (907 to 959 A. D.), when the other provinces revolted against the government. So Kwangtung always preserves its individuality. What the northern provinces did, it would not do ; what the northern provinces would not do, it did. This deep- rooted independent spirit no emperor could extirpate. Even the powerful Chen Chi Wong, who had in 249 B. C, brought the Six Feudal Kingdoms to- subjugation, did not know what to do with Kwangtung. The expedition he sent there met with firm resistance. Half was starved and half slain. The emperors of the Sung 78 The Annals of the American Academy Dynasty (960 to 1279 A. D.), instead of requiring the servile hom- age from the Cantonese, sought to curry their favor. They built a wall for them against the depredations of Cochin China. This in- dependent spirit is what the Northerners lack, is what the Northern- ers envy. It is, therefore, no wonder that, while their northern countrymen were bound by the idea of absolute seclusion, the people of Kwangtung and Fookien, on the other hand, traversed the South China Sea and crossed the Pacific Ocean to Hawaii and America. Their adventurous spirit has been fostered by their distant com- mercial enterprises. Their early commercial history showed con- siderable trade with the Romans. During the period of luxury Rome stood in want of silk, and silk came only from China. We can trace this as far back as the time of Virgil and Pliny. Virgil spoke of the soft wool obtained from the trees of the Seres or Chinese. Pliny, on the other hand, condemned the useless voyages made merely for that luxurious stuff. Smarkand and Bokhara were in these days the emporiums between the West and the East. Cara- vans traveled through the desert of Gobi till they reached the north- western province of Shensi. This route would have led the north- western provincials to trade with the Westerners, if it was not cut short by the Tartar robbers who constantly pillaged the loaded caravans. A more expeditious way was pursued, which was des- tined to confine the commerce entirely to Canton. The merchants took their ships from that port to Ceylon, where they sold their goods to the Persian merchants who crowded thither. During the Mohammedan ascendancy the Arabs penetrated the dreary deserts into China and established considerable trade in Canton, at that time known as Kanfu, literally the Cantonese Pre- fecture. From the "Voyages of the Two Arabian Travelers," we learn that Chinese junks loaded in Siraf for Maskat, thence for India and Kau-cammali. Having watered at Kau-cammali, they entered the Sea of Harkand and touched at Lajabalus whence they sailed for Kalaba. Thence they steered for Betuma and Senef . Having gotten through the gates of China, they waited for the flood tide to go to the fresh water gulf where they dropped their final anchor at Canton. This trade like the Roman trade was entirely confined to the southern port of Canton. So was the trade with the Indies. The Indian archipelago has always offered a field to the Chinese trade. Even in the Han Dynasty (202 B. C. to 220 A. D.), many Causes of Chinese Emigration 79 Chinese junks laden with emigrants sailed southward in quest of fortune; They went as far as Arabia, traded with Ceylon and Malacca and penetrated Borneo. As they had touched Archeen, they might have ventured to West Africa, if their junks had been adapted to such voyages. The Manchu inroads also forced many a Cantonese to leave his abode for the Straits Settlements. The Fookienese likewise pre- ferred shipwreck and death to an ignominious subjection to the Manchus. Able-bodied, young men from the eastern parts of Canton (Chaouchoofoo) and the southern districts of Fookien, Tunggau, Tseueuchoo and Changchoo sailed in large numbers for the islands of the Indian archipelago. This adventurous spirit was rendered unbending by the many struggles and difficulties they encountered, when they came into contact with the Western explorers. These haughty explorers, after their success in maritime discoveries in the sixteenth century, had rude ideas about the civilization of the colossal empire. Because China was peaceful, they thought they had found an easy prey — all their early acts being marked by bloodshed and violence. In 1520 the marauding Portuguese violated the family sanctuary of the Ningpo people. In 1543 the Spaniards occupied the Philippines and massacred the Cantonese traders. In 1622 the Dutch seized the Pescadores and erected fortifications there; this led to an incessant war of twenty-eight years with the Cantonese in Formosa. In 1635 the British fleet attacked the Bogue Fort of Canton. All these events led the Manchu government to stringent measures, resulting in the closing of all ports against the Westerners, confining the trade to Canton only. This gave the Cantonese the opportunity of dealing with these aggressive Westerners who were to them less mysterious than to their northern neighbors. Gradually it came to their knowl- edge that there was still land beyond the Four Seas and that there were countries rich in opportunities and fortune besides the Indies; when the great demand for labor in America arose, they flocked over the Pacific into the promised land. Other occurrences were destined to make the emigration inev- itable. First, the stress of war. At the end of the Ming Dynasty (1368 to 1644 A. D.), China was thrown into a chaos. The whole empire was at the mercy of dynastic aspirants and marauding sol- diers. Other disasters naturally resulted from the war. The 8o The Annals of the American Academy Manchus came in. Their ruthless spirit was such as, to quote the phrase of a celebrated Chinese historian, "to make a patriot's hair stand on the end." Thousands and thousands were put to the sword. Cities were sacked and looted. The Manchurian invaders spread terror everywhere they went. The most unfortunate prov- ince was Kwangtung, where the survivors of the Ming Dynasty took refuge. Every means was employed to extirpate the royal family, so every means was employed to destroy the place of refuge. A traveler who visits Southern China can still see the great wastes which were formerly sites of flourishing towns and villages. Not only this, adventurous Canton could not enjoy a quiet day. The aggressive Westerners, who were disgusted with the haughty man- ner of the Manchu officials, not infrequently sent their cannon halls against the Bogue Fort and marched upon Canton. Twice did Canton enormously suffer from the Opium Wars. The British soldiers marched to the Viceroy's Yamen, causing consternation among the people. The Taiping Rebellion, which had its origin in Kwangsi, did not spare the cities of its neighboring province, the houses of which were as much robbed and destroyed as those of the northern provinces. At the time of these disasters, there were also certain attrac- tions to quicken the emigrating movement. The sugar plantation in Cuba, the demand of labor in Mexico, Canada, and Peru for other economic purposes, and especially the discovery of gold in California had stirred the whole world with hopes of unexpected fortune. The call of the Gold Mountains, the name given by the Chinese laborers to the Californian ranges, was ringing in the air of the distressed regions of Canton. To go over there and dig the gold up was the thirsty desire of the poor suflferers. "To be starved and to be buried in the sea are the same," said some young adven- turers. "Why not plunge right into death rather than wait for death!" With this spirit they even embarked in their crude, old junks and combatted with the dangerous element of the sea without any fear or the least idea of receding. They sailed in these days directly for California before reaching Hawaii. Those who had made their fortune returned and spread the news of the "Golden Romance." The public spirit was stirred. Thousands and thou- sands forsook their homes. We must also not forget the traveling facilities which the foreign Causes of Chinese Emigration 8i agents in Hongkong and Macao afforded to the Chinese laborers. Placards were posted on every street wall, narrating the charming news of getting fortune quick and the attractive facilities of going to these wonderful lands. Every able-bodied man, no matter whether he could afford the passage money or not, was induced to emigrate, if he could borrow the money to go. Those who could not pay for the passage readily received the most cordial assistance from the agents. A certain amount of money was advanced to the family. A certain amount was paid for clothing and other travel- ing equipments. What the employers needed was labor, labor of any sort. Nothing would interfere with the Chinese custom, dress and manners. Emigrants need not necessarily know the foreign languages. They need only to work and get good pay. So farmers laid down their spades, carpenters put aside their chisels, and wood- cutters said good-bye to their old companions, the axe and the pipe. Among the classes of peasantry who emigrate, there are in some parts of Canton another class, the class of semi-slaves, who run errands for the villagers and receive pay for their services. In form they are entirely independent. But, nevertheless, they cannot enjoy certain social privileges which the common people can. In spite of the social prejudice, this class has grown to be very intelli- gent and prominent. This also aroused the prejudices of the ignor- ant against them the more. Naturally in accord with the inde- pendent spirit of the Cantonese, they prefer to die abroad where they can enjoy freedom than to endure the social prejudice at home. Liberty, above all, is the star that guides these people to America. Having taken a comprehensive view of the causes of emigra- tion — the stress of war, the gold attraction, the traveling facilities and social prejudice at home, — which render an unmigratory nation migratory, it is easy to see why the Chinese laborers come to America. But aside from all these there is still another cause that accounts for the non-emigration to Europe. That is the Chinese sense of family attachment. To make clear what I mean, I may say that the Chinese stick to their friends and relatives. Where their friends and relatives go, there they go. Where their friends and relatives do not go, there they do not go. Formerly they flocked to the Straits Settlements only, and not a single one came to America, nay, not even by the gold attraction or any means of in- ducement. But as soon as a beginning was made, the adventurous 82 The Annals of the American Academy emigrant was soon followed by his friends and relatives. That is why, notwithstanding, only three Chinese emigrants appeared in San Francisco in 1830, by 1857, only iof^^Ja^j^tars later, we find quite a large settlement in that city. From three, the immigration had changed to eighteen thousand, twenty-one, an increase wonder- fully rapid when compared with that long period between American independence and 1830, when not a single Chinese stepped on American soil. Since the passage of the exclusion laws, of course the number of Chinese entering the United States has been curtailed, but the inducement to come has not stopped. In fact as the un- favorable conditions in China have not changed, the attractiveness of America to the Chinese emigrant still increases. High wages, higher by far than were obtainable in the old mining camp days continue to beckon him eastward. When such attractions are pres- ent, it is hardly to be expected that the Chinese laborers will look with respect upon an exclusion law which contradicts with their in- terests and seems to them an affront to their race. So I dare to pre- dict, no matter how stringent the exclusion law is, it cannot keep these zealous men off, and I should add that it is useless to keep them off. I may also say that no matter how much less promising the economic opportunity of Europe may be, if these laborers have once set foot on that continent and become accustomed to living there as they have in America, there is sure to be a constant emi- gration thence as remarkable as is the present neglect of that field by the Chinese emigrants. CHINA'S METHOD OF REVISING HER EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM By F. L. Hawks Pott, D.D., President of St. John's University, Shanghai. In order to appreciate fully the magnitude of the task under- taken by China, and to get some adequate idea of the difficulties to be overcome, it is necessary to sketch in outline the old educational system as it existed before the reform movement began to make itself felt. / The first thing to be borne in mind is that, strictly speaking, originally there were no government schools in the Chinese Empire. With the exception of a few schools for Banner men, the clan of the reigning Manchu Dynasty, in Peking, education was left to private enterprise. The part played by the government in the educational system was the establishment of a series of examina- tions, corresponding in many ways to what we speak of as civil service competitive examinations. One of the chief aims of the private schools throughout the empire was to train up scholars who could pass these examinations successfully, and thus render them- selves eligible for service in the government. The examinations had .the effect of setting the standard of the educational system, and thus the same subjects and for the most part the same books were used in all the schools. Any one could set up as a school teacher, and a great many scholars who had attained the first degree in the government exami- nations and a host of others who had tried and failed made this their chief means of obtaining a living. The scholars in the school paid small fees, and the life of a teacher was both penurious and laborious. The course of study pursued in all schools was divided into three grades. First came the committing to memory the canonical books^ and the learning to write characters. Then followed the period when the textbooks were explained to the pupils and they received their first lessons in the art of composition. Lastly, they > The Four Books and the Fire Classics. (83) 84 The Annals of the American Academy were taught to read more widely, especially collections of essays of successful scholars, and to write the sort of essay and poem which they would be required to compose at a government examination. Many of the pupils never advanced beyond the first or second stage, but those ambitious of going up to the examinations were bound to take the whole course. The result was to turn out young men thoroughly versed in the Confucian ethics, Mencian politics, and the history of China, with ability to write an elegant literary style, and to compose stiff and stereotyped verses. The government examination system began as far back as the Tang Dynasty (6i8 a. d.) and has been continued ever since. Altogether there were four examinations. The first were held in district cities, annually. About one per cent of the candidates who came up were successful. They were awarded the degree of Siu Tsai (Budding Talent) equivalent in some ways to our B.A. degree, but not signifying at all the general range of knowledge possessed by a graduate of an American college. The second were held in provincial capitals, triennially. These were much severer tests. The candidates were immured in the little cells of the examination halls for three periods of three days each, and were put to a strain both physically and mentally which was an ordeal which few could pass through successfully. Here again the percentage of those who won the degree was low, only about one out of a hundred gaining the coveted degree of Chii-jen (Deserving of Promotion). Bearing in mind what we have said in regard to the first degree, we may compare the "Chii-jen" to the M.A. degree of the American university. The third examinations were held in Peking triennially. Those who had secured the second degree were eligible, and if they could pass the third test were rewarded with the degree of Chin-shih (Fit for Office), corresponding in a way with our Ph.D. Two of the three examinations in this test were held in the presence of the emperor himself. The highest of the successful candidates were drafted off into government service, or were admitted into the College of the Hanlin (The Forest of Pencils). The position of the Hanlins corresponded to a certain extent to that of Fellows of an English university. From this brief outline it will be seen that the whole system was intended to train men for public service. The conception of China's Method of Revising Her, Educational System 85 knowledge as a thing to be pursued for its own sake was over- shadowed. The possibihty of rising to be influential officials stirred the ambitions of a large number of the youth of the country, and led them to submit to the long process of intellectual training necessary to reach the goal. / Frequently the Chinese are referred to as an educated people. ' The' statement is somewhat misleading. It would be fair to say that the Chinese hold education in high esteem, and that they look up to the scholar with great respect and reverence, but the system which has prevailed for all these centuries has only resulted in giving education to the chosen few. Among the poorer people there is a large amount of illiteracy. A fair estimate would be that only one in twenty of the male sex can read understandingly. The education of girls has been almost entirely neglected except among the richer people, and a woman who can read intelligently is regarded as a very rare phenomenon. Among artisans and small shopkeepers the amount of education possessed is only sufficient to enable them to read a few characters and to keep accounts. Even a knowledge of the characters sufficient for the reading of newspapers has not been acquired by the vast majority. The inadequate system of education left the masses in appalling ignorance. This helps us to understand China's former conserva- tism and opposition to progress. Having placed this picture before our minds, we will now proceed to describe the successive steps in the reform of the educational system. The desire for reform manifested itself first in regard to the course of studies pursued by the scholars. Contact with Western nations opened the eyes of the Chinese to the fact that those who aspired to be the future officials of the empire needed other knowl- edge besides an acquaintance with the canonical books of China, and something more than the ability to write eight legged essays and stilted verses. After the war with France (1884- 1885) we note among the principal reforms then instituted that mathematics was introduced into the government examinations, and the attempt was made in this way to broaden the curriculum. Owing to the fact that the literary chancellors who presided over the examinations were themselves entirely ignorant of the new subject, very little, however, was 86 The Annals of the American Academy accomplished in the way of modifying the old stereotyped classical examinations. In 1872 a detachment of Chinese Government students was sent to the United States under the direction of Dr. Yung Wing. It was intended that they should receive a thorough education in American schools and colleges, and upon their return to China be instrumental in the introduction of reforms and of an enlightened system of education. Unfortunately the experiment was never carried out to completion, as all the young men were recalled just as they had reached the stage where they were ready to enter college. The next step in the reform of the educational system was in connection with the reforms instituted by the late Emperor Kwang Hsu in 1898. The young emperor was eager to abolish as far as possible the old classical examinations, and a decree was promulgated that henceforth those competing for degrees were to have "a knowl- edge of ancient and modern history, information in regard to the present-day state of affairs, with special reference to the govern- ments and institutions of the countries of the five great continents, and a knowledge of the arts and sciences thereof." It will be noticed that both in the proposals of 1885 and of 1898 nothing was said about the establishment of schools throughout the empire. The chief emphasis was laid upon the modification of the examination system in the direction of making it less antiquated. Certain special schools, such as military and naval academies and some government colleges were established, but no steps were taken toward founding a government system of schools graded from the primary up to the university.^ This did not take place until after the period of reaction which resulted in the terrible upheaval of 1900. After the central government had been re-established in Peking the late empress dowager went over to the side of reform, and advocated the measures to which she had been so bitterly opposed before the Boxer outbreak. A board of education was established in Peking in 1905, and an edict was issued abolishing the ancient system of government examinations. Largely under the direction of two high officials, ' It should be noted that the only schools In the Chinese Empire up to a recent period giving a liberal education were those established by missionaries. The missionaries may Justly claim to be the pioneers In the introduction of an enlightened system of education. China's Method of Revising Her Educational System 87 Sun Chia-nai and Chang Chih-tung, a comprehensive scheme was worked out "which included the establishment of a central univer- sity in Peking, affiliated colleges, technical and normal schools in each provincial capital, high schools in each prefectural city, and primary schools in each departmental city and village." The whole scheme, including regulations as to discipline, cur- ricula, suggestions as to the method of establishing schools, etc., was carefully drawn up in a memorial submitted to the throne by H. E. Chang Chih-tung. When printed, it consisted of five volumes. The memorial was immediately approved, and the carrying out of the scheme was authorized by imperial edict. This may be considered the beginning of the introduction of a national system of schools into the empire. A careful perusal of these volumes shows that the memorialist was largely influenced by Japanese methods, and accounts for the similarity between the Chinese and Japanese systems of education. The grading of schools is as follows : I. The kindergarten and primary schools. II. The first grade elementary school. III. The high grade elementary school. IV. The middle school. V. The high school. VI. The university. The nomenclature is somewhat dififerent from that to which we are accustomed. The middle school corresponds very closely to our grammar school, and the high school to the German gymnasium and the first years of the American college. The university follows the German idea and consists of eight special faculties. In addition to the above general course of education, technical schools have also been established, some of them being included under the heading of middle or high schools, and others as being departments of a university. Provision was also made for normal schools. In compiling the course of study, the attempt was made to provide for thorough instruction in the classical and historical litera- ture of China, "thus enabling the new system of education to attach itself without too great a wrench to the earlier system which centered around civil service examinations." This, of course, made it necessary for the student to devote a good many hours of study 88 The Annals of the American Academy to his own language and literature. To carry this burden In addi- tion to acquiring the new Western learning overloads the student and is apt to result in superficiality. The problem of how to combine the new with the old is probably the greatest which the Chinese educator has to face. The system already adopted is probably more or less tentative, but if in drawing up the new schedule of studies no provision for the old learning had been made, the whole scheme would have been regarded as too revolutionary and would probably have failed to find favor in the eyes of the government. Another feature in connection with the curricula adopted in the schools is the emphasis laid on ethical teaching. The Chinese have always entertained the idea that knowledge and morality are closely associated. The old system of training was intended to produce "the princely man," one who possessed intelligence but at the same time a perfectly rounded moral nature. The scholar of China in the past has been fond of expounding ethical principles and has posed as their embodiment. Too often it has been a case of video meliora proboque, deteriora sequor. Real alarm has been felt lest the introduction of Western learning and a knowledge of the natural sciences would undermine the ethical principles upon which Chinese society is based, and consequently in the courses of study drawn up an important place has been given to moral culture. The system having been settled, the question arose as to the best way of putting it into operation. It was an undertaking of tremendous proportions, nothing less than providing schooling for some 40,000,000 boys and girls. As we have already indicated, everything had previously been left to private initiative, and the schools which existed were all the result of private enterprise. The government issues the edict "let there be these new schools," and it becomes the duty of officials and people to see that the mandate is carried out. There never had been in China anything corresponding to school rates, and no provision had ever been made for assigning a part of the government revenue to educational purposes. In the provincial governments the same was true, no regular allocation of a portion of the provincial revenue had ever been made to education. The task of carrying out the will of the central government was China's Method of Revising Her Educational System 89 laid upon the shoulders of the provincial authorities. The viceroys and governors had to assume this duty, and funds were secured in the following way : Some schools were founded by the officials them- selves, who squeezed the money needed out of the provincial revenue, other schools were founded by money obtained from the people as contributions for this purpose. Still other schools were founded as acts of merit by wealthy gentlemen, who in return for this public service were rewarded by receiving some official rank, — the right to wear the blue or red button. As may be imagined, schools established in this way have had a somewhat precarious existence. The officials finding the cost more than they anticipated, have tried to curtail the expenditure, and the contributions from the people have sometimes not been forthcoming. Up to the present time^ as will be seen later on when we quote statistics, very inadequate provision has been made for the education of the whole nation. At the beginning of the reform, as was perhaps natural for those inexperienced in educational matters, the chief aim was to provide the schools of higher grade, and primary education was neglected. The government was in haste to produce the new scholar and seemed to think he could be manufactured in a short space of time. It was hop^d that in this way the teachers for the primary school could be obtained. It soon became apparent, how- ever, that the attempt to introduce the new education from the top was an impracticable one, and the need of establishing a large number of primary schools was realized. Recently more effort has been expended in this direction. Another difficulty in the introduction of the new schools into China was in connection with securing qualified teachers. At first it was thought that the supply could be obtained by sending young men to study for a year or two in Japan. As many as twenty-five thousand young men, representative of the best type of learning under the old system, entered the schools of Japan, hoping to take a short cut to a knowledge of Western science. For a time a wave of enthusiasm swept over the country, and Japan was looked upon as the Mecca for those seeking enlightenment. In a short time, however, a reaction took place, and the Chinese became convinced that there was no royal road to learning, and that there must be the same patient toilsome labor as was required in the old system. 90 The Annals of the American Academy The normal schools established in China have proved for the most part unsatisfactory, and the reason is not far to seek. The young men who have attended them never had the mental training in primary and elementary schools essential as a basis for more advanced work. A large number of subjects were taught in a superficial manner, and the men turned out for the most part have not proved efficient teachers. Here, perhaps, we may say something in regard to the students sent for study to the United States and Europe. Realizing that it would be many years before the government could estab- lish efficient higher education in the empire, the movement to select young men who have completed their elementary educa- tion in China, and to send them abroad for advanced study, has been encouraged. At first these young men were sent from each province at the expense of the provincial authorities. When the American Government decided to remit a portion of the Boxer indemnity, it was decided by the central government of China to employ the money, saved to her as the result of this act of gen- erosity, in sending students to study in the United States. It was arranged that for five years one hundred young men should be sent annually, and after that fifty each year. A competitive examina- tion was held in Peking for securing the best candidates. Three batches have already been sent, but, strange to say, the government thus far has never been able to secure the full quota. Last year a new method was adopted. This was the founding of a special school near the summer palace outside of Peking (the Ching Hua Hsioh-tang). A large number of American teachers was secured and a course of study was drawn up to prepare young men to pass the American college entrance examinations. The school has only been open for a short time, and thus it is too early to pass judgment upon it. It is hoped it will produce better results than the former method of selecting students from all schools throughout the empire by competitive examination. The present status of the new system of education in China may be learned from the statistical reports submitted to the throne by the ministry of education, one in 1908, and the other at the end* of 1910. A comparison of these reports is interesting. In 1908 the number of students in provincial schools was 1,013,571, and at the China's Method of Revising Her Educational System 91 end of last year 1,284,965. Thus there was an increase of 274,518. This included 3,951 more students in special studies, 4,923 addi- tional students in industrial studies, and 265,644 more in ordinary studies. Students in training schools for teachers (normal schools) were 3,394 less in number. The number of students in Peking showed an increase of about twenty-five per cent, the figures being 15,774 and 11,417, respec- tively. There was a considerable increase in the number of schools. In the provinces there are now 42,444 as compared with 35,597, and in Peking 252 as compared with 206. It also appears that when the first report was presented the number of government schools, those supported by officials, exceeded those supported by public con- tributors and private individuals, and that when the second report was sent in the public and private schools were more numerous than the government schools. On the whole these reports are encouraging, but at the same time they show that China has only begun to grapple with the problem. In Japan, with a population roughly estimated at sixty millions, we find that about six million young people of school age are under instruction. If the same proportion, that is, about one- tenth of the population, was provided with education in China, it would mean that forty million young people must be afforded school facilities. Thus far not as many as two million are to be found in the new schools and colleges. We have already spoken of the grades of schools. We will now give a brief outline of the course of study in each grade. /. Kindergarten The aim of these schools is "to gather the children from three to seven years of age during certain hours of the day, to separate them from the dangers of the street, and to give them primary ideas of morality. These schools are free, and are to be established near orphanages and the homes of virtuous widows." II. The First Grade Elementary School The teaching includes morals, the study of the canonical books, the Chinese language, arithmetic, history, geography, physical sci- ences, and gymnastics. Children of seven years- of age may enter 92 The Annals of the American Academy these schools. The course is five years and there are thirteen hours class work per week. ///. The High Grade Elementary School The subjects taught are the same as those in the first grade elementary school, with the addition of drawing. The study of foreign languages is forbidden except in schools situated in cities open to foreign trade. The course is four years and there are thirty- six hours class work per week. IV. Middle School The instruction in these schools corresponds to what is called "Secondaire Moderne" in France, and the High School in the United States. The subjects studied are twelve in number, namely, morals, Chinese canonical books, foreign languages (Japanese or English compulsory, French, German or Russian optional), his- tory, geography, mathematics, natural history, physics, chemistry, political economy, government, drawing and gymnastics. The singing of patriotic songs is to be taught both in the middle and the elementary schools. The course is five years, with thirty-six hours *class work per week. Pupils who have obtained the diploma in the high grade elementary schools or who have passed an equivalent examination are admitted into the middle schools. F, High School The aim of the high schools is to prepare students to enter the university. There are three divisions corresponding to the three groups of faculties in the university. The students in the first section will be prepared for the faculties of classics, law, arts and commerce; in the second for the faculties of science, civil engi- neering and agronomy; and in the third for the faculty of medicine. All the scholars will study ethics, law, Chinese literature, foreign languages, and gymnastics. In addition to these, the students in the first section will study history, geography, elocution, law and political economy; the students of the second section, mathematics, physics, chemistry, geology, mineralogy and drawing; and those of the third section, latin, mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology and botany. The foreign languages to be studied in the first and second China's Method of Revising Her Educational System 93 sections are English, and French or German, and in the third section, German, and French or English. The course is three years, with six hours work in the classroom each day (thirty-six hours per week). Students who have obtained the diploma of the middle school or who have passed an equivalent examination are admitted into the high schools. VI. The University The university is still in an embryonic condition, due to the lack of both students and professors. Eight faculties are to be established : 1. The faculty of Classics, comprising ten courses, among which are: (a) The Book of Changes, (&) The Book of Annals, (c) The Book of Poetry, (d) Spring and Autumn Annals, {e) Rites, (/) Confucian Analects, and the Books of Mencius, with commentaries, {g) Philosophy. 2. The faculty of Jurisprudence, with two courses: (a) Ad- ministration, (6) Legislation. 3. The faculty of Arts, comprising nine courses: (0) History of China, (&) Universal history, (c) General geography, {d) Geog- raphy of China, {e) Geography of England, (/) Geography of France, {g) Geography of Germany, {h) Geography of Russia, (t) Geography of Japan. 4. The faculty of Medicine, comprising two courses: {a), Medicine, {b) Pharmacy. 5. The faculty of Science, comprising six courses: (a) Mathe- matics, (&) Astronomy, (c) Physics, (d) Chemistry, {e) Natural history, (/) Geology. 6. The faculty of Agronomy, comprising four courses: (o) Agriculture, {b) Chemistry relating to agriculture, (c) Forestry, (rf) Veterinary science. 7. The faculty of Engineering, comprising six courses: (a) Civil engineering, (&) Mechanical engineering, (c) Electrical engi- neering, {d) Architecture, {e) Industrial chemistry, (/) Mining engineering. 8. The faculty of Commerce, comprising three courses: (o) Banking and insurance, {h) Commerce and transportation, (c) Customs. The course of study in the university is for three years except 94 T^^ Annals of the American Academy in medicine and law, in which it is four years. The students have from two to four hours class work per day. Students who have secured diplomas in high schools may enter the university. The situation of the university is at Peking. If a province wishes to open a university, it may do so, provided it can establish at least three faculties. Students who graduate from the university with high standing are allowed to do further post-graduate work for five years. Means will be provided to permit of their traveling abroad for purposes of study. Each year they must render a report of their work. There are two grades of normal schools, the lower and the higher. 7. The Lower Normal School The object is to train teachers for the first grade and high grade elementary schools. The subjects to be studied are morals, study and explanation of law, Chinese language, pedagogy, geog- raphy, history, mathematics, natural history, physics and chemistry, calligraphy, drawing and gymnastics. The course covers five years, each having forty-five weeks with thirty-six hours class work per week. Students who wish, to enter these schools must have com- pleted the high grade elementary school. According to local circum- stances, one or more of the following subjects may be added: foreign languages, agriculture, commerce, manual training. //. Higher Normal Schools The object is to train teachers for the schools of higher grade. The course is three years, with thirty-six hours class work per week. The subjects in the first year are the same for all students, but in the last two years the students are divided into four courses: (o) lan- guages, {b) history and geography, (c) mathematics, physics and chemistry, {d) natural history. Nothing has been said thus far about girls' schools. According to the decree which appeared in April, 1907, elementary schools of the first grade and high grade were to be established for girls, but no provision has yet been made for higher education. There are also normal schools for girls to train teachers for the girls' elementary schools. The studies in the girls' schools are the same as those in the boys', with the addition of fine art and needle work, housekeeping, sewing and music. China's Method of Revising Her Educational System 95 As has been described, according to the old system of education degrees were conferred on the successful candidates at the civil service examinations. They are now given to students completing in a satisfactory manner the courses in the new schools. Graduates of the high grade elementary schools may receive the title of "Siu- tsai" (B.A.), those of the middle schools the title of "Kun-sang" (presentable bachelors), those of the high schools Chii-jen" (M.A.), and those of the university "Chin-shih" (Ph.D.). Students who have studied in the United States or in Europe, after completing their courses abroad, upon their return to China may attend a special examination in Peking held in the autumn of each year. Upon the result of these examinations they are given Chinese degrees equivalent to those obtained in foreign countries and are made either Chii-jen (M.A.) or Chin-shih (Ph.D.). Thus they put themselves in line with the Chinese educational system, and become eligible for employment in government service. A word may be said as to the employment of foreign teachers in Chinese schools. When the system was first inaugurated it was necessary to secure good foreign instructors, especially for the middle and high schools. During recent years the number of those employed has diminished, although at no time has it been very large. The attempt was made for a while to replace American and English by Japanese teachers on the ground of economy, but it has not proved very successful. Rules have been drawn up by the board of education in regard to the employment of foreign instructors, and it is strictly stated that they are not allowed to interfere in school matters outside their own classrooms, and are not permitted to proselytize in regard to religion. It has often happened that men who have come out from their own countries to accept positions in Chinese schools find on their arrival that they cannot secure students competent to study higher branches, and consequently they have been obliged to spend most of their time in imparting elementary instruction. As the educational system develops foreign specialists will be needed in greater numbers, for it must be some time before China can provide the teachers needed for university and high school work. Thus we have given an outline of China's method in revising her educational system. Much might be said in way of criticism. 96 The Annals of the American Academy Notwithstanding the present inefficiency of the system, we must still wonder at so much being accomplished in so short a space of time, and must sympathize with the Chinese in the innumerable difficulties which they have to surmount. The financial burden of the new system has been very great and has retarded progress. Perhaps the least pleasing feature has been the unruliness of the student class. The new ideas of liberty and equality have turned the heads of the young men and they have often proved an intractable body to manage. Many a school with bright pros- pects has been wrecked by rebellion against the authorities on the part of the students. Those placed in charge of the schools of higher grade have, for the most part, been officials with absolutely no experience in educational matters, and naturally they have not commanded the respect of the student body. As time goes on such matters will be rectified, and we may confidently expect that an efficient educational machine will be constructed in China similar to that already existing in Japan. Such a revolution as this implies must produce results so far- reaching that it is impossible to make an accurate forecast. When enlightening education pervades China, it will produce effects which even the more sanguine can hardly imagine. The next ten or twenty years will prove the value of the new education in China.' ' since this article was written, a report has been received of the Imperial Educational Conference, held at Peking during the past summer. Among the important sub.iects discussed were the following: (1) The Extension of Primary Education; (2) The Adoption of Compulsory Education for Children from Six to Fourteen Years of Age; (3) Military Training in Public Schools; (4) The Discon- tinuance of the Study of the Canonical Books in the Primary School ; (5) The Discontinuance of Granting Degrees to Graduates from the Schools of Lower Grades. The decisions arrived at are to be submitted to the National Assembly (Tzecheng Guan) at its next session. The holding of such a conference Is an evidence of the deep Interest felt throughout the Empire in the subject of educational reform. EXTRATERRITORIALITY IN CHINA By F. E. Hinckley, District Attorney of the United States Court for China, Shanghai. By largely similar treaties with eighteen of the powers, China has granted full exemption from her territorial jurisdiction in favor of the nationals of these powers residing or traveling in China, and over the property of these nationals, real and personal, situate in China. These eighteen, in order of the dates of their first treaties, are: Russia, by a treaty of 1689 for the MongoHan border; the United States by the first of the modern and distinctly extrater- ritorial treaties — a treaty negotiated by Caleb Cushing, afterwards United States Attorney-General, whose draft was so excellent as to have been generally followed as a model in the negotiations of the treaties of other powers with China; then Great Britain, France, Norway and Sweden (now as two powers with one treaty), Germany, Portugal, Denmark, Holland, Spain, Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Japan, Peru, Mexico, and Brazil. These are prac- tically all of the powers that have treaties of any nature with China. Even if there were commercial treaties with other coun- tries containing most- favored-nation clauses, such clauses would probably not extend the extraterritorial exemption; yet it has occurred that when powers without extraterritorial treaties have permitted exercise by a friendly power of jurisdiction over their nationals, for instance, jurisdiction over Greeks by consuls of France, China has acquiesced, and it has also occurred that in isolated cases a non-treaty consul, like the consul of Cuba, has adjudicated over his nationals in China without effectual protest by the Chinese government; but such friendly and non-treaty juris- diction is a negligible minimum. The substantial fact is that China has continuously maintained her jurisdiction sovereignty excepting as specifically abrogated by treaty. The counterpart of fhis treaty exemption from Chinese juris- diction is the agreement to extend the respective national jurisdic- tions into China. The rule of the treaties is that a defendant is sued in the court of his own nationality, and by mutuality of prac- tice this rule is extended in favor of a plaintiff of whatever foreign (97) 98 The Annals of the American Academy nationality he may be. The jurisdiction is mostly exercised by consuls at the various ports. Some of the powers have but one or two consuls for all China. Few of the consuls are men of any training or experience in the law. In some cases a consul may be assisted by one or more assessors, and, with them, the consul judges both of law and fact. Most of the foreign jurisdictions are but meagerly developed. The larger powers, however, have special legislation as to their courts in China. Great Britain and the United States have each established higher and general courts independent of their consular systems, respectively known as H. B. M. Supreme Court for China and the United States Court for China. These two higher courts exercise their jurisdiction mostly at Shanghai, where court business readily concentrates. They hold sessions in other consular cities in China when the public interest requires. They exercise general appellate and certain supervisory powers. They and the systems of courts of which they are the head are the highest and most extensive development of extrater- ritorial courts in the world. The United States Court is analagous to a federal circuit court, though with wider jurisdiction inclusive of the jurisdiction of a higher state court, and the British Supreme Court has the jurisdiction of a high court of justice in England. Another form of court has been evolved by time and necessity but without close adherence to the treaties. This is the so-called mixed court. It is a court existing in each of the consular cities. It is for the trial of Chinese defendants. A Chinese magistrate presides over it and with him sits a foreign assessor, regularly of the nationality of the plaintiff. The consul himself may be the assessor, but in the main cities a vice-consular officer, ordinarily a Chinese linguist, is assessor. At Hankow the Chinese magis- trate goes from one consulate to another to hold trials on regular days. The practice varies in different cities. At Shanghai the mixed courts are extensive establishments, with three or four Chinese magistrates, the criminal cases being heard almost entirely in the presence of British, American, German and French asses- sors, the French having a separate court. It is also distinctive of Shanghai that the assessors there, while having, as in other cities, strictly but a right to be present and to object in cases involving their own nationals as plaintiffs, in effect direct what the judg- ment in every criminal case shall be and have assumed an almost Extraterritoriality in China 99 equally preponderating authority in civil cases that involve their respective nationals as plaintiffs. The premise is taken that crim- inal jurisdiction exercised in or respecting the international foreign settlement at Shanghai involves such foreign interests, whoever the complainant may be, that a foreign assessor representing those interests has an implied right to appear and to direct the judgment. There is practical advantage in this system, however far it departs from the letter of the treaties. The mixed court at Shanghai is but a very low court in the jurisdiction systems of all the powers that have to do with it, yet it is the busiest of all the courts at Shanghai and it adjudicates actions involving very large values and most important personal interests. The consular courts also are far from having reached a development adequate to present conditions. They mostly rest upon treaties made soon after the British war of 1842, and renewed with little change soon after the British and French war of 1858. In those years the foreign inhabitants of China were men in charge of large business concerns and missionaries and the immediate dependents of both, and all foreigners were located in or near to the principal ports; but in 191 1 there are in China all classes of Western society, and foreigners resident in China number many thousands. There are also many tourists. No restriction on immi- gration excepting that of health inspection exists. The most cos- mopolitan aggregations and combinations populate the ports and penetrate to remote places. The foreign population of China exclu- sive of the Japanese and Russians in Manchuria, must be well above 30,000. These are mostly merchants and missionaries. There are few men of the professions and of course few or none of the large classes of industrial and agricultural populations familiar at home. Adventurers and vagrants, gamblers and pros- titutes infest the ports, affirming or disclaiming their nationality according to the lenience or severity of their national authorities. Foreign missionary societies enjoy a treaty privilege of acquiring land for mission purposes both in the consular cities and in the interior. Foreign merchants have extended their trade into the most distant regions. The last twenty years have seen an increase at high ratio of all sorts of contractual relations between foreigners and Chinese. Partnerships and companies, numerous and varied in nature, having a foreign name and protection but involving .100 The Annals of the American Academy Chinese members and not infrequently being controlled by Chinese, have come into being without adequate executive and jurisdictional regulation. In fact the requisites of the extraterritorial commu- nities in China have come far to exceed the legislative provisions made for them. The British interests in China are probably more adequately provided for than any other. British legislation has been founded upon the Foreign Juris- diction Acts, the latest of which is the Act of 1890. This Act is very brief, general and fundamental. On it are based the Orders in Council amplifying and perfecting the system. Orders in Council have been frequent and they seem to be readily obtained. Besides, there is the often and very timely exercised authority of the British Minister at Peking to make regulations of the nature of substan- tive law and having the force of law until and as modified by the higher legislative authority. By this power of the Minister local and temporary conditions usually of emergency nature are regu- lated. But the control of the jurisdictional system, that is of court procedure and, as shown mainly in the well and lengthily developed Rules of Court, of the operation of the courts generally, rests primarily with the Judge of the British Supreme Court for China. This court was organized in 1867. Unfortunately there is no col- lected series of its reports, and reference must be had to the reports published from 1867 to date in the official organ, the North China Herald. The long and eminent standing of the British Court and its wisely directed and wide-reaching activities have well and effectually protected, regulated and promoted British interests in China. The British Crown Colony of Hongkong, situate at the com- mercial portal of South China and having, with other branches of government, a Supreme Court, has adjudicated many of the most important cases arising out of extraterritorial relations with the Chinese and has also largely enhanced British prestige. This court has of late years a collected series of reports. British companies in China are regulated by Hongkong Ordinances. This arrange- ment may in time be modified to meet difficulties due to the fact that business at Shanghai has now become proportionately greater, and authority may be given to register and regulate companies through British officials at Shanghai; but the facility and security of registration and regulation through British colonial offices at Hongkong in the last half century has brought under the British Extraterritoriality in China loi flag vast foreign business in China, especially German, American and Chinese. The German government has now under consideration the estabhshing of a higher and general court for all Germans in China. It is also considering a modification of companies' statutes so as to favor the association or incorporation of companies in China under German law with registration in Kiaochau, the German leased area in North China. The United States government has no specific legislation as to companies in China. The usual way of organizing American firms has been to register the articles of association at one of the consulates or to incorporate under the Hongkong Ordinances. In a few cases there have been incorporations under home jurisdic- tions as of Arizona or Delaware or the District of Columbia, and this is easily done under some jurisdictions. The degree of liability of such corporations in China is not clear. There is some doubt whether the incorporation statutes of the home jurisdictions were intended for or can be held to have force with regard to business firms conducting their business entirely outside of the continental territory of the United States. What is the status of home cor- porations doing business under American jurisdiction in China has not been determined. With a number of such corporations doing large business, this backward condition of the law, though strange, is an evidence of their good management and fair dealing. It is a tribute also to American diplomatic and consular officials who have conducted negotiations with the Chinese government and its officials affecting these companies. On the other hand, the ease with which unscrupulous persons have at times and in certain consular dis- tricts formed themselves into companies largely with Chinese cap- ital under an American name and American consular recognition has not been creditable and has been a detriment to legitimate busi- ness. The repression of crime in so large and so fluctuating a foreign population as now exists along the China coast is one of the chief reasons for maintaining the extraterritorial jurisdictions at a high degree of efficiency. Vagrancy is more difficult to deal with in a land where few Europeans do manual labor and where honesty and respectability are presumed to belong to foreigners generally. Yet the almost daily convictions, at Shanghai for instance, of low- class petty offenders have at last necessitated the stone-pile and I02 The Annals of the American Academy the work-house. In most of the consular courts in Shanghai the only penalties for vagrancy have been fairly comfortable imprison- ment and further charity. Deportation is expensive and imprac- ticable except as to the more serious offenders. In other grades of society there is now and then a criminal offender whose offense is not easily prosecuted because of the extraordinary local dif- ficulties of securing convicting evidence. The consuls and other court officials are relatively few, and measures of detection and proof of crime feasible in home jurisdictions entirely fail in China where the jurisdictions are so many and so complex. Of crimes of violence by foreigners of the degree of murder, burglary, robbery, arson and rape there are very few. Commercial wrongs, such as embezzlement and obtaining goods on false pretenses are not infre- quent, and at times there is forgery. Gambling at roulette for foreign patronage and at a Chinese game called pai-chu for Chinese patronage has been opened whenever the vigilance of the authorities has relaxed or whenever with the connivance of unscrupulous per- sons, even of officials and lawyers, a ruse or tangle of jurisdiction or evidence could be devised. Prostitution among foreign men and women has given the China coast an evil reputation, but there has been rigorous dealing with this vice at Ma-iila and in American jurisdiction in China. At Shanghai liquors are sold in bawdy- houses without municipal licenses and the income from this sale is said to be the principal income of these places. The compulsory registration of prostitutes in the consulates of their nationalities would, by definitely fixing jurisdiction over them, aid at least in placing responsibility for their indecencies. For the apprehension and custody of criminal offenders there are attached to the consulates of the leading powers in the principal cities officers in most cases known as marshals, and at Shanghai there are prisons and prison-keepers. British long term prisoners go to Hongkong; those of other nationalities are usually sent home. The principal foreign municipalities have police or constables; the police m the International Settlement at Shanghai have on their rolls about 250 foreigners, almost all British, 500 Sikhs and 1,200 Chinese. The foreign army, marine and navy contingents on serv- ice in China or Chinese waters may be called upon for assistance when necessary. The Chinese have authority under the treaties and customs to arrest, except in foreign settlements, a foreign crim- Extraterritoriality in China 103 inal offender and bring him to the nearest consulate of the ofifend- er's nationality. Thus an American charged with homicide was brought, in 1908, by the Chinese from the borders of Thibet to Chungking in central China, 600 miles, and thence, with the wit- nesses, to trial in Shanghai, 1,200 miles. He was acquitted on a finding of accidental homicide, but had he been convicted to serve imprisonment for more than a year, he would, in usual course, have been sent thousands of miles farther to a federal prison in the United States. Extradition of fugitive offenders to and from China is not provided for by treaty. China is the greatest and most accessible area in the world not yet protected against the coming and going of criminals. A criminal slips aboard a steamer at Shanghai and is off to Japan or Hongkong leaving the prosecuting officers to con- trive means not provided for in the law to bring the fugitive to justice. A British offender in China can be returned from any British jurisdiction because extradition acts are extended to British jurisdiction in China. But it has been ruled that the British and American extradition acts do not reciprocally extend to their extra- territorial jurisdictions — a ruling which on the principles of law involved appears rather too narrow. It is a surprising and embar- rassing fact that an American offender cannot be extradited to or from the United States from or to China, though United States jurisdiction is as absolute over him in one place as the other. Legis- lation, which could be in a simple form, is requisite; the United States extraterritorial jurisdiction in China should, for the pur- poses of its administration solely, be designated as a jurisdiction of the same standing as federal jurisdiction in one of the territories of the United States, and the extradition statutes should be extended to this China extraterritorial jurisdiction just as they were to the Philippine Islands. Legislation is also needed for better establishing the jurisdic- tion and supervising the administration of estates of American decedents in China. The number of estates, their value, the com- plexity of the jurisdiction, the want of the assistance of American lawyers except at Shanghai and Tientsin, and the undeveloped pro- bate procedure have made this feature of the jurisdiction the most constant business before the American courts in China and have put upon executive officials of the courts an extraordinary respon- 104 The Annals of the American Academy sibility. All estates of a value above $500.00 are, by judicial inter- pretation of a statute, required to be formally administered under decrees and orders of the United States Court for China. Such estates are reported from the consulates and the initial procedure for bringing them into the court is usually taken by the clerk of the higher court acting on instructions from the judge. Many of these estates are not much in excess of $500.00 and such are likely to be the estates of missionaries residing in out-ports or in the interior whose families and beneficiaries prefer as simple and inex- pensive an administration as can be had. For this class of estates the gratuitous assistance of the clerk of court is well deserved and much appreciated, and it has the advantage of facilitating and of tending to standardize the procedure. Such assistance consuls had previously given under their general instructions and by customs special to this jurisdiction. This feature of the duties of the clerk of the higher court could very well be formally recognized by making him a registrar of probate with statutory functions including some of the functions of a public administrator. The larger estates have been administered without difficulty through the exceptional care to each step of the procedure which has been given by the judge of the higher court. This has enabled him as the judge of a court established only in 1906 to familiarize himself with every feature and problem relating to the administration of American estates in China; but it is a burden which, with the increase of his duties in connection with the other features of the jurisdiction, and with the development of probate procedure will distribute itself, as it does in home jurisdictions, amongst the lawyers engaged by execu- tors and administrators especially now that there are a number of well established American lawyers in Shanghai and other ports. The entire probate jurisdiction, however smoothly it has thus far operated, needs to be better established by statutory enact- ment. There never has been a specific grant of the jurisdiction to the American Courts in China. The consular courts had for many years customarily exercised probate jurisdiction. The United States Court for China has supervisory powers over consuls in their executive duties with respect to estates of Americans in China. The first judge of the court, Judge Lebbeus R. Wilfley, decided that in granting common law jurisdiction to the courts in China, Congress had granted such probate jurisdiction as the com- mon law courts of England had reserved to themselves, notwith- Extraterritoriality in China 105 standing that when the colonies became independent of the mother country, probate'jurisdiction was being exercised principally by the ecclesiastical courts and notwithstanding that in the colonies, as later in the states, probate jurisdiction was exercised only upon specific statutory grant. This decision, and any other decision re- garding the probate jurisdiction of our courts in China, has not been reviewed by an appellate court in the United States. Legisla- tion is nevertheless apparently necessary. In another decision Judge Wilfley established that there had been no grant of jurisdiction of matrimonial causes. The' distinc- tion lay in the fact that the ecclesiastical courts of England in the time of our colonial dependence had exercised this jurisdiction ex- clusively. In the United States jurisdiction of matrimony rests absolutely on statute. Consequently divorce cannot be had in American jurisdiction in China. As a matter of public policy, and considering that courts of other foreign jurisdictions in China, either have only a limited jurisdiction of matrimonial causes and practically never exercise the jurisdiction, it is unquestionably better that no American court in China should have more than such a limited jurisdiction. The American consular courts, however, had, prior to the creation of the higher court that took over the main jurisdiction, granted absolute divorces. On the other hand the lack of some such jurisdiction has proved a severe hardship in several instances of non-support of a wife and of desertion. What power, if any, the courts would exercise as courts of equity for relief in such cases has not been tried. Other leading decisions by Judge Wilfley were as follows: Domicil is acquired in extraterritorial jurisdiction in China on prin- ciples analogous to acquisition of domicil in a jurisdiction at home. The term "common law" in the statutes establishing extraterritorial courts in China is interpreted to mean those principles of the common law of England and the statutes passed in aid thereof, including the law administered in the equity, admiralty and ecclesi- astical tribunals, which were adapted to the situation and circum- stances of the American colonies at the date of the transfer of sovereignty, as modified, applied and developed generally by the decisions of the state courts and by the decisions of the United States Courts and incorporated generally into the constitutions and statutes of the states. The United States Court for China, though analogous in some respects to a federal court, has no jurisdiction io6 The Annals of the American Academy under the federal bankruptcy act, the enforcement of that act having been restricted to certain federal courts. A bankruptcy case involving large amounts and in which the principal creditors were a German bank and a Chinese bank, one having actual possession and the other claiming constructive pos- session of assets, was adjudicated by Judge Rufus H. Thayer, who succeeded Judge Wilfley late in 1908. Judge Thayer exercised jurisdiction on the basis of common law insolvency, but, under the circumstances, and after consent of the creditors, the insolvent having left the jurisdiction, he adjudicated the case in much the same way as an arbitrator might do in an efifort to effect substantial justice among the parties. Judge Thayer's decisions have been numerous and important. It is difficult briefly to state how much they have defined and im- proved the jurisdiction. In a homicide case in which a Chinese official had a treaty right to be present and to question witnesses, the policy and procedure under a somewhat difficult treaty pro- vision were so controlled as to form an excellent precedent com- porting with the high authority of the court and declared by the superior Chinese authorities to be eminently satisfactory to them as a fulfilment of the treaty. In the estate of a decedent who had held real property in trust for a Chinese, Judge Thayer held that a question of title was not to be determined in the court having jurisdiction of the estate, but in the court of the Chinese who had granted the trust. The law governing a contract when not stipu- lated by the parties he has held to be the law of the nationality of the party sued. Jurisdiction of real property in China in whatever foreign consulate it is recorded follows the jurisdiction of the per- son who holds the fee simple or similar title. The nature and requisites of appeals from consular courts have been ruled upon. Jurisdiction has been taken of three civil cases against consuls concerning performance of official duties. A consular court mar- shal and a legation stenographer have been tried for embezzle- ments. The court has, on the principles involved, ruled adversely to a claim of foreign nationality set up as a bar to a criminal action. It has upheld the local regulation of the nature of a statute of limitations in a criminal case in place of the federal statute. It has found void a local regulation of the Minister as to vagrancy, and in its stead has followed and differentiated the decision of the Court of Appeals as to the effect had in China by federal legisla- Extraterritoriality in China 107 tion for the North American territories and the District of Co- lumbia. Appeals lie from the consular courts to the United States Court for China and from the latter to the United States Circuit Court of Appeals at San Francisco and thence to the United States Supreme Court. Appeals from the United States Court for China have been few, especially since the court has become well estab- lished. The main appellate decisions have been as to right to bail, as to what constitutes assault with a deadly weapon, as to procedure of writ of error, and, what appears most important of all, as to the significance of the term "laws of the United States" to be admin- istered in the courts of the United States in China. In the latter decision — Biddle v. United States — on the error assigned that ob- taining money on false pretenses was not a crime under common law or under the laws of the United States available in China, the Court held that laws enacted for jurisdictions where the United States exercised exclusive jurisdiction, as in the territory of Alaska or the District of Columbia, or the military and naval reservations in the states, were laws of the United States available for the definition of the offense of obtaining money on false pretenses in China. This decision was most far reaching and its full effect has been difficult to comprehend. The resulting conflict of definitions of statutory offenses remains for further determination. A most important habeas corpus case, that entitled In re Ross, was decided by the United States Supreme Court in 1890. It arose on a claim of right of jury trial for the defendant on a charge of homicide. The opinion of the court, prepared by Justice Stephen J. Field, who had had earlier study of extraterritoriality as Circuit Court Justice in California through his decision of a case on appeal from the Consular Court at Canton, examined into the funda- mentals of the jurisdiction and disclosed the nature of the consular courts as courts intended to aid in fulfilling our national treaty obligations and as such having a special and limited jurisdiction, favorable to a defendant as being exercised on principles similar to those of his home jurisdiction even though unfavorable to him as not having certain home privileges, such as trial by jury, vouch- safed to him. No court opinion is more enlightening as to funda- mental principles of extraterritoriality than Justice Field's opinion In re Ross. The extraterritorial courts of the several powers in China are io8 The Annals of the American Academy closely related to their consular systems and are under the foreign afifairs departments of the respective governments, yet in the exer- cise of their purely judicial functions the judges and the consuls constitute independent courts with their decisions not reviewable, except by the higher courts. The incumbents of the principal offices in the courts should be and generally are men not only thor- oughly trained and of experience in the law, but also men of large acquaintance with conditions in China and of special aptitude for maintaining relations with Chinese and other foreign officials. The rapid development of foreign interests in China and of Chinese re- lations with foreigners incessantly raises novel and complex prob- lems. To maintain justice, secure protection and promote friendly relations is the object of the treaty extraterritorial courts; it is an object of the first importance, and under the conditions in China it requires for its attainment a high grade of court personnel and a highly developed system of courts and of statutes and decisions defining the law. China is developing her own system of law and of courts on European models. This development has been slow and irregular. Yet it may, under the present changes of government, come rapidly and permanently. In their commercial treaties of 1902 and 1903 Great Britain and the United States agreed to give every assistance to the reform of the judicial system of China and to be prepared to relinquish extraterritorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration and other considerations warranted so doing. To foreign residents in China the time when relinquishment of jurisdiction will prove fea- sible seems far distant. The extraterritorial system has advantages, but in modern conditions it is at best anomalous and unsatisfactory as a means of doing justice and it tends to fall of its own com- plexity and weight. Only the larger powers can afford to main- tain it and only they appear able readily to adapt their systems of laws and courts to the rapidly changing conditions. All relations with China and with the Chinese will be better when China shall have resumed her full territorial sovereignty and risen to the place of international power which her vast territory and resources, and her great people and newly progressing government shall justify and command. THE CHINESE YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION By Dwight W. Edwards, Secretary, International Committee of Young Men's Christian Associations, Peking. For the milleniums of history, Old Age has reigned in Asia. A well known Oriental has said : "The East has never had a young man." The young man of China was born with the travail of the Boxer uprising. From that time the Celestial empire ceased to remember that "The past excels the present," and set itself in earnest to attain its true golden age. "The Renaissance, Reforma- tion and Revolution at one time and in one country," is a most fitting description of present conditions. These changes have pro- duced the young man. Schools were to be established, railroads constructed, army and navy reorganized, law codes revised, tele- graph and telephone installed, new industries fostered, form of government changed, moral evils righted, sanitation introduced, western institutions investigated, vast resources developed, intricate political situations met. These all called for the young man with his training in the new education. He was the one fitted for the task and was put in important posts in every department of gov- ernment in the new China. To help this young man in his new and old physical, social, intellectual, moral and religious needs is the duty, opportunity and purpose of the Young Men's Christian Asso- ciation in China. This is its task and reason for its establishment. That there are needs which such work is suited to meet is shown by its rapid growth and firm hold on the communities where it has been carried on for a number of years. Although a few Student Associations had been established for some time previous, yet it was not until 1895 that Mr. .D. W. Lyon, the first foreign secretary went to China. He was soon followed by Mr. F. S. Brockman, Mr. R. E. Lewis and Mr. R. R. Gailey and work began in Shanghai and Tientsin. The above changes created opportunity, and growth thereafter was rapid. The foreign staflf has increased from the above four to forty-six, and still more important is the (109) no The Annals of the American Academy equal number of Chinese secretaries. There are fourteen fully organized general associations with a membership of 4,631 and work is being carried on in initial stages in seven more places. The call for further expansion is beyond the possibility to meet, in fact, it would be easy to name ten more cities, important student and commercial centers, where work should be started at once, and where delay means loss. It has always been the policy for the beginning years to establish well organized, well manned, effi- cient Young Men's Christian Associations in important centers as models for future expansion, and organization in smaller cities where proper secretarial help and supervision are impossible has been discouraged. Were it not for this, a mushroom growth of a large number of inefficient Associations would quickly follow, a thing to be avoided and only mentioned here as an indication of the spread and approval of the idea of all around work for young men. In fact, such is the call for this form of work that one of the secretaries has described the task of the foreign secretary as "Sitting as far out on the lever of the safety valve as possible that the pressure of work and opportunity might not become too great to be controlled." The most fully developed individual association is at Shang- hai. Here the conditions are most suited for the work. It is a large commercial center with many thousands of young men away from home and it is wholly under foreign control, minimizing Chinese prejudice against the new and western. These two things were favorable to growth. In 1905, it was felt that it was time to leave rented quarters and have a permanent equipment. A sum of $100,000 was subscribed, half in China, and half abroad, for a new building. This was finished in the spring of 1907, giving a large well equipped plant. Yet within three years, the work had outgrown these quarters. The membership increased from 350 to 1,600, the employed force from 17 to 52, educational enrolment numbered 600, and there was need of room for a boys' department. So in 1910, $46,000 was raised, entirely in Shanghai, for a large addition to the present building. A significant thing about all this is, that though foreigners have helped it has been essentially under Chinese control. The board of directors is composed entirely of Chinese and has numbered many who occupy prominent positions in government, education and industry. Of the fifty-two employed The Chinese Young Men's Christian Association iii as secretaries and teachers, only four are foreigners. Other salient features of this work will be brought out later in the paper, the above will suffice to show a rapid expansion and a deep hold on the community life attained through Chinese approval, effort, and support. Not service by foreigners to Chinese, but by Chinese for Chinese is the heart of the policy of the movement. The greatest good that can be done a community is to get the best of its mem- bers working with tested methods for the rest. To establish a self-supporting, self-governing and self -perpetuating Chinese Young Men's Christian Association is the purpose of the foreign secretary. To this end, the boards of directors of all the fully organized asso- ciations are composed entirely of Chinese. They assume complete control of the work, the foreign secretary being under the Chinese board of directors just as the secretary in this country is under his board of directors. They assume financial responsibility for the current expenses, in some cases amounting to $20,000, and raise it locally. Only the personal budget of the foreign secre- tary and some permanent equipment are provided from America. This appeal to the spirit of service, ability to carry through large undertakings, independence, self-respect and national pride of the Chinese has produced its fruit in the procuring of strong men to give their time as secretaries, committee men, and direct- ors. Mention should be made of Mr. S. K. Tsao, who for years has been the mainstay of the Shanghai association, refusing salary twice as large in government service in doing so ; Mr. C. T. Wang, a graduate of Michigan and Yale universities, for a time president of the Chinese Christian Student Federation of America, who is giving his fine qualities of leadership as a national secretary; Mr. H. L. Zia and Mr. P. S. Yie, who have put the Hterary work of the association on a very high basis; Mr. C. H. Fei, who comes to the Peking Association, a M.A. of Yale, and for three years principal of the Paotingfu Provincial College, and a number of others. Prominent as directors have been Mr. K. S. Wang, super- intendent of the Han- Yang Iron Works; Mr. P, L. Chang, a prominent educator of North China; H. E. K. S. Tang, twice representative of the Chinese government at Opium Conferences, and a director of the Indemnity Scholarship Bureau; Mr. T. T. Wang, now superintendent of Chinese students sent by the govern- 112 The Annals of the American Academy ment to America, and Rev. C. Y. Cheng, representative for China on the continuation committee of the Edinburgh Conference. Men, men with high abihties, dominated by a spirit of service and trained in efficient methods are the strength of a nation, the hope of a people. Perhaps the greatest service the association can render, then, is its Diogenian search for men who will give their talents for the service of their fellow countrymen. A Christian institution, getting its financial support almost entirely from non-Christian sources, is the strange fact about the Young Men's Christian Association in China, a marked testi- monial of the value of its broad work and the equally broad mind of the Chinese. At Shanghai during the last decade, more than $100,000 has been contributed to the association; this last summer at Foochow, $20,000 was raised for two building sites; and previ- ously $27,000 at Canton and $22,000 at Tientsin were procured for the same purpose. Far the greater part of all the above came from non-Christian Chinese sources. This is largely explained, apart from the generosity of the Chinese people, by the policy of having a Chinese institution without the taint of foreign control, the making of no distinction of religion as far as privileges of membership are concerned, and appreciation of the educational, physical and moral value of the work. This Chinese financial sup- port has not only the mercenary value of dollars and cents, but it has done much to arouse the spirit of service among the con- tributors. We know of at least one instance where a large gift to the association started a wealthy man on a career of philanthropic service. Often the giver is the most blessed. With this summary of the purpose, policy, extent and deep root of the Young Men's Christian Association in China, let us now proceed to some of the needs which it is trying to meet. "The Hope of China," is a book inspired by the late famous Confucian statesman, Chang Chih Tung, setting forth the need of education. This title epitomizes the faith of most Chinese to-day. One cannot describe the hue and cry for knowledge during these years — ^knowledge of government, science, economics, sociology, western institutions, anything which will shed light at this time of a nation's changing. In 1902, modern schools were established and grew in enrolment to 1,300,000 in six years. Students in great masses have gone abroad over the whole world. It is not strange, The Chinese Young Men's Christian Association 113 therefore, that the Young Men's Christian Association has found a great opportunity in education. So great, in fact, has been the demand that against all association precedents, day schools have been started in some places. In Tientsin the Putung school, estab- lished by the Young Men's Christian Association was the first high school in the north and is commonly known as "The Parent High School of Chihli Province." It is one of the few schools under Christian management that has official recognition of the Chinese Board of Education. Founded at the time when schools were springing up everywhere and in touch with prominent local edu- cators, this school has taken the lead in the athletic and extra- curriculum student life of the city, and through secretary and teacher has been of real assistance in advice, example and even active teaching to a number of government schools. In Shanghai, also, a very successful high school of 250 pupils, sons of prominent men of the city, has been carried on for years. It prepares students for a large college of the region and the sustained attendance and satisfaction given are sufficient justification for its continuance. However, with the increased efficiency and number of government schools, the question of the continuance of the day school has already been raised and most agree that its time is short. Yet without doubt, through these few schools, the association has ren- dered no small service to government education in its pioneer days. A more distinctive and permanent opportunity is that of night school work. The great demand for trained men has forced stu- dents into active life before their education has been completed. The cities are filled with those who wish to improve their position and efficiency by education. The great cry now is for English. It is the language in favor in the Far East. An English night school is often the first work started by the association. Everywhere this has been found an open door of opportunity. The one in Peking has an enrolment of over one hundred and turns away many for lack of accommodation. The clerk comes to better his position, the student to improve his conversation, the official to increase his efficiency. All ranks of society meet each other in such schools. One class in Peking contained a general in the Chinese army, an official prominent in municipal government, a teacher, besides students and telephone operators. Such an inter- mingling is a real leveling influence. Besides the call for English, 114 The Annals of the American Academy French, German, type-writing, stenography, bookkeeping, arith- metic, etc., find a demand in certain places. In Korea, the Seoul Association, affiliated with the China movement, is helping a nation industrially bankrupt to develop new trades. Modern carpentry, shoe-making, ironwork, etc., are being taught. This is the only effort of the kind in the country, and has met with such government approval that an annual grant of Yen 10,000 is made. In China no such work has been done heretofore, but at the present writing, the Hongkong Association has plans for doing so. The Chinese are lecture hungry. Anything which promises light on any of their problems will draw a good audience. Prepa- ration for Constitutional Government, Student Life in .America, Evolution, Modern Applications of Chemistry, etc., are typical pop- ular subjects. Many prominent foreigners traveling through China, have been used to bring the best of western thought to the Oriental student. The moving picture machine is sure to overcrowd any hall. The Chengtu Association gave the first such exhibition in the province of Szechuen, an event witnessed by the governor. The exhibit of scientific apparatus in laboratory and lecture, by Dr. Wilson of this association, has done much to open the eyes of the literati of this inland province. The most striking example of the value and demand for lectures with educational value is the present work of Prof. C. H. Robertson, formerly of Purdue Uni- versity faculty. When he lectures on the gyroscope, has a mono- rail in operation, makes a wheel rise against gravity, and lets any- one in the audience wrestle with an encased gyroscope, the audience is on edge with enthusiasm. This lecture was given a dozen times in Shanghai without diminishing interest. All the officials of Foo- chow turned out en masse with their retinues to listen to one of these science lectures and enjoyed much seeing an X-ray picture of the Tartar-general's hand. A wealthy merchant, when explained the nature of these lectures, could not contain his enthusiasm, but danced about the room in his excitement. Professor Robertson has further prepared a number of lectures with practical demon- stration on such subjects as Aeronautics, Air as a Lubricant, The Telautograph, Wireless Telegraphy, etc. He is planning to give them himself in the more important centers of China and to further increase their usefulness by training lecturers for smaller cities. The Chinese Young Men's Christian Association 115 Thus this is no less than a national campaign to furnish a wide- spread knowledge of the latest applications of scientific investiga- tion. It will do much to enlighten the people, stimulate progress, and reform and open up doors for further approach. "Put waste paper here," is the sign on large cans which has only recently greeted us in our cities. For centuries baskets for this purpose have been common in China. This is not from a sense of cleanliness as the filth of the street clearly shows, b,ut from the reverence in which any printed or written thing is held. No nation has exalted literature as has China. It is to prevent the defiling of the printed page that such baskets are provided. No wonder then that the publication department of the association has a great opportunity. This is enhanced by the thirst of the student of to-day for good reading pertinent to the problems of the nation and student life. It is hard to conceive of this great craving on his part and the very little there is to satisfy it. Attempt- ing to meet this need in some small measure, there has just been started by this department a magazine called Progress. It is pub- lished in Chinese and English and aims to bring light and sane judgment on reform, government, social conditions, education, etc., to those who in a short time will be prominent in Chinese affairs. As such, it is unique in journalism in China. Chinees Young Men, the official organ of the Christian Student Movement, already has a larger circulation than any other religious periodical, its number of paid subscribers in 1910 being 6,528, an increase of twenty per cent over 1909, and sixty per cent over 1908. The English edition of the same paper is a fine expression of Chinese Christian thought and is read widely by English speaking students. These three periodicals are edited entirely by Chinese and are each unique in their field. Further, no less than forty books and pamphlets are published including Bible study, devotional and general books, such as "Habit," by James ; "Secrets of Success," by Marsden ; etc. That there is a marked need for such literature is shown by the total sales of 31,390 copies for 1910, an increase of sixty per cent over the previous year. For the first time in her history, China's students are gathered in large numbers in the city away from home. One of the great problems arising therefrom has been that of their social life. No people are more friendly, enjoy social times more, have a keener Ii6 The Annals of the American Academy sense of humor, are better story tellers than the Chinese. The theater is the delight of all. A whole country side will stop work for a week to enjoy a tedious play given by traveling actors, and crowds throng the city theaters. Feasting is very common. As one student said: "My favorite amusement is to eat." It is no uncom- mon thing to have five or six invitations for an evening. Billiard, pool and bowling halls are very common and much used. All these entail great expense, causing many to live beyond their means, and bring the young man in touch with the worse side of city life. It is a sad fact that immorality is rapidly on the increase. To pre- serve the good and avoid the evil of all this, the Young Men's Christian Association is providing social centers equipped with billiards, pool, bowling alleys and other games where the surround- ing atmosphere is positive and for the good. Social evenings are frequent and the zest with which western parlor games are enjoyed by these orientals would astonish some who have judged all China by the inscrutable laundryman in America. Returned students from America are sounding the cry of the need of extra-curriculum "school life" such as they have known there, and through teacher and social groups, much is being done. Every such effort has met with a ready response. Goggled-eyed, dignified, stately in tread, unperturbed in de- meanor, speaking in aphorisms from the classics, ceaseless in con- centration on study — this the old Chinese scholar. What an exam- ple of pedantry, of one-sided development he has often been! A change has come now. Go to the city of Tientsin and. see five to seven thousand people including many of the leading men and women and even the governor of the province eagerly watching the new students of China from leading schools of the whole prov- ince compete in the annual track meet of the Tientsin Association. They sprint, run over the hurdles, put the shot, vault over the bar at a good height, do everything except show the false dignity of the old, and are further gaining strength of body, self-control, cleanliness of habit, sense of good sportsmanship, appreciation of team play, grit, perseverance and the art of success in doing so. In all this athletic life, the association is playing a leading part. In some places like Tientsin it has organized and developed a large share of the interscholastic athletic life of the whole city. Soccer, football and basket-ball leagues have been formed and some atten- The Chinese Young Men's Christian Association 117 tion paid to regular gymnastics. In Shanghai the success of this last has been marked and a physical director's training class started. A year ago in connection with the Nanking Exposition, a national interscholastic athletic meet was held by the management and school teams from alj parts of the Empire participated. The authorities asked the Young Men's Christian Association to direct this feature, an assistance gladly rendered. Co-operation with the municipality in the management of a public playground and athletic field has also been undertaken at Shanghai, a feature which will doubtless be developed in other centers. This message of a strong body is one much needed in China. Too close and long concentra- tion on study for many generations has meant a weak physique and tendency to certain diseases, notably tuberculosis. It was found at Shanghai, that forty per cent of those examined by the physical director had tubercular chests. Enlightenment on hygiene, sanita- tion, disease, heredity, etc., is a broad field for the physical depart- ment. Lectures on Plague Prevention drew large audiences at Shanghai that forty per cent of those examined by the physical were favorably commented -upon -by the' -Press. . At ja- student' con- ference near Peking, a talk on The Physical Results of Immorality had the closest attention, and was new thought to most present. We remember how in Tientsin, a talk on "Purity," by Rev. F. B. Meyer, of London, was greeted with a smirk and smile at first, which turned to rapt attention and deep earnestness at the end. Judged from the probable effects on China, the thronging of Chinese to the schools of other nations is one of the most important migrations of history. In 1905 there were no less' than fifteen thousand such in Tokyo, a number which has decreased to three thousand since then, a fact due to the withdrawal of short term students, who it is feared received more harm than good, the resi- due being those taking full courses. As is well known, the unused balance of their portion of the Boxer Indemnity Fund has been returned to China by the United States, and is being used to send students here. This means the arrival of fifty or seventy young Chinese each year to pass four to five years in our schools. Sta- tistics show that there are 725 students here now. A guess would place the total in England and the Continent at five hundred. Here then is a steady number of more than a thousand Chinese stu- dents who are in foreign schools and universities. This fact is at Ii8 The Annals of the American Academy once an opportunity and a duty. At Tokyo, a Young Men's Chris- tian Association for Chinese has been estabUshed since 1906, with quarters in the Central Association of that city and a branch at Waseda University. This has furnished a social meeting place for the students, a large night school work has been done, and a suc- cessful hostel run. The whole method might be characterized as a Campaign of Friendship. Most striking, however, has been the religious work. This has shown clearly that away from the re- straints and prejudices of the homeland and faced with the loneli- ness and temptations of a foreign city, the message of Christianity is very welcome. A Chinese pastor who has worked there for years says that three-fourths of them favor it. The Chinese Union Church with which the association has been closely co-operating, has received one hundred and forty of these students into mem- bership. What the lives of these educated, intelligent students of good family may mean to China is hard to estimate. For students in America, the Student's Information Bureau, which is prepared to help those going abroad, while not connected with it, yet has quarters in the Shanghai Association building. Parties of students have been met by association secretaries at American ports and every possible assistance rendered. A Chinese Christian Student Federation has been organized in America, which has two qualified Chinese as secretaries. A feature of the work is the holding annu- ally of three summer conferences. It is the object of this work to be a friend to those away from their friends, to bring them into touch with the best of this land that they may return equipped with high ideals as well as detailed knowledge to help solve the problems of their country. And let me add as an exhortation to all interested in these capable strangers in our schools that the universal testimony of those of them who have returned to China is that the greatest thing to attain the above ideal is the influence of the cultured Christian home. They should be given as much chance as possible to get in touch with such. Before there was a Young Men's Christian Association move- ment in China, individual student associations had been organized in a few of the mission schools. It is a striking example of. the vitality and need of such organization where student control and initiative are given free course that these early associations have lived some for twenty years with practically no outside supervision, The Chinese Young Men's Christian Association 119 instruction or help. I have in mind an academy in Peking, where an association was organized about 1896, and though receiving no help until within the last few years, yet persisted in its existence in spite of suggestion from teachers that it might be better* to unite with a larger church meeting. The little chaps wanted their own society and kept it. At the present time in this student department there are ninety-three associations with 4,459 mem- bers. Feeling that besides the curriculum Bible study required in the mission schools, it was necessary to inculcate a love for the personal study as a great help in maintaining a high standard of life, stress has been laid on voluntary Bible discussion groups v/ith emphasis on daily study. To this end much literature has been prepared. For the most part it is translation of Bible study books used in this country and while not wholly suited to the different conditions, yet is far the best of its kind in Chinese at present. Last year there were 2,732 students in 372 classes with an average weekly attendance of 1,806, a proportion of the total field which compares very favorably with the work in America. We know of at least two associations which in spare hours are carrying on small schools for outsiders and records show that ten per cent of the total membership use parts of vacations and holidays to work in street chapels and even for itinerating. Some associations fur- nish courses of lectures on general topics for the whole student body. A most significant feature of this work has been the hold- ing of six student summer conferences in different sections of China. They have gained in power and usefulness each year. To have students traJuag^, in the spirit of service, filled with the high ideals and dynamic of the Christian life, measuring their character and actions by the standards of the Bible to go forth to furnish leadership in China is the object of this department. No work is more important. We know the force for righteousness in a community that an active church is. It goes without saying that a necessity for a strong, vigorous, wise church is an efficient ministry. At this time in China when the spirit of nationalism is on the increase and young Chinese are taking the lead in every movement, it is of vital importance that highly educated strong Chinese be in the pulpit. Otherwise it will have but little place in the life of the nation. Of great concern therefore, has it been that comparatively 120 The Annals of the American Academy few of the graduates of mission colleges, splendid as has been their service in other lines, have taken up this particular form of work. The great loss in salary and social standing involved largely account for this. It is a thing that thrills our hearts that it is a Chinese pastor. Rev. Ding Li Mei who has providentially arisen to meet this need. He is a man of the spirit and power of Moody, a pro- found believer and user of prayer and a constant Bible student. He is an example which convinces one that we are waiting for the interpretation of Christianity which the Oriental will give. Giv- ing his time for the past two years to the student department, there have been over seven hundred students who have decided to devote their lives to the ministry. In doing so they take a calling without position in the community, with hardly a living salary, and a task full of discouragements, whereas with their training they could get five to ten times as much salary and occupy honored places as government teachers. Surely much can be expected of men with this spirit of sacrifice and the churches led by them. Moral and religious changes following the new conditions of society have been marked and serious. The restraints of old religions have fallen off. The true Confucianist has of old looked askance at Buddhism and Taoism and now that western learning has come in, the students regard them as superstitions and the priest a joke. Confucianism is still the heart of the Chinese. The classics are taught in all schools both government and mission and rightly so. As a moral code, they are laudable; as a conserver of civilization, most powerful; as stimulating progress, a stumbling- block; as a religion, agnostic; and as a force to stop the growing immorality mentioned above or to meet any other evil old or new, defective. Writes a Chinese : "The ideal of statesmanship found in Confucianism is not fit for our statesmen of the present day. . . . Confucius did not fight against the corruption of the king of Chi but yielded and left. The Chinese statesmen at the sight of difficulties will ask sick leave; the western statesman will stick to his post." A well known Chinese educator says: "The Chinese students need the gospel of Hope. Teach them that Christ can give them hope for their nation and faith so that they will not give up and will play their part. This is one of the greatest teach- ings that Christianity can give China." Further the agnosticism of Confucius coupled with science of to-day and a smattering of The Chinese Young Men's Christian Association 121 Darwin, Huxley, Spencer and Mill has led many into pure mate- rialism. Says one: "The strength of western nations is entirely dependent upon science, and Christianity is simply one means of governing the more ignorant." Finally add a strong prejudice. "Many men connect Christianity with the foreigner and the mis- sionary with his foreign government, we have our religion; why do we want to adopt a foreign one which opposes our customs in every way," are common objections. The above is enough to show the twofold situation of a need for a dynamic which will make moral teaching bear fruit in character and lead men to combat evils in society, and a strong prejudice to be overcome if Christianity furnish that power. Work for these students has largely fallen upon the Young Men's Christian Association as the form of effort most suited to meet the need. Events of the past few years have given great grounds for encouragement. In .spite of prejudice, there is a spirit of inquiry and search. In 1909, a series of lectures on Science and Religion were given in student centers and met with a surprising hearing. At Paotingfu, 800 students in spite of a great cold hall, noisy attendants, smoky lamps and few seats, listened with rapt attention for an hour and a half to an interpreted address on the argument for God as Cause. This spring Mr. G. S. Eddy, accus- tomed to the Oriental mind by fourteen years in the Young Men's Christian Association in India, gave a series of lectures in a num- ber of cities of China. His audiences were as large as two thou- sand five hundred and in some cases insisted on protracted meet- ings. The Shanghai Association has seventy men who are preparing to enter the church as a result of his work. Mention should be made of the author of one of the statements quoted in the above paragraph, an educator, who after years of study and contact with the Tientsin Association became a Christian. The best product of Confucianism together with modern training, he found in this teaching fulfilment of all he had. The reality of his experience, the beauty of his life, his lead in all good things has led above twenty students and prominent men to take the same step. As a result of this, a church supported and controlled en- tirely by Chinese has been started in Tientsin, a church that during the first six months received twenty-six new members, for the most part of the student class. 122 The Annals of the American Academy Only this past summer there was held near Peking by the Young Men's Christian Association, a summer conference unique in China and as far as I know in any other country. The subject of the conference was Present Day Problems and Christianity. The program was printed in full that there might be no misunder- standing of the purpose of the meeting. Non-Christian students in government schools were asked to spend eight days, a fifth of their vacation, and to give a fee of five dollars (Mexican) merely for the purpose of going to a beautiful Buddhist Temple in the mountains to listen to four hours of lectures a day on Christianity. It was decidedly an experiment, but yet it was felt that the subject would appeal to a good number. Results showed that it did, for there was a total of thirty-eight who came representing twelve different schools. Of these, but six were already Christians. It was felt by the program committee that there were but two points of view from which to approach the subject, one from that of science and the other from that of China's needs. These are un- doubtedly the two subjects in which the Chinese students are most interested. So one lecture each day was devoted to "The Modern View of the World," showing the present thought regarding Evolu- tion, Sociology, Psychology, etc., and bringing out clearly that all these at least permit a spiritualistic conception of the universe; and another was given on the "Needs of China," showing Chris- tianity's place in meeting them. Of the remaining two hours one was used in small discussion Bible classes, which proved the most interesting part of the whole conference, questions being frequent and showing thought, and the other to Life Callings, showing what ideals should fill a man in the different occupations that China be most benefited. Clearly it was the idea of service and Christian- ity as fitting the individual for the highest usefulness that appealed most to these men. The seven who at the conference for the first time took definite Christian stands all bore testimony to this. One of them said: "I know the real need of our nation is the purity of the individual and Christianity can help men to be pure." More striking yet are the words of one of the three representatives sent by the government from suspicion of the revolutionary nature of all student gatherings. He said: "I have heretofore had little use for Christianity. I thought it a religion for coolies. But I have at this conference been much instructed. I have listened The Chinese Young Men's Christian Association 123 day by day to scholars, and have been much impressed, learning many things. I also have noted the patriotic spirit of the gather- ing. The sort of Christianity here taught would be a real blessing to China. If such men as these students would accept Christianity and lead the church, the church would be improved and would be a great power in China." China is awake and stirring. At least a fourth of the world's population is engaged in the tremendous task of adapting a civili- zation but little changed for milleniums to the new conditions sur- rounding it and is meeting with wonderful success. When we stop to think that four hundred million industrious, capable, intel- lectual people are living in a country with vast undeveloped mineral resources and sparsely settled territory larger than the United States, we must ask ourselves, what are the possibilities of such a nation? What may it mean to the whole world to have this people from being a negligible quantity in world affairs turn to helping in the solution of the scientific, economic and religious problems of the day. On the other hand, in this development, should com- mercialism, selfishness, revenge be the leading motives what prob- lems would be created, what troubles arise! The key to the situa- tion is the young man of China to-day; he decides the question. Bring the best of the world to his attention, show him friendship, help him in all his problems, iill his life with high ideals, instil in him the spirit of the brotherhood of man, ground his character on the rock of true religion and the greatest task of the present day has been done. MEDICINE AS PRACTICED BY THE CHINESE By William W. Cadbury, M.D., University Medical School, Canton, China. In the preparation of this article I have referred largely to a work entitled "Medicine et Pharmacie chez les Chinois et chez les Annamites" par le Dr. Jules Regnault, A. Challamei, Editeur, Paris, Rue Jacob 17. I have also included notes made from personal obser- vations in Canton, China, and conversations with a Chinese scholar who had read some of the medical classics. Medicine in China may be divided into two classes, — the purely superstitious, which depends on charms and magic, and the art of medicine, as practiced by the Chinese physician. The former I shall dismiss with a few words. In the City of Canton may be found temples dedicated to the "Spirit of Medicine." In these the ignorant people, especially women, believe that the presiding deity will restore health upon the payment of small sums of money and the perfor- mance of certain rites. The Chinese physician, proper, is quite a different individual from the Taoist priest, although magic and astrology do play an important part in his armanentarium. Thus, for example, we read that as heaven has its orders of stars, so earth has its currents of water, and man his pulse. As heaven has twenty- eight constellations called the three hundred and sixty-five orders, so earth has courses of water called lakes, springs, etc., and man has his courses in the pulse, — the three yang and the three yin. The practice of medicine is unlicensed and is usually hereditary, the skilled physician handing down his secrets to one of his sons. All the efforts of the students are directed to the pulse and the various phenomena revealed by its palpation. There are at least fifty-one variations in the pulse which may be detected and each one indicates some special condition in the body. For simple complaints home remedies and the formulas of old women are resorted to and only when grave symptoms develop is the doctor consulted. In case of warfare the Chinese soldiers attend to their own wounds. The first authority on medicine in China was the Emperor Chen Song 2737 B.C. who classified about one hundred medicinal plants. (124) Medicine as Practiced by the Chinese 125 In 2637 B.C. medical science, so far as it had advanced, was written up by another Emperor. The Chinese distinguish three kinds of practice: — Internal medicine, external medicine and children's diseases. The drugs and other medicaments are weighed out according to a decimal system as follows: 1 tael or leung equals 40.00 gm. I tsin " 4.00 gm. I fan " .4 gm. I lei " .04 gm. I ho " .004 gm. The study of human anatomy has been retarded by two factors, — respect for the dead and the lack of any co-operation or organ- ization among the practicing physicians. The body is said to be divided into three parts: (i) The upper, or head; (2) the middle or chest; (3) the lower or abdomen and inferior extremities. Life depends on the equilibrium of the yang and the yin. It is but one manifestation of the universal life. The whole order of the universe results from the perfect equilibrium of these two factors. The yang is the warm principle, the actively flowing and is often symbolized by the sun. The yin is the moist principle, passively flowing and is symbolized by shadow. The equilibrium of these two forces con- stitutes the health of man. If the yang, or active principle predominates there is excitation; if the yin, or passive principle predominates there is depression of the organism. Harmony between the yang and the yin is often represented by two dragons ready to devour one another. The action of these two principles depends on twelve organs: heart, liver, lungs, spleen, left kidney, brain, the large and small intestines, the stomach, gall bladder, urinary bladder and the right kidney. Each of these organs has a canal whereby it communicates with the others. Thus the liver, kid- ney and spleen are connected with the heart by special vessels ; and the vas deferens arises from the kidney. Some of these com- municating channels end in the hands and some in the feet. One of the vessels in the little finger is used to determine the nature of most infantile diseases. Six of these vessels carry the active prin- ciple yang, and six carry the passive principle yin. These two forces spread through the whole organism by means of the gases and the 126 The Annals of the American Academy blood. The latter makes a complete circulation of the body about fifty times in twenty-four hours. In these fifty revolutions the blood passes twenty-five times through the male channels or those of the active principle and twenty-five times through the female channels, or those of the passive principle. The blood returns to its starting point every half hour approximately, instead of once in twenty-five seconds, according to the teaching of modern physiologists, having traversed a course of some fifty-four meters. The yang is of a subtle nature and resides in the abdomen and six viscera. It has a constant tendency to rise. The yin resides in the brain, the vertebral column and the five viscera and tends to descend. The viscera of the body are classified under two groups : — the six viscera in which the yang resides and the five viscera in which the yin resides. The six viscera are: The gall bladder, stomach, small intestines, large intestines, bladder and the left kidney, with its three heat centers, the three lumbar sympathetic ganglia. The five viscera are : The heart, liver, lungs, spleen and right kidney. The diaphragm is placed beneath the heart and lungs, it covers over the intestines, spine and stomach. It is an impervious membrane. It covers over the foul gases, not allowing them to rise into the heart and lungs. The stomach, spleen and small intestines are the digestive organs. They prepare the blood which is received by the heart and set in motion by the lungs. The liver and the gall blad- der filter out the various humors. The lungs expel the foul gases. The kidneys filter the blood, while coarser material is evacuated by the large intestines. Two substances are found circulating in the body, gases and blood. The former acts upon the latter as the wind upon the sea, the interaction of these two as they circulate in the vessels produces the pulse. The pulse may be palpated at eleven different points, as follows : Radial, cubital, temporal, posterior auricular, pedal posterior tibial, external plantar, precordial and in three places over the aorta. Usually, however, the physician is satisfied with palpation of the pulse of the right and left wrist. With the right hand he feels the left pulse and with the left hand the right pulse. He applies three fingers, — the ring, middle and index over the pulse and the thumb underneath the wrist. Then he palpates the pulse with each finger successively. Under the ring finger the pulse of the right hand reveals the condition of the lung, middle of chest and the large Medicine as Practiced by the Chinese 127 intestines, while in the left hand the ring finger determines the state of the heart and small intestines. The pulse under the middle finger corresponds on the right to the condition of the stomach and spleen, on the left to the state of the liver and gall bladder. The index finger placed over the pulse of the right radial shows the condition of the bladder and lower portion of body, over the left radial it reveals the state of the kidneys and ureters. For each of these six pulses the physician must practice weak, moderate and strong pres- sure, to determine whether the pulse be superficial, moderate or deep. This must be done during nine complete inspirations. If the pulse be rapid the yang principle is predominant, if slow, the yin is predominant. There are twenty-four main varieties of pulse and there are twenty-seven which prognosticate death. The Chinese physician must be trained to palpate the pulse so skillfully that by this single means the nature of diseases and even the month of gestation in a pregnant woman may be determined. Ten or more minutes must be spent in the palpation of the pulses. Sometimes a Chinese physician will consider other factors. For example it is said that by examination of the tongue thirty-six symptoms may be diagnosed according as the tongue is white, yel- low, blue, red or black, and depending on the extent of the coating. From the general appearance of the face and nose the state of the lungs may be discovered. Examination of the eyes, orbits, and eye- brows shows the condition of the liver. The cheeks and tongue vary with the state of the heart, the end of the nose with the stomach. The ears suggest conditions of the kidneys; the mouth and lips the state of the spleen and stomach. The color and figure of the patient alie.-^eount in a diagnosis. Each organ has its appro- priate color. Red corresponds to the heart, white to the lungs, black to the kidneys and bladder, yellow to the stomach and spleen and blue to the liver and gall bladder. Organs also have their own peculiar times and seasons. Thus the heart has red as its color, fire as its element, summer as its season and noon as its hour. It is more likely to be inflamed at noon during the summer season. The elements of nature are supposed to be complicating factors in disease. They are arranged in pairs of opposites thus : active and passive, weak and strong, water and fire, cold and heat. Auscultation and percussion are wholly unknown as diagnostic aids to the Chinese physician. Entire reliance is placed on palpation 128 The Annals of the American Academy of the pulse and the general facies of the patient, in making a diagnosis. Questions may be asked but only to suggest the remedy required. Often a prescription is given because of the resemblance of the drug to the organ affected. Thus for renal diseases, haricot or kidney beans are given. Minerals are administered as salts. Plants are used in the form of roots, stems, leaves, flowers and dried fruits. The bones of a tiger are frequently ground up and given to a debilitated person. The grasshopper is dried and used as a medicine and the shells of the cicada are collected from the bark of trees and mixed with other ingredients. Tinctures and extracts are prepared from rice wine. Pills are often made with a thick shell of parafiEne which is broken off and the contents chewed up. Va- rious forms of plasters and blisters may be applied to the skin. The actual cautery is often used as a revulsive. The use of the acupuncture needle seems to be seldom resorted to in the neighborhood of Canton. The theory on which it is based is that if one punctures the vessels connecting different organs the disease will be aborted. Three hundred and eighty-eight points suitable for acupuncture are described. Diseases of the liver and the eyes, which are sympathetic organs, are cured by giving pork's liver. In Kwongtung province human blood is considered an excellent remedy and at executions people may be seen collecting the blood in little vials. It is then cooked and eaten. Diseases are said to be produced by internal and external agents. Among the external influences are: (i) Wind, which causes head- ache or apoplexy, dizziness, chapping of face, diseases of the eye, ear, nose, tongue, teeth, etc. (2) Cold may cause cough, cholera, heart pains, rheumatism and abdominal pains. (3) Heat causes chills and diarrhoea. (4) From dampness develops constipation, dis- tention of abdomen, watery diarrhoea, gonorrhea, nausea, pain in kidneys, jaundice, anasarca, pain in small intestines, and pain in feet. (5) From dryness comes thirst, and constipation. (6) Fire causes pain in the sides, diabetes, etc. The diseases of internal origin are classified as disorders of the gases, blood, sputum and depressed spirits. In the past few years there have been established two chari- table institutions in Canton for the treatment of the sick, according to native methods of practice. No surgery is practiced. At one of these so-called hospitals I was informed that bullets were removed Medicine as Practiced by the Chinese 129 by placing a kind of plaster at the opening of the wound. The ingredients of the plaster have a remarkable magnetic power over the imbedded bullet and gradually draw it out through the same opening by which it entered. My informant had never seen this line of treatment actually carried out, however. There is a great desire on the part of many Chinese young men to learn the science of western medicine, and in the next few years there will be a demand for thousands of Chinese trained as scientific physicians. J CHINA: GEOGRAPHY AND RESOURCES By G. B. Roorback, Instructor in Geography, University of Pennsylvania. The ultimate greatness of a nation as a political power depends primarily upon its geographical position and its physical resources. Those qualities of racial character that we are apt to think of as the basis of a people's progress, are, in the last analysis, largely determined by physical surroundings; and even a progressive people in a land of scanty resources or of unfavorable geographic position could not hope to attain and maintain the highest stage of national greatness. What are the actual facts as to the geography of China that justify the current belief that this nation is destined to become a power of the first magnitude? that here in eastern Asia will continue to be enacted some of the greatest and most far-reaching events in national and international affairs? What are its actual resources that give credence to the belief that here the wealth of the world is to be enormously increased? that here will develop a trade and commerce sufficient to bring fortunes to the individuals or the nations that can control it? Be his interests economic, com- mercial or political, these are questions that should receive first consideration by the student of the Far East. The Chinese Empire consists of China proper and her four dependencies — Tibet, Eastern Turkestan, Mongolia and Manchuria. China, however, although it has but one-third of the area of the Empire, contains practically all its wealth and population. This article is confined to China itself, referring only indirectly to the dependencies. I. Geographical Position Isolation. — The fact of greatest influence on China's history is its almost complete separation from the rest of the world, by land and by sea. It is this fact that has made possible the maintenance of its civilization, almost unchanged for over 2,500 years. China faces the Pacific, the largest of the oceans, across whose waters the (130) China: Geography and Resources 131 small boats of the Chinese could not hope to cross. And even had they crossed, they would have found the distant shores almost uninhabited. On the shore of this ocean there w^as no other nation, either in the old world or the new, save the small island Empire of Japan, with its kindred people and civilization, which could penetrate to China by sea, bringing new peoples and new thoughts. Chinese influence upon Japan's development was strong, but, until within the last two decades, Japan has had little influence upon the huge Empire of the Chinese. India, on the Indian Ocean, possessed a great population and an ancient civilization, but the sea voyage even to India was long and stormy, and the way infested by pirates who found ready shelter in numerous islands and bays. The distance from Canton to Calcutta is over 3,500 miles, further than from Philadelphia to Liverpool, so that even with this one other populous section in Asia intercourse was difficult. As for sea connections with European nations, the way was absolutely unknown until 1498, and the great distance even then shut out Western invasion, save in a very small way, until well on in the nineteenth century. By sea China has been all but com- pletely isolated from the rest of the civilized world. By land, China is likewise all but barred out from intercourse with the remainder of Asia and with Europe by a system of high mountain ranges, broad plateaus, and sandy desert wastes unrivaled as a land barrier anywhere else on the earth's surface. From the China Sea this triple barrier of mountain, sand and plateau encloses China in a great curve, over 6,000 miles in extent, passing through Indo-China to Central Asia and on through eastern Siberia to the Okhotsk Sea. The outer edge of this curve consists of the highest and most inaccessible of mountain ranges, the Himalayas, the Pamirs, the Tian-shan, the Altai, the Yablonovyi. From the southern province of Yun-nan to the Dzungaria pass in central Asia, a distance of about 2,800 miles, the lowest passes are over 10,000 feet and many reach 16,000 to 18,000 feet. The lowest passes in the moHntains between Burma and southern China are from 5,000 to 7,000 feet in altitude and narrow and difficult. North of the Pamirs the general east-west extension of the mountain ranges gives lower and somewhat easier passes into western Asia. The wide pass of Dzungaria, north of the Tien 132 The Annals of the American Academy Shan Range, has an elevation as low as 5,000 to 6,000 feet. Northeast from this opening, other passes from 5,000 to 8,000 feet in altitude are found leading to Siberia. The inside of this high mountainous curve is occupied by broad, high, desert plateaus, from 1,500 to 2,000 miles in width, and ranging in height from 9,000 to 18,000 feet in Tibet tj, 3,000 to 5,000 in the plateau of Mongolia, and crossed by higher mountain ranges. These plateaus are occupied by the Chinese dependencies of Tibet, Eastern Turkestan and Mongolia, buffer states over which China has maintained control as a still greater protection from western invasion. Even without the outer encircling ranges of mountains, this desert plateau in itself would be sufficient to shut out any but the most desultory communications. Isolation — Present Significance. — The all but complete iso- lation made by the natural boundaries of China as just indicated have been partly removed in recent times by improvements in transportation. The cutting of the Suez Canal has greatly shortened the route from Europe, and the opening of the Panama Canal will bring eastern America somewhat nearer. The steam- ship and the railroad have shortened the time of journey by many days, or even weeks, and have brought the products, the peoples, and the ideas of every land to China's doors. China is no longer completely . cut off from outside influences. But yet her position far distant from Europe and the Americas and her mountain and desert boundaries, will long continue to exert a great influence upon Chinese affairs and Chinese progress. In spite of transportation improvements, Shanghai is still forty- five days by sea from western Europe and fourteen days from west- ern North America. In the peaceful pursuits of commerce, although the sea is a connecting highway, these great distances offer bar- riers to trade in increased freight rates, both for imports and exports, as well as in length of time required for transport. The expense of travel limits both the number of foreign visitors to China and Chinese visitors to foreign countries, thus cutting off one means of acquiring new ideas and-progressive methods. This separation may in time prove of benefit to Chinese far eastern trade, in that it will encourage the growth of manufacturing industries in China. When she learns to use her resources of mechanical power and of cheap and efficient labor in manufacturing, the long dis- China: Geography and Resources 133 tance away of her competitors will be to their disadvantage and to China's gain. In war, even in modern times, the sea is a most effective barrier. It is true that China presents 2,100 miles of seacoast open to attack from foreign navies. But these navies, when in Chinese waters, are far from their bases of supplies. In the event of a war of conquest, involving the transportation of large armies, the thousands of miles of sea between China and the great powers of Europe will prove scarcely less effective as a protection than they have in the past. "It is this limited capacity of navies to extend coercive force inland that has commanded them to the highest political intel- ligence as a military instrument mighty for defence, but presenting no menace to the liberties of a people."^ In peace and war, the land barriers must always remain effective. Great Britain in the south and Russia on the north have extended their dominions to the mountain circle that forms the outer bulwark of China's natural defences; and here they have stopped. Not only do the high mountains and plateaus oppose further conquest, but the desert lands are hardly worth the taking. Yet it is almost certain had not the mountains intervened, those two powers would have extended before this their borders to, if not within, China itself. This, in fact, is what Russia nearly accom- plished in the only weak point in the mountain barrier, namely Manchuria. Manchuria alone, of all the land boundaries of China, can be regarded as at all open. The Manchurian plain, rich and fertile, opens readily into northern China and the mountain divide separating Manchuria from Siberia is relatively low and easy of passage. It is from this direction that Russia has stretched forth her conquering arm, taking possession of all the northern half of the Amur valley and reaching down the Pacific coast to Korea. She was finally entrenching herself in all of Manchuria when forced to loosen her hold by Japan. Here alone, by means of the Siberian Railway, is China directly connected by land with Europe, and here has her territorial integrity been most threatened. The retention of Manchuria by China is a vital necessity to maintain protection along her land frontier. >Mahan, A. T., "The Problem of Asia," p. 42 134 The Annals of the American Academy Except for the Siberian Railway, the mountain-desert bar- rier has kept from China any international railways. ^ In Burma and India many roads reach up to the base of the Himalayas, while in Turkestan the Russians have penetrated to the Pamirs with their railroad lines, but none have yet crossed. Both the lack of resources in the central Asiatic plateaus and difficulty of con- struction over these high ranges will undoubtedly long prevent any such extension. Accessibility — Seacoast and Harbors. — The preceding section has emphasized China's isolation and its effects both past and present. Turning to the other side of the question, to what extent do physical features make China accessible to modern trade and commerce ? The prime requisite for the growth of a modern nation is ready access to the sea. China's seacoast extends over 2,000 miles, following the main outlines of the coast; or, including the minor depressions, over 4,500 miles. But this long seacoast presents but comparatively few good harbors. Remarkably free from deep indentations, it encloses all of eastern China in a single great curve, convex to the east, and broken only where the Shan-tung peninsula projects eastward toward Korea in the north, and the Lei Chau peninsula reaches toward the island of Heinan in the south. These projecting peninsulas form the only large inclosed bays along the China coast, the Gulf of Pe-chi-li and the Gulf of Tongking. The largest depression in this great curve- is Hang-chow Bay, at its most eastern edge. And this bay is but sixty miles wide, extends inland about the same distance, and is too shallow for large ocean- going vessels. The northern coast, north of Hang-chow is especially deficient in harbors. Except for the Shan-tung peninsula, it is made up of alluvial material brought down by the two great rivers of China, and has, therefore, a low, flat, swampy shore, straight and regular and gradually advancing seaward. Off shore it is very shallow and filled with shifting sand bars. Ten miles off the coast of Chi-li water is but twenty feet deep, and, moreover, is obstructed by ice during the winter months. There are no harbors worthy the name on the Gulf of Pe-chi-li nor along the coast south of the Shan-tung promontory. Shanghai is situated on the Wang-poo River, a short ' A short line from Hanoi In Annam Into the province of Tun-nan, Is an inter- national railway, but It does not cross the mountain barrier. China: Geography and Resources 135 tidal tributary near the mouth of the Yangtze. The Yangtze enters the sea in a great estuary sixty miles wide, but filled with islands and shifting channels, and constantly threatening to silt up the entrance to Shanghai whose connection with the sea is main- tained by artificial means. Passengers and cargo sometimes have to be unloaded at the Woosung Bar, at the mouth of the river, and taken by barges fifty miles up to Shanghai. Its existence as a great port is due entirely to its position at the mouth of a great navigable river. It is the only port in China that has good natural access to the interior. The Shan-tung peninsula only, in all of the northern coast of China, has a few good natural harbors, due to the fact that here the mountains reach the sinking seacoast forming a series of bays and protecting headlands, but these harbors have no natural connections to the interior. The two best have been taken posses- sion of by foreign powers. Wei-hai-wei, a large protected harbor with a depth of forty-five feet, was leased by Great Britain in 1898, and Ts'ingtao, on Kiaw-chau Bay, one of the largest and best harbors in the East, was taken by Germany in the same year. The Chinese treaty port of Che-foo possesses a large and deep harbor. South of Hang-chow Bay, the coast, like Shan-tung, is formed by the depression of a mountainous region and possesses several good natural harbors, but, also like Shan-tung, they have poor access to the interior. Foo-chow, Amoy, Swatow, Hong Kong, and Kwang-chpw-wan are all good harbors, capable of receiving the largest ocean vessels. Canton cannot receive ships of over ten feet draught, while Macao is fast silting up. Navigable Streams. — Not only is China's coast free from deep indentations that allow penetration of the sea inland, but its rivers, with the notable exception of the Yangtze, are unnavigable by ocean-going vessels except in their lower courses. The mighty Hwang-ho is used only by junks, even in its lowest courses, due to bars at its mouth and sands in its channels. Above its entrance to the highlands, it is unnavigable even for junks. The Si-Kiang in the south is navigable only to Wu-chow for vessels of less than six and one-half feet draught, a distance of about 125 miles. Small boats and barges, however, can go far up its m.ain stream as well as its tributaries. It is the Yangtze that opens the interior of China to the sea. 136 The Annals of the American Academy Ocean-going vessels drawing sixteen to eighteen feet of water come to the wharves at Han-kow, 680 miles from the ocean, into the very heart of China. River steamers can proceed 370 miles further, to Ichang where the gorges of the Yangtze seriously hinder navigation. These gorges are navigated, however, with difficulty by large junks to Chang-king (400 miles), and small junks go on even to Ping-shan, 1,750 miles from the mouth. A small, specially- constructed steamboat now makes regular trips from Ichang to Chang-king through the gorges. Small steamers navigate the Han for three hundred miles northwest from Han-kow. Even in the Yangtze navigation by the large ocean going vessels is prevented in the dry winter season, when not over six feet draught boats can be taken up the river. At all seasons, shifting sand bars are a serious evil. But in spite of these handicaps, the Yangtze is the chief natural instrument for making the interior of China accessible to the outside world. Here commerce and industry are gaining firmest foothold. The fact that the present revolutionary movement has had its origin in the Yangtze Valley and has here gained its strongest support is significant of the openness of this central valley to outside influences. Accessibility by Land. — In the description of China's land boundaries their isolating effects were noted. But in spite of these effective barriers China has long continued to hold some inter- course with the rest of Asia. Immigrations from the West were the beginnings of her civilization; her religion has come from India, as witnessed by the Buddha worship; Christian missionaries from Europe established the church in China in the middle ages; Chinese goods found their way to Europe in very early times ; and some degree of commerce is still maintained across the deserts and mountains. The early peoples bringing Chinese civilization undoubtedly came from western Asia, passing along the Tarim Basin or through the Dzungaria pass north of the Tian Shan, thence along the northern edge of the Nan Shan to the valleys of the Wei-Ho and the Hwang-Ho. This is the easiest of the routes between the East and West and has long been the line of a small caravan trade. It is very long, however, the distance from Kan-su province to the plains of Turkestan being 2,500 to 3,000 miles and it traverses a high, cold, desert region. China: Geography and Resources 137 From Pekin northward a long but easy pass leads through Kalgan to the Mongolian plateau, 5,000 feet above sea level; and followed now by the recently completed railroad to Kalgan. Here begin two long caravan routes to Siberia, one leading to the Lake Baikal district, crossing the high desert; the other, after crossing a rough and sandy region for more than a thousand miles, passes north of the Altai mountains and reaches the headwaters of the Irtish River in Siberia through a snow-covered pass 8,000 feet high. Connection with Tibet and Burma in the southwest is main- tained through very high and difficult passes. From Cheng-tu, the capital of Sze-chuan, a trade route leads to Llasa in Tibet over three mountain passes, up to 10,000 feet in height; and from Kan-su province, a still more difficult route reaches the same destination over passes as high as 16,000 feet. From Llasa a high, but not so difficult, way leads into India. Between Yun-nan and Burma a high and deeply dissected plateau, fever-infested, makes progress very difficult. The valleys are cut in this plateau from 3,000 to 4,000 feet below the general level of the region and extend north and south across the line of travel, but a trade route, possible only for pack-laden coolies, crosses from Yun-nan to the Irawadi, in Burma. In Burma, a railroad now extends toward China for 150 miles northeast of Mandalay, and it has been proposed that this line be extended con- necting Yun-nan with Burma. The physical difficulties in the way of such a road, while probably not insurmountable, are exceedingly great, and would involve an enormous expenditure. The con- struction of such a railroad is probably very far in the future. The only way that these highlands of southwest China are less effective than the rest of the land barriers lies in the fact that they are narrower and a trade route here would connect the two most densely populated regions of Asia and furnish an outlet of China's wealth into Indian ports. But even modern engineering skill hesitates to assume the task that would be involved in constructing a railroad on this high and deeply dissected plateau. Political reasons only, if any, will have weight in bringing about its construction. II. Physical Features and Resources Surface Form — Mountains. — China is essentially a mountain- ous country, rough, rugged and high. It consists for the most part 138 The Annals of the American Academy of ancient crystalline and sedimentary rocks that have been faulted, folded and worn down by the forces of erosion, only to be again uplifted or deformed and dissected by the streams into valleys, deep, steep-sided and narrow. Only where recent deposits of wind- or water-borne silt have filled up the irregularities of the surface are level areas to be found, as in the loess-filled valleys of the northern provinces or in the delta deposits at the mouths of the rivers. Less than one-fifth of the area of China is under 1,000 ft. in altitude, and most of this is in the great delta plains of the east and north- east. The average elevation is estimated at 1,500 ft., as com- pared to 500 ft. for the United States, and 300 ft. for Great Britain. The northern and western edges of China are in the high plateaus and mountains of central Asia. Two-thirds of the great province of Sze-chuan comprises the inaccessible mountains, border- ing on Tibet, and reaches altitudes of from 10,000 to over 16,000 ft. Much of Yun-nan and Kan-su are likewise situated, while the northern portions of all the northern provinces lie on the high edge of the Mongolian plateau. The descent from these highest plateaus to the south and east is often abrupt, the line of separation being in many cases great fault escarpments. But instead of leading down to low plains the descent generally is to a rugged plateau and mountainous region, from 1,500 to 6,000 feet in height, which covers the remainder of the area of China to the very ocean's edge, except where interrupted by the delta plains of the Hwang-ho and Yangtze. Plains. — The Great Plain of the northeast, forming a great half circle with the Shan-tung peninsula at its center, and the exten- sive flood plains of the lower Yangtze constitute the only large plain areas in China. Though large in themselves, these plains occupy scarcely one-eighth of China's surface. Elsewhere only narrow flood plains or small deltas relieve the usual monotony of slope and mountain ridge. The northern or Great Plain consists for the most part of the fertile Hwang-ho delta, reaching inland for 400 miles. North of this delta the plain is of marine origin, covered with alluvium from the mountain streams. The Yangtze plains extend inland in a series of silt-filled basins for 600 miles, separated from each other and from the northern Great Plain by ranges of hills and mountains. These two plains coalesce, how- ever, in the east, so that a continuous wide plain extends from China: Geography and Resources 139 Hang-chow to Pekin, a distance of about 750 miles. Ichang, at the head of the Yangtze plains, 1,000 miles up the river, is but 130 feet above sea-level. Low and flat, these plains are covered with many large lakes and swamps. The rivers, flowing across them in beds higher than the level of the plains, are held in by great embankments, sixty feet high in places, but subject to frequent overflows in time of flood that cause enormous losses to life and property. But the soil is rich and inexhaustible, the surface easily tilled and well watered and capable of yielding enormous crops. These extensive plains, equal in area to the combined states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Ken- tucky, constitute the great agricultural resource of China. They now support an enormous population, fully forty per cent of China's total, though constituting but one-eighth of its area, and furnish foods and raw materials for export. Control of the devas- tating flows would enormously increase their wealth-producing ability. Climate. — Although occupying a latitude corresponding to that between New York and Santiago de Cuba, China has a climate with a lower average temperature and greater seasonal extremes than are found in these same latitudes in America. High altitude, combined with close proximity to the extensive high plateaus of central Asia, with their great extremes of heat and cold, largely account for these conditions. Frosts occur in practically all parts of China, and snow occasionally falls even in Canton, within the tropics. Everywhere there is a distinct change from summer to winter, much less marked in the central and southern provinces, which are without great temperature extremes, but very decided in the north, where the winters are long and severe and the sum- mers warm. Under the influence of the monsoons China has an abundant summer rainfall. Although decreasing in amount in the west and north, no section has less than twenty inches of annual rain, most of which falls during the growing season, when it is of greatest benefit to agriculture. Geographic Divisions. — China may be conveniently divided, for purposes of regional study, into three divisions — northern, central and southern China — partly on the basis of physical features, partly because of climatic differences. Northern China is occupied by the 140 The Annals of the American Academy drainage basin of the Hwang-ho, and is separated from central China by the high and inaccessible Tien-shan in the west, and the lower mountains which continue the divide eastward nearly to the coast. Central China corresponds in general to the basin of the Yangtze, while southern China occupies the wide, mountainous plateau that stretches in a wide belt across all of southern China, and which is drained in its northern part by the Si Kiang. Many intersecting mountain ridges divide all these divisions into smaller, well-defined sub-divisions. Northern China. — The western and northern parts of this sec- tion consist of high plateaus, sloping south and east and crossed by deep gorges. In a great semi-circle around the base of the plateau rise the mountains of southern Shen-si and eastern Shan-si, in a northward and westward facing fault escarpment over 4,000 feet high, inclosing the basins of the Wei-Ho and Fon-Ho, and forming a barrier of the first magnitude to the descent from the high plateau. This barrier is broken through only by the Hwang-Ho when it abruptly turns to the east in a narrow, unnavigable gorge that offers very limited connection between the interior valley of the Wei-Ho and the Great Plain. East of these mountains extends the Great Plain, followed by, and partially surrounding, the dissected moun- tain mass of Shan-tung. In spite of this variety in surface form, northern China pos- sesses many features in common. It is distinct from the rest of the country in climate, soil, agricultural productions and people. Climate. — In this northern section are the greatest extremes in temperature to be found in China, less marked in the Shan-tung region, most decided in the extreme north and west. Winters are cold, rivers are frozen over for several weeks, cold west gales sweep over the plains, and agricultural activities cease. Temperatures of 5 degrees below zero (F.) have been recorded in Pekin, while the January mean is 23 degrees. The summers, however, are warm, the July average being 79 degrees, with recorded extremes of 105 degrees. But the rains are less than in central and southern China. The annual rainfall of the Shan-tung peninsula and of Pekin is about 24 inches. The northern provinces are in the boundary zone separating the humid monsoon regions from the arid interior, and a slight decrease in the annual rainfall or delay in the coming of the summer monsoons, may bring failure in crops and famine. China: Geography and Resources 141 These crop failures in the western province seem to be increasing in number and severity, due in part, at least, to the fact that the mountains, completely deprived of their forest covering, are no longer able to hold the moisture. The mountains are characteris- tically bare, brown and gashed with soil-destroying gullies. Soil. — The most important resource of this northern basin is the loess soils, known to the Chinese as "Hwang-tu," or "yellow earth." Loess deposits occupy most of the Great Plain of eastern China, but in the mountains it occurs for the most part only in val- leys or isolated basins. Sometimes it is found high up on the moun- tains. Sorted and transported repeatedly and alternately by winds and waters, the material (the rock-waste from which loess is formed) came to consist in great part of fine dust, the loess, which both agents could carry in largest amount; but this was always mingled, as it is now, with some coarser sand and gravel introduced by flood waters. Beyond desert basins, the path along which the Huang-tu was distributed was chiefly down the valleys of a previous physiographic epoch, as it is now down the valleys of the present- far more mountainous surface. It was deposited on flood-plains and in lake basins. The lighter portions of it were blown out onto mountain slopes and gathered beneath wind eddies or in sheltered hollows. In course of distribu- tion it became thoroughly decomposed and oxidized ; and where it accumulated and was exposed to subaerial conditions it acquired vertical cleavage, a secondary characteristic due to gravity and movement of ground waters, and became charged with salts brought in by such waters. The process of transportation and accumulation are in progress now and are believed to have been similar in past ages.' Streams and roads have often cut deeply into the thick loess deposits, and, bare of forests, it is being rapidly carried away by the forces of erosion. Original level surfaces are, therefore, now often rugged, and not easily tilled. Its indestructible fertility is dependent upon a sufficient water supply, and its surface being above the level of the streams is incapable of irrigation. With increasing forest destruction and possible decrease in rainfall, crop failures and famines have become more common, even in the loess-covered provinces.* Agriculture. — Agriculture is largely restricted in the mountain- ous sections to isolated loess-filled basins. The Wei-ho and Fon-Ho valleys are rich in agricultural resources and support a dense popu- "Winis, Bailey. "Research In China," pp. 184-5. •Little, A. "The Far East," p. 26. 142 The Annals of the American Academy lation, but it is the Great Plain, with its loess-covered soils, level sur- face and summer rains, that forms the chief crop-growing region. Most of the mountain provinces can barely supply the needs of their own people, and are thinly populated, but the Great Plain has food to spare beyond the needs of its own exceedingly dense popula- tion. Lower temperatures and rainfall give northern China a distinct type of agricultural productions. Rice is not grown to any extent north of the dividing ranges. Some is grown in the milder and moister southern Shan-tung province and northern Kiang-su, but it is not the staple crop. The chief food crops are barley, wheat, millet, maize, peas, beans and fruit. Opium is extensively grown in all the provinces, but especially in the mountainous ones of the north and west, where, because of the ease of marketing a crop of high value and little bulk it serves the most satisfactory money crop for the isolated mountain-valley farmers. It answers the same purpose that whisky did in the early days in western Pennsylvania." Cotton, hemp and tobacco are grown to a considerable extent, and, especially in the eastern provinces, silk. Considerable grazing is carried on in the mountains of Shan-tung and Chi-li. Short seasons restrict agriculture to one crop per year in most of northern China. In a limited area of the Wei valley two crops are grown, and also in the extreme southern part of the Great Plain. People. — The isolated position of Shen-si, Kan-su and Shan-si largely accounts for the strong anti-foreign spirit of their peoples: their conservatism, ignorance and fanaticism. The Boxer troubles of 1900 had their strongest support in these provinces, and here the outrages against foreigners were most marked. Here at Si-nan, in the isolated valley of the Wei, the Imperial court sought refuge. In the present revolution outrages against foreigners have been fre- quently reported from here, while in other sections there has been comparatively little molestation of strangers. The people of northern China are larger and more sturdy and robust than the people of the south. This is largely due, probably, to the frequent invasions of the sturdier northern races into this section, and their absorption by the Chinese. But the dry, cool and invigorating climate has undoubtedly also contributed to this superior physical robustness. ■iEoss, E. A. "The Changing Chinese," p. 150. China: Geography and Resources 143 The early civilization of China was long confined to this region, after entering the valley of the Wei. The mountain borders on the south prevented migration in that direction, and the fertile soils of Shan-si and the Great Plain drew them to the east. Crossing the plain to the higher peninsula of Shan-tung, with its many fertile valleys and mild and more equable climate, the growing race here "attained its highest development, and produced, in the seventh and sixth centuries before our era a school of philosophers worthy to rank with their contemporaries in the West — in India and in Greece," « Central China. The Yangtze Valley. — The southern boundary of this division is not well defined. Many of the southern tribu- taries of the Yangtze penetrate far into the plateau of southern China, while in the west, in Yun-nan, this plateau is crossed by the Yangtze itself. The Yangtze Valley is often compared to the Mississippi. The comparison holds to only a limited extent, and fails in many impor- tant particulars. Both in length and volume of water the two rivers are comparable, both open up the heart of a great country, both present many of the same problems of control and navigation. But while the Mississippi River and its tributaries flow practically throughout their whole extent across great plains, the Yangtze flows across mountains and plateaus, and two-thirds of its course is in deep gorges, in which the valley is scarcely wider than the stream bed.^ Leaving the high plateaus, the Yangtze flows in a deep gorge along the southern edge of the Red Basin, and not until it leaves the gorges at Ichang, at the beginning of the lower third of its course, does.it enter a valley plain, and this plain is comparatively narrow, and hemmed in by mountains. It consists of three silt-filled basins, together with the present delta, swamp and lake covered, and subject to destructive floods. Although covering a somewhat larger area, these plains are comparable only to the Mississippi flood plain and delta. The Mississippi Valley occupies a single great plain in which communication is easy by land as well as by water, and in which no section is separated by natural barriers from other sections. The •Little, A. /'The Far East," p. 23. ■I Ibid, p. 57. 144 The Annals of the American Academy Yangtze Valley is divided into three main divisions, separated from each other by effective barriers: i. The alluvial plains, occupying the lower course of the river. 2. The Red Basin, separated by dif- ficultly crossed mountains from the alluvial plains and other parts of China. The gorges of the Yangtze not only hinder navigation between these divisions, but are too narrow for roadways. Ten per cent of the junks attempting to go up the gorges are lost.* 3. The high mountains and plateaus of western Sze-chuan, practically uninhabited, except in a few isolated inter-mountain valleys, and, except in minerals, making no contribution to China's wealth. A fourth isolated basin with rich soils is found in the upper course of the Han River, between the two high ranges of Tsin-ling and Ta-pa-shan. Climate. — The climate of this central section is milder in tem- perature, and has a greater rainfall than the northern provinces. Terraced cultivation is, therefore, common. Rice is the chief food crop, while cotton, tea and silk come to be very important. Two to five crops are grown yearly where one crop is the rule in the north. The eastern provinces more resemble in the summer and winter changes of climate the northern provinces. In the mountain-pro- tected Red Basin of Sze-chuan, the climate is distinctly sub-tropical. Frosts are unknown in the valleys. Fogs and cloud are so usual that the saying has become common that when the sun shines in Sze-chuan the dogs bark.® Agriculture. — The Red Basin and the alluvial plains are both important agricultural sections. Both sections raise practically the same crops, rice being the staple. Tea, cotton and silk are also very important. Sugar, oranges and other sub-tropical products are raised in the Red Basin, as well as in the eastern provinces. In the mountains of the far west herds of sheep, goats and yak are found, while buffaloes and ponies are on the lower lands. The Red Basin of Sze-chuan is a region of exceedingly fertile soil and a dense population, isolated from the rest of the country, and 1,500 miles in the interior of China. Containing an area of about 70,000 sq. miles of red sandstone, from which it derives its name, it is an anciently filled lake basin, which has been elevated and dissected by streams into a succession of steep slopes, deep ' Manifold, C. C. "Recent Exploration and Economic Development In Central and Western China." The Geographical Journal, Vol. 23, p. 286. » Little, A., "The Far East," pp. 72, 123. China: Geography and Resources 145 ravines and flat-topped hills. These hills are terraced to their very summits, and the fertile soil, abundant rains and mild climate pro- duce several crops per year. While all the basin is extremely fertile and to the patient Chinese yields abundant crops, the northwest corner contains one of the most remarkably fertile agricultural sections in the world. This is the plain of Cheng-tu, a drained and level lake basin, con- taining an area of about 2,800 sq. miles, but supporting a popu- lation of between 4,000,000 and 5,000,000 people — from 1,800 to 2,000 per sq. mile. A remarkable system of irrigation, begun 250 years, B.C., takes the turbid and turbulent waters of the Min River, spreads them over the plain in an intricate network of canals, and furnishes abundant water for irrigation and soil fertilization at the same time that it dissipates the otherwise destructive flood waters. From five to seven crops are said to be grown each year on this small area. ^^ People. — The population of Sze-chuan is about 60,000,000, a great part of whom are in the Red Basin, making this region one of the most densely populated regions in the world. Over-population results in appalling poverty, and there is considerable migration to the less densely inhabited provinces to the south. In spite of its isolation, the people of Sze-chuan are progressive, quick to adopt western ways and ideas. Its capital, Cheng-tu, pos- sesses many fine schools and public buildings, and is rapidly intro- ducing modern improvements.^* Southern China — Surface. — Except for the narrow valley bot- toms and small deltas of its streams southern China is uniformly a high, dissected plateau and mountainous region. As here defined, it includes all the broad plateau south of the main Yangtze Valley, the southwestern province of Yun-nan, and the basin of the Si Kiang. Highest and most rugged in western Yun-nan^ which is a part of the great Tibetan plateau, it maintains a general altitude from the base of this plateau to the ocean of from 2,000 to 5,000 feet. A few low passes allow communication between the Si-Kiang Valley, and the Yangtze, the most important of which, his- torically, the Mei-ling or Plum Tree Pass, north of Canton, is but 1,000 feet in altitude. One hundred miles east of this is a second " Ross, E. A., "The Changing Chinese," p. 302. » Ross, E, A. md, p. 303. 146 The Annals of the American Academy pass, through which water connection between the two river systems is maintained by a short canal, and through which will go the pro- posed railroad from Han-kow to Canton. Isolated in this mountainous region from the outside world and from each other, the inhabitants of southern China, except in the open and accessible region about Canton, are among the rudest and least educated in China. Here will be found many of the aborig- inal Chinese people, maintaining their old customs, violently opposed to governmental control, turbulent, anti-foreign in feeling, con- stantly fomenting revolution and strife. Here the Tai-ping rebel- lion had its origin, and again and again these southern provinces have revolted against Manchu rule and foreign influences. Climate. — Southern China, on account of its altitude, has a cool, sub-tropical climate. Winter frosts occur in practically the entire area, snow sometimes falling, though rarely, even in Canton, within the tropics. But winters are everywhere mild, even in the cooler sections of the west, while the influence of the sea gives the eastern provinces a still more equable climate, with tropical sum- mers. Rainfall is abundant, falling throughout the year, but princi- pally during the summer monsoons. Along the coast the annual average is eighty inches and over, decreasing to the west to forty inches and less. Agriculture. — Adapted climatically for the growing of a wide range of temperate and sub-tropical crops, agriculture flourishes in the valley bottoms, and extensive hillside terracing has partly over- come the disadvantages of rugged surface. Most of the provinces, however, with difficulty produce food for their own people and this lack of agricultural resources has resulted in relatively sparse populations in many of the southern provinces. Kwang-si is the least densely populated province of China, about sixty-six to the square mile. On the other hand, Fokien, in spite of its inaccessible mountains, maintains a very dense population because of its rich soils, heavy rainfall and elaborate hillside terracing. Rice is everywhere the most important crop, both east and west, and wheat, barley, maize, opium, tea, sugar cane, tobacco, silk, spices and fruits are almost universally grown. Tea, silk and cot- ton are grown most abundantly in the east; while opium, with grains, is the leading crop in the west. Grazing of ponies, mules, cattle and sheep is largely carried on in the western provinces, China: Geography and Resources 147 which are adapted to agriculture only in a few small and isolated valleys, Forest products and timber constitute an important source of wealth in the mountainous provinces between the Yangtze and Si-Kiang and in Yun-nan, for here preserved in the distant or diffi- cultly accessible mountains, are practically all the forests that are left in China. Great rafts are floated down the rivers to Canton, Shanghai and Foo-chow. The forests are rapidly disappearing, and it is a matter of but a short time when these last remnants will have disappeared. Agriculture must remain at a great disadvantage in southern China, although undoubtedly the western provinces, especially Yun- nan, are capable of great improvement. Emigration from other crowded provinces, especially Sze-chuan, to this region, is already taking place. In the east, however, especially in Fokien and Kwang-tung, the land is unable to support its over-crowded popu- lation, and emigrations in large numbers are taking place to the Straits Settlements and elsewhere. Mineral Resources. — Lack of detailed information makes an account of the mineral resources of China unsatisfactory. Except in a few localities, trustworthy investigation of mineral deposits has not been made. That China is immensely rich in minerals, however, can be asserted with confidence. Its geologic history — the formation of its ancient rocks and their transformation into moun- tains — furnished the conditions favoring mineral deposition, while subsequent denudation and dissection of the mountain masses have made them accessible. There is no province in China that does not possess valuable minerals. Coal, iron and copper — the three min- erals of greatest economic value to a modern nation — are especially abundant, while the minor metals — tin, lead, zinc, antimony, mer- cury, gold and silver — are known to occur in considerable quanti- ties. Scientific surveys are almost sure to reveal mineral deposits now unknown even to the Chinese. The Chinese themselves have long mined their minerals in crude and primitive ways, but no attempt has been made to exploit the resources, even for supplying their own immediate needs. Although a coal and iron country, China is a large importer of both minerals, her exports of coal in 1905 being less than one per cent of her imports, and of iron, less than one-sixth of her imports. Copper also is imported to a consid- erable extent. 148 The Annals of the American Academy Coal. — Coal is found in varying amounts and qualities in all of the eighteen provinces, but the largest field is in northern China, the Shan-si field, occupying the province of that name, but extending into the neighboring provinces of Ho-nan, Chi-li, Shen-si, and even to Kan-su. Like most of the known coal deposits of China, this field is in carboniferous strata, the great coal-bearing formation practically of all the large coal fields of the world. The oft-quoted estimates of Richthofen give this field an area of 30,000 sq. miles, consisting of beds twenty to thirty-six feet in thickness, the eastern half of anthracite coal, the western of bitumi- nous, extending in horizontal strata across the Shen-si plateau, "suf- ficient to supply the whole world for thousands of years." Accord- mg to these estimates, the anthracite deposits of Shan-si would be infinitely larger than those of Pennsylvania. Bailey Willis, ^^ of the United States Geological Survey, however, in more recent researches in this region, raises the question of the horizontality of these coal-bearing rocks. If folded, as his observations indicate, the coal measures would occur only in "more or less restricted syn- clines" or down folds of the rock, somewhat as the coal occurs in eastern Pennsylvania, and the amount of coal estimated by Richt- hofen, on the basis of the beds being level and undisturbed, would be very greatly reduced. Until further investigations are made, the amount of coal must remain unknown. Though very large they are probably much less than originally estimated. Upraised from 2,000 to 3,000 feet, these coal measures outcrop around the eastern edge of the Shan-si plateau, allowing mining into the side of the plateau, and furnishing easy means of transporta- tion to and across the plains at its base. Two railroads already extend from the main Pekin-Hankow Railroad westward into this field — one to central Shen-si, the other to northern Ho-nan. In 1906, Shan-si produced 3,000,000 tons of coal.^' Near Pekin occur several small coal fields, accessible both by railroad and by sea that have been quite extensively worked for several years by modern methods. Coal here is both bituminous and anthracite. These fields produced in 1906 2,200,000 tons of coal. In 1910 the first cargo of coal and coke from one of these fields was shipped to San Francisco in the attempt to create a mar- ket for Chinese coal on the western coast of America. "Willis, Bailey. "Research in China," p. 175. " Estimate by Prof. Drake, Imperial University of Tien-tsln. Quotation In Scientific American, toI. 99, p. 286. China: Geography and Resources 149 The Shan-tung peninsula contains several small coal fields that are now being operated by modern mining methods. Coal here is of rather poor quality, friable and smoky. Next in importance to the Shan-si coal field are the fields of southern China, centering in Hu-nan. The coal fields of Hu-nan are said to cover 21,000 square miles, and consist of coking and non-coking bituminous and of anthracite. Coal from the numerous native workings and from government coal mines is readily trans- ported by barge to the Yangtze, to Han-kow and, especially the anthracite, to Shanghai. Four to five million tons, mostly anthra- cite, are reported to be sent from this province to Hupeh annually.^* In eastern Kiang-si coal is now mined for supplying the government iron works at Han-kow. Coal and coke are taken by railroad from the fields seventy miles westward, to barges on the Siang River, and thence to Han-kow. In quality the coal of this region appears to be much inferior to that of Shan-si, and very much less in amount. The populous province of Sze-chuan is underlaid by coal. The coal is exposed in the gorges of the Yangtze, and its affluents, where these cut through the cross ranges. It, as well as iron, is largely mined through adits run into the mountain side, in the primitive but eflfectual Chinese way, and forms the staple fuel of the country. " It is used only by the natives, however. Steamers on the Yangtze are supplied with Japanese coal. Yun-nan, Kwei-chow and Kwang-tung contain scattered coal fields of unknown amounts, as also the hills in southern Ngan-hwei, and, in small amounts, all the other provinces. Iron. — Like coal, iron is widely distributed, and often occurs closely associated with coal. Shan-si contains abundant deposits in the coal fields, and has long been smelted by the natives in cru- cibles in open furnaces. This region supplies nearly the whole of north China with the iron required for agriculture and domestic use,^° and the total amount smelted in the crude Chinese furnaces is probably very large. The coal fields of Shan-si are underlaid with limestone. Thus there are provided in large quantities in this one province the three raw materials necessary for the smelting of iron. The provinces of Ho-nan and Kiang-si are rich in iron ores in "Broomhall, M., "The Chinese Empire," p. 173. "Little, A., "The Far East," p. 67. "Encyclopedia Britannica (1910), article, "China." 150 The Annals of the American Academy close proximity to coal. In southern Ho-nan excellent steel is made and exported, while ore is carried to the government steel works at Han-kow by barge. Already iron ore and pig iron have been shipped from the Han-kow district to the United States, while regu- lar shipments are sent to Japan. The iron ores of this district are made easily accessible because of the navigable Yangtze and its tributaries. Sze-chuan, Yun-nan, Shan-tung and Kwang-tung likewise are rich in iron, and furnish most of the iron locally used. Copper and the Minor Metals. — With the exception of iron, the metallic minerals occur most abundantly in the southern plateau, especially in the western half, practically all the metals of eco- nomic importance being found here. Very little modern develop- ment has yet taken place, but the primitive Chinese methods are producing a considerable quantity. The mineral resources of south- ern China will probably come to be its greatest source of wealth. Copper is found to be especially rich in Yun-nan and Kwei- chow, and considerable mining is there done to secure the metal for coining the Chinese "cash." Tin is also abundant and, in spite of primitive mining methods and long distances from the coast, there was exported from China in 1910 over 4,500 long tons of the metal. Antimony seems to be very abundant in Hu-nan and Kwang-si, and already a considerable export — 8,000 tons of the metal — is sent from this section. Mercury is the chief source of revenue for Kwei-chow, which contains probably the richest fields of this metal in the world. Lead and zinc are very common in most of the southern provinces. Silver and gold are widely distributed, although the production of the latter, almost entirely by washing river gravels, is small. On the Han River the flood gravels of each summer are carefully washed for their small content of placer gold brought down from the mountains. The little explored mountains of western Sze-chuan and Yun-nan are thought to con- tain mamy and rich mineral deposits. Non-Metals. — Kaolin deposits have furnished the basis of an important and characteristic Chinese industry. Northeastern Kiang-si contains the largest and best-known deposits, and fur- nishes material for the pottery industry that has grown up there, supplying the rice bowls that are used everywhere in China. King- to-chen, the center of the industry, at present has one hundred and China: Geography and Resources 151 sixty furnaces, and employs 160,000 people. Before the Taiping rebellion (1850) a million people were employed." Petroleum and natural gas are found in Sze-chuan. For 2,000 years natural gas has been used to evaporate salt in this province.^' Salt is a very important product in many parts of China. Along the coast it is evaporated from sea water; in Shan-si, from a salt lake, while in Sze-chuan and Yun-nan it is secured from brine wells. China is now, and for forty centuries has been, an agricultural nation. Much of her mountainous surface, naturally ill-adapted to cultivation, has been transformed by a stupendous amount of human labor into food-producing, fertile fields. To the minerals hoarded in these mountains she has paid little attention, never dreaming of the vast potential wealth locked far beneath her soils, awaiting but the magic touch of modern industry to release it. To her present agricultural industries these resources of coal and metals, once developed, will supply new raw materials and mechanical power, which ultimately will make possible, in the hands of her enormous population, the development of a manufacturing industry of almost inconceivable magnitude, and will lay the foundation of a world- wide commerce. " Richards, "ComprelienBlve Geography of the Chinese Empire," p. 144. "King, F. H., "Farmers of Forty Centuries," p. 138. BIBLIOGRAPHY NoTK — The following list of books is not intended to be complete. It gives some of the more important of the recent books in English that deal not only with the geography and resources of China, but with other topics as well. V Angier, a. Gorton. The Far East Revisited. London: Witherby & Co. (1908). vBeresford, Lord Charles. The Break-up of China. New York: Harper & Bros. (1899). \/Blakeslee, G. H. China and the Far East. New York: Thos. Y. Crowell & Co. (1910). "^ Broomhall, Marshall. The Chinese Empire. London (1908). <-CoTES, Everard. Signs and Portents in the Far East. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons (1907). Davies, H. R. Yun-nan: The Link Between India and the Yangtse. Cam- bridge: University Press (1909). '^Denby, Charles. China and Her People. Boston: L. C. Page & Co. (1906). 152 The Annals of the American Academy ■^Dengle, E. J. Across China on Foot. New York: Henry Holt & Co. (1911). Encyclopedia Britannica, 1910 Edition, Article on "China." "^ Gascoyne-Cecil, Lord R. W. E. Changing China. New York: D. Appleton & Co. (1910). ^ Geil, W. E. Eighteen Capitals of China. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company (1911). , Goodrich, Joseph K. The Coming China. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co. (1911). ■( HosiE, Alexander. Manchuria: Its People, Resources and Recent History. London: Methuen & Co. (1901). Keane, a. H. Asia (Vol. I). London: Edward Stanford (1896). n/Kemp, E. G. The Face of China. l^ Trinity College, Dublin. PROF. J. W. JENKS, Cornell University. PROF. BERNARD MOSES, University of California. PROF. HENRY WADE ROGERS, Yale University. PROF. WILLUM SMART, LL.D., University of Glasgow. HON. HANNIS TAYLOR, LL.D., Mobile, Alabama. PROF. LESTER F. WARD, Brown University, Providence, R.Ii r''iggeirg p^ ti^^^oana^ P£f-