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 History of Florence from the earliest ti 
 
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 HISTORY OF FLORENCE! 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE 
 DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT 
 
 BY 
 
 NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI 
 
 WITH A SPECIAL INTRODUCTION BY 
 CHARLES W. COLBY, M.A, Ph.D. 
 
 MACDONALD PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, MCGILL UNIVERSITY, 
 mONTREAL, CANADA 
 
 REVISED EDITION 
 
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 Copyright, 1901, 
 By the colonial PRESS. 
 
 
SPECIAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 MACHIAVELLI'S "History of Florence" is one of 
 those books which show how superior genius is to 
 learning, and originality to research. At present, 
 when the cry is all for the soundest and latest information, 
 we seldom open it if we are looking merely for facts. We 
 study the Florence of the quattrocento in the writings of 
 Gino Capponi and of Villari, of Reumont and of Perrens, 
 of Miss Ewart and of Mr. Armstrong. Yet Machiavelli 
 has claims to attention which none of these writers would think 
 of putting forward. Nor does he owe his distinction to the 
 fact that his narrative is, of itself, an important historical 
 source. He stands apart from his contemporaries and from 
 his predecessors. The annalists of mediaeval Florence, like 
 Ricordano Malespini and Giovanni Villani, are gratefully re- 
 membered, but they must not expect to rank with Machiavelli. 
 They belong to a most useful class of historians, and we would 
 not on any account be without their records. On the other 
 hand they formed no new school, they lacked imagination, and 
 they were not pioneers in any realm or field of historical litera- 
 ture. History has many departments, and the man who heads 
 the list in but one of them enjoys a secure place. Machiavelli 
 may be supplemented, he can never be superseded. Joinville's 
 " Life of Louis IX " comes first in modern biography, Frois- 
 sart's " Chronicles " comes first in modern popular history, and 
 Machiavelli's "History of Florence" comes first in modern 
 critical history. 
 
 Let us say at once that we are dealing with a classic, and 
 not with a compilation of historical facts. To what qualities 
 is the " History of Florence " indebted for the eminence of its 
 reputation? Partly to its literary style (of which something 
 
iv SPECIAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 will be said hereafter) and partly to the new ideas which it 
 embodies regarding the treatment of historical subjects. It 
 was the fruit of Machiavelli's later years and of his mature 
 opinions — ^written at a later date than the " Prince " or the 
 " Discourses on Livy." As it represents a well-marked stage 
 in the author's career, it can best be approached from the 
 side of its biographical setting. 
 
 Bismarck, when an old man, said jestingly, "Two things 
 in life have given me special pleasure, politics and wine." 
 With Machiavelli one observes a sharp alternation between the 
 grosser, more shameful pleasures and a strenuous political 
 activity. Or, rather, if we were seeking to compare him with 
 a great statesman of recent times, we should more fitly think 
 of Mirabeau than of Bismarck. The Italian and the French- 
 man are alike in their fondness for political theorizing, and 
 also for practical politics. They differ in that Machiavelli had 
 a much longer experience of affairs than Mirabeau, and did 
 not suffer dissipation to ruin his health. 
 
 The year 1494 proved as critical a time in the history of 
 Italy as 1492 had been in the history of Europe and of America. 
 It was then that Charles VIII of France crossed the Alps 
 with the design of conquering Naples. His project failed, but 
 he brought the element of foreign influence into Italian poli- 
 tics, and thereby caused that ruin of the peninsula which was 
 effected in the course of the next generation. Machiavelli 
 became a clerk in the Florentine Chancery just at the, mo- 
 ment when the lilies of France began to wave over the plains 
 of Italy. He was then twenty-five years old. 
 
 The nature of Machiavelli's early education is reflected in 
 several features of his written work. He was not ignorant, 
 neither was he a scholar according to the standards of scholar- 
 ship in the later Renaissance. Whether he knew Greek well 
 is a question which has been hotly debated, but it seems more 
 likely that he did not. This point, though it may appear 
 rather a minor one, is far from being so. During the Renais- 
 sance much native genius exhausted itself upon the minute 
 study and slavish imitation of classical texts. Had Machia- 
 velli learned Greek thoroughly he might have grown infatu- 
 ated like so many others, and have edited Euripides instead 
 of writing the " History of Florence." He had a good grasp 
 
SPECIAL INTRODUCTION v 
 
 of Latin literature, and derived a great many of his main ideas 
 from his speculations upon the fate of the Roman Republic 
 and the Roman Empire. 
 
 Italy, in Machiavelli's day, consisted of five great powers 
 and of a larger number of petty States which remained inde- 
 pendent without being powerful. The Papacy, Naples, Flor- 
 ence, Milan, and Venice overtopped the rest and contended 
 with each other so unscrupulously that there was no real hope 
 of uniting them against a foreign foe, whether it might be 
 France or Spain. 
 
 Closely connected with the expedition of Charles VIII is the 
 expiilsion of Piero de' Medici from Florence — an event which 
 was followed by serious constitutional changes. For eighteen 
 years Florence kept herself free from the Medici (1494-15 12) 
 and became in fact what she had been before in name — a re- 
 public. It was this State which Machiavelli served, and in its 
 service he had rare opportunities for studying the interna- 
 tional statecraft of Europe. He quickly rose to be Secretary 
 of the Republic, and was thenceforth its chief ambassador, un- 
 til, after the battle of Ravenna, the rule of the Medici was 
 forcibly re-established by Spanish troops. In person he con- 
 ducted weighty negotiations with the Papacy, with the Em- 
 peror Maximilian, and with Louis XII of France. He was 
 the close friend and invaluable assistant of Piero Soderini, 
 whom the Florentines chose Gonfalonier for life. He was at 
 the side of Caesar Borgia when that ruthless but daring ruffian 
 was engaged in building up for himself a principality out of 
 territories which belonged to others. No man of his genera- 
 tion had better materials out of which to construct a political 
 study, and the result was the " Prince," in which force and 
 craft are lauded, to the neglect of morals. 
 
 The return of the Medici in 15 12 drove Machiavelli from 
 his official post and even cost him physical torture — as he was 
 more than once put upon the rack during the trial which f ol- j 
 lowed Boscoli's conspiracy. He would gladly have retained! 
 his place under the restored Medici, for to him politics had 
 assumed the character of a game or of a fine art. But his 
 freedom from republican prejudices did not seem a sufficiently 
 strong recommendation in the eyes of Leo X, who then held 
 the threads of Medicean policy. It was only after nine years 
 
vi SPECIAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 of retirement or political disgrace that he emerged againi into 
 public notice, and even then he was not received into full con- 
 fidence. Just at the close of his life fortune grew more kind, 
 or rather his employers found him more useful to them. He 
 died, however, in 1527, without having fully regained the 
 influence which he had possessed during the absence of the 
 Medici, and to which he was entitled not merely by virtue 
 of his experience and capacity, but by his real regard for the 
 welfare of Italy. 
 
 At the period when he was the official Secretary of Flor- 
 ence, Machiavelli showed his powers of thinking clearly and 
 of writing well, in his reports. A great deal of excellent litera- 
 ture is buried among state papers, and the Chancery of Flor- 
 ence had been celebrated for its notes and despatches ever 
 since the days of Salutato. Still, MachiavelU had done noth- 
 ing before 1512, when he lost his post under the State, which 
 would have secured him a permanent place among European 
 thinkers and men of letters. His leading ideas were doubt- 
 less matured before then, but public business had claimed all 
 his energies. The leisure afforded by an unwilling retirement 
 from politics gave posterity a long and remarkable series of 
 works. Like all the great Italians of the Renaissance, Machia- 
 velli was versatile, and when he began to divert himself by 
 literary composition, his flood of ideas streamed forth in 
 numerous channels. At the one extreme we find his most 
 famous treatises, the " Prince " and the " Discourses on Livy," 
 which deal with the theory of politics. At the other extreme 
 stand his plays, like the " CUzia " and the " Mandragola." 
 Scattered along at intervals between theoretical politics and 
 the realistic drama, there are the " Art of War," the " His- 
 tory of Florence," and a private correspondence which wal- 
 lows in crude and brutal filth. 
 
 The " History of Florence " was the last considerable work 
 upon which Machiavelli engaged. Toward the close of his 
 life he stood in need of money, and, by Medicean direction, he 
 received a fixed stipend, as historiographer, from the public 
 funds of Florence. He was expected to give a certain amount 
 of praise to the deeds of Cosmo, " Father of his Country," and 
 to Lorenzo the Magnificent, but he rose above the dreary flats 
 of professional eulogy. Machiavelli's excellent manner of ex- 
 
SPECIAL INTRODUCTION yH 
 
 pressing whatever he had to say might have redeemed a mere 
 abstract of Medicean annals from nothingness. But he turned 
 the occasion to much better account than anyone who lacked 
 originality of outlook could have done. It was not so much 
 that he accumulated data and sifted them carefully, for the 
 sake of determining the exact proportions of truth and error 
 in his sources. Probably he did not subject himself to the 
 labor of much more careful investigation than was thought 
 necessary by other historical writers of his age. His excel- 
 lence is of another sort. He grasped the conception that his-i- 
 torical events are to be associated with their particular causes, 
 and that the profitable study bf the past depends upon the 
 discovery of the general laws or universal principles which 
 underlie the sequence of facts and episodes. The " History 
 of Florence " is not so much a sixteenth-century equivalent 
 of Livy or of Tacitus as it is an indirect treatise on his- 
 torical method, the prophecy of a new era in the processes of 
 historical study. 
 
 Recently Mr. Charles Francis Adams applied the prin- 
 ciple of evolution to the writing of history in a striking ad- 
 dress which he delivered at Madison. He took as an ex- 
 ample the history of Wisconsin, and gave it a place in the 
 scheme of political progress. We need not expect to find in 
 Machiavelli such a modern idea as this, but he tries after a 
 rudimentary fashion to do the same sort of thing for Flor- 
 ence. Thus, before entering upon his main subject — the local 
 annals — ^he goes back to the German Invasions, the down- 
 fall of the Roman Empire, and the reconstruction which fol- 
 lowed these events. Even after sketching in his first book 
 the general history of Italy from the fifth to the fifteenth cen- 
 tury, he must begin his second book with a broad philosoph- 
 ical observation before he traces the origin of Florence. 
 " What," he asks, " are the conditions under which towns 
 are founded?" And before he has finished his reflections 
 he brings forward Venice, Pisa, and Genoa to illustrate the 
 principles which he lays down. Among mediaeval historians 
 one occasionally meets with a William of Malmesbury, who 
 meditates upon the facts of his narrative. But for the first 
 time, since the end of classical civilization, one finds in the 
 pages of Machiavelli a determined attempt to connect the 
 phenomena of political life with their natural causes. 
 
viii SPECIAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 This last statement does not imply that he produced at once 
 a symmetrical scheme of historical philosophy. If one con- 
 trasts the " History of Florence " with Hegel's " Philosophy 
 of History," or even with Buckle's " History of Civilization," 
 he will find a vast difference of treatment and detail. The chief 
 fact is that Machiavelli, by expanding the horizon of history 
 and uplifting it from the humble plane of annals, transformed 
 its character and increased its stature. 
 
 The " History of Florence " consists of eight books, the first 
 of which is a general, and the second a special, introduction. 
 After sketching the affairs of Italy until the fifteenth century, 
 he follows out the course of Florentine affairs in a similar 
 way to the point where the Medici become conspicuous. Then 
 in the remaining six books (that is, in the body of the work) 
 he shows how Florence fared under the controlling influence 
 of its leading family, from the moment when Silvestro de' 
 Medici came to the front during the Ciompi riots of 1378 to 
 the death of Lorenzo the Magnificent, in 1492. Here is mani- 
 fest occasion for flattery, but Machiavelli does not step be- 
 yond the bounds of decent approbation. It would be by no 
 means difficult to select, from authors who were under no ob- 
 ligation to the Medici, passages as glowing as can be found 
 in Machiavelli. Take his concluding words, wherein an obit- 
 uary comment is passed upon Lorenzo. The old seventeenth- 
 century translation runs after this wise : 
 
 " Never was there any Man, not only in Florence, but Italy, 
 who departed with more Reputation for his Wisdom, nor more 
 Lamentation to his Country. . . . All the Inhabitants of 
 Florence and the Princes of Italy bewailed him, which was 
 particularly manifested by their several Compliments of Con- 
 dolency, and whether they had reason or not for what they 
 did, the Effects which succeeded a while after did clearly 
 demonstrate; for being deprived of his Counsels, Italy could 
 not find any one remaining able to satiate or restrain the Am- 
 bition of Lodovico, Duke of Milan, for want of which, after 
 his death, such Seeds of Dissension brake forth as have per- 
 plexed and embroiled Italy ever since." This is surely the 
 language of moderation. 
 
 It is no discredit to an intellectual leader that some of hk 
 particular views should be untenable or even ridiculous. 
 
SPECIAL INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 Francis Bacon, the father of the great " Verulamian philos- 
 ophy " and of applied science, provoked the mirth of Harvey 
 when he expressed his opinions about physiology. Machia- 
 velli, too, took up positions in the " History of Florence " 
 which since then have been generally discarded. For instance, 
 he held that States must inevitably decline because, like the 
 human body, they reach a certain acme of vigor, and then 
 grow old. He also held what has been termed the circular 
 theory of progress. At the beginning of Book V occurs the 
 following passage: 
 
 " Governments, in the variations which most commonly 
 happen to them, do proceed from Order to Confusion, and that 
 Confusion afterward turns to Order again. For Nature hav- 
 ing fixed no sublunary Things, as soon as they arrive at their 
 acme and perfection, being capable of no farther ascent, of 
 necessity they decline. So, on the other side, when they are 
 reduced to the lowest pitch of disorder, having no farther to 
 descend, they recoil again to their former perfection; good 
 Laws degenerating into bad Customs, and bad Customs en- 
 gendering good Laws. For Virtue begets Peace; Peace be- 
 gets Idleness; Idleness, Mutiny; and Mutiny, Destruction: 
 and then vice versa, that Ruin begets Laws ; those Laws, Vir- 
 tue; and Virtue begets Honour and good Success. . . . 
 All Governments therefore do, by these means, some time or 
 other come to decay ; and when once at the lowest, the Men's 
 sufferings have made them wiser, they rebound again, and 
 return to their first Order, unless they be supprest and kept 
 under by some extraordinary force." * 
 
 Here is an antiquated and rejected view, but if at present 
 we lay stress upon a different kind of historical evolution, we 
 must none the less acknowledge the value of what Machiavelli 
 did by beginning the quest for a higher truth, concealed among 
 the debris of scattered and arbitrary facts. Almost all of his 
 reflections are suggestive and many of them are true. 
 
 The charm and strength of Machiavelli's style can hardly 
 be brought out by a translation. Living in an age which 
 was afflicted by the desire to reproduce classical idioms as 
 well as classical ideas, he escaped the danger of feeble imita- 
 tion. He thought about Roman subjects constantly, but, unlike 
 
 * This quotation is from the translation published in 1675 referred to on the previous 
 page. 
 
X SPECIAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 Cardinal Bembo, he preferred pure Tuscan to the hackneyed 
 phrases of Cicero. His contribution to Itahan prose is second 
 only to that of Boccaccio. The " Decameron " strengthened 
 the place which Dante had made for the Tuscan tongue, and 
 fixed a standard of clear, vivacious prose. One may say that 
 the literary triumph of Florence was assured during the four- 
 teenth century. Still there remained grumblers even in the 
 early part of the cinquecento. Castiglione asks in the " Cour- 
 tier " why he should be expected to write in the Tuscan dia- 
 lect, and it is clear that jealousy of Florentine supremacy 
 still existed. Machiavelli's works, by enhancing the prestige 
 of Italian against Latin, and of Tuscan against other forms 
 of Italian speech, are memorable both in the history of litera- 
 ture and of language. 
 
 The " History of Florence," while being hardly less typical 
 than the " Prince," is much pleasanter reading. Intellectual 
 vigor and moral corruption are traits of Machiavelli's age and 
 of Machiavelli himself. One need not deny that he had stand- 
 ards of personal honesty in his dealings with his political em- 
 ployers, or that he felt a sincere interest in the welfare of 
 Italy. That he was a patriot may somewhat redeem his repu- 
 tation, though it can never make the " Prince " or the " Man- 
 dragola " healthy and uplifting books. Machiavelli's view of 
 humanity, though unpleasant, must be taken into account. But 
 it is not only unpleasant ; it is incomplete. The " History of 
 Florence " is a political treatise, which, considered in its wide 
 relations, must be studied side by side with the " Prince " and 
 the " Discourses." It has, likewise, its own value as an iso- 
 lated work. It disclosed the realms of critical, philosophical, 
 and even of " scientific " history, without obtruding the hope- 
 less cynicism of the later Renaissance. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 , BOOK I 
 
 CHAPTER I PAGE 
 
 Irruption of Northern People upon the Roman Territories — Visi- 
 goths — Vandals — Franks and Burgundians — Huns — Angles in 
 England — Attila — Genseric — The Lombards 3 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 Roman Empire under Zeno — Theodoric — Changes in the Roman 
 Empire — New Languages — New Names — Belisarius — Totila — 
 Narses — The Lombards Change the Form of Government 8 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Pontiffs in Italy — Pepin, King of France — Charlemagne — The 
 Title of Cardinal — The Empire Passes to the Germans — Bcren- 
 garius IS 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Guelfs and Ghibellines — Kingdom of Naples — Pope Urban II — 
 The First Crusade — Frederick Barbarossa — An Anti-Pope — 
 Henry, King of England — Orders of St. Dominic and St. 
 Francis 21 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The House of Este — Frederick II — Naples — Guelfs and Ghibel- 
 lines in Lombardy — Charles of Anjou — Nicholas III — Institu- 
 tion of the Jubilee — The Popes at Avignon 29 
 
 CHAPTER VI, 
 
 The Emperor Henry in Italy— The Duchy of Milan— The Emperor 
 Louis— John, King of Bohemia— Venice— Venetians 35 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Schism in the Church — Boniface IX — Council of Pisa — Of Con- 
 stance — Filippo Visconti — Giovanna II of Naples 44 
 
 xi 
 
xii CONTENTS 
 
 . BOOK II 
 
 CHAPTER I "GB 
 
 Advantage of Colonies — Origin of Florence — The Florentines Take 
 Fiesole — First Division in Florence — Buondelmonti 53 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 Florence in the Power of Naples— Farinata degli Uberti — Establish- 
 ment of Trades' Companies — Count Guido Novello 59 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Signory Created — The Gonfalonier of Justice Created — ^Ubaldo 
 Ruffoli — Giano della Bella 66 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Cerchi and the Donati — Origin of Bianca and Nera Factions 
 — Charles of Valois Sent by the Pope to Florence 72 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Restless Conduct of Corso Donati — ^War with Uguccione della Fag- 
 giuola — Count Novello — ^Lando d'Agobbio 8o 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 War with Castruccio — The Squittini Established — Raymond of Car- 
 dona — Charles, Duke of Calabria — The Emperor Louis 86 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Emperor at Rome — The Bardi and Frescobaldi — Maflfeo de 
 Marradi — The Duke of Athens 92 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The Duke of Athens Requires to be Made Prince of Florence — His 
 Tyrannical Proceedings — Conspiracies — He Withdraws from 
 the City • 99 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 Many Cities and Territories, Subject to the Florentines, Rebel — Riot 
 of Andrea Strozzi — The Plague of which Boccaccio Speaks. ... iii 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 BOOK III 
 
 CHAPTER I PAGE 
 
 Domestic Discords of Republics— Rome and Florence— The Ricci 
 and Albizzi — Uguccione — Piero 121 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 War against the Pope's Legate— The Capitani di Parte— Salvestro 
 de Medici Gonfalonier 132 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Measures Adopted by the Magistrates to Eflfect a Pacification— Luigi 
 Guicciardini — The Woollen Art — Speech of a Plebeian 138 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Proceedings of the Plebeians — They Insist that the Signory Leave 
 the Palace — Michele di Lando Gonfalonier 146 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 New Regulations for Elections of the Signory — Confusion in the 
 City — Piero degli Albizzi and Others Condemned — Approach of 
 Charles of Durazzo — Giorgio Scali — Benedetto Alberti — Giorgio 
 Beheaded IS3 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Riots in the City — Reform of Government — Michele di Lando^ 
 Benedetto Alberti — Coming of Louis of Anjou — The Florentines 
 Purchase Arezzo — Benedetto Alberti — His Discourse — Other 
 Citizens Banished-:— War with Giovanni Galeazzo, Duke of 
 Milan IS9 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Maso degli Albizzi — ^Veri de' Medici — Conspiracy Supported by the 
 Duke of Milan — Taking of Pisa — War with the King of Naples 
 — Acquisition of Cortona 165 
 
 ' BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 License and Slavery — Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici — Filippo Vis- 
 conti — War Declared — The Florentines Routed 17S 
 
xiv CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER II J-A™ 
 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi— Restoration of the Grandi—Nkcolo da Uz- 
 zano '8i 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 Giovanni de 'Medici Acquires Favor— Bravery of Biaggio del 
 Melano— Baseness of Zanobi del Pino— League with the Vene- 
 tians—Origin of the Catasto— Peace with the Duke of Milan. . 187 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 Death of Giovanni de' Medici— Insurrection of Volterra— Niccolo 
 Fortebraccio— War with Lucca— Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo 
 degli Albizzi ^93 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 Seravezza Appeals to the Signory— Filippo Brunelleschi— The Duke 
 of Milan Sends Francesco Sforza— Pagolo Guinigi 201 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 Cosmo de' Medici— His Greatness Excites Jealousy— Niccolo da 
 Uzano— Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier— Cosmo Arrested — 208 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 Cosmo Banished to Padua — New Disturbances Occasioned by 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi — Pope Eugenius in Florence — Cosmo Re- 
 called — Rinaldo and his Party Banished — Glorious Return of 
 Cosmo 215 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Of Empires — State of Italy — Factions of Sforza and Braccio — The 
 Pope is Expelled by the Romans 225 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 Death of Giovanna II — Rene of Anjou and Alfonso of Arragon — 
 Alfonso Obtains the Friendship of the Duke of Milan — Divis- 
 ions among the Genoese — League against the Duke of Milan 
 — Rinaldo degli Albizzi — Niccolo Piccinino before Barga 232 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 The Florentines Go to War with Lucca — ^Discourse of a Citizen of 
 Lucca — Francesco Sforza — Cosmo de' Medici at Venice — Peace 
 between the Florentines and the Lucchese — The Pope Conse- 
 crates the Church of Santa Reparata — Council of Florence 240 
 
CONTENTS XV 
 
 CHAPTER IV PAGE 
 
 New Wars in Italy — Niccolo Piccinino Deceives the Pope and Takes 
 many Places from the Church — Attacks the Venetians — Fears 
 of the Florentines — The Venetians Request Assistance from the 
 Florentines and of Sforza — League against the Duke of Milan 
 — Neri di Gino Capponi at Venice 249 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Francesco Sforza Marches to Assist the Venetians — The Venetians 
 Routed by Piccinino — Piccinino Routed by Sforza — Surprises 
 Verona — Recovered by Sforza — The Duke of Milan Makes War 
 against the Florentines — Cardinal Vitelleschi their Enemy 257 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 The Pope Assists the Florentines — Niccolo Piccinino in Tuscany 
 — He Takes Marradi — Cowardice of Bartolommeo Orlandini — 
 Brave Resistance of Castel San Niccolo 265 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Brescia Relieved by Sforza — Piccinino is Recalled into Lombardy 
 — Is Routed before Anghiari — Death of Rinaldo degli Albizzi . . 273 
 
 BOOK VI 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Niccolo Reinforces his Army — ^The Venetians Acquire Ravenna — 
 The Florentines Purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of the Pope 
 — The Insolence of Niccolo Piccinino — The Duke Makes Peace 
 with the League — Sforza Assisted by the Florentines 283 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 Baldaccio d' Anghiari Murdered — Sforza and Piccinino — Death of 
 Piccinino — End of the War — Annibale Bentivoglio Slain by 
 Battista — Canneschi — Santi Bentivoglio is Called to Govern the 
 City of Bologna — Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to Him — Gen- 
 eral War in Italy. 291 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Death of Filippo Visconti — ^Milan Becomes a Republic — The Pope 
 Endeavors to Restore Peace to Italy — Alfonso Attacks the 
 Florentines — Scarcity in the Florentine Camp — Alfonso Sues 
 for Peace — Pavia Surrenders— The Venetians Routed by the 
 Count 299 
 
xvi CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER IV ■"*" 
 
 The Count's Successes— League of the Venetians and Milanese— 
 The Count Dupes Them— He Applies for Assistance to the 
 Florentines— Neri di Gino Capponi— Cosmo de' Medici— The 
 Florentines Send Ambassadors to the Count 307 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Prosecution of the War between the Count and the Milanese- 
 League between the new Duke of Milan and the Florentines 
 —Venetian and Neapolitan Ambassadors at Florence— Answer 
 of Cosmo de' Medici to the Venetian Ambassador— Florence 
 Prepares for War— The Emperor, Frederick III, at Florence. . 31S 
 
 CHAPTER VJ 
 
 Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the Papal Government — Gal- 
 lant Conduct of Antonio Gualandi — Rene of Anjou is Called 
 into Italy by the Florentines— The Pope Endeavors to Restore 
 Peace — Peace Proclaimed 323 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Christendom Alarmed by the Progress of the Turks — The Turks 
 Routed — Remarkable Tempest — Death of Alfonso, King of 
 Naples — Eulogy of Pius II 330 
 
 ^ BOOK VII 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Connection of the other Italian Governments with the History of 
 Florence — Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi Become Power- 
 ful by Dissimilar Means — Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice — 
 Tyranny and Pride of Lucca Pitti and his Party — ^Death of 
 Cosmo de' Medici 339 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 The Duke of Milan Becomes Lord of Genoa — ^Jacopo Piccinino 
 Murdered — Fruitless Endeavors of Pius II to Excite Christen- 
 dom against the Turks — Death of Francesco Sforza — Con- 
 spiracy of Diotisalvi and Others against Piero 350 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Niccolo Soderini Drawn Gonfalonier of Justice — Reform of Govern- 
 ment in Favor of Piero de' Medici — Fall of Lucca Pitti — Letter 
 of Agnolo Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici — Piero's Answer 359 
 
CONTENTS xvii 
 
 CHAPTER IV PAGE 
 
 War between the Venetians and the Florentines— Peace Re-estab- 
 lished — Death of Niccolo Soderini— Accession of Sixtus IV.— 
 Tommaso Soderini Declares Himself in Favor of the Medici.. 367 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Corruption of Florence — The Duke of Milan in Florence— The 
 Church of Santo Spirito Destroyed by Fire — Rebellion of 
 Volterra 374 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Animosity between Sixtus IV and Lorenzo de' Medici — Con- 
 spiracy against Galeazzo, Duke of Milan — He is Slain 381 
 
 BOOK VIII 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 State of the Family of the Medici at Florence — Enmity of Sixtus 
 IV toward Florence 391 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 Giuliano de' Medici Slain — ^Lorenzo Escapes — ^The Pope and the 
 King of Naples Make War upon the Florentines — Florence Ex- 
 communicated — Speech of Lorenzo de' Medici 398 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Florentines Prepare for War against the Pope — ^The Floren- 
 tines Repulse their Enemies — They Attack the Papal States 407 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Duke of Calabria Routs the Florentine Army at Poggibonzi — 
 Lorenzo de' Medici Goes to Naples to Treat with the King 
 — Peace Concluded with the King 413 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 New Occasions of War in Italy — Differences between the Marquis 
 of Ferrara and the Venetians — The King of Naples and the 
 Florentines Attack the Papal States — Lodovico Sforza 423 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Affairs of the Pope — He is Reconciled to Niccolo Vitelli — The 
 Colonnesi and the Orsini — ^Death of Sixtus IV. — Innocent VIII. 
 Elected — Bank of St. Giorgio — The Lucchese Lay Claim to 
 Pietra Santa 429 
 
xviii CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VII »AGE 
 
 The Pope becomes Attached to the Florentines — The Genoese Seize 
 Serezanello — Genoa Submits to the Duke of Milan — Osimo Re- 
 volts from the Church — Count Girolamo Riario Slain by a 
 Conspiracy — Galeotto, Lord of Faenza, is Murdered by the 
 Treachery of his Wife— Death of Lorenzo de' Medici— Es- 
 tablishment of his Family — The University of Pisa — The 
 Estimation of Lorenzo by Other Princes 437 
 
^CLIO: MUSE OF HISTORY. 
 
 Photogravure from the original painting hy Paul Baudry, in the Grand Opera 
 
 House at Paris. 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 FACING PACE 
 
 NiCCOLO MaCHIAVELLI Frontistiice 
 
 Photogravure from the original painting by Brunzoni 
 
 Clio: Muse of HistorV xviii 
 
 Photogravure from the original painting by Paul Baudry 
 
 Page from the Andria of Terence . . -52 
 
 Fac-simile manuscript of the Ninth Century 
 
BOOK I 
 
 FROM THE NORTHERN INVASION TO THE 
 COUNCIL OF PISA 
 
 379-1423 
 
THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 FROM THE NORTHERN INVASION TO THE COUNCIL 
 OF PISA— 379-1423 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Irruption of Northenj People upon the Roman Territories — ^Visigoths 
 — Barbarians Called in by Stilicho— Vandals in Africa — Franks and 
 Burgundians Give their Names to France and Burgundy — The 
 Huns — Angles Give the Name to England — Attila, King of the 
 Huns, in Italy — Genseric Takes Rome — The Lombards. 
 
 THE people who inhabit the northern parts beyond the 
 Rhine and the Danube, living in a healthy and prolific 
 region, frequently increase to such vast multitudes 
 that part of them are compelled to abandon their native soil and 
 seek a habitation in other countries. The method adopted, when 
 one of these provinces had to be relieved of its superabundant 
 population, was to divide into three parts, each containing an 
 equal number of nobles and of people, of rich and of poor. The 
 third upon whom the lot fell, then went in search of new 
 abodes, leaving the remaining two-thirds in possession of their 
 native country. 
 
 These migrating masses destroyed the Roman Empire by 
 the facilities for settlement which the country offered when 
 the emperors abandoned Rome, the ancient seat of their 
 dominion, and fixed their residence at Constantinople; for by 
 this step they exposed the Western Empire to the rapine of 
 both their ministers and their enemies; the remoteness of 
 their position preventing them either from seeing or providing 
 for its necessities. To suffer the overthrow of such an ex- 
 tensive empire, established by the blood of so many brave and 
 virtuous men, showed no less folly in the princes themselves 
 
 3 
 
4 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [379 
 
 than infidelity in their ministers ; for not one irruption alone, 
 but many, contributed to its ruin; and these barbarians ex- 
 hibited much ability and perseverance in accomplishing their 
 object. 
 
 The first of these northern nations that invaded the empire 
 after the Cimbrians, who were conquered by Caius Marius, 
 was the Visigoths — which name in our language signifies 
 "Western Goths." These, after some battles fought upon 
 its confines, long held their seat of dominion upon the 
 Danube, with consent of the emperors ; and although, moved 
 by various causes, they often attacked the Roman provinces, 
 were always kept in subjection by the imperial forces. The 
 Emperor Theodosius conquered them with great glory; and, 
 being wholly reduced to his power, they no longer elected a 
 sovereign of their own, but, satisfied with the terms which he 
 granted them, lived and fought under his ensigns and au- 
 thority. On the death of Theodosius, his sons Arcadius and 
 Honorius succeeded to the empire, but not to the talents and 
 fortune, of their father; and the times became changed with 
 the princes. Theodosius had appointed a governor to each 
 of the three divisions of the empire, Ruffinus to the Eastern, to 
 the Western Stilicho, and Gildo to the African. Each of these 
 after the death of Theodosius, determined not to be governors 
 merely, but to assume sovereign dominion over their respective 
 provinces. Gildo and Ruffinus were suppressed at their out- 
 set; but Stilicho, concealing his design, ingratiated himself 
 with the new emperors, and at the same time so disturbed their 
 government as to facilitate his occupation of it afterward. 
 To make the Visigoths their enemies, he advised that the ac- 
 customed stipend allowed to his people should be withheld; 
 and as he thought these enemies would not be sufficient alone 
 to disturb the empire, he contrived that the Burgundians, 
 Franks, Vandals, and Alans (a northern people in search of 
 new habitations), should assail the Roman provinces. 
 
 That they might be better able to avenge themselves for 
 the injury they had sustained, the Visigoths, on being de- 
 prived of their subsidy, created Alaric their King ; and having 
 assailed the empire, succeeded, after many reverses, in over- 
 running Italy, and finally in pillaging Rome. 
 
 After this victory, Alaric died, and his successor Astolphus 
 
446] EMPEROR THEODOSIUS S 
 
 having married Placidia, sister of the emperors, agreed with 
 them to go to the relief of Gaul and Spain, which provinces 
 had been assailed by the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and 
 Franks, from the causes before mentioned. Hence it fol- 
 lowed, that the Vandals, who had occupied that part of Spain 
 called Betica (now Andalusia), being pressed by the Visigoths, 
 and unable to resist them, were invited by Boniface, who 
 governed Africa for the empire, to occupy that province ; for, 
 being in rebellion, he was afraid his error would become known 
 to t,he Emperor. For these reasons the Vandals gladly under- 
 took the enterprise, and under Genseric, their King, became 
 lords of Africa. 
 
 At this time, Theodosius, son of Arcadius, succeeded to 
 the empire; and, bestowing little attention on the affairs of 
 the West, caused those who had taken possession to think of 
 securing their acquisitions. Thus the Vandals ruled Africa; 
 the Alans and Visigoths, Spain; while the Franks and Bur- 
 gundians not only took Gaul, but gave their names to the 
 parts they occupied ; hence one is called France, the other Bur- 
 gundy. The good-fortune of these brought fresh people to 
 the destruction of the empire, one of which, the Huns, oc- 
 cupied the province of Pannonia, situated upon the nearer 
 shore of the Danube, and which, from their name, is still 
 called Hungary. To these disorders it must be added, that 
 the emperor, seeing himself attacked on so many sides, to 
 lessen the number of his enemies, began to treat first with 
 the Vandals, then with the Franks ; a course which diminished 
 his own power, and increased that of the barbarians. Nor 
 was the island of Britain, which is now called England, se- 
 cure from them ; for the Britons, being apprehensive of those 
 who had occupied Gaul, called the Angli, a people of Germany, 
 to their aid ; and these, under Vortigern, their King, first de- 
 fended, and then drove them from the island, of which they 
 took possession, and after themselves named the country Eng- 
 land. But the inhabitants, being robbed of their homes, be- 
 came desperate by necessity, and resolved to take possession 
 of some other country, although they had been unable to de- 
 fend their own. They therefore crossed the sea with their 
 families, and settled in the country nearest to the beach, which 
 from themselves is called Brittany. The Huns, who were said 
 
6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [45* 
 
 above to have occupied Pannonia, joining with other nations, 
 as the Zepidi, Eruli, Thiiringi, and Ostro (or Eastern) Goths, 
 moved in search of new countries, and not being able to enter 
 France, which was defended by the forces of the barbarians, 
 came into Italy under Attila, their King. He^ a short time 
 previously, in order to possess the entire monarchy, had mur- 
 dered his brother Bleda ; and having thus become very power- 
 ful, Andaric, King of the Zepidi, and Velamir, King of the Os- 
 trogoths, became subject to him. Attila, having entered Italy, 
 laid siege to Aquileia, where he remained without any obstacle 
 for two years, wasting the country round, and dispersing the in- 
 habitants. This, as will be related in its place, caused the 
 origin of Venice. After the taking and ruin of Aquileia, he 
 directed his course toward Rome, from the destruction of which 
 he abstained at the entreaty of the pontiif, his respect for whom 
 was so great that he left Italy and retired into Austria, where 
 he died. After the death of Attila, Velamir, King of the Os- 
 trogoths, and the heads of the other nations took arms 
 against his sons Henry and Uric, slew the one and compelled 
 the other, with his Huns, to repass the Danube and return to 
 their country; whilst the Ostrogoths and the Zepidi estab- 
 lished themselves in Pannonia, and the Eruli and the Thiiringi 
 upon the farther bank of the Danube. 
 
 Attila having left Italy, Valentinian, Emperor of the 
 West, thought of restoring the country; and, that he might 
 be more ready to defend it against the barbarians, aban- 
 doned Rome, and removed the seat of government to Ra- 
 venna. The misfortunes which befell the Western Empire 
 caused the Emperor, who resided at Constantinople, on many 
 occasions to give up the possession of it to others, as a charge 
 full of danger and expense ; and sometimes, without his per- 
 mission, the Romans, seeing themselves so abandoned, created 
 an emperor for their defence, or suffered someone to usurp 
 the dominion. This occurred at the period of which we now 
 speak, when Maximus, a Roman, after the death of Valentinian, 
 seized the government, and compelled Eudocia, widow of the 
 late emperor, to take him for her husband ; but she, being of 
 imperial blood, scorned the connection of a private citizen; 
 and being anxious to avenge herself for the insult, secretly per- 
 suaded Genseric, King of the Vandals and master of Africa, 
 
48o] THE LOMBARDS 7 
 
 to come into Italy, representing to him the advantage he would 
 derive from the undertaking, and the facility with which it 
 might be accomplished. Tempted by the hope of booty, he 
 came immediately, and finding Rome abandoned, plundered 
 the city during fourteen days. He also ravaged many other 
 places in Italy, and then, loaded with wealth, withdrew to 
 Africa. The Romans, having returned to their city, and 
 Maximus being dead, eilected Avitus, a Roman, as his suc- 
 cessor. 
 
 After this, several important events occurred both in Italy 
 and in the countries beyond; after the deaths of many em- 
 perors the Empire of Constantinople devolved upon Zeno, and 
 that of Rome upon Orestes and Augustulus his son, who ob- 
 tained the sovereignty by fraud. Whilst they were designing 
 to hold by force what they had obtained by treachery, the 
 Eruli and the Thuringi, who, after the death of Attila, as be- 
 fore remarked, had established themselves upon the farther 
 bank of the Danube, united in a league and invaded Italy 
 under Odoacer, their general. Into the districts which they 
 left unoccupied, the Longobardi, or Lombards, also a Northern 
 people, entered, led by Godogo, their King. Odoacer con- 
 quered and slew Orestes near Pavia, but Augustulus escaped. 
 After this victory, that Rcane might, with her change of power, 
 also change her title, Odoacer, instead of using the imperial 
 name, caused himself to be declared King of Rome. He was 
 the first of those leaders who at this period overran the world 
 and thought of settling in Italy; for the others, either from 
 fear that they should not be able to hold the country, know- 
 ing that it might easily be relieved by the Eastern Emperors, or 
 from some unknown cause, after plundering her, sought other 
 countries wherein to establish themselves. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 State of the Roman Empire under Zeno— Theodoric, King of the Os- 
 trogoths—Character of Theodoric— Changes in the Roman Empire 
 —New Languages— New Names— Theodoric Dies — Belisarius in Italy 
 — Totila Takes Rome— Narses Destroys the Goths— New Form of 
 Government in Italy— Narses Invites the Lombards into Italy— The 
 Lombards Change the Form of Government. 
 
 AT this time the ancient Roman Empire was governed by 
 the following princes : Zeno, reigning in Constantino- 
 ple^ commanded the whole of the Eastern Empire ; the 
 Ostrogoths ruled Mesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths, Suevi, 
 and Alans held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals, Africa; 
 the Franks and Burgundians, France; and the Eruli and 
 Thiiringi, Italy. The kingdom of the Ostrogoths had de- 
 scended to Theodoric, nephew of Velamir, who, being on terms 
 of friendship with Zeno the Eastern Emperor, wrote to him 
 that his Ostrogoths thought it an injustice that they, being 
 superior in valor to the people thereabout, should be inferior 
 to them in dominion; and that it was impossible for him to 
 restrain them within the limits of Pannonia. So, seeing him- 
 self under the necessity of allowing them to take arms and go 
 in search of new abodes, he wished first to acquaint Zeno 
 with it, in order that he might provide for them^ by granting 
 some country in which they might establish themselves, by his 
 good favor, with greater propriety and convenience. Zeno, 
 partly from fear and partly from a desire to drive Odoacer out 
 of Italy, gave Theodoric permission to lead his people against 
 him, and take possession of the country. Leaving his friends 
 the Zepidi in Pannonia, Theodoric marched into Italy, slew 
 Odoacer and his son, and, moved by the same reasons which 
 had induced Valentinian to do so, established his court at 
 Ravenna, and like Odoacer took the title of King of Italy. 
 
 Theodoric possessed great talents, both for war and peace; 
 in the former he was always conqueror, and in the latter he 
 
 8 
 
Sooi CHARACTER OF THEODORIC 9 
 
 conferred very great benefits upon the cities and people under 
 him. He distributed the Ostrogoths over the country, each 
 district under its leader, that he might more conveniently com- 
 mand them in war and govern them in peace. He enlarged 
 Ravenna, restored Rome, and, with the exception of military 
 discipline, conferred upon the Romans every honor. He kept 
 within their proper bounds, wholly by the influence of his 
 character, all the barbarian kings who occupied the em- 
 pire; he built towns and fortresses between the point of the 
 Adriatic and the Alps, in order, with the greater facility, to im- 
 pede the passage of any new hordes of barbarians who might 
 design to assail Italy; and if toward the latter end of his 
 life, so many virtues had not been sullied by acts of cruelty, 
 caused by various jealousies of his people, such as the deaths 
 of Symmachus and Boethius, men of great holiness, every 
 point of his character would have deserved the highest praise. 
 By his virtue and goodness, not only Rome and Italy, but 
 every part of the Western Empire, freed from the continual 
 troubles which they had suffered from the frequent influx of 
 barbarians, acquired new Yi fifor. andJ begaa-ta-ti v e i - n a n^ orderly 
 and civilized manner. ^ ^For surely if any times were truly 
 "Miserable for Italy and the provinces overrun by the bar- 
 barians, they were those which occurred from Arcadius and 
 Honorius to Theodoric. If we only consider the evils which 
 arise to a republic or a kingdom by a change of prince or of 
 government; not by foreign interference, but by civil dis- 
 cord (in which we may see how even slight variations suffice 
 to ruin the most powerful kingdoms or States), we may then 
 easily imagine how much Italy and the other Roman provinces 
 suffered, when they not only changed their forms of gov- 
 ernment and their princes, but also their laws, customs, modes 
 of living, religion, language, and name. Any one of such 
 changes, by itself, without being united with others, might, 
 with thinking of it to say nothing of the seeing and suffering, 
 infuse terror into the strongest minds. 
 
 From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin 
 and extension of many cities. Among those which were 
 ruined were Aquileia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and 
 many others. The new cities were Venice, Sienna, Ferrara, 
 Aquila, with many towns and castles which for brevity we 
 
lO 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [5^6 
 
 omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa, 
 Pisa, Milan, Naples, and Bologna; to all of which may be 
 added, the ruin and restoration of Rome, and of many other 
 cities not previously mentioned. 
 
 From this devastation and new population arose new lan- 
 guages, as we see in the different dialects of France, Spain, and 
 Italy ; which, partaking of the native idiom of the new people 
 and of the old Roman, formed a new manner of discourse. 
 Besides, not only were the names of provinces changed, but 
 also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men; for France, Spain, and 
 Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different from the ancient ; 
 as, omitting many others, we see that the Po, the Garda, the 
 Archipelago, are names quite different from those which the 
 ancients used ; whilst instead of Caesar, and Pompey, we have 
 Peter, Matthew, John, etc. 
 
 Among so many variations, that of religion was not of 
 little importance; for while combating the customs of the 
 ancient faith with the miracles of the new, very serious 
 troubles and discords were created among men. And if 
 Christians had been united in one faith, fewer disorders would 
 have followed; but the contentions among themselves of the 
 churches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, joined to those of the 
 heretics sects with the Catholic, served in many ways to render 
 the world miserable. Africa is a proof of this ; having suf- 
 fered more horrors from the Arian sect, whose doctrines were 
 believed by the Vandals, than from any avarice or natural 
 cruelty of the people themselves. Living amid so many per- 
 secutions, the countenances of men bore witness of the ter- 
 rible impressions upon their minds; for beside the evils they 
 suffered from the disordered state of the world, they scarcely 
 could have recourse to the help of God, in whom the unhappy 
 hope for relief ; for the greater part of them, being uncertain 
 what divinity they ought to address, died miserably, without 
 help and without hope. 
 
 Having been the first to put a stop to so many evils, Theo- 
 doric deserves the highest praise ; for during the thirty-eight 
 years he reigned in Italy he brought the country to such a 
 state of greatness that her previous sufferings were no longer 
 recognizable. But at his death, the kingdom descending to 
 Atalaric, son of Amalasontha his daughter, and the malice of 
 
S46J TOTILA TAKES ROME 11 
 
 fortune not being yet exhausted, the old evils soon returned; 
 for Atalaric died son after his grandfather, and the kingdom 
 coming into the possession of his mother, she was betrayed 
 by Theodatus, whom she had called to assist her in the gov- 
 ernment. He put her to death and made himself king; and 
 having thus become odious to the Ostrogoths, the Emperor 
 Justinian entertained the hope of driving him out of Italy. 
 Justinian appointed Belisarius to the command of this expe- 
 dition, as he had already conquered Africa, expelled the Van- 
 dals, and reduced the country to the imperial rule. 
 
 Belisarius took posession of Sicily, and, from thence pass- 
 ing into Italy, occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, see- 
 ing this, slew Theodatus, their King, whom they considered 
 the cause of their misfortunes, and elected Vitiges in his 
 stead, who after some skirmishes, was besieged and taken by 
 Belisarius at Ravenna; but before he had time to secure the 
 advantage of his victory Belisarius was recalled by Justin- 
 ian, and Joannes and Vitalis were appointed in his place. 
 Their principles and practices were so diflFerent from those of 
 Belisarius, that the Goths took courage and created Ildovadus, 
 Governor of Verona, their King. After Ildovadus, who was 
 slain, came Totila, who routed the imperial forces, took Tus- 
 cany and Naples, and recovered nearly the whole of what 
 Belisarius had taken from them. On this account Justinian 
 determined to send him into Italy again; but, coming with 
 only a small force, he lost the reputation which his former 
 victories had won for him, in less time than he had taken 
 to acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with his forces, took 
 Rome before his eyes ; but being unable to hold or to leave the 
 city, he destroyed the greater part of it, drove out the citizens, 
 and took the senators away with him. Thinking little of 
 Belisarius, he led his people into Calabria, to attack the forces 
 which had been sent from Greece. 
 
 Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to 
 the performance of an honorable work. Viewing the ruins 
 of Rome, he determined to rebuild her walls and recall her 
 inhabitants with as little delay as possible. But fortune was 
 opposed to this laudable enterprise; for Justinian, being at 
 this time asasiled by the Parthians, recalled him; and his 
 duty to his sovereign compelled him to abandon Italy to 
 
12 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [5^3 
 
 Totila, who again took Rome, but did not treat her with such 
 severity as upon the former occasion; for at the entreaty of 
 St. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for 
 sanctity, he endeavored to restore her. In the meantime, Jus- 
 tinian having arranged matters with the Parthians, again 
 thought of sending a force to the relief of Italy ; but the Sclavi, 
 another Northern people, having crossed the Danube and at- 
 tacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so that Totila held 
 almost the whole country. Having conquered the Sclavonians, 
 Justinian sent Narses, a eunuch, a man of great military talent, 
 who, having arrived in Italy, routed and slew Totila. The 
 Goths who escaped sought refuge in Pavia, where they created 
 Teias their King. On the other hand, Narses after the vic- 
 tory took Rome, and coming to an engagement with Teias and 
 Nocera, slew him and routed his army. By this victory, the 
 power of the Goths in Italy was quite annihilated, after hav- 
 ing existed for seventy years from the coming of Theodoric to 
 the death of Teias. 
 
 No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justin- 
 ian died, and was succeeded by Justin^ his son, who, at the 
 instigation of Sophia, his wife, recalled Narses, and sent 
 Longinus in his stead. Like those who preceded him, he 
 made his abode at Ravenna, and beside this, gave a new form 
 to the government of Italy; for he did not appoint governors 
 of provinces, as the Goths had done, but in every city and 
 town of importance, placed a ruler whom he called a duke. 
 Neither in this arrangement did he respect Rome more than 
 the other cities ; for having set aside the consuls and Senate, 
 names which up to this time had been preserved, he placed 
 her under a duke, who was sent every year from Ravenna, and 
 called her the Duchy of Rome; while to him who remained 
 at Ravenna, and governed the whole of Italy for the Emperor, 
 was given the name of Exarch. This division of the country 
 facilitated the ruin of Italy, and gave the Lombards an early 
 occasion of occupying it. Narses was greatly enraged with 
 the Emperor for having recalled him from the government of 
 the province, which he had won with his own valor and blood ; 
 whilst Sophia, not content with the injury done by withdraw- 
 ing him, treated him in the most offensive manner, saying she 
 wished him to come back that he might spin with the other 
 
572] ALBOIN, SOVEREIGN OF PANNONIA 13 
 
 eunuchs. Full of indignation, Narses persuaded Alboin, 
 King of the Lombards, who then reigned in Pannonia, to in- 
 vade and take possession of Italy. 
 
 The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places 
 upon the Danube which had been vacated by the Eruli and 
 Thiiringi, when Odoacer their King led them into Italy ; where, 
 having been established for some time, their dominions were 
 held by Alboin, a man ferocious and bold, under whom they 
 crosed the Danube, and coming to an engagement with Cuni- 
 mund. King of the Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered and 
 slew him. Alboin finding Rosamond, daughter of Cunimund, 
 amongst the captives, took her to wife, and made himself 
 sovereign of Pannonia; and moved by his savage nature, 
 caused the skull of Cunimund to be formed into a cup, from 
 which, in memory of the victory, he drank. Being invited into 
 Italy by Narses, with whom he had been in friendship dur- 
 ing the war with the Goths, he left Pannonia to the Huns, 
 who after the death of Attila had returned to their country. 
 Finding, on his arrival, the province divided into so many 
 parts, he presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, 
 the whole of Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, 
 which is now called Romagna. These great and rapid acquisi- 
 tions made him think the conquest of Italy already secured; 
 he therefore gave a great feast at Verona, and having become 
 elevated with wine, ordered the skull of Cunimund to be filled, 
 and caused it to be presented to the queen Rosamond, who 
 sat opposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that upoin 
 occasion of such great joy she should drink with her father. 
 
 These words were like a dagger to the lady's bosom, and 
 she resolved to have revenge. Knowing that Helmichis, a 
 noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, she ar- 
 ranged with the young woman, that Helmichis, without being 
 acquainted with the fact, should sleep with her instead of his 
 mistress. Having effected her .design, Rosamond discovered 
 herself to Helmichis, and gave him the choice either of kill- 
 ing Alboin, and taking herself and the kingdom as his reward, 
 or of being put to death as the ravisher of the queen. Hel- 
 michis consented to destroy Alboin ; but after the murder, find- 
 ing they could not occupy the kingdom, and fearful that the 
 Lombards would put them to death for the love they bore 
 
14 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE f57S 
 
 to Alboin, they seized the royal treasure, and fled with it to 
 Longinus, at Ravenna, who received them favorably. 
 
 During these troubles the Emperor Justin died, and was 
 succeeded by Tiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the 
 Parthians, could not attend to the affairs of Italy; and this 
 seeming to Longinus to present an opportunity, by means of 
 Rosamond and her wealth, of becoming King of the Lombards 
 and of the whole of Italy, he communicated his design to her, 
 persuaded her to destroy Helmichis, and so take him for her 
 husband. To this end, having prepared poisoned wine, she 
 with her own hand presented it to Helmichis, who complained 
 of thirst as he came from the bath. Having drunk half of it, 
 he suspected the truth, from the unusual sensation it occa- 
 sioned, and compelled her to drink the remainder; so that in 
 a few hours both came to their end, and Longinus was de- 
 prived of the hope of becoming king. 
 
 In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn themselves 
 together in Pavia, which was become the principal seat of 
 their empire, made Clefis their king. He rebuilt Imola, de- 
 stroyed by Narses, and occupied Rimini and almost every place 
 up to Rome ; but he died in the course of his victories. Clefis 
 was cruel to such a degree, not only toward strangers, but 
 to his own Lombards, that these people, sickened of royal power, 
 did not create another king, but appointed among themselves 
 thirty dukes to govern the rest. This prevented the Lombards 
 from occupying the whole of Italy, or of extending their do- 
 minion further than Benevento ; for, of the cities of Rome, Ra- 
 venna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, 
 Faenza, Forli, and Cesena, some defended themselves for a 
 time, and others never fell under their dominion; since, not 
 having a king, they became less prompt for war, and when 
 f they afterward appointed one, they were, by living in freedom, 
 become less obedient, and more apt to quarrel amongst them- 
 , selves; which from the first prevented a fortunate issue of 
 ; their military expeditions, and was the ultimate cause of their 
 'being driven out of Italy. The affairs of the Lombards be- 
 ing in the state just described, the Romans and Longinus came 
 to an agreement with them, that each should lay down their 
 arms and enjoy what they already possessed. 
 
CHAPTER III -^ 
 
 Beginning of the Greatness of the Pontiffs in Italy — Abuse of Cen- 
 sures and Indulgences — The Pope Applies to Pepin, King of France, 
 for Assistance — Donation of Pepin to the Pontiff — Charlemagne — 
 End of the Kingdom of the Lombards — The Title of Cardinal Be- 
 gins to be Used — The Empire Passes to the Germans — Berengarius, 
 Duke of Friuli, Created King of Italy — Pisa Becomes Great — Order 
 and Division of the States of Italy — ^Electors of the Emperor Created. 
 
 IN these times the popes began to acquire greater temporal 
 authority than they had previously possessed; although 
 the immediate successors of St. Peter were more rev- 
 erenced for the holiness of their lives, and the miracles 
 which they performed; and their example so greatly ex- 
 tended the Christian religion, that princes of other States 
 embraced it, in order to obviate the confusion which pre- 
 vailed at that period. The Emperor having become a 
 Christian and returned to Constantinople, it followed, as was 
 remarked at the commencement of the book, that the Ro-j; 
 man Empire was the more easily ruined, and the Church " 
 more rapidly increased her authority. Nevertheless, the 
 whole of Italy, being subject either to the emperors or the 
 kings till the coming of the Lombards, the popes never ac- 
 quired any greater authority than what reverence for their 
 habits and doctrine gave them. In other respects they obeyed 
 the emperors or kings ; officiated for them in their affairs, as 
 ministers or agents; and were even sometimes put to death 
 by them. He who caused them to become of more importance ^ 
 in the affairs of Italy, was Theodoric, King of the Goths, when 
 he established the seat of his empire at Ravenna; for Rome 
 being without a prince, the Romans found it necessary, for 
 their safety, to yield obedience to the Pope; his authority, 
 however, was not greatly increased thereby, the only advantage 
 being, that the Church of Rome was allowed to take preced-"^ 
 ence of that of Ravenna. But the Lombards having taken 
 
 15 
 
i6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [73' 
 
 possession, and Italy being divided into many parts, the Pope 
 had an opportunity of greater exertion. Being as it were the 
 head of Rome, both the Emperor of Constantinople and the 
 Lombards respected him ; so that the Romans, by his means, 
 entered into league with the Lombards, and with Longinus, 
 not as subjects, but as equals. Thus the popes, at one time 
 friends of the Greeks, and at another of the Lombards, in- 
 creased their own power: but upon the ruin of the Eastern 
 Empire, which occurred during the time of Heraclius, their 
 influence was reduced; for the Sclavi, of whom he spoke be- 
 fore, again assailed lUyria, and having occupied the country, 
 named it Sclavonia, after themselves; and the other parts 
 were attacked by the Persians, then by the Saracens under 
 Mohammed, and lastly by the Turks, who took Syria, Africa, 
 and Egypt. These causes induced the reigning Pope, in his 
 Mistress to seek new friends, and he applied to the King of 
 '•France. Nearly all the wars which the Northern barbarians 
 carried on in Italy, it may be here remarked, were occasioned 
 by the pontiffs; and the hordes, with which the country was 
 inundated, were generally called in by them. The same mode 
 of proceeding still continued, and kept Italy weak and un- 
 settled. And, therefore, in relating the events which have 
 taken place from those times to the present, the ruin of the 
 empire will be no longer illustrated, but only the increase of the 
 pontificate and of the other principalities which ruled Italy 
 till the coming of Charles VIII. It will be seen how the popes, 
 first with censures, and afterward with these and arms, min- 
 gled with indulgences, became both terrible and venerable; 
 and how, from having abused both, they ceased to possess any 
 influence, and were wholly dependent on the will of others 
 for assistance in their wars. 
 
 But to return to the order of our narration. Gregbry III 
 occupied the papacy, and the Kingdom of the Lombards was 
 held by Astolphus, who, contrary to the agreement, seized 
 Ravenna, and made war upon the Pope. On this account, 
 Gregory no longer relying upon the Emperor of Constan- 
 tinople, since he, for the reasons above given, was unable to 
 assist him, and unwilling to trust the Lombards, for they had 
 frequently broken their faith, had recourse to Pepin II, who, 
 from being Lord of Austria and Brabant, had become King of 
 
8oo] DONATIONS TO THE POPE 17 
 
 France ; not so much by his own valor as by that of Charles 
 Martel his father, and Pepin his grandfather; for Charles 
 Martel being governor of the kingdom, effected the memor- 
 able defeat of the Saracens near Tours, upon the Loire, in 
 which 200,000 of them are said to have been left dead 
 upon the field of battle. Hence, Pepin, by his father's repu- 
 tation and his own abilities, became afterward King of 
 France. To him Pope Gregory, as we have said, applied for 
 assistance against the Lombards, which Pepin promised to 
 grant, but desired first to see him and be honored with his 
 presence. Gregory accordingly went to France, passing un- 
 injured through the country of his enemies, so great was the 
 respect they had for religion, and was treated honorably by 
 Pepin, who sent an army into Italy, and besieged the Lom- 
 bards in Pavia. King Astolphus, compelled by necessity, 
 made proposals of peace to the French, who agreed to them 
 at the entreaty of the Pope — for he did not desire the death 
 of his enemy, but that he should be converted and live. In 
 this treaty, Astolphus promised to give to the Church all the 
 places he had taken from her ; but the King's forces having re- 
 turned to France, he did not fulfil the agreement, and the Pope 
 again had recourse to Pepin, who sent another army, con- 
 quered the Lombards, took Ravenna, and, contrary to the 
 wishes of the Greek Emperor, gave it to the Pope, with all 
 the places that belonged to the exarchate, and added to them 
 Urbino and the Marca. But Astolphus, whilst fulfilling the 
 terms of his agreement, died, and Desiderius, a Lombard, who 
 was Duke of Tuscany, took arms to occupy the kingdom, and 
 demanded assistance of the Pope, promising him his friend- 
 ship. The Pope acceding to his request, the other princes as- 
 sented. Desiderius kept faith at first, and proceeded to re- 
 sign the districts to the Pope, according to the agreement made 
 with Pepin, so that an exarch was no longer sent from Con- 
 stantinople to Ravenna, but it was governed according to the 
 will of the Pope. Pepin soon after died, and was succeeded 
 by his son Charles, the same who, on account of the magni- 
 tude and success of his enterprises, was called Charlemagne, 
 or Charles the Great. Theodore I now succeeded to the 
 papacy, and, discord arising between him and Desiderius, the 
 latter besieged him in Rome. The Pope requested assistance of 
 
i8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [814 
 
 Charles, who, having crossed the Alps, besieged Desiderius in 
 Pavia, where he took both him and his children, and sent them 
 prisoners to France. He then went to visit the pontiff at 
 Rome, where he declared, that the pope, being vicar of God, 
 could not be judged by men. The Pope and the people of 
 Rome made him Emperor ; and thus Rome began to have an 
 Emperor of the West. And whereas the popes used to be 
 established by the emperors, the latter now began to have 
 need of the popes at their elections; the empire continued to 
 lose its powers, while the Church acquired them ; and, by these 
 means, she constantly extended her authority over temporal 
 princes. 
 
 The Lombards, having now been 232 years in the coun- 
 try, were strangers only in name; and Charles, wishing to 
 reorganize the States of Italy, consented that they should oc- 
 cupy the places in which they had been brought up, and 
 call the provinces after their own name, Lombardy. That 
 they might be led to respect the Roman name, he ordered 
 all that part of Italy adjoining to them, which had been 
 under the exarchate of Ravenna, to be called Romagna. 
 Besides this, he created his son Pepin, King of Italy, whose 
 dominion extended to Benevento ; all the rest being possessed 
 by the Greek Emperor, with whom Charles was in league. 
 About this time Pascal I occupied the pontificate, and the 
 priests of the churches of Rome, from being near to the Pope, 
 and attending the elections of the pontiff, began to dignify 
 their power with a title, by calling themselves " Cardinals," and 
 arrogated so great authority that having excluded the people 
 of Rome from the election of pontiff, the appointment of a 
 new pope was scarcely ever made except from one of their 
 number; thus on the death of Pascal, the Cardinal of St. 
 Sabina was created pope by the title of Eugenius II. Italy 
 having come into the hands of the French, a change of form 
 and order took place, the popes acquiring greater temporal 
 power, and the new authorities adopting the titles of count 
 and marquis, as that of duke had been introduced by Lon- 
 ginus. Exarch of Ravenna. After the deaths of some pontiffs, 
 Osporco, a Roman, succeeded to the papacy; but on account 
 of his unseemly appellation, he took the name of Sergius, and 
 this was the origin of that change of names which the popes 
 adopt upon their election to the pontificate. 
 
93'] BERENGARIUS, KING OF ROME 19 
 
 In the meantime the Emperor Charles died and was suc- 
 ceeded by Louis (the Pious), after whose death so many dis- 
 putes arose among his sons that at the time of his grand- 
 children the house of France lost the empire, which then came 
 to the Germans ; the first German emperor being called Amol- 
 fus. Nor did the Carlovingian family lose the empire only; 
 their discords also occasioned them the loss of Italy ; for the 
 Lombards, gathering strength, offended the Pope and the Ro- 
 mans; and Arnolfo, not knowing where to seek relief, was 
 compelled to create Berengarius, Duke of Friuli^ King of Italy, 
 These events induced the Huns, who occupied Pannonia, to 
 assail Italy; but, in an engagement with Berengarius, they 
 were compelled to return to Pannonia, which had from them 
 been named Hungary. 
 
 Romano was at this time Emperor of Greece, having, whiles 
 prefect of the army, dethroned Constantine; and as Puglia 
 and Calabria, which, as before observed, were parts of the 
 Greek Empire, had revolted, he gave permission to the Sara- 
 cens to occupy them; and they having taken possession of 
 these provinces, besieged Rome. The Roman Berengarius be- 
 ing then engaged in defending himself against the Huns, ap- 
 pointed Alberic, Duke of Tuscany, their leader. By his valor 
 Rome was saved from the Saracens, who withdrawing from 
 the siege, erected a fortress upon Mount Gargano, by means 
 of which they governed Puglia and Calabria, and harassed 
 the whole country. Thus Italy was in those times very 
 . grievously afflicted, being in constant warfare with the Huns 
 in the direction of the Alps, and, on the Neapolitan side, suffer- 
 ing from the inroads of the Saracens. This state of things 
 continued many years, occupying the reigns of three Beren- 
 garii, who succeeded each other; and during this time the 
 Pope and the Church were greatly disturbed ; the impotence of 
 the Eastern, and the disunion which prevailed amongst the 
 Western princes, leaving them without defence. The city of 
 Genoa, with all her territory upon the rivers, having been over- 
 run by the Saracens, an impulse was thus given to the rising 
 greatness of Pisa, in which city multitudes took refuge who 
 had been driven out of their own country. These events oc- 
 curred in the year 931, when Otho, Duke of Saxony, the son 
 of Henry and Matilda, a quen, man of great prudence and repu- 
 
20 CiTHE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1046 
 
 tation^ being made Emperor, Pope Agapito begged that he 
 would come into Italy and relieve him from the tyranny of the 
 Berengarii. 
 
 The States of Italy were governed in this manner: Lom- 
 bardy was under Berengarius III and Alfred his son; Tus- 
 cany and Romagna were governed by a deputy of the Western 
 Emperor; Puglia and Calabria were partly under the Greek 
 (Emperor, and partly under the Saracens; in Rome two Con- 
 Isuls were annually chosen from the nobility, who governed 
 Iher according to ancient custom; to these was added a prer 
 (feet, who dispensed justice among the people; and there was 
 ^ council of twelve, who each year appointed rectors for the 
 j^laces subject to them. The popes had more or less authority 
 in Rome and the rest of Italy, in proportion as there were 
 favorites of the Emperor or of the most powerful States. The 
 Emperor Otho came into Italy, took the kingdom from the 
 Berengarii, in which they had reigned fifty-five years, and re- 
 instated the pontiff in his dignity. He had a son and a nephew, 
 each named Otho, who, one after the other, succeeded to the 
 empire. In the reign of Otho III, Pope Gregory V was ex- 
 pelled by the Romans ; whereupon the emperor came into Italy 
 and replaced him; and the Pope, to revenge himself on the 
 Romans, took from them the right to create an emperor, and 
 gave it to three princes and three bishops of Germany — ^the 
 princes of Brandenburg, Palatine, and Saxony, and the bishops 
 of Magonza, Treveri, and Colonia. This occurred in the year 
 1002. After the death of Otho III, the electors created 
 Henry, Duke of Bavaria, Emperor, who at the end of twelve 
 years was crowned by Pope Stephen VIII. Henry and his 
 wife Simeonda were persons of very holy life, as is seen by 
 the many temples built and endowed by them, of which the 
 church of St. Miniato, near Florence, is one. Henry died in 
 1024, and was succeeded by Conrad of Squabia, and the latter 
 by Henry II, who came to Rome ; and as there was a schism in 
 the Church of three popes, he set them all aside, and caused the 
 election of Clement II, by whom he was crowned Emperor. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 Nicholas II Commits the Election of the Pope to the Cardinals — First 
 Example of a Prince Deprived of his Dominions by the Pope — 
 Guelfs and Ghibellines — Establishment of the Kingdom of Naples — 
 Pope Urban II Goes to France — The First Crusade — New Orders of 
 Knighthood — Saladin Takes from the Christians their Possessions in 
 the East — Death of the Countess Matilda — Character of Frederick 
 Barbarossa — Schism — Frederick Creates an Anti-Pope — Building of 
 Alexandria in Puglia — Disgraceful Conditions Imposed by the Pope 
 upon Henry, King of England — Reconciliation of Frederick with the 
 Pope — The Kingdom of Naples Passes to the Germans — Orders of 
 St. Dominic and St. Francis. 
 
 ITALY was at this time governed partly by the people, some 
 districts by their own princes, and others by the Deputies 
 of the Emperor. The highest in authority, and to whom 
 the others referred, was called the Chancellor. Of the princes, 
 the most powerful were Godfrey and the Countess Matilda 
 his wife, who was daughter of Beatrice, the sister of Henry 
 H. She and her husband possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggie, 
 Mantua, and the whole of what is now called the Patrimony of 
 the Church. The ambition of the Roman people caused many 
 wars between them and the pontiffs, whose authority had pre- 
 viously been used to free them from the emperors; but when 
 they had taken the government of the city to themselves, and 
 regulated it according to their own pleasure, they at once be- 
 came at enmity with the popes, who received far more injuries 
 from them than from any Christian potentate. And whilst the 
 popes caused all the West to tremble with their censures, the 
 people of Rome were in open rebellion against them ; nor had 
 they or the popes any other purpose, but to deprive each other 
 of reputation and authority. 
 
 Nicholas II now attained the papacy; and as Gregory V 
 had taken from the Romans the right to create an emperor, 
 he in the same manner determined to deprive them of their 
 share in the election of the pope; and confined the creation 
 
 21 
 
22 , THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1082 
 
 to the cadrinals alone. Nor did this satisfy him ; for, having 
 agreed with the princes who governed Calabria and Puglia, 
 by methods which we shall presently relate, he compelled the 
 officers whom the Romans appointed to their different juris- 
 dictions, to render obedience to him ; and some of them he even 
 deprived of their offices. After the death of Nicholas, there 
 was a schism in the Church ; the clergy of Lombardy refused 
 obedience to Alexander II, created at Rome, and elected 
 >Cadolo of Parma anti-pope ; and Henry, who hated the power 
 of the pontiffs, gave Alexander to understand that he must 
 renounce the pontificate, and ordered the cardinals to go into 
 Germany to appoint a new pope. He was the first who felt 
 the importance of spiritual weapons; for the Pope called a 
 I council at Rome, and deprived Henry of both .the empire 
 and the kingdom. Some of the people of Italy took the part 
 pf the Pope, others of Henry; and hence arose the factions 
 pf the Guelfs and the Ghibellines; that Italy, relieved from 
 pe inundations of barbarians, might be distracted with in- 
 testine strife. Henry, being excommunicated, was compelled 
 by his people to come into Italy, and fall barefooted upon his 
 knees before the Pope, and ask his pardon. This occurred in 
 the year 1082. Nevertheless, there shortly afterward arose 
 new discords betwixt the Pope and Henry; upon which the 
 Pope again excommunicated him, and the Emperor sent his 
 son, also named Henry, with an army to Rome, and he, with 
 the assistance of the Romans, who hated the Pope, besieged 
 him in the fortress. Robert Guiscard then came from Puglia 
 to his relief, but Henry had left before his arrival, and returned 
 to Germany. The Romans stood out alone, and the city was 
 sacked by Robert, and reduced to ruins. As from this Robert 
 sprung the establishment of the Kingdom of Naples it seems 
 not superfluous to relate particularly his actions and origin. 
 
 Disunion having arisen among the descendants of Charle- 
 magne, occasion was given to another Northern people, called 
 Normans, to assail France and occupy that portion of the 
 country which is now named Normandy. A part of these 
 people came into Italy at the time when the province was 
 infested with the Berengarii, the Saracens, and the Huns, 
 and occupied some places in Romagna, where, during the 
 wars of that period, they conducted themselves valiantly. 
 
io88j ESTABLISHMENT OF NAPLES 23 
 
 Tancred, one of these Norman princes, had many children; 
 amongst the rest were William, surnamed Ferabac, and Robert, 
 called Guiscard. When the principality was governed by 
 William, the troubles of Italy were in some measure abated; 
 but the Saracens still held Sicily, and plundered the coasts 
 of Italy daily. On this account William arranged with the 
 princes of Capua and Salerno, and with Melorco, a Greek, who 
 governed Puglia and Calabria for the Greek Emperor, to attack 
 Sicily; and it was agreed that, if they were victorious, each 
 should have a fourth part of the booty and the territory. They 
 were fortunate in their enterprise, expelled the Saracens, and 
 took possession of the island; but after the victory, Melorco 
 secretly caused forces to be brought from Greece, seized Sicily 
 in the name of the Emperor, and appropriated the booty to him- 
 self and his followers. 
 
 William was much dissatisfied with this, but reserved the 
 exhibition of his displeasure for a suitable opportunity, and 
 left Sicily with the princes of Salerno and Capua. But when 
 they had parted from him to return to their homes, instead of 
 proceeding to Romagna he led his people toward Puglia, and 
 took Melfi ; and from thence, in a short time^ recovered from 
 the Greek Emperor almost the whole of Puglia and Calabria, 
 over which provinces, in the time of Pope Nicholas II, his 
 brother Robert Guiscard was sovereign. Robert having had 
 many disputes with his nephews for the inheritance of these 
 States, requested the influence of the Pope to settle them; 
 which his holiness was very willing to afford, being anxious to 
 make a friend of Robert, to defend himself against the Emperor 
 of Germany and the insolence of the Roman people, which in- 
 deed shortly followed, when, at the instance of Gregory, he 
 drove Henry from Rome, and subdued the people. Robert 
 was succeeded by his sons Roger and William, to whose do- 
 minion not only was Naples added, and all the places inter- 
 jacent as far as Rome, and afterwards Sicily, of which Roger 
 became sovereign ; but upon William going to Constantinople, 
 to marry the daughter of the Emperor, his dominions were 
 wrested from him by his brother Roger. Inflated with so 
 great an acquisition, Roger first took the title of King of Italy, 
 but afterward contented himself with that of King of Puglia 
 and Sicily. He was the first who established and gave that 
 
24 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1088 
 
 name to this kingdom, which still retains its ancient boun- 
 daries, although its sovereigns have been of many families and 
 countries. Upon the failure of the Normans, it came to the 
 Germans, after these to the French, then to the Arragonese; 
 and it is now held by the Flemish. 
 
 About this time Urban II became Pope, and excited the 
 hatred of the Romans. As he did not think himself safe even 
 in Italy, on account of the disunion which prevailed, he directed 
 his thoughts to a generous enterprise. With his whole clergy 
 he went into France, and at Anvers, having drawn together 
 a vast multitude of people, delivered an oration against the 
 infidels, which so excited the minds of his audience that they 
 determined to undertake the conquest of Asia from the 
 Saracens ; which enterprise, with all those of a similar nature, 
 were afterward called Crusades, because the people who 
 joined in them bore upon their armor and apparel the figure 
 of a cross. The leaders were Godfrey, Eustace, and Baldwin 
 of Bouillon, Counts of Boulogne, and Peter, a hermit celebrated 
 for his prudence and sanctity. Many kings and people joined 
 them, and contributed money; and many private persons 
 fought under them at their own expense ; so great was the in- 
 fluence of religion in those days upon the minds of men, ex- 
 cited by the example of those who were its principal ministers. 
 The proudest successes attended the beginning of this enter- 
 prise ; for the whole of Asia Minor, Syria, and part of Egypt fell 
 under the power of the Christians. To commemorate these 
 events the order of the Knights of Jerusalem was created, 
 which still continues, and holds the island of Rhodes — the 
 only obstacle to the power of the Mohammedans. The same 
 events gave rise to the order of the Knights Templar, which, 
 after a short time, on account of their shameless prac- 
 tices, was dissolved. Various fortune attended the crusaders 
 in the course of their enterprises, and many nations and indi- 
 viduals became celebrated accordingly. The Kings of France 
 and England joined them, and with the Venetians, Pisans, and 
 Genoese, acquired great reputation, till the time of Saladin, 
 when, by whose talents, and the disagreement of the Christians 
 amongst themselves, the crusaders were robbed of all that 
 glory which they had at first acquired, and after ninety years 
 were driven from those places which they had so honorably and 
 happily recovered. 
 
1 1 52] CHARACTER OF FREDERICK I 25 
 
 After the death of Urban, Pascal 11 became Pope, and the 
 empire was under the dominion of Henry IV, who came to 
 Rome pretending friendship for the pontiff, but afterward 
 put his holiness and all his clergy in prison; nor did he re- 
 lease them till it was conceded that he should dispose of the 
 churches of Germany according to his own pleasure. About 
 this time, the Countess Matilda died, and made the Church heir 
 to all her territories. After the deaths of Pascal II and 
 Henry IV many popes and emperors followed, till the papacy 
 was occupied by Alexander III and the empire by Frederick 
 surnamed Barbarossa. The popes during this period had met 
 with many difficulties from the people of Rome and the em- 
 perors; and in the time of Barbarossa they were much in- 
 creased. Frederick possessed military talent, but was so full 
 of pride that he would not submit to the pontiif. However, 
 at his election to the empire he came to Rome to be crowned, 
 and returned peaceably to Germany, where he did not long 
 remain in the same mind, but came again into Italy to subdue 
 certain places in Lombardy, which did not obey him. It hap- 
 pened at this time that the Cardinal St. Clement, of a Roman 
 family, separated from Alexander, and was made Pope by some 
 of the cardinals. The Emperor Frederick being encamped at 
 Crema, Alexander complained to him of the anti-pope, and 
 received for answer that they were both to go to him, and, hav- 
 ing heard each, side, he would determine which was the true 
 pope. This reply displeased Alexander; and, as he saw the 
 Emperor was inclined to favor the anti-pope, he excommuni- 
 cated him, and then fled to Philip, King of France. Frederick, 
 in the meantime, carrying on the war in Lombardy, destroyed 
 Milan; which caused the union of Verona, Padua, and Vi- 
 cenza against him, for their common defence. About the same 
 period the anti-pope died, and Frederick set up Guido, of Cre- 
 mona, in his stead. 
 
 The Romans, from the absence of the Pope, and from the 
 Emperor being in Lombardy, had reacquired some authority 
 in Rome, and proceeded to recover the obedience of those places 
 which had been subject to them. And as the people of Tus- 
 culum refused to submit to their authority, they proceeded 
 against them with their whole force ; but these, being assisted 
 by Frederick, routed the Roman army with such dreadful 
 
26 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1166 
 
 slaughter that Rome was never after either so populous or so 
 rich. Alexander now returned to the city, thinking he could 
 be safe there on account of the enmity subsisting between the 
 Romans and the Emperor, and from the enemies which the 
 latter had in Lombardy. But Frederick, setting aside every 
 other consideration, led his forces and encamped before Rome ; 
 and Alexander fled to William, King of Puglia, who had be- 
 come heir of that kingdom after the death of Roger. Fred- 
 erick, however, withdrew from Rome on account of the plague 
 which then prevailed, and returned to Germany. The cities 
 of Lombardy in league against him, in order to command 
 Pavia and Tortona, which adhered to the imperial party, built 
 a city, to be their magazine in time of war, and named it Alex- 
 andria, in honor of the Pope and in contempt of Frederick. 
 
 Guido the anti-pope died, and Giovanni, of Fermo, was ap- 
 pointed in his stead, who being favored by the imperiaHsts, 
 lived at Montefiascone. Pope Alexander being at Tusculum, 
 whither he had been called by the inhabitants, that with his 
 authority he might defend them from the Romans, ambassa- 
 dors came to him from Henry, King of England, to signify 
 that he was not blamable for the death of Thomas a Becket, 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, although public report had slan- 
 dered him with it. On this the Pope sent two cardinals to 
 England, to inquire into the truth of the matter ; and although 
 they found no actual charge against the King, still, on account 
 of the infamy of the crime, and for not having honored the 
 archbishop so much as he deserved, the sentence against the 
 King of England was, that having called together the barons 
 of his empire, he should upon oath before them affirm his in- 
 nocence; that he should immediately send 200 soldiers 
 to Jerusalem, paid for one year; that, before the end of 
 three years, he should himself proceed thither with as large 
 an army as he could draw together; that his subjects should 
 have the power of appealing to Rome when they thought 
 proper; and that he should annul whatever acts had been 
 passed in his kingdom unfavorable to ecclesiastical rule. 
 These terms were all accepted by Henry; and thus a great 
 king submitted to a sentence that in our day a private person 
 would have been ashamed of. But while the Pope exercised so 
 great authority over distant princes, he could not compel obe- 
 
iigi] DEATH OF GIOVANNI a; 
 
 dience from the Romans themselves, or obtain their consent 
 that he should remain in Rome, even though he promised to 
 intermeddle only with ecclesiastical affairs. 
 
 About this time Frederick returned to Italy, and while he 
 was preparing to carry on new wars against the Pope, his prel- 
 ates and barons declared they would abandon him unless he 
 reconciled himself with the Church ; so that he was obliged to 
 go and submit to the Pope at Venice, where a pacification was 
 effected, but in which the pontiff deprived the Emperor of all 
 authority over Rome, and named William, King of Sicily and 
 Puglia, a coadjutor with him. Frederick, unable to exist 
 without war, joined the crusaders in Asia, that he might exer- 
 cise that ambition against Mohammedans which he could not 
 gratify against the vicars of Christ. And being near the river 
 Cydnus, tempted by the clearness of its waters, bathed there- 
 in, took cold, and died. Thus the river did a greater favor 
 to the Mohammedans than the Pope's excommunications had 
 done to the Christians; for the latter only checked his pride, 
 while the former finished his career. Frederick being dead, the 
 Pope had now only to suppress the contumacy of the Romans ; 
 and, after many disputes concerning the creation of consuls, 
 it was agreed that they should elect them as they had been 
 accustomed to do, but that these should not undertake the 
 office till they had first sworn to be faithful to the Church. 
 
 This agreement being made, Giovanni, the anti-pope, took 
 refuge in Mount Albano, where he shortly afterward died. 
 William, King of Naples, died about the same time, and the 
 Pope intended to occupy that kingdom on the ground that the 
 King had left only a natural son named Tancred. But the 
 barons would not consent, and wished that Tancred should be 
 king. Celestine III, the then Pope, anxious to snatch the king- 
 dom from the hands of Tancred, contrived that Henry, son of 
 Frederick, should be elected emperor, and promised him the 
 kingdom on the condition that he should restore to the Church 
 all the places that had belonged to her. To facilitate this affair, 
 he caused Costanza, a daughter of William, who had been 
 placed in a monastery and was now old, to be brought from 
 her seclusion and become the wife of Henry. Thus the King- 
 dom of Naples passed from the Normans, who had been the 
 founders of it, to the Germans. As soon as the affairs of 
 
28 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1218 
 
 Germany were arranged, the Emperor Henry came into Italy 
 with Costanza his wife and a son about four years of age 
 named Frederick; and as Tancred was now dead, leaving 
 only an infant named Roger, he took possession of the king- 
 dom without much difficulty. After some years Henry died 
 in Sicily, and was succeeded in the kingdom by Frederick, and 
 in the empire by Otho, Duke of Saxony, who was elected 
 through the influence of Innocent III. But as soon as he had 
 taken the crown, contrary to the general expectation, he be- 
 came an enemy of the Pope, occupied Romagna, and prepared 
 to attack the kingdom. On this account the Pope excom- 
 municated him; he was abandoned by everyone, and the 
 Electors appointed Frederick, King of Naples, Emperor in his 
 stead. Frederick came to Rome for his coronation; but the 
 Pope, being afraid of his power, would not crown him, and en- 
 deavored to withdraw him from Italy as he had done Otho. 
 Frederick returned to Germany in anger, and, after many bat- 
 tles with Otho, at length conquered him. Meanwhile Innocent 
 III died, who, besides other excellent works, built the Hos- 
 pital of the Holy Ghost at Rome. He was succeeded by Hon- 
 orius III, in whose time the religious orders of St. Dominic 
 and St. Francis were founded, 1218. Honorius crowned Fred- 
 erick, to whom Giovanni, descended from Baldwin King of 
 Jerusalem, who commanded the remainder of the Christian 
 army in Asia and still held that title, gave a daughter in mar- 
 riage ; and, with her portion, conceded to him the title to that 
 kingdom : hence it is that every king of Naples is called King 
 of Jerusalem. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 The State of Italy — Beginning of the Greatness of the House of Este 
 — Guelfs and Ghibellines — Death of the Emperor Frederick II — 
 Manfred Takes Possession of the Kingdom of Naples — Movements of 
 the Guelfs and Ghibellines in Lombardy — Charles of Anjou Invested 
 by the Pope with the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily — Restless Policy 
 of the Popes — Ambitious Views of Pope Nicholas III — Nephews of 
 the Popes — Sicilian Vespers — The Emperor Rodolph Allows Many 
 Cities to Purchase their Independence — Institution of the Jubilee — 
 The Popes at Avignon. 
 
 AT this time the States of Italy were governed in the fol- 
 lowing manner : the Romans no longer elected consuls, 
 but instead of them, and with the same powers, they 
 appointed one senator, and sometimes more. The league whichN 
 the cities of Lombardy had formed against Frederick Barbar-/ 
 ossa still continued, and comprehended Milan, Brescia, Mantua,) 
 and the greater number of the cities of Romagna, together withV 
 Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and Trevisa. Those which took parb 
 with the Emperor were Cremona, Bergamo, Parma, ReggioJ 
 and Trento. The other cities and fortresses of Lombardy, 
 Romagna, and the march of Trevisa, favored, according to 
 their necessities, sometimes one party, sometimes the other. 
 
 In the time of Otho III there had come into Italy a man 
 called Ezelin, who, remaining in the country, had a son, and 
 he too had a son named Ezelin. This person, being rich and 
 powerful, took part with Frederick, who, as we have said, 
 was at enmity with the Pope; Frederick, at the instigation 
 and with the assistance of Ezelin, took Verona and Mantua,^ 
 destroyed Vicenza, occupied Padua, routed the army of the 
 united cities, and then directed his course towards Tuscany. 
 Ezelin, in the meantime, had subdued the whole of the Trevisan 
 March, but could not prevail against^i^^ar^ which was de- 
 fended by Azone da Este and the forceswlnch the Pope had 
 in Lombardy; and, as the enemy were compelled to with- 
 
 29 
 
30 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE ['ZS^ 
 
 draw, the Pope gave Ferrara in fee to this Azone, from whom 
 are descended those who now govern that city. Frederick 
 halted at Pisa, desirous of making himself lord of Tuscany; 
 but, while endeavoring to discover what friends and foes he 
 had in that province, he scattered so many seeds of discord 
 as occasioned the ruin of Italy ; for the factions of the Guelfs 
 and Ghibellines multiplied — those who supported the Church 
 taking the name of Guelfs, while the followers of the Em- 
 peror were called Ghibellines, these names being first heard of 
 at Pistoia. Frederick, marching from Pisa, assailed and 
 wasted the territories of the Church in a variety of ways; so 
 that the Pope, having no other remedy, unfurled against him 
 the banner of the cross, as his predecessors had done against 
 the Saracens. Frederick, that he might not be suddenly aband- 
 oned by his people, as Frederick Barbarossa and others had 
 been, took into his pay a number of Saracens; and to bind 
 them to him, and establish in Italy a firm bulwark against the 
 Church, without fear of papal maledictions, he gave them 
 Nocera in the kingdom of Naples, that, having a refuge of 
 their own, they might be placed in greater security. The pon- 
 tificate was now occupied by Innocent IV, who, being in fear 
 of Frederick, went to Genoa, and thence to France, where he 
 appointed a council to be held at Lyons, which it was the in- 
 tention of Frederick to attend, but he was prevented by the re- 
 bellion of Parma : and, being repulsed, he went into Tuscany, 
 and from thence to Sicily, where he died, leaving his son 
 Conrad in Suabia; and in Puglia, Manfred, whom he had 
 created Duke of Benevento, born of a concubine. Conrad came 
 to take possession of the kingdom, and having arrived at Naples, 
 died, leaving an infant son named Corradino, who was then in 
 Germany. On this account Manfred occupied the State, first 
 as guardian of Corradino, but afterwards, causing a report to 
 be circulated that Corardino had died, made himself King, con- 
 trary to the wishes of both the Pope and the Neapolitans, who, 
 however, were obliged to submit. 
 
 While these things were occurring in the kingdom of Naples, 
 many movements took place in Lombardy between the Guelfs 
 and the Ghibellines. The Guelfs were headed by a legate of 
 the Pope; and the Ghibelline party by Ezelin, who possessed 
 nearly the whole of Lombardy beyond the Po; and, as in 
 
1276] ACCESSION OF CLEMENT IV 31 
 
 the course of the war Padua rebelled, he put to death 
 12,000 of its citizens. But before its closf he was himself slain, 
 in the eightieth year of his age, and all the places he had held 
 became free. Manfred, King of Naples, continued those en- 
 mities against the Church which had been begun by his an- 
 cestors, and kept the Pope, Urban IV in continued alarm ; so 
 that, in order to subdue him. Urban summoned the crusaders, 
 and went to Perugia to await their arrival. Seeing them few 
 and slow in their approach, he found that more able assistance 
 was necessary to conquer Manfred. He therefore sought the 
 favor of France ; created Louis of Anjou, the King's brother, 
 sovereign of Naples and Sicily, and excited him to come into 
 Italy to take possession of that kingdom. But before Charles 
 came to Rome the Pope died, and was succeeded by Clement 
 IV, in whose time he arrived at Ostia, with thirty galleys, and 
 ordered that the rest of his forces should come by land. Dur- 
 ing his abode at Rome, the citizens, in order to attach him to 
 them, made him their Senator, and the Pope invested him with 
 the kingdom, on condition that he should pay annually to the 
 Church the sum of fifty thousand ducats; and it was decreed 
 that, from thenceforth, neither Charles nor any other person, 
 who might be King of Naples, should be Emperor also. Charles 
 marched against Manfred, routed his army, and slew him 
 near Benevento, and then became sovereign of Sicily and 
 Naples. Corradino, to whom, by his father's will, the State be- 
 longed, having collected a great force in Germany, marched 
 into Italy against Charles, with whom he came to an engage- 
 ment at Tagliacozzo, was taken prisoner while endeavoring to 
 escape, and being unknown, put to death. 
 
 Italy remained in repose till the pontificate of Adrian V. 
 Charles, being at Rome and governing the city by virtue of 
 his office of Senator, the Pope, unable to endure his power, 
 withdrew to Viterbo, and solicited the Emperor Rodolph to 
 come into Italy and assist him. Thus the popes, sometimes 
 in zeal for religion, at others moved by their own ambition, 
 were continually calling in new parties and exciting new dis- 
 turbances. As soon as they had made a prince powerful, they 
 viewed him with jealousy and sought his ruin ; and never al- 
 lowed another to rule the country, which, from their own 
 imbecility, they were themselves unable to govern. Princes 
 
3a 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1277 
 
 were in fear of them ; for, fighting or running away, the popes 
 always obtained the advantage, unless it happened they were 
 entrapped by deceit, as occurred to Boniface VIII, and some 
 others, who, under pretence of friendship, were ensnared by the 
 Emperors. Rodolph did not come into Italy, being detained by 
 the war in which he was engaged with the King of Bohemia. 
 At this time Adrian died, and Nicholas III, of the Orsini fam- 
 ily, became pontiff. He was a bold, ambitious man ; and be- 
 ing resolved at any event to diminish the power of Charles, in- 
 duced the Emperor Rodolph to complain that he had a gov- 
 ernor in Tuscany favorable to the Guelfic faction, who after 
 the death of Manfred had been replaced by him. 
 
 Charles yielded to the Emperor and withdrew his governor, 
 and the Pope sent one of his nephews, a cardinal, as governor 
 for the Emperor, who, for the honor done him, restored Ro- 
 magna to the Church, which had been taken from her by his 
 predecessors, and the Pope made Bertoldo Orsino, Duke of 
 Romagna. As Nicholas now thought himself powerful enough 
 to oppose Charles, he deprived him of the office of Senator, and 
 made a decree that no one of royal race should ever be a Senator 
 in Rome. It was his intention to deprive Charles of Sicily, 
 and to this end he entered into a secret negotiation with Peter, 
 King of Arragon, which took effect in the following papacy. 
 He also had the design of creating two kings out of his family, 
 the one in Lombardy, the other in Tuscany, whose power would 
 defend the Church from the Germans who might design to 
 come into Italy, and from the French who were in the kingdom 
 of Naples and Sicily. But with these thoughts he died. He 
 was the first pope who openly exhibited his own ambition ; and, 
 under pretence of making the Church great, conferred honors 
 and emolument upon his own family. Previously to his time 
 no mention is made of the nephews or families of any pontiff, 
 but future history is full of them ; nor is there now anything 
 left for them to attempt, except the effort to make the papacy 
 hereditary. True it is, the princes of their creating have not 
 long sustained their honors ; for the pontiffs, being generally 
 of very limited existence, did not get their plans properly es- 
 tablished. 
 
 To Nicholas succeeded Martin IV, of French origin, and 
 consequently favorable to the party of Charles, who sent him 
 
1294J THE SICILIAN VESPERS 33 
 
 assistance against the rebellion of Romagna; and while they 
 were encamped at Furli, Guido Bonatto, an astrologer, con- 
 trived that at an appointed moment the people should assail 
 the forces of the King, and the plan succeeding, all the French 
 were taken and slain. About this period was also carried into 
 effect the plot of Pope Nicholas and Peter, King of Arragon, 
 by which the Sicilians murdered all the French that were in 
 that island ; and Peter made himself sovereign of it, saying that 
 it belonged to him in the right of his wife Costanza, daughter 
 of Manfred. But Charles, while making warlike preparations 
 for the recovery of Sicily, died, leaving a son, Charles II, who 
 was made prisoner in Sicily, and to recover his liberty promised 
 to return to his prison, if within three years he did not ob- 
 tain the Pope's consent, that the Kings of Arragon should be 
 invested with the kingdom of Sicily. 
 
 The Emperor Rodolph, instead of coming into Italy, gave the 
 empire the advantage of having done so, by sending an am- 
 bassador, with authority to make all those cities free which 
 would redeem themselves with money. Many purchased their 
 freedom, and with liberty changed their mode of living. Adolf 
 of Saxony succeeded to the empire ; and to the papacy Pietro 
 del Murrhone, who took the name of Celestine V ; but, being a 
 hermit and full of sanctity, after six months renounced the 
 pontificate, and Boniface VIII was elected. 
 
 After a time the French and Germans left Italy, and the 
 country- remained wholly in the hands of the Italians; but 
 Providence ordained that the Pope, when these enemies were 
 withdrawn, should neither establish nor enjoy his authority, 
 and raised two very powerful families in Rome, the Colonnesi 
 and the Orsini, who with their arms, and the proximity of 
 their abode, kept the pontificate weak. Boniface then deter- 
 mined to destroy the Colonnesi, and, besides excommunicating, 
 endeavored to direct the weapons of the Church against them. 
 This, although it did them some injury, proved more disastrous 
 to the Pope ; for those arms which from attachment to the faith 
 performed valiantly against its enemies, as soon as they were 
 directed against Christians for private ambition, ceased to do 
 the will of those who wished to wield them. And thus the too 
 eager desire to gratify themselves, caused the pontiffs by de- 
 grees to lose their military power. Beside what is just re- 
 3 
 
34 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [130S 
 
 lated, the Pope deprived two cardinals of the Colonnesi family 
 of their offices ; and Sciarra, the head of the house, escaping 
 unknown, was taken by corsairs of Catalonia and put to the 
 oar; but being afterward recognized at Marseilles, he was 
 sent to Philip, King of France, who had been excommunicated 
 and deprived of the kingdom. Philip, considering that in a 
 war against the pontiff he would either be a loser or run great 
 hazards, had recourse to deception, and simulating a wish to 
 come to terms, secretly sent Sciarra into Italy, who, having 
 arrived at Anagnia, where his holiness then resided, assembled 
 a few friends, and in the night took him prisoner. And al- 
 though the people of Anagnia set him at liberty shortly after, 
 yet from grief at the injury he died mad. Boniface was founder 
 of the jubilee in 1300, and fixed that it should be celebrated at 
 each revolution of one hundred years. In those times various 
 troubles arose between the Guelf and Ghibelline factions ; and 
 the Emperors having abandoned Italy, many places became 
 free, and many were occupied by tyrants. Pope Benedict re- 
 stored the scarlet hat to the cardinals of the Colonnesi family, 
 and reblessed Philip, King of France. He was succeeded by 
 Clement V, who being a Frenchman, removed the Papal Court 
 to Avignon in 1305. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 The Emperor Henry Comes into Italy — The Florentines Take the Part 
 of the Pope — ^The Visconti Originate the Duchy of Milan — Artifice of 
 Maflfeo Visconti against the Family of La Torre — Giovanni Galeuzzo 
 Visconti, first Duke of Milan — The Emperor Louis in Italy — John, 
 King of Bohemia, in Italy — ^League against the King of Bohemia and 
 the Pope's Legate — Origin of Venice — Liberty of the Venetians Con- 
 firmed by Pepin and the Greek Emperor — Greatness of Venice — De- 
 cline of Venice — Discord between the Pope and the Emperor — Gio- 
 vanna, Queen of Naples — Rienzi — The Jubilee Reduced to Fifty Years 
 — Succession of the Duke of Milan — Cardinal Egidio, the Pope's Leg- 
 ate — War between the Genoese and the Venetians. 
 
 AT this time, Charles II of Naples died, and was succeeded 
 by his son Robert. Henry of Luxemburg had been 
 elected to the empire, and came to Rome for his corona- 
 tion, although the Pope was not there. His coming occasioned 
 great excitement in Lombardy; for he sent all the banished 
 to their homes, whether they were Gtielfs or Ghibellines ; and 
 in consequence of this, one faction endeavoring to drive out the 
 other, the whole province was filled with war; nor could the 
 Emperor with all his endeavors abate its fury. Leaving Lom- 
 bardy by way of Genoa, he came to Pisa, where he endeavored 
 to take Tuscany from King Robert ; but not being successful, 
 he went to Rome, where he only remained a few days, being 
 driven away by the Orsini with the consent of King Robert, 
 and returned to Pisa ; and that he might more securely make 
 war upon Tuscany, and wrest the country from the hands of 
 the King, he caused it to be assailed by Frederick, monarch of 
 Sicily. But when he was in hope of occupying Tuscany and 
 robbing the King of Naples of his dominions, he died, and was 
 succeeded by Louis of Bavaria. About the same period, John 
 XXII attained the papacy, during whose time the Emperor still 
 continued to persecute the Guelfs and the Church, but they 
 were defended by Robert and the Florentines. Many wars 
 took place in Lombardy between the Visconti and the Guelfs, 
 
 35 
 
36 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE li3'S 
 
 and in Tuscany between Castruccio of Lucca and the Floren- 
 tines. As the family of Visconti gave rise to the Duchy of 
 Milan, one of the five principalities which afterward governed 
 Italy, I shall speak of them from a rather earlier date. 
 
 Milan, upon recovering from the ruin into which she had 
 been thrown by Frederick Barbarossa, in revenge for her in- 
 juries, joined the league formed by the Lombard cities for 
 their common defence; this restrained him, and for a while 
 preserved alive the interests of the Church in Lombardy. In 
 the course of the wars which followed, the family of La Torre 
 became very potent in that city, and their reputation increased 
 so long as the Emperor possessed little authority in the province. 
 But Frederick II coming into Italy, and the Ghibelline party 
 by the influence of Ezelin having grown powerful, seeds of the 
 same faction sprang up in all the cities. In Milan were the 
 Visconti, who expelled the La Torres ; these, however, did not 
 remain out, for by agreement between the Emperor and the 
 Pope they were restored to their country. For when the Pope 
 and his court removed to France, and the Emperor Henry of 
 Luxemburg came into Italy, with the pretext of going to Rome 
 for his crown, he was received in Milan by Mafleo Visconti 
 and Guido della Torre, who were then the heads of these fami- 
 lies. But Maffeo, designing to make use of the Emperor for 
 the purpose of expelling Guido, and thinking the enterprise 
 not difficult, on account of the La Torres being of the contrary 
 faction to the imperial, took occasion, from the remarks which 
 the people made of the uncivil behavior of the Germans, to go 
 craftily about and excite the populace to arm themselves and 
 throw oif the yoke of these barbarians. When a suitable mo- 
 ment arrived, he caused a person in whom he confided to create 
 a tumult, upon which the people took arms against the Germans. 
 
 But no sooner was the mischief well on foot, than Maffeo, 
 with his sons and their partisans, ran to Henry, telling him 
 that all the disturbance had been occasioned by the La Torre 
 family, who, not content to remain peaceably in Milan, had 
 taken the opportunity to plunder him, that they might in- 
 gratiate themselves with the Guelfs of Italy and become 
 princes of the city ; they then bade them be of good cheer, for 
 they with their party, whenever he wished it, were ready to 
 defend him with their lives. Henry, believing all that Maffeo 
 
133°] ARTIFICE OF MAFFEO 37 
 
 told him, joined his forces to those of the Visconti, and attack- 
 ing the La Torre who were in various parts of the city en- 
 deavoring to quell the tumult, slew all upon whom they could 
 lay hands, and having plundered the others of their property, 
 sent them into exile. By this artifice, Maffeo Visconti became 
 a prince of Milan. Of him remained Galeazzo and Azzo ; and 
 after these, Luchino and Giovanni. Giovanni became Arch- 
 bishop of Milan ; and of Luchino, who died before him, were 
 left Bernabo and Galeazzo ; Galeazzo, dying soon after, left a 
 son called the Count of Virtu, who after the death of the arch- 
 bishop, contrived the murder of his uncle Bernabo, became 
 Prince of Milan, and was the first who had the title of duke. 
 The duke left Filippo and Giovanmaria Angelo, the latter of 
 whom being slain by the people of Milan, the state fell to 
 Filippo, but he having no male heir, Milan passed from the 
 family of Visconti to that of Sforza, in the maner to be re- 
 lated hereafter. 
 
 But to return to the point from which we deviated. The 
 Emperor Louis, to add to the importance of his party and to 
 receive the crown, came into Italy; and being at Milan, as 
 as excuse for taking money of the Milanese, he pretended to 
 make them free and to put the Visconti in prison ; but shortly 
 afterward he released them, and having gone to Rome, in 
 order to disturb Italy with less difficulty, he made Piero della 
 Corvara anti-pope, by whose influence, and the power of the 
 Visconti, he designed to weaken the opposite faction in Tus- 
 cany and Lombardy. But Castruccio died, and his death 
 caused the failure of the Emperor's purposes; for Pisa and 
 Lucca rebelled. The Pisans sent Piero della Corvara a prisoner 
 to the Pope in France, and the Emperor, despairing of the 
 affairs of Italy, returned to Germany. He had scarcely left, 
 before John, King of Bohemia came into the country, at the 
 request of the Ghibellines of Brescia, and made himself lord of 
 that city and of Bergamo. And as his entry was with the 
 consent of the Pope, although he feigned the contrary, the 
 legate of Bologna favored him, thinking by this means to pre- 
 vent the return of the Emperor. This caused a change in the 
 parties of Italy ; for the Florentines and King Robert, finding 
 the legate was favorable to the enterprises of the Ghibellines, 
 became foes of all those to whom the legate and the King of 
 
38 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [133° 
 
 Bohemia were friendly. Without, having regard for either 
 faction, whether Guelph or Ghibelline, many princes joined 
 them, of whom among others were the Visconti, the Delia 
 Scala, Filippo Gonzago of Mantua, the Carrara, and those of 
 Este. Upon this the Pope excommunicated them all. The 
 King, in fear of the league, went to collect forces in his own 
 country, and having returned with a large army, still found 
 his undertaking a difficult one; so, seeing his error, he with- 
 drew to Bohemia, to the great displeasure of the legate, leav- 
 ing only Reggio and Modena guarded, and Parma in the care 
 of Marsilio and Piero de'Rossi, who were the most powerful 
 men in the city. 
 
 The King of Bohemia being gone, Bologna joined the league ; 
 and the leaguers divided among themselves the four cities which 
 remained of the Church faction. They agreed that Parma 
 should pertain to the Delia Scala; Reggio to the Gonzaga; 
 Modena to the family of Este, and Lucca to the Florentines. 
 But in taking possession of these cities, many disputes arose 
 which were afterwards in a great measure settled by the Vene- 
 tians. Some, perhaps, will think it a species of impropriety 
 that we have so long deferred speaking of the Venetians, theirs 
 being a republic, which, both on account of its power and in- 
 ternal regulations, deserves to be celebrated above any prin- 
 cipality of Italy. But that this surprise may cease when the 
 cause is known, I shall speak of their city from a more remote 
 period ; that every one may understand what were their begin- 
 nings, and the causes which so long withheld them from inter- 
 fering in the affairs of Italy. 
 
 When Attila, King of the Huns, besieged Aquileia, the in- 
 habitants, after defending themselves a long time, began to 
 despair of effecting their safety, and fled for refuge to several 
 uninhabited rocks, situated at the point of the Adriatic Sea, 
 now called the Gulf of Venice, carrying with them whatever 
 moveable property they possessed. The people of Padua, find- 
 ing themselves in equal danger, and knowing that, having be- 
 come master of Aquileia, Attila would next attack themselves, 
 also removed with their most valuable property to a place on 
 the same sea, called Rivo Alto, to which they brought their 
 women, children, and aged persons, leaving the youth in Padua 
 to assist in her defence. Beside these, the people of Monselice, 
 
I330] ORIGIN OF VENICE 39 
 
 with the inhabitants of the surrounding hills, driven by similar 
 fears, fled to the same rocks. But after Attila had taken 
 Aquileia, and destroyed Padua Monselice, Vicenza, and Ve- 
 rona, the people of Padua, and others who were powerful, 
 continued to inhabit the marshes about Rivo Alto ; and in like 
 manner all the people of the province anciently called Venetia, 
 driven by the same events, became collected in these marshes. 
 Thus, under the pressure of necessity, they left an agreeable 
 and fertile country to occupy one sterile and unwholesome. 
 However, in consequence of a great number of people being 
 drawn together into a comparatively small space, in a short 
 time they made those places not only habitable, but delightful ; 
 and having established among themselves laws and useful regu- 
 lations, enjoyed themselves in security amid the devastations 
 of Italy, and soon increased both in reputation and strength. 
 For, beside the inhabitants already mentioned, many fled to 
 these places from the cities of Lombardy, principally to escape 
 from the cruelties of Clefis King of the Lombards, which 
 greatly tended to increase the numbers of the new city ; and in 
 the conventions which were made between Pepin, King of 
 France, and the Emperor of Greece, when the former, at the 
 entreaty of the Pope, came to drive the Lombards out of Italy, 
 the Duke of Benevento and the Venetians did not render obe- 
 dience to either the one or the other, but alone enjoyed their 
 liberty. As necessity had led them to dwell on sterile rocks, 
 they were compelled to seek the means of subsistence else- 
 where; and voyaging with their ships to every port of the 
 ocean, their city became a depository for the various products 
 of the world, and was itself filled with men of every nation. 
 
 For many years, the Venetians sought no other dominion 
 than that which tended to facilitate their commercial enter- 
 prises, and thus acquired many ports in Greece and Syria; 
 and as the French had made frequent use of their ships in 
 voyages to Asia, the island of Candia was assigned to them, 
 in recompense for these services. While they lived in this 
 maner, their name spread terror over the seas, and was held 
 in veneration throughout Italy. This was so completely the 
 case, that they were generally chosen to arbitrate in contro- 
 versies arising between the states, as occurred in the difiference 
 btween the Colleagues, on account of the cities they had divided 
 
40 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1334 
 
 among themselves; which being referred to the Venetians, 
 they awarded Brescia and Bergamo to the Visconti. But when, 
 in the course of time, urged by their eagerness for dominion, 
 they had made themselves masters of Padua, Vicenza, Tre- 
 visa, and afterward of Verona, Bergamo, and Brescia, with 
 many cities in Romagna and the kingdom of Naples, other 
 nations were impressed with such an opinion of their power, 
 that they were a terror, not only to the princes of Italy, but 
 to the ultramontane kings. These states entered into an alli- 
 ance against them, and in one day wrested from them the 
 provinces they had obtained with so much labor and expense ; 
 and although they have in latter times reacquired some portions, 
 still, possessing neither power nor reputation, like all the other 
 Italian powers, they live at the mercy of others. 
 
 Benedict XII having attained the pontificate and finding 
 Italy lost, fearing too that the Emperor would assume the 
 sovereignty of the country, determined to make friends of all 
 who had usurped the government of those cities which had 
 been accustomed to obey the Emperor; that they might have 
 occasion to dread the latter, and unite with himself in the 
 defence of Italy. To this end, he issued a decree, confirming 
 to all the tyrants of Lombardy the places they had seized. 
 After making this concession the Pope died, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Clement VI. The Emperor, seeing with what a 
 liberal hand the pontiff had bestowed the dominions of the 
 empire, in order to be equally bountiful with the property of 
 others, gave to all who had assumed sovereignty over the cities 
 or territories of the church, the imperial authority to retain pos- 
 session of them. By this means Galeotto Malatesti and his 
 brothers became Lords of Rimino, Pesaro, and Fano ; Antonio 
 da Montef eltro, of the Marca and Urbino ; Gentile da Varano, 
 of Camerino; Guido di Polenta, of Ravenna; Sinibaldo Or- 
 delaffi, of Furli and Cesena; Giovanni Manfredi, of Faenza; 
 Lodovico Alidossi, of Imola; and beside these, many others 
 in divers places. Thus, of all the cities, towns, or fortresses 
 of the Church, few remained without a prince; for she did not 
 recover herself till the times of Alexander VI, who, by the ruin 
 of the descendants of these princes, restored the authority of 
 the Church. 
 
 The Emperor, when he made the concession before named. 
 
1347] RIENZI 41 
 
 being at Tarento, signified an intention of going into Italy. In 
 consequence of this, many battles were fought in Lombardy, 
 and the Visconti became Lords of Parma. Robert, King of 
 Naples, now died, leaving only two grandchildren, the issue 
 of his son Charles who had died a considerable time before him. 
 He ordered that the elder of the two, whose name was Gio- 
 vanna or Joan, should be heiress of the kingdom, and take for 
 her husband, Andrea, son of the King of Hungary, his grand- 
 son. Andrea had not lived with her long, before she caused 
 him to be murdered, and married another cousin, Louis, Prince 
 of Tarento. But Louis, King of Hungary, and brother of An- 
 drea, in order to avenge his death, brought forces into Italy, 
 and drove Queen Joan and her husband out of the kingdom. 
 
 At this period a memorable circumstance tok place at Rome. 
 Niccolo di Lorenzo, often called Rienzi or Cola di Rienzi, who 
 held the office of chancellor at Campidoglio, drove the senators 
 from Rome, and, under the title of " Tribune," made himself 
 head of the Roman republic ; restoring it to its ancient form, 
 and with so great reputation of justice and virtue, that not only 
 the places adjacent, but the whole of Italy sent ambassadors to 
 him. The ancient provinces, seeing Rome arise to new life, 
 again raised their heads, and some induced by hope, others by 
 fear, honored him as their sovereign. But Niccola, notwith- 
 standing his great reputation, lost all energy in the very begin- 
 ning of his enterprise ; and, as if oppressed with the weight of 
 so vast an undertaking, without being driven away, secretly fled 
 to Charles, King of Bohemia, who, by the influence of the Pope, 
 and in contempt of Louis of Bavaria, Had been elected Emperor. 
 Charles, to ingratiate himself with the pontiff, sent Niccolo to 
 him, a prisoner. After some time, in imitation of Rienzi, 
 Francesco Baroncegli seized upon the tribunate of Rome, and 
 expelled the Senators; and the Pope, as the most effectual 
 means of repressing him, drew Niccolo from his prison, sent 
 him to Rome, and restored to him the office of Tribune ; so that 
 he re-occupied the state and put Francesco to death ; but the 
 Colonnesi becoming his enemies, he too, after a short time, 
 shared the same fate, and the senators were again restored to 
 their offices. The King of Hungary, having driven out Queen 
 Joan, returned to his kingdom ; but the Pope, who chose to have 
 the Queen in the neighborhood of Rome rather than the King, 
 
42 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [137° 
 
 effected her restoration to the sovereignty, on the condition that 
 her husband, contenting himself with the title of Prince of 
 Tarento, should not be called King. Being the year 1350, the 
 Pope thought that the jubilee, appointed by Boniface VIII to 
 take place at the conclusion of each century, might be renewed 
 at the end of each fifty years ; and having issued a decree for 
 the establishment of it, the Romans, in acknowldgment of 
 the benefit, consented that he should send four cardinals to 
 reform the government of the city, and appoint senators ac- 
 cording to his own pleasure. The pope again declared Louis 
 of Tarento, King, and in gratitude for the benefit. Queen Joan 
 gave Avignon, her inheritance, to the Church. 
 
 About this time Luchino Visconti died, and his brother the 
 Archbishop, remaining Lord of Milan, carried on many wars 
 against Tuscany and his neighbors, and became very powerful. 
 Bernabo and Galeazzo, his nephews, succeeded him ; but Gale- 
 azzo soon after died, leaving Giovan Galeazzo, who shared the 
 state with Bernabo. Charles, King of Bohemia, was then Em- 
 peror, and the pontificate was occupied by Innocent VI, who 
 sent Cardinal Egidio, a Spaniard, into Italy. He restored the 
 reputation of the Church, not only in Rome and Romagna, but 
 throughout the whole of Italy; he recovered Bologna from 
 the Archbishop of Milan, and compelled the Romans to accept 
 a foreign senator appointed annually by the Pope. He made 
 honorable terms with the Visconti, and routed and took 
 prisoner, John Agut, an Englishman, who with 4,000 Eng- 
 lish had fought on the side of the Ghibellines in Tuscany. 
 Urban V, hearing of so many victories, resolved to visit Italy 
 and Rome, whither also the Emperor came ; after remaining a 
 few months, he returned to the kingdom of Bohemia, and the 
 Pope to Avignon. On the death of Urban, Gregory XI was 
 created Pope ; and, as the Cardinal Egidio was dead, Italy again 
 recommenced her ancient discords, occasioned by the union of 
 the other powers against the Visconti ; and the Pope, having 
 first sent a legate with 6,000 Bretons, came in person and 
 established the Papal Court at Rome in 1376, after an absence 
 of seventy-one years in France. To Gregory XI, succeeded 
 Urban VI but shortly afterward Clement VI was elected at 
 Fondi by ten cardinals, who declared the appointment of Urban 
 irregular. At this time, the Genoese threw off the yoke of 
 
1381] WAR AT VENICE 43 
 
 the Visconti, under whom they had lived many years ; and be- 
 tween them and the Venetians several important battles were 
 fought for the island of Tenedos. Although the Genoese were 
 for a time successful, and held Venice in a state of siege during 
 many months, the Venetians were at length victorious; and 
 by the intervention of the Pope, peace was made in the year 
 1 38 1. In these wars, artillery was first used, having been re- 
 cently invented by the Dutch. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 Schism in the Church— Ambitious Views of Giovan Galeazzo Visconti 
 — The Pope and the Romans Come to an Agreement — Boniface IX 
 Introduces the Practice of Annates — Disturbance in Lombardy — The 
 Venetians Acquire Dominion on Terra Firma — Differences between 
 the Pope and the People of Rome — Council of Pisa — Council of Con- 
 stance — Filippo Visconti Recovers his Dominion — Giovanna II of 
 Naples — Political Condition of Italy. 
 
 A SCHISM having thus arisen in the Church, Queen Joan 
 favored the schismatic Pope, upon which Urban caused 
 Charles of Durazzo, descended from the Kings of 
 Naples, to undertake the conquest of her dominions. Having 
 succeeded in this object, she fled to France, and he assumed 
 the sovereignty. The King of France, being exasperated, sent 
 Louis of Anjou into Italy to recover the kingdom for the 
 Queen, to expel Urban from Rome, and establish the anti- 
 pope. But in the midst of this enterprise Louis died, and his 
 people being routed returned to France. In this conjuncture 
 the Pope went to Naples, where he put nine cardinals into 
 prison for having taken the part of France and the anti-pope. 
 He then became offended with the King, for having refused to 
 make his nephew Prince of Capua ; and pretending not to care 
 about it, requested he would grant him Nocera for his habita- 
 tion, but, having fortified it, he prepared to deprive the King 
 of his dominions. Upon this the King pitched his camp before 
 the place, and the Pope fled to Naples, where he put to death 
 the cardinals whom he had imprisoned. From thence he pro- 
 ceeded to Rome, and, to acquire influence, created twenty-nine 
 cardinals. At this time Charles, King of Naples, went to 
 Hungary, where, having been made King, he was shortly after- 
 ward killed in battle, leaving a wife and two children at Naples. 
 About the same time, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti murdered 
 Bernabo his uncle and took the entire sovereignty upon him- 
 self ; and, not content with being Duke of Milan and sovereign 
 
 44 
 
1394] POPE BONIFACE IX 45 
 
 of the whole of Lombardy, designed to make himself master of 
 Tuscany ; but while he was intent upon occupying the prov- 
 ince, with the ultimate view of making himself King of Italy, 
 he died. Boniface IX succeeded Urban VI. The anti-pope, 
 Clement VI, also died, and Benedict XIII was appointed his 
 successor. 
 
 Many English, Germans, and Bretons served at this period 
 in the armies of Italy, commanded partly by those leaders 
 who had from time to time authority in the country, and 
 partly by such as the pontiffs sent, when they were at Avignon. 
 With these warriors the princes of Italy long carried on their 
 wars, till the coming of Lodovico da Cento, of Romagna, who 
 formed a body of Italian soldiery, called the Company of St. 
 George, whose valor and discipline soon caused the foreign 
 troops to fall into disrepute, and gave reputation to the native 
 forces of the country, of which the princes afterwards availed 
 themselves in their wars with each other. The Pope, Boniface 
 IX, being at enmity with the Romans, went to Scesi, where he 
 remained till the jubilee of 1400, when the Romans, to induce 
 him to return to the city, consented to receive another foreign 
 senator of his appointing, and also allowed himself to fortify 
 the castle of Saint Angelo: having returned upon these con- 
 ditions, in order to enrich the Church, he ordained that every 
 one, upon vacating a benefice, should pay a year's value of it to 
 the Apostolic Chamber. 
 
 After the death of Giovan Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, although 
 he left two children, Giovanmaria and Filippo, the state was 
 divided into many parts, and in the troubles which ensued, 
 Giovanmaria was slain. Filippo remained some time in the 
 castle of Pavia, from which, through the fidelity and virtue of 
 the castellan, he escaped. Among others who occupied cities 
 possessed by his father, was Guglielmo della Scala, who, being 
 banished fell into the hands of Francesco da Carrera, Lord of 
 Padua, by whose means he recovered the State of Verona, in 
 which he only remained a short time, for he was poisoned, by 
 order of Francesco, and the city taken from him. These things 
 occasioned the people of Vicenza, who had lived in security 
 under the protection of the Visconti, to dread the greatness of 
 the Lord of Padua, and they placed themselves under the Vene- 
 tians, who, engaging in arms with him, first took Verona and 
 then Padua. 
 
46 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1410 
 
 At this time Pope Boniface died, and was succeeded by 
 Innocent VII. The people of Rome supplicated him to restore 
 to them their fortresses and their liberty; but as he would 
 not consent to their petition, they called to their assistance 
 Ladislaus, King of Naples. Becoming reconciled to the 
 people, the Pope returned to Rome, and made his nephew 
 Lodovico Count of La Marca. Innocent soon after died, and 
 Gregory XII was created, upon the understanding to renounce 
 the papacy whenever the anti-pope would also renounce it. 
 By the advice of the cardinals, in order to attempt the reunion 
 of the Church, Benedict, the anti-pope, came to Porto Venere, 
 and Gregory to Lucca, where they made many endeavors, but 
 effected nothing. Upon this, the cardinals of both the Popes 
 abandoned them; Benedict going to Spain, and Gregory to 
 Rimini. On the other hand, the cardinals, with the favor of 
 Balthazar Cossa, cardinal and legate of Bologna, appointed a 
 council at Pisa, where they created Alexander V, who imme- 
 diately excommunicated King Ladislaus, and invested Louis 
 of Anjou with the kingdom ; this prince, with the Florentines, 
 Genoese, and Venetians, attacked Ladislaus and drove him 
 from Rome. In the heat of the war Alexander died, and Balt- 
 hazar Cossa succeeded him, with the title of John XXIII. 
 Leaving Bologna, where he was elected, he went to Rome, and 
 found there Louis of Anjou, who had brought the army from 
 Provence, and coming to an engagement with Ladislaus, routed 
 him. But by the mismanagement of the leaders, they were 
 unable to prosecute the victory, so that the King in a short 
 time gathered strength and retook Rome. Louis fled to Prov- 
 ence, the Pope to Bologna; where considering how he might 
 diminish the power of Ladislaus, he caused Sigismund, King 
 of Hungary, to be elected Emperor and advised him to come 
 into Italy. Having a personal interview at Mantua, they 
 agreed to call a general council, in which the church should be 
 united ; and having effected this, the Pope thought he should 
 be fully enabled to oppose the forces of his enemies. 
 
 At this time there were three Popes, Gregory, Benedict, 
 and Giovanni, whch kept the church weak and in disrepute. 
 The city of Constance, in Germany, was appointed for the 
 holding of the council, contrary to the expectation of Pope 
 John. And although the death of Ladislaus had removed 
 
I4I7] QUEEN GIOVANNA II 47 
 
 th cause which induced the Pope to call the council, still, 
 having promised to attend, he could not refuse to go there. 
 In a few months after his arrival at Constance he discovered 
 his error, but it was too late ; endeavoring to escape, he was 
 taken, put into prison, and compelled to renounce the papacy. 
 Gregory, one of the anti-popes, sent his renunciation, Benedict, 
 the other, refusing to do the same, was condemned as a heretic ; 
 but, being abandoned by his cardinals, he complied, and the 
 council elected Oddo, of the Colonnesi family, pope, by the 
 title of Martin V. Thus the church was united under one head, 
 after having been divided by many pontiffs. 
 
 Filippo Visconti was, as we have said, in the fortress of 
 Pavia. But Fazino Cane, who in the affairs of Lombardy 
 had become Lord of Vercelli, Alessandria, Novra, and Tor- 
 tona, and had amassed great riches, finding his end approach, 
 and having no children, left his wife Beatrice heiress of his 
 estates, and arranged wth his friends that a marriage should 
 be effected between her and Filippo. By this union Filippo 
 become powerful, and reacquired Milan and the whole of Lom- 
 bardy. By way of being grateful for these numerous favors, 
 as princes commonly are, he accused Beatrice of adultery and 
 caused her to be put to death. Finding himself now possessed 
 of greater power, he began to think of warring with Tuscany 
 and of prosecuting the designs of Giovan Galeazzo his father. 
 
 Ladislaus King of Naples, at his death left to his sister 
 Giovanna the kingdom and a large army, under the command 
 of the princpal leaders of Italy, among the first of whom was 
 Sforza of Cotignuola, reputed by the soldiery of that period a 
 very valiant man. The Queen, to shun the disgrace of having 
 kept about her person a certain Pandolfello, whom she had 
 brought up, took her husband Giacopo della Marca, a French- 
 man of the royal line, on the condition that he should be con- 
 tent to be called Prince of Tarento, and leave to her the title 
 and government of the kingdom. But the soldiery, upon his 
 arrival in Naples, proclaimed him King; so that between the 
 husband and the wife wars ensued; and although they con- 
 tended with various success, the Queen at length obtained the 
 superiority, and became an enemy of the Pope. Upon this, in 
 order to reduce her to necessity, and that she might be com- 
 pelled to throw herself into his lap^ Sforza suddenly withdrew 
 
48 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1423 
 
 form her service without giving her any previous notice of his 
 intention to do so. She thus found herself at once unarmed, 
 and not having any other resource, sought the assistance of 
 Alfonzo, King of Arragon and Sicily, adopted him as her son, 
 and engaged Braccio of Montone as her captain, who was of 
 equal reputation in arms with Sforza, and inimical to the Pope, 
 on account of his having taken possession of Perugia and some 
 other places belonging to the Church. 
 
 After this, peace was made between the Queen and the pon- 
 tiff ; but King Alfonzo, expecting she would treat him as she 
 had done her husband, endeavored secretly to make himself 
 master of the strongholds ; but, possessing acute observation, 
 she was beforehand with him, and fortified herself in the castle 
 of Naples. Suspicion increasing between them, they had re- 
 course to arms, and the Queen, with the assistance of Sforza, 
 who again resumed her service, drove Alfonzo out of Naples, 
 deprived him of the succession, and adopted Louis of Anjou 
 in his stead. Hence arose new contests between Braccio, who 
 took the part of Alfonzo, and Sforza, who defended the cause 
 of the Queen. In the course of the war, Sforza was drowned 
 in endeavoring to pass the river Pescara ; the Queen was thus 
 again unarmed, and would have been driven out of the kingdom, 
 but for the assistance of Filippo Visconti, Duke of Milan, who 
 compelled Alfonzo to return to Arragon. Braccio, undaunted 
 at the departure of Alfonzo, continued the enterprise against 
 the Queen, and besieged L'Aquilla ; but the Pope, thinking the 
 greatness of Braccio injurious to the Church, received into his 
 pay Francesco, the son of Sforza, who went in pursuit of 
 Braccio to L'Aquilla, where he routed and slew him. Of 
 Braccio remained Oddo his son, from whom the Pope took 
 Perugia, and left him the state of Montone alone ; but he was 
 shortly afterwards slain in Romagna, in the service of the 
 Florentines ; so that of those who had fought under Braccio, 
 Niccolo Piccinino remained of greatest reputation. 
 
 Having continued our general narration nearly to the period 
 which we at first proposed to reach, what remains is of little 
 importance, except the war which the Florentines and Vene- 
 tians carried on against Filippo Duke of Milan, of which an 
 account will be given when we speak particularly of Florence. 
 I shall therefore continue it no further, briefly explaining the 
 
1423] ITALY— ITS WARLIKE CONDITION 49 
 
 condition of Italy in respect of her princes and her arms, at 
 the period to which we have now come. Joan II held Naples, 
 La Marca, the Patrimony, and Romagna ; some of these places 
 obeyed the Church, while others were held by vicars or tyrants, 
 as Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, by those of the house of Este ; 
 Faenza by the Manfredi ; Imola by the Alidossi ; Furli by the 
 Ordelaffi ; Rimini and Pesaro by the Malatesti ; and Camerino 
 by those of Varano. Part of Lombardy was subject to the 
 Duke Filippo, part to the Venetians; for all those who had 
 held single states were set aside, except the house of Gonzaga, 
 which ruled in Mantua. The greater part of Tuscany was sub- 
 ject to the Florentines. Lucca and Sienna alone were gov- 
 erned by their own laws ; Lucca was under the Guinigi ; Sienna 
 was free. The Genoese, being sometimes free, at others sub- 
 ject to the kings of France or the Visconti, lived unrespected, 
 and may be enumerated among the minor powers. 
 
 None of the principal states were armed with their own 
 proper forces. Duke Filippo kept himself shut up in his apart- 
 ments, and would not allow himself to be seen ; his wars were 
 managed by commissaries. The Venetians, when they dir 
 rected their attention to terra Hrrna, threw off those arms which 
 had made them terrible upon the seas, and falling into the cus- 
 toms of Italy, submited their forces to the direction of others. 
 The practice of arms being unsuitable to priests or women, the 
 Pope and Queen Joan of Naples were compelled by necessity 
 to submit to the same system which others practiced from de- 
 fect of judgment. The Florentines also adopted the same cus- 
 tom, for, having, by their frequent divisions, destroyed the no- 
 bility, and their republic being wholly in the hands of men 
 brought up to trade, they followed the usages and example of 
 others. 
 
 Thus the arms of Italy were either in the hands of the 
 lesser princes, or of men who possessed no state; for the 
 minor princes did not adopt the practice of arms from any 
 desire of glory, but for the acquisition of either property or 
 safety. The others (those who possessed no state,) being bred 
 to arms from their infancy, were acquainted with no other art, 
 and pursued war for emolument, or to confer honor upon them- 
 selves. The most noticed among the latter were, Carmignola, 
 Francesco Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino, the pupil of Braccio, An- 
 
50 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1423 
 
 golo della Pergola, Lorenzo di Micheletto, Attenduli il Tar- 
 taglia, Giacopaccio, Cecolino da Perugia, Niccolo da Tolentino, 
 Guido Torello, Antonio dal Ponte ad Era, and many others. 
 With these, were those lords of whom I have before spoken, to 
 which may be added the Barons of Rome, the Colonnesi, and 
 the Orsini, with other lords and gentlemen of the kingdom of 
 Naples and Lombardy, who, being constantly in arms, had such 
 an undertaking among themselves, and so contrived to accom- 
 modate things to their own convenience, that of those who were 
 at war, most commonly both sides were losers ; and they had 
 made the practice of arms so totally ridiculous, that the most 
 ordinary leader, possessed of true valor, would have covered 
 those men with disgrace, whom, with so little prudence, Italy 
 honored. 
 
 With these idle princes and such contemptible arms, my 
 history must therefore be filled; to which, before I descend, 
 it will be necessary, as was at first proposed, to speak of the 
 origin of Florence, that it may be clearly understood what was 
 the state of the city in those times, and by what means, through 
 the labors of a thousand years, she became so imbecile. 
 
BOOK II 
 
 FROM THE ORIGIN OF FLORENCE TO THE 
 REBELLION 
 
 1010-1348 
 
CHOICE EXAMPLES OF PALEOGRAPHY. 
 
 Fac-similes from Rare and Curious Manuscripts of the 
 Middle Ages. 
 
 PAGE FROM THE ANDRIA OF TERENCE. 
 
 Latin manuscript of the Ninth Century. 
 
 The manuscript from which this reproduction of a page from Scene 6 of Act V 
 of Terence's " Andria " is talcen, is in the library of the Vatican, which possesses 
 but one manuscript of this comic poet of more ancient date. The characters are 
 Charinus, Pamphilus, and Davus, and the scene is the dinoument of the play. The 
 script of the work presents f. variety of styles, from rustic Roman capitals to a Caro- 
 line minuscule. The figures are valuable for the light they throw on the costumes 
 of the theatre at that date. 
 
CH\ft.VNV5. 
 
 ?\S\V 
 
 ^VmxJJ 
 
 uoduoU»pG«»fWrU'»^pr*oprtf'("''*t' nA«-i»niNnn 
 
 S <Tlqn#tn«cOpOTifiiniur»"V"iM*» epcayrvn-mw^cciu 
 
 CHS. Cl_ iuAiUaJg»t«l*fft f^^^■ J*mur>uiJrtnp>nofftc|U^m 
 mall*" orntMivn 
 
BOOK II 
 
 FROM THE ORIGIN OF FLORENCE TO THE REBELLION 
 
 1010-1353 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The Custom of Ancient Republics to Plant Colonies, and the Advant- 
 age of it — Increased Population Tends to Make Countries more 
 Healthy — Origin of Florence — Aggrandizement of Florence — Origin 
 of the Name of Florence — Destruction of Florence by Totila — The 
 Florentines Take Fiesole — The first Division in Florence, and the 
 Cause of it — Buondelmonti — Buondelmonti Slain — Guelfs and Ghibel- 
 lines in Florence — Guelfic Families — Ghibelline Families — The two 
 Factions Come to Terms. . 
 
 AMONG the great and wonderful institutions of the. re- 
 publics and principalities of antiquity that have 'tibw 
 gone into disuse, was that>bv,i^pa:j5 of which towns and 
 cities were from time to time'^^'ahnshed ; and there is nothing 
 more worthy the attention of a great prince, or of a well- 
 regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon 
 a province, as the settlement of new places, where men are 
 drawn together for mutual accommodation and defence. 
 
 This may easily be done, by sending people to reside in re- 
 cently acquired or uninhabited countries. Besides causing the 
 establishment of new cities, these removals render a conquered 
 country more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a province 
 properly distributed. Thus, deriving the greatest attainable 
 comfort, the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more prompt to 
 attack others, and defend themselves with greater assurance. 
 This custom, by the unwi^jractice of princes and republics, 
 having gone into Sfe'^tudef tlK,j^in and weakness of terri- 
 tories has followed ; for this ordination is that by which alone 
 empires are made secure, and countries become populated, 
 i Safety is the result of it; because the colony which a prince 
 establishes in a newly acquired country, is like a fortress and a 
 
 S3 
 
54 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [loio 
 
 guard, to keep the inhabitants in fidelity and obedience. Neither 
 can a province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper dis- 
 tribution of its inhabitants without this regulation; for all 
 districts are not equally healthy, and hence some \vill abound 
 to overflowing, while others are void; and if there be no 
 method of withdrawing them from places in which they in- 
 crease too rapidly, and planting them where they are too few, 
 the country would soon be wasted ; for one part would become 
 'a desert, and the other a dense and wretched population. And, 
 as nature cannot repair this disorder, it is necessary that indus- 
 try should effect it ; for unhealthy localities become wholesome 
 when a numerous population is brought into them. With cul- 
 tivation the earth becomes fruitful, and the air is purified with 
 fires — remedies which nature cannot provide. 
 
 The city of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks. 
 Being placed in a marshy and unwholesome situation, it became 
 healthy only by the number of industrious individuals who 
 were drawn together. Pisa too, on account of its unwholesome 
 air, was never filled .with inhabitants, till the Saracens, having 
 destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers unnavigable, caused 
 the Genoese to migrate thither in vast numbers, and thus render 
 her populous and powerful. Where the use of colonies is not 
 adopted, conquered countries . are held with great difficulty ; 
 districts once uninhabited still remain so, and those which pop- 
 ulate quickly are not relieved. Hence it is that many places 
 in the world, and particularly in Italy, in comparison with an- 
 cient times, have become deserts. This has wholly arisen and 
 proceeded from the negligence of princes, who have lost all 
 appetite for true glory, and of republics, which no longer pos- 
 sess institutions that deserve praise. In ancient times, by means 
 of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and those already be- 
 gun were enlarged, as was the case, with Florence, which had 
 its beginning from Fiesole, and its increase from colonies. 
 ? It is exceedingly probable, a^^anteand Giovanni Villani 
 .■show, that the city of Fiesole, bein|=Smated upon the summit 
 ^of the mountain, in order that her markets might be more fre- 
 quented, and afford greater accommodations for those who 
 brought merchandise, would appoint the place in which to 
 hold them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, between the foot 
 of the mountain and the River Arno. I imagine these markets 
 
loio] ORIGIN OF FLORENCE 
 
 55 
 
 to have occasiontd the first erections that were made in those 
 places, and to have induced merchants to wish for commodious 
 warehouses for the reception of their goods, and which, in 
 time, became substantial buildings. And afterward, when the 
 ^oma:^s,^ having conquered the Carthaginians, rendered Italy 
 T^ctire from foreign invasion, thes^ buil^ing§ -would greatly 
 increase; for menjaiever endure iflconvehiences unless some 
 powerful rflfeessity «)mpels them. Thus, although the fear of 
 war induces a willingness to occupy places strong and difficult 
 of access, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men gladly 
 resort to i^re cog^x^ient and ^I^Hv , ,a^ain^^ localities. 
 Hence, the sgcufity to which the reputation of the Roman re- 
 public gave birth, caused the habitations, having begun in the 
 manner described, to increase so much as to form a town, this 
 was at first called the Villa Arnina. After this occurred the 
 civil wars between Marius and Sylla ; then those of Caesar and 
 Pompey; and next those of the murderers of Caesar, and the 
 parties who undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first 
 by Sylla, and afterward by the three Roman citizens, who, hav- 
 ing avenged the death of Czesar, divided the empire among 
 themselves, colonies were sent to Fiesole, which, either in part 
 or in whole, fixed their habitations in the plain, near to the then 
 rising town. By this increase, the place became so filled with 
 dwellings, that it might with propriety be enumerated among 
 the cities of Italy. 
 
 There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the 
 word Florentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus, one 
 of the principal persons of the colony ; others think it was origi- 
 nally not Florentia, but Fluentia, and suppose the word derived 
 from Huente, or flowing of the Arno ; and in support of their 
 opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who says, " The Fluen- 
 tini are near the flowing of the Arno." This, however, may 
 be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of the Florentini, 
 not of the name by which they were known. And it seems as 
 if the word Fluentini were a corruption, because Frontinus and 
 Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote at nearly the same period as 
 Pliny, call them Florentia and Florentini ; for ^in th e time of 
 Ti^er^ius, Ji;gji: were governed jHce the other citiesoTltaly!^ Re- 
 sides, Cornelius refers to the comiii^~df ambassadars-from the 
 Florentines, to beg of the Emperor that the waters of the Chaine 
 
56 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [12IS 
 
 might not be allowed to overflow their country ; and it is not at 
 all reasonable that the city should have two names at the same 
 time. Therefore I think that, however derived, the name was 
 always Florentia, and that whatever the origin might be, it 
 occurred under the Roman Empire, and began to be noticed by 
 writers in the times of the first emperors. 
 
 When the Roman Empire was afflicted by the barbarians, 
 Florence was destroyed by Totila, King of the Ostrogoths ; and 
 after a period of two hundred and fifty years, rebuilt by Charle- 
 magne; from whose time, till the year 1215, she participated 
 in the fortune of the rest of Italy; and, during this period, 
 first the descendants of Charles, then the Berengarii, and lastly 
 the German emperors, governed her, as in our general treatise 
 we have shown. Nor could the Florentines, during those ages, 
 increase in numbers, or effect anything worthy of memory, on 
 account of the influence of those to whom they were subject. 
 Nevertheless, in the year loio, upon the feast of St. Romolo, 
 a solemn day with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed Fie- 
 sole, which must have been performed either with consent of 
 the Emperors, or during the interim from the death of one to 
 the creation of his successor, when all assumed a larger share 
 of liberty. But when the pontiffs acquired greater influence, 
 and the authority of the German Emperors was in its wane, all 
 the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect for the 
 prince; so that, in the time of Henry III the mind of the coun- 
 try was divided between the Emperor and the Church. How- 
 ever, the Florentines kept themselves united till the year 1215, 
 rendering obedience to the ruling power, and anxious only to 
 
 -^Jreserve their own safety. But, as the diseases which attack 
 our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in proportion as 
 they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in the 
 sects of Italy, was afterward the more afflicted by them. The 
 cause of her first division is well known, having been recorded 
 by (^^te* and many other writers ; I shall, however, briefly no- 
 tice it. 
 
 ~" Among the most powerful families of Florence were the 
 Buondelmonti and the Uberti ; next to these were the Amidei 
 and the Donati. Of the Donati family there was a rich widow 
 who had a daughter of exquisite beauty, for whom, in her own 
 mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti, a young gentleman, 
 
I2I2] GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES S7 
 
 the head of the Buondelmonti family, as her husband; but 
 either from negligence, or because she thought it might be ac- 
 complished at any time, she had not made known her intention, 
 when it happened that the cavalier betrothed himself to a 
 maiden of the Amidei family. This grieved the Donati widow 
 exceedingly ; but she hoped, with her daughter's beauty, to dis- 
 turb the arrangement before the celebration of the marriage; 
 and from an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonti approach 
 her house alone, she descended, and as he was passing she said 
 to him, " I am glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although 
 I had reserved my daughter for you ; " and, pushing the door 
 open, presented her to his view. The cavalier, seeing the 
 beauty of the girl, which was very uncommon, and consider- 
 ing the nobility of her blood, and her portion not being inferior 
 to that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamed with 
 such an ardent desire to possess her, that, not thinking of the 
 promise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of 
 the evils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself, 
 said, " Since you have reserved her for me, I should be very 
 ungrateful indeed to refuse her, being yet at liberty to choose ; " 
 and without any delay married her. 
 
 As soon as the fact became known, the Amidei and the 
 Uberti, whose families were allied, were filled with rage, and 
 having assembled with many others, connections of the parties, 
 they concluded that the injury could not be tolerated without , 
 disgrace, and that the only vengeance proportionate to the 
 enormity of the offence would be to put Buondelmonti to death. 
 And although some took into consideration the evils that might 
 ensue upon it, Mosca Lamb^li_-§aid»-Jiat those jsvho taUc jDf 
 ma ny thin gs effect^notfimg, using, that trite and common adage, 
 " Cosa faita capo ha." Thereupon, they appointed to the exe- 
 cution of the murder Mosca himself, Stiatti Uberti, Lamber- 
 tygaa^midei, and Oderigo Fifanti, who, on the morning of 
 !]^|ster da^, concealed themselves in a house of the Amidei, sit- 
 uate between the old bridge and St. Stephen's, and as Buondel- 
 monti was passing upon a white horse, thinking it as easy a 
 matter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked 
 by them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of 
 Mars. This murder divided the whole city ; one party espous- 
 ing the cause of the Buondelmonti, the other that of the Uberti ; 
 
58 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [iziz 
 
 and as these families possessed men and means of defence, they 
 contended with each other for many years, without one being 
 able to destroy the other. 
 
 Florence continued in these troubles until Frederick II, 
 who, being King of Naples, endeavored to strengthen him- 
 self against the Church; and, to give greater stability to his 
 power in Tuscany, favored the Uberti and their followers, who, 
 with his assistance, expelled the Buondelmonti ; thus our city, 
 ,33 all the rest of Italy had long time been, became divided into 
 Guelfs and Ghibellines; and as it will not be superfluous, I 
 shall record the names of the families which took part with 
 each faction. Those who adopted the cause of the Guelfs were 
 the Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, 
 Pulci, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, 
 Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, 
 Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bos- 
 tichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, 
 Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Pazzi, della Bella, Ardinghi, 
 Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the Ghibelline faction were the Uberti, 
 Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Sco- 
 lari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, 
 Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, 
 Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini, 
 Giuochi, and Galigai. Beside the noble families on each side 
 above enumerated each party was joined by many^^thaiigher 
 ranks of the people, so that the whole city was corruj^ea with 
 this division. The Guelfs being expelled, took refuge in the 
 Upper Val d'Arno, where part of their castles and strongholds 
 were situated, and where they strengthened and fortified them- 
 selves against the attacks of their enemies. But, upon the death 
 of Frederick, the most unbiassed men, and those who had the 
 greatest authority with the people, considered that it would 
 be better to effect the reunion of the city, than, by keeping her 
 divided, cause her ruin. They therefore induced the Guelfs 
 to forget their injuries and return, and the Ghibellines to lay 
 aside their jealousies and receive them with cordiality. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 '< 
 
 New Form of Government in Florence — Military Establishments— The 
 Greatness of Florence — Movements of the Ghibellines — Ghibellines 
 Driven out of the City — Guelfs Routed by the Forces of the King 
 of Naples — Florence in the Power of the King of Naples — Project 
 of the Ghibellines to Destroy Florence, Opposed by Farinata degli 
 Uberti — Adventures of the Guelfs of Florence — The Pope Gives his 
 Standard to the Guelfs — Fears of the Ghibellines and their Prepara- 
 tions for the Defence of their Power — Establishment of Trades' Com- 
 panies, and their Authority — Count Guido Novello Expelled — He goes 
 to Prato— The Guelfs Restored to the City— The Ghibellines Quit 
 Florence — The Florentines Reform the Government in favor of the 
 Guelfs — The Pope Endeavors to Restore the Ghibellines and Ex- 
 communicates Florence — Pope Nicholas III Endeavors to Abate the 
 Power of Charles, King of Naples. 
 
 B 
 
 EING unitediitheFloreiitines thought the time favorable 
 for the ordination of a free government; and that it 
 would be desirable to provide their meap^ of defence be- 
 fore the new Emperor should acquire strength. They therefore 
 divided the city into six parts, and elected twelve citizens, two 
 for each sixth, to govern the whole. These were called 
 Anziani, and were elected annually. To remove the cause of 
 those enmities which had been observed to arise from judicial 
 decisions, they provided two judges from some other State, one 
 called captain of the people, the other podesta, or provost, 
 whose duty it was to decide in cases, whether dvilor-criminal, 
 which occurred among the fiMrie. AnA as drdei: cannot be _ 
 preserved without a sufficient ic^ctior the' defence of it, they 
 appointed twenty banners in the city, and seventy-six in the 
 country, upon the rolls of which the names of all the youth 
 were entered; and it was ordered that every one should ap- 
 pear armed, under his banner, whenever summoned, whether 
 by the captain of the people or the anziani. They had en- 
 signs according to the kind of arms they used, the bowmen 
 being under one ensign, and the swordsmen, or those who car- 
 
 59 
 
6o THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1237 
 
 ried a target, under another ; and every year, upon the day of 
 Pentecost, ensigns were given with great pomp to the new 
 men, and new leaders were appointed for the whole establish- 
 ment. To give importance to their armies, and to serve as a 
 point of refuge for those who were exhausted in the fight, and 
 from which, having become refreshed, they might again make 
 head against the enemy, they provided a large car, drawn by two 
 oxen, covered with red cloth, upon which was an ensign of 
 white and red. When they intended to assemble the army, this 
 car was brought into the New Market, and delivered with pomp 
 to the heads of the people. To give solemnity to their enter- 
 prises, they had a bell called " Martinella," which was rung dur- 
 ing a whole month before the forces left the city, in order that 
 the enemv nysjit have time to provide for his defence ; so great 
 was the yirtueCthen existing among men, and with so much 
 -^nerOTity of miJrawere they governed, that as it is now con- 
 sidered a brave and prudent act to assail an unprovided enemy, 
 in those days it would have been thought disgraceful, and pro- 
 ductive of only a fallacious advantage. This bell was also taken 
 with the army, and served to regulate the Jjeeping and relief 
 of guard, and otieamatters necessary in the practice of war. 
 
 With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines 
 established their liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the 
 power and authority Florence in a short time acquired. She 
 became not only the head of Tuscany, but was enumerated 
 among the first cities of Italy, and would have attained great- 
 ness of the most exalted kind, had she not been afflicted with 
 the continual divisions of her citizens. They remained under 
 this government ten years, during which time they compelled 
 the people of Pistoia, Arezzo, and Sienna, to enter into league 
 with them; and returning with the army from Sienna, they 
 took Volterra, destroyed some castles, and led the inhabitants 
 to Florence. All these enterprises were effected by the ad- 
 vice of the Guelfs, who were much more powerful than the 
 Ghibellines, for the latter were ( ^atedby the peop!g ?as well on 
 account of their haughty bearing while in power, during the 
 time of Frederick, as because the Church party was in more 
 favor than that of the Emperor ; for with the aid of the Church 
 they hoped to preserve their liberty, but, with the Emperor, 
 they were apprehensive of losing it. 
 
1237] BATTLE OF THE RIVER ARBIA 6i 
 
 The Ghibellines, in the meantime, finding themselves di- 
 vested of authority, could not rest, but watched for an occa- 
 sion of repossessing the government; and they thought the 
 favorable moment come, when they found that Manfred, son of 
 Frederick, had made himself sovereign of Naples, and reduced 
 the power of the Church. They, therefore, secretly communi- 
 cated with him, to resume the management of the State, but 
 could not prevent their proceedings from coming to the knowl- 
 edge of the anziani, who immediately summoned the Uberti 
 to appear before them ; but instead of obeying, they took arms 
 and fortified themselves in their houses. The people, enraged 
 at this, armed themselves, and with the assistance of the 
 Guelfs, compelled them to quit the city, and, with the whole 
 Ghibelline party, withdraw to Sienna. They then asked as-A 
 sistance of Manfred, King of Naples, and by the able conduct 
 of Farinati degli Uberti, the Guelfs were routed by the King's 
 forces upon the river Arbia, with so great slaughter, that those 
 who escaped, thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but 
 sought refuge at Lucca. ' 
 
 Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable 
 reputation in arms, to command his forces. He, after the vic- 
 tory, went with the Ghibellines to Florenc&rand reduce^ ,thj&' 
 city entirely to the King's authority, %nnulRng the nKkgJkracies- 
 and every other institution that retained any aggearance of | 
 freedom. This injury, committed with little CjOTuden ce)<^ex^' 
 cited the ardent animosity of the people, andTheir enmity ' 
 against the Ghibellines, whose ruin it eventually caused, was 
 increased to the highest pitch. The necessities of the king- 
 dom compelling the Count Giordano to return to Naples, he 
 left at Florence as regal vicar the Count Guido Novello, Lord 
 of Casentino, who called a council of Ghibellines at Empoli. 
 There it was concluded, with only one dissenting voice, that 
 in order to orpservg^their power in Tuscany, it would be 
 necessary to oeslroyFlorence, as the only means of compelling 
 the Guelfs to withdraw their support from the party of the 
 Church. To this so cruel a sentence, given against such a noble 
 city, there was not a citizen who offered any opposition, except 
 Farinata degli Uberti, who openly defended her, saying he 
 had not encountered so many dangers and difficulties, but in 
 the hope of returning to his country; that he still wished 
 
62 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1265 
 
 for what he ha^ so jg^nestly sought, nor would he refuse the 
 blessing which^lbrtune now presented^ even though by using , 
 it, he were to become as much an enemy of those who thought 
 otherwise, as he had been of the Guelfs; and that no one 
 need be afraid the city would^casion the ruin of their coun- 
 try, for he hoped that the vaW^which had expelled the Guelf s 
 would be sufficient to defend her. Farinata was a man of un- 
 daunted resolution, and excelled greatly in military affairs : be- 
 ing the head of the Ghibelline party, and in high estimation 
 with Manfred, his authority put a stop to the discussion, and 
 induced the rest to think of some other means of preserving 
 their power .~^o -^ 
 
 The Lucchese being threatened with the anger of the count, 
 for affording refuge to the Guelfs after the battle of the 
 Arbia, could allow them to remain no longer; so leaving 
 Lucca, they went to Bologna, from whence they were called 
 by the Guelfs of Parma against the Ghibellines of that city, 
 where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of the lat- 
 ter were assigned to them ; so that having increased in honors 
 and riches, and learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles 
 of Anjou to take the kingdom from Manfred, they sent am- 
 bassadors to the Pope to offer him their services. His holiness 
 not only received them as friends, but gave them a standard 
 upon which his insignia were wrought. It was ever after 
 borne by the Guelfs in battle, and is still used at Florence. 
 Charles having taken the kingdom from Manfred, and slain 
 him, to which success the Guelfs of Florence had contributed, 
 their party became more powerful, and that of the Ghibellines 
 proportionately weaker. In consequence of this, those who 
 with Count Novello governed the city, thought it would be ad- 
 visable to attach to themselves, with some concession, the people 
 jBfhom they had previously aggravated with every species of 
 injury ; but these remedies which, if applied before the neces- 
 I sity came would have been beneficial, being offered when they 
 were no longer considered favors, not only failed of produc- 
 ing any beneficial result to the donors, but hastened their ruin. 
 Thinking, however, to win them to their interests, they re- 
 'stored some of the honors of which they had deprived tlienir 
 Tfiey'eleCted-thir-ty-six-citizens from the higher rank of the 
 people, to whom, with two cavalieri, knights or gentlemen, 
 
I26sl [GOVERNMENT REFORMED 63 
 
 brought from Bologna, the reformation of the government of 
 the city was confided. As soon as they met, they classed the 
 whole of the people according to their arts or trades, and over 
 each art appointed a magistrate, whose duty was to distribute 
 justice to those placed under him. They gave to each com- 
 pany or trade a banner, under which every man was expected 
 to appear armed, whenever the city required it. These arts 
 were at first twelve, seven major and five minor. The minor 
 arts were afterward increased to fourteen, so that the whole 
 made, as at present, twenty-^one. The thirty-six reformers 
 also effected other changes for the common good. 
 
 Count Guido proposed to lay a tax upon the citizens fcJci 
 the support of the soldiery; but during the discussion found 
 so much difficulty, that he did not dare to use force to obtain 
 it, and thinking he had now lost the govft-nment, called to- 
 gether the leaders of the Ghibellines, and they determined to 
 wrest from the people those powers which they had with so 
 little pru'Sence conceded. When they thought they had suffi- 
 cient force, the thirty-six being assembled, they caused a tu- 
 mult to be raised, which so alarmed them that they retired to 
 their houses^ when suddenly the banners of the Arts were un- 
 furled, and many armed men drawn to them. These, learning 
 that Count Guido and his followers were at St. John's, moved 
 toward the Holy Trinity, and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for 
 their leader. The count, on the other hand, being informed 
 where the people were assembled, proceeded iii that direction ; 
 nor did the people shun the fight, for, meeting their enemies 
 where now stands the residence of the Tornaquinci, they put 
 the count to flight, with the loss of many of his followers. 
 Terrified with this result, he was afraid his enemies would at- 
 tack him in the night, and that his own party, finding them- 
 selves beaten, would murder him. This impression took such 
 hold of his mind that, without attempting any other remedy, 
 he sought his safety rather in flight than in combat, and, con- 
 trary to the advice of the rectors, went with all his people to 
 Prato. But, on finding himself in a place of safety, his fears 
 fled; perceiving his error he wished to correct it, and on the 
 following day, as soon as light appeared, he returned with 
 his people to Florence, to enter the city by force which he had 
 abandoned in cowardice. But his design did not succeed ; for 
 
64 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1271 
 
 the people, who had had difficulty in expelling him, kept him 
 out with facility ; so that with grief and shame he went to the 
 Casentino, and the Ghibellines withdrew to their villas. 
 
 The people, being victorious, by the advice of those- who 
 loved the good of the republic, determined to reunite the city, 
 and recall all the citizens as well Guelfs as Ghibelline, who yet 
 remained without. The Guelfs returned, after having been 
 expelled six years ; the recent offences of the Ghibellines were 
 forgiven, and themselyesjfestored to their country. They were, 
 however, most^'^orcfialty hated, both by the people and the 
 Guelfs, for the latter could not forget their exile, and the 
 former but too well remembered their tyranny when they were 
 in power; the result was, that the minds of neither party be- 
 came settled. 
 
 While affairs were in this state at Florence, a report pre- 
 vailed that Corradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with 
 a force from Germany, for the conquest of Naples ; this gave 
 the Ghibellines hope of recovering power, and the Guelfs, con- 
 sidering how they should provide for their security, requested 
 assistance from Charles for their defence, in case of the pas- 
 sage of Corradino. The coming of the forces of Charles ren- 
 dered the Guelfs insolent, and so alarmed the Ghibellines that 
 they fled the city, without being driven out, two days before 
 the arrival of the troops. 
 
 The Ghibellines having departed, the Florentines reorgan- 
 ized the government of the city, and elected twelve men who, 
 as the supreme power, were to hold their magistracy two 
 months, and were not called ansiani, or "ancients," but buoni 
 uomini, or " good men." They also formed a council of eighty 
 citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besides these, from 
 each sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with the Credenza 
 and the twelve huoni uomini, were called the General Council. 
 They also appointed another council of 120 citizens, elected 
 from the people and the nobility, to which all those things 
 were finally referred that had undergone the consideration 
 of the other councils, and which distributed the offices of 
 the republic. Having formed this government, they strength- 
 ened the Guelfic party by appointing its friends to the prin- 
 cipal offices of the State, and a variety of other measures, 
 that they might be enabled to defend themselves against 
 
1282J POLITICAL CHANGES 65 
 
 the Ghibellines, whose property they divided into three parts, 
 one of which was applied to the pubHc use, another to the 
 capitani, and the third was assigned to the Guelfs, in satiS' 
 faction of the injuries they had received. The Pope too, 
 in order to keep Tuscany in the Guelfic interest, made 
 Charles imperial vicar over the province. While the Flor- 
 entines, by virtue of the new government, preserved theii- 
 influence at home by laws, and abroad with arms, the Pope 
 died, and after a dispute, which continued two years, Gre- 
 gory X was elected, being then in Syria, where he had long 
 lived; but not having witnessed the working of parties, he 
 did not estimate them in the manner his predecessors had done, 
 and passing through Florence on his way to France, he thought 
 it would be the office of a good pastor to unite the city, and so 
 far succeeded that the Florentines consented to receive the 
 Syndics of the Ghibellines in Florence to consider the terms of 
 their recall. They effected an agreement, but the Ghibellines 
 without were so terrified that they did not venture to return. 
 The Pope laid the whole blame upon the city, and being enraged 
 excommunicated her, in which state of contumacy she remained 
 as long as the pontiff lived, but was reblessed by his successor, 
 Innocent V. 
 
 The pontificate afterward occupied by Nicholas III of 
 the Orsini family. It has to be remarked that it was invari- 
 ably the custom of the popes to be jealous of those whose power 
 in Italy had become great, even when its growth had been oc- 
 casioned by the favors of the Church ; and as they always en- 
 deavored to destroy it, frequent troubles and changes were the 
 result. Their fear of a powerful person caused them to in- 
 crease the influence of one previously weak; his becoming 
 great caused him also to be feared, and his being feared made 
 them seek the means of destroying him. This mode of think- 
 ing and operation occasioned the Kingdom ^of Naples to be 
 taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon as the 
 latter became powerful his ruin was resolved upon. Actuated 
 by these motives, Nicholas III contrived that, with the influence 
 of the Emperor, the government of Tuscany should be taken 
 from Charles, and Latino his legate was therefore sent into the 
 province in the name of the empire. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Changes in Florence— The Ghibellines Recalled— New Form of Govern- 
 ment in Florence— The Signory Created— Victory over the Aretins— 
 The Gonfalonier of Justice Created— Ubaldo Rufloli the first Gon- 
 falonier— Giano della Bella— New Reform by His Advice— Giano 
 della Bella Becomes a Voluntary Exile — Dissensions between the 
 People and the Nobility— The Tumults Composed— Reform of Gov- 
 ernment — Public Buildings — Prosperous State of the City. 
 
 FLORENCE was at this time in a very unhappy condition ; 
 for the great Guelfic families had become insolent, and 
 set aside the authority of the magistrates ; so that mur- 
 ders and other atrocities were daily committed, and the per- 
 petrators escaped unpunished, under the protection of one or 
 other of the nobility. The leaders of the people, in order to 
 restrain this insolence, determined to recall those who had been 
 expelled, and thus give the legate an opportunity of uniting the 
 city. The Ghibellines returned, and, instead of twelve gov- 
 ernors, fourteen were appointed, seven for each party, who 
 held their office one year, and were to be chosen by the Pope. 
 The Florentines lived under this government two years, till 
 the pontificate of Martin, who restored to Charles all the au- 
 thority which had been taken from him by Nicholas, so that 
 parties were again active in Tuscany ; for the Florentines took 
 arms against the Emperor's governor, and to deprive the Ghib- 
 ellines of power, and restrain the nobility, established a new 
 form of government. This was in the year 1282, and the 
 companies of the Arts, since magistrates had been appointed 
 and colors given to them, had acquired so great influence, that 
 of their own authority they ordered that, instead of fourteen 
 citizens, three should be appointed and called Priors, to hold 
 the government of the republic two months, and chosen from 
 either the people or the nobility. After the expiration of the 
 first magistracy they were augmented to six, that one might 
 be chosen from each sixth of the city, and this number was pre- 
 
 66 
 
1282] THE PRIORS 67 
 
 served till the year 1342, when the city was divided into quar- 
 ters, and the priors became eight, although upon some occasions 
 during the interim they were twelve. 
 
 This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the 
 ruin of the nobility ; for the people by various causes excluded 
 them from all participation in it, and then trampled upon them 
 without respect. The nobles, at first, owing to their divisions 
 among themselves, made no opposition; and each being 
 anxious to rob the other of influence in the State, they lost it al- 
 together. To this government a palace was given, in which 
 they were to reside constantly, and all requisite officers were 
 appointed; it having been previously the custom of councils 
 and magistrates to assemble in churches. At first they were 
 only called priors, but to increase their distinction the word 
 signori, or " lords," was soon afterward adopted. The Flor- 
 entines remained for some time in domestic quiet, during which 
 they made war with the Aretins for having expelled the 
 Guelfs, and obtained a complete victory over them at Cam::^ 
 paldino. The city being increased in riches and population, 
 it was found expedient to extend the walls, the circle of which 
 was enlarged to the extent it at present remains, although its 
 diameter was previously only the space between the old bridge 
 and the church of St. Lorenzo. 
 
 Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the^ 
 Guelf and Ghibelline factions to become almost ^mcFr and 
 the only party feeling which seemed occasionally to glow, was 
 that which naturally exists in all cities between the higher 
 classes and the people; for the latter wishing to live in con- 
 formity with the laws, and the former to be themselves the 
 rulers of the people, it was not possible for them to abide in 
 perfect amity together. This ungenial disposition, while their 
 fear of the Ghibellines kept them in order, did not discover 
 itself, but no sooner were they subdued than it broke forth, 
 and not a day passed without some of the populace being in- 
 jured, while the laws were insufficient to procure redress, for 
 every noble with his relations and friends defended himself 
 against the forces of the Priors and the Capitano. To remedy 
 this evil the leaders of the Arts' companies ordered that every 
 Signory at the time of entering upon the duties of office should 
 appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice, chosen from the people and 
 
68 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1282 
 
 place 1,000 armed men at his disposal divided into twenty 
 companies of fifty men each, and that he with his gonfalon, 
 or banner, and his forces, should be ready to enforce the ex- 
 ecution of the laws whenever called upon either by the Signors 
 themselves or the Capitano. The first elected to this high 
 office was Ubaldo Ruffoli. This man unfurled his gonfalon, 
 and destroyed the houses of the Galletti, on account of a mem- 
 ber of that family having slain one of the Florentine people 
 in France. The violent animosities among the nobility en- 
 abled the companies of the Arts to establish this law with facil- 
 ity; and the former no sooner saw the provision which had 
 been made against them than they felt the acrimonious spirit 
 with which it was enforced. At first it impressed them with 
 great terror ; but they soon after returned to their accustomed 
 insolence, for one or more of their body always making part 
 of the Signory, gave them opportunities of impeding the Gon- 
 falonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his office. 
 Besides this, the accuser always required a witness of the in- 
 jury he had received, and no one dared to give evidence against 
 the nobility. Thus in a short time Florence again fell into the 
 same disorders as before, and the tyranny exercised against the 
 people was as great as ever; for the decisions of justice were 
 either prevented or delayed, and sentences w;ere not carried into 
 
 exgastion. ^''ML ' ' '"^^ - 4Sfe. 
 
 In thi&jmhappy state, the people not knowing w'hat to ob, 
 
 ^iano della Bdl^ of a very noble famjhvand a lover of liberty, 
 
 , encourage3*tfie heads of the Arts toW^^aMie constitution of 
 
 I the city ; and by his^'^'^fiEfe' it was oraered that the Gonfalonier 
 
 [should reside with the Priors, and have 4,000 men at his 
 
 command. They deprived the nobility of the right to sit in 
 
 the Signory. They condemned the associates of a criminal to 
 
 the same penalty as himself, and orde^red that public report 
 
 shotiW te taken as evidence. By these la^^which were called 
 
 the ordmatlons 01 justice, the people acquired great influence, 
 
 and Giano della Bella not a small share of trouble ; for he was 
 
 thoroughly hated by the great, as the destroyer of their power, 
 
 "while the opulent among the people envied him, for they 
 
 -thought he possessed too great authority. This became very 
 
 j^ejadent upon the first occasion that presented itself. 
 
 It happened that a man from the class of the people was 
 
1282] TUMULTS QUELLED 69 
 
 killed during a riot, in which several of the nobility had taken 
 a part, and among the rest Corso Donati, to whom, as the most 
 forward of the party, the death was attributed. He was there- 
 fore taken by the Captain of the People, and whether he was 
 really innocent of the crime or the Capitano was afraid of con- 
 demning him, he was acquitted. This acquittal displeased the 
 people so much, that, seizing their arms, they ran to the house 
 of Giano della Bella, to beg that he would compel the execution 
 of those laws which he had himself made. Giano, who wished 
 Corso to be punished, did not insist upon their laying down 
 their arms, as many were of opinion he ought to have done, but 
 advised them to go to the Signory, complain of the fact, and 
 beg that they would take it into consideration. The people, 
 full of wrath, thinking themselves insulted by the Capitano and 
 abandoned by Giano della Bella, instead of going to the Signory 
 went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they made them- 
 selves masters, and plundered it. 
 
 This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who wished 
 the ruin of Giano laid the entire blame upon him ; and as in the 
 succeeding Signory there was an enemy of his, he was accused 
 to the Capitano as the originator of the riot. While the case 
 was being tried, the people took arms and, proceeding to his 
 house, oifered to defend him against the Signory and his ene- 
 mies. Giano, however, did not wish to put this burst of popu- 
 lar favor to the proof, or trust his life to the magistrates, for he 
 feared the malignity of the latter and the instability of the for- 
 mer ; so, in order to remove an occasion for his enemies to in- 
 jure him, or his friends to oifend the laws, he determined to 
 withdraw, deliver his countrymen from the fear they had of 
 him, and, leaving the city which at his own charge and peril 
 he had delivered from the servitude of the great, become a 
 voluntary exile. vib/w-M^-"-^-^ '^ A.i><id...o 
 
 After the departure of Gi^no della BgUa th^ nobility began 
 to entertain hopes of iftiowfi'ng their aSftiorify, and judging 
 their misfortune to have arisen from their divisions, they sent 
 two of their body to the Signory, which they thought was favor- 
 able to them, to beg they would be pleased to moderate the 
 severity of the laws made against them. As soon as their de- 
 mand became known, the minds of the people were much ex- 
 cited ; for they were afraid the Signors would submit to them ; 
 
yo THE HIStORY OF FLORENCE [1282 
 
 and so, between the desire of the nobiHty and the jealousy of the 
 people,' arms were resorted to. The nobility were drawn to- 
 gether in three places, near the church of St. John, in the New 
 Market, and in the Piazza of the Mozzi, under three leaders, 
 Forese Adimari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people 
 assembled in immense numbers, under their ensigns, before 
 the palace of the Signory, which at that time was situated near 
 St. Procolo; and, as they suspected the integrity of the Sig- 
 nory, they added six citizens to their number to take part in 
 the management of affairs. 
 
 While both parties were preparing for the fight, some in- 
 dividuals, as well of the people as of the nobility, accompanied 
 by. a few priests of respectable character, mingled among them 
 for the purpose of effecting a pacification, reminding the no- 
 bility that their loss of power, and the laws which were made 
 against them, had been occasioned by their haughty conduct, 
 and ffie mischievous tendency of their proceedings ; that re- 
 sorting to arms to recover by force what they had lost by illib- 
 eral measures and disunion, would tend to the destruction of 
 their country and increase the difficulties of their own posi- 
 tion; that they shall bear in mind, that the people, in riches, 
 numbers, and hatred, were far stronger than they; and that 
 their nobility, on account of which they assumed to be above 
 others, did not contribute to win battles, and would be found, 
 when they came to arms, to be but an empty name, and in- 
 sufficient to defend them against so many. On the other hand, 
 'they reminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always 
 to have the last blow; that it is an injudicious step to drive 
 men JQ desperation, for hie"wlio, is_withou±^rapr istalSCC5sdfHi 
 out fear; that they ought not to forget that in the wars the 
 "tioBiTIty had always done honor to the country, and there- 
 fore it was neither wise nor just to pursue them with so much 
 bitterness; and that although the nobility could bear with 
 patience the loss of the supreme magistracy, they could not en- 
 dure that, by the existing laws, it should be in the power of 
 everyone to drive them from their country; and therefore it 
 would be well to qualify these laws, and, in furtherance of so 
 good a result, be better to lay down their arms than, trusting 
 to numbers, try the fortune of a battle ; for it is often seen that 
 the many are overcome by the few. Variety of opinion was 
 
1292J GOVERNMENT REORGANIZED 71 
 
 found among the people; they wished to decide the question 
 by arms at once, for they were assured it would have to be done 
 some time, and that it would be better to do so then than de- 
 lay till the enemy had acquired greater strength; and that if 
 they thought a mitigation of the laws would satisfy them, 
 then they would be glad to comply, but that the pride of the 
 nobility was so great they would not submit unless they were 
 compelled. To many others, who were more peaceable and 
 better disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify the laws a 
 little than to come to battle; and their opinion prevailing, it 
 was provided that no accusation against the nobility could be 
 received unless supported with sufficient testimony. 
 
 Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained fulr 
 of suspicion, and each fortified itself with men and places of 
 strength. The peopM feOTgMiKd |he ^rernm^ht, and less- 
 ened the number of its officers, to which measure they were in- 
 duced by finding that the Signors appointed from the families, 
 of which the following were the heads, had been favorable to 
 the nobility, viz., the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and 
 Cerretani. Having settled the government for the greater 
 magnificence and security of the Signory, they laid the foun- 
 dation of the palace ; and to make space for the piazza, removed 
 the houses that had belonged to the Uberti; they also at the 
 same period commenced the public prisons. These buildings 
 were completed in a few years ; nor did our city ever enjoy a 
 state of greater prosperity than in those times ; filled with men 
 of great wealth and reputation; possessing within her walls 
 30,000 men capable of bearing arms, and in the country some 
 70,000; while the whole of Tuscany, either as subjects or 
 friends, owed obedience to Florence. , And although there 
 might be some indignation and je^dctey between the nobility 
 and the people, they did not produce any evil effect, but all 
 lived together in unity and peace. And if this peace had not 
 been disturbed by internal enm ities there would have been no 
 cause of apprehension whatever, for the city had nothing to 
 fear either from the empire or from those citizens, whom 
 political reasons kept from their homes, and was in condition 
 to meet all the States of Italy with her own forces. The evil, 
 however, which external powers could not effect, was brought 
 about by those within. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Cerchi and the Donati— Origin of the Bianca and Nera Factions 
 in Pistoia— They Come to Florence— Open Enmity of the Donati 
 and the Cerchi— Their First Conflict— The Cerchi Head the Bianca 
 Faction— The Donati Take Part with the Nera— The Pope's Legate 
 at Florence Increases the Confusion with an Interdict— New Af- 
 fray between the Cerchi and the Donati— The Donati and Others of 
 the Nera Faction Banished by the Advice of Dante Alighieri— 
 Charles of Valois Sent by the Pope to Florence— The Florentines 
 Suspect Him— Corso Donati and the Rest of the Nera Party Return 
 to Florence— Veri Cerchi Flies— The Pope's Legate again in Flor- 
 ence—The City again Interdicted— New Disturbances— The Bianchi 
 Banished— Dante Banished— Corso Donati Excites Fresh Troubles 
 —The Pope's Legate Endeavors to Restore the Emigrants but Does 
 not Succeed— Great Fire in Florence. 
 
 THE Cerchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and 
 the number and influence of their followers, perhaps 
 the two most distinguished families in Florence. Being 
 neighbors, both in the city and the country, there had arisen 
 between them some slight displeasure, which however had not 
 occasioned an open quarrel, and perhaps never would have pro- 
 duced any serious effect if the malignant humors had not been 
 increased by new causes. Among the first families of Pistoia 
 was the Cancellieri. It happened that Lore, son of Gulielmo, 
 and Geri, son of Bertacca, both of this family, playing together, 
 and coming to words, Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. 
 This displeased Gulielmo ; and, designing by a suitable apology 
 to remove all cause of further animosity, he ordered his son 
 to go to the house of the father of the youth whom he had 
 wounded, and ask pardon. Lore obeyed his father; but this 
 act of virtue failed to soften the cruel mind of Bertacca, and 
 having caused Lore to be seized, in order to add the greatest 
 indignity to his brutal act, he ordered his servants to chop off 
 the youth's hand upon a block used for cutting meat upon, and 
 then said to him, " Go to thy father, and tell him that sword- 
 wounds are cured with iron and not with words." 
 
 72 
 
1292] CERCHI AND DONATI 73 
 
 The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exasperated 
 Gulielmo that he ordered his people to take arms for his re- 
 venge. Bertacca prepared fOTjii&defence, and not only that 
 family, but the whole city oi^^Pistgia, became divided. And as 
 the Cancellieri were descended from a Cancelliere who had had 
 two wives, of whom one was called Bianca (white), one party 
 was named by those who were descended from her Bianca; 
 and the other, by way of greater distinction, was called Nera 
 (black). Much and long-continued strife took place between 
 the two, attended with the death of many men and the destruc- 
 tion of much property; and not being able to effect a union 
 among themselves, but weary of the evil, and anxious either 
 to bring it to an end or, by engaging others in their quarrel, 
 increase it, they came to Florence, where the Neri, on accounr 
 of their familiarity with the Donati, were favored by Corso, 
 the head of that family ; and on this account the Bianchi, that 
 they might have a powerful head to defend them against the 
 Donati, had recourse to Veri de Cerchi, a man in no respect in- 
 ferior to Corso. 
 
 This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia, 
 increased the old animosity between the Cerchi and the Donati, 
 and it was already so manifest, that the Priors and all well- 
 disposed men were in hourly apprehension of its breaking out, 
 and causing a division of the whole city. They therefore ap- 
 plied to the pontiff, praying that he would interpose his author- 
 ity between these turbulent parties, and provide the remedy 
 which they found themselves unable to furnish. The Pope sent 
 for Veri, and charged him to make peace with the Donati, at 
 which Veri exhibited great astonishment, saying, that he had 
 no enmity against them, and that as pacification presupposes 
 war, he did not know, there being no war between them, how 
 peace-making could be necessary. Veri having returned from 
 Rome without any thing being effected, the rage of the parties 
 increased to such a degree, that any trivial accident seemed 
 sufficient to make it burst forth, as, indeed, presently happened. 
 
 It was in the month of May, during which, and upon holi- 
 days, it is the custom of Florence to hold festivals and public 
 rejoicings throughout the city. Some youths of the Donati 
 family, with their friends, upon horseback, were standing near 
 the church of the Holy Trinity to look at a party of ladies who 
 
74 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1292 
 
 were dancing; thither also came some of the Cerchi, like the 
 Donati, accompanied with many of the nobility, and, not know- 
 ing that the Donati were before them^ pushed their horses and 
 jostled them; thereupon the Donati, thinking themselves in- 
 sulted, drew their swords, nor were the Cerchi at all backward 
 to do the same, and not till after the interchange of many 
 wounds, were they separated. This disturbance was the begin- 
 ning of great evils; for the whole city became divided, the 
 people as well as the nobility, and the parties took the names of 
 the Bianchi and the Neri. The Cerchi were at the head of the 
 Bianchi faction, to which adhered the Adimari, the Abati, a 
 part of the Tosinghi, of the Bardi, of the Rosi, of the Fresco- 
 baldi, of the Nerli, and of the Manelli ; all the Mozzi, the Scali, 
 Gherardini, Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vec- 
 chietti, and Arrigucci. To these were joined many families 
 of the people, and all the Ghibellines then in Florence, so that 
 their great numbers gave them almost the entire government 
 of the city. 
 
 — The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined the 
 Nera party, to which also adhered those members of the above- 
 named families who did not take part with the Bianchi; and 
 besides these, the whole of the Pazzi, Bisdomini, Manieri, 
 Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfigliazzi, and the Bru- 
 nelleschi. Nor did the evil confine itself to the city alone, for 
 the whole country was divided upon it, so that the Captains of 
 the Six Parts, and whoever were attached to the Guelfic party 
 or the well-being of the republic, were very much afraid that 
 this new division would occasion the destruction of the city, 
 and give new life to the Ghibelline faction. They therefore 
 sent again tq^Pope Boniface,'"'desiring that, unless he wished 
 that city which had always been the shiel d of the chur ch should 
 either be ruined or become Ghibelline, he would consider of 
 some means for her relief. The pontiff thereupon sent to 
 Florence, as his legate, Cardinal Matteo d'Acquasparta, a 
 Portuguese, who, finding the Bianchi, as the most powerful, 
 the least in fear, not quite submissive to him, interdicted the 
 city, and left it in anger; so that greater confusion now pre- 
 vailed than had done previously to his coming. 
 
 The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened 
 that at a funeral which many of the Donati and the Cerchi at- 
 
1294] FACTIOUS DISTURBANCES 75 
 
 tended, they first came to words and then to arms, from which 
 however nothing but merely tumult resulted at the moment. 
 However, having each retired to their houses, the Cerchi de- 
 termined to attack the Donati, but, by the valor of Corso, they 
 were repulsed and great numbers of them wounded. The city 
 was in arms. The laws and the Signory were set at naught 
 by the rage of the nobility, and the best and wisest citizens were 
 full of apprehension. The Donati and their followers, being 
 the least powerful, were in the greatest fear, and to provide 
 for their safety they called together Corso, the Captains of the 
 Parts, and the other leaders of the Neri, and resolved to apply 
 to the EqeJ to^flgoint some personage of royal blood, that he 
 
 might reform "Florence ; thinking by this means to overcome 
 the Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became known 
 to the Priors, and the adverse party represented it as a con- 
 spiracy against the liberties of the republic. Both parties be- 
 ing in arms, the Signory, one of whom at that time was the 
 poet Dante, took courage, and from his advice and prudence, 
 caused the people to rise for the preservation of order, and 
 being joined by many from the country, they compelled the 
 leaders of both parties to lay aside their arms, and banished 
 Corso, with many of the Neri. And as an evidence of the 
 impartiality of their motives, they also banished many of the 
 Bianchi, who, however, soon afterward, under pretence of some 
 justifiable cause, returned. 
 
 Corso and his friends, thinking the Pope favorable to their 
 party, went to Rome, and laid their grievances before him, hav- 
 ing previously forwarded a statement of them in writing. 
 Charles of Valois, brother of the King of France, was then at 
 the Papal Court, having been called into Italy by the King of 
 Naples, to go over into Sicily. The Pope, therefore, at the 
 earnest prayers of the banished Florentines, consented to send 
 Charles to Florence, till the season suitable for his going to 
 Sicily should arrive. He therefore came, and although the 
 Bianchi, who then governed, were very apprehensive, still, as 
 the head of the Guelfs, and appointed by the Pope, they did 
 not dare to oppose him ; and in order to secure his friendship, 
 they gave film authority to dispose of the city as he thought 
 proper. 
 
 Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and follow- 
 
76 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1296 
 
 ers, which step gave the people so strong a suspicion that he 
 designed to rob them of their liberty, that each took arms, 
 and kept at his own house, in order to be ready, if Charles 
 should make any such attempt. The Cerchi and the leaders 
 of the Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by hav- 
 ing, while at the head of the republic, conducted themselves 
 with unbecoming pride ; and this induced Corso and the ban- 
 ished of the Neri party to return to Florence, knowing well 
 that Charles and the Captains of the Parts were favorable to 
 them. And while the citizens, for fear of Charles, kept them- 
 selves in arms, Corso, with all the banished, and followed by 
 many others, entered Florence, without the least impediment. 
 And although Veri de Cerchi was advised to oppose him, he 
 refused to do so, saying that he wished the people of Florence, 
 against whom he came, should punish him. However the con- 
 trary happened, for he was welcomed, not punished by them ; 
 and it behoved Veri to save himself by flight. 
 
 Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party at 
 San Pierto Maggiore, near his own house, where, having 
 drawn together a great number of friends and people desirous 
 of change, he set at liberty all who had been imprisoned for 
 offences, whether against the state or against individuals. He 
 compelled the existing Signory to withdraw privately to their 
 own houses, elected a new one from the people of the Neri 
 party, and for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. 
 The Cerchi, and the other heads of their faction, finding Charles 
 opposed to them, and the greater part of the people their ene- 
 mies, withdrew from the city, and retired to their strongholds. 
 And although at first they would not listen to the advice of the 
 Pope, they were now compelled to turn to him for assistance, 
 declaring that instead of uniting the city, Charles had caused 
 greater disunion than before. The Pope again sent Matteo 
 d'Acquasparta, his legate, who made peace between the Cerchi 
 and the Donati, and strengthened it with marriages and new 
 betrothals. But wishing that the Binanchi should participate 
 in the employments of the government, to which the Neri who 
 [were then at the head of it would not consent, he withdrew with 
 no more satisfaction, nor less enraged, than on the former oc- 
 casion, and left the city interdicted for disobedience. 
 
 Both parties remained in Florence, and equally discontented ; 
 
1297] CORSO'S RETURN 77 
 
 the Neri from seeing their enemies at hand, and apprehending 
 the loss of their power, and the Bianchi from finding them- 
 selves without either honor or authority ; and to these natural 
 causes of animosity new injuries were added. Niccolo de' 
 Cerchi, with many of his friends, went to his estates, and be- 
 ing arrived at the bridge of Affrico, was attacked by Simone, 
 son of Corso Donati. The contest was obstinate, and on each 
 side had a sorrowful conclusion; for Niccolo was slain, and 
 Simone was so severely wounded, that he died on the following 
 night. 
 
 This event again disturbed the entire city; and although 
 the Neri were most to blame, they were defended by those who 
 were at the head of afifairs ; and before sentence was delivered, 
 a conspiracy of the Bianchi with Piero Ferrante, one of the 
 barons who had accompanied Charles, was discovered, by 
 whose assistance they sought to be replaced in the govern- 
 ment. The matter became known from letters addressed to 
 him by the Cerchi, although some were of opinion that they 
 were not genuine, but written and pretended to be found, by the 
 Donati, to abate the infamy which their party had acquired 
 by the death of Niccola. The whole of the Cerchi were how- 
 ever banished, with their followers of the Bianchi party.Cof" 
 j^hom was Dante the po^ ^eir property confiscated, and their 
 nouses pulled down. They sought refuge, with a great num- 
 ber of Ghibellines who had joined them, in many places ; seek- 
 ing fresh fortune in new undertakings. Charles, having ef- 
 fected the purpose of his coming, left the city, and returned to 
 the Pope to pursue his enterprise against Sicily, in which he 
 was neither wiser nor more fortunate than he had been at Flor- 
 ence; so that with disgrace and the loss of many of his fol- 
 lowers, he withdrew to France. 
 
 After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet. 
 Corso alone was restless, thinking he did not possess that sort 
 of authority in the city which was due to his rank ; for the gov- 
 ernment being in the hands of the people, he saw the offices of 
 the republic administered by many inferior to himself. Moved 
 by passions of this kind, he endeavored, under pretence of an 
 honorable design, to justify his own dishonorable purposes, 
 and accused many citizens who had the management of the 
 public money, of applying it to their private uses, dnd recom- 
 
78 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1297 
 
 mended that they should be brought to justice and punished. 
 This opinion was adopted by many who had the same views 
 as himself ; and many in ignorance joined them, thinking Corso 
 actuated only by pure patriotism. On the other hand, the ac- 
 cused citizens, enjoying the popular favor^ defended them- 
 selves, and this difference arose to such a height, that, after 
 civil means, they had recourse to arms. Of the one party were 
 Corso and Lottieri, Bishop of Florence, with many of the no- 
 bility and some of the people ; on the other side were the Sig- 
 nory, with the greater part of the people; so that skirmishes 
 took place in many parts of the city. The Signory, seeing their 
 danger great, sent for aid to the Lucchese, and presently all 
 the people of Lucca were in Florence. With their assistance 
 the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the people 
 retained the government and their liberty, without attempting 
 by any other means to punish the movers of the disorder. 
 
 The Pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and sent 
 his legate, Niccolo da Prato,,to sett|bthem, who, being in high 
 reputation both for his qumty, lea^n^and rnOTe oTlife, pres- 
 ently acquired so much of the people's confidence, that author- 
 ity was given him to rf^ttDlisn such a government as he should 
 think proper. As he was of Ghibelline origin, he determined 
 to recall the banished ; but designing first to gain the affections 
 of the lower ordeija, he renewed the ancient companies of the 
 people, which increased the popular power and reduced that of 
 the nobility. The legate, thinking the multitude on his side, 
 now endeavored to recall the banished, and after attempting in 
 many ways, none of which succeeded, he fell so completely 
 under the suspicion of the government, that he was compelled 
 to quit the city, and returned to the Pope in great wrath, leav- 
 ing Florence full of confusion and suffering under an interdict. 
 Neit^erwas the city disturbed with one, division alone,, but 
 byma^T'ffl'Sf, ffie'SimiTy'Between the people and the nobility, 
 then, that of the Ghibellines and the Guelfs, and lastly, of 
 the Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were therefore in 
 arms, for many were dissatisfied with the departure of the le- 
 gate, and wished for the return of the banished. The first 
 who set this disturbance on foot were the(^le^^ and the 
 Guinigi, who, with the legate, had discovereSTHemselves in 
 favor of the rebels; and thus skirmishes took place in many 
 parts of the city. 
 
1304] CHARLES LEAVES FLORENCE 79 
 
 In addition to these evils a ^rg^ occurred, whicli first broke 
 out at the garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abati ; it 
 thence extended to those of the Capoinsacchi, and consumed 
 them, with those of the Macci, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lam- 
 berti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the New Market; from 
 thence it spread to the gate of St. Maria, and burned it to the 
 ground ; turning from the old bridge, it destroyed the houses 
 of the Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi^ and with these 
 so many others, that the number amounted to 1,700. It was 
 the opinion of many that this fire occurred by accident dur- 
 ing the heat of the disturbances. Others affirm that it was 
 begun wilfully by Neri Abati, Prior of St. Pietro Scarragio, 
 a dissolute character, fond of mischief, who, seeing the people 
 occupied with the combat, took the opportunity of commit- 
 ting a wicked act, for which the citizens, being thus employed, 
 could offer no remedy. And to ensure his success, he set 
 fire to the house of his own brotherhood, where he had the 
 best opportunity of doing it. This was in the year 1304, Flor- 
 ence being afflicted both with fire and the sword. Corso Donati 
 alone remained unarmed in so many tumults ; for he thought 
 he would more easily become the arbitrator between the con- 
 tending parties when, weary of strife, they should be inclined 
 to accommodation. They laid down their arms, however, 
 rather from satiety of evil than from any desire of union ; and 
 the only consequence was, that the banished were not recalled, 
 and the party which favored them remained inferior. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 The Exiles Attempt to Re-enter Florence, but are not Allowed to do 
 so — The Companies of the People Restored — Restless Conduct of 
 Corso Donati — The Ruin of Corso Donati — Corso Donati Accused and 
 Condemned — Riot at the House of Corso — Death of Corso — His Char- 
 acter — Fruitless Attempt of the Emperor Henry against the Floren- 
 tines — The Exiles are Restored to the City — The Citizens Place 
 Themselves under the King of Naples for Five Years— War with 
 Uguccione della Faggiuola — ^The Florentines Routed — Florence With- 
 draws herself from Subjection to King Robert, and Expels the Count 
 Novello — Lando d'Agobbio — His Tyranny — His Departure. 
 
 THE legate being returned to Rome, and hearing of the 
 new disturbance which had occurred, persuaded the' 
 Pope that if he wished to unite the Florentines, it would 
 he necessary to have twelve of the first citizens appear before 
 him, and having thus removed the principal causes of disunion, 
 he might easily put a stop to it. The pontiflE took this advice, 
 and the citizens among whom was Corso Donati, obeyed the 
 summons. These having left the city, the legate told the exiles 
 that now, when the city was deprived of her leaders, was the 
 time for them to return. They therefore, having assembled, 
 came to Florence, and entering by a part of the wall not yet 
 completed, proceeded to the piazza of St. Giovanni. It is 
 worthy of remark that those who a short time previously, when 
 they came unarmed and begged to be restored to their country, 
 had fought for their return^ now, when they saw them in arms 
 to oppose them (so much more was the common good es- 
 teemed than private friendship), and being joined by the rest 
 of the citizens, compelled them to return to the places from 
 whence they had come. They failed in their undertaking by 
 having left part of their force at Lastra, and by not having 
 waited the arrival of Tolosetto Uberti, who had to come from 
 Pistoia with 300 horse ; for they thought celerity rather than 
 numbers would give them the victory; and it often happens, 
 in similar enterprises, that delay robs us of the occasion, and 
 
 80 
 
i3o6] CORSO'S DEFEAT 8i 
 
 too great anxiety to be forward prevents us of the power, or 
 makes us act before we are properly prepared. 
 
 The banished having retired, Florence again returned to her 
 old divisions ; and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of their 
 authority, the people took from them the Stinche, a castle situ- 
 ated in the Val di Greve, and anciently belonging to the family. 
 And as those who were taken in it were the first who were put 
 into the new prisons, the latter were, and still continue, named 
 after it, the Stinche. The leaders of the republic also re- 
 established the companies of the people, and "gave them the en- 
 signs that were first used by the companies of the Arts; the 
 heads of which were called the Gonfaloniers of the companies 
 and colleagues of the Signory; and ordered, that when any 
 disturbance arose they should assist the Signory with arms, and 
 in peace with counsel. To the two ancient rectors they added 
 an executor, or sherilif, who, with the Gonfaloniers, was to aid 
 in repressing the insolence of the nobility. 
 
 In the meantime the Pope died. Corso, with the other 
 citizens, returned from Rome; and all would have been well 
 if his restless mind had not occasioned new troubles. It was 
 his common practice to be of a contrary opinion to the most 
 powerful men in the city ; and whatever he saw the people in- 
 clined to do, he exercised his utmost influence to effect, in order 
 to attach them to himself ; so that he was a leader in all differ- 
 ences, at the head of_every n^w scheme, and whoever wished 
 to obtain anvthing^>e agiTaordinarv^ ad recourse to him. This 
 conduct caused him to be hated by many of the highest dis- 
 tinction ; and their hatred increased to such a degree that the 
 Neri faction to which he belonged, became completely divided ; 
 for Corso, to attain his ends, had availed himself of private 
 force and authority, and of the enemies of the State. But so 
 great was the influence attached to his person, that every one 
 feared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the popular 
 favor (which by this means may easily be done), a report was 
 set on foot that he intended to make himself prince of the city ; 
 and to the design his conduct gave great appearance of prob- 
 ability, for his way of living quite exceeded all civil bounds ; 
 and the opinion gained further strength upon his taking to 
 wife a daughter of Uguccione della Faggiuola, head of the 
 6 
 
82 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1308 
 
 Ghibellines and Bianchi faction, and one of the most powerful 
 Imen in Tuscany. 
 
 When this marriage became known it gave courage to his 
 adversaries, and they took arms against him; for the same 
 reason the people ceased to defend him, and the greater part 
 of them joined the ranks of his enemies, the leaders of whom 
 were Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Berto 
 Brunelleschi. These with their followers, and the greater part 
 of the people, assembled before the palace of the Signory, by 
 whose command a charge was made before Piero Branca, Cap- 
 tain of the People, against Corso, of intending, with the aid of 
 Uguccione, to usurp the government. He was then sum- 
 moned, and for disobedience, declared a rebel; nor did two 
 hours pass over between the accusation and the sentence. The 
 judgment being given, the Signory, with the companies of the 
 people under their ensigns, went in search of him, who, al- 
 though seeing himself abandoned by many of his followers, 
 aware of the sentence against him, the power of the Signory, 
 and the multitude of his enemies, remained undaunted, and 
 fortified his houses, in the hope of defending them till Uguc- 
 cione, for whom he had sent, should come to his relief. His 
 residences, and the streets approaching them, were barricaded 
 and taken possession of by his partisans, who defended them 
 so bravely that the enemy, although in great numbers, could 
 not force them, and the battle became one of the hottest, with 
 wounds and death on all sides. 
 
 But the people, finding they could not drive them from their 
 ground, took possession of the adoining houses, and by un- 
 observed passages obtained entry. Corso, thus finding him- 
 self surrounded by his foes, no longer retaining any hope of 
 assistance from Uguccione, and without a chance of victory, 
 thought only of effecting his personal safety, and with Ghe- 
 rardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted 
 friends, fought passage through the thickest of their enemies, 
 and effected their escape from the city by the Gate of the Cross. 
 They were, however, pursued by vast numbers, and Gherardo 
 was slain upon the bridge of Aflfrico by Boccaccio CivicciulH. 
 Corso was overtaken and made prisoner by a party of Catalan 
 horse, in the service of the Signory, at Rovezzano. But when 
 approaching Florence, that he might avoid being seen and torn 
 
1312J THE FLORENTINES ROUTED 83 
 
 to pieces by his victorious enemies, he allowed himself to fall 
 from horseback, and being down, one of those who conducted 
 him cut his throat. The body was found by the monks of 
 San Salvi, and buried without any ceremony suitable to his 
 rank. Such was the end of Corso, to whom his country and the 
 Neri faction were indebted for much both of good and evil; 
 and if he had pos sessed g"cooler spM t he would have left be- 
 hind mrn a more"happ y memory7^^evertheIeii7he~deierve's to 
 be enumerated among the 'M"o"§t "distinguished, men our city has 
 ' produced. True it is, that this rd^^TOi?d%Ct made both his 
 country and his party forgetful of their obligation to him. 
 The same cause also produced his miserable end, and brought 
 many troubles upon both his friends and his country. Uguc- 
 cione, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at Remoli, 
 that Corso had been overcome by the people, and finding that 
 he could not render him any assistance, in order to avoid bring- 
 ing evil upon himself without occasion, he returned home. 
 
 After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year 1308 ; 
 the disturbances were appeased, and the people lived quietly 
 till it was reported that the Emperor Henry was coming into 
 Italy, and with him all the Florentine exiles ; to whom he had 
 promised restoration to their country. The leaders of the gov- 
 ernment thought, that in order to lessen the number of their 
 enemies, it would be well to recall, of their own will, all who 
 had been expelled, excepting such as the law had expressly 
 forbidden to return. Of the number not admitted, were the 
 grater part of the Ghibelliiies,_and_aQineof those of the Bianchi 
 faction among whom we ^g'Dante Ali^^^, the sons of Veri de' 
 Cerchi and of Giano dellaBet laT I? e^des this they sent for aid 
 to Robert, King of Naples, and not being able to obtain it of 
 him as friends, they gave their city to him for five years, that^ifr. 
 might defend them as his own people. The Emperor entered! 
 Italy by way of Pisa, and proceeded by the marshes to Rome,| 
 where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then, having deter- 
 mined to subdue the Florentines, he approached the city by the 
 way of Perugia and Arezzo, and halted with his army at the 
 monastery of San Salvi, about a mile from Florence, where he 
 remained fifty days without effecting anything. Despairing 
 of success against Florence, he returned to Pisa, where he en-^ 
 tered into an agreement with Frederick, King of Sicily, to 
 
84 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1313 
 
 undertake the conquest of Naples, and proceeded with his 
 people accordingly; but while filled with the hope of victory, 
 and carrying dismay into the heart of King Robert, having 
 reached Buonconvento, he died. 
 
 Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, having by 
 means of the Ghibelline party become Lord of Pisa and of 
 Lucca, caused, with the assistance of these cities, very serious 
 annoyance to the neighboring places. In order to effect their 
 relief the Florentines requested King Robert would allow his 
 brother Piero to take the command of their armies. On the 
 other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power; and 
 either by force or fraud obtained possession of many castles 
 in the Val d'Arno and the Val di Nievole ; and having besieged 
 Monte Catini, the Florentines found it would be necessary to 
 send to its relief, that they might not see him burn and de- 
 stroy their whole territory. Having drawn together a large 
 army, they entered the Val di Nievole where they came up with 
 Uguccione, and wee routed after a severe battle in which Piero 
 the king's brother and 2,000 men were slain; but the body 
 of the prince was never found. Neither was the victory a joy- 
 ful one to Uguccione; for one of his sons, and many of the 
 leaders of his army, fell in the strife. 
 
 The Florentines, after this defeat, fortified their territory, 
 and King Robert sent them, for the commander of their forces, 
 the Count d'Andria, usually called Count Novello^ by whose 
 deportment, or because it is natural to the Florentines to find 
 every condition of life tedious, the city, notwithstanding the 
 war with Uguccione, became divided into friends and enemies 
 of the king. Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and certain 
 others of the people who had attained greater influence in the 
 government than the rest, were leaders of the party against 
 the King. By these means messengers were sent to France, 
 and afterward into Germany, to solicit leaders and forces that 
 they might drive out the count, whom the king had appointed 
 governor ; but they failed of obtaining any. Nevertheless they 
 did not abandon their undertaking, but still desirous of secur- 
 ing a popular leader, after an unavailing search in France 
 and Germany, they discovered him at Agobbio, and having ex- 
 pelled the Count Novello, caused Lando d'Agobbio to be 
 brought into the city as bargello (sheriff), and gave him the 
 most unlimited power over the citizens. This man was cruel 
 
1313] LANDO DRIVEN FROM OFFICE 85 
 
 and rapacious; and going through the country accompanied 
 with an armed force, he put many to death at the mere in- 
 stigation of those who had endowed him with authority. His 
 insolence arose to such a height, that he stamped base metal 
 with the impression used upon the money of the state, and no 
 one had sufficient courage to oppose him, so powerful had he 
 become by the discords of Florence. Great, certainly, but un- 
 happy city! which neither the memory of past divisions, the 
 fear of her enemies, nor a king's authority, could unite for her 
 own advantage ; so that she found herself in a state of the ut- 
 most wretchedness, harassed without by Uguccione, and plund- 
 ered within by Lando d'Agobbio. 
 
 The friends of the King and those who opposed Lando and 
 his followers, were either of noble families or the highest of 
 the people, and all of Guelfs; but their adversaries being in 
 power they could not discover their minds without incurring 
 the greatest danger. Being however determined to deliver 
 themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, they secretly wrote 
 to King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicar in 
 Florence Count Guido da Battifolle. The King complied ; and 
 the opposite party, although the Signory were opposed to the 
 King, on account of the good quality of the count, did not dare 
 to resist him. Still his authority was not great, because the 
 Signory and Gonfaloniers of the companies were in favor of 
 Lando and his party. 
 
 During these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of Bo- 
 hemia passed through Florence, in search of her husband, 
 Charles, the son of King Robert, and was received with the 
 greatest respect by the friends of the King, who complained 
 to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of the tyranny of 
 Lando and his partisans ; so that through her influence and the 
 exertion of the king's friends, the citizens were again united, 
 and before her departure, Lando was stripped of all authority 
 and sent back to Agobbio, laden with blood and plunder. In 
 reforming the government, the sovereignty of the city was 
 continued to the King for another three years ; and as there 
 were then in office seven Signors of the party of Lando, six 
 more were appointed of the King's friends, and some magis- 
 tracies were composed of thirteen Signors ; but not long after- 
 ward, the number was reduced to seven, according to ancient 
 custom. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 War with Castruccio — Castruccio Marches against Prato and retires 
 without Making any Attempt— The Exiles not being Allowed to Re- 
 turn, Endeavor to Enter the City by Force, and are Repulsed— 
 Change in the Mode of Electing the Great Officers of State— The 
 Squittini Established — The Florentines under Ramondo of Cardona 
 are Routed by Castruccio at Altopascio— Treacherous Designs of 
 Ramondo — The Florentines Give the Sovereignty of the City to 
 Charles, Duke of Calabria, who Appoints the Duke of Athens for 
 his Vicar — The Duke of Calabria Comes to Florence — ^The Em- 
 peror Louis of Bavaria Visits Italy — ^The Excitement he Produces 
 — Death of Castruccio and of Charles Duke of Calabria — ^Reform of 
 Government. 
 
 ABOUT the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of 
 Lucca and of Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen 
 _ of Lucca, became lord_of them, who, being a young 
 jgian, b oId'aiig'fercer-^mTf f Srmnate^ n his enterprises, in a short 
 time'^came the head ot tne (:^hibellines in Tuscany. On this 
 'account the discords among the Florentines were laid aside 
 for some years, at first to abate the increasing power of Cas- 
 truccio, and afterward to unite their means for mutual defence 
 against him. And in order to give increased strength and 
 efficacy to their counsels, the Signory appointed twelve citizens 
 whom they called Buonomini, or good men, without whose ad- 
 vice and consent, nothing of any importance could be carried 
 into effect. The conclusion of the sovereignty of King Robert 
 being come, the citizens took the government in their own 
 hands, reappointed the usual rectors and magistracies, and 
 were kept united by the dread of Castruccio, who, after many 
 efforts against the Lords of Lunigiano, attacked Prato, to the 
 relief of which the Florentines having resolved to go, shut up 
 their shops and houses, and proceeded thither in a body, 
 amounting to 20,000 foot and 1,500 horse. And in order to 
 reduce the number of Castruccio's friends and augment their 
 own, the Signory declared that every rebel of the Guelfic party 
 
 86 
 
1314] CASTRUCCIO RETIRES FROM PRATO 87 
 
 who should come to the relief of Prato would be restored to 
 his country: they thus increased their army with an addition 
 of 4,000 men. This great force being quickly brought to Prato, 
 alarmed Castruccio so much that without trying the fortune 
 of battle, he retired toward Lucca. Upon this, disturbances 
 arose in the Florentine camp between the nobility and the peo- 
 ple, the latter of whom wished to pursue the foe and destroy 
 him ; the former were for returning home, saying they had done 
 enough for Prato in hazarding the safety of Florence on its 
 account, which they did not regret under the necessity of the 
 circumstances, but now, that necessity no longer existing, the 
 propriety of further risk ceased also ; as there was little to be 
 gained and much to lose. Not being able to agree, the ques- 
 tion was referred to the Signory, among whom the difference 
 of opinion was equally great; and as the matter spread 
 throughout the city, the people drew together, and used such 
 threatening language against the nobility that they, being ap- 
 prehensive for their safety, yielded; but the resolution being 
 adopted too late, and by many unwilliijglji; j[^:e the enemy time 
 to withdraw in safety to Lucc^fi: ejgft).**^.^'^ 
 
 This unfortunate circumstanceTnaiiJg the people so indignant 
 against the great that the Signory refused to perform the 
 promise made to the exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact, 
 determined to be beforehand, and were at the gates of Florence 
 to gain admittance into the city, before the rest of the forces; 
 but their design did not take effect, for their purpose being 
 foreseen, they were repulsed by those who had remained at 
 home. Then they endeavored to acquire by entreaty what 
 they had failed to obtain by force; and sent eight men as 
 ambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the promisr 
 given, and of the dangers they had undergone, in hope of 
 the reward which had been held out to them. And although 
 the nobility, who felt the obligation on account of their hav- 
 ing particularly undertaken to fulfil the promise for which 
 the Signory had bound themselves, used their utmost exertion 
 in favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the mul- 
 titude on account of their only partial success against Castruc- 
 cio, that they could not obtain their admission. This occasioned 
 cost and dishonor to the city ; for many of the nobility, taking 
 offence iat this proceeding, endeavored to obtain by arms that 
 
88 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [132S 
 
 which had been refused to their prayers, and agreed with the 
 exiles that they should come armed to the city, and that those 
 within would arm themselves in their defence. But the affair 
 was discovered before the appointed day arrived, so that those 
 without found the city in arms, and prepared to resist them. 
 So completely subdued were those within, that none dared to 
 take arms : and thus the undertaking was abandoned, without 
 any advantage having been obtained by the party. After the 
 departure of the exiles it was determined to punish those who 
 had been instrumental in bringing them to the city; but, al- 
 though every one knew who were the delinquents, none ven- 
 tured to name and still less to accuse them. It was therefore 
 resolved that in order to come at the truth, every one should 
 write the names of those he believed to be guilty, and present 
 the writing secretly to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo 
 Donati, Teghiajo, Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were 
 accused ; but the judges being more favorably disposed to them 
 than perhaps their misdeeds deserved, each escaped by paying a 
 fine. 
 
 The tumults which arose in Florence from the coming of 
 the rebels to the gates, showed that one leader was insufificient 
 for the companies of the people; they therefore determined 
 that in future each should have three or four; and to every 
 Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennon bearers) were 
 added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, a part 
 might operate under one of them. And as happens, in re- 
 publics, after any disturbance, some old laws are annulled and 
 others renewed, so on this occasion, it had been previously 
 customary to appoint the Signory for a time only, the then 
 existing Signors and the colleagues, feeling themselves pos- 
 sessed of sufficient power, assumed the authority to fix upon 
 the Signors that would have to sit during the next forty 
 months, by putting their names into a bag or purse, and draw- 
 ing them every two months. But, before the expiration of the 
 forty months, many citizens were jealous that their names had 
 not been deposited among the rest, and a new imborsation was 
 made. From this beginning arose the custom of imborsing or 
 enclosing the names of all who should take office in any of the 
 magistracies for a long time to come, as well those whose offices 
 employed them with the city as those abroad, although pre- 
 
I32S] THE SQUITTINI ESTABLISHED 89 
 
 viously, the councils of the retiring magistracies had electgd- 
 those who were to succeed them. The imborsations were after- 
 wards called squittini, or pollings — and it was thought that 
 they would prevent much trouble to the city, and remove the 
 cause of those tumults which every three, or at most five, years, 
 took place upon the creation of magistrates, from the number 
 of candidates for office. And not being able to adopt a better 
 expedient, they made use of this, but did not observe the defects 
 which lay concealed under such a trivial accommodation. -' 
 
 In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, be- 
 came so powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, 
 resolved, before he should get himself firmly seated in his 
 new conquest, to attck him and withdraw it from his au- 
 thority. Of their citizens and friends they mustered an army 
 amounting to 20,000 foot, and 3,000 horse, and with this body 
 encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the 
 place, and thus preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being 
 successful in the first part of their design, they marched toward 
 Lucca, andM^ecountry^^^e injhdr progress; but from 
 the little prudence'and less mtegnfy ofineir leader, Ramondo 
 di Cardona, they made but small progress; for he, having 
 observed them upon former occasions very prodigal of their 
 liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of a king, at others 
 in those of a legate, or persons of even inferior quality, thought, 
 if he could bring them into some difficulty, it might easily hap- 
 pen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he fail 
 frequently to mention these matters, and required to have 
 that authority in the city which had been given him over the 
 army, endeavoring to show, that otherwise he could not en- 
 force the obedience requisite to a leader. As the Florentines 
 did not consent to this he wasted time, and allowed Castruc- 
 cio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other ty- 
 rants of Lombardy had promised him, and thus become very 
 strong. Ramondo, having wilfully let the opportunity of vic- 
 tory pass away, now found himself unable to escape; for 
 Castruccio coming up with him at Altopascio, a great battle 
 ensued in which many citizens were slain and taken prisoners, 
 and among the former fell Ramondo, who received from for- 
 tune that reward of bad faith and mischievous counsels, which 
 he had richly deserved from the Florentines. The injury they 
 
90 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1326 
 
 suifered from Castruccio, after the battle, in plunder, pris- 
 oners, destruction, and burning of property, is quite indescrib- 
 able; for, without any opposition, during many months, he 
 led his predatory forces wherever he thought proper, and it 
 seemed sufficient to the Florentines if, after such a terrible 
 event, they could have their city. 
 
 Still they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent 
 them from raising great sums of money, hiring troops, and 
 sending to their friends for assistance ; but all they could do 
 was insufficient to restrain such a powerful enemy; so that 
 they were obliged to offer the sovereignty to Charles, Duke of 
 Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce him to come 
 to their defence; for these princes, being accustomed to rule 
 Florence, preferred her obedience to her friendship. But 
 Charles, being engaged in the wars of Sicily, and therefore 
 unable to undertake the sovereignty of the city, sent in his 
 stead Walter, by birth a Frenchman, and Duke of Athens. 
 He, as viceroy, took possession of the city, and appointed the 
 magistracies according to his own pleasure; but his mode of 
 proceeding was quite correct, and so completely contrary to 
 his real nature, that every one respected him. 
 
 The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to 
 Florence with 1,000 horse. He made his entry into the city 
 in July, 1326, and his coming, prevented further pillage of 
 the Florentine territory by Castruccio. However, the influ- 
 ence which they acquired without the city was lost within 
 her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer from their 
 enemies, were brought upon them by their friends; for the 
 Signory could not do anything without the consent of the Duke 
 of Calabria, who, in the course of one year, drew from the 
 people 400,000 florins, although by the agreement entered into 
 with him, the sum was not to exceed 200,000 florins ; so great 
 were the burdens with which either himself or his father con- 
 stantly oppressed them. 
 
 To these troubles were added new jealousies and new ene- 
 mies; for the Ghibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed 
 upon the arrival of Charles in Tuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti 
 and the other Lombard tyrants, by money and promises, in- 
 duced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been elected emperor 
 contrary to the wish of the Pope, to come into Italy. After 
 
1326] REFORMATION OF THE CITY 91 
 
 passing through Lombardy he entered Tuscany, and with the 
 assistance of Castruccio, made himself master of Pisa, from 
 whence, having been pacified with sums of money, he directed 
 his course toward Rome. This caused the Duke of Calabria 
 to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples ; he therefore left 
 Florence, and appointed as his viceroy, Filippo de Saggineto. 
 
 After the departure of the Emperor, Castruccio made him- 
 self master of Pisa, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pis- 
 toia, withdrew her from obedience to him. Castruccio then 
 besieged Pistoia, and persevered with so much vigor and reso- 
 lution, that although the Florentines often attempted to relieve 
 her, by attacking first his army and then his country, they were 
 unable either by force or policy to remove him; so anxious 
 was he to punish the Pistolesi and subdue the Florentines. At 
 length the people of Pistoia were compelled to receive him 
 for their sovereign; but this event, although greatly to his 
 glory, proved but little to his advantage, for, upon his return 
 to Lucca, he died. And as one event either of good or evil 
 seldom comes alone, at Naples also died Charles, Duke of 
 Calabria and Lord of Florence, so that in a short time, beyond 
 the expectation of their most sanguine hopes, the Florentines 
 found themselves delivered from the domination of the one 
 and the fear of the other. Being again free, they set about 
 the reformation of the city, annulled all the old councils, and 
 created two new ones, the one composed of 300 citizens from 
 the class of the people, and the other of 250 from the nobility 
 and the people. 
 
 The first was called the " Council of the People," the other 
 was called " Council of the Commune." 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Emperor at Rome — The Florentines Refuse to Purchase Lucca, 
 and Repent of it — Enterprises of the Florentines — Conspiracy of the 
 Bardi and the Frescobaldi — The Conspiracy Discovered and Checked 
 — Maffeo da Marradi Appeases the Tumult — Lucca is purchased by 
 the Florentines and Taken by the Pisans — ^The Duke of Athens at 
 Florence — The Nobility Determine to Make him Prince of the City. 
 
 THE Emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti- 
 pope, did many things in opposition to the Church, and 
 attempted many others, but without effect, so that at 
 last he retired with disgrace, and went to Pisa, where, either 
 because they were not paid, or from disaffection, about 800 
 German horse mutinied, and fortified themselves at Monte- 
 chiaro upon the Ceruglio ; and when the Emperor had left Pisa 
 to go into Lombardy^ they took possession of Lucca and drove 
 out Francesco Castracani, whom he had left there. Designing 
 to turn their conquest to account, they offered it to the Floren- 
 tines for 80,000 florins, which, by the advice of Simone della 
 Tosa, was refused. This resolution, if they had remained 
 in it, would have been of the greatest utility to the Florentines ; 
 but as they shortly afterwards changed their minds, it became 
 most pernicious; for although at the time they might have 
 obtained peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would 
 not, they afterwards wished to have her and could not, even 
 for a much larger amount ; which caused many and most hurt- 
 ful changes to take place in Florence. Lucca being refused by 
 the Florentines, was purchased by Gherardino Spinoli, a 
 Genoese, for 30,000 florins. And as men are often less 
 anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that 
 which they cannot attain, as soon as the purchase of Gheradino 
 became known, and for how small a sum it had been bought, 
 the people of Florence were seized with an extreme desire to 
 have it, blaming themselves and those by whose advice they 
 had been induced to reject the offer made to them. And in 
 
 92 
 
1328] THE ANTI-POPE A PRISONER 93 
 
 order to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, 
 they sent troops to plunder and overrun the country of the 
 Lucchese. 
 
 About this time the Emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by 
 means of the Pisans, became a prisoner in France; and the 
 Florentines, from the death of Castruccio, which occurred in 
 1328, remained in domestic peace till 1340, and gave their 
 undivided attention to external affairs ; while many wars were 
 carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John, 
 King of Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca. Dur- 
 ing this period, Florence was ornamented with many new build- 
 ings, and by the advice of Giotto, the most distinguished painter 
 of his time, they built the tower of Santa Reparata. Besides 
 this, the waters of the Arno having in 1333 risen twelve feet 
 above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the~bridges and 
 many buildings, all which were restored with great care and 
 expense. 
 
 In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The 
 Great had two ways of increasing or preserving their power; 
 the one, so to restrain the imborsation of magistrates, that 
 the lot always fell upon themselves or their friends ; the other, 
 that having the election of the rectors, they were always favor- 
 able to their party. This second mode they considered of so 
 great importance, that the ordinary rectors not being sufficient 
 for them, they on some occasions elected a third, and at this 
 time they had made an extraordinary appointment, under the 
 title of captain of the guard, of Jacopo Gabrielli, of Agobbio, 
 and endowed him with unlimited authority over the citizens. 
 This man, under the sanction of those who governed, committed 
 constant outrages; and among those whom he injured were 
 Piero de' Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of the 
 nobility, and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger, 
 supported by a few powerful men, should without cause in- 
 jure them with impunity, and consequently entered into a con- 
 spiracy against him and those by whom he was supported. 
 They were joined by many noble families, and some of the 
 people, who were offended with the tyranny of those in power. 
 Their ^n'was, that each should bring into his house a num- 
 ber of armed men, and on the morning after the day of All 
 Saints, when almost all would be in the temples praying for 
 
94 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1340 
 
 their dead, they should take arms, kill the Capitano and those 
 who wereat-the-headxif affairs, and then, with a new Signory 
 and new(ordinances/rpiorm the government. 
 
 But, asTEeTiKJfe a dangerous business is considered, the 
 /less willingly it is undertaken, it commonly happens, when 
 jthere is any time allowed between the determining upon a peril- 
 jous enterprise and its execution, that the conspiracy by one 
 means or other becomes known. Andrea de' Bardi was one 
 of the conspirators, and upon re-consideration of the matter, 
 the fear of the punishment operated more powerfully upon him 
 than the desire of revenge, and he disclosed the affair to Jacopo 
 Alberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo acquainted the Priors, and 
 they informed the government. And as the danger was near. 
 All Saints' day being just at hand, many citizens met together 
 in the palace ; and thinking their peril increased by delay, they 
 insisted that the Signory should order the alarm to be rung, and 
 call the people together in arms. Taldo Valori was at this time 
 Gonfalonier, and Francesco Salviati one of the Signory, who, 
 being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling to summon the 
 people with the bell, alleging as a reason that it is by no means 
 well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion, for 
 power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was 
 never beneficial; that it is an easy matter to excite them to 
 violence, but a difficult thing to restrain them ; and that there- 
 fore it would be taking a more prudent course if they were to 
 inquire into the truth of the affair, and punish the delinquents 
 by the civil authority, than to attempt, upon a simple infor- 
 mation, to correct it by such a tumultuous means, and thus 
 hazard the safety of the city. None would listen to these re- 
 marks; the Signory were assailed with insolent behavior and 
 indecent expressions, and compelled to sound the alarm, upon 
 which the people presently assembled in arms. On the other 
 hand, the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, finding themselves dis- 
 covered, that they might conquer with glory or die without 
 shame, armed themselves, in the hope that they would be able 
 to defend that part of the city beyond the river, where the 
 houses were situated; and they fortified the bridge in expec- 
 tation of assistance, which they expected from the nobles and 
 their friends in the country. Their design was frustrated by 
 the people who, in common with themselves, occupied this part 
 
1340] A CONSPIRACY FRUSTRATED 95 
 
 of the city; for these took arms in favor of the Signory, so 
 that seeing themselves thus circumstanced, they abandoned the 
 bridges, and betook themselves to the street in which the Bardi 
 resided, as being a stronger situation than any other ; and this 
 they defended with great bravery. 
 
 Jacopo d'Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was di- 
 rected against himself, in fear of death, terrified and van- 
 .quished, kept himself surrounded with his forces near the 
 palace of the Signory; but the other rectors, who were much 
 less blameable, discovered greater courage, and especially the 
 podesta or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Marradi. He 
 presented himself among the combatants without fear, and 
 passing the bridge of the Rubaconte amid the swords of the 
 Bardi, made a sign that he wished to speak to them. Upon 
 this, their reverence for the man, his noble demeanor, and the 
 excellent qualities he was known to possess, caused an imme- 
 diate cessation of the combat, and induced them to listen to him 
 patiently. He very gravely, but without the use of any bitter 
 or aggravating expressions, blamed their conspiracy, showed 
 the danger they would incur if they still contended against the 
 popular feeling, gave them reason to hope their complaints 
 would be heard and mercifully considered, and promised that 
 he himself would use his endeavors in their behalf. He then 
 returned to the Signory, and implored them to spare the blood 
 of the citizens, showing the impropriety of judging them un- 
 heard, and at length induced them to consent that the Bardi 
 and the Frescobaldi, with their friends, should leave the city, 
 and without impediment be allowed to retire to their castles. 
 Upon their departure the people being again disarmed, the Sig- 
 nory proceeded against those only of the Bardi and Frescobaldi 
 families who had taken arms. To lessen their power, they 
 bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that of Vernia ; 
 and enacted a law which provided, that no citizen should be 
 allowed to possess a castle or fortified place, within twenty 
 miles of Florence. 
 
 After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and 
 many of his family banished. Those who governed, not satis- 
 fied with having subdued the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, as 
 is most commonly the case, the more authority they possessed 
 the worse use they made of it and the more insolent they be- 
 
^6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i340 
 
 came. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guard 
 who afflicted the city, they now appointed another for the coun- 
 try, with unlimited authority, to the end that those whom they 
 suspected might abide neither within nor without. And they 
 excited them to such excesses against the whole of the nobil- 
 ity, that these were driven to desperation, and ready to sell 
 both theniselves and the city to obtain revenge. The occasion 
 at length came, and they did not fail to use it. 
 
 The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the 
 city of Lucca under the rule of Mastino della Scala, Lord of 
 Verona, who, though bound by contract to assign her to the 
 Florentines, had refused to do so ; for, being Lord of Parma, 
 he thought he should be able to retain her, and did not trouble 
 himself about his breach of faith. Upon this the Florentines 
 joined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Mas- 
 tino to the brink of ruin. They did not, however, derive any 
 benefit from this beyond the slight satisfaction of having con- 
 iquered him ; for the Venetians, like all who enter into league 
 ^iwith less powerful states than themselves, having acquired 
 Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino without the 
 least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after this, the Vis- 
 conti. Lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Mastino, he 
 found himself unable to retain Lucca, and therefore determined 
 to sell it. The competitors for the purchase were the Floren- 
 tines and the Pisans ; and in the course of the treaty the Pisans, 
 finding that the Florentiries, being the richer people, were about 
 to obtain it, had recourse to arms, and with the assistance of 
 the Visconti, marched against Lucca. The Florentines did not, 
 on that account, withdraw from the purchase, but having 
 agreed upon the terms with Mastino, paid part of the money, 
 gave security for the remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Gio- 
 vanni di Bernardino de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' 
 Ricci, to take possession, who entered Lucca by force, and 
 Mastino's people delivered the city to them. Nevertheless the 
 Pisans continued the siege, and the Florentines used their ut- 
 most endeavors to relieve her; but after a long war, loss of 
 money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to 
 retire, and the Pisans became Lords of Lucca. 
 
 The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens, 
 exasperated the people of Florence against the members of 
 
1342] LOSS OF LUCCA 97 
 
 the government; at every street corner and public place they 
 were openly censured, and the entire misfortune was laid to 
 the charge of their greediness and mismanagement. At the 
 beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to 
 undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta da 
 Rimini to the command of the forces. He, having exhibited 
 little zeal and less prudence, they requested assistance from 
 Robert, King of Naples, and he sent them Walter, Duke of 
 Athens, who, as Providence would have it, to bring about the 
 approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at the moment when 
 the undertaking against Lucca had entirely failed. Upon this 
 the Twenty, seeing the anger of the people, thought to inspire 
 them with fresh hopes by the appointment of a new leader, and 
 thus remove, or at least abate the causes of calumny against 
 themselves. As there was much to be feared, and that the 
 Duke of Athens might have greater authority to defend them, 
 they first chose him for their coadjutor, and then appointed him 
 to the command of the army. The nobility, who were dis- 
 contented from the causes above mentioned, having many of 
 them been acquainted with Walter, when upon a former oc- 
 casion he had governed Florence for the Duke of Calabria, 
 thought they had now an opportunity, though with the ruin 
 of the city, of subduing their enemies ; for there was no means 
 of prevailing against those who had oppressed them, but of sub- 
 mitting to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with 
 the worth of one party and the insolence of the other, would 
 restrain the latter and reward the former. To this they added 
 a hope of the benefits they might derive from him when he had 
 acquired the principality by their means. They therefore took 
 several occasions of being with him secretly, and entreated he 
 would take the command wholly upon himself, offering him 
 the utmost assistance in their power. To their influence and 
 entreaty were also added those of some families of the people ; 
 these were the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, 
 who, being overwhelmed with debts, and without means of 
 their own, wished for those of others to liquidate them, and, 
 by the slavery of their country, to deliver themselves from their 
 servitude to their creditors. These d<?mnnRtr.ati9"'= ^rrk^A ,the 
 ambitious mind of the duke to great er d e sire of domi nion, and 
 h^:Sa£nt©:gM»4riTnself ilie lepuiaTToT^Si^eauitjLsSaMz, 
 
98 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1342 
 
 tice, and thus increase his favor with the plebeians, he prose- 
 cuted those who had conducted the war against Lucca, con- 
 demned many_ to pay fines, others to exile, and put to death 
 Giovanni de' Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmb Altoviti. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The Duke of Athens Requires to be Made Prince of Florence — The 
 Signory Address the Duke upon the Subject — The Plebeians Pro- 
 claim him Prince of Florence for Life — Tyrannical Proceedings of 
 the Duke — The City Disgusted with him — Conspiracies against the 
 Duke — The Duke Discovers the Conspiracies, and Becomes Terrified 
 — The City Rises against him — He is Besieged in the Palace — Meas- 
 ures Adopted by the Citizens for Reform of the Government — The 
 Duke is Compelled to Withdraw from the City — Miserable Deaths 
 of Guglielmo da Scesi and his Son — Departure of the Duke of Athens 
 — His Character. 
 
 THESE executions greatly terrified the middle class of I 
 citizens, but gave satisfaction to the great and to the 
 plebeians ; — ^to the latter, because i t is their nature to, 
 delight in evil ; and to the former, by thus seeing theniselves 
 liv^^d of thrinany-wrcrngTrthE^adsuIfere3Troin"^^^ 
 Whenthe^ankepassed-ahmg'tftrStl-iSm^^'M^^ 
 cheers, the boldness of his proceedings ^was praised, and both 
 parties joined in open entreaties, that he would search out the 
 faults of the citizens, and punish them. 
 
 The office of the Twenty began to fall into disuse, while 
 the power of the duke becamegreatj3ryLJi!£._k!fl"?H£€ of 
 
 r^l^„£S£Sl^iZ£i^° thaT everyone, in order to appear friendly 
 to him, caused his arms to be painted over their houses, and 
 the name alone was all he needed to be absolutely prince. 
 Thinking himself upon such a footing that he might safely 
 attempt anything, he gave the Signory to understand that he 
 judged it necessary for the good of the city, that the sovereignty 
 should be freely given him, and that as the rest of the citizens 
 were willing that it should be so, he desired they would also 
 consent. The Signory, notwithstanding many had foreseen 
 the ruin of their country, were much disturbed at this demand ; 
 and although they were aware of the dangerous position in 
 which they stood, that they might not be wanting in their duty, 
 resolutely refused to comply. The duke had, in order to as- 
 
 99 
 
loo THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1342 
 
 sume a greater appearance of religion and humanity, chosen 
 for his residence the convent of the Minor Canons of St. Croce, 
 and in order to carry his evil designs into effect, proclaimed 
 that all the people should on the following morning present 
 themselves before him in the piazza of the convent. This 
 command alarmed the Signory much more than his discourse 
 to them had done, and they consulted with those citizens whom 
 * they thought most attached to their country and to liberty ; but 
 ^they could not devise any better plan, knowing the power of 
 which the duke was possessed, than to endeavor by entreaty to 
 induce him either to forego his design or to make his gov- 
 ernment less intolerable. A party of them was therefore ap- 
 pointed to wait upon him^ one of whom addressed him in the 
 following manner : — 
 
 " We appear before you, my lord, induced first by the de- 
 mand which you have made, and then by the orders you have 
 given for a meeting of the people; for it aj 
 clearly, that it is your intention to effec t by/xtrao rdinary means^ 
 the-design-^Fem which we have hitherto withheld ou&ieoBeentr 
 It is not, however, our intention to oppose you with'j gw^ jjut 
 only to show what a heavy charge you take upon yourself, and 
 the dangerous course you adopt; to the end that you may re- 
 member our advice and that of those who, not by consideration 
 of what is beneficial for you, but for the gratification of their 
 awn unreasonable wishes, have advised you differently. You 
 ire endeavoring to reduce to slavery a city that has always 
 Existed in freedom ; for the authority which we have at times 
 conceded to the Kings of Naples was companionship and not 
 Jservitude. Have you considered the mighty things which the 
 [name of liberty implies to such a city as this, and how delight- 
 ful it is to those who hear it ? ^t has a power which nothing 
 
 can subdue^ time cannot wear awa^T nor "'^E^ratljr.iteg^.of 
 mg^ritm^a, prince countervaijjthe^lossjgfjj;^ Consider, my lord, 
 "Eow great the force must be that can keep a city like this in 
 subjection ; no foreign aid would enable you to do it ; neither 
 can you confide in those at home ; for they who are at present 
 your friends, and advise you to adopt the course you now pur- 
 sue, as soon as with your assistance they have overcome their 
 enemies, will at once turn their thoughts toward effecting your 
 destructiQU»_aja4^ t'^s" take the gov^nment upon themselves. 
 
1342] ADDRESS OF THE SIGNORY loi 
 
 The plebeians, in whoa M»ett-€Qi^e.- willxhang£_upon any„a.cci- 
 dgnt, however trivial; so that in a very short time you may 
 expect 10 see rhe~w4iole city opposed to you, which will produce 
 both their ruin and your own. Nor will you be able to find any 
 remedy for this; for princes who have but few enemies may 
 make their government very secure by the death or banish- 
 ment of those who are opposed to them ; but when the hatred 
 is universal, no security whatever can be found, for you cannot 
 tell from what direction the evil may commence ; and he who 
 has to apprehend every man his enemy cannot make himself 
 assured of anyone. And if you should attempt to secure a 
 friend or two, you would only increase the dangers of your 
 situation; for the hatred of the rest would be increased by 
 your success, and they would become more resolutely disposed 
 to vengeance. 
 
 " That time can neither destroy nor abate the desire for fTee- 
 dom is most certain; for it has been often observed that 
 those have reassumed their liberty who in their own persons 
 had never tasted of its charms, and love it only from remem- 
 brance of what they have heard their fathers relate; and 
 therefore have preserved it, when recovered, with indomitable 
 resolution and at every hazard. And even when their fathers 
 could not remember it, the public .bujld^^TtfeK halls of the 
 magistracy, and the insignia of fre^wk^mSnSj^emind them 
 of it ; and these things cannot fail to be knowriand greatly de- 
 sired by every class of citizens. '' 
 
 " What is it you imagine you can do, that would be an 
 equivalent for the sweets of liberty, or make men lose the 
 desire of their present condition? No; if you were to join 
 the whole of Tuscany to the Florentine rule, if you were to 
 return to the city daily in triumph over her enemies, what 
 could it avail? The glory would not be ours, but yours. We 
 should not acquire fellow citizens, but partakers of our bondage, 
 .who would serve to sink us still deeper in ignominy. ^And if_ 
 yoUT-S onduct w ere in eve ry respect upright, jour demean or 
 amiabieT and your"Jt(ilpnents equitable, airth^j?roiijd..he-ia- 
 su ferent lu nuke yuu btil6ve^r"I Tvou magine p jlaeLwise, pu^, 
 deceivF^o!n'SEifT'*Tr^3;;o|iir^^ enjoyment of! 
 
 fiB^ffyTtKellTplesrchains feel heavy, and everj;JaiB:,upon 4iis-f 
 free .soul oppresses him.' BSiaeg;"1risifflpossible to find a vio- 
 
102 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1342 
 
 lent people associated with a good prince, for of necessity 
 they must soon become alike, or their . difference produce the 
 ruin of one of them. You may therefore be assured, that 
 you will either have to hold this city by force, to effect which, 
 guards, castles, and external aid have oft been found insuffi- 
 cient, or be content with the authority we have conferred ; and 
 this we would advise, reminding you that no dominion can be 
 durable, to which the governed do not consent; and we have 
 no wish to lead you, blinded by ambition, to such a point that, 
 unable either to stand or advance, you must, to the great in- 
 jury of both, of necessity fall." 
 
 This discourse did not in the slightest degree soften the 
 obdurate mind of the duke, who replied, that it was not his 
 intention to rob the city of her liberty, but to restore it to her ; 
 for those cities alone are in slavery that are disunited, while the 
 united are free. As Florence, by her factions and ambition, 
 had deprived herself of liberty, he should restore, not take it 
 from her; and as he had been induced to take this charge 
 upon himself, not from his own ambition, but at the entreaty of 
 a great number of citizens, they would do well to be satisfied 
 with that which produced contentment among the rest. With 
 regard to the danger he might incur, he thought nothing of it ; 
 for it was not the part of a good man to avoid doing good from 
 his apprehension of evil, and it was the part of a coward to 
 shun a glorious undertaking because some uncertainty attended 
 the success of the attempt ; and he knew he should so conduct 
 himsef, that they would soon see they had entertained great 
 apprehensions and been in little danger. 
 
 The Signory then agreed, finding they could not do better, 
 that on the following morning the people should be assembled 
 in their accustomed place of meeting, and with their consent 
 the Signory should confer upon the duke the sovereignty of 
 the city for one year, on the same conditions as it had been 
 intrusted to the Duke of Calabria. It was upon September 
 8, 1342, when the duke, accompanied by Giovanni della Tosa 
 and all his confederates, with many other citizens, came to 
 the piazza or court of the palace, and having with the Sig- 
 nory mounted upon the ringhiera, or rostrum, (as the Floren- 
 tines call those steps which lead to the palace,) the agree- 
 ment which had been entered into between the Signory and 
 
1342] WALTER, DUKE OF ATHENS 103 
 
 himself was read. When they had come to the passage which 
 gave the government to him for one year, the people shouted 
 "FOR LIFE!" Upon this, Francesco Rustichelli, one of 
 the Signory, arose to speak, and endeavored to abate the 
 tumult and procure a hearing; but the mob, with their hoot- 
 ings, prevented him from being heard by anyone ; so that with 
 consent of the people the duke was elected, not for one year 
 merely, but for life. He was then borne through the piazza 
 by the crowd, shouting his name as they proceeded. 
 
 It is the custom that he who is appointed to the guard of 
 the palace, shall in the absence of the Signory, remain locked 
 within. This office was at that time held by Rinieri di Giotto, 
 who, bribed by the friends of the duke, without waiting for any 
 force, admitted him immediately. The Signory, terrified and 
 dishonored, retired to their own houses; the palace was plun- 
 dered by the followers of the duke^ the Gonfalon of the people 
 torn to pieces, and the arms of the duke placed over the palace. 
 All this happened to the indescribable sorrow of good men, 
 though to the satisfaction of those who, either from ignorance 
 or malignity, were consenting parties. 
 
 The duke, having acquired the sovereignty of the city, in 
 order to strip those of all authority who had beenOefendersy 
 .^ l ^ fier li'Ke rty. forbade the Signory to assemble in the palace/ 
 and aippbiiffea a private dwelling for their use. He took their" 
 colors from th^j^arfej^iers of the companies of the people; 
 ai^fsned the(Q^|jjiatt.Ci^niade for the restraint of the Great; 
 set at liberty- those who were imprisoned; recalled the Bardi 
 and the Frescobaldi from exile, and forbade every one from 
 carrying arms about his person. In order the better to defend 
 l^msd f aga inst those within the cit^T^em^lrj^^Qi'^,^^ 
 could arouiia°ff7 arid therefore conferred great, benefits upon the 
 
 with the Pisans, although raised to power in order that he 
 might carry on war against them; ceased paying interest to 
 those merchants who, during the war against Lucca, had lent 
 money to the republic ; increased the old taxes, levied new ones, 
 and took from the Signory all authority. His rectors were 
 Baglione da Perugia and Guglielmo da Scesi, who, with Cerret- 
 tieri Bisdomini, were the persons with whom he consulted on 
 public affairs. He imposed iyofdensome taxes? upon the citi- 
 
I04 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1342 
 
 zens; his decisions between contending parties were unjust; 
 and that precision and humanity which he had at first assumed, 
 became cruelty and pride ; so that many of the greatest citizens 
 and noblest people were, either by fines, death, or some new 
 (pjinention, grievously oppressed. And in completing the same 
 pad systi§^, both without the city ancl within, he appointed six 
 [rectors for the country, who beat and plundered the inhabitants. 
 IHe suspected the great, although he had been benefited by 
 them, and had restored many to their country ; for he felt as- 
 sured that the generous minds of the nobility, would not allow 
 ■them, from any motives, to submit contentedly to his author- 
 ity. He also began to confer benefits and advantages upon 
 the lowest orders, thinking that with their assistance, and the 
 arms of foreigners, he would be able to preserve the tyranny. 
 The month of May, during which feasts are held, being come, 
 he caused many companies to be formed of the plebeians and 
 very lowest of the people, and to these, dignified with splendid 
 titles, he gave colors and money; and while one party went 
 in bacchanalian procession through the city^ others were sta- 
 tioned in different parts of it, to receive them as guests. As 
 the report of the duke's authority spread abroad, many of 
 French origin came to him, for all of whom he found offices 
 and emoluments, as if they had been the most trustworthy of 
 men; so that in a short time Florence became not only sub- 
 ject to French dominion, but adopted their dresses and man- 
 ners ; for men and women, without regard to propriety or sense 
 of shame, imitated them. But that which disgusted the people 
 most completely was the viole nce which, without any distinction 
 of ouality or rank, he and his follow?rs"conimiitte3"uponrthe 
 
 women._,y ~" '■■——-•"■-^ ~ 
 
 The MQplp were fille 
 of the Stat§ overturned, it£j^i^naQces annihilated, its laws an- 
 nulled, and every decent regulation set at naught; for men 
 unaccustomed to royal pomp, could not endure to see this man, 
 surrounded with his armed satellites on foot and on horseback ; 
 and having now a closer view of their disgrace, they were com- 
 pelled to honor him whom thejrjn the highest degree hated. 
 I To this hatred, was added the ^^^^ccasioned by the continual 
 imposition of new taxes and frequent shedding of blood, with 
 which he impoverished and consumed the city. 
 
1342] THE DUKE'S CRUELTY 105 
 
 The duke was not unaware of these impressions existing 
 strongly in the people's minds, nor was he without fear of the 
 consequences ; but still pretended to think himself beloved ; and 
 when Matteo di Morozzo, either to acquire his favor or to free 
 himself from danger, gave information that the family of the 
 / | |^edia] and some others had entered into a conspiracy against 
 nim, he not only did not inquire into the matter, but caused the 
 informer to be put to a cruel death. This mod? ot proceeding 
 restrained those who were disposed to acquaint him of his dan- 
 ger, and gave additional courage to such as sought his ruin. 
 Bertone Cini, having ventured to speak against the taxes with 
 which the people were loaded, had his tongue cut out with such 
 barbarous cruelty as to cause his death. This shocking act 
 increased the people's rage, and their hatred of the duke; for 
 those who were accustomed to discourse and to act upon every 
 occasion with the greatest boldness, could not endure to live 
 with their hands tied and forbidden to speak. 
 
 This oppression increased to such a degree, that not merely 
 the<^|^enti^, gfho tho ugh unable to preser ve their liberty' 
 ^ cannot engure slavery, but the most se'rvile~pTOpIe~oir'earth ■ 
 would~lS'^rtSeetrTOTii!red to attempt the recovery of freedom ; 
 and consequently many citizens of all ranks resolved either to 
 deliver themselves from this odious tyranny or die in the at- 
 tempt. Three distinct conspiracies were formed; one of the 
 great; another of the people, and the third of the working 
 classes; each of which, besides the general causes which oper- 
 ated upon the whole, were excited by some other particular 
 grievance. The great found themselves deprived of all par- 
 ticipation in the government ; the people had lost the power they 
 possessed, and the artificers saw themselves deficient in the 
 usual remuneration of their labor. 
 
 Agnolo Acciajuoli was at this time Archbishop of Florence, 
 and by his discourses had formerly greatly favored the duke, 
 and procured him many followers among the higher class of 
 the people. But when he found him lord of the city, and be- 
 came acquainted with his tyrannical mode of proceeding, it 
 appeared to him that he had misled his countrymen; and to 
 correct the evil he had done, he saw no other course, but to 
 attempt the cure by the means which had caused it. He there- 
 fore became the leader of the first and most powerful conspir- 
 
io6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1342 
 
 acy, and was joined by the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali 
 Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. Of the second, the 
 principals were Manno and Corso Donati, and with them the 
 Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. Of the third, the first 
 was Antonio Adimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, 
 Rucellai, and Aldobrandini. It was the intention of these last, 
 to slay him in the house of the Albizzi, whither he was expected 
 to go on St. John's day, to see the horses run, but he not having ' 
 gone, their design did not succeed. They then resolved to at- 
 tack him as he rode through the city ; but they found this would 
 be very difficult ; for he was always accompanied with a consid- 
 erable armed force, and never took the same road twice together, 
 so that they had no certainty of where to find him. They had a 
 design of slaying him in the council, although they knew that 
 if he were dead, they would be at the mercy of his followers. 
 
 While these matters were being considered by the conspir- 
 ators, Antonio Adimari, in expectation of getting assistance 
 from them, disclosed the affair to some Siennese, his friends, 
 naming certain of the conspirators, and assuring them that the 
 whole city was ready to rise at once. One of them communi- 
 cated the matter to Francesco Brunelleschi, not with a design 
 to injure the plot, but in the hope that he would join them. 
 Francesco, either from personal fear, or private hatred of some- 
 one, revealed the whole to the duke; whereupon, Pagolo del 
 Mazecha and Simon da Monterappoli were taken, who ac- 
 quainted him with the number and quality of the conspirators. 
 This terrified him, and he was advised to request their presence 
 rather than to take them prisoners, for if they fled, he might 
 without disgrace, secure himself by banishment of the rest. 
 He therefore sent for Antonio Adimari, who, confiding in his 
 companions, appeared immediately, and was detained. Fran- 
 cesco Brunelleschi and Uguccione Buondelmonti advised the 
 duke to take as many of the conspirators prisoners as he could, 
 and put them to death ; but he, thinking his strength unequal 
 to his foes, did not adopt this course, but took another, which, 
 had it succeeded, would have freed him from his enemies and 
 increased his power. It was the custom of the duke to call the 
 citizens together upon some occasions and advise with them. 
 He therefore having first sent to collect forces without, made 
 a list of 300 citizens, and gave it to his messengers, with orders 
 
1343] CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE DUKE 107 
 
 to assemble them under the pretence of pubHc business ; and 
 having drawn them together, it was his intention either to put 
 them to death or imprison them. 
 
 The capture of Antonio Adimari and the sending for forces, 
 which couhl not be kept secret, alarmed the citizens, and more 
 particularly those who were in the plot, so that the boldest of 
 them refused to attend, and as each had read the list, they 
 sought each other, and resolved to rise at once and die like men, 
 with arms in their hands, rather than be led like calves to the 
 slaughter. In a very short time the chief conspirators became 
 known to each other, and resolved that the next day, which was 
 the twenty-sixth of July, 1343, they would raise a disturbance 
 in the old market-place, then arm themselves and call the people 
 to freedom. < 
 
 The next morning being come, at nine o'clock, according t©^ 
 agreement, they took arms, and at the call of liberty, assembled, 
 each party in its own district, under the ensigns and with the 
 arms of the people, which had been secretly provided by the 
 conspirators. All the heads of families, as well of the nobility 
 as of the people, met together, and swore to stand in each 
 other's defence, and effect the death of the duke ; except some 
 of the Buondelmonti and of the Cavalcanti, with those four 
 families of the people which had taken so conspicuous a part 
 in making him sovereign, and the butchers, with others, the 
 lowest of the plebeians, who met armed in the piazza in his 
 favor. 
 
 The duke immediately fortified the palace, and ordered those 
 of his people who were lodged in different parts of the city to 
 mount upon horseback and join those in the court ; but, in their 
 way thither, many were attacked and slain. However, about 
 three hundred horse assembled, and the duke'%as in doubt 
 whether he should come forth and meet the enemy, or defend 
 himself within. On the other hand, the Medici, Cavicciulli, 
 Rucellai, and other families who had been most injured by him, 
 fearful that if he came forth, many of those who had taken arms 
 against him would discover themselves his partisans, in order 
 to deprive him of the occasion of attacking them and increasing 
 the number of his friends, took the lead and assailed the palace. 
 Upon this, those families of the people who had declared for 
 the duke, seeing themselves boldly attacked, changed their 
 
lo8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1343 
 
 minds, and all took part with the citizens, except Uguccione 
 Buondelmonti, who retired into the palace, and Giannozzo 
 Cavalcanti, who having withdrawn with some of his- followers 
 to the New Market, mounted upon a bench, and begged that 
 those who were going in arms to the piazza, would take the part 
 of the duke. In order to terrify them, he exaggerated the num- 
 ber of his people, and threatened all with death who should 
 obstinately persevere in their undertaking against their sov- 
 ereign. But not finding anyone either to follow him, or to 
 chastise his insolence, and seeing his labor fruitless, he with- 
 drew to his own house. 
 
 In the meantime, the contest in the piazza between the people 
 and the forces of the duke was very great; but although the 
 place served them for defence, they were overcome, some yield- 
 ing to the enemy, and others, quitting their horses, fled within 
 the walls. While this was going on, Corso and Amerigo Don- 
 ati, with a part of the people, broke open the stinche, or prisons ; 
 burnt the papers of the provost and of the public chamber ; pil- 
 laged the houses of the rectors, and slew all who had held offices 
 under the duke whom they could find. The duke, finding the 
 piazza in possession of his enemies, the city opposed to him, 
 and without any hope of assistance, endeavored by an act of 
 clemency to recover the favor of the people. Having caused 
 those whom he had made prisoners to be brought before him, 
 with amiable and kindly expressions he set them at liberty, and 
 made Antonio Adimari a knight, although quite against his 
 will. He caused his own arms to be taken down, and those of 
 the people to Jl&j^placed over the ^laceg^u|: , these th iri|yp rnm- 
 ^:?M^iJ9LfS^3^ and.^^^^^ecessItieS, did him little 
 good. He remained not^tanfc^l^^edy besieged in 
 the palace, and saw that having aimed at too much he had lost 
 all, and would most likely, after a few days, die either of hun- 
 ger, or by the weapons of his enemies. The citizens,assembled 
 in the Church of Santa Reparata, to form the new Government, 
 and appointed fourteen citizens, half from the nobility and half 
 from the people, who, with the archbishop, were invested with 
 full authority to remodel the State of Florence. They also 
 elected six others to take upon them the duties of provost, till 
 he who should be finally chosen took office, the duties of which 
 were usually performed by a subject of some neighboring State. 
 
1343] THE DUKE DEPARTS 109 
 
 Many had come to Florence in defence of the people ; among 
 whom were a party from Sienna, with six ambassadors, men 
 of high consideration in their own country. These endeavored 
 to bring the people and the duke to terms ; but the former re- 
 fused to listen to any whatever, unless Guglielmo da Scesi and 
 his son, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were first given up to them. 
 The duke would not consent to this ; but being threatened by 
 those who were shut up with him, he was forced to comply. 
 The ra^e. p f ni en is certainly always found greater, and their 
 re yenge more j^^usj y jon'tEe" recovery of liberty^ than ,T«^en" 
 itJia§ onlvbeen defended. Guglielmo and his son were placed 
 amongi5ietKousan3s'bT' their enemies, and the latter was not 
 yet eighteen years old; neither his beauty, his innocence, nor 
 his youth, could save him from the fury of the multitude ; but 
 both were instantly slain. Those who could not wound them 
 while alive, wounded them after they were dead ; and not satis- 
 fied with tearing them to pieces, they hewed their bodies with 
 swords, tore them with their hands, and even with their teeth. 
 And that every sense might be satiated with vengeance, having 
 first heard their moans, seen their wounds, and touched their 
 lacerated bodies, they wished even the stomach to be satisfied, 
 that having glutted the external senses, the one within might 
 also have its share. This rabid fury, however hurtful to the 
 father and son, was favorable to Cerrettieri ; for the multitude, 
 wearied with their cruelty toward the former, quite fogot him, 
 so that'he, not being asked for, remained in the palace, and dur- 
 ing the night was conveyed safely away by his friends. 
 
 The rage of the multitude being appeased by their blood, an 
 agreement was made that the duke and his people, with what- 
 ever belonged to him, should quit the city in safety; that he 
 should renounce all claim, of whatever kind, upon Florence, 
 and that upon his arrival in the Casentino he should ratify his 
 renunciation. On the sixth of August he set out, accompanied 
 by many citizens, and having arrived at the Casentino he rati- 
 fied the agreement, although unwillingly, and would not have 
 kept his word if Count Simon had not threatened to take him 
 back to Florence. This duke, as his proceedings testified, was 
 cruel and avaricious, difficult to speak with, and haughty in 
 reply. He--4e«*«dal»«-«ewiee-«*"i»e»rnot-tJMwc«^ 
 Jheirbetter feelings, and strov ''ath'''' *^" '"Tifp thfm w''*^^^^ 
 
'no THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1343 
 
 •^£eax_than loye/ Nor was his person less despicable than his 
 tnahnefrrEe was short, his complexion was black, and he had 
 a long, thin beard. He was thus in every respect contempti- 
 ble ; and at the end of ten months, his misconduct deprived him 
 of the sovereignty which the evil counsel of others had given 
 him. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 Many Cities and Territories, subject to the Florentines, Rebel — Pru- 
 dent Conduct Adopted upon this Occasion — The City is Divided into 
 Quarters — Disputes between the Nobility and the People — The Bishop 
 Endeavors to Reconcile them, but does not Succeed — The Govern- 
 ment Reformed by the People — Riot of Andrea Strozzi — Serious Dis- 
 agreements between the Nobility and the People — They Come to Arms, 
 and the Nobility are Subdued — The Plague, in Florence of which 
 Boccaccio Speaks. 
 
 THESE events taking place in the city, induced all the 
 dependencies of the Florentine State to throw off their 
 yoke; so that Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, 
 CoUe, and San Gemigniano rebelled. Thus Florence found 
 herself deprived of both her tyrant and her dominions at the 
 same moment, and in recovering her liberty, taught her sub- 
 jects how they might become free. The duke being expelled, 
 and the territories lost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop 
 thought, it would be better to act kindly toward their subjects 
 in peace, than to make them enemies by war, and to show a 
 desire that their subjects should be free as well as themselves. 
 They therefore sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo, to 
 renounce all dominion over that city, and to enter into a treaty, 
 with them; to the end that as they could not retain them as 
 subjects, they might make use of them as friends. They also, 
 in the best manner they were able, agreed with the other places, 
 that they should retain their freedom, and that, being free, 
 they might mutually assist each other in the preservation of 
 their liberties. This prudent course was attended with a most 
 favorable result; for Arezzo, not many years afterward, re- 
 turned to the Florentine rule, and the other places in the course 
 of a few months, returned to their former obedience. Thus 
 
 iLitaaJiently occurs that we sooner attain our ends by a seem- 
 
 'Wig«'""i'a-l»,.,.,i^ -.^. — .- ^ .r.m. 1... . . .. , ^ . . II... — ■»»..»., — — .;;-..,<i — j-^,,. 
 
 ing_jLn diiierence to them, than by more obs tmate j)m;gjj;j^ 
 Having settled "exlerriar aif aJFs"' ' "ffiey^ now turned to the con- 
 
112 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i343 
 
 sideration of those within the city ; and after some altercation 
 between the nobility and the people, it was arranged that the 
 nobility should form one-third of the Signory and fill one-half 
 of the other ofiSces. The city was, as we have before shown, 
 divided into sixths ; and hence there would be six Signors, one 
 for each sixth, except when, from some more than ordinary 
 cause, there had been twelve or thirteen created : but when this 
 had occurred they were again soon reduced to six. It now 
 seemed desirable to make an alteration in this respect^ as well 
 because the sixths were not properly divided, as that, wishing 
 to give their proportion to the great, it became desirable to 
 increase the number. They therefore divided the city into 
 quarters, and for each created three Signors. They abolished 
 the office of Gonfalonier of Justice, and also the Gonfaloniers 
 of the companies of the people ; and instead of the twelve Buon- 
 uomini, or good men, created eight coijgsejlojs, ^^^o^^^p, 
 party. The Government having been establishifain tniFman-«> 
 ner, the^ity might have b^en jgrepose if the great had been 
 CQXitsBL ^^S^SS^ ^S^^!^(>3.efa!tiQWWiLich civil society requireg.^ 
 But they produced a contrary result, for those out of^oince^ 
 would not conduct themselvei as citizens, and those who were 
 in the Government wished to be lords, so that every day fur- 
 nished some new instance of their insolence and pride. These 
 things were very grievous to the people, and they began to 
 regret that for one tyrant put down, there had sprung up a 
 thousand. The arrogance of one party and the anger of the 
 other, rose to such a degree that the heads of the people com- 
 plained to the bishop of the improper conduct of the nobility, 
 and what unfit associates they had become for the people ; and 
 begged he would endeavor to induce them to be content with 
 their share of administration in the other offices, and leave the 
 magistracy of the Signory wholly to themselves. 
 
 The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want 
 of firmness rendered him easily influenced. Hence, at the 
 instance of his associates, he at first favored the Duke of 
 Athens, and afterward, by the advice of other citizens, con- 
 spired against him. At the reformation of the Government 
 he had favored the nobility, and now he appeared to incline 
 toward the people, moved by the reasons which they had ad- 
 vanced. Tlunking__to,Jj^ in others -the- same JjastaJjility^of 
 
1343] DOMESTIC CHANGES 113 
 
 purpose, he endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement, 
 witn tml^esign he called together the fourteen who were yet 
 in office, and in the best terms he could imagine advised them 
 to give up the Signory to the people, in order to secure the 
 peace of the city ; and assured them, that if they refused, ruin 
 would most probably be the result. 
 
 This discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the high- 
 est pitch, and Ridolfo de' Bardi reproved him in unmeasured 
 terms as a man of little faith ; reminding him of his friendship 
 for the duke, to prove ^he duplicity of his present conduct, and 
 saying, that in driving him away he had acted the part of a 
 traitor. He concluded by telling him, that the honors they had 
 acquired at their own perils they would at their own peril de- 
 fend. They then left the bishop, and in great wrath, informed 
 their associates in the Government, and all the families of the 
 nobility, of what had been done. The people also expressed 
 their thoughts to each other, and as the nobility made prepara- 
 tions for the defence of their Signors, they determined not to 
 wait till they had perfected their arrangements ; and therefore, 
 being armed, hastened to the palace, shouting, as they went 
 along, that the nobility must give up their share in the Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The Signors 
 of the nobility found themselves abandoned ; for their friends, 
 seeing all the people in arms, did not dare to rise in their de- 
 fence, but each kept within his own house. The Signors of 
 the people endeavored to abate the excitement of the multitude, 
 by affirming their associates to be good and moderate men; 
 but, not succeeding in their attempt, to avoid a greater evil, 
 sent them home to their houses, whither they were with diffi- 
 culty conducted. The nobility having left the palace, the office 
 of the four councillors was taken from their party, and con- 
 ferred upon twelve of the people. To the eight Signors who 
 remained, a Gonfalonier of Justice was added, and sixteen 
 Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people ; and the council 
 was so reformed, that the government remained wholly in the 
 hands of the popular party. 
 
 At the time these events took place there was a great scarcity 
 in the city, and discontent prevailed both among the highest 
 and lowest classes; in the latter for want of food, and in 
 8 
 
114 "THE HISTORY OF ELORENCE [i343 
 
 the former from having lost their power in the State. This 
 circumstance induced Andrea Strozzi to think of making him- 
 self sovereign of the city. Selling his corn at a lower price 
 than others did, a great many people flocked to his house ; em- 
 boldened by the sight of these, he one morning mounted his 
 horse, and, followed by a considerable number, called the peo- 
 ple to arms, and in a short time drew together about four 
 thousand men, with whom he proceeded to the Signory, and 
 demanded that the gates of the palace should be opened. But 
 the Signers, by threats and the force which they retained in 
 the palace, drove them from the court ; and then by proclama- 
 tion so terrified them, that they gradually dropped off and 
 returned to their homes, and Andrea, finding himself alone, 
 with some difficulty escaped falling into the hands of the mag- 
 istrates. 
 
 This event, although an act of great temerity, and attended 
 with the result that usually follows such attempts, raised a hope 
 in the minds of the nobility of overcoming the people, seeing 
 that the lowest of the plebeians were at enmity with them. 
 And to profit by this circumstance, they resolved to arm them- 
 selves, and with justifiable force recover those rights of which 
 they had been unjustly deprived. Their minds acquired such 
 an assurance of success, that they openly provided themselves 
 with arms, fortified their houses, and even sent to their friends 
 in Lombardy for assistance. The people and the Signory 
 made preparation for their defence, and requested aid from 
 Perugia and Sienna, so that the city was filled with the armed 
 followers of either party. The nobility on this side of the 
 Arno divided themselves into three parts; the one occupied 
 the houses of the CavicciuUi, near the Church of St. John; 
 another, the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati, near the great 
 Church of St. Peter ; and the third, those of the Cavalcanti in 
 the New Market. Those beyond the river fortified the bridges 
 and the streets in which their houses stood ; the Nerli defended 
 the bridge of the Carraja ; the Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the 
 church of the Holy Trinity ; and the Rossi and the Bardi, the 
 bridge of the Rubaconte and the old bridge. The people were 
 drawn together under the Gonfalon of Justice and the ensigns 
 of the companies of the artisans. 
 
 Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the people 
 
1343] THE BARDI DEFEATED 115 
 
 thought it imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack was 
 commenced by the Medici and the Rondinelli, who assailed the 
 Cavicciulli, where the houses of the latter open upon the piazza 
 of St. John. Here both parties contended with great obsti- 
 nacy, and were mutuallly wounded, from the towers by stones 
 and other missiles, and from below by ari-ows. They fought 
 for three hours ; but the forces of the people continuing to in- 
 crease, and the Cavicciulli finding themselves overcome by 
 numbers, and hopeless of other assistance, submitted them- 
 selves to the people, who saved their houses and property ; and 
 having disarmed them, ordered them to disperse among their 
 relatives and friends, and remain unarmed. Being victorious 
 in the first attack, they easily overpowered the Pazzi and the 
 Donati, whose numbers were less than those they had subdued ; 
 so that there only remained on this side the Arno, the Caval- 
 canti, who were strong both in respect of the post they had 
 chosen and in their followers. Nevertheless, seeing all the 
 Gonfalons against them, and that the others had been over- 
 come by three Gonfalons alone, they yielded without offering 
 much resistance. Three parts of the city were now in the 
 hands of the people, and only one in possession of the nobility ; 
 but this was the strongest, as well on account of those who held 
 it, as from its situation, being defended by the Arno; hence it 
 was first necessary to force the bridges. The old bridge was 
 first assailed and offered a brave resistance; for the towers 
 were armed, the streets barricaded, and the barricades de- 
 fended by the most resolute men ; so that the people were re- 
 pulsed with great loss. Finding their labor at this point fruit- 
 less, they endeavored to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but no 
 better success resulting, they left four Gonfalons in charge of 
 the two bridges, and with the others attacked the bridge of the 
 Carraja. Here, although the Nerli defended themselves like 
 brave men, they could not resist the fury of the people; for 
 this bridge, having no towers, was weaker than the others, and 
 was attacked by the Capponi, and many families of the people 
 who lived in that vicinity. Being thus assailed on all sides, 
 they abandoned the barricades and gave way to the people, 
 who then overcame the Rossi and the Frescobaldi; for all 
 those beyond the Arno took part with the conquerors. 
 There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi, 
 
ii6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i343 
 
 who remained undaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their 
 friends, the union of the people against them, and the little 
 chance of success which they seemed to have. They resolved 
 to die fighting, and rather see their houses burnt and plundered, 
 than submit to the power of their enemies. They defended 
 themselves with such obstinacy^ that many fruitless attempts 
 were made to overcome them, both at the old bridge and the 
 Rubaconte; but their foes were always repulsed with loss. 
 There had in former times been a street which led between the 
 houses of the Pitti, from the Roman road to the walls upon 
 Mount St. George. By this way the people sent six Gonfalons, 
 with orders to assail their houses from behind. This attack 
 overcame the resolution of the Bardi, and decided the day in 
 favor of the people; for when those who defended the barri- 
 cades in the street learned that their houses were being plun- 
 dered, they left the principal fight and hastened to their defence. 
 This caused the old bridge to be lost ; the Bardi fled in all di- 
 rections and were received into the houses of the Quaratesi, 
 Panzanesi, and Mozzi. The people, especially the lower classes, 
 greedy for spoil, sacked and destroyed their houses, and pulled 
 down and burnt their towers and palaces with such outrageous 
 fury, that the most cruel enemy of the Florentine name would 
 have been ashamed of taking part in such wantoa-jlesIi^cC . 
 ^The nobility being thus overcome, the peopl ^erorm eo^e 
 %ovenSnent ; and as they were of three kinds, the higner, the 
 middle, and the lower class, it was ordered that the first should 
 appoint two Signors; the two latter three each, and that the 
 Gonfalonier should be chosen alternately from either party. 
 Beside this, all the regulations for the restraint of the nobility 
 were renewed ; and in order to weaken them still more, many 
 were reduced to the grade of the people. The ruin of the no- 
 bility was so complete, and depressed them so much, that they 
 never afterward ventured to take arms for the recovery of 
 their power, but soon became humbled and abject in the ex- 
 treme. And thus Florence lost the eenerosity of her character 
 and her distinction in arms. 
 
 After these events the city remained in peace till the year 
 1353. In the course of this period occurred the memorable 
 plague, described with so much eloquence by Giovanni Boc- 
 caccio, and by which Florence lost 96,000 souls. In 1348, 
 
.I348J THE BARDI DEFEATED 117 
 
 began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by the Arch- 
 bishop, then Prince of Milan; and when this was concluded, 
 dissensions again arose in the city; for although the nobility 
 were destroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new divisions and 
 new troubles. l-orN-^&v. 
 
BOOK III 
 
 FROM THE ERA OF THE RICCI TO THE 
 NEAPOLITAN WAR 
 
 1350-1420 
 
BOOK III 
 
 FROM THE ERA OF THE RICCI TO THE NEAPOLITAN 
 WAR — 1350-1420 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Reflections upon the Domestic Discords of Republics — A Parallel be- 
 tween the Discords of Rome and those of Florence — Enmities be- 
 tween the Families of the Ricci and the Albizzi — Uguccione de' 
 Ricci Causes the Laws against the Ghibellines to be Renewed in Order 
 to Injure the Albizzi — Piero degli Albizzi Derives Advantage from 
 it — Origin of Admonitions and the Troubles which Result from them 
 — ^Uguccione de' Ricci Moderates their Injustice — Difficulties Increase 
 — Meeting of the Citizens — They Address the Signory — The Signory 
 Attempt to Remedy the Evils. 
 
 THOSE s erious, t hough g yura l enmiti^ which occur h^ 
 tween the popular cl^ses^n'd tBenomlity, arising from 
 the desireor^KgJait.tgr^tQ. command, and the disiticlina-y 
 tion of the"fbrmer to obey, are the causes of rnost of the trouble^ 
 wh idf i ak e plarg 1nTH!gs '';''arid from this diversity of purpose,' 
 Mfthe-eBK'f" "eWs" 'w^JT'disturb ,j-epuUi'Q§4?RYe their origin. 
 ThtsTcepTKoine' disunited ; and this, if it be allowable to com!=^ 
 pare small things with great, held Florence in disunion; al^ 
 though in each city it produced a different result; for ani- 
 mosities were only beginning when the people and nobility of 
 Rome contended, while ours were brought to a conclusion by 
 the contentions of our citizens. A new law settled the dis- 
 putes of Rome; those of Florence were only terminated by 
 the death and banishment of many of her best people. Those 
 of Rome increased her military virtue, while that of Florence 
 was quite extinguished by her divisions. The quarrels of 
 Rome established different ranks of society, those of Florence 
 abslishedJhe distinctions which had previously existed. ^Tl?ig 
 v^tliversity of effect^ must h?vf bpp" orrasionad by the diflfrrrnt' 
 
t, 5^0 1 ^jjj. HISTORY OF FLORENCE [135° 
 
 TposeTwhjch^^thfrJa^^ While the peo- 
 
 pl?s^!E?om"e endeavored to associate with the nobility in the 
 supreme honors, those of Florence strove to exclude the nobil- 
 ity from all participation in them : as the desire of th e Roman 
 pg^l e was mor e reasonable, no p ar ticular offenc£]w ag-giveH 
 toto?°noKljii^TTfi5yTRHH5Frc^^ to it without Taving 
 TecDttrsrtO-arms ; so that, after some disputes concerning par- 
 ticular points, both parties agreed to the enactment of a law 
 which, while it satisfied the people, preserved the nobility in 
 the enjoyment of their dignity. 
 
 On the other hand, t he demands of the peop le of .Florence 
 being insolent and unjust, the nobility, becaine desperate, pre- 
 paTea* t P i Ihei T-defence, wiHTTheir utmost energy, and thus 
 bloodshed and the exile of citizens followed. Thekw^whiyl^-J 
 were afterward made, did not provide for the common good, 
 but were framed wholly in favor of the conquerors. This too 
 must be observed, that from the acquisition of power made 
 by the people of Rome, their minds were very much improved ; 
 for all the offices of state being attainable as well by the people 
 as the nobility, the peculiar excellencies of the latter exercised 
 a most beneficial influence upon the former ; and as the city in- 
 creased in virtue she attained a more exalted greatness. 
 
 But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility 
 were deprived of all participation in the government; and, in 
 ■»rder to regain a portion of it, it became necessary for them 
 
 '^y'4s;a(S^'JJ^M'v^^"* *° ^" like them in be- 
 ^Savior, mliia, and' mode oTlivrng. rHence arose those changes 
 
 in armorial bearings, and in the titles of families, which the 
 
 nobility adatj.^^in^ th^th^rm^ to be of the 
 
 'people ; nnlitary^irtae^nd geneffisily oi f eenng Decame ex- 
 tinguished in them ; the people not possessing these qualities, 
 
 'rney could not appreciate them, and Florence became by de?- 
 grees more and more depressed and humiliated. The vtrnre 
 of the Roman nobility degenerating into pride, the citizens soon 
 found that the business of the state could not be carried on 
 without a prince. Florence had now come to such a point, 
 that with a comprehensive mind at the head of affairs she 
 wotild "easily have been made to take any 'form that he might 
 have been disposed to give her; as may be partly observed 
 by a perusal of the preceding book. 
 
I3S3] THE RICCI AND ALBIZZI 123 
 
 Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the 
 commencement gf her Hberty, with the causes of her divisions, 
 and shown how the factions of the nobility and the people 
 ceased with the tyranny of the Duke of Athens, and the ruin 
 of the former, we have now to speak of the animosities between 
 the citizens and the plebeians, and the various circumstances 
 which they produced. 
 
 The nobility being overcome, and the war with the Arch- 
 bishop of Milan concluded, there did not^ppearany cause of 
 dissension •ir»~Fl0i¥»ee«f^^it,:^ie'CTF^ fcrrameoTtne city, and 
 (tl ^derebn ve mfu j'e "f^ er laws^^ ve rise to enmities between 
 the tamiljTSfltreTQBizzi and that of the Ricci, which divided 
 the citizens as completely as those of the Buondelmonti and 
 the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had formerly done. 
 The pontiffs, who at this time resided in France, and the em- 
 perors, who abode in Germany, in order to maintain their 
 influence in Italy, sent among us multitudes of soldiers of 
 many countries, as English, Dutch, and Bretons. As these, 
 upon the conclusion of a war, were thrown out of pay, though 
 still in the country, they, under the standard of some soldier 
 of fortune, plundered such people as were least prepared to 
 defend themselves. In the year 1353 one of these companies 
 came into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Reale, 
 of Provenge, and his approach terrified all the cities of Italy. 
 The Florentines not only provided themselves forces, but many 
 citizens, among whom were the Albizzi and the Ricci, armed 
 themselves in their own defence. These families were at the 
 time full of hatred against each other^ and each thought to ob- 
 tain the sovereignty of the republic by overcoming his enemy. 
 They had not yet proceeded to open violence, but only con- 
 tended in the magistracies and councils. The city being all in 
 arms, a quarrel arose in the old market-place, and, as it fre- 
 quently happens in similar cases, a great number of people was 
 drawn together. The disturbance spreading, it was told the 
 Ricci that the Albizzi had assailed their partisans, and to the 
 Albizzi that the Ricci were in quest of them. Upon this the 
 whole city arose, and it was all the magistrates could do to re- 
 strain these families, and prevent the actual occurrence of a dis- 
 aster which, without being the fault of either of them, had been 
 wilfully though falsely reported as having already taken place. 
 
124 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1356 
 
 This apparently trifling circumstance served to inflame the 
 minds of the parties, and make each the more resolved to in- 
 crease the number of their followers. And as the citizens, since 
 the ruin of the nobility, were on such an equality that the mag- 
 istrates were more respected now than they had previously 
 been, they designed to proceed toward the suppression of this 
 disorder with civil authority alone. 
 
 We have before related, that after the victory of Charles 
 I the government was formed by the Guelfic party, and that 
 it thus acquired great authority over the Ghibellines. But 
 time, a variety of circumstances, and new divisions had so con- 
 tributed to sink this party feeling into oblivion, that many of 
 Ghibelline descent now filled the highest offices. Observing 
 this, Uguccione, the head of the family of the Ricci, con- 
 trived that the law against the Ghibellines should be again 
 brought into operation; many imagining the Albizzi to be of 
 that faction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come long ago 
 to Florence. Uguccione, by this means hoped to deprive the 
 Albizzi of participation in the government, for all of Ghibelline 
 blood who were found to hold offices, would be condemned in 
 the penalties which this law provided. The design of Uguc- 
 cione was discovered to Piero, son of Filippo degli Albizzi, and 
 he resolved to favor it ; for he saw that to oppose it would at 
 once declare him a Ghibelline ; and thus the law which was re- 
 newed by the ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead 
 of robbing Piero degli Albizzi of reputation, contributed to in- 
 crease his influence, although it laid the foundation of many 
 evils. Nor is it possible for a republic to enact a law more 
 pernicious than one relating to matters which have long tran- 
 spired. Piero having favored this law, which had been con- 
 trived by his enemies for his stumbling-block, it became the 
 stepping-stone to his greatness ; for, making himself the leader 
 of this new order of things, his authority went on increasing, 
 and he was in greater favor with the Guelfs than any other 
 man. 
 
 As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search 
 out who were Ghibellines, and as this renewed enactment 
 against them was therefore of small value, it was provided 
 that authority should be given to the Capitani to find who were 
 of this faction; and, having discovered, to signify and ad- 
 
I366J NUMBER OF CAPITANI INCREASED 125 
 
 monish them that they were not to take upon themselves any 
 office of government ; to which admonitions, if they were dis- 
 obedient, they became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all 
 those who in Florence are deprived of the power to hold offices 
 are called " Ammoniti," or " Admonished." 
 
 The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished 
 not only those to whom the admonition was applicable, but 
 any others at the suggestion of their own avarice or ambition ; 
 and from 1356, when this law was made, to 1366, there had 
 been admonished above 200 citizens. The Captains of Parts 
 and the sect of the Guelfs were thus become powerful; 
 for everyone honored them for fear of being admonished; 
 and most particularly the leaders, who were Piero degli Al- 
 bizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. This in- 
 solent mode of proceeding was offensive to many; but none 
 felt so particularly injured with it as the Ricci ; for they knew 
 themselves to have occasioned it, they saw it involved the ruin 
 of the republic, and their enemies, the Albizzi, contrary to their 
 intention, become great in consequence. 
 
 On this account Uguccione de' Ricci, being one of the Sig- 
 nory, resolved to put an end to the evil which he and his friends 
 had originated, and with a new law provided that to the six 
 Captains of Parts an additional three should be appointed, of 
 whom two should be chosen from the companies of minor 
 artificers, and that before any party could be considered Ghib- 
 elline, the declaration of the Capitani must be confirmed by 
 twenty-four Guelfic citizens, appointed for the purpose. This 
 provision tempered for the time the power of the Capitani, so 
 that the admonitions were greatly diminished, if not wholly 
 laid aside. Still the parties of the Albizzi and the Ricci wereV 
 continually on the alert to oppose each other's laws, deliber-l 
 ations, and enterprises, not from a conviction of their inex-/ 
 pediency, but from hatred of their promoters. ( 
 
 In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, 
 when the Guelfs again regained the ascendant. There was in 
 the family of the Buondelmonti a gentleman named Benchi, 
 who, as an acknowledgment of his merit in a war against the 
 Pisans, though one of the nobility, had been admitted among 
 the people, and thus became eligible to office among the Sig- 
 nory; but when about to take his seat with them, a law was 
 
126 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1371 
 
 made that no nobleman who had become of the popular class 
 should be allowed to assume that office. This gave great of- 
 fence to Benchi, who, in union with Piero degli Albizzi, deter- 
 mined to depress the less powerful of the popular party with 
 admonitions, and obtain the government for themselves. By 
 the interest which Benchi possessed with the ancient nobility, 
 and that of Piero with most of the influential citizens, the 
 Guelfic party resumed their ascendancy, and by new reforms 
 among the Parts, so remodelled the administration as to be able 
 to dispose of the offices of the captains and the twenty-four 
 citizens at pleasure. They then returned to the admonitions 
 with greater audacity than ever, and the house of the Albizzi 
 became powerful as the head of this faction. 
 
 On the other hand, the Ricci made the most strenuous exer- 
 tions against their designs; so that anxiety universally pre- 
 vailed, and ruin was apprehended alike from both parties. In 
 consequence of this, a great number of citizens, out of love to 
 their country, assembled in the Church of St. Piero Scarraggio, 
 and after a long consideration of the existing disorders, pre- 
 sented themselves before the Signors, whom one of the principal 
 among them addressed in the following terms: — 
 
 " Many of us. Magnificent Signors ! were afraid of meeting 
 even for consideration of public business, without being publicly 
 called together, lest we should be noted as presumptuous or 
 condemned as ambitious. But seeing that many citizens daily 
 assemble in the lodges angLhalls taf th!rpalaeft?«etJ^^ny pub- 
 lic utility, but only for thC^kt2LcaGmZo£4lMir owm*Smbition, 
 we have thought that as those who assemble for the ruin of 
 the republic are fearless, so still less ought they to be appre- 
 hensive who meet together only for its advantage ; nor ought 
 we to be anxious respecting the opinion they may form of our 
 assembling, since they are so utterly indifferent to the opinion 
 of others. Our affection for our country. Magnificent Sig- 
 nors! caused us to assemble first, and now brings us before 
 you, to speak of grievances already great and daily increasing 
 in our republic, and to offer our assistance for their removal ; 
 and we doiibt not that, though a difficult undertaking, it will 
 still be attended with success, if you will lay aside all private 
 regards, and authoritatively use the public force. 
 
 " The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, Mag- 
 
137 1] ADDRESS TO THE SIGNORYj 127 
 
 nificent Signers ! has infested and still;;yifiate^ your own ; for 
 When this province had shaken off me~SperiaPyo^, heri 
 cities not being subject to any powerful influence that might 
 'restrain them, administered affairs, not as free men do, but as 
 a factious populace ; and hence have arisen all the other evils 
 and disorders that have appeared. In the first place, there 
 cannot be found among the citizens either unity or friend- 
 ship, except with those whose common guilt, either against 
 their country or against private individuals, is a bond of union. 
 AmLai&Jihe knowledge of religion and the fear of God seem 
 to be aliKe'extmct, oaths arid promises Kave'T^t ffieii' validity,' 
 and axe Icept as long as'it is found expetfienFyTEey^re aSopted 
 only as a means of deception, and he is most applauded and re- 
 spected whose cunning is most efficient and secure. On this 
 account bad men are received with the approbation due to 
 virtue, and good ones are regarded only in the light of fools. 
 
 " And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible 
 and corrupting is assembled. The young are idle, the old 
 lascivious, and each ^ex and every age abounds with debasing 
 habits, which the fS^ rawSToy misapplication, have lost the 
 power to correct.' Hence arise the avarice so observable 
 among the citizens, and that greediness, not for true glory, 
 but for unworthy honors; from which follow hatred, ani- 
 mosities, quarrels, and factions; resulting in deaths, banish- 
 ments, affliction to all good men, and the advancement of the 
 most unprincipled ; for the good, confiding in their innocence, 
 seek neither safety nor advancement by illegal methods as the 
 wicked do, and thus unhonored and undefended they sink into 
 oblivion. 
 
 " From proceedings such as these, arise at once the atta ch- 
 ment ^ for a nd influence of parties; bad men follow them 
 throu ^amBiHon'SiTa' jivgr ic^^ aiigiJi Se^gSam^il^'good 
 to^ur sue the sam e co urse' And most lamentable is it to ob- 
 serveTiowTihe leader^and movers of parties sanctify their base 
 designs with words that are all piety and virtue ; they have the 
 name of liberty constantly in their mouths, though their actions 
 prove them her greatest enemies. The reward which they de- 
 sire from victory is not the glory of having give liberty to the 
 city, but the satisfaction of having vanquished others, and of 
 making themselves rulers; and to attain their end, there is 
 
128 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1371 
 
 nothing too uiuygtAtoo cruelj- top avaricious for them to at- 
 tempt. Thus mwsQand oroinaJiceS, peace, wars, and treaties 
 are adopted and pursued, not for the public good, nor for the 
 common glory of the state, but for the convenience or advan- 
 tage of a few individuals. A^WV^***~^ 
 
 " And if other cities abound in theseyai sordet g^^urs is more 
 J]Mii"ai^.'iirfed;ed with them ; for her laws, statutes, and civil 
 JSrelTE^iTO^fye not, nor hav^ they ever been, established for t he 
 i^EnefiroTmenuTa-gtafe of freedom, but accordmg t o the wish 
 ot^'lHe Tatittoirthat^as'-freariippeTmost ''^^ time. Jblence 
 it" f ottSwsT thm~When one pOTfy" isTxpelled, or faction ex- 
 tinguished, another immediately arises; for, in a city that is 
 governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon as one be- 
 comes dominant and unopposed, it must of necessity soon di- 
 vide against itself ; for the private methods at first adopted for 
 its defence, will now no longer keep it united. The truth of 
 this, both the ancient and modern dissensions of our city, prove. 
 Everyone thought that when the Ghibellines were destroyed, 
 the Guelfs would long continue happy and honored ; yet after 
 a short time they divided into Bianchi and Neri, the black fac- 
 tion and the white. When the Bianchi were overcome, the 
 city was not long free from factions ; for either, in favor of the 
 emigrants, or on account of the animosity between the nobility 
 and the people, we were still constantly at war. And as if re- 
 solved to give up to others, what in mutual harmony we either 
 would not or were unable to retain, we confided the care of 
 our precious liberty first to King Robert, then to his brother, 
 next to his son, and at last to the Duke of Athens. Still we 
 have never in any condition found repose, but seem like men 
 who can neither agree to live in freedom nor be content with 
 ^lavery. Nor did we hesitate (so greatly does the nature of 
 our ordinances dispose us to division), while yet under alle- 
 -giance to the king, to substitute for his majesty, one of the 
 vilest of men born at Agobbio. 
 
 " For the credit of the city, the name of the Duke of Athens 
 ought to be consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical 
 disposition, however, might have taught us wisdom and in- 
 structed us how to live; but no sooner was he expelled than 
 we handled our arms, and fought with more hatred, and greater 
 fury than we had ever done on any former occasion ; so that 
 
I37I] ADDRESS TO THE SIGNORY 129 
 
 the ancient nobility were vanquished and the city was left at 
 the disposal of the people. It was generally supposed that no 
 further occasion of quarrel or of party animosity could arise, 
 since those whose pride and insupportable ambition had been 
 regarded as the causes of them were depressed ; however, ex- 
 perience proves how liable human judgment is to error, and 
 what false impressions men imbibe, even in regard to the things 
 that most intimately concern them ; for we find the pride and 
 ambition of the nobility are not extinct, but only transferred 
 from them to the people who at this moment ^ according to t he 
 usual practice of ambitio us me n, are endeavoring to rendfer 
 them s d' ves iiiaslciii of L lic I cp ublic; and knowing they have 
 no chance of success but what is offered by discord, they have 
 again divided the city, and the names of Guelf and Ghibelline, 
 which were beginning to be forgotten (and it would have been 
 well if they had never been heard among us), are repeated 
 anew in our ears. <-. 
 
 " It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in hu- 
 man affairs there may be nothing either settled or permanent, 
 that in all republics there are what may be called fatal families, 
 bom for the ruin of their country. Of this kind of pest our 
 city has produced a more copious brood than any other; for 
 not one, but many, have disturbed and harassed her : first the 
 Buondelmonti and the Uberti ; then the Donati and the Cerchi ; 
 and now, oh, ridiculous! oh, disgraceful thought! the Ricci 
 and the Albizzi have caused a diversion of her citizens'. 
 
 " We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old 
 and continual dissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind 
 you of their causes ; to show that as you, doubtless, are aware 
 of them, we also keep them in view, an d to rem ind you thatv 
 Iheir results ou gh t not to make y ou diffide nt of joi^'p&w Srjjp 
 repiiijheJi^aCTr^lJj^^ ' f ami- 
 
 lies po«SESSieit'^n|Y'*SteF*'****®^t^'" ^^S^ 
 
 estee\.&&!?yim'lo^°mH^ ; but 
 
 now, when fHe^effipIre has lost its ascendancy, the Pope is no 
 longer formidable, and the whole of Italy is reduced to a state 
 of the most complete equality, there can be no difficulty. Our 
 republic might, more especially than any other (although at 
 first our former practices seem to present a reason to the con- 
 trary), not only keep itself united but be improved by good 
 9 
 
THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1371 
 
 laws and civil regulations, if you, the Signory, would once re- 
 solve to undertake the matter ; and to this, we, induced by no 
 other motive than the love of our country, would most strongly 
 u«ge you. It is true the corruption of the country is great, and 
 mucjC.di§cretion-^ill h& requisite to correct it ; but do not im- 
 pasf^^flf^JS:^^ the nature of the men, but to the 
 ^e reasonable ground to hope 
 *^ill^^^#Sl!h'^vernmlS^^r city will be attended with 
 betftrT^fflfiff^Sorthr'Biali^ity of the people will^ 
 comeTy restraining the ambition and annulling the 
 of those who have encouraged faction, and adopting in their! 
 stead only such principles as are comfortable to true civil lib- j 
 erty. And be assured, that these desirable ends will be more 
 certainly attained by the benign influence of the laws, than by 
 a delay which will compel the people to effect them by force 
 and arms." 
 
 s^ The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which 
 they were previously aware, and further encouraged by the 
 advice of those who now addressed them, gave authority to 
 fifty-six citizens to provide for the safety of the republic. It 
 js usually found thatmostmenare better adapted to pursue a 
 good course already, begun, thaiTt o discover one applicable'^ 
 , irniliedMe""cTrcumstances. These citizens thought rather of 
 I extinguishing existing factions than of preventing the forma- 
 tion of new ones, and effected neither of these objects. The 
 -facilities for the establishment of new parties were not re- 
 moved ; and out of those which they guarded against, another 
 more powerful, arose, which brought the republic into still 
 greater danger. They, however, deprived three of the family 
 of the Albizzi, and three of that of the Ricci, of all the 
 offices of government, except those of the Guelfic party, for 
 three years ; and among the deprived were Piero degli Albizzi 
 and Uguccione de* Ricci. They forbade the citizens to as- 
 semble in the palace, except during the sittings of the Signory. 
 They provided that if anyone were beaten, or possession of his 
 property detained from him, he might bring his case before 
 the council and denounce the offender, even if he were one of 
 the nobility; and that if it were proved, the accused should 
 be subject to the usual penalties. This provision abated the 
 boldness of the Ricci, and increased that of the Albizzi ; since, 
 
1372] NEW REGULATIONS 131 
 
 although it applied equally to both, the Ricci suffered from 
 it by far the most ; for if Piero was excluded from the palace 
 of the Signory, the chamber of the Guelfs, in which he pos- 
 sessed the greatest authority, remained open to him ; and if he 
 and his followers had previously been ready to admonish, they 
 became after this injury, doubly so. To this pre-disposition 
 for evil, new excitements were added. 
 
/yJO- 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 The War of the Florentines against the Pope's Legate, and the Causes 
 of it — League against the Pope — The Censures of the Pope Disre- 
 garded in Florence — The City is Divided into two Factions, the one 
 of the Capitani di Parte, the Other of the Eight Commissioners of the 
 ^yar — Measures Adopted by the Guelfic Party against their Ad- 
 versaries — The Guelfs Endeavor to Prevent Salvestro de' Medici 
 from Being Chosen Gonfalonier — Salvestro de' Medici, Gonfalonier 
 — His law against the Nobility, and in favor of the Ammoniti — ^The 
 CoUegi Disapprove of the Law — Salvestro Addresses the Council in 
 ^f^ its favor — The Law is Passed — Disturbances in Florence. 
 
 THE papal chair was occupied by Gregory XL He, like 
 his predecessors, residing at Avignon, governed Italy 
 by legates, who, proud and avaricious, oppressed many 
 of the cities. One of these legates, then at Bologna, taking ad- 
 vantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence, endeavored to 
 render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld pro- 
 visions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their 
 hopes of the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, at- 
 tacked them with a large army, trusting that being famished 
 and unarmed, he should find them an easy conquest. He might 
 perhaps have been successful, had not his forces been mer- 
 cenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced to abandon the 
 enterprise for the sum of 130,000 florins, which the Florentines 
 ^K^paid them. P.eopl e may go. to war wheaJJiey will, but camiot 
 T" ai^js~*ithdramjdisn.. they like. This contest commenced 
 by the ambition of the legate!^"was continued by the resentment 
 of the Florentines, who, entering into a league with Bernabo 
 of Milan, and with the cities hostile to the Church, appointed 
 eight citizens for the administration of it, giving them authority 
 to act without appeal, and to expend whatever sums they might 
 judge expedient without rendering an account of the outlay. 
 This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now 
 , dead, reanimated those who had followed the party of the 
 
 132 
 
1375] WAR WITH THE POPE 133 
 
 Ricci, who, in opposition to the Albizzi, had always favored 
 Bernabo and opposed the Church, and this, the rather, because 
 the eight Commissioners of War were all enemies of the Guelfs. 
 This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, 
 Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite themselves more closely in 
 opposition to their adversaries. The Eight carried on the war, 
 and the others admonished during three years, when the death 
 of the pontiff put an jeriQIE^Ihe hostilities, which had been car- 
 ried on with so muc^Dil^;^nd with such entire satisfaction 
 to the people, that at me^Sia of each year, the Eight were con- 
 tinued in office/ and were called " Santi," or " Holy," although 
 they had set ecclesiastical censures at defiance, plundered the 
 churches of their property, and compelled the priests to perform 
 divine service. So much did citizens at that time prefer the 
 
 §s°lsUb§M^Q§^™IC^Sagiy"con^^^ 
 
 showed the Church, that if, as her friends they had defended, 
 t^ey cou ld as enemie s dep ress he r ; fo r thE"WhglyofiRomagna, 
 the" Marches, and i'erugia were excited to rebellion. 
 
 Yet while this war was carried on against the Pope, they 
 were unable to defend themselves against the Captains of the 
 Parts and their faction ; for the insolence of the Guelfs against 
 the Eight attained such a pitch, that they could not restrain 
 themselves from abusive behavior, not merely against some 
 of the most distinguished citizens, but even against the Eight 
 themselves; and the Captains of the Parts conducted them- 
 selves with such arrogance, that they were feared more than 
 the Signory. Those who had business with them treated them 
 with greater reverence, and their court was held in higher 
 estimation; so that no ambasador came to Florence, without 
 commission to the Captains. 
 
 Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external 
 war, there still prevailed great confusion within; for the au- 
 dacity of the Guelfs was insupportable, and as no available 
 mode of subduing them presented itself, it was thought that re- 
 course must be had to arms, to determine which party was the 
 strongest. With the Guelfs were all the ancient nobility, and 
 the greater part of the most powerful popular leaders, of 
 which number, as already remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and 
 Carlo. On the other side, were all the lower orders, the lead- 
 ers of whom were the eight Commissioners of War, Giorgio 
 
134 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE ['378 
 
 Scali, and Tommaso Strozzi, and with them the Ricci, Alberti, 
 and Medici. Tbfi rest of the multitude, as most commonly hap-- 
 pens, joined the discontented ^rarty: ~^'' 
 
 Tf appeared to the heads of thg" Guelfic faction that their 
 enemies would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in con- 
 siderable danger in case a hostile Signory should resolve on 
 their subjugation. Desirous, therefore, of being prepared 
 against this calamity, the leaders of the party asembled to take 
 into consideration the state of the city, and that of their own 
 friends in particular, and found the ammoniti so numerous and 
 so great a difficulty, that the whole city was excited against 
 them on this account. They could not devise any other remedy 
 than, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the offices 
 of honor, they should banish their opponents from the city, 
 take possession of the palace of the Signory, and bring over 
 the whole state to their own party ; in imitation of the Guelf s 
 of former times, who found no safety in the city, till they had 
 driven all their adversaries out of it. They were unanimous 
 upon the main point, but did not agree upon the time of carry- 
 ing it into execution. It was in the month of April, in the year 
 1378, when Lapo, thinking delay unadvisable, expressed his 
 opinion, that procrastination was in the highest degree perilous 
 to themselves; as in the next Signory, Salvestro de' Medici 
 would very probably be elected Gonfalonier, and they all knew 
 he was opposed to their party. Piero degli Albizzi, on the 
 other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would require 
 forces, which could not be assembled without exciting obser- 
 vation, and if they were discovered, they would incur great risk. 
 He thereupon judged it preferable to wait till the approaching 
 feast of St. John, on which, being the most solemn festival of 
 the city, vast multitudes would be assembled, among whom 
 they might conceal whatever numbers they pleased. To ob- 
 viate their fears of Salvastro, he was to be admonished, and if 
 this did not appear likely to be effectual, they would " ad- 
 monish " one of the Colleagues of his quarter, and upon re- 
 drawing, as the ballot boxes would be nearly empty, chance 
 would very likely occasion that either he or some associate of 
 his would be drawn, and he thus be rendered incapable of sit- 
 ting as Gonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion 
 proposed by Piero, though Lapo consented reluctantly, consid- 
 
1378] SALVESTRO DE MEDICI 13S 
 
 ering the delay dangerous, and that, as no opportunity can be 
 in all respects suitable, he who waits for the concurrence of 
 every advantage, either never makes an attempt, or, if induced 
 to do so, is most frequently foiled. They " admonished " the 
 Colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of Salvestro, 
 for the design was discovered by the Eight, who took care to 
 render all attempts upon the drawing futile. 
 
 Salvestro Alamanno de' MeHicpwas therefore- drawn Gon- 
 falonier, and, being of one^oi ffii sttoWest popular famili^^he 
 could not endure that the people should be 6ppfessedT5y^a few 
 powerful persons. Having resolved to put an end to their in- 
 solence, and perceiving the middle classes favorably disposed, 
 and many of the highest of the people on his side, he com- 
 municated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, 
 and Georgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They, 
 therefore, secretly drew up a law which had for its object to 
 revive the restrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the au- 
 thority of the Capitani di Parte, and recall the ammoniti to their 
 dignity. In order to attempt and obtain their ends, at one and 
 the same time, having to consult, first the Colleagues and then 
 the Councils, Salvestro being Provost (which office for the 
 time makes its possessor almost prince of the city), he called 
 together the Colleagues and the Council on the same morning, 
 and the Colleagues being apart, he proposgd-the^law prepared 
 by himself and his friends, which. being; (; ^ novelty] encountered 
 in their small number so much -a^flfiitinnTllisFne was unable 
 to have it passed. 
 
 Salvestro seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended 
 to leave the room for a private reason, and, without being per- 
 ceived, went immediately to the Council, and taking a lofty 
 position from which he could be both seen and heard, said : — 
 " That considering himself invested with the office of Gon- 
 falonier, not so much to preside in private cases (for which 
 proper iudg« ,we:^e appointed, who have their regular sittings), 
 as to guard "t^e state, eorrect the insolence of the powerful, 
 and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the re- 
 public was being ruined, he had^arefuUy attended to both these 
 duties, and to his utmost ab^y^rwfded for them, but found 
 the perversity of some so much opposed to his just designs as 
 to deprive him of all opportunity of doing good, and them not 
 
136 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1379 
 
 only of the means of assisting him with their counsel, but even 
 hearing him. Therefore finding he no longer contributed 
 either to the benefit of the republic or of the people generally, 
 he could not perceive any reason for his longer holding the 
 magistracy, of which he was either undeserving, or others 
 thought him so, and would therefore retire to his house, that 
 the people might appoint another in his stead, who would either 
 have greater virtue or better fortune than himself." And hav- 
 ing said this, he left the room as if to return home. 
 
 Those of th^ Council who were in the secret, and others 
 desirous of^Mfevelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory 
 and the Colleagues came together, and finding the Gonfalonier 
 leaving them, entreatingly and authoritatively detained him, 
 and obliged him to return to the council room, which was now 
 full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were threatened 
 in opprobrious language ; and an artificer seized Carlo Strozzi 
 by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but 
 was with difficulty prevented by those around. He who made 
 the greatest disturbance, and incited the city to violence, was 
 Benedetto degli Alberti, who, from a window of the palace, 
 loudly called the people to arme ; and presently the courtyards 
 were filled with armed men, and the Colleagues granted to 
 threats, what they had refused to entreaty. The Capitani di 
 Parte had at the same time drawn together a great number of 
 citizens to their hall, to consult upon the means of defending 
 themselves against the orders of Signors, but when they had 
 heard the tumult that was raised, and were informed of the 
 course the Councils had adopted, each took refuge in his own 
 house. 
 
 / Let no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine he 
 can afterward control them at his pleasure, or restrain them 
 from proceeding to the commission of violence. Salvestro in- 
 tended to enact his law, and compose the city ; but it happened 
 otherwise ; for the feelings of all had become so excited, that 
 |they shut up the shops ; the citizens fortified themselves in their 
 houses; many conveyed their valuable property into the 
 churches and monasteries, and every man seemed to apprehend 
 something terrible at hand. The companies of the Arts met, 
 and each appointed an additional officer or Syndic ; upon which 
 the Priors summoned their Colleagues and these Syndics, and 
 consulted a whole day how the city might be appeased writh 
 
1379] TUMULT OF THE ARTS 137 
 
 satisfaction to the different parties; but much difference of 
 opinion prevailed, and no conclusion was come to. On the fol- 
 lowing day the Arts brought forth their banrjers, which the 
 Signory understanding, and being apprehensive of evil, called 
 the Council together to consider what course to adopt. But 
 scarcely were they met, when the uproar recommenced, and 
 soon the ensigns of the Arts, surrounded by vast numbers of 
 armed men, occupied the courts. Upon this, the Council, to 
 give the Arts and the people hope of redress, and free them- 
 selves as much as possible from the charge of causing the mis- 
 chief, gave a general power, which in Florence is called 
 " Balia," to the Signors, the Colleagues, the Eigjjt, the, Capitan| , 
 di Parte, and to the Syndics of the Arts, to I'efdiki'fiie" govern- 
 ment of the city, for the common benefit of all. While this was 
 being arranged, a few of the ensigns of the Arts and some of 
 the mob, desirous of avenging themselves for the recent injuries 
 they had received from the Guelfs, separated themselves from 
 the rest, and sacked and burnt the house of Lapo da Castiglion- 
 chio, who, when he learned the proceedings of the Signory 
 against the Guelfs, and saw the people in arms, having no 
 other resource but concealment or flight, first took refuge in 
 Santa Croce, and afterward, being disguised as a monk, fled 
 into the Casentino, where he was often heard to blame himself 
 for having consented to wait till St. John's day, before they 
 had made themselves sure of the government. Piero degli Al- 
 bizzi and Carlo Strozzi hid themselves upon the first outbreak 
 of the tumult, trusting that when it was over, by the interest of 
 their numerous friends and relations, they might remain in 
 Florence. 
 
 The house of Lapo being burnt, as mischief begins with 
 difficulty but easily increases, many other houses, either 
 through public hatred or private malice, shared the same fate ; 
 and the rioters, that they might have companions more eager 
 than themselves to assist them in their work of plunder, broke 
 open the public prisons, and then sacked the monastery of 
 the Agnoli, and the convent of Santo Spirito, whither many 
 citizens had taken their most valuable goods for safety. Nor 
 would the public chambers have escaped these destroyers' 
 hands, except out of reverence for one of the Signors, who on 
 horseback, and followed by many citizens in arms, opposed 
 the rage of the mob. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Contrary Measures Adopted by the Magistrates to Effect a Pacifica- 
 tion — Luigi Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, Entreats the Magistrates of. 
 the Arts to Endeavor to Pacify the People — Serious Riot Caused by 
 the Plebeians— The Woollen Art— The Plebeians Assemble— The 
 Speech of a Seditious Plebeian — Their Resolution Thereupon — ^The 
 Signory Discover the Designs of the Plebeians — Measures Adopted 
 to Counteract them. 
 
 THIS popular fury being abated by the authority of the 
 Signers and the approach of night, on the following 
 day, the Balia relieved the admonished, on condition 
 that they should not for three years be capable of holding any 
 magistracy. They annulled the laws made by the Guelfs to 
 the prejudice of the citizens ; declared Lapo da Castiglionchio 
 and his companions, rebels, and with them many others, who 
 were the objects of universal detestation. After these reso- 
 lutions, the new Signory were drawn for, and Luigi Guicciar- 
 dini appointed Gonfalonier, which gave hope that the tumults 
 would soon be appeased; for every one thought them to be 
 peaceable men and lovers of order. Still the shops were not 
 opened, nor did the citizens lay down their arms, but continued 
 to patrol the city in great numbers ; so that the Signory did not 
 assume the magistracy with the usual pomp, but merely as- 
 sembled within the palace, omitting all ceremony. 
 
 This Signory, considering nothing more advisable in the 
 beginning of their magistracy than to restore peace, caused a 
 relinquishment of arms ; ordered the shops to be opened, and 
 the strangers who had been called to their aid, to return to 
 their homes. They appointed guards in many parts of the 
 city, so that if the admonished would only have remained quiet, 
 order would soon have been re-established. But they were 
 not satisfied to wait three years for the recovery of their honors ; 
 so that to gratify them the Arts again met, and demanded of 
 the Signory, that for the benefit and quiet of the city, they 
 
 138 
 
1379] ADDRESS OF GUICIARDINI 139 
 
 would ordain no citizens should at any time, whether Signer, 
 Colleague, Capitano di Parte, or Consul of any art whatever, 
 be admonished as a Ghibelline; and further, that new ballots 
 of the Guelfic party should be made, and the old ones burnt. 
 These demands were at once acceded to, not only by the Sig- 
 ners, but by all the Councils ; and thus it was hoped the tu- 
 mults newly excited would be settled. 
 
 But since men are not satisfied with recovering what is 
 their own, but wish to possess the property of others and to 
 revenge themselves, those who were in hopes of benefiting by 
 these disorders persuaded the artificers that they would never 
 be safe, if several of their armies were not expelled from the 
 city or destroyed. This terrible doctrine coming to the knowl- 
 edge of the Signory, they caused the magistrates of the Arts 
 and their Syndics to be brought before them, and Luigi Guic- 
 ciardini, the Gonfalonier, addressed them in the following 
 words : " If these Signors, and I with them, had not long 
 been acquainted with the fate of this city, that as soon as ex- 
 ternal wars have ceased the internal commence, we should have 
 been more surprised, and our displeasure would have been 
 greater. But as evils to which we are accustomed are less an- 
 noying, we have endured past disturbances patiently, they hav- 
 ing arisen for the most part without our fault ; and we hoped 
 that, like former troubles, they would soon have an end, after 
 the many and great concessions we had made at your sugges- 
 tion. But finding that you are yet unsettled, that you contem- 
 plate the commission of new crimes against your fellow citi- 
 zens, and are desirous of making new exiles, our displeasure 
 increases in proportion to your misconduct. And certainly, 
 could we have believed that during our magistracy the city was 
 to be ruined, whether with or without your concurrence, we 
 should certainly, either by flight or exile, have avoided these 
 horrors. But trusting that we had to do with those who pos- 
 sessed some feelings of humanity and some love of their coun- 
 try, we willingly accepted the magistracy, thinking that by our 
 gentleness we should overcome your ambition. But we per- 
 ceive from experience that the more humble our behavior, the 
 more concessions we make, the prouder you become, and the 
 more exorbitant are your demands. And though we speak 
 thus, it is not in order to offend, but to amend you. Let others 
 
140 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1379 
 
 tell you pleasing tales, our design is to communicate only what 
 is for your good. 
 
 " Now we would ask you, and have you answer on your 
 honor, what is there yet ungranted that you can, with any ap- 
 pearance of propriety, require ? You wished to have authority 
 taken from the Capitani di Parte ; and it is done. You wished 
 that the ballots should be burnt, and a reformation of them take 
 place; and we consent. You desii-ed that the admonished 
 should be restored to their honors; and it is permitted. At 
 your entreaty we have pardoned those who have burnt down 
 houses and plundered churches ; many honorable citizens have 
 been exiled to please you; and at your suggestion new res- 
 traints have been laid upon the great. When will there be an 
 end of your demands? And how long will you continue to 
 abuse our liberality ? Do you not observe with how much more 
 moderation we bear defeat than you your victory? To what 
 end will your divisions bring our city? Have you forgotten 
 that when disunited, Castruccio, a low citizen of Lucca, sub- 
 dued her, or, that a Duke of Athens, your hired captain, did 
 so, too? But when the citizens were united in her defence, an 
 Archbishop of Milan and a Pope were unable to subdue it, 
 and, after many years of war, were compelled to retire with 
 disgrace. 
 
 " Then why would you, by your discords, reduce to slavery 
 in a time of peace, that city, which so many powerful enemies 
 have left free, even in war? What can you expect from your 
 disunion but subjugation; or from the property of which 
 you already have plundered, or may yet plunder us, but pov- 
 erty; for this property is the means by which we furnish oc- 
 cupation for the whole city, and if you take it from us, our 
 means of finding that occupation is withdrawn. Beside, those 
 who take it will have difficulty in preserving what is dishon- 
 estly acquired, and thus poverty and destitution are brought 
 upon the city. Now, I, and these Signers command, and 
 if it were consistent with propriety, we would entreat that 
 you allow your minds to be calmed ; be content, rest satisfied 
 with the provisions that have been made for you; and if 
 you should be found to need anything further, make your 
 request with decency and order, and not with tumult; for 
 when your demands are reasonable they will always be com- 
 
1379] PLEBEIANS DISCONTENTED 141 
 
 plied with, and you will not give occasion to evil designing 
 men to ruin your country and cast the blame upon your- 
 selves." 
 
 These words, conveying nothing but the truth, produced a 
 suitable effect upon the minds of the citizens, who thanking 
 the Gonfalonier for having acted towards them the part of a 
 kind Signor, and towards the city that of a good citizen, offered 
 their obedience in whatever might be committed to them. And 
 the Signors, to prove the sincerity of their intentions, appointed 
 two citizens for each of the superior magistracies, who, with 
 Syndics of the Arts, were to consider what could be done to 
 restore quiet, and report their resolutions to the Signors. 
 
 While these things were in progress, a disturbance arose, 
 much more injurious to the republic than anything that had 
 hitherto occurred. The greatest part of the fires and rob- 
 beries whick took place on the previous days were perpe- 
 trated by the very lowest of the people ; and those who had 
 been the most audacious, were afraid that when the greater 
 differences were composed, they would be punished for the 
 crimes they had committed ; and that as usual, they would be 
 abandoned by those who had instigated them to the commis- 
 sion of crime. To this may be added, the hatred of the lower 
 orders toward the rich citizens and the principals of the Arts, 
 because they did not think themselves remunerated for their 
 labor in a manner equal to their merits. For in the times 
 of Charles I, when the city was divided into Arts, a head 
 or governor was appointed to each, and it was provided that 
 the individuals of each art, should be judged in civic matters 
 by their own superiors. These Arts, as we have before ob- 
 served, were at first twelve ; in the course of time they were in- 
 creased to twenty-one, and attained so much power, that in a 
 few years they gained the entire government of the city ; and 
 as some were in greater esteem than others, they were divided 
 into " major " and " minor " ; seven were called " Major Arts," 
 and fourteen, " Minor Arts." From this division, and from 
 other causes which we have narrated above, arose the arrogance 
 of the Capitani di Parte ; for those citizens who had formerly 
 been Guelfs, and had the constant disposal of that magis- 
 tracy, favored the followers of the major and persecuted the 
 minor Arts and their patrons ; and hence arose the many com- 
 
142 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i379 
 
 motions already mentioned. When the companies of the Arts 
 were first organized, many of those trades, followed by the 
 lowest of the people and the plebians, were not incorporated, 
 but were ranged under those Arts most nearly allied to them ; 
 and, hence, when they were not properly remunerated for their 
 labor, or their masters oppressed them, they had no one of 
 whom to seek redress, except the magistrate of the Art to 
 which their were subject ; and of him they did not think jus- 
 tice always attainable. Of the Arts, that which always had, 
 and now has, the greatest number of these subordinates, is the 
 woollen ; which being both then, and still, the most powerful 
 body, and first in authority, supports the greater part of the 
 plebeians and lowest of the people. 
 
 The lower classes, then, the subordinates not only of the 
 woollen, but also of the other Arts, were discontented, from 
 the causes just mentioned ; and their apprehension of punish- 
 ment for the burning and robberies they had committed, did 
 not tend to compose them. Meetings took place in different 
 parts during night, to talk over the past, and to communicate 
 the danger in which they were, when one of the most daring 
 andexperienced, in order to animate the rest, spoke thus : — 
 
 ^f the question now were, whether we should take up 
 arms, rob and burn the houses of the citizens, and plunder 
 'churches, I am,' one of those who would think it worthy of fur- 
 ther consideration, and should, perhaps, prefer poverty and 
 safety to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good. But as 
 we have already armed, and many offences have been commit- 
 ted, it appears to me that we have to consider how to lay them 
 aside, and secure ourselves from the consequences of what is 
 already:,done. I certainly think, that if nothing else could teach 
 us,jriee§saityjinight. You see the whole city full of complaint 
 anaindignation against us; the citizens are closely united, 
 and the Signors are constantly with the magistrates. You may 
 be sure they are contriving something against us; they are 
 arranging some new plan to subdue us. We ought therefore 
 to keep two things in view, and have two points to consider ; 
 the one is, to escape with impunity for what has been done 
 during the last few days, and the other, to live in greater com- 
 fort and security for the time to come. We must, therefore, 
 I think, in order to be pardoned for our old faults, commit new 
 
1379] SPEECH OF A PLEBEIAN 143 
 
 ones ; redoubling the mischief, and multiplying fires and rob- 
 beries ; and in doing this, endeavor to have as many com- 
 panions as we can ; for when many are in fault, few are pun- 
 ished; small crimes are chastised, but great and serious ones 
 rewarded. When many suffer, few seek vengeance ; for gen- 
 eral evils are endured more patiently than private ones. To 
 increase the number of misdeeds will, therefore, make forgive- 
 ness more easily attainable, and will open the way to secure- 
 what we require for our own liberty. And it appears evident^ 
 that the gain is certain; for our opponents are disunited andr 
 rich ; their disunion will give us the victory, and their riches*-; 
 when they have become ours, will support us. 
 
 " Be not deceived about the antiquity of blood by which they 
 exalt themselves above us ; for all men having had one com^i 
 mon origin, are all equally ancient, and hature has made us all 
 after one fashion. Strip us naked, and we shall all be founa 
 like. Dress us in their clothing, and they in ours, we shall apj 
 pear noble, they ignoble — for poverty and riches make all th^ 
 difference. It grieves me much to think that some of you are 
 isorry inwardly for what is done, and resolve to abstain from- 
 \ anything more of the kind. Certainly, if it be so, you are not 
 ' the men I took you for ; because neither shame nor conscience 
 ought to have any influence with you. .Conaaerors, by what 
 means-seevcF, are,^ never jcrasiderei^augjit but glorious. ^We 
 ' hav e no busines s to think aboub^Jsirscienee-; fer~wiien7like us, 
 men have'tdlear hunger, and imprisonment, or death, the fear 
 _ilfJielLjieither .can or_ought to have any influence upon them. 
 If you oniynoi^cehuman proceedings, you may observe that all 
 who attain g reat power an d riche s, jpiake- use of either force jSf 
 fraud; and"whax ihey have acquired either by deceit or vio- 
 lence, in order to conceal the disgraceful methods of attain- 
 ment, they endeavor to sanctify with the false title of honest 
 gains. Those who e ither from imprudence or want of sagacity 
 avoid jdmng so, are always overwhelmed" with "servitude'and 
 p^erty ; for faithful servants are always servants, and honest 
 men are always poor; nor do any ever escape from servitude 
 but the bold and faithless, or from poverty, but the rapacious 
 and fraudulent. God and nature have throjvn all human fort- 
 unes into the midst of mankind ; and they are thus attainable 
 rather by ragine than by industry, by wicked actions rather 
 
144 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i379 
 
 than by good. Hence it is that men feed upon each other, and 
 those who cannot defend themselves mjist be wome^ There- 
 fore we must use force when the oiJ'ptSrtufely offers; and 
 fortune cannot present us one more favorable than the present, 
 when the citizens are still disunited, the Signory doubtful, and 
 the magistrates terrified; for we may easily conquer them be- 
 fore they can come to any settled arrangem^t. \j^^ -^y,^ ^ ,, p. v 
 
 " By this means we shall either obtain the entire gbvernment 
 of the city, or so large a share of it, as to be forgiven past 
 errors, and have sufficient authority to threaten the city with 
 'a renewal of them at some future time. I confess this course 
 is bold and dangerous ; ^ut when necessity_ presses, audacity 
 Jbecome^ruden^pandjn "great affairs the brave never think 
 of dangers. The enterprises that ar'e "begun with hazard 
 always"haVe a reward at last; and no one ever escaped from 
 embarrassment without some peril. Besides, it is easy to see 
 from all their preparations of prisons, racks, and instruments 
 of death, that there is more danger in inaction than in endea- 
 voring to secure ourselves; for in the first_case-llieLeSAj|^re' 
 certain, ifl'tfie" latter doubtful. How often have I heard you 
 complain of the avarice of your superiors and the injustice of 
 your magistrates. Now then is the time, not only to liberate 
 yourselves from them, but to become so much superior, that 
 -they will have more caij^es of grief and fear from you thap 
 you from them. The qp'^ortflfiitypYesented by circiimstaflces 
 Rasses away, and when gone, it' will be vaIh"to think it can be 
 recalled. You see the preparations of our enemies ; let us an- 
 ticipate them ; and those who are first in arms will certainly 
 be victors, to the ruin of their enemies and their own exaltation ; 
 and thus honors will accrue to many of us, and security to all." 
 
 These arguments greatly inflamed minds already disposed 
 to mischief, so that they determined to take up arms as soon 
 as they had acquired a sufficient number of associates, and 
 bound themselves by oath to mutual defence, in case any of 
 them were subdued by the civil power. 
 
 While they were arranging to take possession of the repub- 
 lic, their design became known to the Signory, who, having 
 taken a man named Simone, learned from him the particulars 
 of the conspiracy, and that the outbreak was to take place on 
 the following day. Finding the danger so pressing, they 
 
1379] EFFECT OF THE SPEECH 145 
 
 called together the Colleagues and those citizens who with the 
 Syndics of the Arts were endeavoring to effect the union of 
 the city. It was then evening, and they advised the Signers 
 to assemble the counsels of the trades, who proposed that what- 
 ever armed force was in Florence should be collected, and 
 with the Gonfaloniers of the people and their companies, meet 
 under arms in the piazza next morning. It happened that 
 while Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolo da 
 San Friano was regulating the palace clock, and becoming 
 acquainted with what was going on, returned home and spread 
 the report of it in his neighborhood, so that presently the piazza 
 of Santo Spirito was occupied by above a thousand men. This 
 soon became known to the other conspirators, and St. Pietro 
 Maggiore and St. Lorenzo, their places of assembly, were 
 presently full of them, all under arms. 
 
 10 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 Proceedings of the Plebeians— The Demand they Make of the Signory 
 —They Insist that the Signory Leave the Palace— The Signory Leave 
 the Palace— Michele di Lando, Gonfalonier— Complaints and Move- 
 ment of the Plebeians against Michele di Lando — Michele di Lando 
 Proceeds against the Plebeians and Reduces them to Order— Char- 
 acter of Michele di Lando. 
 
 AT day-break on the twenty-first of July, there did not 
 appear in the piazza above eighty men in arms friendly 
 to the Signory, and not one of the Gonfaloniers; for, 
 knowing the whole city to be in a state of insurrection, they 
 were afraid to leave their homes. The first body of plebeians 
 that made its appearance was that which had assembled at San 
 Pietro Maggiore ; but the armed force did not venture to attack 
 them. Then came the other multitude, and finding no oppo- 
 sition, they loudly demanded their prisoners from the Signory ; 
 and being resolved to have them by force if they were not 
 yielded to their threats, they burnt the house of Luigi Guicciar- 
 dini; and the Signory, for fear of greater mischief, set them 
 at liberty. With this addition to their strength they took the 
 Gonfalon of Justice from the bearer, and under the shadow 
 of authority which it gave them, burnt the houses of many cit- 
 izens, selecting those whose owners had publicly or' privately 
 excited their hatred. Many citizens, to avenge themselves for 
 private injuries, conducted them to the houses of their enemies ; 
 for it was quite sufficient to ensure its destruction, if a single 
 voice from the mob called out, " To the house of such a one," 
 or if he who bore the Gonfalon took the road toward it. All 
 the documents belonging to the woollen trade were burnt, and 
 after the commission of much violence, by way of associating 
 it with something laudable, Salvestro de' Medici and sixty- 
 three other citizens were made knights, among whom were 
 Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi and 
 others similarly their friends ; though many received the honor 
 
 146 
 
1379] CHANGES DEMANDED 147 
 
 against their wills. It was a remarkable peculiarity of the 
 riots, that many who had their houses burnt, were on the same 
 day, and by the same party made knights ; so close were the 
 kindness and the injury together. This circumstance occurred 
 to Luigi Guicciardini, Gonfalonier of Justice. 
 
 In this tremendous uproar, the Signory, finding themselves 
 abandoned by their armed force, by the leaders of the arts, 
 and by the Gonfaloniers, became dismayed ; for none had come 
 to their assistance in obedience to orders; and of the sixteen 
 Gonfalons, the ensign of the Golden Lion and of the Vaio, 
 under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi, alone ap- 
 peared; and these, not being joined by any other, soon with- 
 drew. Of the citizens, on the other hand, some, seeing the 
 fury of this unreasonable multitude and the palace abandoned, 
 remained within doors ; others followed the armed mob, in the 
 hope that by being among them, they might more easily protect 
 their own houses or those of their friends. The power of the 
 plebeians was thus increased and that of the Signory weakened. 
 The tumult continued all day, and at night the rioters halted 
 near the palace of Stefano, behind the Church of St. Barnabas. 
 Their number exceeded six thousand, and before day-break 
 they obtained by threats the ensigns of the trades, with which 
 and the Gonfalon of Justice, when morning came, they pro- 
 ceeded to the palace of the Provost,: who refusing to surrender 
 it to them .they took possession of it by force. 
 
 The Signory, desirous of a compromise, since they could 
 not restrain them by force, appointed four of the Colleagues to 
 proceed to the palace of the Provost, and endeavor to learn 
 what was their intention. They found that the leaders of the 
 plebeians, with the Syndics of the trades and some citizens, 
 had resolved to signify their wishes to the Signory, They 
 therefore returned with four deputies of the plebeians, who 
 demanded that the woollen trade should not be allowed to have 
 a foreign judge ; that there should be formed three new com- 
 panies of the Arts; namely, one for the wool-combers and 
 dyers, one for the barbers, doublet-makers, tailors, and such 
 like, and the third for the lowest class of people. They required 
 that the three new Arts should furnish two Signers ; the four- 
 teen minor Arts, three ; and that the Signory should provide a 
 suitable place of assembly for them. They also made it a con- 
 
148 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i379 
 
 dition that no member of these companies should be expected 
 during two years to pay any debt that amounted to less than 
 fifty ducats; that the bank should take no interest on loans 
 already contracted, and that only the principal sum should be 
 demanded; that the condemned and the banished should be 
 forgiven, and the admonished should be restored to participa- 
 tion in the honors of government. Beside these, many other 
 articles were stipulated in favor of their friends, and a requisi- 
 tion made that many of their enemies should be exiled and 
 admonished. These demands, though grievous and dishonora- 
 ble to the republic, were for fear of further violence granted, 
 by the joint deliberation of the Signors, Colleagues, and Coun- 
 cil of the People. But in order to give it full effect, it was 
 requisite that the Council of the Commune should also give its 
 consent; and, as they could not assemble two councils during 
 the same day, it was necessary to defer it till the morrow. 
 However the trades appeared content, the plebeians satisfied; 
 and both promised, that these laws being confirmed, every dis- 
 turbance should cease. 
 
 On the following morning, while the Council of the Com- 
 mune were in consultation, the impatient and volatile multitude 
 entered the piazza, under their respective ensigns, with loud 
 and fearful shouts, which struck terror into all the Council and 
 Signory ; and Guerrente MarignoUi, one of the latter, influenced 
 more by fear than anything else, under pretence of guarding 
 the lower doors, left the chamber and fled to his house. He 
 was unable to conceal himself from the multitude, who, how- 
 ever, took no notice, except that, upon seeing him, they insisted 
 that all the Signors should quit the palace, and declared that 
 if they refused to comply, their houses should be burned and 
 their families put to death. 
 
 The law had now been passed; the Signors were in their 
 own apartments ; the council had descended from the chamber, 
 and without leaving the palace, hopeless of saving the city, 
 they remained in the lodges and courts below, overwhelmed 
 with grief at seeing such depravity in the multitude, and such 
 perversity or fear in those who might either have restrained or 
 suppressed them. The Signory, too, were dismayed and fearful 
 for the safety of their country, finding themselves abandoned 
 by one of their associates, and without any aid or even advice ; 
 
1379] MICHELE DI LANDO 149 
 
 when at this moment of uncertainty as to what was about to 
 happen, or what would be best to be done, Tommaso Strozzi 
 and Benedetto Alberti, either from motives of ambition (being 
 desirous of remaining masters of the palace), or because they 
 thought it the most advisable step, persuaded them to give way 
 to the popular impulse, and withdraw privately to their own 
 homes. This advice, given by those who had been the leaders 
 of the tumult, although the others yielded, filled Alamanno 
 Acciajuoli and Niccolo del Bene, two of the Signors, with 
 anger; and, reassuming a little vigor, they said, that if the 
 others would withdraw they could not help it, but they would 
 remain as long as they continued in office, if they did not in 
 the mean time lose their lives. These dissensions redoubled 
 the fears of the Signory and the rage of the people, so that the 
 Gonfalonier, disposed rather to conclude his magistracy in dis- 
 honor than in danger, recommended himself to the care of 
 Tommaso Strozzi, who withdrew him from the palace and 
 conducted him to his house. The other Signors were, one after 
 another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamanno and 
 Niccolo, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing them- 
 selves left alone, also retired, and the palace fell into the hands 
 of the plebeians and the eight Commissioners of War, who 
 had not yet laid down their authority. 
 
 When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the 
 Gonfalonier of Justice was in the hands of Michele de Lando, 
 a wool-comber. This man, barefoot, with scarcely anything 
 upon him, and the rabble at his heels, ascended the staircase, 
 and, having entered the audience chamber of the Signory, he 
 stopped, and turning to the multitude said, " You see this pal- 
 ace is now yours, and the city is in your power ; what do you 
 think ought to be done ? " To which they replied, they would 
 have him for their Gonfalonier and lord; and that he should 
 govern them and the city as he thought best. Michele accepted 
 the command ; and, as he was a cool and sagacious man, more 
 f avored by nat ure th'Sn'hxigxSS^PT^^T^'^^'^^^^^^^ompose the 
 tumult,''lmicl restore peace to the city. To occupy the minds 
 of the people, and give himself time to make some arrangement, 
 he ordered that one Nuto, who had been appointed bargello, 
 or sheriff, by Lapo da Castiglionchio, should be sought. The 
 greater part of his followers went to execute this commission ; 
 
ISO THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1379 
 
 and, to commence with justice the government he had acquired 
 by favor, he commanded that no one should either bum or steal 
 anything; while, to strike terror into all, he caused a gallows 
 to be erected in the court of the palace. He began the reform 
 of government by deposing the Syndics of the trades, and ap- 
 pointing new ones ; he deprived the Signory and the Colleagues 
 of their magistracy, and burned the balloting purses containing 
 the names of those eligible to office under the former govern- 
 ment. 
 
 In the meantime, Ser Nuto, being brought by the mob into 
 the court, was suspended from the gallows by one foot; and 
 those around having torn him to pieces, in little more than a 
 moment nothing remained of him but the foot by which he 
 had been tied. 
 
 The eight Commissioners of War, on the other hand, think- 
 ing themselves, after the departure of the Signors, left sole 
 masters of the city, had already formed a new Signory; but 
 Michele on learning this, sent them an order to quit the palace 
 immediately ; for he wished to show that he could govern Flor- 
 ence without their assistance. He then assembled the Syndics 
 of the trades, and created as a Signory, four from the lowest 
 plebeians ; two from the major, and two from the minor trades. 
 Beside this, he made a new selection of names for the balloting 
 purses, and divided the state into three parts; one composed 
 of the new trades, another of the minor, and the third of the 
 major trades. He gave to Salvestro de' Medici the revenue of 
 the shops upon the old bridge ; for himself he took the provostry 
 of Empoli, and conferred benefits upon many other citizens, 
 friends of the plebeians; not so much for the purpose of re- 
 warding their labors, as that they might serve to screen him 
 from envy. ^. ^/'^-^/t^-^a-' 
 
 It s^B^Lto the plebeians that Michele, in his reformation 
 of the"^atePhad too much favored the higher ranks of the 
 people, and that themselves had not a sufficient share in the 
 government to enable them to preserve it ; and hence, prompted 
 by their usual audacity, they again took arms, and coming 
 tumultuously into the court of the palace, each body under their 
 particular ensigns, insisted that the Signory should immediately 
 descend and consider new means for advancing their well-being 
 and security. Michele, observing their arrogance, was unwill- 
 
I379I MICHELE DI LANDO 151 
 
 ing to provoke them, but without further yielding to their re- 
 quest, blamed the manner in which it was made, advised them 
 to lay down their arms, and promised that then would be con- 
 ceded to them, what otherwise, for the dignity of the State, 
 must of necessity be withheld. The multitude, enraged at this 
 reply, withdrew to Santa Maria Novella, where they appointed 
 eight leaders for their party, with officers, and other regula- 
 tions to ensure influence and respect ; so that the city possessed 
 two governments, and was under the direction of two distinct 
 powers. These new leaders determined that eight, elected 
 from their trades, should constantly reside in the palace with 
 the Signory, and that whatever the Signory should determine 
 must be confirmed by them before it became law. They took 
 from Salvestro de' Medici and Michele di Lando the whole of 
 what their former decrees had granted them, and distributed 
 to many of their party, offices and emoluments to enable them 
 to support their dignity. These resolutions being passed, to 
 render them valid, they sent two of their body to the Signory, 
 to insist on their being confirmed by the Council, with an inti- 
 mation, that if not granted they would be vindicated by force. 
 This deputation, with amazing audacity and surpassing pre- 
 sumption, explained their commission to the Signory, upbraid- 
 ed the Gonfalonier with the dignity they had conferred upon 
 him, the honor they had done him, and with the ingratitude and 
 want of respect he had shown toward them. Coming to threats 
 toward the end of their discourse, Michele could not endure 
 their arrogance, and sensible rather of the dignity of the office 
 he hgld...than of the meanness of his „Drigio».j^termined . by 
 'v^tr a.ordinar$ means to punish suclj^extraordinafy insolence, 
 and drawing the sword with whiclTfie was"girt, seriously 
 wounded, and caused them to be seized and imprisoned. 
 
 When the fact became known, the multitude were filled with 
 rage, and thinking that by their arms they might ensure what 
 without them they had failed to effect, they seized their weapons 
 and with the utmost fury resolved to force the Signory to con- 
 sent to their wishes. Michele, suspecting what| jy.puld^appen, 
 determined to be prepared, fgr he knew his> credit rather re^ 
 quired .hiinjpjbe: .first, jn,. the., attack than jto'waiTth 
 of the enemy, or, like his predecessors^ dishonor both thg palace 
 an^ himself by flight. He therefore drew together a good 
 
152 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1379 
 
 number of citizens (for many began to see their error), 
 mounted on horseback, and followed by crowds of armed men, 
 proceeded to Santa Maria Novella, to encounter his adversaries. 
 The plebeians, who as before observed were influenced by a 
 similar desire, had set out about the same time as Michele, and 
 it happened that as each took a different route, they did not 
 meet in their way, and Michele, upon his return, found the 
 piazza in their possession. The contest was now for the palace, 
 and joining in the fight, he soon vanquished them, drove part 
 of them out of the city, and compelled the rest to throw down 
 their arms and escape px.CQ|aceal themselves, as well as they 
 could. Having thus -gaiijkd4h!e victory, the tumults were com- 
 Msed. solely by the talents, c^tljf Gonfalonier, who in courage, 
 pru^efeceT' and generosity surpassed every other citizen of his 
 time, and deserves to be enumerated among the glorious few 
 who have greatly benfited their country; for had he possessed 
 either malice or ambition, the republic would have been com- 
 pletely ruined, and the city must have fallen under greater 
 tyranny than that of the Duke of Athens. But his goodness 
 never allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed to the uni- 
 versal welfare : his prudence enabled him to conduct affairs in 
 such a manner, that a great majority of his own faction reposed 
 the most entire confidence in him ; and he kept the rest in awe 
 by the influence of his authority. These qualities subdued the 
 plebeians, and opened the eyes of the superior artificers, who 
 considered how great must be the folly of those, who having 
 overcome the pride of the nobility, could endure to submit to 
 the nauseous rule of the rabble. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 New Regulations for the Elections of the Signory — Confusion in the 
 City — Piero degli Albizzi and Other Citizens Condemned to Death 
 — The Florentines Alarmed by the Approach of Charles of Durazzo 
 — ^The Measures Adopted in Consequence Thereof — Insolent Conduct 
 of Giorgio Scali — Benedetto Alberti — Giorgio Scali Beheaded. 
 
 BY the time Michele di Lando had subdued the plebeians, 
 the new Signory was drawn^ and among those who 
 composed it, were two persons of such base and mean 
 condition, that the desire increased in the minds of the people 
 to be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen ; and 
 when, upon the first of September, the new Signory entered 
 ofifice and the retiring members were still in the palace, the 
 piazza being full of armed men, a tumultuous cry arose from 
 the midst of them, that none of the lowest of the people should 
 hold office among the Signory. The obnoxious two were with- 
 drawn accordingly. The name of one was II Tira, of the other 
 Baroccio, and in their stead were elected Giorgio Scali and 
 Francesco di Michele. The company of the lowest trade was 
 also dissolved, and its members deprived of office, except 
 Michele di Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio and a few others of better 
 quality. The honors of government were divided into two 
 parts, one of which was assigned to the superior trades, the 
 other to the inferior ; except that the latter were to furnish iive 
 Signers, and the former only four. The Gonfalonier was to 
 be chosen alternately from each. 
 
 The Government, thus composed, restored peace to the city 
 for the time; but though the republic was rescued from the 
 power of the lowest plebeians, the inferior trades were still 
 more influential than the nobles of the people, who, however, 
 were obliged to submit for the gratification of the trades, of 
 whose favor they wished to deprive the plebeians. The new 
 establishment was supported by all who wished the continued 
 subjugation of those who, under the name of the Guelfic party, 
 
 153 
 
154 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1381 
 
 had practised such excessive violence against the citizens. 
 And as among others, thus disposed, were Giorgio Scali, Bene- 
 detto Alberti, Salvesto de' Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi, these 
 four almost became princes of the city. This state of the pub- 
 lic mind strengthened the divisions already commenced between 
 the nobles of the people, and the minor artificers, by the am- 
 bition of the Ricci and the Albizzi ; from which, as at different 
 times many serious effects arose, and as they will hereafter be 
 frequently mentioned, we shall call the former the popular 
 party, the latter the plebeian. This condition of things con- 
 tinued three years, during which many were exiled and put to 
 death; for the government lived in constant apprehension, 
 knowing that both within and without the city many were dis- 
 satisfied with them. Those within, either attempted or were 
 dissatisfied with them. Those within, either attempted or were 
 suspected of attempting every day some new project against 
 them ; and those without, being under no restraint, were con- 
 tinually, by means of some prince or republic, spreading reports 
 tending to increase the disaffection. 
 
 Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He held 
 a command under Charles of Durazzo, a descendant of the kings 
 of Naples, who, designing to undertake the conquest of the do- 
 minions of Queen Giovanna, retained his captain in that city, 
 with the concurrence of Pope Urban, who was at enmity with 
 the Queen. Many Florentine exiles were also at Bologna, in 
 close correspondence with him and Charles. This caused the 
 rulers in Florence to live in continual alarm, and induced them 
 to lend a willing ear to any calumnies against the suspected. 
 While in this disturbed state of feeling, it was disclosed to the 
 government that Gianozzo da Salerno was about to march to 
 Florence with the exiles, and that great numbers of those within 
 were to rise in arms, and deliver the city to him. Upon this 
 information many were accused, the principal of whom were 
 Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi; and after these, 
 Cipriano Mangione, Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori, 
 Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni Anselmi, the whole of whom, 
 except Carlo Strozzi, who fled, were made prisoners; and the 
 Signory, to prevent any one from taking arms in their favor, 
 appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, with a 
 strong armed force, to guard the city. The arrested citizens 
 
1381] GIANOZZO DA SALERNO 155 
 
 were examined, and although nothing was elicited against them 
 sufficient to induce the Capitano to find them guilty, their ene- 
 mies excited the minds of the populace to such a degree of out- 
 rageous and overwhelming fury against them, that they were 
 condemned to death, as it were, by force. Nor was the great- 
 ness of his family, or his former reputation, of any service to 
 Piero degli Albizzi, who had once been, of all the citizens, the 
 man most feared and honored. Some one, either as a friend to 
 render him wise in his prosperity, or an enemy to threaten him 
 with the fickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his 
 making a feast for many citizens, sent him a silver bowl full of 
 sweet-meats, among which a large nail was found, and being 
 seen by many present, was taken for a hint to him to fix the 
 wheel of Fortune, which, having conveyed him to the top, must, 
 if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom. This 
 interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and afterward by 
 his death. 
 
 After this execution the city was full of consternation, for 
 both victors and vanquished were alike in fear; but the worst 
 effects arose from the apprehensions of those possessing the 
 management of affairs; for every accident, however trivial, 
 caused them to permit fresh outrages, either by condemnations, 
 admonitions, or banishment of citizens; to which must be 
 added, as scarcely less pernicious, the frequent new laws and 
 regulations which were made for defence of the government, 
 all of which were put into execution to the injury of those 
 opposed to their faction. They appointed forty-six persons, 
 who, with the Signory, were to purge the republic of all sus- 
 pected by the government. They admonished thirty-nine citi- 
 zens, ennobled many of the people, and degraded many nobles 
 to the popular rank. To strengthen themselves against ex- 
 ternal foes, they took into their pay John Hawkwood, an En- 
 glishman of great military reputation, who had long served the 
 Pope and others in Italy. Their fears from without were in- 
 creased by a report that several bodies of men were being as- 
 sembled by Charles of Durazzo for the conquest of Naples, 
 and many Florentine exiles were said to have joined him. 
 Against these dangers, in addition to the forces which had 
 been raised, large sums of money were provided ; and Charles, 
 having arrived at Arezzo, obtained from the Florentines 40,000 
 
156 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1381 
 
 ducats, and promised he would not molest them. His enter- 
 prise was immediately prosecuted, and having occupied the 
 kingdom of Naples, he sent Queen Giovanna a prisoner into 
 Hungary. This victory renewed the fears of those who man- 
 aged the affairs of Florence, for they could not persuade them- 
 selves that their money would have a greater influence on the 
 King's mind than the friendship which his house had long re- 
 tained for the Guelfs, whom they so grievously oppressed. 
 
 This suspicion increasing, multiplied oppressions; which 
 again, instead of diminishing the suspicion, augmented it ; so 
 that most men lived in the utmost discontent. To this the 
 insolence of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, (who by 
 their poputgr^influMTce' overawed the magistrates), also con- 
 tributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that by the power 
 these men posessed with the plebeians, they could set them 
 at defiance ; and hence it is evident that not only to good men, 
 but even to the seditious, this government appeared tyrannical 
 and violent. To put a period to the outrageous conduct of 
 Giorgio, it happened that a servant of his accused Giovanni di 
 Cambino of practices against the state, but the Capitano de- 
 clared him innocent. Upon this, the judge determined to 
 punish the accuser with the same penalties that the accused 
 would have incurred had he been guilty, but Giorgio Scali, un- 
 able to save him either by his authority or entreaties, obtained 
 the assistance of Tommaso Strozzi, and with a multitude of 
 armed men, set the informer at liberty and plundered the palace 
 of the Capitano, who was obliged to save himself by flight. 
 This act excited such great and universal animosity against 
 him, that his enemies began to hope they would be able to effect 
 his ruin, and also to rescue the city from the power of the 
 plebeians, who for three years had held her under their arrogant 
 control. 
 
 To the realization of this design the Capitano greatly con- 
 tributed, for the tumult having subsided, he presented him- 
 self before the Signors, and said " He had cheerfully under- 
 taken the office to which they had appointed him, for he thought 
 he should serve upright men who would take arms for the de- 
 fence of justice, and not impede its progress. But now that 
 he had seen and had experience of the proceedings of the city, 
 and the manner in which affairs were conducted, that dignity 
 
1381] BENEDETTO ALBERTI 157 
 
 which he had voluntarily assumed with the hope of acquiring 
 honor and emolument, he now more willingly resigned, to es- 
 cape from the losses and danger to which he found himself ex- 
 posed." The complaint of the Capitano was heard with the ut- 
 most attention by the Signory, who promising to remunerate 
 him for the injury he had suffered and provide for his future 
 security, he was satisfied. Some of them then obtained an in- 
 terview with certain citizens who were thought to be lovers 
 of the common good, and least suspected by the state ; and in 
 conjunction with these, it was concluded that the present was a 
 favorable opportunity for .rescuing the_ city from Giorgio and 
 jthe_glebeians, the last outrage he had committed having com- 
 pletely"anenIKd the great body of the people from him. They 
 judged it best to profit by the occasion before the excitement 
 had abated, for they knew that the favor of the mob is often 
 gained or lost by the most trifling circumstance ; and more cer- 
 tainly to ensure success, they determined, if posible, to obtain 
 the concurrence of Benedetto Alberti, for without it they con- 
 sidered their enterprise to be dangerous. 
 
 Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of un- 
 asuming manners, an ardent lover of the liberties of his coun- 
 try, and one to whom tyrannical measures were in the highest 
 degree offensive; so that he was easily induced to concur in 
 their views and consent to Giorgio's ruin. His enmity against 
 the nobles of the people and the Guelfs, and his friendship 
 for the plebeians, were caused by the insolence and tyrannical 
 proceedings of the former ; but finding that the plebeians had 
 soon become quite as insolent, he quickly separated himself 
 from them; and the injuries committed by them against the 
 citizens were done wholly without his consent. So that the 
 same motives which made him join the plebeians induced him 
 to leave them. 
 
 Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades to 
 their side, they provided themselves with arms and made 
 Giorgio prisoner. Tommaso fled. The next day Giorgio was 
 beheaded ; which struck so great a terror into his party, that 
 none ventured to express the slightest disapprobation ; but each 
 seemed anxious to be foremost in defence of the measure. On 
 being led to execution, in the presence of the people who only 
 a short time before had idolized him, Giorgio complained of 
 
rS8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1381 
 
 his hard fortune, and the malignity of those citizens, who, hav- 
 ing done him an undeserved injury, had compelled hm to honor 
 and support a mob, possessing neither faith nor gratitude. Ob- 
 serving Benedetto Alberti among those who had armed them- 
 selves for the preservation of order, he said, " Do you, too, con- 
 sent, Benedetto, that this injury shall be done to me? Were 
 I in your place and you in mine, I would take care that no one 
 should injure you. I tell you, however, this day is the end of 
 my troubles and the beginning of yours." He then blamed 
 himself for having confided too much in a people who may be 
 excited and inflamed by every word, motion, and breath of 
 suspicion. With these complaints he died in the midst of his 
 armed enemies, delighted at his fall. Some of his most in- 
 timate asociates were also put to death, and their bodies dragged 
 about by the mob. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Confusion and Riots in the City — Reform of Government in Opposition 
 to the Plebeians — Injuries Done to those who Favored the Plebeians 
 — Michele di Lando Banished — Benedetto Alberti Hated by the Sig- 
 nory — Fears Excited by the Coming of Louis of Anjou — ^The Floren- 
 tines Purchase Arezzo — Benedetto Alberti Becomes Suspected and is 
 Banished — His Discourse upon Leaving the City — Other Citizens Ban- 
 ished and Admonished — War with Giovanni Galeazzo, Duke of Milan. 
 
 THE death of Giorgio caused very great excitement ; many 
 took arms at the execution in favor of the Signory and 
 the Capitano; and many others, either for ambition or 
 as a means for their own safety, did the same. The city was 
 full of conflicting parties, who each had a particular end in 
 view, and wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed. 
 The ancient nobility, called the " Great," could not bear to be 
 deprived of pubHc honors ; for the recovery of which they used 
 their utmost exertions, and earnestly desired that authority 
 might be restored to the Capitani di Parte. The nobles of the 
 people and the major trades were discontented at the share the 
 minor trades and lowest of the people possessed in the govern- 
 ment ; while the minor trades were desirous of increasing their 
 influence, and the lowest people were apprehensive of losing 
 the companies of their trades and the authority which these 
 conferred. 
 
 Such opposing views occasioned Florence, during a year, to 
 be disturbed by many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the people 
 took arms; sometimes the major and sometimes the minor 
 trades and the lowest of the people; and it often happened 
 that, though in different parts, all were at once in insurrection. 
 Hence many conflicts took place between the different parties 
 or with the forces of the palace; for the Signory sometimes 
 yielding, and at other times resisting, adopted such remedies as 
 they could for these numerous evils. At length, after two as- 
 semblies of the people, and many Balias appointed for the refor- 
 
 159 
 
i6o THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1382 
 
 mation of the city ; after much toil, labor, and imminent dan- 
 ger, a government was appointed, by which all who had been 
 banished since Salvestro de' Medici was Gonfalonier were re- 
 stored. They who had acquired distinctions or emoluments by 
 the Balia of 1378 were deprived of them. The honors of gov- 
 ernment were restored to the Guelfic party ; the two new com- 
 panies of the trades were dissolved, and all who had been sub- 
 ject to them assigned to their former companies. The minor 
 trades were not allowed to elect the Gonfalonier of Justice, their 
 share of honors was reduced from a half to a third ; and those 
 of the highest rank were withdrawn from them altogether. 
 Thus the nobles of the people and the Guelfs repossessed them- 
 selves of the government, which was lost by the plebeians after 
 it had been in their possession from 1378 to 1381, when these 
 changes took place. 
 
 The new establishment was not less injurious to the citi- 
 zens, or less troublesome at its commencement than that of the 
 plebeians had been; for many of the nobles of the people, 
 who had distinguished themselves as defenders of the plebeians 
 were banished, with a great number of the leaders of the latter, 
 among whom was Michele di Lando ; nor could all the benefits 
 conferred upon the city by his authority, when in danger from 
 the lawless mob, save him from the rabid fury of the party that 
 was now in power. His good offices evidently excited little 
 gratitude in his countrymen. The neglect of their benefactors 
 is an error into which princes and republics frequently fall ; 
 and hence mankind, alarmed by such examples, as soon as they 
 begin to perceive the ingratitude of their rulers, set themselves 
 against them. 
 
 As these banishments and executions had always been of- 
 fensive to Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, 
 and he censured them both publicly and privately. The lead- 
 ers of the government began to fear him, for they considered 
 him one of the most earnest friends of the plebeians, and thought 
 he had not consented to the death of Giorgio Scali from dis- 
 approbation of his proceedings, but that he might be left him- 
 self without a rival in the government. His discourse and 
 his conduct alike served to increase their suspicions, so that all 
 the ruling party had their eyes upon him, and eagerly sought 
 an opportunity of crushing him. 
 
1382] LOUIS OF ANJOU 161 
 
 During this state of things, external affairs were not of 
 serious importance, for some which ensued were productive 
 of apprehension rather than of injury. At this time Louis of 
 Anjou came into Italy, to recover the kingdom of Naples for 
 Queen Giovanna, and drive out Charles of Durazzo. His com- 
 ing terrified the Florentines; for Charles, according to the 
 custom of old friends, demanded their assistance, and Louis, 
 like those who seek new alliances, required their neutrality. 
 The Florentines, that they might seem to comply with the re- 
 quest of Louis, and at the same time assist Charles, discharged 
 from their service Sir John Hawkwood, and transferred him 
 to that of Pope Urban, who was friendly to Charles ; but this 
 deceit was at once detected, and Louis considered himself 
 greatly injured by the Florentines. While the war was car- 
 ried on between Louis and Charles in Puglia, new forces were 
 sent from France in aid of Louis, and on arriving in Tuscany, 
 were by the exiles of Arezzo conducted to that city, and took 
 it from those who held possession for Charles. And when 
 they were about to change the government of Florence, as 
 they had already done that of Arezzo, Louis died, and the order 
 of things in Puglia and in Tuscany was changed accordingly ; 
 for Charles secured the kingdom, which had been all but lost, 
 and the Florentines, who were apprehensive for their own city,^ 
 purchased Arezzo from those who held it for Louis. Charles, 
 having secured Puglia, went to take possession of Hungary, 
 to which he was heir, leaving, with his wife, his children 
 Ladislaus and Giovanna, who were yet infants. He took pos- 
 session of Hungary, but was soon after slain there. 
 
 As great rejoicings were made in Florence on account of 
 this acquisition as ever took place in any city for a real victory, 
 which served to exhibit the public and private wealth of the 
 people, many famiUes endeavoring to vie with the state itself 
 in displays of magnificence. The Alberti surpassed all others ; 
 the tournaments and exhibitions made by them were rather 
 suitable for a sovereign prince than for any private individ- 
 uals. These things increased the envy with which the fam- 
 ily was regarded, and being joined with suspicions which the 
 state entertained of Benedetto, were the causes of his ruin. 
 The rulers could not endure him, for it appeared as if, at any 
 moment, something might occur, which, with the favor of his 
 II 
 
i62 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1383 
 
 friends, would enable him to recover his authority, and drive 
 them out of the city. While in this state of suspicion and 
 jealousy, it happened that while he was Gonfalonier of the 
 Companies, his son-in-law, Filippo Magalotti, was drawn Gori- 
 falonier of Justice; and this circumstance increased the fears 
 of the government, for they thought it would strengthen Bene- 
 detto's influence, and place the state in the greater peril. 
 Anxious to provide a remedy, without creating much disturba- 
 ance, they induced Bese Magalotti, his relative and enemy, to 
 signify to the Signory that Filippo, not having attained the age 
 required for the exercise of that ofiSce, neither could, nor ought 
 to hold it. 
 
 The question was examined by the Signors, and part of 
 them out of hatred, others in order to avoid disunion among 
 themselves, declared Filippo ineligible to the dignity, and in 
 his stead was drawn Bardo Mancini, who was quite opposed 
 to the plebeian interests, and an inveterate foe of Benedetto. 
 This man, having entered upon the duties of his office, created a 
 Balia for the reformation of the state, which banished Bene- 
 detto Alberti and admonished all the rest of his family except 
 Antonio. Before his departure, Benedetto called them to- 
 gether, and observing their melancholy demeanor, said : 
 
 " You see, my fathers, and you the elders of our house, how 
 . Fort une has ruined me and threatened you. I am not sur- 
 prised at this, neither ought you to be so, for it always happens 
 thus to those who among a multitude of the wicked, wish to 
 act rightly, and endeavor to sustain, what the many seek to 
 destroy. The love of my country made me take part with Sal- 
 vestro de' Medici and afterwards separated me from Giorgio 
 Scali. The same cause compelled me to- detest those who now 
 govern, who having none to punish them, will allow no one 
 to reprove their misdeeds. I am content that my banishment 
 should deliver them from the fears they entertain, not of me 
 -only, but of all who they think perceives or is acquainted with 
 their tyrannical and wicked proceedings ; and they have aimed 
 their first blow at me, in order the more easily to oppress you. I 
 do not grieve on my own account; for those honors which 
 my country bestowed upon me while free, she cannot in her 
 slavery take from me; and the recollection of my past life 
 will always give me greater pleasure than the pain imparted 
 
1383] BENEDETTO BANISHED 163 
 
 by the sorrows of exile. I deeply regret that my country is left 
 a prey to the greediness and pride of the few who keep her in 
 subjection. I grieve for you; for I fear that the evils which 
 this day cease to affect me, and commence with you, will pur- 
 sue you with even greater malevolence than they have me. 
 Comfort, then, each other; resolve to bear up against every 
 misfortune, and conduct yourselves in such a manner, that 
 when disaster befall you (and there will be many), every one 
 may know they have come upon you undeservedly." .— - 
 
 Not to give a worse impression of his virtue abroad than he 
 had done at home, he made a journey to the sepulchre of Christ, 
 and while upon his return, died at Rhodes. His remains were 
 brought to Florence, and interred with all possible honors, by 
 those who had persecuted him, when alive, with every species 
 of calumny and injustice. 
 
 The family of the Alberti was not the only injured party 
 during these troubles of the city ; for many others were ban- 
 ished and admonished. Of the former were Piero Benini, 
 Matteo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francesco del Bene, Giovanni 
 Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them many members of the 
 minor trades. Of the admonished were the Covini, Benini, 
 Rinucci, Formiconi, Corbizzi, Manelli, and Alderotti. It was 
 customary to create the Balia for a limited time ; and when the 
 citizens elected had effected the purpose of their appointment, 
 they resigned the office from motives of good feeling and de- 
 cency, although the time allowed might not have expired. In 
 conformity with this laudable practice, the Balia of that period, 
 supposing they had accomplished all that was expected of them, 
 wished to retire ; but when the multitude were acquainted with 
 their intention, they ran armed to the palace, and insisted, that 
 before resigning their power, many other persons should be 
 banished and admonished. This greatly displeased the Sig- 
 nors; but without disclosing the extent of their displeasure, 
 they contrived to amuse the multitude with promises, till they 
 had assembled a sufficient body of armed men, and then took 
 such measures, that fear induced the people to lay aside the 
 weapons which madness had led them to take up. Neverthe- 
 less, in some degree to gratify the fury of the mob, and to re- 
 duce the authority of the plebeian trades, it was provided, that 
 as the latter had previously posessed a third of the honors, they 
 
i64 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [139I 
 
 should in future only have a fourth. That there might always 
 be two of the Signors particularly devoted to the government, 
 they gave authority to the Gonfalonier of Justice, and four 
 others, to form a ballot-purse of select citizens, from which, in 
 every Signory, two should be drawn. 1 
 
 This government, from its establishment in 1381, till the al- 
 terations now made, had continued six years ; and the internal 
 peace of the city remained undisturbed until 1393. During this 
 time, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, usually called the Count of 
 Virtii, imprisoned his uncle Bernabo, and thus became sov- 
 ereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he had become Duke of 
 Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself King of Italy 
 by force. In 1391 he commenced a spirited attack upon the 
 Florentines; but such various changes occurred in the course 
 of the war, that he was frequently in greater danger than the 
 Florentines themselves, who, though they made a brave and 
 admirable defence, for a republic, must have been ruined, if he 
 had survived. As it was, the result was attended with infinitely 
 less evil than their fears of so powerful an enemy had led them 
 to apprehend; for the duke having taken Bologna, Pisa, 
 Perugia, and Sienna, and prepared a diadem with which to be 
 crowned King of Italy at Florence, died before he had tasted the 
 fruit of his victories, or the Florentines began to feel the effect 
 of their disasters. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 Maso degli Albizzi— His Violence Excites the Anger of the People— 
 They Have Recourse to Veri de' Medici— The Modesty of Veri— He 
 Refuses to Assume the Dignity of Prince, and Appeases the People 
 — Discourse of Veri to the Signory- The Banished Florentines En- 
 deavor to Return — They Secretly Enter the City and Raise a Tumult 
 — Some of them Slain, others Taken in the Church of St. Reparata 
 —A Conspiracy of Exiles Supported by the Duke of Milan— The Con- 
 spiracy Discovered and the Parties Punished— Various Enterprises 
 of the Florentines— Taking of Pisa— War with the King of Naples 
 — ^Acquisition of Cortona. 
 
 DURING the war with the Duke of Milan, the office of 
 Gonfalonier of Justice fell to Maso degli Albizzi, who 
 by the death of Piero in 1379, had become the inveter- 
 ate enemy of the Alberti; and as party feeling is incapable 
 either of repose or abatement, he determined, notwithstanding 
 Benedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration of his 
 magistracy, he would revenge himself on the remainder of that 
 family. He seized the opportunity afforded by a person, who 
 on being examined respecting correspondence maintained with 
 the rebels, accused Andrea and Alberto degli Alberti of such 
 practices. They were immediately arrested, which so greatly 
 excited the people, that the Signory, having provided them- 
 selves with an armed force, called the citizens to a general as- 
 sembly or parliament, and appointed a Balia, by whose author- 
 ity many were banished, and a new ballot for the offices of gov- 
 ernment was made. Among the banished were nearly all the 
 Alberti; many members of the trades were admonished, and 
 some put to death. Stung by these numerous injuries, the 
 trades and the lowest of the people rose in arms, considering 
 themselves despoiled both of honor and life. One body of 
 them assembled in the piazza ; another ran to the house of Veri 
 de' Medici, who after the death of Salvestro, was head of the 
 family. The Signory, in order to appease those who came to 
 the piazza or court of the palace, gave them for leaders, with 
 
 165 
 
i66 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i394 
 
 the ensigns of the Guelfs and of the people in their hands, Ri- 
 naldo Gianfigliazzi and Donato 'AcciajuoH, both men of the 
 popular class, and more attached to the interests of the ple- 
 beians than any other. Those who went to the house of Veri 
 de' Medici, begged that he would be pleased to undertake the 
 government, and free them from the tyranny of those citizens 
 who were destroying the peace and safety of the Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 It is agreed by all who have written concerning the events of 
 this period, that if Veri had had more ambition than integrity he 
 might without any impediment have become Prince of the city ; 
 for the unfeeling treatment which, whether right or wrong, 
 had been inflicted upon the trades and their friends, had so ex- 
 cited the minds of men to vengeance, that all they required was 
 some one to be their leader. Nor were there wanting those 
 I who could inform him of the state of public feeling; for An- 
 tonio de' Medici, with whom he had for some time been upon 
 terms of most intimate friendship, endeavored to persuade him 
 to undertake the government of the republic. To this Veri re- 
 plied : " Thy menaces when thou wert my enemy, never 
 alarmed me; nor shall thy counsel, now when thou art my 
 friend, do me any harm." Then, turning towards the multi- 
 tude, he bade them be of good cheer; for he would be their 
 defender, if they would allow themselves to be advised by him. 
 He then went, accompanied by a great number of citizens, to 
 the piazza, and proceeded directly to the audience chamber of 
 the Signory, whom he addressed to this effect : " That he could 
 not regret having lived so as to gain the love of the Floren- 
 tines; but he was sorry they had formed an opinion of him 
 which his past life had not warranted ; for never having done 
 anything that could be construed, as either factious or am- 
 bitious, he could not imagine how it had happened, that they 
 should think him willing to stir up strife as a discontented per- 
 son, or usurp the government of his country like an ambitious 
 ione. He therefore begged that the infatuation of the multi- 
 tude might not injure him in their estimation ; for, to the ut- 
 most of his power, their authority should be restored. He then 
 recommended them to use good fortune with moderation ; for 
 (lit would be much better to enjoy an imperfect victory with 
 ijSafety to the city, than a complete one with her ruin. 
 
1394J VERI DI MEDICI 167 
 
 The Signory applauded Veri's conduct ; begged he would en- 
 deavor to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what 
 he and the other citizens might deem most advisable should 
 be done. Veri then returned to the piazza, where the people 
 who had followed him were joined by those led by Donato 
 and Rinaldo, and informed the united companies that he had 
 found the Signory most kindly disposed towards them; that 
 many things had been taken into consideration, which the short- 
 ness of the time, and the absence of the magistrates, rendered 
 incapable of being finished. He therefore begged they would 
 lay doivn their arms and obey the Signory ; assuring them that 
 humility would prevail rather than pride, entreaties rather than 
 threats ; and if they would take his advice, their privileges and 
 security would remain unimpaired. He thus induced them to 
 return peaceably to their homes. 
 
 The disturbance having subsided, the Signory armed the 
 piazza, enrolled 2,000 of the most trusty citizens, who were 
 divided equally by Gonfalons, and ordered to be in readi- 
 nesss to give their assistance whenever required ; and they for- 
 bade the use of arms to all who were not thus enrolled. Having 
 adopted these precautionary measures, they banished and put 
 to death many of those members of the trades who had shown 
 the greatest audacity in the late riots ; and to invest the office 
 of Gonfalonier of Justice with more authoritative majesty, they 
 ordered that no one should be eligible to it, under forty-five 
 years of age. Many other provisipns for the defence of the 
 state were made, which appeared intolerable to those against 
 whom they were directed, and were odious even to the friends 
 of the Signory, themselves, for they could not believe a govern- 
 ment to be either good or secure, which needed so much vio- 
 lence for its defence, a violence excessively oifensive, not only 
 to those of the Alberti who remained in the city, and to the 
 Medici, who felt themselves injured by these proceedings, but 
 also to many others. 
 
 The first who attempted resistance was Donato, son of 
 Jacopo Acciajuoli, who though of great authority, and the 
 superior rather than the equal of Maso degli Albizzi, (who on 
 account of the events which took place while he was Gon- 
 falonier of Justice, was almost at the head of the republic), 
 could not enjoy repose amid such general discontent, or, like 
 
l68 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1394 
 
 many others, convert social evils to his own private advantage, 
 and therefore resolved to attempt the restoration of the exiles 
 to their country, or at least their ofiEces to the admonished. He 
 went from one to another, disseminating his views, showing 
 that the people would not be satisfied, or the ferment of parties 
 subside, without the changes he proposed; and declared that 
 if he were in the Signory, he would soon carry them into effect. 
 In human affairs, delay causes tedium, and haste danger. To 
 avoid what was tedious, Donato Acciajuoli resolved to attempt 
 what involved danger. Michele Acciajuoli his relative, and 
 Niccolo Ricoveri his friend, were of the Signory. This seemed 
 to Donato a conjuncture of circumstances too favorable to be 
 lost, and he requested they would propose a law to the councils, 
 which would include the restoration of the citizens. They, 
 at his entreaty, spoke about the matter to their asociates, who 
 replied, that it was improper to attempt any innovation in which 
 the advantage was doubtful and the danger certain. Upon this, 
 Donato, having in vain tried all other means he could think 
 of, excited with anger, gave them to understand that since they 
 could not allow the city to be governed with peaceful measures, 
 he would try what could be done with arms. These words 
 gave so great offence, that being communicated to the heads of 
 the government. Donato was summoned, and having appeared, 
 the truth was proved by those to whom he had entrusted the 
 message, and he was banished to Barletta. Alamanno and 
 Antonio de' Medici were also banished, and all those of that 
 family, who were descended from Alamanno, with many who, 
 although of the inferior artificers, possessed influence with the 
 plebeians. These events took place two years after the reform 
 of government effected by Maso degli Albizzi. 
 
 At this time many discontented citizens were at home, and 
 others banished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there 
 lived at Bologna, Picchio CavicciuUi, Tommaso de' Ricci, An- 
 tonio de' Medici, Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, 
 Cristofano di Carlone, and two others of the lowest order, all 
 bold young men, and resolved upon returning to their country 
 at any hazard. These were secretly told by Piggiello and 
 Baroccio CavicciuUi, who, being admonished, lived in Florence, 
 that if they came to the city they should be concealed in their 
 houses from which they might afterwards issue, slay Maso degli 
 
1397] THE BANISHED RETURN 169 
 
 Albizzi, and call the people to arms, who, full of discontent, 
 would willingly arise, particularly as they would be supported 
 by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Manelli, and many other families. 
 Excited with these hopes, on August 4, 1397, they came to 
 Florence, and having entered unobserved according to their 
 arrangement, they sent one of their party to watch Maso, de- 
 signing with his death to raise the people. Maso was ob- 
 served to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothe- 
 cary, near the church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he en- 
 tered. The man who went to watch him ran to give infor- 
 mation to the other conspirators, who took their arms and 
 hastened to the house of the apothecary, but found that Maso 
 had gone. 
 
 However, undaunted with the failure of their first attempt, 
 they proceeded to the old market, where they slew one of the 
 adverse party, and with loud cries of " People ! " " Arms ! " 
 " Liberty ! " and " Death to Tyrants ! " directed their course 
 toward the new market, and at the end of the Calimala slew 
 another. Pursuing their course with the same cries, and find- 
 ing no one join them in arms, they stopped at the Loggia Nig- 
 hittosa, where, from an elevated situation, being surrounded 
 with a great multitude, assembled to look on rather than assist 
 them, they exhorted the men to take arms and deliver them- 
 selves from the slavery which weighed so heavily upon them; 
 declaring that the complaints of the discontented in the city, 
 rather than their own grievances, had induced them to attempt 
 their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed to God 
 for an opportunity of avenging themselves, and vowed they 
 would use it whenever the found any one to conduct them ; but 
 now, when the favorable circumstances occurred, and they 
 found those who were ready to lead them, they stared at each 
 other like men stupefied, and would wait till those who were 
 endeavoring to recover their liberty for them were slain, and 
 their own chains more strongly riveted upon them ; they won- 
 dered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight occa- 
 sions, reamined unmoved under the pressure of so many and 
 so great evils ; and that they could willingly suffer such num- 
 ber of their fellow citizens to be banished, so many admonished, 
 when it was in their power to restore the banished to their 
 country, and the admonished to the honors of the state. 
 
170 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1397 
 
 These words, although full of truth, produced no effect upon 
 those to whom they were addressed ; for they were either re- 
 strained by their fears, or, on account of the two murders that 
 had been committed, disgusted with the parties. Thus the 
 movers of the tumult, finding that neither words or deeds had 
 force sufficient to stir any one, saw, when too late, how danger- 
 ous a thing it is to attempt to set a people free who are resolved 
 to be slaves ; and, despairing of success, they withdrew to the 
 temple of Santa Reparata, where, not to save their lives, but 
 to defer the moment of their deaths, they shut themselves up. 
 Upon the first rumor of the affair, the Signory being in fear, 
 armed and secured the palace; bvit when the facts of the case 
 were understood, the parties known, and whither they had be- 
 taken themselves, their fears subsided, and they sent the Capi- 
 tano with a sufficient body of armed men to secure them. The 
 gates of the temple were forced without much trouble ; part of 
 the conspirators were slain defending themselves; the re- 
 mainder were made prisoners and examined, but none were 
 found implicated in the affair except Baroccio and Piggiello 
 Cavicciulli, who were put to death with them. 
 
 Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater im- 
 portance. The Florentines were, as we have before remarked, 
 at war with the Duke of Milan, who, finding that with merely 
 open force he could not overcome them, had recourse to secret 
 practices, and with the assistance of the exiles of whom Lom- 
 bardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in the city were 
 accessary. It was resolved by the conspirators, that most of 
 the exiles capable of bearing arms, should set out from the 
 places nearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and 
 with their friends hasten to the residences of the chiefs of the 
 government ; having slain them, reform the republic according 
 to their own will. Of the conspirators within the city, was one 
 of the Ricci named Samminiato; and as it often happens in 
 treacherous practices, few are insufficient to effect the purpose 
 of the plot, and among many secrecy cannot be preserved, so 
 while Samminiato was in quest of associates, he found an ac- 
 cuser. He confided the affair to Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose 
 wrongs and those of his friends were thought sufficient to make 
 him faithful; but he, more influenced by immediate fear than 
 the hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole affair to 
 
I402J DEATH OF GALEAZZO 171 
 
 the Signory, who, having caused Samminiato to be taken, com- 
 pelled him to tell all the particulars of the matter. However, 
 none of the conspirators was taken, except Tommaso Davizi, 
 who, coming from Bologna, and unaware of what had occurred 
 at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival. All the 
 others had fled immediately upon the apprehension of Sam- 
 miniato. 
 
 Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according 
 to their deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens, which 
 sought the delinquents, and took measures for the security of 
 the state. They declared six of the family of the Ricci rebels ; 
 also, six of the Alberti ; two of the Medici ; three of the Scali ; 
 two of the Strozzi; Bindo Altoviti, Bernardo Adimari, and 
 many others of inferior quality. They admonished all the fam- 
 ily of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici for ten years, ex- 
 cept a few individuals. Among the Alberti, not admonished, 
 was Antonio, who was thought to be quiet and peaceable. It 
 happened, however, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had 
 ceased, a monk was taken who had been observed during its 
 progress to pass frequently between Bologna and Florence. 
 He confesesd that he had often carried letters to Antonio, who 
 was immediately seized, and, though he denied all knowledge of 
 the matter from the first, the monk's accusation prevailed, and 
 he was fined in a considerable sum of money, and banished a 
 distance of three hundred miles from Florence. That the Al- 
 berti might not constantly place the city in jeopardy, every 
 member of the family was banished whose age exceeded fifteen 
 years. 
 
 These events took place in the year 1400, and two years after- 
 wards, died Giovanni Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, whose death, 
 as we have said above, put an end to the war, which had then 
 continued twelve years. At this time, the government having 
 gained greater strength, and being without enemies external 
 or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and having glori- 
 ously completed it, the peace of the city remained undisturbed 
 from 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti, having 
 crossed the boundary they were forbidden to pass, a Balia was 
 formed which with new provisions fortified the state and pun- 
 ished the offenders with heavy fines. During this period also, 
 the Florentines made war with Ladislaus, King of Naples, who 
 
172 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1420 
 
 finding himself in great danger ceded to them the city of Cor- 
 tona of which he was master ; but soon afterwards, recovering 
 his power, he renewed the war, which became far more disas- 
 trous to the Florentines than before ; and had it not, in 1414, 
 been terminated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been 
 by the death of the Duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would 
 have brought Florence into great danger of losing her liberty. 
 Nor was the war with the King concluded with less good for- 
 tune than the former ; for when he had taken Rome, Sienna, the 
 whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had only Florence itself 
 to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always been more favor- 
 able to the Florentines than any other friend, and more po- 
 tent to save them than their own valor. From the time of the 
 King's decease, peace was preserved both at home and abroad 
 for eight years, at the end of which, with the wars of Filippo, 
 Duke of Milan, the spirit of faction again broke out, and was 
 only appeased by the ruin of that government which continued 
 from 1381 to 1434; had conducted with great glory so many 
 enterprises; acquired Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and 
 Monte Pulciano; and would have accomplished more if the 
 citizens had lived in unity, and had not revived former factions ; 
 as in the following book will be particularly shown. 
 
BOOK IV 
 
 THE RISE OF THE MEDICI 
 
 11422-1434 
 
BOOK IV 
 
 THE RISE OF THE MEDICI— 1422-1434 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 License and Slavery, Peculiar Defects in Republican Governments— Ap- 
 plication of this Reflection to the State of Florence— Giovanni di Bicci 
 de' Medici Reestablishes the Authority of his Family — Filippo Vis- 
 conti, Duke of Milan, Endeavors to Make Amicable Arrangements 
 with the Florentines — Their Jealousy of him — Precautionary Measures 
 Against him — War Declared — The Florentines are Routed by the 
 Ducal Forces. ^ <.rM 
 
 Rl EPUBLICAN gover nmen ts, more especially those im- 
 N^ perfectly~ofganize37rrequently change their r uler s arid 
 .;it>''tO>- the fbntrof their tnsfifHibns^ not by the Influence of 
 liberty or subjection, as many siSppose, but by that of \slavery 
 and license,; for with the nobility or the people, the ministers re-^ 
 "spectftrely of slavery or licentiousness, only the(inanie^f libe rty 
 is in any estimation, neither of them choosing^ toube^subiect 
 either to mag;i'StrSEes'^"lawir When, however, a good, wise, 
 an'd"ptfsrer*H4-dii-/en "appeal S"f which is but seldom), who estab- 
 hshes ordmances capable of appeasmg or restrammg these con- 
 tending dispositions, so as to prevent them from doing mischief, 
 then the government ma^ be called frep_and its insttetioHs^firni 
 and secure ; for having good lawsiOT'^ basis, ana,^QdLregu- 
 lat ions-Tfer-carryingf them into effect, it needs -JoxaL- like others, 
 tb^^^jfisry^ one m an for its ma intenance. With such excellent 
 ll^^retWO^^fi^JJ^ii^-^any oTTGose ancient republics, which 
 of lo^~dtrratiori, were endowed. But these advantages 
 are, and always have been, denied to those which frequently 
 change from tyranny to license, or the reverse ; becausej from 
 the powerful enemies which each condition creates itself, they 
 neitherEave, nor-canpossesrtcny stability ; for tyranny cannot 
 please the good, and license is offensive to the wise : the former 
 
 175 
 
176 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1422 
 
 may easily be productive of mischief, while the litter can 
 scarcely be beneficial; in the former, the insolent have too 
 much authority, and in the latter, the foolish; so that each 
 requires for their welfare the virtue and the good fortune of 
 some individual who may be removed by death, or become un- 
 serviceable by misfortune. 
 
 Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced 
 in Florence at the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first 
 sustained by the talents of Maso degli Albizzi, and then by 
 those of Niccolo da Uzzano. The city remained tranquil from 
 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was dead, and Lombardy 
 divided into several parts ; so that there was nothing either in- 
 ternal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to Niccolo da 
 Uzzano in authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di Nigi, 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The 
 factions that arose from the quarrels of the Albizzi and the 
 Ricci, and which were afterwards so unhappily revived by Sal- 
 vestro de' Medici, were never extinguished; for though the 
 party most favored by the rabble only continued three years, 
 and in 1381 was put down, still, as it comprehended the great- 
 est numerical proportion, it was never entirely extinct, though 
 the frequent Balias and persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 
 1400, reduced it almost to nothing. The first families tbat-sy|- 
 fered in this way were the Alberti, the Ricci, and the^J^dicy 
 which were frequently deprived both of men and moneyT'Sfia 
 if any of them remained in the city, they were deprived of the 
 honors of government. These oft-repeated acts of oppression 
 humiliated the faction, and almost annihilated it. Still, many 
 retained the remembrance of the injuries they had received, and 
 a desire of vengeance remained pent in their bosoms, ungratified 
 and unquenched. Those nobles of the people, or new nobil- 
 ity, who peaceably governed the city, committed two errors, 
 which eventually caused the ruin of their party ; the first was, 
 that by long continuance in power they became insolent ; the 
 secondr!RM'^lir"efivx'-they-CTtE«afMd"t5w"afa"each other, and 
 their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed that vigil- 
 ance over those who might injure them, which they ought to 
 have exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of the mass 
 of the people by their sinister procedings, and either negligent 
 of the threatened dangers, because rendered fearless by pros- 
 
1422] FILIPPO VlSCONTl 17? 
 
 perity, or encouraging them through mutual envy, they gave 
 an opportunity to the family of the Medici to recover their in- 
 fluence. 
 
 The first to do so was Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici, who! 
 having become one of the richest men, and being of a humane 
 and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme magistracy by 
 consent of those in power. This circumstance gave so much 
 gratification to the mass of the people (the multitude thinking 
 they had now found a defender), that not without occasion the 
 judicious of the party observed it with jealousy, for they per- 
 ceived all the former feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da 
 Uzzano did not fail to acquaint the other citizens with the mat- 
 ter, explaining to them how dangerous it was to aggrandize one 
 who possessed so much influence ; that it was easy to remedy 
 an evil at its commencement, but exceedingly difficult after 
 having allowed it to gather strength ; and that Giovanni pos- 
 sessed several qualities far surpassing those of Salvestro. The 
 associates of Niccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks; for 
 they were jealous of his reputation, and desired to exalt some 
 person, by means of whom he might be humbled. 
 
 This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings 
 began to be observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son 
 of Giovanni Galeazzo, having,. by the death of his brother, be- 
 come master of all Lombardy^ and thinking he might under- 
 take almost anything, greatly desired to recover Genoa, which 
 enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da Campo 
 Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any 
 other enterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the 
 Florentines, and made his good understanding with them 
 known; but with the aid of their reputation he trusted he 
 should attain his wishes. He therefore sent ambassadors to 
 Florence to signify his desires. Many citizens were opposed 
 to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the peace with 
 Milan, which had now continued for many years. They were 
 fully aware of the advantages he would derive from a war with 
 Genoa, and the little use it would be to Florence. Many others 
 were inclined to accede to it, but would set a limit to his pro- 
 ceedings, which if he were to exceed, all would perceive his base 
 design, and thus they might, when the treaty was broken, more 
 justifiably make war against him. The question having been 
 
178 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1422 
 
 strongly debated, an amicable arrangement was at length ef- 
 fected, by which Filippo engaged not to interfere with anything 
 on the Florentine side of the rivers Magra and Panaro. 
 
 Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke took pos- 
 session of Brescia, and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary 
 to the expectation of those who had advocated peace; for 
 they thought Brescia would be defended by the Venetians, and 
 Genoa would be able to defend herself. And as in the treaty 
 which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa^ he had acquired 
 Serezana and other places situated on this side the Magra, upon 
 condition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be 
 given to the Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken 
 the treaty; and he had beside, entered into another treaty with 
 the legate of Bologna, in opposition to his engagement respect- 
 ing the Panaro. These things disturbed the minds of the citi- 
 zens, and made them, apprehensive of new troubles, consider 
 the means to be adopted for their defence. 
 
 The disastisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowl- 
 edge of Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become 
 acquainted with their prevailing feelings, or to lull them to 
 repose, sent ambassadors to the city, to intimate that he was 
 greatly surprised at the suspicions they entertained, and offer to 
 revoke whatever he had done that could be thought a ground of 
 jealousy. This embassy produced no other effect than that 
 of dividing the citizens ; one party, that in greatest reputation, 
 judged it best to arm, and prepare to frustrate the enemy's de- 
 signs ; and if he were to remain quiet, it would not be neces- 
 sary to go to war with him, but an endeavor might be made to 
 preserve peace. Many others, either envious of those in power, 
 or fearing a rupture with the duke, considered it unadvisable 
 so lightly to entertain suspicions of an ally, and thought his pro- 
 ceedings need not have excited so much distrust ; that appoint- 
 ing the Ten and hiring forces was in itself a manifest declara- 
 tion of war, which, if undertaken against so great a prince, 
 would bring certain ruin upon the city without the hope of any 
 advantage ; for possession could never be retained of the con- 
 quests that might be made, because Romagna lay between, and 
 the vicinity of the Church ought to prevent any attempt against 
 Romagna itself. However, the views of those who were in 
 favor of war prevailed, the Council of Ten were appointed. 
 
1422] WAR DISCUSSED 179 
 
 forces were hired^ and new taxes levied, which, as they were 
 more burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled 
 the city with complaints, and all condemned the ambition and 
 avarice of the great, declaring that, to gratify themselves and 
 oppress the people, they would go to war without any justifiable 
 motive. 
 
 They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, 
 but everything tended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, 
 at the request of the legate of Bologna (who was in fear 
 of Antonio Bentivogli, an exile of Bologna at Castel Bo- 
 lognese), sent forces to that city, which, being close upon the 
 Florentine territory, filled the citizens with apprehension ; but 
 what gave every one greater alarm, and offered sufficient oc- 
 casion for the declaration of war, was the expedition made by 
 the duke again Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi, was Lord of Furli, 
 who dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardianship of 
 Filippo. The boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent 
 him to Ludovico AHdossi, her. father, who was Lord of 
 Imola, but she was compelled by the people of Furli to obey 
 the will of her deceased husband, to withdraw him from his 
 natural guardian, and place him in the hands of the duke. 
 Upon this Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused 
 the Marquis of Ferrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, 
 with forces, to seize the government of Furli, and thus the 
 territory fell into the duke's hands. When this was known 
 at Florence, together with the arrival of forces at Bologna, the 
 arguments in favor of war were greatly strengthened, but there 
 were still many opposed to it, and among the rest Giovanni de' 
 Medici, who publicly endeavored to show, that even if the ill 
 designs of the duke were perfectly manifest, it would still be 
 better to wait and let him commence the attack, than to assail 
 him ; for in the former case they would be justified in the view 
 of the princes of Italy as well as in their own ; but if they were 
 to strike the first blow at the duke, public opinion would be as 
 favorable to him as to themselves ; and besides, they could not 
 so confidently demand assistance as assailants, as they might 
 do if assailed; and that men always defend themselves more 
 vigorously when they attack others. The advocates of war 
 considered it improper to await the enemy in their houses, and 
 better to go and seek him ; that fortune is always more favor- 
 
i8o THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1423 
 
 able to assailants than to such as merely act on the defensive, 
 and that it is less injurious, even when attended with greater 
 immediate expense, to make war at another's door than at our 
 own. These views prevailed, and it was resolved that the Ten 
 should provide all the means in their power for rescuing Furli 
 from the hands of the duke. 
 
 Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy the places 
 he had undertaken to defend, postponed all personal consider- 
 ations against Imola, that Ludovico, having to provide for the 
 defence of his own possessions, might be unable to protect the 
 interests of his grandson. Agnolo approached Imola while the 
 forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, and an intense 
 frost having rendered the ditches of the city passable, he 
 crossed them during the night, captured the place, and sent 
 Ludovico a prisoner to Milan. The Florentines finding Imola 
 in the hands of the enemy, and the war publicly known, sent 
 their forces to Furli and besieged it on all sides. That the 
 duke's people might not relieve it, they hired Count Alberigo, 
 who from Zangonara, his own domain, overran the country 
 daily, up to the gates of Imola. Agnolo della Pergola, finding 
 the strong position which the Florentines had taken prevented 
 him from relieving Furli, determined to attempt the capture of 
 Zazonara, thinking they would not allow that place to be lost, 
 and that in the endeavor to relieve it they would be compelled 
 to give up their design against Furli, and come to an engage- 
 ment under great disadvantage. Thus the duke's people com- 
 pelled Alberigo to sue for terms, which he obtained on con- 
 dition of giving up Zagonara, if the Florentines did not relieve 
 him within fifteen days. This misfortune being known in the 
 Florentine camp and in the city, and all being anxious that the 
 enemy should not obtain the expected advantage, they enabled 
 him to secure a greater; for having abandoned the siege of 
 Furli to go to the relief of Zagonara, on encountering the enemy 
 they were soon routed, not so much by the bravery of their ad- 
 versaries as by the severity of the season ; for, having marched 
 many hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the 
 enemy quite fresh, and were therefore easily vanquished. 
 Nevertheless, in this great defeat, famous throughout all Italy, 
 no death occurred except those of Ludovico degli Obizi and 
 two of his people, who haviijg fallen from their horses were 
 drowned in the morass. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 The Florentines Murmur against those who had been Advocates of the 
 War — Rinaldo degli Albizzi Encourages the Citizens — Measures for 
 the Prosecution of the War — Attempt of the Higher Classes to De- 
 prive the Plebeians of their Share in the Government — Rinaldo degli 
 Albizzi Addresses an Assembly of Citizens and Advises the Restora- 
 tion of the Grandi — Niccolo da Uzzano Wishes to Have Giovanni de' 
 Medici on their Side — Giovanni Disapproves the Advice of Rinaldo 
 degli Albizzi. 
 
 THE defeat of Zagonara spread consternation throughout 
 Florence; but none felt it so severely as the nobility, 
 who had been in favor of the war ; for they perceived 
 their enemies to be inspirited and themselves disarmed, with- 
 out friends, and opposed by the people, who at the corners of 
 the streets insulted them with sarcastic expressions, complain- 
 ing of the heavy taxes, and the unnecessary war, and saying: 
 " Oh ! they appointed the Ten to frighten the enemy. Have they 
 relieved Furli, and rescued her from the hands of the duke? 
 No! but their designs have been discovered; and what had 
 they in view? not the defence of liberty, for they do not love 
 her ; but to aggrandize their own power, which God has very 
 justly abated. This is not the only enterprise by many a one 
 with which they have oppressed the city ; for the war against 
 King Ladislaus was of a similar kind. To whom will they flee 
 for assistance now ? To Pope Martin, whom they ridiculed be- 
 fore the face of Braccio; or to Queen Giovanni, whom they 
 abandoned, and compelled to throw herself under the protec- 
 tion of the King of Arragon ? " To these reproaches was 
 added all that might be expected from an enraged multitude. 
 
 Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved 
 to assemble a few citizens, and with soft words endeavor to 
 soothe the popular irritation. On this occasion,Rinal'do degli 
 Albizzi, the eldest son of Maso, who, by his own talents and the 
 respect he derived from the memory of his father, aspired to 
 
 i8i 
 
,i82 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1423 
 
 the first ofifices of the Government, spoke at great length ; show- 
 ing that it is not right to judge of actions merely by their ef- 
 fects ; for it often happens that what has been very maturely 
 considered is attended with unfavorable results : that if we are 
 to applaud evil counsels because they are sometimes followed 
 by fortunate events, we should only encourage men in error 
 which would bring great mischief upon the republic; because 
 evil counsel is not always attended with happy consequences. 
 In the same way, it would be wrong to blame a wise resolution, 
 because of its being attended with an unfavorable issue; for 
 by so doing, we should destroy the inclination of citizens to 
 offer advice and speak the truth. He then showed the pro- 
 priety of undertaking the war ; and that if it had not been com- 
 menced by the Florentines in Romagna the duke would have 
 assailed them in Tuscany. But since it had pleased God, that 
 the Florentine people should be overcome, their loss would be 
 still greater if they.aUewed themselves to be dejected; but if 
 they set 4_bold front against adverslty^nd made good use of 
 the means within their power,~tE^'"would not be sensible of 
 their loss or the duke of his victory. He assured them they 
 ought not to be alarmed by impending expenses and consequent 
 taxation; because the latter might be reduced, and the future 
 expense would not be so great as the former had been ; for less 
 preparation is necessary for those engaged in self-defence 
 than for those who design to attack others. He advised them 
 to imitate the conduct of their forefathers, who, by courageous 
 conduct in adverse circumstances, had defended themselves 
 against all their enemies. 
 
 Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the son 
 of Braccio, and united with him, for directing the operations 
 of the war, Niccolo Piccinino, a pupil of his father's, and one 
 of the most celebrated of all who had served under him. To 
 these they added other leaders, and remounted some of those 
 who had lost their horses in the late defeat. They also ap- 
 pointed twenty citizens to levy new taxes, who finding the great 
 quite subdued by the recent loss, took courage and drained 
 them without mercy. 
 
 These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who at 
 first, in order to conciliate, did not complain of their own par- 
 ticular hardships, but censured the tax generally as unjust, and 
 
1423] RINALDO DEGLI ALBIZZI 183 
 
 advised that something should be done in the way of relief; 
 but their advice was rejected in the councils. Therefore, to 
 render the law as offensive as possible, and to make all sensible 
 of its injustice, they contrived that the taxes should be levied 
 with the utmost vigor, and made it lawful to kill any that might 
 resist the officers employed to collect them. Hence followed 
 many lamentable collisions, attended with the blood and death 
 of citizens. It began to be the impression of all, that arms 
 would be resorted to, and all prudent persons apprehended 
 some approaching evil ; for the higher ranks, accustomed to be 
 treated with respect, could not endure to be used like dogs ; and 
 the rest were desirous that the taxation should be equalized. 
 In consequence of this state of things, many of the first citizens 
 met together, and it was resolved that it had become necessary 
 for their safety, that some attempt should be made to recover 
 the government ; since their want of vigilance had encouraged 
 men to censure public actions, and allowed those to interfere 
 in affairs who had hitherto been merely the leaders of the rab- 
 ble. Having repeatedly discussed the subject, they resolved to 
 meet again at an appointed hour, when upward of seventy citi- 
 zens assembled in the Church of St. Stephen, with the permis- 
 sion of Lorenzo Ridolfi and. Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both mem- 
 bers of the Signory. Gfovanni de' Medici) was not among them 
 either because being uliSer suspicion he was not invited, or that 
 entertaining different views he was unwilling to interfere. 
 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing the 
 condition of the city, and showing how by their own negligence 
 it had again fallen under the power of the plebeians, from 
 whom it had been wrested by their fathers in 1381. He re- 
 minded them of the iniquity of the government which was in 
 power from 1378 to 1381, and that all who were then present 
 had to lament, some a father, others a grandfather, put to death 
 by its tyranny. He assured them they were now in the same 
 danger, and that the city was sinking under the same disorders. 
 The multitude had already imposed a tax of its own authority ; 
 and would soon, if not restrained by greater force or better reg- 
 ulations, appoint the magistrates, who, in this case, would oc- 
 cupy their places, and overturn the government which for forty- 
 two years had ruled the city with so much glory; the citizens 
 would then be subject to the will of the multitude, and live dis- 
 
i84 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1423 
 
 orderly and dangerous, or be under the command of some 
 individual who might make himself prince. For these reasons 
 he was of opinion, that whoever loved his country^rfind his honor 
 must arouse himself, and call to mind the '^f AueOT Bardo Man- 
 cini, who, by the ruin of the Alberti, rescued the city from the 
 dangers then impending; and that the cause of the audacity 
 now assumed by the multitude was the extensive squittini or 
 pollings, which, by their negligence, were allowed to be made ; 
 for thus the palace had become filled with low men. He there- 
 fore concluded, that the only means of remedying the evil was 
 to restore the government to the nobility, and diminish the au- 
 thority of the minor trades by reducing the companies from 
 fourteen to seven, which would give the plebeians less authority 
 in the councils, both by the reduction in their number and by 
 increasing the authority of the great; who, on account of 
 former enmities, would be disinclined to favor them. He 
 added, t hat it is a good thing to know how to avail themselves 
 of men according to the t^^;'an3That'as~ffielr fathers"Tma 
 use3 the-pIeHeiansto reduce the influence of the great, that now, 
 the great having been humbled, and the plebeians become inso- 
 lent, it was well to restrain the insolence of the latter by the 
 assistance of the former. To effect this they might proceed" 
 either openly or otherwise, for some of them belonging to the 
 Council of Ten, forces might be led into the city without ex- 
 citing observation. 
 
 Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved 
 of by the whole assembly. Niccolo da Uzano, who, among 
 others, replied to it, said : " All that Rinaldo had advanced was 
 correct, and the remedies he proposed good and certain, if they 
 could be adopted without an absolute division of the city ; and 
 this hjs.Jiad- HO -doubt would be effected if they could induce 
 Gioyanni 4£l,,M-e-di?yp. join thsrj ; for with him"atrtKeff'''^e, 
 the multitude being deprived of their chief and stay, would 
 be unable to oppose them ; but that if he did not concur with 
 them they could do nothing without arms, and that with them 
 they would incur the risk of being vanquished, or of not being 
 able to reap the fruit of victory." He then modestly reminded 
 them of what he had said upon a former occasion, and of their 
 i;eluctance to remedy^ the evil when it might easily h^ve been 
 doriejthat how the same remedy could not be attempted with- 
 
1423] SPEECH OF GIOVANNI 185 
 
 QUt Jncurring Jhedan ger of g r eater evils, and therefore there 
 wasliothing iefTloirthem to do but to gain him over to their 
 side, if practicable. Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait 
 upon Giovanni and try if he could induce him to join them. 
 
 He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing 
 words he could make use of endeavored to induce him to coin- 
 cide with their views ; and begged that he would not, by favor- 
 ing an audacious mob, enable them to complete .the ruin both 
 of the government and the city. To thia^ipvanaM-epl ied^^that 
 he considered it the duty of a srood and wise citizen toavoi3 
 altering thefinstitutioiis to which a city is accustomed; there 
 bemg notmng so mjurious to the people as such a change ; for 
 many are necessarily offended, and where there are several dis- 
 contented, some unpropitious event may be constantly appre- 
 hended. He said it appeared to him that their resolution would ' 
 have two exceedingly pernicious effects; the one conferring 
 honors on those who, having never possessed them, esteemed 
 them the less, and therefore had the less occasion to grieve for 
 their absence; the other taking them from those who being 
 accustomed to their possesion would never be at rest till they 
 were restored to them. It would thus be evident that the injury 
 done to one party, was greater than the benefit they had con- 
 ferred upon the other; so that whoever was the author of the 
 proposition, he would gain few friends and^make many enemies, 
 and that the latter would"be more resolutely bent upon injifnhg 
 him than the former would be zealous for his defence, for man - 
 kind are naturallY more di§aQ S£d»ta.XfixaiaEJll5n . to grati^ g^ 
 as if the latter could only be exercised with some inconvenience 
 to themselves, while the former brings alike gratification and 
 profit. Then, directing his discourse more particularly to 
 Rinaldo, he said : " And you, if you could call to mind past 
 events, and knew how craftily affairs are conducted in this city, 
 would not be so eager in this pursuit; for he who advises it, 
 when by your aid he has wrested the power from the people, 
 will, with the people's assistance, who will have become your 
 enemies, deprive you of it. And it will happen to you as to 
 Benedetto Alberti, who, at the persuasion of those who were 
 not his friends, consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and 
 Tommaso Strozzi, and shortly afterward was himself sent into 
 exile by the very same men." He therefore advised Rinaldo 
 
i86 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1423 
 
 to think more maturely of these things and endeavor to imitate 
 his father, who, to obtain the benevolence of all, reduced the 
 ' price of salt, provided that whoever owed taxes under half a 
 ' florin should be at liberty to pay them or not, as he thought 
 proper, and that at the meeting of the councils everyone should 
 be free from the importunities of his creditors. He concluded 
 by saying, that as regarded himself, he was disposed to let the 
 government of the city remain as it was. 1 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Giovanni de' Medici Acquires the Favor of the People — Bravery of 
 Biaggio del Melano— Baseness of Zanobi del Pino — The Florentines 
 Obtain the Friendship of the Lord of Faenza — League of the Floren- 
 tines with the Venetians — Origin of the Catasto — The Rich Citizens 
 Discontented with It — Peace with the Duke of Milan — New Dis- 
 turbances on Account of the Catasto. 
 
 THESE events, and the circumstances attending them, be- 
 coming known to the people, contributed greatly to 
 increase the riggutation of GiovannOand brought odium ? 
 on those who had made fKF]p'rop(5sal"s7'^rTre"ass"umed aiTap-"^ 
 p eara nce of indifference]^ in "of dey~tO"glve less encouragement to "' 
 those who by his influence were desirous of change. In his 
 discourse he intimated to everyone that it is not advisable to 
 promote factions, but rather to extinguish them ; and that what-| 
 ever might be expected of him, he only sought the union of thei 
 city. This, however, gave offence to many of his party; for 
 they would have rather seen him exhibit greater activity. 
 Among others so disposed, was AJamanno de' Medici, who be- 
 ing of a restless disposition, never ceased exciting him to perse- 
 cute enemies and favor friends; condemning his coldness and 
 slow method of proceeding, which he said was the cause of his 
 enemies' practicing against him, and that these practices would 
 one day effect the ruin of himself and his friends. He endea- 
 vored to excite Cosmo, his son, with similar discourses; but 
 Giovanni, for all that was either disclosed or foretold him, re- 
 mained unmoved, although parties were now declared, and the 
 city in manifest disunion. 
 
 There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory, two 
 chancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter favored 
 the party of Niccolo da Uzano, the former that of Giovanni ; 
 and Rinaldi, seeing Giovanni unwilling to join them, thought 
 it would be advisable to deprive Ser Martino of his office, that 
 he might have the palace more completely under his control. 
 
 187 
 
i88 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1423 
 
 The design becoming known to his adversaries, Ser Martino 
 was retained and Ser Pagolo discharged, to the great injury 
 and displeasure of Rinaldo and his party. This circumstance 
 would soon have produced most mischievous effects, but for 
 the war with which the city was threatened, and the recent de- 
 feat suffered at Zagonara, which served to check the audacity 
 of the people ; for while these events were in progress at Flor- 
 ence, Agnolo della Pergola, with the forces of the duke, had 
 taken all the towns and cities possessed by the Florentines in 
 Romagna, except Castrocaro and Modigliano ; partly from the 
 weakness of the places themselves, and partly by the miscon- 
 duct of those who had the command of them. In the course 
 of the campaign, two instances occurred which served to show 
 how greatly courage is admired even in enemies, and how much 
 cowardice and pusillanimity are despised. 
 
 Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte 
 Petroso. Being surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance 
 of saving the place, which was already in flames, he cast clothes 
 and straw from a part which was not yet on fire, and upon these 
 he threw his two children, saying to the enemy, " Take to your- 
 selves those goods which fortune has bestowed upon me, and of 
 which you may deprive me; but those of the mind, in which 
 my honor and glory consist, I will not give up, neither can you 
 wrest them from me." The besiegers ran to save the children, 
 and placed for their father ropes and ladders, by which to save 
 , himself, but he would not use them, and rather chose to die in 
 I the flames than owe his safety to the enemies of his country : 
 an example worthy of that much lauded antiquity, which offers 
 I nothing to surpass it, and which we admire the more from the 
 I rarity of any similar occurrence. Whatever could be recovered 
 ^from the ruins, was restored for the use of the children, and 
 they were carefully conveyed to their friends ; nor was the re- 
 public less grateful ; for as long as they lived, they were sup- 
 ported at her charge. 
 
 An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, 
 where Zanobi del Pino was governor ; he, without offering the 
 least resistance, gave up the fortress to the enemy ; and besides 
 this, advised Agnolo della Pergola to leave the Alps of Ro- 
 magna, and come among the smaller hills of Tuscany, where 
 he might carry on the war with less danger and greater ad- 
 
1423J TREATY WITH VENICE 189 
 
 vantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of 
 this man, and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after 
 many reproaches, gave him nothing to eat but paper painted 
 with snakes, saying, that of a Guelf they would make him a 
 Ghibelline ; and thus fasting, he died in a few days. 
 
 At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the 
 Val di Lamona, with the design of bringing the Lord of Faenza 
 over to the Florentines, or at least inducing him to restrain the 
 incursions of Agnolo della Pergola into Romagna; but as 
 this valley is naturally strong, and its inhabitants war-like. 
 Count Oddo was slain__ there, and Niccolo Piccinino sent a 
 prisoner to Faenza. (^rtune,) however, caused the Florentines 
 to ij btain by their lossTwhaC perhaps, they would have failM 
 to acquire by victory^Ttor" lNTcc6lo~so pr^Faiiled wrEH'the Lofa" 
 oTFaenzaaridTiiTniother, that they became friends of the Flor- 
 entines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, 
 but did not take the advice he had given others ; for while in 
 treaty with the city, concerning the terms of his engagement, 
 either the conditions proposed were insufficient, or he found 
 better elsewhere ; for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he 
 had been staying, passed into Lombardy, and entered the ser- 
 vice of the duke. 
 
 The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced 
 to despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves 
 unable to sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the 
 Venetians, to beg they would lend their aid to oppose the great- 
 ness of one who, if allowed to aggrandize himself, would soon 
 become as dangerous to them as to the Florentines themselves. 
 The Venetians were advised to adopt the same course by Fran- 
 cesco Carmignuola, one of the most distinguished warriors of 
 those times, who had been in the service of the duke, and had 
 afterward quitted it ; but they hesitated, not knowing how far 
 to trust him ; for they thought his enmity with the duke was 
 only feigned. While in this suspense, it was found that the 
 duke, by means of a servant of Carmignuola, had caused poison 
 to be given him in his food, which, although it was not fatal, 
 reduced him to extremity. The truth being discovered, the 
 Venetians laid aside their suspicion ; and as the Florentines still 
 solicited their assistance, a treaty was formed between the two 
 powers, by which they agreed to carry on the war at the com- 
 
190 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE ['427 
 
 mon expense of both : the conquests in Lombardy to be assigned 
 to the Venetians ; those in Romagna and Tuscany to the Floren- 
 tines; and Carmignuola was appointed Captain-general of the 
 League. By this treaty the war was commenced in Lombardy, 
 where it was admirably conducted ; for in a few months many 
 places were taken from the duke, together with the city of 
 Brescia, the capture of which was in those days considered a 
 most brilliant exploit. 
 
 The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens 
 of Florence were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed 
 during that time, that it was resolved to revise them, prepara- 
 tory to their amelioration. That they might be equalized ac- 
 cording to the means of each citizen, it was proposed that who- 
 ever possessed property of the value of one hundred florins 
 should pay half a florin of taxes. Individual contribution 
 would thus be determined by an invariable rule, and not left 
 to the discretion of parties ; and as it was found that the new 
 method would press heavily upon the powerful classes, they 
 used their utmost endeavors to prevent it from becoming law. 
 Giovanni de' Medici^ialone declared himself in favor of it, and 
 D^^^meahs it was passed. "In ofdef'to^etermine the amount 
 each ha^ to'payrit' ^fS^as necessary to consider his property in the 
 aggregate, which the Florentines call " Accatastare," and which 
 in this application of it would signify " to rate or value," and 
 hence this tax received the name of " Catasto." The new 
 method of rating formed a powerful (^eck "to the tyranny of 
 jthe great, who could no longer oppress "tEe lower "classes^ or 
 silence them with threats in the council as they had formerly 
 done, and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though to the 
 wealthy classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as 
 it is found men are never satisfied, but that the possession of 
 one advantage only makes them desire more, the people, not 
 content with the equality of taxation which the new law pro- 
 duced, demanded that the same rule should be applied to past 
 years ; that an investigation should be made to determine how 
 much, according to the catasto, the rich had paid less than their 
 share, and that they should now pay up to an equality with 
 those who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had 
 been compelled to sell their possessions. 
 
 This proposal alarmed the great more than the catasto had 
 
H27] THE CATASTO 191 
 
 done ; and in self-defence they unceasingly decried it, declaring 
 it in the highest degree unjust in being laid not only on im- 
 movable but movable property, which people possess to-day 
 and lose to-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth 
 which the catasto cannot reach ; that those who leave their own 
 affairs to manage those of the republic ought to be less bur- 
 dened by her, it being enough for them to give their labor, 
 and that it was unjust of the city to take both their property 
 and their time, while of others she took only money. The ad- 
 vocates of the catasto replied, that if movable property varies, 
 the taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it would 
 remedy the evil to which it was subject ; that it was unneces- 
 sary to mention those who possessed hidden property; for it 
 would be unreasonable to take taxes for that which produced 
 no interest, and that if it paid anything, it could not fail to be 
 discovered ; that those who did not like to labor for the republic 
 might cease to do so; for no doubt she would find plenty of 
 loving citizens who would take pleasure in assisting her with 
 both money and counsel : that the advantages and honors of a 
 participation in the government are so great, that of themselves 
 they are a sufiScient remuneration to those who thus employ 
 themselves, without wishing to be excused from paying their 
 share of taxes. But, they added, the real grievance had not 
 been mentioned : for those who were offended with the catasto, 
 regretted they could no longer involve the city in all the diffi- 
 culties of war without injury to themselves, now that they had 
 to contribute like the rest ; and that if this law had then been 
 in force they would not have gone to war with King Ladislaus, 
 or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises had been com- 
 menced not through necessity, but to impoverish the citizens. 
 The excitement was appeased by Giovanni de' Medici, who 
 said, " It is not well to go into things so long past, unless to 
 learn something for our present guidance; and if in former 
 times the taxation has been unjust, we ought .to be thankful, 
 that we have now discovered a method of making it equitable, 
 and hope that this will be the means of uniting the citizens, 
 not of dividing them ; which would certainly be the case were 
 they to attempt the recovery of taxes for the past, and make 
 them equal to the present; and that he who is content with a 
 moderate victory is always most successful; for those who 
 
192 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1428 
 
 would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such words 
 as these he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equal- 
 ization was no longer contemplated. 
 
 The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at 
 length restored by means of a legate of the Pope. The duke, 
 however, from the first disregarded the conditions, so that the 
 league again took arms, and meeting the enemy's forces at 
 Maclovio routed them. After this defeat the duke again made 
 proposals for peace, to which the Venetians and Florentines 
 both agreed ; the former from jealousy of the Venetians, think- 
 ing they had spent quite enough money in the aggrandizement 
 of others; the latter, because they found Carmignuolo, after 
 the defeat of the duke, proceed but coldly in their cause ; so that 
 they thought it no longer safe to trust him. A treaty was there- 
 fore concluded in 1428, by which the Florentines recovered the 
 places they had lost in Romagna; and the Venetians kept. Bres- 
 cia, to which the duke added Bergamo and the country around 
 it. In this war the Florentines expended 31,500,000 ducats, 
 extended the territory and power of the Venetians, and brought 
 poverty and disunion upon themselves. 
 
 Bfiing^at J^ace with their neighbors, domestic troubl es 
 recommenced. TEe'fFeaf citizens could n^tenH.vire the catasld^ 
 and not knoirai^gTiow to set it aside, they endeavored to raise 
 up more numerous enemies to the measure, and thus provide 
 themselves with allies to assist them in annulling it. They 
 therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy the tax, that 
 the law required them to extend the catasto over the property 
 of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was con- 
 cealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered 
 to present a schedule of their property against a certain time. 
 This was extremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who 
 sent to the Signory to complain of it ; but the officers, in great 
 wrath, committed eighteen of the complainants to prison. The 
 Volterrani, however, out of a regard for their fellow-country- 
 men who were arrested, did not proceed to any violence. 
 
CHAPTER IV! 
 
 Death of Giovanni de' Medici — ^His Character — Insurrection of Volterra 
 — ^Volterra Returns to her Allegiance — Niccolo Fortebraccio Attacks 
 the Lucchese — Diversity of Opinion upon the Lucchese War — War 
 with Lucca — Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi Appointed Com- 
 missaries — Violence of Astorre Gianni. 
 
 ABOUT .this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and, 
 finding his end approach, called his sons Cosmo and 
 Lorenzo to him, to give them his last advice, and said, 
 
 " I find I have nearly reached the term which God and nature 
 : appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that I leave 
 "^you rich, healthy,, and of suqL standing in society, that if ywj 
 ^pursue the §ime^<iour|e^tmriTiave, you will live respected m 
 ^Florence, and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so 
 3nuch at this moment, as the recollection that I have never wil- 
 lfully offended anyone; but have always used my utmost en- 
 I'deavors to confer benefits upon all. I would have you do so 
 'too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live in security, 
 
 take just such a share as the laws and your countrymen think 
 %)roper to bestow, thus you will escape both danger and envy ; 
 ^for it is not what is given to any individual, but what he has 
 
 * determined to possess, that occasions odium. You will thus 
 ihave a larger share than those who endeavor to engross more 
 Uhan belongs to them ; for they thus usually lose their own, and 
 
 before they lose it, live in constant disquiet. By adopting this 
 , method, although among so many enemies, and surrounded by 
 ,so many conflicting interests, I have not only maintained my 
 'reputation but increased my influence. If you pursue the same 
 
 * course, you will be attended by the same good fortune ; if other- 
 wise, you may be assured, your end will resemble that of those 
 who in our own times have brought ruin both upon themselves 
 and their families." ^ 
 
 Soon after this interview with his sons, Giovanni died, re- 
 13 193 
 
194 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1428 
 
 gretted by everyone, as his many excellences deserved. He 
 was compassionate; not only bestowing alms on those who 
 asked them, but very frequently relieved the necessities of the 
 poor, without having been solicited so to do. He loved all; 
 praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He 
 
 jnever sought the honors of government ; yet enjoyed them all ; 
 
 fend never went to the palace unless by request. He loved peace 
 and shunned war; relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted 
 them in prosperity ; never applied the public money to his own 
 uses, but contributed to the public wealth. He was courteous 
 in office ; not a man of great eloquence, but possessed of extraor- 
 dinary prudence. His demeanor expressed melancholy; but 
 after a short time his conversation became pleasant and face- 
 tious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still more in 
 good fame and the best wishes- of mankind ; and the wealth 
 and respect he left behind him were not only preserved but in- 
 creased by his son Cosmo. 
 
 The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, 
 and to obtain their liberty, promised to comply with the de- 
 mands of the Florentines. Being set free and returned to their 
 city, the time arrived for their new priors to enter upon office, 
 and among those who were drawn, was one named Giusto, a 
 plebeian, but possessing great influence with his class, and one 
 of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being 
 inflamed with hatred against the Florentines on account of his 
 public as well as personal injuries, was further stimulated by 
 Giovanni di' Contugi, a man of noble family, and his colleagues 
 in office, to induce the people, by the authority of the priors and 
 his own influence, to withdraw their country from the power of 
 the Florentines, and make himself prince. Prompted by these 
 motives, Giusto took arms, rode through the city, seized the 
 Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines, and 
 with the consent of the people, became Lord of Volterra. This 
 circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but having 
 just made peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet unin- 
 fringed on either side, they thought themselves in a condition 
 to recover the place ; and that the opportunity might not be lost, 
 they immediately appointed Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla 
 Strozzi commissaries, and sent them upon the expedition. In 
 the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Florentines would at- 
 
1429] SIEGE OF VOLTERRA 195 
 
 tack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter 
 refused, alleging her alliance with Florence ; and Pagolo Guin- 
 igi, to regain the favor of the Florentines, which he imagined 
 he had lost in the war with the duke and by his friendship 
 for Filippo, not only refused assistance to Giusto, but sent his 
 messenger a prisoner, to Florence. 
 
 The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, 
 assembled their cavalry, and having raised a good body of in- 
 fantry in the Val d'Arno Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, 
 proceeded to Volterra. Although attacked by the Florentines 
 and abandoned by his neighbors, Giusto did not yield to fear; 
 but, trusting to the strength of the city and the ruggedness of 
 the country around it, prepared for his defence. 
 
 There lived at Volterra, one Arcolano, brother of that Gio- 
 vanni Contugi who had persuaded Giusto to assume the com- 
 mand. He possessed influence among the nobility, and having 
 assembled a few of his most confidential friends, he assured 
 them that by this event, God had come to the relief of their 
 necessities; for if they would only take arms, deprive Giusto 
 of the Signory, and give up the city to the Florentines, they 
 might be sure of obtaining the principal offices, and the place 
 would retain all its ancient privileges. Having gained them 
 over, they went to the palace in which Giusto resided ; and while 
 part of them remained below, Arcolano, with three others, pro- 
 ceeded to the chamber above, where, finding him with some 
 citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirous to communicate 
 something of importance, and conversing on different subjects, 
 led him to the lower apartment, and fell upon him with their 
 swords. They, however, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto 
 from making use of his own weapon ; for with it he seriously 
 wounded two of them ; but being unable to resist so many, he 
 was at last slain, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano 
 and his party gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries, 
 who, being at hand with their forces, immediately took posses- 
 sion ; but the condition of Volterra was worse than before ; for 
 among other things which operated to her disadvantage, most 
 of the adjoining country was separated from her, and she was 
 reduced to the rank of a vicariate. 
 
 Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same 
 time, present circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient im- 
 
196 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1429 
 
 portance to occasion a new war, if ambition had not again pro- 
 voked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio, the son of a sister of Braccio 
 da Perugia, had been in the service of the Florentines during 
 most of their wars with the duke. Upon the restoration of 
 peace he was discharged ; but when the affair of Volterra took 
 place, being encamped with his people at Fucecchio, the com- 
 missaries availed themselves both of himself and his forces. 
 Some thought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition 
 along with him, he persuaded him, under one pretext or an- 
 other, to attack the Lucchese, assuring him, that if he did so, 
 the Florentines would consent to undertake an expedition 
 against them, and would appoint him to the command. When 
 Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to his quarters 
 at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or of his 
 own accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and 
 Compito, castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred 
 cavalry and as many infantry, and then descending into the 
 plain, plundered the inhabitants to a vast amount. The news 
 of this incursion having reached Florence, persons of all classes 
 were seen gathered in parties throughout the city discussing 
 the matter, and nearly all were in favor of an expedition against 
 Lucca. Of the Grandees thus disposed, were the Medici and 
 their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either because he 
 thought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced 
 by his own ambition and the expectation of being appointed 
 to the command. Niccolo da Uzano and his party were op- 
 posed to the war. 
 
 It seems scarcely credible that such contrary opinions should 
 prevail, though at different times, in the same men and the same 
 city, upon the subject of war ; for the same citizens and people 
 that, during the ten years of peace, had incessantly blamed the 
 war undertaken against Duke Filippo, in defence of liberty, 
 now, after so much expense and trouble, with their utmost 
 energy, insisted on hostilities against Lucca, which, if success- 
 ful, would deprive that city of her liberty ; while those who had 
 been in favor of a war with the duke, were opposed to the 
 present; so much more ready are the multitude to covet the 
 possessions of others than to preserve their own, and so much 
 more easily are they led by the hope of acquisition than by 
 the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latter appear incred- 
 
1429] WAR PROJECTED 197 
 
 ible till they are verified; and the pleasing anticipations of 
 the former are cherished as facts, even while the advantages 
 are very problematical, or at best, remote. The people of 
 Florence were inspired with hope, by the acquisitions which 
 Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, and by letters received from 
 their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; for their deputies at 
 Vico and Pescia had written, that if permission were given to 
 them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, the whole 
 country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, how- 
 ever, be added, that an ambassador was sent by the Governor 
 of Lucca to Florence, to complain of the attack made by Nic- 
 colo, and to entreat that the Signory would not make war 
 against a neighbor, and a city that had always been friendly 
 to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Viviani, who, a short 
 time previously had been imprisoned by Pagolo Guinigi, Gov- 
 ernor of Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although 
 he had been found guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo 
 thought the forgiveness mutual, he reposed confidence in him. 
 Jacopo, more mindful of the danger he had incurred than of 
 the lenity exercised toward him, on his arrival in Florence 
 secretly instigated the citizens to hostilities; and these insti- 
 gations, added to other hopes, induced the Signory to call the 
 Council together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom 
 the principal men of the city discussed the question. 
 
 Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of 
 the expedition, was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage 
 that would accrue from the acquisition, and justified the en- 
 terprise from its being left open to them by the Venetians and 
 the Duke, and that as the Pope was engaged in the affairs ol 
 Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked upon the 
 facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in, 
 bondage to one of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor 
 and former anxiety for the preservation of her liberty, and 
 would either be surrendered to them by the people in order to 
 expel the tyant, or by the tyrant for fear of the people. He 
 recalled the remembrance of the injuries done to the repub- 
 lic by the Governor of Lucca ; his malevolent disposition tow- 
 ard them; and their embarrassing situation with regard to 
 him, if the Pope or the duke were to make war upon them; 
 and concluded that no enterprise was ever undertaken by the 
 
198 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1429 
 
 people of Florence with such perfect facility, more positive ad- 
 vantage, or greater justice in its favor. 
 
 In reply to this, Niccolo da Uzano stated that the city of 
 Florence never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous 
 project, or one more pregnant with evil, than this. In first 
 place they were going to attack a Guelfic city, that had al- 
 ways been friendly to the Florentine people, and had fre- 
 quently, at great hazard, received the Guelfs into her bosom 
 when they were expelled from their own country. That in 
 the history of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca 
 was free, of her having done an injury to the Florentines ; and 
 that if they had been injured by her enslavers, as formerly by 
 Castruccio, and now by the present Governor, the fault was 
 not in the city, but in her tyrant. That if they could assail the 
 latter without detriment to the people, he should have less 
 scruple, but as this was impossible, he could not consent that 
 a city which had been friendly to Florence should be plundered 
 of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present to pay lit- 
 tle or no regard either to equity or injustice, he would consider 
 the matter solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. 
 He thought that what could not easily be attended by per- 
 nicious consequences might be esteemed useful, but he could 
 not imagine how an enterprise should be called advantageous 
 in which the evils were certain and the utility doubtful. The 
 certain evils were the expenses with which it would be attended ; 
 and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great to alarm 
 even a people that had long been in repose, much more one 
 wearied, as they were, by a tedious and expensive war. The 
 advantage that might be gained was the acquisition of Lucca, 
 which he acknowledged to be great ; but the hazards were so 
 enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinion to render the 
 conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself to 
 believe that the Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow 
 them to make the acquisition ; for the former only consented 
 in appearance, in order to avoid the semblance of ingratitude, 
 having so lately, with Florentine money, acquired such an ex- 
 tent of dominion. That as regarded the duke, it would greatly 
 gratify him to see them involved in new wars and expenses; 
 for, being exhausted and defeated on all sides, he might again 
 assail them ; and that if, after having undertaken it, their en- 
 
1429] ASTORRE GIANNI 199 
 
 terprise, against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them 
 the fullest hope of victory, the duke would not want an op- 
 portunity of frustrating their labors, either by assisting the 
 Lucchese secretly with money, or by apparently disbanding 
 his own troops, and then sending them, as if they were soldiers 
 of fortune, to their relief. 
 
 He therefore advised that they should give up the idea, and 
 behave toward the tyrant in such a way as to create him as 
 many enemies as possible; for there was no better method 
 of reducing Lucca than to let her live under the tyrant, op- 
 pressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently managed, 
 that city would soon get into such a condition that he could 
 not retain it, and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it 
 must of necessity fall into their power. But he saw that his 
 discourse did not please them, and that his words were un- 
 heeded; he would, however, predict this to them, that they 
 were about to commence a war in which they would expend 
 vast sums, incur great domestic dangers, and instead of be- 
 coming masters of Lucca, they would deliver her from her 
 tyrant, and of a friendly city, feeble and oppressed, they would 
 make one free and hostile, and that in time she would become 
 an obstacle to the greatness of their own republic. 
 
 The question having been debated on both sides, they pro- 
 ceeded to vote, as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety- 
 eight were against the enterprise. Thus determined in favor 
 of war, they appointed a Council of Ten for its management, 
 and hired forces, both horse and foot. Astorre Gianni and 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commissaries, and Nic- 
 colo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines 
 the places he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise 
 as their captain. The commissaries having arrived with the 
 army in the country of Lucchese, divided their forces; one 
 part of which, under Astorre, extended itself along the plain, 
 toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while Rinaldo, with the 
 other division, took the direction of the hills, presuming that 
 when the citizens found themselves deprived of the surround- 
 ing country, they would easily submit. The proceedings of 
 the commissaries were unfortunate, not that they failed to 
 occupy many places, but from the complaints made against 
 them ot mismanaging the operations of the war; and As- 
 
30O THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1429 
 
 torre Gianni had certainly given very sufficient cause for the 
 charges against him. 
 
 There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta, called 
 Seravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the 
 commissary, presented themselves before him, and begged he 
 would receive them as faithful subjects of the Florentine re- 
 public. Astorre pretended to accept their proposal, but im- 
 mediately ordered his forces to take possession of all the passes 
 and strong positions of the valley, assembled the men in the 
 principal church, took them all prioners, and then caused his 
 people to plunder and destroy the whole country, with the 
 greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction in favor of 
 consecrated places, and violating the women, both married and 
 single. These things being known in Florence, displeased not 
 only the magistracy, but the whole city. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 The Inhabitants of Seravezza Appeal to the Signory — Complaints against 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi — The Commissaries Changed — Filippo Brunel- 
 leschi Proposes to Submerge the Country about Lucca — Pagolo Guinigi 
 asks Assistance of the Duke of Milan — The Duke sends Francesco 
 Sforza — Pagolo Guinigi Expelled — The Florentines Routed by the 
 Forces of the Duke — The Acquisitions of the Lucchese after the Vic- 
 tory — Conclusion of the War. 
 
 A FEW of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, hav- 
 ing escaped, the hands of the commissary, came to 
 Florence and acquainted everyone in the streets with 
 their miserable situation; and by the advice of those who, 
 either through indignation at his wickedness or from being of 
 the opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went 
 to the Council of Ten, and requested an audience. This being 
 granted, one of them spoke to the following effect: 
 
 " We feel assured. Magnificent Lords, that we shall find 
 credit and compassion from the Signory, when you learn how 
 your commissary has taken possession of our country, and 
 in what manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memor- 
 ials bf your ancient houses abundantly testify, was always 
 Guelfic, and has often proved a secure retreat to your citi- 
 zens when persecuted by the Ghibellines. Our forefathers, 
 and ourselves too, have always revered the name of this noble 
 republic as the leader and head of their party. While the Luc- 
 chese were Guelfs we willingly submitted to their govern- 
 ment; but when enslaved by the tyrant, who forsook his old 
 friends to join the Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him 
 more through force than goodwill. And God knows how 
 often we have prayed, that we might have an opportunity of 
 showing our attachment to our ancient party. But how blind 
 are mankind in their wishes ! That which we desired for our 
 safety has proved our destruction. As soon as we learned that 
 your ensigns were approaching, we hastened to meet your 
 
202 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1429 
 
 commissary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our 
 ancient lords ; placed our valley, our persons, and our fortunes 
 in his hands, and commended them to his good faith, believ- 
 ing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at least of 
 a man. 
 
 " Your lordships will forgive us ; for, unable to support his 
 cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has 
 nothing of a man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the 
 name ; a more deadly pest, a more savage beast, a more horrid 
 monster, never was imagined in the human mind; for, hav- 
 ing assembled us in our church, under pretence of wishing to 
 speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burnt and de- 
 stroyed the whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged 
 every place, destroyed everything, violated the women, dis- 
 honored the virgins, and dragging them from the arms of their 
 mothers, gave them up to the brutality of his soldiery. If 
 by any injury to the Florentine people we merited such treat- 
 ment, or if he had vanquished us armed in our defence, we 
 should have less reason for complaint; we should have ac- 
 cused ourselves, and thought that either our mismanagement 
 or our arrogance had deservedly brought the calamity upon 
 us; but after having freely presented ourselves to him un- 
 armed, to be robbed and plundered with such unfeeling bar- 
 barity, is more than we can bear. And though we might have 
 filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against this city, 
 and spread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of 
 Italy, we did not wish to slander so just and pious a republic, 
 with the baseness and perfidy of one wicked citizen, whose 
 cruelty and avarice, had we known them before our ruin was 
 complete, we should have endeavored to satiate (though in- 
 deed they are insatiable and boundless), and with one-half 
 of our property have saved the rest. But the opportunity is 
 past ; we are compelled to have recourse to you, and beg that 
 you will succor the distresses of your subjects, that others 
 may not be deterred by our example from submitting them- 
 selves to your authority. And if our extreme distress cannot 
 prevail with you to assist us, be induced, by your fear of the 
 wrath of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burnt, 
 and his people betrayed in his bosom." 
 
 Having said this, they threw themselves on the ground. 
 
i43oJ APPEAL FROM SERAVEZZA 203 
 
 crying aloud, and praying that their property and their coun- 
 try might be restored to them ; and that if the Signory could 
 not give them back their honor, they would, at least, restore 
 husbands to their wives, and children to their fathers. The 
 atrocity of the affair having already been made known, and 
 now by the living words of the sufferers presented before them, 
 excited the compassion of the magistracy. They ordered the 
 immediate return of Astorre, who being tried, was found 
 guilty, and admonished. They sought the goods of the in- 
 habitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was re- 
 stored to them, and as time and circumstances gave opportunity, 
 they were compensated for the rest. 
 
 Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that 
 he carried on the war, not for the advantage of the Florentine 
 people, but his own private emolument; that as soon as he 
 was appointed commissary, he lost all desire to take Lucca, 
 for it was sufficient for him to plunder the country, fill his 
 estates with cattle, and his house with booty ; and, not content 
 with what his own satellites took, he purchased that of the 
 soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he had become a 
 merchant. These calumnies coming to his ears, disturbed the 
 temper of this proud but upright man, more than quite became 
 his dignity. He was so exasperated against the citizens and 
 magistracy, that without waiting for or asking permission, he 
 returned to Florence, and, presenting himself before the Coun- 
 cil of Ten, he said, that he well knew how difficult and danger- 
 ous a thing it was to serve an unruly people and a divided 
 city; for the one listens to every report, the other pursues 
 improper measures ; they neglect to reward good conduct, and 
 heap censure upon whatever appears doubtful; so that vic- 
 tory wins no applause, error is accused by all, and if vanquished, 
 universal condemnation is incurred; from one's own party 
 through envy, and from enemies through hatred, persecution 
 results. He confessed that the baseness of the present calum- 
 nies had conquered his patience and changed the temper of 
 his mind ; but he would say, he had never, for fear of a false, 
 accusation, avoided doing what appeared to him beneficial to 
 the city. However, he trusted the magistrates would in future 
 be more ready to defend their fellow citizens, so that the lat- 
 ter might continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their 
 
204 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1431 
 
 country; that as it was not customary at Florence to award 
 triumphs for success, they ought at least to be protected from 
 calummy ; and that being citizens themselves, and at any mo- 
 ment liable to false accusations, they might easily conceive 
 how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressed with 
 slander. 
 
 The Ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit, 
 to soothe the acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of 
 the expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, 
 instead of overrunning the country, advanced near to Lucca. 
 As the weather had become extremely cold, the forces estab- 
 lished themselves at Campannole, which seemed to the com- 
 misaries waste of time ; and wishing to draw nearer the place, 
 the soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten had insisted 
 they should pitch their camp before the city, and would not 
 hear of any excuse. 
 
 At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished 
 architect, named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works 
 our city is full, and whose merit was so extraordinary, that 
 after his death, his statue in marble was erected in the prin- 
 cipal church, with an inscription underneath, which still bears 
 testimony, to those who read it, of his great talents. This 
 man pointed out, that in consequence of the relative positions 
 of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the waters of the 
 river might be made to inundate the surrounding country, and 
 place the city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point 
 appeared so clear, and the advantage to the beseigers so ob- 
 vious and inevitable, that the Ten were induced to make the 
 experiment. The result, however, was quite contrary to their 
 I expectation, and produced the utmost disorder in the Floren- 
 tine camp; for the Lucchese raised high embankments in the 
 direction of the ditch made by our people to conduct the waters 
 of the Serchio, and one night cut through the embankment of 
 the ditch itself, so that having first prevented the water from 
 taking the course designed by the architect, they now caused 
 it to overflow the plain, and compelled the Florentines, instead 
 of approaching the city as they wished, to take a more remote 
 position. 
 
 This design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had 
 been re-elected, sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, 
 
I43I] CAPTURE OF STIGLIANO 205 
 
 who encamped before Lucca, with all possible expedition. 
 Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus closely pressed, by the ad- 
 vice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative of the Siennese 
 at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan, 
 to request assistance from the duke; but finding him indis- 
 posed to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part of the 
 people, to deliver their governor up to him and give him 
 possession of the place; at the same time, intimating, that if 
 he did not immediately follow this advice, he would not long 
 have the opportunity, since it was the intention of Pagolo to 
 surrender the city to the Florentines, who were very anxious 
 to obtain it. The duke was so much alarmed with this idea, 
 that, setting aside all other considerations, he caused Count 
 Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in his service, to make 
 a public request for permission to go to Naples; and having 
 obtained it, he proceeded with his forces directly to Lucca, 
 though the Florentines, aware of the deception, and apprehen- 
 sive of the consequences, had sent to the count, Boccocino 
 Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the 
 arrival of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their 
 camp to Librafatta, and the count proceeded immediately to 
 Pescia, where Pagolo Diacceto was lieutenant-governor, who, 
 prompted by fear rather than any better motive, fled to Pistoia, 
 and if the place had not been defended by Giovanni Malavolti, 
 to whom the command was intrusted, it would have been lost. 
 The count failing in his attempt, went to Borgo a Buggiano, 
 which he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the same 
 neighborhood. 
 
 The Florentines, being informed of these disasters, found 
 they must have recourse to those remedies which upon former 
 occasions had often proved useful. Knowing that with mer- 
 cenary soldiers, when force is insufficient, corruption commonly 
 prevails, they offered the count a large sum of money on con- 
 dition that he should quit the city, and give it up to them. 
 The count finding that no more money was to be had from 
 Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and 
 agreed with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which 
 for decency he could not consent to, but to withdraw his troops, 
 and abandon it, on condition of receiving 50,000 ducats ; and 
 having made its agreement, to induce the Lucchese to excuse 
 
ao6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1432 
 
 him to the duke, he consented that they should expel their 
 tyrant. 
 
 Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese 
 Ambassador at Lucca, and with the authority of the count he 
 contrived the ruin of Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the con- 
 spiracy were Pierro Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizzano. 
 The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short distance from 
 the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo. The 
 conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in 
 search of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came 
 toward them quite astonished, and demanded the cause of their 
 visit ; to which Piero Cennami replied, that they had long been 
 governed by him, and led about against the enemy, to die either 
 by hunger or the sword, but were resolved to govern them- 
 selves for the future, and demanded the keys of the city and 
 the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was consumed, but the 
 keys and himself were in their power; he only begged that 
 as his command had begun and continued without bloodshed, 
 it might conclude in the same manner. Count Francesco con- 
 ducted Pagolo and his son to the duke, and they afterward 
 died in prison. 
 
 The departure of. the count having delivered Lucca from 
 her tyrant, and the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, 
 the former prepared fo he defence, and the latte resumed the 
 siege. Thy appointd the Count of Urbino to conduct their 
 forces, and he pressed the Lucchese so closely, that they were 
 again compelled to ask assistance of the duke, who dispatched 
 Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretence as he previously 
 sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on his 
 approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle 
 ensued, in which they were routed, the commissary with a few 
 of his men escaping to Pisa. This defeat filled the Floren- 
 tines with dismay, and as the enterprise had been undertaken 
 with the entire approbation of the great body of the people, 
 they did not know whom to find fault with, and therefore railed 
 against those who had been appointed to the management of 
 the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They 
 were, however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than 
 any other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put 
 a period to the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but 
 
I433J CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES 207 
 
 that he had been bribed with money, for he had sent home a 
 large sum, naming the party who had been intrusted to bring 
 it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered. These com- 
 plaints and accusations were carried to so great a length that 
 the Captain of the People, induced by the public voice, and 
 pressed by the party opposed to the war, summoned him to 
 trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of indignation. How- 
 ever his friends, from regard to their own character, adopted 
 such a course with the Capitano as induced him to abandon 
 the inquiry. 
 
 After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the 
 places that had belonged to them, but occupied all the country 
 of Pisa except Bientina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; 
 and, had not a conspiracy been discovered that was formed in 
 Pisa, they would have secured that city also. The Floren- 
 tines again prepared for battle, and appointed Micheletto, a 
 pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke, on the other 
 hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a 
 greater power against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, 
 the Siennese, and the Governor of Piombino, to enter into a 
 league for the defence of Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Pic- 
 cinino to conduct their forces. Having by this step declared 
 his design, the Venetians and Florentines renewed their league, 
 and the war was carried on openly in Tuscany and Lombardy, 
 in each of which several battles were fought with variety of 
 fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came to 
 terms for the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this 
 arrangement the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had 
 each occupied many fortresses belonging to the others, gave 
 them all up, and each party resumed its original possessions. 
 
CHAPTER .VI 
 
 Cosmo de' Medici, his Character and Mode of Proceeding— The Great- 
 ness of Cosmo Excites the Jealousy of the Citizens — The Opinion of 
 Niccolo da Uzano — Scandalous Divisions of the Florentines — Death of 
 Niccolo da Uzano — Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, Adopts Measures 
 against Cosmo — Cosmo Arrested in the Palace — He is Apprehensive 
 of Attempts against his Life. 
 
 DURING the war the malignant humors of the city were 
 in constant activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the 
 death of Giovanni, engaged more earnestly in public 
 affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and boldness in 
 regard to his friends than his father had done, so that those 
 who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was 
 likely to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. 
 Cosmo was one of the most prudent of men; of grave and 
 courteous demeanor, extremely liberal and humane. He never 
 attempted anything against parties, or against rulers, but was 
 bountiful to all ; and, by the unwearied generosity of his dis- 
 position, made himself partisans of all ranks of the citizens. 
 This mode of proceeding increased the difficulties of those who 
 were in the government, and Cosmo himself hoped that by its 
 pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much respected 
 and as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of his 
 adversaries compelled him to adopt a different course, arms 
 and the favor of his friends would enable him to become more 
 so. Averardo de' Medici and Puccio Pucci were greatly in- 
 strumental in the establishment of his power; the former by 
 his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence and sagacity, con- 
 tributed to his aggrandizement. Indeed the advice and wis- 
 dom of Puccio were so highly esteemed, that Cosmo's party 
 was rather distinguished by the name of Puccio than by his 
 own. 
 
 By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was un- 
 dertaken ; and the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being 
 
 203 
 
1433] COSMO EXCITES JEALOUSY 209 
 
 abated, increased. Although the friends of Cosmo had been 
 in favor of it, many of the adverse faction were sent to assist 
 in the management, as being men of greater influence in the 
 state. Averardo de'- Medici and the rest being unable to pre- 
 vent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniate them ; 
 and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred, (and there 
 were many), fortune and the exertions of the enemy were never 
 supposed to be the causes, but solely the want of capacity in 
 the commissary. This disposition aggravated the offences of 
 Astorre Gianni ; this excited the indignation of Rinaldo degli 
 Albizzi, and made him resign his commission without leave; 
 this, too, compelled the Captain of the People to require the ap- 
 pearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from this arose all the 
 other charges which were made against the magistrates and 
 the commissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal ones 
 feigned, and the true and the false were equally believed by 
 the people, who were almost universally their foes. 
 
 All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were 
 perfectly known to Niccolo da Uzano and the other leaders of 
 the party ; and they had often consulted together for the pur- 
 pose of finding a remedy, but without effect ; though they were 
 aware of the danger of allowing them to increase, and the 
 gfreat difficulty that would attend any attempt to remove or 
 abate them. Niccolo da Uzano was the earliest to take offence ; 
 and while the war was proceeding without, and these troubles 
 within, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent 
 to the ruin of Cosmo waited upon him at his house ; and find- 
 ind him alone in his study, arid very pensive, endeavored, with 
 the best reasons he could adduce, to persuade him to agree 
 with Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolo da Uzano re- 
 plied as follows: 
 
 " It would be better for thee and thy house, as well as for 
 our republic, if thou and those who follow thee in this opin- 
 ion had beards of silver instead of gold, as is said of thee ; for 
 advice proceeding from the hoary head of long experience 
 would be wiser and of greater service to all. It appears to 
 me, that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence would 
 do well to consider what is their strength, and what that of 
 Cosmo. You have named one party, that of the nobility, the 
 other that of the plebeians. If the fact corresponded with 
 
2IO THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i433 
 
 the name, the victory would still be most uncertain ; and the 
 example of the ancient nobility of this city, who were destroyed 
 by the plebeians, ought rather to impress us with fear than 
 with hope. We have, however, still further cause for apprehen- 
 sion from the division of our party, and the union of our 
 adversaries. In the first place, Neri di Gino and Nerone di . 
 Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never so fully de- 
 clared their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether 
 they are most our friends or those of our opponents. There 
 are many families, even many houses, divided; many are op- 
 posed to us through envy of brothers or relatives. I will re- 
 call to your recollection two or three of the most important; 
 you may think of the others at your leisure. Of the sons of 
 Ma,so degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown 
 himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of the 
 sons of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor 
 of our adversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo Sodorini openly 
 oppose us on account of their hatred of their uncle Francesco. 
 So that if we consider well what we are, and what our enemies, 
 I cannot see why we should be called " Noble " any more than 
 they. If it be because they are followed by the plebeians, we 
 are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a better ; 
 for were it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not 
 be able to resist them. 
 
 " True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our precedence, the 
 priority of our position ; but this arises from the former repu- 
 tation of the government, which has now continued fifty years ; 
 and whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our weak- 
 ness we shall lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our 
 cause ought to augment our influence and diminish theirs, I 
 answer, that this justice requires to be perceived and believed 
 by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not the case ; for 
 the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion 
 that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And 
 although we entertain this suspicion, and suppose it to be cor- 
 rect, others have it not; but, what is worse, they charge us 
 with the very' design of which we accuse him. Those actions 
 of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends money 
 indiscriminately, and not to private persons only, but to the 
 public; and not to Florentines only, but to the condpttieri. 
 
1433] ADVICE OF UZANO 211 
 
 the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any citizen who re- 
 quires magisterial aid; and, by the universal interest he pos- 
 sesses in, the city, raises first one friend and then another to 
 higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for 
 expelling him, would be to say that he is kind, generous, lib- 
 eral, and beloved by all. 
 
 " Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves, 
 or condemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent ? And 
 though they are all modes adopted by those who aim at sov- 
 ereignty, they are not believed to be such, nor have we sufficient 
 power to make them to be so esteemed; for our conduct has 
 robbed us of confidence, and the city, naturally partial, and 
 (having always lived in faction), corrupt, cannot lend its at- 
 tention to such charges. But even if we were successful in an 
 attempt to expel him, which might easily happen under a fav- 
 orable Signory, how could we, being surrounded by his in- 
 numerable friends, who would constantly reproach us, and ar- 
 dently desire to see him again in the city, prevent his return? 
 It would be impossible, for they being so numerous, and hav- 
 ing the good will of all upon their side, we should never be 
 secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friends 
 as you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that 
 in a short time he would return, and the result would be sim- 
 ply this, that we had driven him out a good man, and he had 
 returned to us a bad one; for his nature would be corrupted 
 by those who recalled him, and he, being under obligation, 
 could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to 
 death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, 
 for his wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always 
 save him. But let us suppose him put to death, or that, being 
 banished, he did not return, I cannot see how the condition 
 of our republic would be ameliorated; for if we relieve her 
 from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo, and it 
 is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power 
 and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must pre- 
 vail, I know of no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo 
 to Cosmo. I shall only say, may God preserve the city from 
 any of her citizens usurping the sovereignty, but if our sins 
 have deserved this, in mercy save us from Rinaldo. 
 
 " I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption of a 
 
212 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1433 
 
 course on every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union 
 with a few, you would be able to oppose the will of the many ; 
 for the citizens, some from ignorance and others from malice, 
 are ready to sell the republic at any time, and fortune has so 
 much favored them, that they have found a purchaser. Take 
 my advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with re- 
 gard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in 
 our party as in that of our adversaries. And when troubles 
 arise, being of neither side, you will be agreeable to both, and 
 you will thus provide for your own comfort and do no injury 
 to any." 
 
 These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, 
 so that tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But 
 this being ended, and Niccolo da Uzano dead, the city being 
 at peace and under no restraint, unhealthy humors increased 
 with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo, considering himself now the 
 leader of the party, constantly entreated and urged every citi- 
 zen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, to tcdce up 
 arms and deliver the country from him who, from the malevo- 
 lence of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was inevit- 
 ably reducing it to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and 
 those of the contrary side, kept the city full of apprehension, 
 so that whenever a magistracy was created, the numbers of 
 each party composing it were made publicly known, and upon 
 drawing for the Signory the whole city was aroused. Every 
 case brought before the magistrates, however trivial, was made 
 a subject of contention among them. Secrets were divulged, 
 good and evil alike became objects of favor and opposition, 
 the benevolent and the wicked were alike assailed, and no mag- 
 istrate fulfilled the duties of his ofifice with integrity. 
 
 In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the 
 power of Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was 
 likely to become Gonfalonier, paid his arrears of taxes, that 
 he might not, by being indebted to the public, be incapacitated 
 for holding the office. The drawing soon after took place, and 
 fortune, opposed to our welfare, caused Bernardo to be ap- 
 pointed for the months of September and October. Rinaldo 
 immediately waited upon him, and intimated how much the 
 party of the nobility, and all who wished for repose, rejoiced 
 to find he had attained that dignity; that it now rested with 
 
1433] BERNARDO DRAWN GONFALONIER 213 
 
 him to act in such a manner as to realize their pleasing ex- 
 pectations. He then enlarged upon the danger of disunion, 
 and endeavored to show that there was no means of attaining 
 the blessing of unity but by the destruction of Cosmo, for he 
 alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous wealth, 
 kept them depressed; that he was already so powerful, that 
 if not hindered, he would soon become prince, and that it was 
 the part of a good citizen, in order to prevent such a calamity, 
 to assemble the people in the piazza, and restore liberty to 
 his country. Rinaldo then reminded the new Gonfalonier how 
 Salvestro de' Medici was able, though unjustly, to restrain the 
 power of the Guelfs, to whom, by the blood of their ances- 
 tors shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged; and 
 argued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against 
 so many, might surely be easily performed with justice in 
 its favor against one. He encouraged him with the assurance 
 that their friends would be ready in arms to support him ; that 
 he need not regard the plebeians, who adored Cosmo, since 
 their assistance would be of no greater avail than Giorgio Scali 
 had found it on a similar occasion; and that with regard to 
 his wealth, no apprehension was necessary, for when he was 
 under the power of the Signory, his riches would be so too. 
 In conclusion, he averred that this course would unite and 
 secure the republic, and crown the Gonfalonier with glory. 
 Bernardo briefly replied, that he thought it necessary to act 
 exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as the time was suit- 
 able for action, he should provide himself with forces, being 
 assured from what Rinaldo had said, he would be supported 
 by his colleagues. 
 
 Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his 
 followers, and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cos- 
 mo, who, though many friends dissuaded him from it, obeyed 
 the call, trusting more to his own innocence than to the mercy 
 of the Signory. As soon as he had entered the palace he was 
 arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men, and 
 accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to 
 the piazza, when the Signory assembled the people, and created 
 a balia of 200 persons for the reformation of the city. With 
 the least possibly delay they entered upon the consideration 
 of reform, and of the life or death of Cosmo. Many wished 
 
214 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1433 
 
 him to be banished, others to be put to death, and several were 
 silent, either from compassion toward him or for fear of the 
 rest, so that these diflferences prevented them from coming to 
 any conclusion. 
 
 There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which 
 occupies the whole of one floor, and is called the Alberghet- 
 tino, in which Cosmo was confined, under the charge of 
 Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearing the assembly of 
 the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from the pi- 
 azza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the Balia, 
 he was greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more lest 
 his private enemies should cause him to be put to death in 
 some unusual manner. He scarcely took any food, so that 
 in four days he ate only a small quantity of bread. Federigo, 
 observing his anxiety, said to him, " Cosmo, you are afraid of 
 being poisoned, and , are evidently hastening your end with 
 hunger. You wrong me if you think I would be a party to 
 such an atrocious act. I do not imagine your life to be in 
 much danger, since you have so many friends both within 
 the palace and without; but if you should eventually lose it, 
 be assured they will use some other medium than myself for 
 that purpose, for I will never imbue my hands in the blood 
 of any, still less in your's, who never injured me; therefore 
 cheer up, take some food, and preserve your life for your ■ 
 friends and your country. And that you may do so with greater 
 assurance, I will partake of your meals with you." These 
 words were a great relief to Cosmo, who, with tears in his 
 eyes, embraced and kissed Federigo, earnestly thanking him 
 for so kind and affectionate conduct, and promising, if ever 
 the opportunity were given him, he would not be ungrateful. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 Cosmo is Banished to Padua — Rinaldo degli Albizzi Attempts to Restore 
 the Nobility — New Disturbances Occasioned by Rinaldo degli Albizzi 
 — Rinaldo takes Arms against the Signory — His Designs are Discon- 
 certed — Pope Eugenius in Florence — He Endeavors to Reconcile the 
 Parties — Cosmo is Recalled — Rinaldo and his Party Banished — 
 Glorious Return of Cosmo. 
 
 COSMO in some degree recovered his spirits, and while 
 the citizens were disputing about him, Federigo, by 
 way of recreation, brought an acquaintance of the Gon- 
 falonier to take supper with him, an amusing and facetious 
 person, whose name was II Famagaccio. The repast being 
 nearly over, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to 
 advantage, for he knew the man very intimately, gave a sign 
 to Federigo to leave the apartment, and he, guessing the cause, 
 under pretence of going for something that was wanted on the 
 table, left them together. Cosmo, after a few friendly expres- 
 sions addressed to II Farnegaccio, gave him a small slip of 
 paper, and desired him to go to the director of the hospital of 
 Santa Maria Nuova, for i,ioo ducats; he was to take the 
 hundred for himself, and carry the thousand to the Gonfalon- 
 ier, and beg that he would take some suitable occasion of com- 
 ing to see him. Farnagaccio undertook the commission, the 
 money was paid, Bernardo became more humane, and Cosmo 
 was banished to Padua, contrary to the wish of Rinaldo, who 
 earnestly desired his death. Averardo and many others of the 
 house of Medici were also banished, and with them Puccio 
 and Giovanni Pucci. To silence those who were dissatisfied 
 with the banishment of Cosmo, they endowed with the power 
 of a Balia, the Eight of War and the Capitano of the People. 
 After his sentence, Cosmo, on October 3, 1433, came before the 
 Signory, by whom the boundary to which he was restricted 
 was specified ; and they advised him to avoid passing it ;, un- 
 
 215 
 
3i6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i433 
 
 less he wished them to proceed with greater severity both 
 against himself and his property. Cosmo received his sentence 
 with a cheerful look, assuring the Signory that wherever they 
 determined to send him, he would willingly remain. He 
 earnestly begged, that as they had preserved his life they would 
 protect it, for he knew there were many in the piazza who were 
 desirous to take it; and assured them; that wherever he might 
 be, himself and his means were entirely at the service of the 
 J city, the people, and the Signory. He was respectfully attended 
 by the Gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till night, 
 then conducted him to his own house to supper, and caused 
 him to be escorted by a strong armed force to his place of ban- 
 ishment. Wherever the cavalcade passed, Cosmo was honor- 
 ably received, and was publicly visited by the Venetians, not 
 as an exile, but with all the respect due to one in the highest 
 station. 
 
 Florence, widowed of so great a citizen, one so generally 
 beloved, seemed to be universally sunk in despondency; vic- 
 tors and the vanquished were alike in fear. Rinaldo, as if in- 
 spired with a presage of his future calamities, in order not 
 to appear deficient to himself or his party, assembled many 
 citizens, his friends, and informed them that he foresaw their 
 approaching ruin for having allowed themselves to be over- 
 come by the prayers, the tears, and the money of their enemies 
 and that they did not seem aware they would soon themselves 
 have to entreat and weep, when their prayers would not be 
 listened to, or their tears excite compassion; and that of the 
 money received, they would have to restore the principal, and 
 pay the interest in tortures, exile, and death; that it would 
 have been much better for them to have done nothing than to 
 have left Cosmo alive, and his friends in Florence; for great 
 offenders ought either to remain untouched, or be destroyed ; 
 that there was now no remedy but to strengthen themselves in 
 the city, so that upon the renewed attempts of their enemies, 
 which would soon take place, they might drive thpm out with 
 arms, since they had not sufficient civil authority to expel them. 
 The remedy to be adopted, he said, was one that he had long 
 before advocated, which was to regain the friendship of the 
 grandees, restoring and conceding to them all the honors of 
 the city, and thus make themselves strong with that party, since 
 
I434J COCCO DRAWN GONFALONIER 817 
 
 their adversaries had joined the plebeians. That by this means 
 they would become the more powerful side, for they would 
 possess greater energy, more comprehensive talent, and an 
 augmented share of influence; and that if this last and only 
 remedy were not adopted, he knew not what other means 
 could be made use of to preserve the government among so 
 many enemies, or prevent their own ruin and that of the city. 
 
 Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to 
 this plan, on account of the pride and insupportable nature of 
 the nobility; and said, that it would be folly to place them- 
 selves again under such inevitable tyranny for the sake of 
 avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians. Rinaldo, find- 
 ing his advice unfavorably received, vexed at his own mis- 
 fortune and that of his party, imputed the whole to heaven 
 itself, which had resolved upon it, rather than to human ig- 
 norance and blunders. In this juncture of affairs, no remedial 
 measure being attempted, a letter was found written by Agnolo 
 A'cciajuoli to Cosmo, acquainting him with the disposition 
 of the city in his favor, and advising him, if possible, to ex- 
 cite a war, and gain the friendship of Neri di Gino; for he 
 imagined the city to be in want of money, and as she would 
 not find anyone to serve her, the remembrance of him would 
 be revived in the minds of the citizens, and they would desire 
 his return; and that if Neri were detached from Rinaldo, the 
 party of the latter would be so weakened, as to be unable to 
 defend themselves. This letter coming to the hands of the 
 magistrates, Agnolo was taken, put to the torture, and sent 
 into exile. This example, however, did not at all deter Cosmo's 
 party. 
 
 It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished, 
 and the end of August, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco 
 was drawn Gonfalonier for the two succeeding months, and 
 with him eight Signors, all partisans of Cosmo. This struck 
 terror into Rinaldo and his party ; and as it is usual for three 
 days to elapse before the new Signory assume the magistracy 
 and the old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called to- 
 gether the heads of his party. He endeavored to show them 
 their certain and immediate, danger, and that their only remedy 
 was to take arms, and cause Donato Velluti, who was yet Gon- 
 falonier, to assemble the people in the piazza and create a 
 
2i8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1434 
 
 Balia. He would then deprive the new Signory of the magis- 
 tracy, appoint another, bum the, present balloting purses, and 
 by means of a new squittini, provide themselves with friends. 
 Many thought this course safe and requisite; others, that it 
 was too violent, and likely to be attended with great evil. 
 Among those who disliked it was Palla Strozzi, a peaceable, 
 gentle, and humane person, better adapted for literary pursuits 
 than for restraining a party, or opposing civil strife. He said 
 that bold and crafty resolutions seem promising at their com- 
 mencement, but are afterward found difficult to execute, and 
 generally pernicious at their conclusion; that he thought the 
 fear of external wars (the duke's forces being upon the con- 
 fines of Romagna,) would occupy the minds of the Signory 
 more than internal dissensions ; but, still, if any attempt should 
 be made, and it could not take place unnoticed, they would 
 have sufficient time to take arms, and adopt whatever measures 
 might be found necessary for the common good, which being 
 done upon necessity, would occasion less excitement among 
 the people and less danger to themselves. It was therefore 
 concluded, that the new Signory should come in; that their 
 proceedings should be watched, and if they were found at- 
 tempting anything against the party, each should take arms, 
 and meet in the piazza of San Pulinari, situated near the palace, 
 and whence they might proceed wherever it was found neces- 
 sary. Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends 
 separated. 
 
 The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gon- 
 falonier, in order to acquire reputation, and deter those who 
 might intend to oppose him, sent Donato Velluti, his predeces- 
 sor, to prison, upon the charge of having applied the public 
 money to his own use. He then endeavored to sound his col- 
 leagues with respect to Cosmo: seeing them desirous of his 
 return, he communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, 
 and, by their advice, summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo 
 degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Niccolo Barbadoro. After 
 this citation, Rinaldo thought further delay would be danger- 
 ous ; he therefore left his house with a great number of armed 
 men and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi and Niccolo Bar- 
 badoro. The force accompanying them was composed of sev- 
 eral citizens and a great number of disbanded soldiers then 
 
1434] RINALDO'S OPPOSITION 219 
 
 in Florence; and all assembled according to appointment in 
 the piazza of San Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guic- 
 ciardini, though each had assembled a large number of men, 
 kept in their houses ; and therefore Rinaldo sent a messenger 
 to request their attendance and to reprove their delay. Gio- 
 vanni replied, that he should lend sufficient aid against their 
 enemies, if by remaining at home he could prevent his brother 
 Piero from going to the defence of the palace. After many 
 messages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accom- 
 panied by two of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, 
 on meeting him, sharply reproved him for his negligence, de- 
 claring that his refusal to come with the others arose either 
 from defect of principle or want of courage; both which 
 charges should be avoided by all who wished to preserve such 
 a character as he had hitherto possessed ; and that if he thought 
 this abominable conduct to his party would induce their ene- 
 mies, when victorious, to spare him from death or exile, he 
 deceived himself; but for himself (Rinaldo,) whatever might 
 happen, he had the consolation of knowing, that previously to 
 the crisis he had never neglected his duty in council, and that 
 when it occurred he had used every possible exertion to repel 
 it with arms ; but that Palla and the others would experience 
 aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon three 
 occasions betrayed their country; first when they saved Cos- 
 mo; next when they disregarded his advice; and now the 
 third time by not coming armed in her defence according to 
 their engagement. To these reproaches Palla made no reply 
 audible to those around, but, muttering something as he left 
 them, returned to his house. 
 
 The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken 
 arms, finding themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be 
 shut up, and having no one to consult they knew not what course 
 to adopt. However, Rinaldo, by delaying his coming to the 
 piazza, having waited in expectation of forces which did not 
 join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave them courage 
 to provide for their defence, and allowed many others to join 
 them, who advised that means should be used to induce their 
 adversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon, some of the 
 least suspected, went on the part of the Signory to Rinaldo, 
 and said, they did not know what occasion they had given his 
 
220 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE fi434 
 
 friends for thus assembling in arms ; that they never had any 
 intention of offending- him; and if they had spoken of Cosmo, 
 they had no design of recalling him ; so if their fears were thus 
 occasioned they might at once be dispelled, for that if they 
 came to the palace, they would be graciously received, and all 
 their complaints attended to. These words produced no 
 change in Rinaldo's purpose; he bade them provide for their 
 safety by resigning their offices, and said that then the govern- 
 ment of the city would be reorganized, for the mutual benefit 
 of all. 
 
 It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions 
 contrary, that any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo Peruzzi, 
 moved by the discourse of the citizens, said, that all he de- 
 sired was to prevent the return of Cosmo, and this being granted 
 to them seemed a sufficient victory; nor would he, to obtain 
 a greater, fill the city with blood; he would therefore obey 
 the Signory ; and accordingly went with his people to the 
 palace, where he was received with a hearty welcome. Thus 
 Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's want of courage, and 
 Ridolfo's desertion, deprived their party of all chance of suc- 
 cess; while the ardor of the citizens abated, and the Pope's 
 authority did not contribute to its revival. 
 
 Pope Eugenius IV was at this time at Florence, having been 
 driven from Rome by the people. These disturbances coming 
 to his knowledge, he thought it a duty suitable to his pastoral 
 office to appease them, and sent the patriarch Giovanni Vitel- 
 leschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to entreat the latter to 
 come to an interview with him, as he trusted he had sufficient 
 , influence with the Signory to insure his safety and satisfac- 
 tion, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By his 
 friend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers 
 to Santa Maria Nuova, where the Pope resided. Eugenius 
 gave him to understand, that the Signory had empowered 
 him to settle the differences between them, and that all would 
 be arranged to his satisfaction if he laid down his arms. Ri- 
 naldo, having witnessed Palla's want of zeal, and the fickle- 
 ness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being open to 
 him, placed himself in the Pope's hands, thinking that at all 
 events the authority of his holiness would insure his safety. 
 Eugenius then sent word to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest 
 
I434J RINALDO BANISHED 221 
 
 who remained without, that they were to lay down their arms, 
 for Rinaldo was remaining with the pontiff, to arrange terms 
 of agreement with the Signers ; upon which they immediately 
 dispersed, and laid aside their weapons. 
 
 The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued 
 to negotiate an arrangement by means of the Pope; but at 
 the same time sent secretly to the mountains of Pistoia for 
 infantry, which, with what other forces they could collect, were 
 brought into Florence by night. Having taken possession of 
 all the strong positions in the city, they assembled the people 
 in the piazza and created a new Balia, which, without delay, re- 
 stored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him to their 
 country; and banished, of the opposite party, Rinaldo degli 
 Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla Strozzi, 
 with so many other citizens, that there were few places in Italy 
 which did not contain some, and many others beyond her 
 limits were full of them. By this and similar occurrences, 
 Florence was deprived of men of worth, and of much wealth 
 and industry. 
 
 The Pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by his 
 entreaties were induced to lay down their arms, was greatly 
 dissatisfied, and condoled with Rinaldo on the injuries he had 
 received through his confidence in him, but advised him to be 
 patient, and hope for some favorable turn of fortune. Rinaldo 
 replied, " The want of confidence in those who ought to have 
 trusted me, and the great trust I have reposed in you, have 
 ruined both me and my party. But I blame myself principally 
 for having thought that you, who were expelled from your own 
 country, could preserve me in mine. I have had sufficient ex- 
 perience of the freaks of fortune ; and as I have never trusted 
 greatly to prosperity, I shall suffer less inconvenience from 
 adversity; and I know that when she pleases she can become 
 more favorable. But if she should never change, I shall not 
 be very desirous of living in a city in which individuals are 
 more powerful than the laws ; for that country alone is desira- 
 ble in which property and friends may be safely enjoyed, not 
 one where they may easily be taken from us, and where friends, 
 from fear of losing their property, are compelled to abandon 
 each other in their greatest need. Besides, it has always been 
 less painful to good men to hear of the misfortunes of their 
 
222 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1434 
 
 country than to witness them ; and an honorable exile is always 
 held in greater esteem than slavery at home." He then left the 
 Pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his own meas- 
 ures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile. 
 
 Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, re- 
 turned to Florence ; and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, 
 coming home triumphant from victory, was received by so vast 
 a concourse of people, or such unqualified demonstrations of 
 regard as he was upon his return from banishment; for by 
 universal consent he was hailed as the benefactor of the people, 
 and the father of his country. 
 
BOOK V 
 
 INTERNAL DISSENSIONS AND PAPAL 
 INTERFERENCE 
 
 1434-1439 
 
BOOK V 
 
 INTERNAL DISSENSIONS AND PAPAL INTERFERENCE— 
 
 1434-1439 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The Vicissitudes of Empires— The State of Italy— The Military Fac- 
 tions of Sforza and Braccio — The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi At- 
 tack the Pope, who is Expelled by the Romans — War between the 
 Pope and the Duke of Milan— The Florentines and the Venetians 
 Assist the Pope — Peace between the Pope and the Duke of Milan 
 — Tyranny Practised by the party Favorable to the Medici. 
 
 IT may be observed, that provinces amid ^he vicissitudesto 
 which they are subject, pass from order into ronfusion, 
 and afterward recur to a state of order again; for the 
 nature of mundane affairs not allowing them to continue in an 
 even course, when they have arrived at their greatest perfection, 
 they soon begin to decline. In the same ^anner, haying been ' 
 reduced to tfisbfder, and sunk to their utmost sta?e of depres- 
 sion, unable to descend lower, they, of necessi^ reascend ; and 
 thus from good they gradually decline to eyiV- and from evil, 
 again return to good. The reasqn is, that Vayr^brdfflices peace ; 
 peace, i^ose; repose, disorder; disorder, rum; so from dis- 
 order, order, spi;ings ; from order, "^frttle, and from this, glory 
 and ^ood-fort'une. Hence, wise men have observed, that the^ 
 age of literary excellence is subsequent to that of distinction in 
 arms ; and that in cities and provinces, great warriors are pro- 
 duced before philosophers. Arms having secured victory, and 
 victory peace, the buoyant vigor of the martial mind cannot be 
 enfeebled by a more excusable indulgence than that of letters ; 
 nor can indolence, with any greater or more dangerous deceit, 
 enter a well-regulated community. Cato was aware of this 
 when the philosophers, Diogenes and Cameades, were sent am- 
 15 225 
 
836 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i434 
 
 bassadors to the Roman Senate, by the Athenians ; for, perceiv- 
 ing with what earnest admiration the Roman youth began to 
 I follow them, and knowing the evils that might result to his 
 country from this specious idleness, he enacted that no philoso- 
 ipher should be allowed to enter Rome. Provinces by this 
 i means sink to ruin, from which, men's sufferings having made 
 them wiser, they again recur to order, if they be not over- 
 whelmed by some extraordinary force. These causes made 
 Italy, first under the ancient Tuscans, and afterward under the 
 I^mans, by turns happy and unhappy; and although nothing 
 has subsequently arisen from the ruins of Rome at all corre- 
 sponding to her ancient greatness (which under a well-organ- 
 ized monarchy, might I hfll^e bqen gloriously effected), still 'there 
 was so much .^ravery^mi iHtelligence in some of the new cities 
 and governments that afterward sprang up, that although none 
 ever acquired 
 so balanced ant] 
 
 to live in freedom^ and defend their country from the barba- 
 i^ians. 
 
 Among these governments, the Florentines, although they 
 possessed a smaller extent of territory, were not inferior to any 
 in power and authority; for being situated in the middle of 
 Italy, wealthy, and prepared for action, they either defended 
 themselves against^ such as thought proper to assail them, or 
 decided victory, iififavor of those to whom they became allies. 
 From the .valpiv*therefore, of these new gove'rnipents, if no 
 seasons occurred of long-continued peace, neither were any 
 exposed to the calamities of war ; for that cannot be called peace 
 in which states frequently assail each other with arms, nor can 
 those be considered wars in which no men are slain, cities plun- 
 dered, or sovereignties overthrown; for the practice of arms 
 fell into such a state of decay, that wars were commenced 
 without fear, continued without danger, and concluded without 
 loss. Thus the military energy which is in other countries ex- 
 hausted by a long peace, was wasted in Italy by the contempti- 
 ble manner in which hostilities were carried on, as will be clearly 
 seen in the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from 
 which it will appear how the barbarians were again admitted 
 into Italy, and she again sunk under subjection to them. Al- 
 though the transactions of our princes at home and abroad will 
 
.434] THESFORZESCA n^^t^ 
 
 not be viewed with admiration of their virtue and greatness like 
 those of the ancients, perhaps they may on other accounts be 
 regarded with no less interest, seeing what masses of high- 
 spirited people were kept in restraint by such weak and dis- 
 orderly forces. And if, in detailing the events which took place 
 in this wasted world, we sjiall^ot have to record the bravery 
 of the soldier, the ^liSelil^of the general, or, the patriotism 
 of the citiz en, it will oe s'een with what artifice, deceit, and cun- 
 nmg, princel; warriors, and leaders of republics conducted 
 themselves, to support a reputation they never deserved. This, 
 perhaps, will not be less useful than a knowledge of ancient 
 history ; for, if the latter excites the liberal mind to imitation, 
 the former will show what ought to be avoided and decried. 
 
 Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that 
 when, by consent of her princes, peace was restored, it was soon 
 disturbed by those who retained their armies, so that glory was 
 not gained by war nor repose by peace. Thus when the league 
 and the Duke of Milan agreed to lay aside their arms in 1433, 
 the soldiers, resolved upon war, directed their efforts against 
 the Church. There were at this time two factions or armed 
 parties in Italy, the Braccesca and the Sforzesca. The leader 
 of the former was the Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, and 
 of the latter, Niccolo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. 
 Under the banner of one or other of these parties almost all 
 the forces of Italy were assembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca 
 was in greatest repute, as well from the bravery of the count 
 himself, as from the promise which the Duke of Milan had 
 made him of his natural daughter. Madonna Bianca, the pros- 
 pect of which alliance greatly strengthened his influence. After 
 the peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various causes, at- 
 tacked Pope Eugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was instigated 
 by the ancient enmity which Braccio had always entertained 
 against the Church ; the count was induced by ambition ; so that 
 Niccolo assailed Rome, and the count took possession of La 
 Marca. 
 
 The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius 
 from their city ; and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to 
 Florence, where, seeing the imminent danger of his situation, 
 being abandoned by the princes (for they were unwilling again 
 to take up arms in his cause, after having been so anxious to 
 
228 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [I434 
 
 lay them aside), he came to terms with the count, and ceded 
 to him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, to the injury 
 of having occupied it, he had added insult ; for in signing the 
 place, from which he addressed letters to his agents, he said in 
 Latin, according to the Italian custom, "Ex Girfalco nostra 
 Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo." Neither was he satisfied with 
 this concession, but insisted upon being appointed Gonfalonier 
 of the Church, which was also granted ; so much more was Eu- 
 genius alarmed at the prospect of a dangerous war than of an 
 ignominious peace. The count, having thus been reconciled to 
 the pontiff, attacked Niccolo Fortebraccio, and during many 
 months various encounters took place between them, from all 
 which greater injury resulted to the Pope and his subjects, 
 than to either of the belligerents. At length, by the interven- 
 tion of the Duke of Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce, 
 was made, by which both became princes in the territories of 
 the Church. 
 
 The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in Ro- 
 magna by Battista da Canneto, who at Bologna slew some of the 
 family of the Grifoni, and expelled from the city the governor 
 who resided there for the Pope, along with others who were 
 opposed to him. To enable himself to retain the government, 
 he applied for assistance to Filippo, and the Pope, to avenge 
 himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Venetians and 
 Florentines. Both parties obtained assistance, so that very 
 soon two large armies were on foot in Romagna. Niccolo Pic- 
 cinino commanded for the duke, Gattamelata and Niccolo da 
 Tolentino for the Venetians and Florentines. They met near 
 Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the Florentines and 
 Venetians were routed, and Niccolo da Tolentino was sent 
 prisoner to Milan, where, either through grief for his loss, or 
 by some unfair means, he died in a few days. 
 
 The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late 
 wars, or thinking the league after their defeat would not be in 
 haste to resume hostilities, did not pursue his good-fortune, and 
 thus gave the Pope and his colleagues time to recover them- 
 selves. They therefore appointed the Count Francesco for 
 their leader, and undertook to drive Niccolo Fortebraccio from 
 the territories of the Church, and thus terminate the war which 
 had been commenced in favor of the pontiff. The Romans, 
 
I434J RECONCILIATION WITH THE POPE 229 
 
 finding the Pope supported by so large an army, sought a recon- 
 ciliation with him, and being successful, admitted his commis- 
 sary into the city. Among the places possessed by Niccolo 
 Fortebraccio, were Tivoli, Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and 
 Ascesi, to the last of which, not being able to keep the field, he 
 fled, and the count besieged him there. Niccolo's brave defence 
 making it probable that the war would be of considerable dura- 
 tion, the duke deemed it necessary to prevent the league from 
 obtaining the victory, and said that if this were not effected he 
 would very soon have to look to the defence of his own terri- 
 tories. Resolving to divert the count from the siege, he com- 
 manded Niccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of 
 Romagna ; and the league, thinking it more important to defend 
 Tuscany than to occupy Ascesi, ordered the count to prevent 
 the passage of Niccolo, who was already, with his army, at 
 Furli. The count accordingly moved with his forces, and came 
 to Cesena, having left the war of La Marca and the care of 
 his own territories to his brother Lione; and while Niccolo 
 Piccinino was endeavoring to pass by, and the count to prevent 
 him, Fortebraccio attacked Lione with great bravery, made 
 him prisoner, routed his forces, and pursuing the advantage 
 of his victory, at once possessed himself of many places in La 
 Marca. This circumstance greatly perplexed the count, who 
 thought he had lost all his territories ; so, leaving part of his 
 force to check Piccinino, with the remainder he pursued Forte- 
 braccio, whom he attacked and conquered. Fortebraccio was 
 taken prisoner in the battle, and soon after died of his wounds. 
 This victory restored to the pontiff all the places that had been 
 taken from him by Fortebraccio, and compelled the Duke of 
 Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by the intercession 
 of Niccolo da Este, Marquis of Ferrara; the duke restoring 
 to the Church the places he had taken from her, and his forces 
 retiring into Lombardy. Battista da Canneto, as is the case 
 with all who retain authority only by the consent and forces 
 of another, when the duke's people had quitted Romagna, un- 
 able with his own power to keep possession of Bologna, fled, 
 and Antonio Bentivogli, the head of the opposite party, returned 
 to his country. 
 
 All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose 
 return, those who had restored him, and a great number of 
 
23© THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i435 
 
 persons injured by the opposite party, resolved at all events to 
 make themselves sure of the government; and the Signory 
 for the months of November and December, not content with 
 what their predecessors had done in favor of their party, ex- 
 tended the term and changed the residences of several who were 
 banished, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to 
 these evils, it was observed that citizens were more annoyed 
 on account of their wealth, their family connections or private 
 animosities, than for the sake of the party to which they ad- 
 hered, so that if these proscriptions Had been accompanied with 
 bloodshed, they would have resembled those of Octavius and 
 Sylla, though in reality they were not without some stains ; for 
 Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni was beheaded, and four other 
 citizens, among whom were Zanobi dei Belfratelli and Cosmo 
 Barbadori, passing the confines to which they were limited, 
 proceeded to Venice, when the Venetians, valuing the friend- 
 ship of Cosmo de' Medici more than their own honor, sent them 
 prisoners to him, and they were basely put to death. This cir- 
 cumstance greatly increased the influence of that party, and 
 struck their enemies with terror^ finding that such a powerful 
 republic would so humble itself to the Florentines. This, 
 however, was supposed to have been done, not so much out of 
 kindness to Cosmo, as to excite dissensiops in Florence, and by 
 means of bloodshed make greater certainty of division among 
 the citizens, for the Venetians knew there was no other obstacle 
 to their ambition so great as the union of her people. 
 
 The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies 
 of the state, those in possession of the government now began 
 to strengthen their party by conferring benefits upon such as 
 were in a condition to serve them, and the family of the Alberti, 
 with all who had been banished by the former government, were 
 recalled. All the nobility, with few exceptions, were reduced 
 to the ranks of the people, and the possessions of the exiles 
 were divided among themselves, upon each paying a small ac- 
 knowledgment. They then fortified themselves with new laws 
 and provisos, made new squittini, withdrawing the names of 
 their adversaries from the purses, and filling them with those 
 of their friends. Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, 
 they considered that to allow the great offices to be filled by 
 mere chance of drawing, did not afford the government sufS- 
 
1435] REVISION OF LAWS »3i 
 
 cient security, they therefore resolved that the magistrates pos- 
 sessing the power of life and death should always be chosen 
 from among the leaders of their own party, and therefore that 
 the Accoppiatori, or persons selected for the imborsation of 
 the new squittini, with the Signory who had to retire from 
 office, should make the new appointments. They gave to eight 
 of the guard authority to proceed capitally, and provided that 
 the exiles, when their term of banishment was complete, should 
 not be allowed to return, unless from the Signory and col- 
 leagues, which were thirty-seven in number, the consent of 
 thirty-four were obtained. It was made unlawful to write to 
 or to receive letters from them ; every word, sign, or action that 
 gave offence to the ruling party was punished with the utmost 
 rigor ; and if there was still in Florence any suspected person 
 whom these regulations did not reach, he was oppressed with 
 taxes imposed for the occasion. Thus in a short time, having 
 expelled or impoverished the whole of the adverse party, they 
 established themselves firmly in the government. Not to be 
 destitute of external assistance, and to deprive others of it, who 
 might use it against themselves, they entered into a league, 
 offensive and defensive, with the Pope, the Venetians, and the 
 Duke of Milan. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 Death of Giovanna II— Rene of Anjou and Alfonso of Arragon As- 
 pire to the Kingdom — Alfonso is Routed and Taken by the Genoese 
 —Alfonso Being a Prisoner of the Duke of Milan, Obtains his 
 Friendship— The Genoese Disgusted with the Duke of Milan— Di- 
 visions among the Genoese— The Genoese, by Means of Francesco 
 Spinola, Expel the Ducal Governor— League against the Duke of 
 Milan— Rinaldo degli Albizzi Advises him to Make War against the 
 Florentines— Albizzi's Discourse— The Duke Adopts Measures In- 
 jurious to the Florentines — Niccolo Piccinino Appointed to Com- 
 mand the Ducal Forces— Preparations of the Florentines— Piccinino 
 Routed before Barga. 
 
 THE affairs of Florence being in this condition, Giovanna, 
 Queen of Naples, died, and by her will appointed Rene 
 of Anjou to be her successor. Alfonso, King of Arra- 
 gon, was at this time in Sicily, and having obtained the concur- 
 rence of many barons, prepared to take possession of the king- 
 dom. The Neapolitans, with whom a great nimiber of barons 
 were also associated, favored Rene. The Pope was unwilling 
 that either of them should obtain it ; but desired the affairs of 
 Naples to be administered by a governor of his own appointing. 
 In the meantime Alfonso entered the kingdom, and was re- 
 ceived by the Duke of Sessa ; he brought with him some princes, 
 whom he had engaged in his service, with the design (already 
 possessing Capua, which the Prince of Taranto held in his 
 name), of subduing the Neapolitans, and sent his fleet to attack 
 Qaeta, which had declared itself in their favor. They therefore 
 demanded assistance of the Duke of Milan, who persuaded the 
 Genoese to undertake their defence; and they, to satisfy him, 
 their sovereign, and protect the merchandise they possessed, 
 both at Naples and Gaeta, armed a powerful fleet. Alfonso 
 hearing of this, augmented his own naval force, went in person 
 to meet the Genoese, and coming up with them near the island 
 of Ponzio, an engagement ensued, in which the Arragonese 
 were defeated, aiid Alfonso, with many of the princes of his 
 suit, made prisoner, and sent by the Genoese to Filippo, 
 
 23* 
 
I43S] RINALDO'S ADVICE 233 
 
 This victory terrified the princes of Italy, who, being jealous 
 of the duke's power, thought it would give him a great oppor- 
 tunity of becoming sovereign of the whole country. But so 
 contrary are the views of men, that he took a directly opposite 
 course. Alfonso was a man of great sagacity, and as soon as 
 an opportunity presented itself of communicating with Filippo, 
 he proved to him how completely he contravened his own in- 
 terests, by favoring Rene and opposing himself; for it would 
 be the business of the former, on becoming King of Naples, to 
 introduce the French into Milan; that in an emergency he 
 might have assistance at hand, without the necessity of having 
 to solicit a passage for his friends. But he could not possibly 
 secure this advantage without effecting the ruin of the duke, 
 and making his dominions a French province; and that the 
 contrary of all this would result from himself becoming Lord 
 of Naples; for having only the French to fear, he would be 
 compelled to love and caress, nay even to obey, those who had 
 it in their power to open a passage for his enemies. That thus 
 the title of King of Naples would be with himself (Alfonso), 
 but the power and authority with Filippo ; so that it was much 
 more the duke's business than his own to consider the danger 
 of one course and the advantage of the other ; unless he rather 
 wished to gratify his private prejudices, than to give security 
 to his dominions. In the one case he would be a free prince, 
 in the other, placed between two powerful sovereigns, he would 
 either be robbed of his territories or live in constant fear, and 
 have to obey them like a slave. These arguments so greatly 
 influenced the duke, that, changing his design, he set Alfonso 
 at liberty, sent him honorably to Genoa and then to Naples. 
 From thence the King went to Gaeta, which, as soon as his 
 liberation had become known, was taken possession of by some 
 nobles of his party. 
 
 The Genoese, seeing that the duke, without the least regard 
 for them, had liberated the King, and gained credit to himself 
 through the dangers and expense which they had incurred; 
 that he enjoyed all the honor of the liberation, and they were 
 themselves exposed to the odium of the capture, and the injuries 
 consequent upon the King's defeat, were greatly exasperated. - 
 In the city of Genoa, while in the enjoyment of her liberty, 
 a magistrate is created with the consent of the people, whom 
 
234 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [143S 
 
 they call the Doge ; not that he is absolutely a prince, or that 
 he alone has the power of determining matters of government ; 
 but that, as the head of the State, he proposes those questions 
 or subjects which have to be considered and determined by the 
 magistrates and the councils. In that city are many noble 
 families so powerful, that they are with great difficulty induced 
 to submit to the authority of the law. Of these, the most 
 powerful are the Fregosa and the Adorna, from whom arise 
 the dissensions of the city, and the impotence of her civil regu- 
 lations; for the possession of this high office being contested 
 by means inadmissible in well-regulated communities, and most 
 commonly with arms in their hands, it always occurs that one 
 party is oppressed and the other triumphant; and sometimes 
 those who fail in the pursuit have recourse to the arms of 
 strangers, and the country they are not allowed to rule they 
 subject to foreign authority. Hence it happens, that those who 
 govern in Lombardy most commonly command in Genoa, as 
 occurred at the time Alfonso of Arragon was made prisoner. 
 
 Among the leading Genoese who had been instrumental in 
 subjecting the republic to Filippo, was Francesco Spinola, who, 
 soon after he had reduced his country to bondage, as always 
 happens in such cases, became suspected by the duke. Indig- 
 nant at this, he withdrew to a sort of voluntary exile at Gaeta, 
 and being there when the naval expedition was in preparation, 
 and having conducted himself with great bravery in the action, 
 he thought he had again merited so much of the duke's confi- 
 dence as would obtain for him permission to remain undisturbed 
 at Genoa. But the duke still retained his suspicions; for he 
 could not believe that a vacillating defender of his own coun- 
 try's liberty would be faithful to himself ; and Francesco Spin- 
 ola resolved again to try his fortune, and if possible restore 
 freedom to his country, and honorable safety to himself ; for he 
 saw there was no probability of regaining the forfeited affection 
 of his fellow-citizens, but by resolving at his own peril to rem- 
 edy the misfortunes which he had been so instrumental in pro- 
 ducing. Finding the indignation against the duke universal, 
 on account of the liberation of the King, he thought the moment 
 propitious for the execution of his design. He communicated 
 his ideas to some whom he knew to be similarly inclined, and his 
 arguments insured their co-operation. 
 
I43S] SPINOLA'S REVOLT 235 
 
 The great festival of St. John the Baptist being come, when 
 Arismeno, the new governor sent by the duke, was to enter 
 Genoa, and he being already arrived, accompanied by Opicino, 
 the former governor, and many Genoese citizens, Francesco 
 Spinola thought further delay improper ; and, issuing from his 
 house with those acquainted with his design, all armed, they 
 raised the cry of liberty. It was wonderful to see how eagerly 
 the citizens and people assembled at the word ; so that those 
 who for any reason might be favorable to Filippo, not only had 
 no time to arm, but scarcely to consider the means of escape. 
 Arismeno, with some Genoese, fled to the fortress which was 
 held for the duke. Opicino, thinking that if he could reach 
 the palace, where 2,000 men were in arms, and at his com- 
 mand, he might be able either to effect his own safety, or induce 
 his friends to defend themselves, took that direction ; but before 
 he arrived at the piazza he was slain, his body divided into many 
 pieces and scattered about the city. The Genoese having placed 
 the government in the hands of free magistrates, in a few days 
 recovered the castle^ and the other strongholds possessed by 
 the duke, and delivered themselves entirely from his yoke. 
 
 These transactions, though at first they had alarmed the 
 princes of Italy with the apprehension that the duke would 
 become too powerful, now gave them hope, seeing the turn they 
 had taken, of being able to restrain him ; and, notwithstanding 
 the recent league, the Florentines and Venetians entered into 
 alliance with the Genoese. Rinaldo degli Albizzi and the other 
 leading Florentine exiles, observing the altered aspect of aflfairs, 
 conceived hopes of being able to induce the duke to make war 
 against Florence, and having arrived at Milan, Rinaldo ad- 
 dressed him in the following manner : 
 
 " If we, who were once your enemies, come now confidently 
 to supplicate your assistance to enable us to return to our coun- 
 try, neither you, nor anyone, who considers the course and vicis- 
 situdes of human affairs, can be at all surprised; for of our 
 past conduct toward yourself and our present intentions toward 
 our country, we can adduce palpable and abundant reasons. 
 No good man will ever reproach another who endeavors to 
 defend his country, whatever be his mode of doing so ; neither 
 have we had any design of injuring you, but only to pre- 
 serve our country from detriment; and we appeal to yourself. 
 
236 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1435 
 
 whether, during the greatest victories of our league, when you 
 were really desirous of peace, we were not even more anxious 
 for it than yourself; so that we do not think we have done 
 aught to make us despair altogether of favor from you. Nor 
 can our country itself complain, that we now exhort you to use 
 those arms against her, from which we have so pertinaciously 
 defended her; for that state alone merits the love of all her 
 citizens, which cares with equal affection for all; not one that 
 favors a few, and casts from her the great mass of her children. 
 Nor are the arms that men use against their country to be uni- 
 versally condemned; for communities, althpugh composed of 
 many, resemble individual bodies ; and as in these, many infirmi- 
 ties arise which cannot be cured without the application of fire 
 or of steel, so in the former, there often occur such numerous 
 and great evils, that a good and merciful citizen, when there is 
 a necessity for the sword, would be much more to blame in 
 leaving her uncured, than by using this remedy for her preser- 
 vation. 
 
 " What greater disease can afflict a republic than slavery? 
 and what remedy is more desirable for adoption than the one 
 by which alone it can be effectually removed? No wars are 
 just but those that are necessary ; and force is merciful when 
 it presents the only hope of relief. I know not what necessity 
 can be greater than ours, or what compassion can exceed that 
 which rescues our country from slavery. Our cause is there- 
 fore just, and our purpose merciful, as both yourself and we 
 may be easily convinced. The amplest justice is on your side; 
 for the Florentines have not hesitated, after a peace concluded 
 with so much solemnity, to enter into league with those who 
 have rebelled against you; so that if our cause is insufficient 
 to excite you against them, let your own just indignation do 
 so; and the more so, seeing the facility of the undertaking. 
 You need be under no apprehension from the memory of the 
 past, in which you may have observed the power of that people, 
 and their pertinacity in self-defence; though these might rea- 
 sonably excite fear, if they were still animated by the valor of 
 former times. But now, all is entirely the reverse; for what 
 power can be expected in a city that has recently expelled the 
 greatest part of her wealth and industry? What indomitable 
 resolution need be apprehended from the people whom so many 
 
1435] RINALDO'S ADDRESS 237 
 
 and such recent enmities have disunited ? The disunion which 
 still prevails will prevent wealthy citizens aiivancing money as 
 they used to do on former occasions i for though men willingly 
 contribute according to their means, when they see their own 
 credit, glory, and private advantage dependent upon it, or when 
 there is a hope of regaining in peace what has been spent in 
 war, but not when equally oppressed under all circumstances — 
 when in war they suffer the injuries of the enemy, and in peace, 
 the insolence of those who govern them. Beside this, the 
 people feel more deeply the avarice of their rulers, than the 
 rapacity of the enemy; for there is hope of being ultimately 
 relieved from the latter evil, but none from the former. 
 
 " ThuSj in the last war, you had to contend with the whole 
 city; but now with only a small portion. You attempted to 
 take the government from many good citizens; but now you 
 oppose only a few bad ones. You then endeavored to deprive 
 a city of her liberty, now you come to restore it. As it is 
 unreasonable to suppose that under such disparity of circum- 
 stances, the result should be the same, you have now every 
 reason to anticipate an easy victory; and how much it will 
 strengthen your own government, you may easily judge; hav- 
 ing Tuscany friendly, and bound by so powerful an obligation, 
 in your enterprises, she will be even of more service to you than 
 Milan. And, although on former occasions, such an acquisi- 
 tion might be looked upon as ambitious and unwarrantable, it 
 will now be considered merciful and just. Then do not let this 
 opportunity escape, and be assured, that although your other 
 attempts against the city have been attended with difficulty, 
 expense, and disgrace, this will with facility procure you incal- 
 culable advantage and an honorable renown." 
 
 Many words were not requisite to induce the duke to hos- 
 tilities against the Florentines, for he was incited to it by 
 hereditary hatred and blind ambition, and still more, by the 
 fresh injuries which the league with the Genoese involved ; yet 
 his past expenses, the dangerous measures necessary, the re- 
 membrance of his recent losses, and the vain hopes of the exiles, 
 alarmed him. As soon as he had learned of the revolt of 
 Genoa, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino to proceed thither with 
 all his cavalry and whatever infantry he could raise, for the 
 purpose of recovering her, before the citizens had time to be- 
 
238 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1436 
 
 come settled and establish a government ; for he trusted greatly 
 in the fortress within the city, which was held for him. And 
 although Niccolo drove the Genoese from the mountains, took 
 from them the Valley of Pozeveri, where they had entrenched 
 themselves, and obliged them to seek refuge within the walls of 
 the city, he still found such an insurmountable obstacle in the 
 resolute defence of the citizens, that he was compelled to with- 
 draw. On this, at the suggestion of the Florentine exiles, he 
 commanded Niccolo to attack them on the eastern side, upon 
 the confines of Pisa in the Genoese territory, and to push the 
 war with his utmost vigor, thinking this plan would manifest 
 and develop the course best to be adopted. Niccolo therefore 
 besieged and took Serezana, and having committed great rav- 
 ages, by way of further alarming the Florentines, he proceeded 
 to Lucca, spreading a report that it was his intention to go to 
 Naples to render assistance to the King of Arragon. Upon 
 these new events Pope Eugenius left Florence and proceeded 
 to Bologna, where he endeavored to effect an amicable arrange- 
 ment between the league and the duke, intimating to the latter, 
 that if he would not consent to some treaty, the pontiff must 
 send Francesco Sforza to assist the league, for the latter was 
 now his confederate, and served in his pay. Although the 
 Pope greatly exerted himself in this affair, his endeavors were 
 unavailing; for the duke would not listen to any proposal that 
 did not leave him the possession of Genoa, and the league had 
 resolved that she should remain free; therefore, each party, 
 having no other resource, prepared to continue the war. 
 
 In the meantime Niccolo Piccinino arrived at Lucca, and 
 the Florentines, being doubtful what course to adopt, ordered 
 Neri di Gino to lead their forces into the Pisan territory, in- 
 duced the pontiff to allow Count Francesco to join him, and 
 with their forces they halted at San Gonda. Piccinino then 
 demanded admission into the Kingdom of Naples, and this 
 being refused, he threatened to force a passage. The armies 
 were equal, both in regard of numbers and the capacity of their 
 leaders, and unwilling to tempt fortune during the bad weather, 
 it being the month of December, they remained several days 
 without attacking each other. The first movement was made 
 by Niccolo Piccinino, who being informed that if he attacked 
 Vico Pisano by night, he could easily take possession of the 
 
1436] DEFENCE OF LUCCA 239 
 
 place, made the attempt, and having failed, ravaged the sur- 
 rounding country, and then burned and plundered the town of 
 San Giovanni alia Vena. This enterprise, though of little 
 consequence, excited him to make further attempts, the more 
 so from being assured that the count and Neri were yet in their 
 quarters, and he attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto, 
 both which places he took. Still the Florentine forces would 
 not stir; not that the count entertained any fear, but because, 
 out of regard to the Pope, who still labored to effect an accom- 
 modation, the Government of Florence had deferred giving 
 their final consent to the war. This course, which the Floren- 
 tines adopted from prudence, was considered by the enemy to 
 be only the result of timidity, and with increased boldness they 
 led their forces up to Barga, which they resolved to besiege. 
 This new attack made the Florentines set aside all other con- 
 siderations, and resolve not only to relieve Barga, but to invade 
 the Lucchese territory. Accordingly the count proceeded in 
 pursuit of Niccolo Piccinino, and coming up with him before 
 Barga, an engagement took place, in which he was overcome, 
 and compelled to raise the siege. 
 
 The Venetians, considering the duke to have broken the 
 peace, sent Giovan Francesco da Gonzaga, their captain, to 
 Ghiaradadda, who, by severely wasting the duke's territories, 
 induced him to recall Niccolo Piccinino from Tuscany. This 
 circumstance, together with the victory obtained over Niccolo, 
 emboldened the Florentines to attempt the recovery of Lucca, 
 since the duke, whom alone they feared, was engaged with the 
 Venetians, and the Lucchese having received the enemy into 
 their city, and allowed him to attack them, would have no 
 ground of complaint. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 The Florentines go to War with Lucca — Discourse of a Citizen of 
 Lucca to Animate the Plebeians against the Florentines — The Luc- 
 chese Resolve to Defend Themselves — They are Assisted by the 
 Duke of Milan — Treaty between the Florentines and Venetians 
 — Francesco Sforza, Captain of the League, Refuses to Cross the 
 Po in the Service of the Venetians and Returns to Tuscany— The 
 Bad Faith of the Venetians toward the Florentines — Cosmo de' 
 Medici at Venice — Peace between the Florentines and the Lucchese 
 — The Florentines Effect a Reconciliation between the Pope and the 
 Count di Poppi — The Pope Consecrates the Church of Santa Re- 
 parata — Council of Florence. 
 
 THE count commenced operations against Lucca in April, 
 1437, and the Florentines, desirous of recovering what 
 they had themselves lost before they attacked others, 
 retook Santa Maria in Castello, and all the places which Pic- 
 cinino had occupied. Then, entering the Lucchese territory, 
 they besieged Camaiore, the inhabitants of which, although 
 faithful to their rulers, being influenced more by immediate 
 danger than by attachment to their distant friends, surrendered. 
 In the same manner, they obtained Massa and Serezana. 
 Toward the end of May they proceeded in the direction of 
 Lucca, burning the towns, destroying the growing crops, grain, 
 trees, and vines, driving away the cattle, and leaving nothing 
 undone to injure the enemy. The Lucchese, finding themselves 
 abandoned by the duke, and hopeless of defending the open 
 country, forsook it; entrenched and fortified the city, which 
 they doubted not, being well garrisoned, they would be able to 
 defend for a time, and that, in the interim, some event would 
 occur for their relief, as had been the case during the former 
 wars which the Florentines had carried on against them. Their 
 only apprehension arose from the fickle minds of the plebeians, 
 who, becoming weary of the siege, would have more considera- 
 tion of their own danger than of others' liberty, and would thus 
 
 240 
 
1437] ADDRESS OF A CITIZEN 241 
 
 compel them to submit to some disgraceful and ruinous capitu- 
 lation. In order to animate them to defence, they were assem- 
 bled in the public piazza, and one of the eldest and most es- 
 teemed of the citizens addressed them in the following terms : 
 
 " You are doubtless aware that what is done from necessity ■ 
 involves neither censure nor applause ; therefore, if you should 
 accuse us of having caused the present war, by receiving the 
 ducal forces into the city, and allowing them to commit hos- 
 tilities against the Florentines, you are greatly mistaken. You 
 are well acquainted with the ancient enmity of the Florentines 
 against you, which is not occasioned by any injuries you have 
 done them, or by fear on their part, but by our weakness and 
 their own ambition ; for the one gives them hope of being able 
 to oppress us, and the other incites them to attempt it. It is 
 then vain to imagine that any merit of yours can extinguish 
 that desire in them, or that any offence you can commit, can 
 provoke them to greater animosity. They endeavor to deprive? 
 you of your liberty ; you must resolve to defend it ; and what-( 
 ever they may undertake against us for that purpose, although 
 we may lament, we need not wonder. We may well grieve, 
 therefore, that they attack us, take possession of our towns, 
 burn our houses, and waste our country. 
 
 " But who is so simple as to be surprised at it ? for were it 
 in our power, we should do just the same to them, or even 
 worse. They declare war against us now, they say, for having 
 received Niccolo ; but if we had not received him, they would 
 have done the same and assigned some other ground for it ; and 
 if the evil had been delayed, it would most probably have been 
 greater. Therefore, you must not imagine it to be occasioned 
 by his arrival, but rather by your own ill-fortune and their am- 
 bition ; for we could not have refused admission to the duke's 
 forces, and, being come, we could not prevent their aggressions. 
 You know, that without the aid of some powerful ally we are 
 incapable of self-defence, and that none can render us this ser- 
 vice more powerfully or faithfully than the duke. He restored/ 
 our liberty ; it is reasonable to expect he will defend it. He haa 
 always been the greatest foe of our inveterate enemies ; if, there- 
 fore, to avoid incensing the Florentines we had excited his 
 anger, we should have lost our best friend, and rendered our 
 enemy more powerful and more disposed to oppress us ; so that 
 16 
 
242 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1437 
 
 it is far preferable to have this war upon our hands, and enjoy 
 the favor of the duke, than to be in peace without it. Beside, 
 we are justified in expecting that he will rescue us from the 
 dangers into which we are brought on his account, if we only 
 do not abandon our own cause. You all know how fiercely 
 the Florentines have frequently assailed us, and with what glory 
 we have maintained our defence. We have often been deprived 
 of every hope, except in God and the casualties which time 
 might produce, and both have proved our friends. And as 
 they have delivered us formerly, why should they not continue 
 to do so ? Then we were forsaken by the whole of Italy ; now 
 we have the duke in our favor; beside, we have a right to 
 suppose that the Venetians will not hastily attack us ; for they 
 will not willingly see the power of Florence increased. 
 
 " On a former occasion, the Florentines were more at liberty ; 
 they had greater hope of assistance, and were more powerful 
 in themselves, while we were in every respect weaker ; for then 
 a tyrant governed us, now we defend ourselves ; then the glory 
 of our defence was another's, now it is our own ; then they were 
 in harmony, now they are disunited, all Italy being filled with 
 their banished citizens. But were we without the hope which 
 these favorable circumstances present, our extreme necessity 
 should make us firmly resolved on our defence. It is reason- 
 able to fear every enemy, for all seek their own glory and your 
 ruin ; above all others, you have to dread the Fl6rentines, for 
 they would not be satisfied by submission and tribute, or the 
 dominion of our city, but they would possess our entire sub- 
 stance and persons, that they might satiate their cruelty with 
 our blood, and their avarice with our property, so that all ranks 
 ought to dread them. Therefore do not be troubled at seeing 
 our crops destroyed, our towns burned, our fortresses occupied ; 
 for if we preserve the city, the rest will be saved as matter of 
 course ; if we lose her, all else would be of no advantage to us ; 
 for while retaining our liberty, the enemy can hold them only 
 with the greatest difficulty, while losing it they would be pre- 
 served in vain. Arm, therefore ; and when in the fight, remem- 
 ber that the reward of victory will be safety, not only to your 
 country, but to your homes, your wives, and your children." 
 
 The speaker's last words were received with the utmost 
 enthusiasm by the people, who promised one and all to die 
 
U37] THE DUKE AIDS LUCCA 
 
 843 
 
 rather than abandon their cause, or submit to any terms that 
 could violate their liberty. They then made arrangements for 
 the defence of the city. 
 
 In the meantime, the Florentine forces were not idle; and 
 after innumerable mischiefs done to the country, took Monte 
 Carlo by capitulation. They then besieged Uzano, in order 
 that the Lucchese, being pressed on all sides, might despair 
 of assistance, and be compelled to submission by famine. The 
 fortress was very strong, and defended by a numerous garrison, 
 so that its capture would be by no means an easy undertaking. 
 The Lucchese, as might be expected, seeing the imminent peril 
 of their situation, had recourse to the duke, and employed 
 prayers and remonstrances to induce him to render them aid. 
 They enlarged upon their own merits and the offences of the 
 Florentines ; and showed how greatly it would attach the duke's 
 friends to him to find they were defended, and how much dis- 
 affection it would spread among them, if they were left to be 
 overwhelmed by the enemy ; that if they lost their liberties and 
 their lives, he would lose his honor and his friends, and forfeit 
 the confidence of all who from affection might be induced to 
 incur dangers in his behalf; and added tears to entreaties, so 
 that if he were unmoved by gratitude to them, he might be in- 
 duced to their defence by motives of compassion. The duke, 
 influenced by his inveterate animosity against the Florentines, 
 his new obligation to the Lucchese, and, above all, by his desire 
 to prevent so great an acquisition from falling into the hands 
 of his ancient enemies, determined either to send a strong force 
 into Tuscany, or vigorously to assail the Venetians, so as to 
 compel the Florentines to give up their enterprise and go to 
 their relief. 
 
 It was soon known in Florence that the duke was preparing 
 to send forces into Tuscany, This made the Florentines ap- 
 prehensive for the success of their enterprise ; and in order to 
 retain the duke in Lombardy, they requested the Venetians to 
 press him with their utmost strength. But they also were 
 alarmed, the Marquis of Mantua having abandoned them and 
 gone over to the duke ; and thus, finding themselves almost de- 
 fenceless, they replied, "that instead of increasing their re- 
 sponsibilities, they should be unable to perform their part in 
 the war, unless the Count Francesco were sent to them to take 
 
244 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1437 
 
 the command of the army, and with the special understanding 
 that he should engage to cross the Po in person. They declined 
 to fulfil their former engagements unless he were bound to do 
 so ; for they could not carry on the war without a leader, or re- 
 pose confidence in any except the count; and that he himself 
 would be useless to them, unless he came under an obligation 
 to carry on the war whenever they might think needful." The 
 Florentines thought the war ought to be pushed vigorously in 
 Lombardy ; but they saw that if they lost the count their enter- 
 prise against Lucca was ruined; and they knew well that the 
 demand of the Venetians arose less from any need they had of 
 the count, than from their desire to frustrate this expedition. 
 The count, on the other hand, was ready to pass into Lombardy 
 whenever the league might require him, but would not alter 
 the tenor of his engagement ; for he was unwilling to sacrifice 
 the hope of the alliance promised him by the duke. 
 
 The Florentines were thus embarrassed by two contrary im- 
 pulses, the wish to possess Lucca, and the dread of a war with 
 Milan. As commonly happens, fear was the most powerful, 
 and they consented, after the capture of Uzano, that the count 
 should go into Lombardy. There still remained another diffi- 
 culty, which, depending on circumstances beyond the reach of 
 their influence, created more doubts and uneasiness than the 
 former; the count would not consent to pass the Po, and the 
 Venetians refused to accept him on any other condition. See- 
 ing no other method of arrangement, than that each should 
 make liberal concessions, the Florentines induced the count to 
 engage to cross the river by a letter addressed to the Signory 
 of Florence, intimating that this private promise did not in- 
 validate any public engagement, and that he might still refrain 
 from crossing; hence it resulted that the Venetians, having 
 commenced the war, would be compelled to proceed, and that 
 the evil apprehended by the Florentines would be averted. To 
 the Venetians, on the other hand, they averred that this private 
 letter was sufficiently binding, and therefore they ought to be 
 content ; for if they could save the count from breaking with 
 his father-in-law, it was well to do so, and that it could be of 
 no advantage either to themselves or the Venetians to publish it 
 without some manifest necessity. It was thus determined that 
 the count should pass into Lombardy ; and having taken Uzano, 
 
1437] COSMO AT VENICE 245 
 
 and raised bastions about Lucca to restrain her inhabitants, 
 placed the management of the siege in the hands of the com- 
 missaries, crossed the Apennines, and proceeded to Reggio, 
 when the Venetians, alarmed at his progress, and in order to 
 discover his intentions, insisted upon his immediately crossing 
 the Po, and joining the other forces. The count refused com- 
 pliance, and many mutual recriminations took place between 
 him and Andrea Mauroceno, their messenger on this occasion, 
 each charging the other with arrogance and treachery. After 
 many protestations, the one of being under no obligation to per- 
 form that service, and the other of not being bound to any pay- 
 ment, they parted, the count to return to Tuscany, the other to 
 Venice. 
 
 The Florentines had sent the count to encamp in the Pisan 
 territory, and were in hopes of inducing him to renew the 
 war against the Lucchese, but found him indisposed to do so, 
 for the duke, having been informed that out of regard to him he 
 had refused to cross the Po, thought that by his means he might 
 also save the Lucchese, and begged the count to endeavor to ef- 
 fect an accommodation between the Florentines and the Luc- 
 chese, including himself in it, if he were able, declaring, at the 
 same time, the promised marriage should be solemnized when- 
 ever he thought proper. The prospect of this connection 
 had great influence with the count, for, as the duke had 
 no sons, it gave him hope of becoming sovereign of Milan. 
 For this reason he gradually abated his exertions in the war, 
 declared he would not proceed unless the Venetians fulfilled 
 their engagement as to the payment, and also retained him in 
 the command; that the discharge of the debt would not alone 
 be sufficient, for desiring to live peaceably in his own dominions, 
 he needed some alliance other than that of the Florentines, and 
 that he must regard his own interests, shrewdly hinting that if 
 abandoned by the Venetians, he would come to terms with the 
 duke. 
 
 These indirect and crafty methods of procedure were highly 
 offensive to the Florentines, for they found their expedition 
 against Lucca frustrated, and trembled for the safety of their 
 own territories if ever the count and the duke should enter 
 into a mutual alliance. To induce the Venetians to retain the 
 count in command, Cosmo de' Medici went to Venice, hoping 
 
246 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1438 
 
 his influence would prevail with them, and discussed the sub- 
 ject at great length before the senate, pointing out the condition 
 of the Italian states, the disposition of their armies, and the 
 great preponderance possessed by the duke. He concluded by 
 saying, that if the count and the duke were to unite their forces, 
 they (the Venetians) might return to the sea, and the Floren- 
 tines would have to fight for their liberty. To this the Vene- 
 tians replied, that they were acquainted with their own strength 
 and that of the Italians, and thought themselves able at all 
 events to provide for their own defence ; that it was not their 
 custom to pay soldiers for serving others ; that as the Floren- 
 tines had used the count's service, they must pay him them- 
 selves ; with respect to the security of their own states, it was 
 rather desirable to check the count's pride, than to pay him, for 
 the ambition of men is boundless, and that if he were now paid 
 without serving, he would soon make some other demand, still 
 more unreasonable and dangerous. It therefore seemed neces- 
 sary to curb his insolence, and not allow it to increase till it be- 
 came incorrigible ; and that if the Florentines, from fear or any 
 other motive, wished to preserve his friendship, they must pay 
 him themselves. Cosmo returned without having effected any 
 part of his object. 
 
 The Florentines used the weightiest arguments they could 
 adopt to prevent the count from quitting the service of the 
 league, a course he was himself reluctant to follow, but his 
 desire to conclude the marriage so embarrassed him, that any 
 trivial accident would have been sufficient to determine his 
 course, as indeed shortly happened. The count had left his 
 territories in La Marca to the care of II Furlano, one of his 
 principal condottieri, who was so far influenced by the duke, 
 as to take command under him, and quit the count's service. 
 This circumstance caused the latter to lay aside every idea 
 but that of his own safety, and to come to agreement with 
 the duke; among the terms of which compact was one that 
 he should not be expected to interfere in the affairs of Ro- 
 magna and Tuscany. The count then urged the Florentines to 
 come to terms with the Lucchese, and so convinced them of the 
 necessity of this, that seeing no better course to adopt, they 
 complied in April, 1438, by which treaty the Lucchese retained 
 their liberty, and the Florentines Monte Carlo and a few other 
 
1438] THE POPE VISITS FLORENCE 247 
 
 fortresses. After this, being full of exasperation, they de- 
 spatched letters to every part of Italy, overcharged with com- 
 plaints, affecting to show that since God and men were averse 
 to the Lucchese coming under their dominion, they had made 
 peace with them. And it seldom happens that any suffer so 
 much for the loss of their own lawful property as they did be- 
 cause they could not obtain the possessions of others. 
 
 Though the Florentines had now so many affairs in hand, 
 they did not allow the proceedings of their neighbors to pass 
 unnoticed, or neglect the decoration of their city. As before 
 observed, Niccolo Fortebraccio was dead. He had married a 
 daughter of the Count di Poppi, who, at the decease of his son- 
 in-law, held the Borgo San Sepolcro, and other fortresses of 
 that district, and while Niccolo lived, governed them in his 
 name. Claiming them as his daughter's portion, he refused to 
 give them up to the Pope, who demanded them as property held 
 of the church, and who, upon his refusal, sent the patriarch with 
 forces to take possession of them. The count, finding himself 
 unable to sustain the attack, offered them to the Florentines, 
 who declined them ; but the Pope having returned to Florence, 
 they interceded with him in the count's behalf. Difficulties 
 arising, the patriarch attacked the Casentino, took Prato Vec- 
 chio, and Romena, and offered them also to the Florentines, 
 who refused them likewise, unless the Pope would consent they 
 should restore them to the count, to which, after much hesi- 
 tation, he acceded, on condition that the Florentines should pre- 
 vail with the Count di Poppi to restore the Borgo to him. The 
 Pope was thus satisfied, and the Florentines having so far com- 
 pleted the building of their cathedral church of Santa Reparata, 
 which had been commenced long ago, as to enable them to per- 
 form divine service in it, requested his holiness to consecrate it. 
 To this the pontiff willingly agreed, and the Florentines, to ex- 
 hibit the wealth of the city and the splendor of the edifice, and 
 do greater honor to the Pope, erected a platform from Santa 
 Maria Novella, where he resided, to the cathedral he was about 
 to consecrate, six feet in height and twelve feet wide, covered 
 with rich drapery, for the accommodation of the pontiff and 
 his court, upon which they proceeded to the building, accom- 
 panied by those civic magistrates and other officers who were 
 appointed to take part in the procession. The usual ceremonies 
 
248 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1438 
 
 of consecration having been completed, the Pope, to show his 
 affection for the city, conferred the honor of knighthood upon 
 Giuliano Davanzati, their Gonfalonier of Justice, and a citizen 
 of the highest reputation ; and the Signory, not to appear less 
 gracious than the Pope, granted to the new created knight the 
 government of Pisa for one year. 
 
 There were at that time certain differences between the Ro- 
 man and the Greek churches, which prevented perfect conform- 
 ity in divine service ; and at the last Council of Bale the prelates 
 of the Western Church having spoken at great length upon 
 the subject, it was resolved that efforts should be made to bring 
 the Emperor and the Greek prelates to the Council at Bale, to 
 endeavor to reconcile the Greek Church with the Roman. 
 Though this resolution was derogatory to the majesty of the 
 Greek Empire, and offensive to its clergy, yet being then op- 
 pressed by the Turks, and fearing their inability for defence, in 
 order to have a better ground for requesting assistance, they 
 submitted; and therefore, the Emperor, the patriarch, with 
 other prelates and barons of Greece, to comply with the resolu- 
 tion of the Council assembled at Bale, came to Venice ; but be- 
 ing terrified by the plague then prevailing, it was resolved to 
 terminate their differences at Florence. The Roman and Greek 
 prelates having held a conference during several days, in which 
 many long discussions took place, the Greeks yielded, and 
 agreed to adopt the ritual of the Church of Rome. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 New Wars in Italy— Niccolo Piccinino, in Concert with the Duke of 
 Milan, Deceives the Pope, and takes Many Places from the Church 
 —Niccolo Attacks the Venetians— Fears and Precautions of the 
 Florentines — The Venetians Request Assistance of the Florentines, 
 and of Sforza— League against the Duke of Milan— The Floren- 
 tines Resolve to Send the Count to Assist the Venetians— Neri di 
 Gino Capponi at Venice— His Discourse to the Senate— Extreme Joy 
 of the Venetians. 
 
 PEACE being restored between the Lucchese and Floren- 
 tines, and the duke and the count having become 
 friends, hopes were entertained that the arms of Italy 
 would be laid aside, although those in the Kingdom of Naples, 
 between Rene of Anjou and Alfonso of Arragon, could find 
 repose only by the ruin of one party or the other. And though 
 the Pope was dissatisfied with the loss of so large a portion of 
 his territories, and the ambition of the duke and the Venetians 
 was obvious, still it was thought that the pontiff, from necessity, 
 and the others from weariness, would be advocates of peace. 
 However, a different state of feeling prevailed, for neither 
 the duke nor the Venetians were satisfied with their condition ; 
 so that hostilities were resumed, and Lombardy and Tuscany 
 were again harassed by the horrors of war. The proud mind 
 of the duke could not endure that the Venetians should possess 
 Bergamo and Brescia, and he was still further annoyed by 
 hearing that they were constantly in arms and in the daily prac- 
 tice of annoying some portion of his territories. He thought, 
 however, that he should not only be able to restrain them, but 
 to recover the places he had lost, if the Pope, the Florentines, 
 and the count could be induced to forego the Venetian alliance. 
 He therefore resolved to take Romagna from the pontiff, 
 imagining that his holiness could not injure him, and that the 
 Florentines, finding the conflagration so near, either for their 
 own sake would refrain from interference, or, if they did not, 
 could not conveniently attack him. The duke was also aware 
 
 249 
 
2SO THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1438 
 
 of the resentment of the Florentines against the Venetians, on 
 account of the affair of Lucca, and he therefore judged they 
 would be the less eager to take arms against him on their be- 
 half. With regard to the Count Francesco, he trusted that 
 their new friendship and the hope of his alliance would keep 
 him quiet. To give as little color as possible for complaint, 
 and to lull suspicion, particularly, because, in consequence of 
 his treaty with the count, the latter could not attack Romagna, 
 he ordered Niccolo Piccinino, as if instigated by his own am- 
 bition to do so. 
 
 When the agreement between the duke and the count was 
 concluded, Niccolo was in Romagna, and, in pursuance of his 
 instructions from the duke, affected to be highly incensed, that 
 a connection had been established between him and the count, 
 his inveterate enemy. He therefore withdrew himself and his 
 forces to Camurata, a place between Furli and Ravenna, which 
 he fortified, as if designing to remain there some time, or till a 
 new enterprise should present itself. The report of his resent- 
 ment being diffused, Niccolo gave the Pope to understand how 
 much the duke was under obligation to him, and how ungrate- 
 ful he proved ; and he was persuaded, that, possessing nearly 
 all the arms of Italy, under the two principal generals, he could 
 render himself sole ruler ; but if his holiness pleased, of the two 
 principal generals whom he fancied he possessed, one would be- 
 come his enemy, and the other be rendered useless; for, if 
 money were provided him, and he were kept in pay, he would 
 attack the territories held of the Church by the count, who be- 
 ing compelled to look to his own interests, could not subserve 
 the ambition of Filippo. The Pope giving entire credence to 
 this representation, on account of its apparent reasonableness, 
 sent Niccolo 5,000 ducats, and loaded him with promises of 
 states for himself and his children. And though many in- 
 formed him of the deception, he could not give credit to them, 
 nor would he endure the conversation of any who seemed to 
 doubt the integrity of Niccolo's professions. 
 
 The city of Ravenna was held for the Church by Ostasio da 
 Polenta. Niccolo finding further delay would be detrimental, 
 since his son Francesco had, to the Pope's great dishonor, pil- 
 laged Spoleto, determined to attack Ravenna, either because 
 he judged the enterprise easy, or because he had a secret under- 
 
1438] CAPITULATION OF RAVENNA 251 
 
 standing with Ostasio, for, in a few days after the attack, the 
 place capitulated. He then took Bologna, Imola, and Furli; 
 and (what is worthy of remark) of twenty fortresses held in 
 that country for the Pope, not one escaped falling into his 
 hands. Not satisfied with these injuries inflicted on the pon- 
 tiff, he resolved to banter him by his words as well as ridicule 
 him by his deeds, and wrote that he had only done as his holi- 
 ness deserved, for having unblushingly attempted to divide two 
 such attached friends as the duke and himself, and for having 
 dispersed over Italy letters intimating that he had quitted the 
 duke to take part with the Venetians. Having taken pos- 
 session of Romagna, Niccolo left it under the charge of his 
 son, Francesco, and, with the greater part of his troops, went 
 into Lombardy, where, joining the remainder of the duke's 
 forces, he attacked the country about Brescia, and, having 
 soon completely conquered it, besieged the city itself. 
 
 The duke, who desired the Venetians to be left defenceless, 
 excused himself to the Pope, the Florentines, and the count, 
 saying that, if the doings of Niccolo were contrary to the terms 
 of the treaty, they were equally contrary to his wishes, and 
 by secret messengers, assured them that when an occasiori pre- 
 sented itself, he would give them a convincing proof that they 
 had been performed in disobedience to his instructions. Neither 
 the count nor the Florentines believed him, but thought, with 
 reason, that these enterprises had been carried on to keep them 
 at bay, till he had subdued the Venetians, who, being full of 
 pride, and thinking themselves able alone to resist the duke, 
 had not deigned to ask for any assistance, but carried on the 
 ;yar under their captain, Gattamelata. 
 
 Count Francesco would have wished, with the consent of 
 the Florentines, to go to the assistance of King Rene, if the 
 events of Romagna and Lombardy had not hindered him ; and 
 the Florentines would willingly have consented, from their 
 ancient friendship to the French dynasty, but the duke was en- 
 tirely in favor of Alfonso. Each being engaged in wars near 
 home, refrained from distant undertakings. The Florentines, 
 finding Romagna occupied with the duke's forces, and the 
 Venetians defeated, as if foreseeing their own ruin in that of 
 others, entreated the count to come into Tuscany, where they 
 might consider what should be done to resist Filippo's power, 
 
252 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1438 
 
 which was now greater than it had ever before been ; assuring 
 them that, if his insolence were not in some way curbed, all the 
 powers of Italy would soon have to submit to him. The count 
 felt the force of the fears entertained by the Florentines, but 
 his desire to secure the duke's alliance kept him in suspense; 
 and the duke, aware of this desire, gave him the greatest as- 
 surance that his hopes would be realized as shortly as possible, 
 if he abstained from hostilities against him. As the lady was 
 now of marriageable age, the duke had frequently made all 
 suitable preparations for the celebration of the ceremony, but 
 on one pretext or another they had always been wholly set aside. 
 He now, to give the count greater confidence, added deeds to 
 his words, and sent him 30,000 florins, which, by the terms of 
 the marriage contract, he had engaged to pay. 
 
 Still the war in Lombardy proceeded with greater vehe- 
 mence than ever ; the Venetians constantly suffered fresh losses 
 of territory, and the fleets they equipped upon the rivers were 
 taken by the duke's forces; the country around Verona and 
 Brescia was entirely occupied, and the two cities themselves so 
 pressed that their speedy fall was generally anticipated. The 
 Marquis of Mantua, who for many years had led the forces of 
 their republic, quite unexpectedly resigned his command, and 
 went over to the duke's service. Thus the course which pride 
 prevented them from adopting at the commencement of the war, 
 fear compelled them to take during its progress; for knowing 
 there was no help for them but in the friendship of the Floren- 
 tines and the count, they began to make overtures to obtain it, 
 though with shame and apprehension; for they were afraid 
 of receiving a reply similar to that which they had given the 
 Florentines, when the latter applied for assistance in the enter- 
 prise against Lucca and the count's affairs. 
 
 However, they found the Florentines more easily induced to 
 render aid than they expected, or their conduct deserved; so 
 much more were the former swayed by hatred of their ancient 
 enemy, than by resentment of the ingratitude of their old and 
 habitual friends. Having foreseen the necessity into which 
 the Venetians must come, they had informed the count that 
 their ruin must involve his own; that he was deceived if he 
 thought the duke, while fortunate, would esteem him more than 
 if he were in adversity ; that the duke was induced to promise 
 
143S] TREATY WITH VENICE 2S3 
 
 him his daughter by the fear he entertained of him ; that what 
 necessity occasions to be promised, it also causes to be per- 
 formed; and it was therefore desirable to keep the duke in 
 that necessity, which could not be done without supporting 
 the power of the Venetians. Therefore he might perceive, 
 that if the Venetians were compelled to abandon their inland 
 territories, he would not only lose the advantages derivable 
 from them, but also those to be obtained from such as feared 
 them ; and that if he considered well the powers of Italy, he 
 would see that some were poor, and others hostile; that the 
 Florentines alone were not, as he had often said, sufficient for 
 his support, so that on every account it was best to keep the 
 Venetians powerful by land. These arguments, conjoined 
 with the hatred which the count had conceived against Filippo, 
 by supposing himself duped with regard to the promised al- 
 liance, induced him to consent to a new treaty; but still he 
 would not consent to cross the Po. The agreement was con- 
 cluded in February, 1438; the Venetians agreeing to pay two- 
 thirds of the expense of the war, the Florentines one-third, and 
 each engaging to defend the States which the count possessed 
 in La Marca. Nor were these the only forces of the league, 
 for the Lord of Faenza, the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti da 
 Rimino and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini also joined them. They 
 endeavored, by very liberal offers, to gain over the Marquis of 
 Mantua, but could not prevail against the friendship and 
 stipend of the duke ; and the Lord of Faenza, after having en- 
 tered into a compact with the league, being tempted by more ad- 
 vantageous terms, went over to him. This made them despair 
 of being able to effect an early settlement of the troubles of 
 Romagna. 
 
 The affairs of Lombardy were in this condition: Brescia 
 was so closely besieged by the duke's forces that constant ap- 
 prehensions were entertained of her being compelled by famine 
 to a surrender; while Verona was so pressed that a similar 
 fate was expected to await her, and, if one of these cities were 
 lost, all the other preparations for the war might be con- 
 sidered useless, and the expenses already incurred as com- 
 pletely wasted. For this there was no remedy, but to send 
 the count into Lombardy ; and to this measure three obstacles 
 presented themselves. The first was, to induce him to cross 
 
254 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1438 
 
 the Po, and prosecute the war in whatever locality might be 
 found most advisable; the second, that, the count being at a 
 distance, the Florentines would be left almost at the mercy 
 of the duke, who, issuing from any of his fortresses, might 
 with part of his troops keep the count at bay, and with the 
 rest introduce into Tuscany the Florentine exiles, whom the 
 existing government greatly dreaded ; the third was, to deter- 
 mine what route the count should take to arrive safely in the 
 Paduan territory, and join the Venetian forces. Of these three 
 difficulties, the second, which particularly regarded the Floren- 
 tines, was the most serious ; but, knowing the necessity of the 
 case, and wearied out by the Venetians, who with unceasing 
 importunity demanded the count, intimating that without him 
 they should abandon all hope, they resolved to relieve their al- 
 lies rather than listen to the suggestions of their own fears. 
 There still remained the question about the route to be taken, 
 for the safety of which they determined the Venetians should 
 provide ; and as they had sent Neri Capponi to treat with the 
 count, and induce him to cross the Po, they determined that 
 the same person should also proceed to Venice, in order to make 
 the benefit the more acceptable to the Signory, and see that all 
 possible security were given to the passage of the forces. 
 
 Neri embarked at Cesena and went to Venice ; nor was any 
 prince ever received with so much honor as he was ; for upon 
 his arrival, and the matters which his intervention was to decide 
 and determine, the safety of the republic seemed to depend. 
 Being introduced to the Senate, and in presence of the Doge, 
 he said : 
 
 " The Signory of Florence, Most Serene Prince, has always 
 perceived in the duke's greatness the source of ruin both to 
 this republic and our own, and that the safety of both States 
 depends upon their separate strength and mutual confidence. 
 If such had been the opinion of this illustrious Signory, we 
 should ourselves have been in better condition, and your re- 
 public would have been free from the dangers that now threaten 
 it. But as at the proper crisis you withheld from us confidence 
 and aid, we could not come to the relief of your distress, nor 
 could you, being conscious of this, freely ask us ; for neither in 
 your prosperity nor adversity have you clearly perceived our 
 motives. You have not observed that those whose deeds have 
 
1438] NERI'S ADDRESS TO THE SENATE 255 
 
 once incurred our hatred, can never become entitled to our re- 
 gard ; nor can those who have once merited our affection ever 
 after absolutely cancel their claim. Our attachment to your 
 Most Serene Signory is well known to you all, for you have 
 often seen Lombardy filled with your forces and our money for 
 your assistance. Our hereditary enmity to Filippo and his 
 house is universally known, and it is impossible that love or 
 hatred, strengthened by the growth of years, can be eradicated 
 from our minds by any recent act either of kindness or neglect. 
 We have always thought, and are still of the same opinion, that 
 we might now remain neutral, greatly to the duke's satisfaction, 
 and with little hazard to ourselves ; for if by your ruin he were 
 to become Lord of Lombardy, we should still have sufficient 
 influence in Italy to free us from any apprehension on our own 
 account; for every increase of power and territory augments 
 that animosity and envy, from which arise wars and the dis- 
 memberment of states. We are also aware what heavy ex- 
 penses and imminent perils we should avoid, by declining to 
 involve ourselves in these disputes; and how easily the field 
 of battle may be transferred from Lombardy to Tuscany, by 
 our interference in your behalf. 
 
 " Yet all these apprehensions are at once overborne by our 
 ancient affection for the senate and people of Venice, and we 
 have resolved to come to your relief, with the same zeal with 
 which we should have armed in our own defence, had we been 
 attacked. Therefore, the Senate of Florence, judging it pri- 
 marily necessary to relieve Verona and Brescia, and thinking 
 this impossible without the count, have sent me, in the first in- 
 stance, to persuade him to pass into Lombardy, and carry on 
 the war wherever it may be most needful ; for you are aware 
 he is under no obligation to cross the Po. To induce him to do 
 so, I have advanced such arguments as are suggested by the 
 circumstances themselves, and which would prevail with us. 
 He, being invincible in arms, cannot be surpassed in courtesy, 
 and the liberality he sees the Florentines exercise toward you, 
 he has resolved to outdo ; for he is well aware to what dangers 
 Tuscany will be exposed after his departure, and since we 
 have made your affairs our primary consideration, he has also 
 resolved to make his own subservient to yours. I come, there- 
 fore, to tender his services, with 7,000 cavalry and 2,000 in- 
 
256 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1438 
 
 fantry, ready at once to march against the enemy, wherever he 
 may be. And I beg of you, so do my lords at Florence and the 
 count, that as his forces exceed the number he has engaged to 
 furnish, you, out of your liberality, would remunerate him, that 
 he may not repent of having come to your assistance, nor we, 
 that we have prevailed with him to do so." 
 
 This discourse of Neri to the Senate was listened to with that 
 profound attention which the oracle might be imagined to com- 
 mand ; and his audience were so moved by it, that they could 
 not restrain themselves, till the prince had replied, as strict 
 decorum upon such occasions required, but rising from their 
 seats, with uplifted hands, and most of them with tears in their 
 eyes, they thanked the Florentines for their generous conduct, 
 and the ambassador for his unusual despatch; and promised 
 that time should never cancel the remembrance of such good- 
 ness, either in their own hearts, or their children's; and that 
 their country, thenceforth, should be common to the Floren- 
 tines with themselves. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Francesco Sforza Marches to Assist the Venetians, and Relieves Ve- 
 rona—He Attempts to Relieve Brescia but Fails— The Venetians 
 Routed by Piccinino upon the Lake of Garda — Piccinino Routed by 
 Sforza; the Method of his Escape — Piccinino Surprises Verona — 
 Description of Verona— Recovered by Sforza— The Duke of Milan 
 Makes War against the Florentines— Apprehensions of the Floren- 
 tines — Cardinal Vitelleschi their Enemy. 
 
 WHEN their demonstrations of gratitude had subsided, 
 the Venetian Senate, by the aid of Neri di Gino, 
 began to consider the route the count ought to take, 
 and how to provide him with necessaries. There were four 
 several roads ; one by Ravenna, along the beach, which on ac- 
 count of its being in many places interrupted by the sea and 
 by marshes, was not approved. The next was the most direct, 
 but rendered inconvenient, by a tower called the Uccellino, 
 which being held for the duke, it would be necessary to capture ; 
 and to do this, would occupy more time than could be spared 
 with safety to Verona and Brescia. The third was by the brink 
 of the lake; but as the Po had overflown its banks, to pass 
 in this direction was impossible. The fourth was by the way 
 of Bologna to Ponte Puledrano, Cento, and Pieve; then be- 
 tween the Bondeno and the Finale to Ferrara, and thence they 
 might by land or water enter the Paduan territory, and join 
 the Venetian forces. This route, though attended with many 
 difficulties, and in some parts liable to be disputed by the enemy, 
 was chosen as the least objectionable. The count having re- 
 ceived his instructions, commenced his march, and by exerting 
 the utmost celerity, reached the Paduan territory on June 20. 
 The arrival of this distinguished commander in Lombardy filled 
 Venice and all her dependencies with hope ; for the Venetians, 
 who only an instant before had been in fear for their very 
 existence, began to contemplate new conquests. 
 The count, before he made any other attempt, hastened to 
 17 257 
 
258 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i439 
 
 the relief of Verona; and to counteract his design, Niccolo 
 led his forces to Soave, a castle situated between the Vincen- 
 tino and the Veronese, and entrenched himself by a ditch that 
 extended from Soave to the marshes of the Adige. The count, 
 finding his passage by the plain cut off, resolved to proceed by 
 the mountains, and thus reach Verona, thinking Niccolo would 
 imagine this way to be so rugged and elevated as to be imprac- 
 ticable; or if he thought otherwise, he would not be in time 
 to prevent him ; so, with provisions for eight days, he took the 
 mountain path, and with his forces, arrived in the plain, below 
 Soave. Niccolo had, even upon this route, erected some 
 bastions for the purpose of preventing him, but they were in- 
 sufficient for the purpose; and finding the enemy had, con- 
 trary to his expectations, effected a passage, to avoid a dis- 
 advantageous engagement he crossed to the opposite side of 
 the Adige, and the count entered Verona without opposition. 
 
 Having happily succeeded in his first object, that of relieving 
 Verona, the count now endeavored to render a similar service 
 to Brescia. This city is situated so close to the Lake of Garda 
 that, although besieged by land, provisions may always be sent 
 into it by water. On this account the duke had assembled a 
 large force in the immediate vicinity of the lake, and at the com- 
 mencement of his victories occupied all the places which by its 
 means might relieve Brescia. The Venetians also had galleys 
 upon the lake, but they were unequal to a contest with those of 
 the duke. The count therefore deemed it advisable to aid the 
 Venetian fleet with his land forces, by which means he hoped 
 to obtain without much difficulty those places which kept 
 Brescia in blockade. He therefore encamped before Bardolino, 
 a fortress situated upon the lake, trusting that after it was 
 taken the others would surrender. But fortune opposed this 
 design, for a great part of his troops fell sick ; so giving up the 
 enterprise, he went to Zevio, a Veronese castle, in a heailthy and 
 plentiful situation. Niccolo, upon the count's retreat, not to 
 let slip an opportunity of making himself master of the lake, 
 left his camp at Vegasio, and with a body of picked men took 
 the way thither, attacked the Venetian fleet with the utmost im- 
 petuosity, and took nearly the whole of it. By this victory al- 
 most all the fortresses upon the lake fell into his hands. 
 
 The Venetians, alarmed at this loss, and fearing that in 
 
1439] NICOLLO'S ESCAPE 259 
 
 consequence of it Brescia would surrender, solicited the count, 
 by letters and messengers, to go to its relief; and he, per- 
 ceiving that all hope of rendering assistance from the lake was 
 cut off, and that to attempt an approach by land, on account 
 of the ditches, bastions, and other defences erected by Niccolo, 
 was marching to certain destruction, determined that as the pas- 
 sage by the mountains had enabled him to relieve Verona, it 
 should also contribute to the preservation of Brescia. Having 
 taken this resolution, the count left Zevio, and by way of the 
 Val d' Acri wene to the Lake of St. Andrea, and thence to 
 Torboli and Peneda, upon the Lake of Garda. He then pro- 
 ceeded to Tenna, and besieged the fortress, which it was neces- 
 sary to occupy before he could reach Brescia. 
 
 Niccolo, on being acquainted with the count's design, led 
 his army to Peschiera. He then, with the Marquis of Mantua 
 and a chosen body of men, went to meet him, and coming to an 
 engagement, was routed, his people dispersed, and many of 
 them taken, while others fled to the fleet, and some to the main 
 body of his army. It was now nightfall, and Niccolo had es- 
 caped to Tenna, but he knew that if he were to remain there 
 till morning, he must inevitably fall into the enemy's hands; 
 therefore, to avoid a catastrophe which might be regarded as 
 almost fatal, he resolved to make a dangerous experiment. Of 
 all his attendants he had only with him a single servant, a 
 Dutchman, of great personal strength, and who had always 
 been devotedly attached to him. Niccolo induced this man to 
 take him upon his shoulders in a sack, as if he had been carry- 
 ing property of his master's, and to bear him to a place of se- 
 curity. The enemy's lines surrounded Tenna, but on account 
 of the previous day's victory, all was in disorder, and no guard 
 was kept, so that the Dutchman disguised as a trooper, passed 
 through them without any opposition, and brought his master 
 in safety to his own troops. 
 
 Had this victory been as carefully improved as it was for- 
 tunately obtained, Brescia would have derived from it greater 
 relief and the Venetians more permanent advantage ; but they, 
 having thoughtlessly let it slip, the rejoicings were soon over, 
 and Brescia remained in her former difficulties. Niccolo, hav- 
 ing returned his forces, resolved by some extraordinary exer- 
 tion to cancel the impression of his defeat, and deprive the 
 
26o » THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i439 
 
 Venetians of the chance of relieving Brescia. He was ac- 
 quainted with the topography of the citadel of Verona, and had 
 learned from prisoners whom he had taken that it was badly 
 guarded, and might be very easily recovered. He perceived 
 at once that fortune presented him with an opportunity of re- 
 gaining the laurels he had lately lost, and of changing the joy 
 of the enemy for their recent victory into sorrow for a suc- 
 ceeding disaster. 
 
 , The city of Verona is situated in Lombardy, at the foot of 
 the mountains which divide Italy from Germany, so that it 
 occupies part both of hill and plain. The river Adige rises 
 in the valley of Trento, and entering Italy, does not imme- 
 diately traverse the country, but winding to the left, along the 
 base of the hills, enters Verona, and crosses the city, which it 
 divides Unequally, giving much the larger portion to the plain. 
 On the mountain side of the river are two fortresses, formi- 
 dable rather from their situation than from their actual strength, 
 for being very elevated they command the whole place. One 
 is called San Piero, the other San Felice. On the opposite side 
 of the Adige, upon the plain, with their backs against the city 
 walls, are two other fortresses, about a mile distant from each 
 other, one called the Old, the other the New Citadel, and a wall 
 extends between them that may be compared to a bow-string, 
 of which the city wall is the arc. The space comprehended 
 within this segment is very populous, and is called the Borgo 
 of St. Zeno. Niccolo Piccinino designed to capture these for- 
 tresses and the Borgo, and he hoped to succeed without much 
 difficulty, as well on account of the ordinary negligence of the 
 guard, which their recent successes would probably increase, 
 as because in war no enterprise is more likely to be successful 
 than one which by the enemy is deemed impossible. 
 
 With a body of picked men, and accompanied by the Marquis 
 of Mantua, Piccinino proceeded by night to Verona, silently 
 scaled the walls, and took the New Citadel ; then entering the 
 place with his troops, he forced the gate of San Antonio, and 
 introduced the whole of his cavalry. The Venetian garrison 
 of the Old Citadel hearing an uproar, when the guards of the 
 New were slaughtered, and again when the gate was forced, 
 being now aware of the presence of enemies, raised an alarm, 
 and called the people to arms. The citizens awaking in the 
 
1439] VERONA ATTACKED 261 
 
 Utmost confusion, some of the boldest armed and hastened to 
 the rector's piazza. In the meantime, Niccolo's forces had pil- 
 laged the Borgo of San Zeno; and proceeding onward were 
 ascertained by the people to be the duke's forces, but being de- 
 fenceless they advised the Venetian rectors to take refuge in the 
 fortresses, and thus save themselves and the place ; as it was 
 more advisable to preserve their lives and so rich a city for bet- 
 ter fortune, than, by endeavoring to repel the present evil, en- 
 counter certain death, and incur universal pillage. Upon this 
 the rectors, and all the Venetian party, fled to the fortress of 
 San Felice. Some of the first citizens, anxious to avoid being 
 plundered by the troops, presented themselves before Niccolo 
 and the Marquis of Mantua, and begged they would rather 
 take possession of a rich city, with honor to themselves, than 
 of a poor one to their own disgrace ; particularly as they had 
 not induced either the favor of its former possessors, or the 
 animosity of its present masters, by self-defence. The Marquis 
 and Niccolo encouraged them, and protected their property to 
 the utmost of their power during such a state of military li- 
 cense. As they felt sure the count would endeavor to recover 
 the city, they made every possible exertion to gain possession of 
 the fortresses, and those they could not seize they cut off from 
 the rest of the place by ditches and barricades, so that the enemy 
 might be shut out. 
 
 The Count Francesco was with his army at Tenna; and 
 when the report was first brought to him he refused to credit 
 it ; but being assured of the fact by parties whom it would have 
 been ridiculous to doubt, he resolved, by the exertion of un- 
 common celerity, to repair the evil negligence had occasioned ; 
 and though all his officers advised the abandonment of Verona 
 and Brescia, and a march to Vicenza, lest he might be besieged 
 by the enemy in his present situation, he refused but resolved to 
 attempt the recovery of Verona. During the consultation, he 
 turned to the Venetian commissaries and to Bernardo de' 
 Medici, who was there as commissary for the Florentines, and 
 promised them the recovery of the place if one of the fortresses 
 should hold out. Having collected his forces, he proceeded 
 with the utmost speed to Verona. Observing his approach, 
 Niccolo thought he designed, according to the advice he had 
 received, to go to Vicenza, but finding him continue to draw 
 
262 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1439 
 
 near, and taking the direction of San Felice, he prepared for 
 its defence — though too late ; for the barricades were not com- 
 pleted ; his men were dispersed in quest of plunder, or extort- 
 ing money from the inhabitants by way of ransom; and he 
 could not collect them in time to prevent the count's troops from 
 entering the fortress. They then descended into the city, which 
 they happily recovered, to Niccolo's disgrace, and with the loss 
 of great numbers of his men. He himself with the Marquis of 
 Mantua, first took refuge in the citadel, and thence escaping 
 into the country, fled to Mantua, where, having assembled 
 the relics of their army, they hastened to join those who were 
 at the siege of Brescia. Thus in four days Verona was lost 
 and again recovered from the duke. The count, after this vic- 
 tory, it being now winter, and the weather very severe, having 
 first with considerable difficulty thrown provisions into Brescia, 
 went into quarters at Verona, and ordered, that during the cold 
 season, galleys should be provided at Torboli that upon the re- 
 turn of spring, they might be in a condition to proceed vigor- 
 ously to effect the permanent relief of Brescia. 
 
 The duke, finding the war suspended for a time, the hope 
 he had entertained of occupying Brescia and Verona annihi- 
 lated, and the money and counsels of the Florentines the cause 
 of this, and seeing that neither the injuries they had received 
 from the Venetians could alienate them, nor all the promises 
 he had made attach them to himself, he determined, in order 
 to make them feel more closely the effects of the course they 
 had adopted, to attack Tuscany ; to which he was strenuously 
 advised by the Florentine exiles and Niccolo. The latter ad- 
 vocated this from his desire to recover the states of Braccio, 
 and expel the count from La Marca; the former, from their 
 wish to return home, and each by suitable arguments endeavored 
 to induce the duke to follow the plan congenial to their own 
 views. Niccolo argued that he might be sent into Tuscany, and 
 continue the siege of Brescia ; for he was master of the lake, 
 the fortresses were well provided, and their officers were quali- 
 fied to oppose the count should he undertake any fresh enter- 
 prise; which it was not likely he would do without first re- 
 lieving Brescia, a thing impossible ; and thus the duke might 
 carry on the war in Tuscany, without giving up his attempts in 
 Lombardy; intimating that the Florentines would be com- 
 
1439] GIOVANNI VITELLESCHI 263 
 
 pelled, as soon as he entered Tuscany, to recall the count to 
 avoid complete ruin ; and whatever course they took, victory to 
 the duke must be the result. The exiles affirmed, that if Nic- 
 colo with his army were to approach Florence, the people op- 
 pressed with taxes, and wearied out by the insolence of the 
 great, would most assuredly not oppose him, and pointed out 
 the facility of reaching Florence ; for the way by the Casentino 
 would be open to them, through the friendship of Rinaldo and 
 the Count di Poppi; and thus the duke, who was previously 
 inclined to the attempt, was induced by their joint persuasions 
 to make it. The Venetians, on the other hand, though the win- 
 ter was severe, incessantly urged the count to relieve Brescia, 
 with all his forces. The count questioned the possibility of so 
 doing, and advised him to wait the return of spring, in the 
 meantime strengthening their fleet as much as possible, and 
 then assist it both by land and water. This rendered the Vene- 
 tians dissatisfied ; they were dilatory in furnishing provisions, 
 and consequently many deserted from their army. 
 
 The Florentines, being informed of these transactions, be- 
 came alarmed, perceiving the war threatening themselves, and 
 the little progress made in Lombardy. Nor did the suspicion 
 entertained by them of the troops of the Church give them less 
 uneasiness; not that the Pope was their enemy, but because 
 they saw those forces more under the sway of the patriarch, 
 who was their greatest foe. Giovanni Vitelleschi of Corneto 
 was at first apostolic notary, then Bishop of Recanati, and after- 
 ward Patriarch of Alexandria ; but at last, becoming a cardinal, 
 he was called Cardinal of Florence. He was bold and cunning ; 
 and, having obtained great influence, was appointed to com- 
 mand the forces of the Church, and conduct all the enterprises 
 of the pontiff, whether in Tuscany, Romagna, the Kingdom of 
 Naples, or in Rome. Hence he acquired so much power over 
 the pontiff and the papal troops that the former was afraid of 
 commanding him, and the latter obeyed no one else. The car- 
 dinal's presence at Rome, when the report came of Niccolo's 
 design to march into Tuscany, redoubled the fear of the Floren- 
 tines ; for since Rinaldo was expelled, he had become an enemy 
 of the republic, from finding that the arrangements made by 
 his means were not only disregarded, but converted to his 
 prejudice, and caused the laying down of arms, which had 
 
264 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1439 
 
 given his enemies an opportunity of banishing him. In con- 
 sequence of this, the government thought it would be advisable 
 to restore and indemnify Rinaldo, in case Niccolo came into 
 Tuscany and were joined by him. Their apprehensions were 
 increased by their being unable to account for Niccolo's de- 
 parture from Lombardy, and his leaving one enterprise almost 
 completed, to undertake another so entirely doubtful; which 
 they could not reconcile with their ideas of consistency, except 
 by supposing some new design had been adopted, or some hid- 
 den treachery intended. They communicated their fears to the 
 Pope, who was now sensible of his error in having endowed the 
 cardinal with too much authority. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 The Pope Imprisons the Cardinal and Assists the Florentines — ^Differ- 
 ence of Opinion between the Count and the Venetians Respecting 
 the Management of the War. The Florentines Reconcile them — 
 The Count Wishes to Go into Tuscany to Oppose Piccinino, but is 
 Prevented by the Venetians — Niccolo Piccinino in Tuscany — He 
 Takes Marradi, and Plunders the Neighborhood of Florence — De- 
 scription of Marradi — Cowardice of Bartolomeo Orlandini — Brave 
 Resistance of Castel San Niccolo — San Niccolo Surrenders — Pic- 
 cinino Attempts to Take Cortona, but Fails. 
 
 WHILE the Florentines were thus anxious, fortune dis- 
 closed the means of securing themselves against the 
 patriarch's malevolence. The republic everywhere 
 exercised the very closest espionage over epistolary communi- 
 cation, in order to discover if any persons were plotting against 
 . the state. It happened that letters were intercepted at Monte 
 Pulciano, which had been written by the patriarch to Niccolo 
 without the Pope's knowledge ; and although they were written 
 in an unusual character, and the sense so involved that no dis- 
 tinct idea could be extracted, the obscurity itself and the whole 
 aspect of the matter so alarmed the pontiff that he resolved to 
 seize the person of the cardinal, a duty he committed to Antonio 
 Rido, of Padua, who had the command of the castle of St. An- 
 gelo, and who, after receiving his instructions, soon found an 
 opportunity of carrying them into effect. The patriarch, hav- 
 ing determined to go into Tuscany, prepared to leave Rome on 
 the following day, and ordered the castellan to be upon the 
 drawbridge of the fortress in the morning, for he wished to 
 speak with him as he passed. Antonio perceived this to be the 
 favorable moment, informed his people what they were to do, 
 and awaited the arrival of the patriarch upon the bridge, which 
 adjoined the building, and might for the purpose of security 
 be raised or lowered as occasion required. The appointed time 
 found him punctual ; and Antonio, having drawn him, as if for 
 convenience of conversation, on to the bridge, gave a signal to 
 
 265 
 
266 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1439 
 
 his men, who immediately raised it, and in a moment the car- 
 dinal, from being a commander of armies, found himself a 
 prisoner of the castellan. The patriarch's followers at first 
 began to use threats, but being informed of the Pope's direc- 
 tions they were appeased. The castellan comforting him with 
 kind words, he replied : " The great do not make each other 
 prisoners to let them go again ; and those whom it is proper 
 to take, it is not well to set free." He shortly afterward died 
 in prison. The Pope appointed Lodovico, Patriarch of Acqui- 
 leia, to command his troops ; and, though previously unwilling 
 to interfere in the wars of the league and the duke, he was now 
 content to take part in them, and engaged to furnish 4,000 horse 
 and 2,000 foot for the defence of Tuscany. 
 
 The Florentines, freed from this cause for anxiety, were still 
 apprehensive of Niccolo, and feared confusion in the affairs of 
 Lombardy, from the differences of opinion that existed between 
 the count and the Venetians. In order the better to become ac- 
 quainted with the intentions of the parties, they sent Neri di 
 Gino Capponi and Giuliano Davanzati to Venice, with in- 
 structions to assist in the arrangement of the approaching cam- 
 paign ; and ordered that Neri, having discovered how the Vene- 
 tians were disposed, should proceed to the count, learn his de- 
 signs, and induce him to adopt the course that would be most 
 advantageous to the league. The ambassadors had only 
 reached Ferrara, when they were told that Niccolo Piccinino 
 had crossed the Po with 6,000 horse. This made them travel 
 with increased speed; and, having arrived at Venice, they 
 found the^Signory fully resolved that Brescia should be re- 
 lieved without waiting for the return of spring; for they said 
 that " the city would be unable to hold out so long, the fleet 
 could not be in readiness, and that seeing no more immediate 
 relief, she would submit to the enemy ; which would render the 
 duke universally victorious, and cause them to lose the whole of 
 their inland possessions." Neri then proceeded to Verona to 
 ascertain the count's opinon, who argued, for many reasons, 
 that to march to Brescia before the return of spring would be 
 quite useless, or even worse ; for the situation of Brescia, being 
 considered in conjunction with the season, nothing could be 
 expected to result but disorder and fruitless toil to the troops ; 
 so that, when the suitable period should arrive, he would be 
 
1439] PICCININO IN ROMAGNA 267 
 
 compelled to return to Verona with his army, to recover from 
 the injuries sustained in the winter, and provide necessaries 
 for the summer ; and thus the time available for the war would 
 be wasted in marching and countermarching. Orsatto Justi- 
 niani and Giovanni Pisani were deputed on the part of Venice 
 to the count at Verona, having been sent to consider these af- 
 fairs, and with them it was agreed that the Venetians should 
 pay the count 90,000 ducats for the coming year, and to each 
 , of the soldiers forty ducats ; that he should set out immediately 
 with the whole army and attack the duke, in order to compel 
 him, for his own preservation, to recall Niccolo into Lombardy. 
 After this agreement the ambassadors returned to Venice ; and 
 the Venetians, having so large an amount of money to raise, 
 were very remiss with their commissariat. 
 
 In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino pursued his route, and 
 arrived in Romagna, where he prevailed upon the sons of Pan- 
 dolfo Malatesti to desert the Venetians and enter the duke's 
 service. This circumstance occasioned much uneasiness at 
 Venice, and still more at Florence ; for they thought that with 
 the aid of the Malatesti they might resist Niccolo ; but finding 
 them gone over to the enemy, they were in fear lest their cap- 
 tain, Piero Giampagolo Orsini, who was in the territories of 
 the Malatesi, should be disarmed and rendered powerless. The 
 count also felt alarmed, for, through Niccolo's presence in Tus- 
 cany, he was afraid of losing La Marca ; and, urged by a desire 
 to look after his own affairs, he hastened to Venice, and, be- 
 ing introduced to the Doge, informed him that the interests of 
 the league required his presence in Tuscany ; for the war ought 
 to be carried on where the leader and forces of the enemy were 
 and not where his garrisons and towns were situated ; for when 
 the army is vanquished the war is finished; but to take towns 
 and leave the armament entire, usually allowed the war to 
 break out again with greater virulence; that Tuscany and 
 La Marca would be lost if Niccolo were not vigorously re- 
 sisted; and that if lost, there would be no possibility of the 
 preservation of Lombardy. But supposing the danger to Lom- 
 bardy not so imminent, he did not intend to abandon his own 
 subjects and friends, and that, having come into Lombardy as a 
 prince, he did intend not to return a mere condottiere. To this 
 the Doge replied it was quite manifest that, if he left Lombardy, 
 
268 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i439 
 
 or even recrossed the Po, all their inland territories would be 
 lost ; in that case they were unwilling to spend any more money 
 in their defence. For it would be folly to attempt defending 
 a place which must, after all, inevitably be lost ; and that it is 
 less disgraceful and less injurious to lose dominions only, than 
 to lose both territory and money. That if the loss of their in- 
 land possessions should actually result, it would then be seen 
 how highly important to the preservation of Romagna and Tus- 
 cany the reputation of the Venetians had been. 
 
 On these accounts they were of quite a different opinion from 
 the count ; for they saw that whoever was victor in Lombardy 
 would be so everywhere else; that conquest would be easily 
 attainable now, when the territories of the duke were left almost 
 defenceless by the departure of Niccolo, and that he would be 
 ruined before he could order Niccolo's recall, or provide him- 
 self with any other remedy ; that whoever attentively considered 
 these things would see that the duke had sent Niccolo into Tus- 
 cany for no other reaon than to withdraw the count from his 
 enterprise, and cause the war, which was now at his own door, 
 to be removed to a greater distance. That if the count were to 
 follow Niccolo, unless at the instigation of some very pressing 
 necessity, he would find his plan successful, and rejoice in the 
 adoption of it ; but if he were to remain in Lombardy, and allow 
 Tuscany to shift for herself, the duke would, when too late, see 
 the imprudence of his conduct, and find that he had lost his ter- 
 ritories in Lombardy and gained nothing in Tuscany. Each 
 party having spoken, it was determined to wait a few days to 
 see what would result from the agreement of the Malatesti with 
 Niccolo; whether the Florentines could avail themselves of 
 Piero Giampagolo, and whether the Pope intended to join the 
 league with all the earnestness he had promised. Not many 
 days after these resolutions were adopted, it was ascertained 
 that the Malatesti had made the agreement more from fear than 
 any ill-will toward the league ; that Piero Giampagolo had pro- 
 ceeded with his force toward Tuscany, and that the Pope was 
 more disposed than ever to assist them. This favorable intelli- 
 gence dissipated the count's fears, and he consented to remain 
 in Lombardy, and that Neri Capponi should return to Florence 
 with 1,000 of his own horse and 500 from the other parties. 
 It was further agreed, that if the affairs of Tuscany should 
 
1439] CAPTURE OF MARRADl 269 
 
 require the count's presence, Neri should write to him, and he 
 would proceed thither to the exclusion of every other considera- 
 tion. Neri arrived at Florence with his forces in April, and 
 Giampagolo joined them the same day. 
 
 In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino, the affairs of Romagna 
 being settled, purposed making a descent into Tuscany, and 
 designing to go by the mountain-passes of San Benedetto and 
 the Valley of Montone, found them so well guarded by the con- 
 trivance of Niccolo da Pisa that his utmost exertions would be 
 useless in that direction. As the Florentines, upon this sudden 
 attack, were unprovided with troops and ofificers, they had sent 
 into the defiles of these hills many of their citizens, with in- 
 fantry raised upon the emergency to guard them, among whom 
 was Bartolomeo Orlandini, a cavaliere, to whom was intrusted 
 the defence of the castle of Marradi and the adjacent passes. 
 Niccolo Piccinino, finding the route by San Benedetto imprac- 
 ticable, on account of the bravery of its commander, thought 
 the cowardice of the officer who defended that of Marradi 
 would render the passage easy. Marradi is a castle situated 
 at the foot of the mountains which separate Tuscany from 
 Romagna ; and, though destitute of walls, the river, the moun- 
 tains, and the inhabitants, make it a place of great strength; 
 for the peasantry are war-like and faithful, and the rapid cur- 
 rent undermining the banks has left them of such tremendous 
 height that it is impossible to approach it from the valley if a 
 small bridge over the stream be defended ; while on the moun- 
 tain side the precipices are so steep and perpendicular as to 
 render it almost impregnable. In spite of these advantages, 
 the pusillanimity of Bartolomeo Orlandini rendered the men 
 cowardly and the fortress untenable ; for as soon as he heard 
 of the enemy's approach he abandoned the place, fled with all 
 his forces, and did not stop till he reached the town of San 
 Lorenzo. Niccolo, entering the deserted fortress, wondered it 
 had not been defended, and, rejoicing over his acquisition, de- 
 scended into the Valley of the Mugello, where he took some 
 castles, and halted with his army at Pulicciano. Thence he 
 overran the country as far as the Mountains of Fiesole; and 
 his audacity so increased that he crossed the Arno, plundering 
 and destroying everything to within three miles of Florence. 
 
 The Florentines, however, were not dismayed. Their first 
 
2 70 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1439 
 
 concern was to give security to the government, for which they 
 had no cause for apprehension, so universal was the good-will 
 of the people toward Cosmo; and, besides this, they had re- 
 stricted the principal offices to a few citizens of the highest 
 class, who with their vigilance would have kept the populace 
 in order, even if they had been discontented or desirous of 
 change. They also knew by the compact made in Lombardy 
 what forces Neri would bring with him, and expected the 
 troops of the Pope. These prospects sustained their courage 
 till the arrival of Neri di Gino, who, on account of the dis- 
 orders and fears of the city, determined to set out immediately 
 and check Niccolo. With the cavalry he possessed, and a body 
 of infantry raised entirely from the people, he recovered Re- 
 mole from the hands of the enemy, where, having encamped, 
 he put a stop to all further depredations, and gave the inhab- 
 itants hopes of repelling the enemy from the neighborhood. 
 Niccolo finding that, although the Florentines were without 
 troops, no disturbance had arisen, and learning what entire 
 composure prevailed in the city, thought he was wasting time, 
 and resolved to undertake some other enterprise to induce them 
 to send forces after him, and give him a chance of coming to 
 an engagement, by means of which, if victorious, he trusted 
 everything would succeed to his wishes. 
 
 Francesco, Count di Poppi, was in the army of Niccolo, hav- 
 ing deserted the Florentines, with whom he was in league, 
 when the enemy entered the Mugello; and though with the 
 intention of securing him as soon as they had an idea of his 
 design, they increased his appointments, and made him com- 
 missary over all the places in his vicinity ; still, so powerful is 
 the attachment to party, that no benefit or fear could eradicate 
 the affection he bore toward Rinaldo and the late government ; 
 so that as soon as he knew Niccolo was at hand he joined him, 
 and with the utmost solicitude entreated him to leave the city 
 and pass into the Casentino, pointing out to him the strength 
 of the country, and how easily he might thence harass his 
 enemies. Niccolo followed his advice, and arriving in the 
 Casentino, took Romena and Bibbiena, and then pitched his 
 camp before Castel San Niccolo. This fortress is situated at 
 the foot of the mountains which divide the Casentino from the 
 Val d' Arno ; and being in an elevated situation, and well gar- 
 
1439] SIEGE OF SAN NICCOLO 271 
 
 risoned, it was difficult to take, though Niccolo, with catapults 
 and other engines, assailed it without intermission. The siege 
 had continued more than twenty days, during which the Floren- 
 tines had collected all their forces, having assembled under 
 several leaders, 3,000 horse, at Fegghine, commanded by Piero 
 Giampagolo Orsini, their captain, and Neri Capponi and Ber- 
 nardo de' Medici, commissaries. Four messengers, from Cas- 
 tel San Niccolo, were sent to them to entreat succor. The com- 
 missaries having examined the site, found it could not be re- 
 lieved, except from the Alpine regions, in the direction of the 
 Val d' Arno, the summit of which was more easily attainable 
 by the enemy than by themselves, on account of their greater 
 proximity, and because the Florentines could not approach 
 without observation; so that it would be making a desperate 
 attempt, and might occasion the destruction of the forces. The 
 commissaries, therefore, commended their fidelity, and ordered 
 that when they could hold out no longer, they should surrender. 
 Niccolo took the fortress after a siege of thirty-two days ; and 
 the loss of so much time, for the attainment of so small an 
 advantage, was the principal cause of the failure of his expedi- 
 tion; for had he remained with his forces near Florence, he 
 would have almost deprived the government of all power to 
 compel the citizens to furnish money : nor would they so easily 
 have assembled forces and taken other precautions, if the 
 enemy had been close upon them, as they did while he was at 
 a distance. Besides this, many would have been disposed to 
 quiet their apprehensions of Niccolo, by concluding a peace; 
 particularly, as the contest was likely to be of some duration. 
 The desire of the Count di Poppi to avenge himself on the 
 inhabitants of San Niccolo, long his enemies, occasioned his 
 advice to Piccinino, who adopted it for the purpose of pleasing 
 him ; and this caused the ruin of both. It seldom happens, that 
 the gratification of private feelings, fails to be injurious to the 
 general convenience. 
 
 Niccolo, pursumg his good-fortune, took Rassina and Chiusi. 
 The Count di Poppi advised him to halt in these parts, arguing 
 that he might divide his people between Chiusi, Caprese, and 
 the Preve, render himself master of this branch of the Apen- 
 nines, and descend at pleasure, into the Casentino, the Val d' 
 Arno, the Val di Chiane, or the Val di Tavere, as well as be 
 
272 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1439 
 
 prepared for every movement of the enemy. But Niccolo, con- 
 sidering the sterihty of these places, told him, " his horses 
 could not eat stones," and went to the Borgo San Sepolcro, 
 where he was amicably received, but found that the people of 
 Cita di Castello, who were friendly to the Florentines, could 
 not be induced to yield to his overtures. Wishing to have 
 Perugia at his disposal, he proceeded thither with forty horse, 
 and being one of her citizens, met with a kind reception. But 
 in a few days he became suspected, and having attempted un- 
 successfully to tamper with the legate and people of Perugia, 
 he took 8,000 ducats from them, and returned to his army. He 
 then set on foot secret measures, to seduce Cortona from the 
 Florentines, but the aflfair being discovered, his attempts were 
 fruitless. Among the principal citizens was Bartolomeo di 
 Senso, who being appointed to the evening watch of one of the 
 gates, a countryman, his friend, told him that if he went he 
 would be slain. Bartolomeo, requesting to know what was 
 meant, he became acquainted with the whole affair, and revealed 
 it to the governor of the place, who, having secured the leaders 
 of the conspiracy, and doubled the guards at the gates, waited 
 till the time appointed for the coming of Niccolo, who finding 
 his purpose discovered, returned to his encampment. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 Brescia Relieved by Sforza— His Other Victories— Piccinino is Re- 
 called into Lombardy— He Endeavors to Bring the Florentines to an 
 Engagement — He is Routed before Anghiari — Serious Disorders in 
 the Camp of the Florentines after the Victory— Death of Rinaldo 
 degli Albizzi— His Character— Neri Capponi Goes to Recover the 
 Casentino — The Count di Poppi Surrenders — His Discourse upon 
 Quitting bis Possessions. ' 
 
 WHILE these events were taking place in Tuscany, so 
 little to the advantage of the duke, his affairs in Lom- 
 bardy were in a still worse condition. The Count 
 Francesco, as soon as the season would permit, took the field 
 with his army, and the Venetians having again covered the lake 
 with their galleys, he determined first of all to drive the duke 
 from the water ; judging, that this once effected, his remaining 
 task would be easy. He, therefore, with the Venetian fleet, 
 attacked that of the duke, and destroyed it. His land forces 
 took the castles held for Filippo, and the ducal troops who were 
 besieging Brescia, being informed of these transactions, with- 
 drew; and thus, the city, after standing a three-years' siege, 
 was at length relieved. The count then went in quest of the 
 enemy, whose forces were encamped before Soncino, a fortress 
 situated upon the River Oglio; these he dislodged and com- 
 pelled to retreat to Cremona, where the duke again collected 
 his forces, and prepared for his defence. But the count con- 
 stantly pressing him more closely, he became apprehensive of 
 losing either the whole, or the greater part, of his territories; 
 and perceiving the unfortunate step he had taken, in sending 
 Niccolo into Tuscany, in order to correct his error he wrote 
 to acquaint him with what had transpired, desiring him, with 
 all possible despatch, to leave Tuscany and return to Lombardy. 
 In the meantime, the Florentines, under their commissaries, 
 had drawn together their forces, and being joined by those of 
 the Pope, halted at Anghiari, a castle placed at the foot of the 
 1 8 273 
 
,74 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i439 
 
 mountains that divide the Val di Tavere from the Val di Chiane, 
 distant four miles from the Borgo San Sepolcro, on a level 
 road, and in a country suitable for the evolutions of cavalry 
 or a battlefield. As the Signory had heard of the count's vic- 
 tory and the recall of Niccolo, they imagined that without again , 
 drawing a sword or disturbing the dust under their horses' 
 feet, the victory was their own and the war at an end, they 
 wrote to the commissaries, desiring them to avoid an en- 
 gagement, as Niccolo could not remain much longer in Tus- 
 cany. These instructions coming to the knowledge of Pic- 
 cinino, and perceiving the necessity of his speedy return, 
 to leave nothing unattempted, he determined to engage the 
 enemy, expecting to find them unprepared, and not disposed 
 for battle. In this determination he was confirmed by Rinaldo, 
 the Count di Poppi, and other Florentine exiles, who saw their 
 inevitable ruin in the departure of Niccolo, and hoped, that if 
 he engaged the enemy, they would either be victorious, or van- 
 quished without dishonor. This resolution being adopted, 
 Niccolo led his army, unperceived by the enemy, from Citta di 
 Castello to the Borgo, where he enlisted 2,000 men, who, trust- 
 ing in the general's talents and promises, followed him in hope 
 of plunder. Niccolo then led his forces in battle array toward 
 Anghiari, and had arrived within two miles of the place when 
 Micheletto Attendulo observed great clouds of dust, and con- 
 jecturing at once, that it must be occasioned by the enemy's 
 approach, immediately called the troops to arms. 
 
 Great confusion prevailed in the Florentine camp, for the 
 ordinary negligence and want of discipline were now increased 
 by their presuming the enemy to be at a distance, and they were 
 more disposed to flight than to battle ; so that everyone was un- 
 armed, and some wandering from the camp, either led by their 
 desire to avoid the excessive heat, or in pursuit of amusement. 
 So great was the diligence of the commissaries and of the cap- 
 tain, that before the enemy's arrival, the men were mounted 
 and prepared to resist their attack ; and as Micheletto was the 
 first to observe their approach, he was also first armed and 
 ready to meet them, and with his troops hastened to the bridge 
 which crosses the river at a short distance from Anghiari. 
 Pietro Giampagolo having, previously to the surprise, filled 
 up the ditches on either side of the road, and levelled the 
 
1439] BATTLE AT ANGHIARI 275 
 
 ground between the bridge and Anghiari, and Micheletto hav- 
 ing taken his position in front of the former, the legate and 
 Simoncino, who led the troops of the Church, took post on the 
 Tight, and the commissaries of the Florentines, with Pietro 
 Giampagolo, their captain, on the left ; the infantry being drawn 
 up along the banks of the river. Thus, the only course the 
 enemy could take, was the direct one over the bridge ; nor had 
 the Florentines any other field for their exertions, excepting 
 that their infantry were ordered, in case their cavalry were at- 
 tacked in flank by the hostile infantry, to assail them with their 
 cross bows, and prevent them from wounding the flanks of the 
 horses crossing the bridge. Micheletto bravely withstood the 
 enemy's charge upon the bridge; but Astorre and Francesco 
 Piccinino coming up with a picked body of men, attacked him 
 so vigorously, that he was compelled to give way, and was 
 pushed as far as the foot of the hill which rises toward the 
 Borgo d' Anghiari ; but they were in turn repulsed and driven 
 over the bridge, by the troops that took them in flank. 
 
 The battle continued two hours, during which each side had 
 frequent possession of the bridge, and their attempts upon it 
 were attended with equal success ; but on both sides of the river, 
 the disadvantage of Niccolo was manifest ; for when his people 
 crossed the bridge, they found the enemy unbroken, and the 
 ground being levelled, they could manoeuvre without difficulty, 
 and the weary be relieved by such as were fresh. But when the 
 Florentines crossed, Niccolo could not relieve those that were 
 harassed, on account of the hinderance interposed by the ditches 
 and embankments on each side of the road ; thus whenever his 
 troops got possession of the bridge, they were soon repulsed 
 by the fresh forces of the Florentines ; but when the bridge was 
 taken by the Florentines, and they passed over and proceeded 
 upon the road, Niccolo having no opportunity to reinforce his 
 troops, being prevented by the impetuosity of the enemy and 
 the inconvenience of the ground, the rear-guard became min- 
 gled with the van, and occasioned the utmost confusion and 
 disorder; they were forced to flee, and hastened at full speed 
 toward the Borgo. The Florentine troops fell upon the plun- 
 der, which was very valuable in horses, prisoners, and military 
 stores, for not more than 1,000 of the enemy's cavalry reached 
 the town. The people of the Borgo, who had followed Niccolo 
 
276 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i439 
 
 in the hope of plunder, became booty themselves, all of them 
 being taken, and obliged to pay a ransom. The colors and car- 
 riages were also captured. 
 
 This victory was much more advantageous to the Florentines 
 than injurious to the duke ; for, had they been conquered, Tus- 
 cany would have been his own ; but he, by his defeat, only lost 
 the horses and accoutrements of his army, which could be re- 
 placed without any very serious expense. Nor was there ever 
 an instance of wars being carried on in an enemy's country with 
 less injury to the assailants than at this ; for in so great a defeat, 
 and in a battle which continued four hours, only one man died, 
 and he, not from wounds inflicted by hostile weapons, or any 
 honorable means, but, having fallen from his horse, was tram- 
 pled to death. Combatants then engaged with little danger; 
 being nearly all mounted, covered with armor, and preserved 
 from death whenever they chose to surrender, there was no 
 necessity for risking their lives; while fighting, their armor 
 defended them, and when they could resist no longer, they 
 yielded and were safe. 
 
 This battle, from the circumstances which attended and fol- 
 lowed itj, presents a striking example of the wretched state of 
 military discipline in those times. The enemy's forces being 
 defeated and driven into the Borgo, the commissaries desired 
 to pursue them, in order to make the victory complete, but not 
 a single condottiere or soldier would obey, alleging, as a suffi- 
 cient reason for their refusal, that they must take care of the 
 booty and attend to their wounded ; and, what is still more sur- 
 prising, the next day, without permission from the commis- 
 saries, or the least regard for their commanders, they went to 
 Arezzo, and, having secured their plunder, returned to Anghi- 
 ari ; a thing so contrary to military order and all subordination, 
 that the merest shadow of a regular army would easily and 
 most justly have wrested from them the victory they had so 
 undeservedly obtained. Added to this, the men-at-arms, or 
 heavy-armed horse, who had been taken prisoners, whom the 
 commissaries wished to be detained that they might not rejoin 
 the enemy, were set at liberty, contrary to their orders. It is 
 astonishing that an army so constructed should have sufficient 
 energy to obtain the victory, or that any should be found so 
 imbecile as to allow such a disorderly rabble to vanquish them. 
 
1439] DEATH OF RINALDO 277 
 
 The time occupied by the Florentine forces in going and return- 
 ing from Arezzo, gave Niccolo opportunity of escaping from 
 the Borgo, and proceeding toward Romagna. Along with him 
 also fled the Florentine exiles, who, finding no hope of their 
 return home, took up their abodes in various parts of Italy, 
 each according to his own convenience. Rinaldo made choice 
 of Ancona ; and, to gain admission to the celestial country, hav- 
 ing lost the terrestrial, he performed a pilgrimage to the Holy 
 Sepulchre ; whence having returned, he died suddenly while at 
 table at the celebration of the marriage of one of his daughters ; 
 an instance of fortune's favor, in removing him from the troub- 
 les of this world upon the least sorrowful day of his exile. 
 Rinaldo d' Albizzi appeared respectable under every change of 
 condition; and would have been more so had he lived in a 
 united city, for many qualities were injurious to him in a fac- 
 tious community, which in a harmonious one would have done 
 him honor. 
 
 When the forces returned from Arezzo, Niccolo being then 
 gone, the commissaries presented themselves at the Borgo, the 
 people of which were willing to submit to the Florentines ; but 
 their offer was declined, and while negotiations were pending, 
 the Pope|s legate imagined the commissaries designed to take 
 it from the Church. Hard words were exchanged, and hostili- 
 ties might have ensued between the Florentine and ecclesiastical 
 forces if the misunderstanding had continued much longer; 
 but as it was brought to the conclusion desired by the legate, 
 peace was restored. 
 
 While the affair of the Borgo San Sepolcro was in progress, 
 Niccolo Piccinino was supposed to have marched toward 
 Rome ; other accounts said La Marca, and hence the legate and 
 the count's forces moved toward Perugia to relieve La Marca 
 oi- Rome, as the case might be, and Bernardo de' Medici ac- 
 companied them. Neri led the Florentine forces to recover 
 the Casentino, and pitched his camp before Rassina, which he 
 took, together with Bibbiena, Prato Vecchio, and Romena. 
 From thence he proceeded to Poppi and invested it on two sides 
 with his forces, in one direction toward the plain of Certo- 
 mondo, in the other upon the hill extending to Fronzole. 
 
 The count finding himself abandoned to his fate, had shut 
 himself up in Poppi, not with any hope of assistance, but with 
 
278 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1439 
 
 a view to make the best terms he could. Neri pressing him, 
 he offered to capitulate, and obtained reasonable conditions, 
 namely, security for himself and family, with leave to take 
 whatever he could carry away, on condition of ceding his terri- 
 tories and government to the Florentines. When he perceived 
 the full extent of his misfortune, standing upon the bridge 
 which crosses the Arno, close to Poppi, he turned to Neri in 
 great distress, and said : " Had I well considered my own po- 
 sition and the power of the Florentines, I should now have 
 been a friend of the republic and congratulating you on your 
 victory, not an enemy compelled to supplicate some alleviation 
 of my woe. The recent events which to you bring glory and 
 joy, to me are full of wretchedness and sorrow. Once I pos- 
 sessed horses, arms, subjects, grandeur, and wealth : can it be 
 surprising that I part with them reluctantly ? But as you pos- 
 sess both the power and the inclination to command the whole 
 of Tuscany, we must of necessity obey you ; and had I not com- 
 mitted this error, my misfortune would not have occurred, and 
 your liberality could not have been exercised; so, that if you 
 were to rescue me from entire ruin, you would give the world 
 a lasting proof of your clemency. Therefore, let your pity pass 
 by my fault, and allow me to retain this single house to leave 
 to the descendants of those from whom your fathers have re- 
 ceived innumerable benefits." To this Neri replied : " That 
 his having expected great results from men who were capable 
 of doing only very little, had led him to commit so great a fault 
 against the Republic of Florence ; that, every circumstance con- 
 sidered, he must surrender all those places to the Florentines, 
 as an enemy, which he was unwilling to hold as a friend : that 
 he had set such an example, as it would be most highly impolitic 
 to encourage ; for, upon a change of fortune, it might injure the 
 republic, and it was not himself they feared, but his power 
 while lord of the Casentino. If, however, he could live as a 
 prince in Germany, the citizens would be very much gratified ; 
 and out of love to those ancestors of whom he had spoken, they 
 would be glad to assist him." To this, the count, in great 
 anger, replied : " He wished the Florentines at a much greater 
 distance." Attempting no longer to preserve the least urbanity 
 of demeanor, he ceded the place and all his dependencies to the 
 Florentines, and with his treasure, wife, and children, took his 
 
1439] THE COUNT ABANDONS POPPI 279 
 
 departure, mourning the loss of a territory which his fore- 
 fathers had held during 400 years. When all these victories 
 were known at Florence, the government and people were 
 transported with joy. Benedetto de' Medici, finding the re- 
 port of Niccolo having proceeded either to Rome or to La 
 Marca, incorrect, returned with his forces to Neri, and they 
 proceeded together to Florence, where the highest honors were 
 decreed to them which it was customary with the city to bestow 
 upon her victorious citizens, and they were received by the Sig- 
 nory, the Capitani di Parte, and the whole city, in triumphal 
 pomp. 
 
BOOK VI 
 
 FROM THE VENETIAN LEAGUE TO THE 
 
 DOWNFALL OF THE TURKS 
 
 1439-1463 
 
BOOK VI 
 
 FROM THE VENETIAN LEAGUE TO THE DOWNFALL 
 OF THE TURKS— 1439-1463 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Reflections on the Object of War and the Use of Victory — Niccolo 
 Reinforces his Army — The Duke of Milan Endeavors to Recover 
 the Services of Count Francesco Sforza — Suspicions of the Vene- 
 tians — They Acquire Ravenna — The Florentines Purchase the Borgo 
 San Sepolcro of the Pope — Piccinino Makes an Excursion During 
 the Winter — The Count Besieged in his Camp before Martinengo 
 — The Insolence of Niccolo Piccinini — The Duke in Revenge Makes 
 Peace with the League — Sforza Assisted by the Florentines. 
 
 THOSE who make war have always and very naturally de- 
 signed to enrich themselves and impoverish the enemy; 
 neither is victory sought or conquest desirable, except- 
 ing to strengthen themselves and weaken the enemy. Hence 
 it follows that those who are impoverished by victory or debili- 
 ated by conquest must either have gone beyond or fallen short 
 of the end for which wars are made. A republic or a prince is 
 enriched by the victories he obtains, when the enemy is crushed 
 and possession is retained of the plunder and ransom. Victory 
 is injurious when the foe escapes, or when the soldiers appro- 
 priate the booty and ransom. In such a case, losses are un- 
 fortunate, and conquests still more so; for the vanquished suf- 
 fers the injuries inflicted by the enemy, and the victor those 
 occasioned by his friends, which being less justifiable, must 
 cause the greater pain, particularly from a consideration of his 
 being thus compelled to oppress his people by an increased bur- 
 den of taxation. A ruler possessing any degree of humanity, 
 cannot rejoice in a victory that afflicts his subjects. The vic- 
 tories of the ancient and well-organized republics, enabled them 
 to fill their treastiries with gold and silver won from their ene- 
 
 283 
 
s84 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i439 
 
 mies, to distribute gratuities to the people, reduce taxation, and 
 by games and solemn festivals, disseminate universal joy. But 
 the victories obtained in the times of which we speak, first 
 emptied the treasury, and then impoverished the people, with- 
 out giving the victorious party security from the enemy. This 
 arose entirely from the disorders inherent in their mode of 
 warfare; for the vanquished soldiery, divesting themselves of 
 their accoutrements, and being neither slain nor detained pris- 
 oners, only deferred a renewed attack on the conqueror, till 
 their leader had furnished them with arms and horses. Be- 
 sides this, both ransom and booty being appropriated by the 
 troops, the victorious princes could not make use of them for 
 raising fresh forces, but were compelled to draw the necessary 
 means from their subjects' purses, and this was the only result 
 of victory experienced by the people, except that it diminished 
 the ruler's reluctance to such a course, and made him less par- 
 ticular about his mode of oppressing them. To such a state 
 had the practice of war been brought by the sort of soldiery 
 then on foot, that the victor and the vanquished, when desirous 
 of their services, alike needed fresh supplies of money ; for the 
 one had to re-equip them, and the other to bribe them ; the van- 
 quished could not fight without being remounted, and the con- 
 querors would not take the field without a new gratuity. Hence 
 it followed that the one derived little advantage from the vic- 
 tory, and the other was the less injured by defeat ; for the routed 
 party had to be re-equipped, and the victorious could not pur- 
 sue his advantage. 
 
 From this disorderly and perverse method of procedure, it 
 arose that before Niccolo's defeat became known throughout 
 Italy he had again reorganized his forces and harassed the 
 enemy with greater vigor than before. Hence, also, it hap- 
 pened that after his disaster at Tenna he so soon occupied Ve- 
 rona; that being deprived of his enemy at Verona, he was 
 shortly able to appear with a large force in Tuscany ; that being 
 completely defeated at Anghiari, before he reached Tuscany, 
 he was more powerful in the field than ever. He was thus 
 enabled to give the Duke of Milan hopes of defending Lom- 
 bardy, which by his absence appeared to be lost ; for while Nic- 
 colo spread consternation throughout Tuscany, disasters in the 
 former province so alarmed the duke that he was afraid his 
 
1439] THE VENETIANS JEALOUS 285 
 
 utter ruin would ensue before Niccolo, whom he had recalled, 
 could come to his relief, and check the impetuous progress of 
 the count. Under these impressions, the duke, to insure by 
 policy that success which he could not command by arms, had 
 recourse to remedies, which on similar occasions had frequently 
 served his turn. He sent Niccolo da Esti, Prince of Ferrara, 
 to the count who was then at Peschiera, to persuade him 
 " that this war was not to his advantage ; for if the duke be- 
 came so ruined as to be unable to maintain his position among 
 the states of Italy, the count would be the first to suffer ; for he 
 would cease to be of any importance either with the Venetians 
 or the Florentines ; and to prove the sincerity of his wish for 
 peace, he offered to fulfil the engagement he had entered into 
 with regard to his daughter, and send her to Ferrara ; so that 
 as soon as peace was established, the union might take place." 
 The count replied " that if the duke really wished for peace, 
 he might easily be gratified, as the Florentines and the Vene- 
 tians were equally anxious for it. True it was he could with 
 difficulty credit him, knowing that he had never made peace 
 but from necessity, and, when this no longer pressed him, again 
 desired war. Neither could he give credence to what he had 
 said concerning the marriage, having been so repeatedly de- 
 ceived; yet, when peace was concluded, he would take the 
 advice of his friends upon that subject." 
 
 The Venetians, who were sometimes needlessly jealous of 
 their soldiery, became greatly alarmed at these proceedings; 
 and not without reason. The count was aware of this, and 
 wishing to remove their apprehensions, pursued the war with 
 unusual vigor ; but his mind had become so unsettled by ambi- 
 tion, and the Venetians' by jealousy, that little further progress 
 was made during the remainder of the summer, and upon the 
 return of Niccolo into Lombardy, winter having already com- 
 menced, the armies withdrew into quarters, the count to Ve- 
 rona, the Florentine forces to Tuscany, the duke's to Cremona, 
 and those of the Pope to Romagna. The latter, after having 
 been victorious at Anghiari, made an unsuccessful attack upon 
 Furli and Bologna, with a view to wrest them from Niccolo 
 Piccinino ; but they were gallantly defended by his son Fran- 
 cesco. However, the arrival of the papal forces so alarmed 
 the people of Ravenna with the fear of becoming subject to 
 
286 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1440 
 
 the Church, that, by consent of Ostasio di Polenta, their lord, 
 they placed themselves under the power of the Venetians ; who, 
 in return for the territory, and that Ostasio might never retake 
 by force what he had imprudently given them, sent him and his 
 son to Candia, where they died. In the course of these affairs, 
 the Pope, notwithstanding the victory at Anghiari, became so 
 in want of money, that he sold the fortress of Borgo San Sepol- 
 cro to the Florentines for 25,000 ducats. 
 
 Affairs being thus situated, each party supposed winter 
 would protect them from the evils of war, and thought no more 
 of peace. This was particularly the case with the duke, who, 
 being rendered doubly secure by the season and by the presence 
 of Niccolo, broke off all attempts to effect an accommodation 
 with the count, reorganized Niccolo's forces, and made every 
 requisite preparation for the future struggle. The count being 
 informed of this, went to Venice to consult with the Senate on 
 the course to be pursued during the next year. Niccolo, on the 
 other hand, being quite prepared, and seeing the enemy unpro- 
 vided, did not await the return of spring, but crossed the Adda 
 during severe weather, occupied the whole Brescian Territory, 
 except Oddula and Acri, and made prisoners of 2,000 horse 
 belonging to Francesco's forces, who had no apprehension of 
 an attack. But the greatest source of anxiety to the count, and 
 alarm to the Venetians, was the desertion of his service by Ciar- 
 pellone, one of his principal officers. Francesco, on learning 
 these matters, immediately left Venice, and arriving at Bres- 
 cia, found that Niccolo, after doing all the mischief he could, 
 had retired to his quarters; and therefore, finding the war 
 concluded for the present, was not disposed to rekindle it, 
 but rather to use the opportunity afforded by the season 
 and his enemies, of reorganizing his forces, so as to be able, 
 when spring arrived, to avenge himself for former injurie^. 
 To this end he induced the Venetians to recall the forces they 
 had in Tuscany, in the Florentine service, and to order that to 
 succeed Gattamelata, who was dead, Micheletto Attendulo 
 should take the command. 
 
 On the approach of spring, Niccolo Piccinino was the first 
 to take the field, and encamped before Cignano, a fortress 
 twelve miles from Brescia ; the count marched to its relief, and 
 the war between them was conducted in the usual manner. 
 
i44oJ INSOLENCE OF PICCININO 287 
 
 The count, apprehensive for the city of Bergamo, besieged 
 Martinengo, a castle so situated that the possession of it would 
 enable him to relieve the former^ which was closely pressed by 
 Niccolo, who, having foreseen that the enemy could impede 
 him only from the direction of Martinengo, had put the castle 
 into a complete state of defence, so that the count was obliged 
 to lend his whole force to the siege. Upon this, Niccolo placed 
 his troops in a situation calculated to intercept the count's pro- 
 visions, and fortified himself with trenches and bastions in such 
 a manner that he could not be attacked without the most mani- 
 fest hazard to his assailant. Hence the besiegers were more 
 distressed than the people of Martinengo whom they besieged. 
 The count could not hold his position for want of food, nor quit 
 it without imminent danger ; so that the duke's victory appeared 
 certain, and defeat equally inevitable to the count and the Vene- 
 tians. 
 
 But fortune, never destitute of means to assist her favorites, 
 or to injure others, caused the hope of victory to operate so 
 powerfully upon Niccolo Piccinino, and made him assume such 
 a tone of unbounded insolence, that, losing all respect for him- 
 self and the duke, he sent him word that, having served under 
 his ensign so long, without obtaining sufficient land to serve 
 him for a grave, he wished to know from himself what was to 
 be the reward of his labors ; for it was in his power to make him 
 master of Lombardy, and place all his enemies in his power; 
 and, as a certain victory ought to be attended by a sure remu- 
 neration, he desired the duke, to concede to him the city of Pia- 
 cenza, that when weary with his lengthened services he might 
 at last betake himself to repose. Nor did he hesitate, in con- 
 clusion, to threaten, if his request were not granted, to abandon 
 the enterprise. This injurious and most insolent mode of pro- 
 ceeding highly offended the duke, and, on further consideration, 
 he determined rather to let the expedition altogether fail, than 
 consent to his general's demand. Thus, what all the dangers 
 he had incurred, and the threats of his enemies, could not draw 
 from him, the insolent behavior of his friends made him willing 
 to propose. He resolved to come to terms with the count, and 
 sent Antonio Guido Buono, of Tortona, to offer his daughter 
 and conditions of peace, which were accepted with great pleas- 
 ure by the count, and also by the colleagues as far as them- 
 selves were concerned. 
 
288 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1441 
 
 The terms being secretly arranged, the duke sent to com- 
 mand Niccolo to make a truce with the count for one year; 
 intimating, that being exhausted with the expense, he could not 
 forego a certain peace for a doubtful victory. Niccolo was 
 utterly astonished at this resolution, and could not imagine 
 what had induced the duke to lose such a glorious opportunity ; 
 nor could he surmise that, to avoid rewarding his friends, he 
 would save his enemies, and therefore to the utmost of his 
 power he opposed this resolution; and the duke was obliged, 
 in order to induce his compliance, to threaten that if he did not 
 obey he would give him up to his soldiers and his enemies. 
 Niccolo submitted, but with the feelings of one compelled to 
 leave country and friends, complaining of his hard fate, that 
 fortune and the duke were robbing him of the victory over his 
 enemies. The truce being arranged, the marriage of the duke's 
 daughter, Bianca, to the count was solemnized, the duke giving 
 Cremona for her portion. This being over, peace was con- 
 cluded in November, 1441, at which Francesco Barbadico and 
 Pagolo Trono were present for the Venetians, and for the Flor- 
 entines Agnolo Acciajuoli, Peschiera, Asola, and Lonato, cas- 
 tles in the Mantuan territory, were assigned to the Venetians. 
 
 The war in Lombardy was concluded; but the dissensions 
 in the Kingdom of Naples continued, and the inability to com- 
 pose them occasioned the resumption of those arms which had 
 been so recently laid aside. Alfonso of Arragon had during 
 these wars taken from Rene the whole kingdom except Naples ; 
 so that, thinking he had the victory in his power, he resolved 
 during the siege of Naples to take Benevento, and his other 
 possessions in that neighborhood, from the count ; and thought 
 he might easily accomplish this while the latter was engaged 
 in the wars of Lombardy. Having heard of the conclusion 
 of peace, Alfonso feared the count wovild not only come for the 
 purpose of recovering his territories, but also to favor Rene; 
 and Rene himself had hope of his assistance for the same rea- 
 son. The latter, therefore, sent to the count, begging he would 
 come to the relief of a friend, and avenge himself on an enemy. 
 On the other hand, Alfonso entreated Filippo, for the sake of 
 the friendship which subsisted between them, to find the count 
 some other occupation, that, being engaged in greater affairs, 
 he might not have an opportunity of interfering between them. 
 
1442] KING ALFONSO 289 
 
 Filippo complied with this request, without seeming to be 
 aware that he violated the peace recently made, so greatly to his 
 disadvantage. He therefore signified to Pope Eugenius that 
 the present was a favorable opportunity for recovering the ter- 
 ritories which the count had taken from the Church ; and, that 
 he might be in a condition to use it, offered him the services of 
 Niccolo Piccinino, and engaged to pay him during the war; 
 who, since the peace of Lombardy, had remained with his forces 
 in Romagna. Eugenius eagerly took the advice, induced by 
 his hatred of the count, and his desire to recover his lost posses- 
 sions ; feeling assured that, although on a former occasion he 
 had been duped by Niccolo, it would be improper, now that 
 the duke interfered, to suspect any deceit; and, joining his 
 forces to those of Niccolo, he assailed La Marca. The count, 
 astonished at such an unexpected attack, assembled his troops, 
 and went to meet the enemy. In the meantime, King Alfonso 
 took possession of Naples, so that the whole kingdom, except 
 Castelnuova, was in his power. Leaving a strong guard at 
 Castelnuova, Rene set out and came to Florence, where he was 
 most honorably received ; and having remained a few days, find- 
 ing he could not continue the war, he withdrew to Marseilles. 
 
 In the meantime, Alfonso took Castelnuova, and the count 
 found himself assailed in the Marca Inferiore, both by the Pope 
 and Niccolo. He applied to the Venetians and the Florentines 
 for assistance, in men and money, assuring them that if they 
 did not determine to restrain the Pope and King, during his 
 life, they would soon afterward find their very existence en- 
 dangered, for both would join Filippo and divide Italy among 
 them. The Florentines and Venetians hesitated for a time, 
 both to consider the propriety of drawing upon themselves the 
 enmity of the Pope and the King, and because they were then 
 engaged in the affairs of the Bolognese. Annibale Bentivoglio 
 had driven Francesco Piccinino from Bologna, and for defence 
 against the duke, who favored Francesco, he demanded and 
 received assistance of the Venetians and Florentines ; so that, 
 being occupied with these matters, they could not resolve to 
 assist the count, but Annibale, having routed Francesco Pic- 
 cinino, and those affairs seeming to be settled, they resolved 
 to support him. Designing, however, to make sure of the duke, 
 they offered to renew the league with him, to which he was not 
 19 
 
ago THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1442 
 
 averse; for, although he consented that war should be made 
 against the count, while King Rene was in arms, yet finding 
 him now conquered, and deprived of the whole kingdom, he was 
 not willing that the count should be despoiled of his territories ; 
 and therefore, not only consented that assistance should be 
 given him, but wrote to Alfonso to be good enough to retire 
 to his kingdom^ and discontinue hostilities against the count; 
 and although reluctantly, yet in acknowledgment of his obliga- 
 tions to the duke, Alfonso determined to satisfy him, and with- 
 drew with his forces beyond the Tronto. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 Discords of Florence — Jealousy Excited against Neri di Gino Cap- 
 poni — Baldaccio d' Anghiari Murdered — Reform of Government in 
 Favor of the Medici — Enterprises of Sforza and Piccinino — Death 
 of Niccolo Piccinino — End of the War — Disturbances in Bologna — 
 Annibale Bentivoglio Slain by Battista Canneschi, and the Latter by 
 the People — Santi, Supposed to be the Son of Ercole Bentivoglio, 
 is Called to Govern, the City of Bologna — Discourse of Cosmo de' 
 Medici to him — Perfiqxciiis Designs of the Duke of Milan against 
 Sforza — General War in-'Italy — Losses of the Duke of Milan — The 
 Duke has Recourse to thfe", Count, Who Makes Peace with him — 
 Offers of the Duke and the jyenetians to the Count — The Venetians 
 Furtively Deprive the Count, "of Cremona. 
 
 WHILE the affairs of' *Romagna proceeded thus, the 
 city of Florence wa^-^iot tranquil. Among the citi- 
 zens of highest reptiS:tion in the government was 
 Neri di Gino Capponi, of whdse influence Cosmo de' Medici 
 had more apprehension than any other ; for to the great author- 
 ity which he possessed in the city was added his influence with 
 the soldiery. Having been often leader of the Florentine forces 
 he had won their affection by his courage and talents ; and the 
 remembrance of his own and his father's victories (the latter 
 having taken Pisa, and he himself having overcome Niccolo 
 Piccinino at Anghiari) caused him to be beloved by many, and 
 feared by those who were averse to having associates in the 
 government. Among the leaders of the Florentine army was 
 Baldaccio d' Anghiari, an excellent soldier, for in those times 
 there was not one in Italy surpassed him in vigor either of body 
 or mind ; and possessing so much influence with the infantry, 
 whose leader he had always been, many thought they would 
 follow him wherever he chose to lead them. Baldaccio was the 
 intimate friend of Neri, who loved him for his talents, of which 
 he had been a constant witness. This excited great suspicion 
 in the other citizens, who, thinking it alike dangerous either 
 to discharge or retain him in their service, determined to de- 
 
 291 
 
292 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i443 
 
 stroy him, and fortune seemed to favor their design. Barto- 
 lomeo Orlandini was Gonfalonier of Justice ; the same person 
 who was sent to the defence of Marradi, when Niccolo Pic- 
 cinino came into Tuscany, as we have related above, and so 
 basely abandoned the pass, which by its nature was almost im- 
 pregnable. So flagrant an instance of cowardice was very 
 offensive to Baldaccio, who, on many occasions, both by words 
 and letters, had contributed to make the disgraceful fact known 
 to all. The shame and vexation of Bartolomeo were extreme, 
 so that of all things he wished to avenge himself, thinking, 
 with the death of his accuser, to efface the stain upon his char- 
 acter. 
 
 This feeling of Bartolomeo Orlandini was known to other 
 citizens, so that they easily persuaded him to put Baldaccio to 
 death, and at once avenge himself, and deliver his country from 
 a man whom they must either retain at great peril, or discharge 
 to their great confusion. Bartolomeo having therefore re- 
 solved to murder him, concealed in his own apartment at the 
 palace several young men, all armed ; and Baldaccio, entering 
 the piazza, whither it was his daily custom to come to confer 
 with the magistrates concerning his command, the Gonfalonier 
 sent for him, and he, without any suspicion, obeyed. Meeting 
 him in the corridor, which leads to the chambers of the Sig- 
 nory, they took a few turns together discoursing of his office, 
 when being close to the door of the apartment in which the 
 assassins were concealed, Bartolomeo gave them the signal, 
 upon which they rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone and 
 unarmed, they slew him, and threw the body out of the window 
 which looks from the palace toward the dogano, or custom- 
 house. It was thence carried into the piazza, where the head 
 being severed, it remained the whole day exposed to the gaze 
 of the people. Baldaccio was married, and had only one child, a 
 boy, who survived him but a short time ; and his wife, Annalena, 
 thus deprived of both husband and offspring, rejected every 
 proposal for a second union. She converted her house into a 
 monastery, to which she withdrew, and, being joined by many 
 noble ladies, lived in holy seclusion to the end of her days. 
 The convent she founded, and which is named from her, pre- 
 serves her story in perpetual remembrance. 
 
 This circumstance served to weaken Neri's power, and made 
 
1444] NEW BALIA CREATED 
 
 293 
 
 him to lose both influence and friends. Nor did this satisfy 
 the citizens who held the reins of government ; for it being ten 
 years since their acquisition of power, and the authority of the 
 Balia expired, many began to exhibit more boldness, both in 
 words and deeds, than seemed consistent with their safety ; and 
 the leaders of the party judged, that if they wished to preserve 
 their influence, some means must be adopted to increase it. To 
 this end, in 1444 the councils created a new Balia, which re- 
 formed the government, gave authority to a limited number to 
 create the Signory, re-established the Chancery of Reforma- 
 tions, depriving Filippo Peruzzi of his office of president in it, 
 and appointing another wholly under their influence. They 
 prolonged the term of exile to those who were banished; put 
 Giovanni di Simone Vespucci in prison; deprived the Accoppi- 
 atori of their enemies of the honors of government, and with 
 them the sons of Piero Baroncelli, the whole of the Seragli, 
 Bartolomeo Fortini, Francesco Castellani, and many others. 
 By these means they strengthened their authority and influence, 
 and humbled their enemies, or those whom they suspected of 
 being so. 
 
 Having thus recovered and confirmed their government, they 
 then turned their attention to external affairs. As observed 
 above, Niccolo Piccinino was abandoned by King Alfonso, and 
 the count having been aggrandized by the assistance of the 
 Florentines, attacked and routed him near Fermo, where, after 
 losing nearly the whole of his troops, Niccolo fled to Montec- 
 chio, which he fortified in such a manner that in a short time he 
 had again assembled so large an army as enabled him to make 
 head against the count; particularly as the season was now 
 come for them to withdraw into quarters. His principal en- 
 deavor during the winter was to collect troops, and in this he 
 was assisted both by the Pope and Alfonso ; so that, upon the 
 approach of spring, both leaders took the field, and Niccolo, 
 being the stronger, reduced the count to extreme necessity, and 
 would have conquered him if the duke had not contrived to 
 frustrate his designs. Filippo sent to beg he would come to 
 him with all speed, for he wished to have a personal interview, 
 that he might communicate matters of the highest importance. 
 Niccolo, anxious to hear them, abandoned a certain victory for 
 a very doubtful advantage; and leaving his son Francesco to 
 
294 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Li44S 
 
 command the army, hastened to Milan. The count being in- 
 formed of the circumstance, would not let slip the opportunity 
 of fighting in the absence of Niccolo ; and, coming to an engage- 
 ment near the castle of Monte Loro, routed the father's forces 
 and took the son prisoner. Niccolo having arrived at Milan 
 saw that the duke had duped him, and learning the defeat of his 
 army and the capture of his son, he died of grief in 1445, 
 at the age of sixty-four, having been a brave rather than a 
 fortunate leader. He left two sons, Francesco and Jacopo, 
 who, possessing less talent than their father, were still more 
 unfortunate ; so that the arms of the family became almost anni- 
 hilated, while those of Sforza, being favored by fortune, at- 
 tained augmented glory. The Pope, seeing Niccolo's army 
 defeated and himself dead, having little hope of assistance from 
 Arragon, sought peace with the count, and, by the intervention 
 of the Florentines, succeeded. Of La Marca, the Pope only 
 retained Osimo, Fabriano, and Recanati ; all the rest remained 
 in the count's possession. 
 
 Peace being restored to La Marca, the whole of Italy would 
 have obtained repose had it not been disturbed by the Bolognese. 
 There were in Bologna two very powerful families, the Can- 
 neschi and the Bentivogli. Of the latter, Annibale was the 
 head; of the former, Battista, who, as a means of confirming 
 their mutual confidence, had contracted family alliances; but 
 among men who have the same objects of ambition in view, it 
 is easy to form connections, but difficult to establish friendship. 
 The Bolognese were in a league with the Venetians and Floren- 
 tines, which had been effected by the influence of Annibale, 
 after they had driven out Francesco Piccinino; and Battista, 
 knowing how earnestly the duke desired to have the city favor- 
 able to him, proposed to assassinate Annibale, and put Bologna 
 into his power. This being agreed upon, on June 25, 1445, he 
 attacked Annibale with his men, and slew him ; and then, with 
 shouts of " The duke ! The duke ! " rode through the city. The 
 Venetian and Florentine commissaries were in Bologna at the 
 time, and at first kept themselves within doors ; but finding that 
 the people, instead of favoring the murderers, assembled in the 
 piazza, armed and in great numbers, mourning the death of 
 Annibale, they joined them; and, assembling what forces they 
 could, attacked the Canneschi, soon overpowered them, slew 
 
1445] RISE OF SANTI BENTIVOGLI 295 
 
 part, and drove the remainder out of the city. Battista, unable 
 to effect his escape, or his enemies his capture, took refuge in a 
 vault of his house, used for storing grain. The friends of the 
 Bentivogh, having sought him all day, and knowing he had 
 not left the city, so terrified his servants, that one of them, a 
 groom, disclosed the place of his concealment, and being drawn 
 forth in complete armor he was slain, his body dragged about 
 the streets, and afterward burnt. Thus the duke's authority 
 was sufficient to prompt the enterprise, but his force was. not 
 at hand to support it. 
 
 The tumults being settled by the death of Battista, and the 
 flight of the Canneschi, Bologna still remained in the greatest 
 confusion. There not being one of the house of Bentivogli of 
 age to govern, Annibale having left but one son, whose name 
 was Giovanni, only six years old, it was apprehended that dis- 
 union would ensue among the Bentivogli, and cause the return 
 of the Canneschi, and the ruin both of their country and party. 
 While in this state of apprehension, Francesco, sometime Count 
 di Poppi, being at Bologna, informed the rulers of the city, that 
 if they wished to be governed by one of the blood of Annibale, 
 he could tell -them of one ; and related that about twenty years 
 ago, Ercole, cousin of Annibale, being at Poppi, became ac- 
 quainted with a girl of the castle, of whom was born a son 
 named Santi, whom Ercole, on many occasions, acknowledged 
 to be his own, nor could he deny it, for whoever knew him and 
 saw the boy, could not fiail to observe the strongest resemblance. 
 The citizens gave credit to the tale, and immediately sent to 
 Florence to see the young man, and procure of Cosmo and Neri 
 permission to return with him to Bologna. The reputed father 
 of Santi was dead, and he lived under the protection of his 
 uncle, whose name was Antonio da Cascese. Antonio was rich, 
 childless, and a friend of Neri, to whom the matter becoming 
 known, he thought it ought neither to be despised nor too 
 hastily accepted ; and that it would be best for Santi and those 
 who had been sent from Bologna, to confer in the presence of 
 Cosmo. They were accordingly introduced, and Santi was not 
 "merely honored but adored by them, so greatly were they influ- 
 enced by the spirit of party. However, nothing was done at 
 the time, except that Cosmo, taking Santi apart, spoke to him 
 thus: 
 
296 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [144S 
 
 " No one can better advise you in this matter than yourself ; 
 for you have to take the course to which your own mind 
 prompts you. If you be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, you will 
 naturally aspire to those pursuits which are proper to your 
 family and worthy of your father ; but if you be the son of 
 Agnolo da Cascese, you will remain in Florence, and basely 
 spend the remainder of your days in some branch of the woollen 
 trade." 
 
 These words greatly influenced the youth, who, though he 
 had at first almost refused to adopt such a course, said he would 
 submit himself wholly to what Cosmo and Neri should deter- 
 mine. They, assenting to the request of the Bolognese, pro- 
 vided suitable apparel, horses, and servants ; and in a few days 
 he was escorted by a numerous cavalcade to Bologna, where 
 the guardianship of Annibale's son and of the city was placed 
 in his hands. He conducted himself so prudently that although 
 all his ancestors had been slain by thieir enemies, he lived in 
 peace and died respected by everyone. 
 
 After the death of Niccolo Piccinino and the peace of La 
 Marca, Filippo wishing to procure a leader of his forces, se- 
 cretly negotiated with Ciarpellone, one of the principal captains 
 of Count Francesco, and arrangements having been made, 
 Ciarpellone asked permission to go to Milan to take posses- 
 sion of certain castles which had been given him by Filippo 
 during the late wars. The count suspecting what was in prog- 
 ress, in order to prevent the duke from accommodating himself 
 at his expense, caused Ciarpellone to be arrested, and soon 
 afterward put to death ; alleging that he had been detected plot- 
 ting against him. Filippo was highly annoyed and indignant, 
 which the Venetians and the Florentines were glad to observe, 
 for their greatest fear was that the duke and the count should 
 become friends. 
 
 The duke's anger caused the renewal of war in La Marca. 
 Gismondo Malatesti, Lord of Rimino, being son-in-law of the 
 count, expected to obtain Pesaro; but the count, having ob- 
 tained possession, gave it to his brother, Alessandro. Gis- 
 mondo, offended at this, was still further exasperated by finding 
 that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, by the count's assist- 
 ance, gained possession of Urbino. He therefore joined the 
 duke, and solicited the Pope and the King to make war against 
 
1445] WAR RENEWED 297 
 
 the count, who, to give Gismondo a taste of the war he so much 
 desired, resolved to take the initiative, and attacked him imme- 
 diately. Thus Romagna and La Marca were again in complete 
 confusion, for Filippo, the King, and the Pope sent powerful 
 assistance to Gismondo, while the Florentines and Venetians 
 supplied the count with money, though not with men. Nor 
 was Filippo satisfied with the war in Romagna, but also desired 
 to take Cremona and Pontremoli from the count; but Pon- 
 tremoli was defended by the Florentines, and Cremona by the 
 Venetians. Thus the war was renewed in Lombardy, and after 
 several engagements in the Cremonese, Francesco Piccinino, 
 the leader of the duke's forces, was routed at Casale, by Michel- 
 etto and the Venetian troops. This victory gave the Venetians 
 hope of obtaining the duke's dominions. They sent a com- 
 missary to Cremona, attacked the Ghiaradadda, and took the 
 whole of it, except Crema. Then crossing the Adda, they over- 
 ran the country as far as Milan. Upon this the duke had re- 
 course to Alfonso, and entreated his assistance, pointing out 
 the danger his kingdom would incur if Lombardy were to fall 
 into the hands of the Venetians. Alfonso promised to send 
 him troops, but apprised him of the difficulties which would 
 attend their passage, without the permission of the count. 
 
 Filippo, driven to extremity, then had recourse to Francesco, 
 and begged he would not abandon his father-in-law, now that 
 he had become old and blind. The count was offended with 
 the duke for making war against him ; but he was jealous of 
 the increasing greatness of the Venetians, and he himself began 
 to be in want of money, for the league supplied him sparingly. 
 The Florentines, being no longer in fear of the duke, ceased to 
 stand in need of the count, and the Venetians desired his ruin ; 
 for they thought Lombardy could not be taken from them, ex- 
 cept by his means : yet while Filippo sought to gain him over, 
 and offered him the entire command of his forces, on condition 
 that he should restore La Marca to the Pope and quit the Vene- 
 tian alliance, ambassadors were sent to him by that republic, 
 promising him Milan, if they took it, and the perpetual com- 
 mand of their forces, if he would push the war in La Marca, 
 and prevent Alfonso from sending troops into Lombardy. The 
 offers of the Venetians were great, as also were their claims 
 upon him, having begun the war in order to save him from 
 
298 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i447 
 
 losing Cremona ; while the injuries received from the duke were 
 fresh in his memory, and his promises had lost all influence, still 
 the count hesitated; for, on the one hand were to be consid- 
 ered, his obligations to the league, his pledged faith, their recent 
 services, and his hopes of the future, all which had their influ- 
 ence with him ; on the other, were the entreaties of his father- 
 in-law, and, above all, the bane which he feared would be 
 concealed under the specious offers of the Venetians, for he 
 doubted not, that both with regard to Milan and their other 
 promises, if they were victorious, he would be at their mercy, 
 to which no prudent man would ever submit if he could avoid it. 
 These difficulties in the way of his forming a determination, 
 were obviated by the ambition of the Venetians, who seeing 
 a chance of occupying Cremona, from secret intelligence with 
 that city, under a different pretext, sent troops into its neigh- 
 borhood; but the affair was discovered by those who com- 
 manded Cremona for the count, and measures were adopted 
 which prevented its success. Thus without obtaining Cre- 
 mona, they lost the count's friendship, who now being free 
 from all other considerations, joined the duke. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Death of Filippo Visconti, Duke of Milan — The Milanese Appoint 
 Sforza their Captain — Milan Becomes a Republic — The Pope En- 
 deavors to restore Peace to Italy — The Venetians Oppose this De- 
 sign — Alfonso Attacks the Florentines — The Neighborhood of Piom- 
 bino Becomes the Principal Theatre of War — Scarcity in the Floren- 
 tine Camp — Disorders Occur in the Neapolitan and Florentine 
 Armies — Alfonso Sues for Peace and is Compelled to Retreat — 
 Pavia Surrenders to the Count — Displeasure of the Milanese — The 
 Count Besieges Caravaggio — The Venetians Endeavor to Relieve the 
 Place — They are Routed by the Count before Caravaggio. 
 
 POPE EUGENIUS, being dead, was succeeded by Nicho- 
 las V. The count had his whole army at Cotignola, 
 ready to pass into Lombardy, when intelligence was 
 brought him of the death of Filippo, which happened on the 
 last day of August, 1447. This event greatly afflicted him, for 
 he doubted whether his troops were in readiness, on account 
 of their arrears of pay ; he feared the Venetians, who were his 
 armed enemies, he having recently forsaken them and taken 
 part with the duke ; he was in apprehension from Alfonso, his 
 inveterate foe ; he had no hope from the pontiff or the Floren- 
 tines ; for the latter were allies of the Venetians, and he had 
 seized the territories of the former. However, he resolved to 
 face his fortune and be guided by circumstances ; for it often 
 happens, that when engaged in business valuable ideas are sug- 
 gested, which in a state of inaction would never have occurred. 
 He had great hopes, that if the Milanese were disposed to de- 
 fend themselves against the ambition of the Venetians, they 
 could make use of no other power but his. Therefore, he pro- 
 ceeded confidently into the Bolognese territory, thence to Mo- 
 dena and Reggio, halted with his forces upon the Lenza, and 
 sent to offer his services at Milan. On the death of the duke, 
 part of the Milanese were inclined to establish a republic; 
 others wished to choose a prince, and of these, one part favored 
 the count, and another Alfonso. However, the majority being 
 
 299 
 
300 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1447 
 
 p in favor of freedom, they prevailed over the rest, and organized 
 h a republic, to which many cities of the duchy refused obedience ; 
 for they, too, desired to live in the enjoyment of their liberty, 
 and even those who did not embrace such views, refused to 
 submit to the sovereignty of the Milanese. Lodi and Piacenza 
 surrendered themselves to the Venetians; Pavia and Parma 
 became free. This confused state of things being known to the 
 count, he proceeded to Cremona, where his ambassadors and 
 those of the Milanese arranged for him to command the forces 
 of the new republic, with the same remuneration he had re- 
 ceived from the duke at the time of his decease. To this they 
 added the possession of Brescia, until Verona was recovered, 
 when he should have that city and restore Brescia to the 
 Milanese. 
 
 Before the duke's death. Pope Nicholas, after his assumption 
 of the pontificate, sought to restore peace among the princes of 
 Italy, and with this object, endeavored, in conjunction with the 
 ambassadors sent by the Florentines to congratulate him upon 
 his accession, to appoint a diet at Ferrara, to attempt either the 
 arrangement of a long truce, or the establishment of peace. A 
 congress was accordingly held in that city, of the Pope's legate 
 and the Venetian, ducal, and Florentine representatives. King 
 Alfonso had no envoy there. He was at Tivoli with a great 
 body of horse and foot, and favorable to the duke ; both having 
 resolved, that having gained the count over to their side, they 
 would openly attack the Florentines and Venetians, and, till the 
 arrival of the count in Lombardy, take part in the treaty for 
 peace at Ferrara, at which, though the King did not appear, 
 he engaged to concur in whatever course the duke should adopt. 
 The conference lasted several days, and after many debates, 
 resolved on either a truce for five years, or a permanent peace, 
 whichever the duke should approve; and the ducal ambassa- 
 dors having returned to Milan to learn his decision, found him 
 dead. Notwithstanding this, the Milanese were disposed to 
 adopt the resolutions of the assembly, but the Venetians re- 
 fused, indulging great hopes of becoming masters of Lom- 
 bardy, particularly as Lodi and Piacenza, immediately after the 
 duke's death, had submitted to them. They trusted that either 
 by force or by treaty they could strip Milan of her power ; and 
 then so press her, as to compel her also to surrender before any 
 
1447] MILAN A REPUBLIC 301 
 
 assistance could arrive; and they were the more confident of 
 this from seeing the Florentines involved in war with King 
 Alfonso. 
 
 The King being at Tivoli, and designing to pursue his enter- 
 prise against Tuscany, as had been arranged between himself 
 and Filippo, judging that the war now commenced in Lom- 
 bardy would give him both time and opportunity, and wishing 
 to have a footing in the Florentine state before he openly com- 
 menced hostilities, opened a secret understanding with the 
 fortress of Cennina, in the Val d' Arno Superiore, and took pos- 
 session of it. The Florentines, surprised with this unexpected 
 event, perceiving the King already in action, and resolved to 
 do them all the injury in his power, hired forces, created a 
 Council of Ten for management of the war, and prepared for 
 the conflict in their usual manner. The King was already in 
 the territories of the Siennese, and used his utmost endeavors 
 to reduce the city ; but the inhabitants of Sienna were firm in 
 their attachment to the Florentines, and refused to receive him 
 within their walls or into any of their territories. They fur- 
 nished him with provisions, alleging in excuse, the enemy's 
 power and their inability to resist. The King, finding he could 
 not enter by the Val d' Arno, as he had first intended, both be- 
 cause Cennina had been already retaken, and because the Flor- 
 entines were now in some measure prepared for their defence, 
 turned toward Volterra, and occupied many fortresses in that 
 territory. Thence he proceeded toward Pisa, and with the 
 assistance of Fazio and Arrigo de' Conti, of the Gherardesca, 
 took some castles, and issuing from them, assailed Campiglia, 
 but could not take it, the place being defended by the Floren- 
 tines, and it being now in the depth of winter. Upon this the 
 King, leaving garrisons in the places he had taken to harass 
 the surrounding country, withdrew with the remainder of his 
 army to quarters in the Siennese. The Flbrentines, aided by 
 the season, used the most active exertions to provide themselves 
 troops, whose captains were Federigo, Lord of Urbino, and 
 Gismondo Malatesti da Rimino, who, though mutual foes, were 
 kept so united by the prudence of the commissaries, Neri di 
 Gino and Bernardetto de' Medici^ that they broke up their quar- 
 ters while the weather was still very severe, and recovered not 
 only the places that had been taken in the territory of Pisa, 
 
302 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i44; 
 
 but also the Pomerance in the neighborhood of Volterra, and 
 so checked the King's troops, who at first had overrun the 
 Maremma, that they could scarcely retain the places they had 
 been left to garrison. 
 
 Upon the return of the spring, the commissaries halted with 
 their whole force, consisting of S.ooo horse and 2,000 foot, at 
 the Spedaletto. The King approached with his army, amount- 
 ing to 15,000 men, within three miles of Campiglia, but when it 
 was expected he would attack the place he fell upon Piombino, 
 hoping, as it was insufficiently provided^ to take it with very 
 little trouble, and thus acquire a very important position, the 
 loss of which would be severely felt by the Florentines; for 
 from it he would be able to exhaust them with a long war, ob- 
 tain his own provision by sea, and harass the whole territory 
 of Pisa. They were greatly alarmed at this attack, and, con- 
 sidering what was the most advisable course, concluded that 
 if they could remain with their army among the woods of Cam- 
 piglia, the King would be compelled to retire either in defeat 
 or disgrace. With this view they equipped four galleys at 
 Livorno, and having succeeded in throwing 300 infantry into 
 Piombino, took up their own position at the Caldane, a place 
 where it would be difficult to attack them ; and they thought it 
 would be dangerous to encamp among the thickets of the plain. 
 
 The Florentine army depended for provisions on the sur- 
 rounding places, which, bfeing poor and thinly inhabited, had 
 difficulty in supplying them. Consequently the troops suffered, 
 particularly from want of wine, for none being produced in 
 that vicinnity, and unable to procure it from more distant 
 places, it was impossible to obtain a sufficient quantity. But 
 the King, though closely pressed by the Florentines, was well 
 provided except in forage, for he obtained everything else by 
 sea. The Florentines, desirous to supply themselves in the 
 same manner, loaded four vessels with provisions, but, upon 
 their approach, they were attacked by seven of the King's gal- 
 leys, which took two of them and put the rest to flight. This 
 disaster made them despair of procuring provisions, so that 
 200 men of a foraging party, principally for want of wine, 
 deserted to the King, and the rest complained that they could 
 not live without it, in a situation where the heat was so exces- 
 sive and the water bad. The commissaries therefore deter- 
 
1447] OVERTURES OF PEACE 303 
 
 mined to quit the place, and endeavor to recover those castles 
 which still remained in the enemy's power; who, on his part, 
 though not suffering from want of provisions, and greatly 
 superior in numbers, found his enterprise a failure, from the 
 ravages made in his army by those diseases which the hot sea- 
 son produces in marshy localities ; and which prevailed to such 
 an extent that many died daily, and nearly all were affected. 
 These circumstances occasioned overtures of peace. The King 
 demanded 50,000 florins, and the possession of Piombino. 
 When the terms were under consideration, many citizens, de- 
 sirous of peace, would have accepted them, declaring there was 
 no hope of bringing to a favorable conclusion a war which re- 
 quired so much money to carry it on. 
 
 But Neri Capponi going to Florence, placed the matter in a 
 more correct light, and it was then unanimously determined to 
 reject the proposal, and take the Lord of Piombino under their 
 protection, with an alliance offensive and defensive, provided 
 he did not abandon them, but assist in their defence as hitherto. 
 The King being informed of this resolution, saw that, with his 
 reduced army, he could not gain the place, and withdrew in the 
 same condition as if completely routed, leaving behind him 
 2,000 dead. With the remainder of his sick troops he retired 
 to the Siennese territory, and thence to his kingdom, incensed 
 against the Florentines, and threatening them with new wars 
 upon the return of spring. 
 
 While these events were proceeding in Tuscany the Count 
 Sforza, having become leader of the Milanese forces, strenu- 
 ously endeavored to secure the friendship of Francesco Pic- 
 cinino, who was also in their service, that he might support him 
 in his enterprises, or be less disposed to do him injury. He 
 then took the field with his army, upon which the people of 
 Pavia, conscious of their inability to resist him, and unwilling 
 to obey the Milanese, offered to submit themselves to his au- 
 thority, on condition that he should not subject them to the 
 power of Milan. The count desired the possession of Pavia, 
 and considered the circumstance a happy omen, as it would 
 enable him to give a color to his designs. He was not re- 
 strained from treachery either by fear or shame ; for great men 
 consider failure disgraceful — a fraudulent success the contrary. 
 But he was apprehensive that his possession of the city would 
 
304 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i447 
 
 excite the animosity of the Milanese, and perhaps induce them 
 to throw themselves under the power of the Venetians. If he 
 refused to accept the ofifer, he would have occasion to fear the 
 Duke of Savoy, to whom many citizens were inclined to submit 
 themselves; and either alternative would deprive him of the 
 sovereignty of Lombardy. 
 
 Concluding there was less danger in taking possession of the 
 city than in allowing another to have it, he determined to accept 
 the proposal of the people of Pavia, trusting he would be able 
 to satisfy the Milanese, to whom he pointed out the danger they 
 must have incurred had he not complied with it ; for her citizens 
 would have surrendered themselves to the Venetians or to the 
 Duke of Savoy; so that in either case they would have been 
 deprived of the government, and therefore they ought to be 
 more willing to have himself as their neighbor and friend, than 
 a hostile power such as either of the others, and their enemy. 
 The Milanese were upon this occasion greatly perplexed, imag- 
 ining they had discovered the count's ambition, and the end he 
 had in view ; but they thought it desirable to conceal their fears, 
 for they did not know, if the count were to desert them, to 
 whom they could have recourse except the Venetians, whose 
 pride and tyranny they naturally dreaded. They therefore re- 
 solved not to break with the count, but by his assistance remedy 
 the evils with which th'ey were threatened, hoping that. When 
 freed from them they might rescue themselves from him also ; 
 for at that time they were assailed not only by the Venetians 
 but by the Genoese and the Duke of Savoy, in the name of 
 Charles of Orleans, the son of a sister of Filippo, but 
 whom the count easily vanquished. Thus their only remaining 
 enemies were the Venetians, who, with a powerful army, de- 
 termined to occupy their territories, and had already taken 
 possession of Lodi and Piacenza, before which latter place the 
 count encamped ; and, after a long siege, took and pillaged the 
 city. Winter being set in, he led his forces into quarters, and 
 then withdrew to Cremona, where, during the cold season, he 
 remained in repose with his wife. 
 
 In the spring, the Venetian and Milanese armies again took 
 the field. It was the design of the Milanese, first to recover 
 Lodi and then to come to terms with the Venetians; for the 
 expenses of the war had become very great, and they were 
 
1447] SIEGE OF CARAVAGGIO 305 
 
 doubtful of their general's sincerity, so that they were anxious 
 alike for the repose of peace, and for security against the count. 
 They therefore resolved that the army should march to the 
 siege of Caravaggio, hoping that'Lodi would surrender, on 
 that fortress being wrested from the enemy's hands. The 
 count obeyed, though he would have preferred crossing the 
 Adda and attacking the Brescian territory. Having encamped 
 before Caravaggio, he so strongly entrenched himself, that if 
 the enemy attempted to relieve the place, they would have to 
 attack him at great disadvantage. The Venetian army, led by 
 Micheletto, approached within two bow-shots of the count's 
 camp, and many skirmishes ensued. The count continued to 
 press the fortress, and reduced it to the very last extremity, 
 which greatly distressed the Venetians, since they knew the loss 
 of it would involve the total failure of their expedition. Very 
 different views were entertained by their military officers re- 
 specting the best mode of relieving the place, but they saw no 
 course open except to attack the enemy in his trenches, in spite 
 of all obstacles. The castle was, however, considered of such 
 paramount importance, that the Venetian Senate, though nat- 
 urally timid, and averse to all hazardous undertakings, chose 
 rather to risk everything than allow it to fall into the hands of 
 the enemy. 
 
 They therefore resolved to attack the count at all events, and 
 early the next morning commenced their assault upon a point 
 which was least defended.* At the first charge, as commonly 
 happens in a surprise, Francesco's whole army was thrown into 
 dismay. Order, however, was soon so completely restored by 
 the count, that the enemy, after various efforts to gain the out- 
 works, were repulsed and put to flight ; and so entirely routed, 
 that of 12,000 horse only 1,000 escaped the hands of the Milan- 
 ese, who took possession of all the carriages and military stores ; 
 nor had the Venetians ever before suffered such a thorough rout 
 and overthrow. Among the plunder and prisoners, crouching 
 down, as if to escape observation, was found a Venetian com- 
 missary, who, in the course of the war and before the fight, had 
 spoken contemptuously of the count, calling him "bastard," 
 and "base-born." Being made prisoner, he remembered his 
 faults, and fearing punishment, being taken before the count, 
 was agonized with terror; and, as is usual with mean minds 
 
3o6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1447 
 
 (in prosperity insolent, in adversity abject and cringing), pros- 
 trated himself, weeping and begging pardon for the offences 
 he had committed. The count, taking him by the arm, raised 
 him up, and encouraged him to hope for the best. He then said 
 he wondered how a man so prudent and respectable as himself, 
 could so far err as to speak disparagingly of those who did not 
 merit it; and as regarded the insinuations which he had made 
 against him, he really did not know how Sforza his father, and 
 Madonna Lucia his mother, had proceeded together^ not having 
 been there, and having no opportunity of interfering in the 
 matter, so that he was not liable either to blame or praise. 
 However, he knew very well, that in regard to his own actions 
 he had conducted himself so that no one could blame him ; and 
 in proof of it he would refer both the Venetian Senate and him- 
 self to what had happened that day. He then advised him in 
 future to be more respectful in speaking of others, and more 
 cautious in regard to his own proceedings. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Count's Successes— The Venetians Come to Terms with Him— 
 Views of the Venetians— Indignation of the Milanese against the 
 Count— Their Ambassador's Address to him— The Count's Modera- 
 tion and Reply— The Count and the Milanese Prepare for War- 
 Milanese Ambassadors at Venice— League of the Venetians and 
 Milanese— The Count Dupes the Venetians and Milanese— He Applies 
 for Assistance to the Florentines — Diversity of Opinions in Florence 
 on the Subject — Neri di Gino Capponi Averse to Assisting the Count 
 —Cosmo de' Medici Disposed to do so— The Florentines Send Am- 
 bassadors to the Count. 
 
 AFTER this victory, the count marched into the Brescian 
 territory, occupied the whole country, and then pitched 
 his camp within two miles of the city. The Venetians, 
 having well-grounded fears that Brescia would be next at- 
 tacked, provided the best defence in their power. They then 
 collected the relics of their army, and, by virtue of the treaty, 
 demanded assistance of the Florentines; who, being relieved 
 from the war with Alfonso, sent them ijOOO foot and 2,000 
 horse, by whose aid the Venetians were in a condition to treat 
 for peace. At one time it seemed the fate of their republic 
 to lose by war and win by negotiation ; for what was taken from 
 them in battle was frequently restored twofold on the restora- 
 tion of peace. They knew the Milanese were jealous of the 
 count, and that he wished to be not their captain merely, but 
 their sovereign; and as it was in their power to make peace 
 with either of the two (the one desiring it from ambition, the 
 other from fear), they determined to make choice of the count, 
 and offer him assistance to effect his design ; persuading them- 
 selves, that as the Milanese would perceive they had been duped 
 by him, they would in revenge place themselves in the power 
 of anyone rather than in his ; and that, becoming unable either 
 to defend themselves or trust the count, they would be com- 
 pelled, having no other resource, to fall into their hands. Hav- 
 ing taken this resolution, they sounded the count, and found 
 him quite disposed for peace, evidently desirous that the honor 
 
 307 
 
3o8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1447 
 
 and advantage of the victory at Caravaggio should be his own, 
 and not accrue to the Milanese. The parties therefore entered 
 into an agreement, in which the Venetians undertook to pay 
 the count 13,000 florins per month, till he should obtain Milan, 
 and to furnish him, during the continuance of the war, 4,000 
 horse and 2,000 foot. The count engaged to restore to the 
 Venetians the towns, prisoners, and whatever else had been 
 taken by him during the late campaigns, and content himself 
 with those territories which the duke possessed at the time of 
 his death. 
 
 When this treaty became known at Milan, it grieved the cit- 
 izens more than the victory at Caravaggio had exhilarated 
 them. The rulers of the city mourned, the people complained, 
 women and children wept, and all exclaimed against the count 
 as false and perfidious. Although they could not hope that 
 either prayers or promises would divert him from his ungrate- 
 ful design, they sent ambassadors to see with what kind of 
 color he would invest his unprincipled proceedings, and being 
 admitted to his presence, one of them spoke to the following 
 effect : 
 
 " It is customary with those who wish to obtain a favor, to 
 make use either of prayers, presents, or threats, that pity, con- 
 venience, or fear, may induce a compliance with their requests. 
 But as with cruel, avaricious, or, in their own conceit, powerful 
 men, these arguments have no weight, it is vain to hope, either 
 to soften them by prkyers, win them by presents, or alarm them 
 by menaces. We, therefore, being now, though late, aware 
 of thy pride, cruelty, and ambition, come hither, not to ask 
 aught, nor with the hope, even if we were so disposed, of 
 obtaining it, but to remind thee of the benefits thou hast re- 
 ceived from the people of Milan, and to prove with what heart- 
 less ingratitude thou has repaid them, that at least, under the 
 many evils oppressing us, we may derive some gratification 
 from telling thee how and by whom they have been produced. 
 Thou canst not have forgotten thy wretched condition at the 
 death of Duke Filippo; the King and the Pope were both thine 
 enemies ; thou hadst abandoned the Florentines and the Vene- 
 tians, who, on account of their just indignation, and because 
 they stood in no further need of thee, were almost become thy 
 declared enemies. Thou wert exhausted by thy wars against 
 
1447] THE MILANESE ADDRESS 309 
 
 the Church; with few followers, no friends, or any money; 
 hopeless of being able to preserve either thy territories or thy 
 reputation. 
 
 " From these circumstances thy ruin must have ensued, but 
 for our simplicity ; we received thee to our home, actuated by 
 reverence for the happy memory of our duke, with whom, being 
 connected by marriage and renewed alliance, we believed thy 
 affection would descend to those who had inherited his author- 
 ity, and that, if to the benefits he had conferred on thee, our 
 own were added, the friendship we sought to establish would 
 not only be firm, but inseparable; with this impression, we 
 added Verona or Brescia to thy previous appointments. What 
 more could we either give or promise thee ? What else couldst 
 thou, not from us merely, but from any others, have either had 
 or expected ? Thou receivedst from us an unhoped-for benefit, 
 and we, in return, an unmerited wrong. Neither hast thou 
 deferred until now the manifestation of thy base designs ; for 
 no sooner wert thou appointed to command our armies, than, 
 contrary to every dictate of propriety, thou didst accept Pavia, 
 which plainly showed what was to be the result of thy friend- 
 ship ; but we bore with the injury, in hope that the greatness 
 of the advantage would satisfy thy ambition. Alas ! those who 
 grasp at all cannot be satisfied with a part. Thou didst 
 promise that we should possess the conquests which thou might 
 afterward make ; for thou wert well aware that what was given 
 at many times might be withdrawn at once, as was the case 
 after the victory at Caravaggio, purchased by our money and 
 blood, and followed by our ruin. Oh! unhappy states, which 
 have to guard against their oppressor ; but much more wretched 
 those who have to trust to mercenary and faithless arms like 
 thine! May our example instruct posterity, since that of 
 Thebes and Philip of Macedon, who, after victory over her 
 enemies, from being her captain became her foe and her prince, 
 could not avail us. 
 
 " The only fault of which we are conscious, is, our over- 
 weening confidence in one whom we ought not to have trusted ; 
 for thy past life, thy restless mind, incapable of repose, ought 
 to have put us on our guard ; neither ought we to have confided 
 in one who betrayed the Lord of Lucca, set a fine upon the 
 Florentines and the Venetians, defied the duke, despised the 
 
3IO THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i447 
 
 King, and, besides all this, persecuted the Church of God, and 
 the Divinity himself, with innumerable atrocities. We ought 
 not to have fancied that so many potentates possessed less in- 
 fluence over the mind of Francesco Sforza, than the Milanese ; 
 or that he would preserve unblemished that faith toward us 
 which he had on so many occasions broken with them. Still 
 this want of caution in us does not excuse the perfidy in thee ; 
 nor can it obliterate the infamy with which our just complaints 
 will blacken thy character throughout the world, or prevent 
 the remorse of thy conscience, when our arms are used for our 
 own destruction ; for thou wilt see the sufferings due to parri- 
 cides are fully deserved by thee. And though ambition should 
 blind thine eyes, the whole world, witness to thine iniquity, will 
 compel thee to open them; God himself will unclose them, if 
 perjuries, if violated faith, if treacheries displease him, and if, 
 as ever, he is still the enemy of the wicked. Do not, therefore, 
 promise thyself any certainty of victory ; for the just wrath of 
 the Almighty will weigh heavily upon thee ; and we are resolved 
 to lose our liberty only with our lives ; but if we found we could 
 not ultimately defend it, we would submit ourselves to anyone 
 rather than to thee. And if our sins be so great, that in spite 
 of our utmost resolution, we should still fall into thy hands, be 
 quite assured that the sovereignty which is commenced in de- 
 ceit and villany, will terminate either in thyself or thy children, 
 with ignominy and blood." 
 
 The count, though not insensible to the just reproaches of 
 the Milanese, did not exhibit either by words or gesture, any 
 unusual excitement, and replied, that " he willingly attributed 
 to their angry feelings all the serious charges of their indiscreet 
 harangue ; and he would reply to them in detail, were he in the 
 presence of anyone who could decide their differences; for it 
 would be evident that he had not injured the Milanese, but only 
 taken care that they should not injure him. They well knew 
 how they had proceeded after the victory of Caravaggio ; for, 
 instead of rewarding him with either Verona or Brescia, they 
 sought peace with the Venetians, that all the blame of the quar- 
 rel might rest on him, themselves obtaining the fruit of victory, 
 the credit of peace, and all the advantages that could be derived 
 from the war. It would thus be manifest they had no right to 
 complain, when he had effected the arrangements which they 
 
1447] THE VENETIANS TAKE CREMA 311 
 
 first attempted to make ; and that if he had deferred to do so a 
 little longer, he would have had reason to accuse them of the 
 ingratitude with which they were now charging him. Whether 
 the charge were true or false, that God whom they had invoked 
 to avenge their injuries, would show, at the conclusion of the 
 war, and would demonstrate which was most his friend, and 
 who had most justice on his side." 
 
 Upon the departure of the ambassadors, the count deter- 
 mined to attack the Milanese, who prepared for their defence, 
 and appointed Francesco and Jacopo Piccinino (attached to 
 their cause, on account of the ancient feud of the families of 
 Braccio and Sforza), to conduct their forces in support of lib- 
 erty ; at least till they could deprive the count of the aid of the 
 Venetians, who they did not think would long be either friendly 
 or faithful to him. On the other hand, the count, perfectly 
 aware of this, thought it not imprudent, supposing the obliga- 
 tion of the treaty insufficient, to bind them by the ties of inter- 
 est; and, therefore, in assigning to each their portion of the 
 enterprise, he consented that the Venetians should attack 
 Crema, and himself, with the other forces, assail the remainder 
 of the territory. The advantage of this arrangement kept the 
 Venetians so long in alliance with the count, that he was en- 
 abled to conquer the whole of the Milanese territory, and to 
 press the city so closely, that the inhabitants could not provide 
 themselves with necessaries ; despairing of success, they sent 
 envoys to the Venetians to beg they would compassionate their 
 \ distress, and, as ought to be the case between republics, assist 
 I them in defence of their liberty against a tyrant, whom, if once 
 Waster of their city, they would be unable to restrain ; neither 
 did they think he would be content with the boundaries assigned 
 him by the treaty, but would expect all the dependencies of 
 Milan. 
 
 The Venetians had not yet taken Crema, and wishing, before 
 they changed sides, to effect this point, they publicly answered 
 the envoys, that their engagements with the count prevented 
 them from defending the Milanese; but secretly, gave them 
 every assurance of their wish so to do. 
 
 The count had approached so near Milan with his forces, that 
 he was disputing the suburbs with the inhabitants, when the 
 Venetians, having taken Crema, thought they need no longer 
 
312 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1448 
 
 hesitate to declare in favor of the Milanese with whom they 
 made peace and entered into alliance ; among the terms of which 
 was the defence of their liberty unimpaired. Having come 
 to this agreement, they ordered their forces to withdraw from 
 the count's camp and to return to the Venetian territory. They 
 informed him of the peace made with the Milanese, and gave 
 him twenty days to consider what course he would adopt. He 
 was not surprised at the step taken by the Venetians, for he 
 had long foreseen it, and expected its occurrence daily; but 
 when it actually took place, he could not help feeling regret 
 and displeasure similar to what the Milanese had experienced 
 when he abandoned them. He took two days to consider the 
 reply he would make to the ambassadors whom the Venetians 
 had sent to inform him of tlie treaty, and during this time he 
 determined to dupe the Venetians, and not abandon his enter- 
 prise; therefore, appearing openly to accept the proposal for 
 peace, he sent his ambassadors to Venice with full credentials 
 to effect the ratification, but gave them secret orders not to do 
 so, and with pretexts or cavilling put it off. To give the Vene- 
 tians greater assurance of his sincerity, he made a truce with 
 the Milanese for a month, withdrew from Milan and divided 
 his forces among the places he had taken. This course was 
 the occasion of his victory and the ruin of the Milanese; for 
 the Venetians, confident of peace, were slow in preparing for 
 war, and the Milanese finding the truce concluded, the enemy 
 withdrawn, and the Venetians their friends, felt assured that 
 the count had determined to abandon his design. This idea 
 injured them in two ways; one, by neglecting to provide for 
 their defence; the next, that, being seed time, they sowed a 
 large quantity of grain in the country which the enemy had 
 evacuated, and thus brought famine upon themselves. On the 
 other hand, all that was injurious to his enemies favored the 
 count, and the time gave him opportunity to take breath and 
 provide himself with assistance. 
 
 The Florentines during the war of Lombardy had not de- 
 clared in favor of either party, or assisted the count either in 
 defence of the Milanese or since ; for he never having been in 
 need had not pressingly requested it ; and they only sent assist- 
 ance to the Venetians after the rout at Caravaggio, in pursu- 
 ance of the treaty. Count Francesco, standing now alone, and 
 
1448] COSMO DE' MEDICI 313 
 
 not knowing to whom else he could apply, was compelled to 
 request immediate aid of the Florentines, publicly from the 
 state, and privately from friends, particularly from Cosmo de' 
 Medici, with whom he had always maintained a steady friend- 
 ship, and by whom he had constantly been faithfully advised 
 and liberally supported. Nor did Cosmo abandon him in his 
 extreme necessity, but supplied him generously from his own 
 resources, and encouraged him to prosecute his design. He 
 also wished the city publicly to assist him, but there were diffi- 
 culties in the way. Neri di Gino Capponi, one of the most 
 powerful citizens of Florence, thought it not to the advantage 
 of the city, that the count should obtain Milan ; and was of the 
 opinion that it would be more to the safety of Italy for him to 
 ratify the peace than pursue the war. In the first place, he ap- 
 prehended that the Milanese, through their anger against the 
 count, would surrender themselves entirely to the Venetians, 
 which would occasion the ruin of all. Supposing he should 
 occupy Milan, it appeared to him that so great military superi- 
 ority, combined with such an extent of territory, would be dan- 
 gerous to themselves, and that if as count he was intolerable, he 
 would become doubly so as duke. He therefore considered it 
 better for the republic of Florence and for Italy, that the count 
 should be content with his military reputation, and that Lom- 
 bardy should be divided into two republics^ which could never 
 unite to injure others, and separately are unable to do so. To 
 attain this he saw no better means than to refrain from aiding 
 the count, and continuing in the former league with the Vene- 
 tians. These reasonings were not satisfactory to Cosmo's 
 friends, for they imagined that Neri had argued thus, not from 
 a conviction of its advantage to the republic, but to prevent the 
 count, as a friend of Cosmo, from becoming duke, apprehend- 
 ing that Cosmo would, in consequence of this, become too 
 powerful. 
 
 Cosmo, in reply, pointed out, that to lend assistance to the 
 count would be highly beneficial both to Italy and the republic ; 
 for it was unwise to imagine that the Milanese could preserve 
 their own liberty ; for the nature of their community, their mode 
 of life, and their hereditary feuds were opposed to every kind 
 of civil government, so that it was necessary, either that the 
 count should become Duke of Milan, or the Venetians her lords. 
 
314 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1448 
 
 And surely under such circumstances, no one could doubt 
 which would be most to their advantage, to have for their 
 neighbor a powerful friend or a far more powerful foe. 
 Neither need it be apprehended that the Milanese, while at war 
 with the count, would submit to the Venetians ; for the count 
 had a strong party in the city, and the Venetians had not, so 
 that whenever they were unable to defend themselves as free- 
 men, they would be more inclined to obey the count than the 
 Venetians. 
 
 These diverse views kept the city long in suspense; but at 
 length it was resolved to send ambassadors to the count to settle 
 the terms of agreement, with instructions, that if they found 
 him in such a condition as to give hopes of his ultimate success, 
 they were to close with him, but, if otherwise, they were to 
 draw out the time in diplomacy. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Prosecution of the War between the Count and the Milanese— The 
 Milanese Reduced to Extremity — The People Rise against the 
 Magistrates — Milan Surrenders to the Count — League between the 
 New Duke of Milan and the Florentines, and between the King 
 of Naples and the Venetians — Venetian and Neapolitan Ambassa- 
 dors at Florence — Answer of Cosmo de' Medici to the Venetian 
 Ambassador — Preparations of the Venetians and the King of Naples 
 for the War — The Venetians Excite Disturbances in Bologna — 
 Florence Prepares for War — ^The Emperor, Frederick III, at Flor- 
 ence — War in Lombardy between the Duke of Milan and the Vene- 
 tians — Ferrando, Son of the King of Naples, Marches into Tuscany 
 against the Florentines. 
 
 THE ambassadors were at Reggio when they heard that 
 the count had become Lord of Milan ; for as soon as the 
 truce had expired, he approached the city with his 
 forces, hoping quickly to get possession of it in spite of the 
 Venetians, who could bring no relief except from the side of the 
 Adda, which route he could easily obstruct, and therefore had 
 no apprehension (being then winter) of their arrival, and he 
 trusted that, before the return of spring, he would be victorious, 
 particularly, as by the death of Francesco Piccinino, there 
 remained only Jacopo, his brother, to command the Milanese. 
 The Venetians had sent an ambassador to Milan to confirm the 
 citizens in their resolution of defence, promising them power- 
 ful and immediate aid. During the winter a few slight 
 skirmishes had taken place between the count and the Vene- 
 tians ; but on the approach of milder weather, the latter, under 
 Pandolfo Malatesti, halted with their army upon the Adda, and 
 considering whether, in order to succor the Milanese, they 
 ought to risk a battle, Pandolfo, their general, aware of the 
 count's abilities, and the courage of his army, said it would be 
 unadvisable to do so, and that, under the circumstances, it was 
 needless, for the count, being in great want of forage, could 
 pot keep the field, and must soon retire. He therefore advised 
 
 31S 
 
3i6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1449 
 
 them to remain encamped, to keep the Milanese in hope, and 
 prevent them from surrendering. This advice was approved 
 by the Venetians, both as being safe, and because, by keeping 
 the Milanese in this necessity, they might be the sooner com- 
 pelled to submit to their dominion ; for they felt quite sure that 
 the injuries they had received would always prevent their sub- 
 mission to the count. 
 
 In the meantime, the Milanese were reduced to the utmost 
 misery ; and as the city usually abounded with poor, many died 
 of hunger in the streets ; hence arose complaints and disturb- 
 ances in several parts, which alarmed the magistrates, and com- 
 pelled them to use their utmost exertions to prevent popular 
 meetings. The multitude are always slow to resolve on com- 
 motion; but, the resolution once formed, any trivial circum- 
 stance excites it to action. Two men in humble life, talking 
 together near the Porta Nuova of the calamities of the city, 
 their own misery, and the means that might be adopted for their 
 relief, others beginning to congregate, there was soon collected 
 a large crowd; in consequence of it a report was spread that 
 the neighborhood of Porta Nuova had risen against the gov- 
 ernment. Upon this, all the lower orders, who only waited for 
 an example, assembled in arms, and chose Gasparre da Vicom- 
 ercato to be their leader. They then proceeded to the place 
 where the magistrates were assembled, and attacked them so 
 impetuously that all who did not escape by flight were slain: 
 among the number, as being considered a principal cause of the 
 famine, and gratified at their distress, fell Lionardo Veniero, 
 the Venetian ambassador. Having thus almost become mas- 
 ters of the city, they considered what course was next to be 
 adopted to escape from the horrors surrounding them, and to 
 procure peace. A feeling universally prevailed, that as they 
 could not preserve their own liberty, they ought to submit to a 
 prince who could defend them. Some proposed King Alfonso, 
 some the Duke of Savoy, and others the King of France, but 
 none mentioned the count, so great was the general indignation 
 against him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre da 
 Vicomercato proposed him, and explained in detail that if they 
 desired relief from war, no other plan was open, since the peo- 
 ple of Milan required a certain and immediate peace, and not a 
 distant hope of succor. He apologized for the count's proceed- 
 
HSo] RIOT AT MILAN 317 
 
 ings, accused the Venetians, and all the powers of Italy, of 
 which some from ambition and others from avarice were averse 
 to their possessing freedom. Having to dispose of their liberty, 
 it would be preferable, he said, to obey one who knew and could 
 defend them; so that, by their servitude they might obtain 
 peace, and not bring upon themselves greater evils and more 
 dangerous wars. He was listened to with the most profound 
 attention; and, having concluded his harangue, it was unani- 
 mously resolved by the assembly, that the count should be called 
 in, and Gasparre was appointed to wait upon him and signify 
 their desire. By the people's command he conveyed the pleas- 
 ing and happy intelligence to the count, who heard it with the 
 utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on the twen- 
 ty-sixth of February, 1450, where he was received with the 
 greatest possible joy by those who, only a short' time previously, 
 had heaped on him all the slanders that hatred could inspire. 
 
 The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were im- 
 mediately sent to the envoys who were upon the way to Milan, 
 that instead of treating for his alliance with the count, they 
 should congratulate the duke upon his victory ; they, arranging 
 accordingly, had a most honorable reception, and were treated 
 with all possible respect ; for the duke well knew that in all Italy 
 he could not find braver or more faithful friends, to defend him 
 against the power of the Venetians, than the Florentines, who, 
 being no longer in fear of the house of Visconti, found them- 
 selves opposed by the Arragonese and Venetians ; for the Arra- 
 gonese princes of Naples were jealous of the friendship which 
 the Florentines had always evinced for the family of France; 
 and the Venetians seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines 
 against the Visconti transferred to themselves, resolved to in- 
 jure them as much as possible; for they knew how pertina- 
 ciously and invariably they had persecuted the Lombard, 
 princes. These considerations caused the new duke willingly 
 to join the Florentines, and united the Venetians and King 
 Alfonso against their common enemies ; impelling them at the 
 same time to hostilities, the King against the Florentines, and 
 the Venetians against the duke, who, being fresh in the govern- 
 ment, would, they imagined, be unable to resist them, even 
 with all the aid he could obtain. 
 
 But as the league between the Florentines and the Venetians 
 
3i8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [14SO 
 
 still continued, and as the King, after the war of Piombino, 
 had made peace with the former, it seemed indecent to com- 
 mence an open rupture until some plausible reason could be 
 assigned in justification of offensive measures. On this ac- 
 count each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on the part of 
 their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between them 
 was made not for injury to any, but solely for the mutual de- 
 fence of their states. The Venetian ambassador then com- 
 plained, that the Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the 
 duke's brother, to pass into Lombardy with his forces; and 
 besides this, had assisted and advised in the treaty made be- 
 tween the Duke and the Marquis of Mantua ; matters which he 
 declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistent with 
 the friendship hitherto subsisting between the two govern- 
 ments; amicably reminding them, that one who inflicts un- 
 merited injury, gives others just ground of hostility, and that 
 those who break a peace may expect war. The Signory ap- 
 pointed Cosmo de' Medici to reply to what had been said by the 
 Venetian ambassador, and in a long and excellent speech he 
 recounted the numerous advantages conferred by the city on 
 the Venetian republic ; showed what an extent of dominion they 
 had acquired by the money, forces, and counsel of the Floren- 
 tines, and reminded him that, although the friendship had orig- 
 inated with the Florentines, they had never given occasion of 
 enmity ; and as they desired peace, they greatly rejoiced that the 
 treaty was made, if it had been entered into for the sake of 
 peace, and not of war. True it was, he wondered much at the 
 remarks which had been made, seeing that such light and trivial 
 matters could give offence to so great a republic; but if they 
 were worthy of notice he must have it universally understood, 
 that the Florentines wished their country to be free and open 
 to all ; and that the duke's character was such, that if he desired 
 the friendship of the Marquis of Mantua, he had no need of 
 anyone's favor or advice. He therefore feared that these cavils 
 were produced by some latent motive, which it was not thought 
 proper to disclose. Be this as it might, they would freely de- 
 clare to all, that in the same proportion as the friendship of the 
 Florentines was beneficial their enmity could be destructive. 
 
 The matter was hushed up; and the ambassadors, on their 
 departure, appeared perfectly satisfied. But the league be- 
 
i45o] WAR APPREHENDED 319 
 
 tween the King and the Venetians made the Florentines and 
 the duke rather apprehend war than hope for a long continu- 
 ance of peace. They therefore entered into an alliance, and at 
 the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired by a 
 treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Florentine 
 subjects from their city and territories. Shortly after this, 
 Alfonso did the same, without any consideration of the peace 
 made the year previously, and not having even the shadow of 
 an excuse. The Venetians attempted to take Bologna, and 
 having armed the emigrants, and united to them a considerable 
 force, introduced them into the city by night through one of 
 the common sewers. No sooner had they entered^ than they 
 raised a cry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being awakened, was 
 told that the whole city was in possession of the rebels. But 
 though many advised him to escape, saying that he could not 
 save the city by his stay, he determined to confront the danger, 
 and taking arms encouraged his followers, assembled a few 
 friends, attacked and routed part of the rebels, slew many more, 
 and drove the remainder out of the city. By this act of bravery 
 all agreed he had fully proved himself a genuine scion of the 
 house of the Bentivogli. 
 
 These events and demonstrations gave the Florentines an 
 earnest of approaching war; they consequently followed their 
 usual practice on similar occasions, and created the Council of 
 Ten. They engaged new condottieri, sent ambassadors to 
 Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and Sienna, to demand assistance 
 from their friends, gain information about those they suspected, 
 decide such as were wavering, and discover the designs of the 
 foe. From the Pope they obtained only general expressions of 
 an amicable disposition and admonitions to peace; from the 
 King, empty excuses for having expelled the Florentines, and 
 offers of safe conduct for whoever should demand it; and al- 
 though he endeavored, as much as possible, to conceal every 
 indication of his hostile designs, the ambassadors felt convinced 
 of his unfriendly disposition, and observed many preparations 
 tending to the injury of the republic. The league with the 
 duke was strengthened by mutual obligations, and through his 
 means they became friends with the Genoese, the old differ- 
 ences with them respecting reprisals, and other small matters 
 of dispute, being composed, although the Venetians used every 
 
320 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1451 
 
 possible means to prevent it, and entreated the Emperor of 
 Constantinople to expel all Florentines from his dominions; 
 so fierce was the animosity with which they entered on this 
 war, and so powerful their lust of dominion, that without the 
 least hesitation they sought the destruction of those who had 
 been the occasion of their own power. 
 
 The Emperor, however, refused to listen to them. The 
 Venetian Senate forbade the Florentine ambassadors to enter 
 their territories, alleging, that being in league with the King^ 
 they could not entertain them without his concurrence. The 
 Siennese received the ambassadors with fair words, fearing 
 their own ruin before the league could assist them, and there- 
 fore endeavored to appease the powers whose attack they were 
 unable to resist. The Venetians and the King (as was then 
 conjectured) were disposed to send ambassadors to Florence 
 to justify the war. But the Venetian envoy was not allowed 
 to enter the Florentine dominions, and the King's ambassador, 
 being unwilling to perform his office alone, the embassy was 
 not completed; and thus the Venetians learned, that however 
 little they might esteem the Florentines, the latter had still less 
 respect for them. 
 
 In the midst of these fears, Emperor Frederick III came into' 
 Italy to be crowned. On the thirtieth of January, 145 1, he 
 entered Florence with 1,500 horse, and was most honorably 
 received by the Signory. He remained in the city till the sixth 
 of February, and then proceeded to Rome for his coronation, 
 where, having been solemnly consecrated, and his marriage cel- 
 ebrated with the Empress, who had come to Rome by sea, he 
 returned to Germany, and again passed through Florence in 
 May, with the same honors as upon his arrival. On his return, 
 having derived some benefits from the Marquis of Mantua, he 
 conceded to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the 
 Florentines did not fail to prepare themselves for immediate 
 war ; and to augment their influence, and strike the enemy with 
 terror, they, in conjunction with the duke, entered into alliance 
 with the King of France for the mutual defence of their states. 
 This treaty was published with great pomp throughout all 
 Italy. 
 
 The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians 
 thought it not desirable to defer any longer their attack upon 
 
I4S2] SIEGE OF CASTELLINA 321 
 
 the duke, and with 16,000 horse and 6,000 foot assailed his ter- 
 ritories in the direction of Lodi, while the Marquis of Mont- 
 ferrat, instigated either by his own ambition or the entreaties 
 of the Venetians, did the same on the side of Alexandria. The 
 duke assembled a force of 18,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry, 
 garrisoned Alexandria and Lodi, and all the other places where 
 the enemy might annoy them. He then attacked the Brescian 
 territory, and greatly harassed the Venetians; while both 
 parties alike plundered the country and ravaged the smaller 
 towns. Having defeated the Marquis of Montferrat at Alex- 
 andria, the duke was able to unite his whole force against the 
 Venetians and invade their territory. 
 
 While the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to 
 various trifling incidents unworthy of recital. King Alfonso 
 and the Florentines carried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a 
 similarly inefficient manner, evincing no greater talent, and 
 incurring no greater danger. Ferrando, the illegitimate son 
 of Alfonso, entered the country with 12,000 troops, under the 
 command of Federigo, Lord of Urbino. Their first attempt 
 was to attack Fojano, in the Val di Chiane; for, having the 
 Siennese in their favor, they entered the Florentine territory in 
 that direction. The walls of the castle were weak, and it was 
 small, and consequently poorly manned, but the garrison were, 
 among the soldiers of that period, considered brave and faith- 
 ful. Two hundred infantry were also sent by the Signory for 
 its defence. Before this castle, thus provided, Ferrando sat 
 down, and either from the valor of its defenders or his own 
 deficiencies, thirty-six days elapsed before the took it. This 
 interval enabled the city to make better provision for places of 
 greater importance, to collect forces and conclude more effec- 
 tive arrangements than had hitherto been made. The enemy 
 next proceeded into the district of Chiane, where they attacked 
 two small towns, the property of private citizens, but could not 
 capture them. They then encamped before the Castellina, a 
 fortress upon the borders of the Chianti, within ten miles of 
 Sienna, weak from its defective construction, and still more so 
 by its situation ; but, notwithstanding these defects, the assail- 
 ants were compelled to retire in disgrace, after having lain be- 
 fore it forty-four days. So formidable were those armies, and 
 21 
 
322 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1452 
 
 so perilous those wars, that places now abandoned as untenable 
 were then defended as impregnable. 
 
 While Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made many 
 incursions, and took considerable booty from the Florentine 
 territories, extending his depredations within six miles of the 
 city, to the great alarm and injury of the people, who at this 
 time having sent their forces to the number of 8,000 soldiers 
 under Astorre da Faenza and Gismondo Malatesti toward Cas- 
 tel di Colle, kept them at a distance from the enemy, lest they 
 should be compelled to an engagement ; for they considered that 
 so long as they were not beaten in a pitched battle, they could 
 not be vanquished in the war generally ; for small castles, when 
 lost, were recovered at the peace, and larger places were in no 
 danger, because the enemy would not venture to attack them. 
 The King had also a fleet of about twenty vessels, comprising 
 galleys and smaller craft, which lay off Pisa^ and during the 
 siege of Castellina were moored near the Rocca di Vada, which, 
 from the negligence of the governor, he took, and then harassed 
 the surrounding country. However, this annoyance was easily 
 removed by a few soldiers sent by the Florentines to Campiglia, 
 and who confined the enemy to the coast. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the Papal Government — The 
 Conspirators Discovered and Punished — The Florentines Recover 
 the places they had lost — Gherardo Gambacorti, Lord of Val 
 di Bagno, Endeavors to Transfer his Territories to the King of 
 Kaples — Gallant Conduct of Antonio Gualandi, who Counteracts 
 the Design of Gambacorti — Rene of Anjou is Called into Italy by 
 the Florentines — Rene Returns to France — The Pope Endeavors to 
 Restore Peace — Peace Proclaimed — ^Jacopo Piccinino Attacks the 
 Siennese. 
 
 THE pontiff did not interfere in these affairs further than 
 to endeavor to bring the parties to a mutual accommo- 
 dation; but while he refrained from external wars he 
 incurred the danger of more serious troubles at home. Stefano 
 Porcari was a Roman citizen, equally distinguished for nobility 
 of birth and extent of learning, but still more by the excellence 
 of his character. Like all who are in pursuit of glory, he re- 
 solved either to perform or attempt something worthy of mem- 
 ory, and thought he could not do better than deliver his country 
 from the hands of the prelates, and restore the ancient form of 
 government; hoping, in the event of success, to be considered 
 a new founder or second father of the city. The dissolute man- 
 ners of the priesthood, and the discontent of the Roman barons 
 and people, encouraged him to look for a happy termination of 
 his enterprise ; but he derived his greatest confidence from those 
 verses of Petrarch in the canzone which begins, " Spirito gentil 
 che quelle membra reggi," where he says : 
 
 " Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedra 
 Un cavalier, ch' Italia tutta onora, 
 Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso." 
 
 Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine 
 and prophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which 
 Petrarch in this canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was des- 
 
 323 
 
324 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1452 
 
 tined to eif ect the glorious task ; considering himself in learn- 
 ing, eloquence, friends, and influence, Superior to any other cit- 
 izen of Rome. Having taken these impressions, he had not 
 sufficient prudence to avoid discovering his design by his dis- 
 course, demeanor, and mode of living ; so that the Pope, becom- 
 ing acquainted with it, in order to prevent the commission of 
 some rash act, banished him to Bologna, and charged the gov- 
 ernor of the city to compel his appearance before him once 
 every day. Stefano was not daunted by this first check, but 
 with even greater earnestness prosecuted his undertaking, and, 
 by such means as were available, more cautiously corresponded 
 with his friends, and often went and returned from Rome with 
 such celerity as to be in time to present himself before the gov- 
 ernor within the limit allowed for his appearance. Having 
 acquired a sufficient number of partisans, he determined to 
 make the attempt without further delay, and arranged with his 
 friends at Rome to provide an evening banquet, to which all the 
 conspirators were invited, with orders that each should bring 
 with him his most trustworthy friends, and himself promised 
 to be with them before the entertainment was served. Every- 
 thing was done according to his orders, and Stefano Porcari 
 arrived at the place appointed. Supper being brought in, he 
 entered the apartment dressed in cloth of gold, with rich orna- 
 ments about his neck, to give him a dignified appearance and 
 commanding aspect. Having embraced the company, he deliv- 
 ered a long oration to dispose their minds to the glorious under- 
 taking. He then arranged the measures to be adopted, order- 
 ing that one part of them should, on the following morning, 
 take possession of the pontiff's palace, and that the other should 
 call the people of Rome to arms. The affair came to the 
 knowledge of the Pope the same night, some say by treachery 
 among the conspirators, and others that he knew of Porcari's 
 presence at Rome. Be this as it may, on the night of the sup- 
 per Stefano, and the greater part of his associates, were arrest- 
 ed, and afterward expiated their crime by death. Thus ended 
 his enterprise; and though some may applaud his intentions, 
 he must stand chargeable with deficiency of understanding; for 
 such undertakings, though possessing some slight appearance 
 of glory, are almost always attended with, ruin. 
 
 The war in Tuscany had continued about a year, and in the 
 
I4S3] GHERARDO GAMBACORTI 325 
 
 spring of 1453 the armies again took the field. Alessandro 
 Sforza, the duke's brother, came with 2,000 horse to the assist- 
 ance of the Florentines, who, with this increase of force, at- 
 tempted the recovery of the places they had lost, and obtained 
 some of them without much trouble. They then besieged Fo- 
 jano, which, through the negligence of the commissaries, was 
 pillaged, and the inhabitants, being dispersed, could only be 
 induced to return, by granting them various exemptions and 
 immunities, and even then, with diificulty. The Rocca di Vada 
 was also recovered ; for the enemy, finding they could not retain 
 possession, first burnt, and then abandoned it. While these 
 exploits were being effected by the Florentine army, the Arra- 
 gonese forces, not having dared to approach the enemy, estab- 
 lished themselves near Sienna, and made many incursions upon 
 the Florentine territory, where the tumults and robberies they 
 committed, spread great alarm. Nor did the King fail to at- 
 tempt in other ways to injure his enemies, divide their forces, 
 and weaken them by indirect attacks. 
 
 Gherardo Gambacorti was Lord of Val di Bagno, and his 
 ancestors as well as himself had always been in the pay or under 
 the protection of the Florentines. Alfonso endeavored to in- 
 duce him to exchange his territory for another in the Kingdom 
 of Naples. This became known to the Signory, who, in order 
 to ascertain his designs, sent an ambassador to Gambacorti, to 
 remind him of the obligations of his ancestors and himself to 
 their republic, and induce him to continue faithful to them. 
 Gherardo aflfected the greatest astonishment, assured the am- 
 bassador with solemn oaths that no such treacherous thought 
 had ever entered his mind, and that he would gladly go to Flor- 
 ence and pledge himself for the truth of his assertions ; but- 
 being unable, from indisposition, he would send his son as a 
 hostage. These assurances, and the proposal with which they 
 were accompanied, induced the Florentines to think Gherardo 
 had been slandered, and that his accuser must be alike weak and 
 treacherous. Gherardo, however, hastened his negotiation with 
 redoubled zeal, and having arranged the terms, Alfonso sent 
 Frate Puccio, a knight of Jerusalem, with a strong body of 
 men to the Val di Bagno, to take possession of the fortresses 
 and towns, the people of which being attached to the Florentine 
 Republic, submitted unwillingly. 
 
326 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i4S3 
 
 Frate Puccio had already taken possession of nearly the 
 whole territory, except the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti 
 was accompanied, while transferring his dominions, by a young 
 Pisan of great courage and address, named Antonio Gualandi, 
 who, considering the whole affair, the strength of the place, the 
 well-known bravery of the garrison, their evident reluctance to 
 give it up, and the baseness of Gambacorti, at once resolved to 
 make an effort to prevent the fulfilment of his design; and 
 Gherardo being at the entrance, for the purpose of introducing 
 the Arragonese, he pushed him out with both his hands, and 
 commanded the guards to shut the gate upon such a scoundrel, 
 and hold the fortress for the Florentine Republic. When this 
 circumstance became known in Bagno and the neighboring 
 places, the inhabitants took up arms against the King's forces, 
 and, raising the Florentine standard, drove them out. The 
 Florentines learning these events, imprisoned Gherardo's son, 
 and sent troops to Bagno for the defence of the territory, which 
 having hitherto been governed by its own prince, now became 
 a vicariate. The traitor Gherardo escaped with diflSculty, leav- 
 ing his wife, family, and all his property, in the hands of those 
 whom he had endeavored to betray. This affair was consid- 
 ered by the Florentines of great importance ; for had the King 
 succeeded in securing the territory, he might have overrun the 
 Val di Tavere and the Casentino at his pleasure, and would 
 have caused so much annoyance, that they could no longer have 
 allowed their whole force to act against the army of the Arra- 
 gonese at Sienna. 
 
 In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in 
 Italy to resist the hostile league, they sent as ambassador Ag- 
 nolo Acciajuoli, to request the King of France would allow 
 Rene of Anjou to enter Italy in favor of the duke and them- 
 selves, and also, that by his presence in the country, he might 
 defend his friends and attempt the recovery of the Kingdom of 
 Naples ; for which purpose they offered him assistance in men 
 and money. While the war was proceeding in Lombardy and 
 Tuscany, the ambassador effected an arrangement with King 
 Rene, who promised to come into Italy during the month of 
 June, the league engaging to pay him 30,000 florins upon his 
 arrival at Alexandria, and 10,000 per month during the con- 
 tinuance of the war. In pursuance of this treaty. King Rene 
 
I4S3] VENICE ATTACKED BY ALLIES 327 
 
 commenced his march into Italy, but was stopped by the Duke 
 of Savoy and the Marquis of Montferrat, who, being in alliance 
 with the Venetians, would not allow him to pass. The Flor- 
 entine ambassador advised, that in order to uphold the influence 
 of his friends, he should return to Provenge, and conduct part 
 of his forces into Italy by sea, and, in the meantime, endeavor, 
 by the authority of the King of France, to obtain a passage for 
 the remainder through the territories of the duke. This plan 
 was completely successful ; for Rene came into Italy by sea, and 
 his forces, by the mediation of the King of France, were allowed 
 a passage through Savoy. King Rene was most honorably re- 
 ceived by Duke Francesco, and joining his French with the 
 Italian forces, they attacked the Venetians with so much im- 
 petuosity, that they shortly recovered all the places which had 
 been taken in the Cremonese. Not content with this, they oc- 
 cupied nearly the whole Brescian territory ; so that the Vene- 
 tians^ unable to keep the field, withdrew close to the walls of 
 Brescia. 
 
 Winter coming on, the duke deemed it advisable to retire 
 into quarters, and appointed Piacenza for the forces of Rene, 
 where, having passed the whole of the cold season of 1453, 
 without attempting anything, the duke thought of taking the 
 field, on the approach of spring, and stripping the Venetians 
 of the remainder of their possessions by land, but was informed 
 by the King, that he was obliged of necessity to return to 
 France. This determination was quite new and unexpected 
 to the duke, and caused him the utmost concern ; but though he 
 immediately went to dissuade Rene from carrying it into effect, 
 he was unable either by promises or entreaties to divert him 
 from this purpose. He engaged, however, to leave part of his 
 forces, and send his son for the service of the league. The 
 Florentines were not displeased at this; for having recovered 
 their territories and castles, they were no longer in fear of Al- 
 fonso, and on the other hand, they did not wish the duke to 
 obtain any part of Lombardy but what belonged to him. Rene 
 took his departure, and sent his son John into Italy, according 
 to his promise, who did not remain in Lombardy, but came 
 direct to Florence, where he was received with the highest 
 respect. 
 
 The King's departure made the duke desirous of peace. The 
 
328 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i4S4 
 
 Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, being all weary of the 
 war, were similarly disposed; and the Pope continued to wish 
 it as much as ever; for during this year the great Turk Ma- 
 homet, had taken Constantinople and subdued the whole of 
 Greece. This conquest alarmed the Christians, more especially 
 the Venetians and the Pope, who already began to fancy his 
 followers were at their doors. The Pope therefore begged 
 the Italian potentates to send ambassadors to himself, with au- 
 thority to negotiate a general peace, with which all complied; 
 but when the particular circumstances of each case came to be 
 considered, many difficulties were found in the way of effect- 
 ing it. King Alfonso required the Florentines to reimburse 
 the expenses he had incurred in the war, and the Florentines 
 demanded some compensation from him. The Venetians 
 thought themselves entitled to Cremona from the duke ; while 
 he insisted upon the restoration of Bergamo, Brescia, and 
 Crema ; so that it seemed impossible to reconcile such conflict- 
 ing claims. But what could not be effected by a number at 
 Rome was easily managed at Milan and Venice by two; for 
 while the matter was under discussion at Rome, the duke and 
 the Venetians came to an arrangement on the ninth of April, 
 1454, by virtue of which, each party resumed what they pos- 
 sessed before the war, the duke being allowed to recover from 
 the princes of Montf errat and Savoy the places they had taken. 
 To the other Italian powers a month was allowed to ratify 
 the treaty. The Pope and the Florentines, and with them the 
 Siennese and other minor powers acceded to it within the time. 
 Besides this, the Florentines, the Venetians, and the duke con- 
 cluded a treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso 
 alone exhibited dissatisfaction at what had taken place, think- 
 ing he had not been sufficiently considered, that he stood, not 
 on the footing of a principal, but only ranked as an auxiliary, 
 and therefore kept aloof, and would not disclose his intentions. 
 However, after receiving a legate from the Pope, and many 
 solemn embassies from other powers, he allowed himself to be 
 persuaded, principally by means of the pontiff, and with his 
 son joined the league for thirty years. The duke and the King 
 also contracted a twofold relationship and double marriage, 
 each giving a daughter to a son of the other. Notwithstanding 
 this, that Italy might still retain the seeds of war, Alfonso 
 
I45S] ACCESSION OF CALIXTUS III 329 
 
 would not consent to the peace, unless the league would allow 
 him, without injury to themselves, to make war upon the Ge- 
 noese, Gismondo Malatesti, and Astorre, Prince of Faenza. 
 This being conceded, his son Ferrando, who was at Sienna, 
 returned to the kingdom, having by his coming into Tuscany 
 acquired no dominion and lost a great number of his men. 
 
 Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only appre- 
 hension entertained was, that it would be disturbed by the ani- 
 mosity of Alfonso against the Genoese ; yet it happened other- 
 wise. The King, indeed, did not openly infringe the peace, 
 but, it was frequently broken by the ambition of the mercenary 
 troops. The Venetians, as usual on the conclusion of a war, 
 had discharged Jacopo Piccinino, who, with some other unem- 
 ployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, thence into the 
 Siennese, and halting in the country, took possession of many 
 places. At the commencement of these disturbances, and the 
 beginning of the year 1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Calixtus III, who, to put a stop to the war newly 
 broken out so near home, immediately sent Giovanni Venti- 
 miglia, his general, with what forces he could furnish. These 
 being joined by the troops of the Florentines and the Duke of 
 Milan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked Jacopo, 
 near Bolsena, and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet 
 Jacopo was worsted, and retreated in disorder to Castiglione 
 della Pescaia, where, had he not been assisted by Alfonso, his 
 force would have been completely annihilated. This made it 
 evident that Jacopo's movement had been made by order of 
 Alfonso, and the latter, as if palpably detected, to conciliate his 
 allies, after having almost alienated them with this unimportant 
 war, ordered Jacopo to restore to the Siennese the places he had 
 taken, and they gave him 20,000 florins by way of ransom, after 
 which he and his forces were received into the Kingdom of 
 Naples. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 Christendom Alarmed by the Progress of the Turks — ^The Turks 
 Routed before Belgrade — Description of a Remarkable Hurricane 
 — War against the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti — Genoa Sub- 
 mits to the King of France — Death of Alfonso King of Naples — 
 Succeeded by his Son Ferrando — The Pope Designs to Give the 
 Kingdom of Naples to His Nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia — Eulogy 
 of Pius II — Disturbances in. Genoa between John of Anjou and the 
 Fregosi — The Fregosi Subdued — ^John Attacks the Kingdom of 
 Naples — Ferrando King of Naples Routed — Ferrando reinstated — 
 The Geneose Cast Off the French Yoke — John of Anjou Routed in 
 the Kingdom of Naples. 
 
 THE Pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, 
 did not neglect to make provision for the defence of 
 Christendom, which seemed in danger from the Turks. 
 He sent ambassadors and preachers into every Christian coun- 
 try, to exhort princes and people to arm in defence of their 
 religion, and with their persons and property to contribute to 
 the enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large 
 sums were raised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red 
 cross upon their dress to intimate their readiness to become 
 soldiers of the faith. Solemn processions were made, and 
 nothing was neglected either in public or private, to show their 
 willingness to be among the most forward to assist the enter- 
 prise with money, counsel, or men. But the eagerness for 
 this crusade was somewhat abated, by learning that the Turk- 
 ish army, being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city and 
 fortress in Hungary, upon the banks of the Danube, had been 
 routed and the great Turk wounded ; so that the alarm felt by 
 the Pope and all Christendom, on the loss of Constantinople, 
 having ceased to operate, they proceeded more deliberately 
 with their preparations for war; and in Hungary their zeal 
 was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvino the Wai- 
 wode, who commanded the Hungarian forces on that memo- 
 rable occasion, and fell in the battle. 
 
 330 
 
I4S6] TERRIBLE TEMPEST IN TUSCANY 331 
 
 To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the dis- 
 turbances occasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided, 
 and human weapons laid aside, the heavens seemed to make 
 war against the earth; dreadful tempestuous winds then oc- 
 curring, which produced effects unprecedented in Tuscany, 
 and which to posterity will appear marvellous and unaccount- 
 able. On August 24th, about an hour before daybreak, there 
 arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind, which 
 crossing Italy from east to west, again reached the sea near 
 Pisa, accompanied by thick clouds, and the most intense and 
 impenetrable darkness, covering a breadth of about two miles 
 in the direction of its course. Under some natural or super- 
 natural influence, this vast and overcharged volume of con- 
 densed vapor burst; its fragments contended with indescrib- 
 able fury, and huge bodies sometimes ascending toward heaven, 
 and sometimes precipitated upon the earth, struggled, as it 
 were, in mutual conflict, whirling in circles with intense veloc- 
 ity, and accompanied by winds, impetuous beyond all concep- 
 tion ; while flashes of awful brilliancy, and murky, lurid flames 
 incessantly broke forth. From these confused clouds, furious 
 winds, and momentary fires, sounds issued, of which no earth- 
 quake or thunder ever heard could afford the least idea ; strik- 
 ing such awe into all, that it was thought the end of the world 
 had arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entire uni- 
 verse, mingling together, were being resolved into their ancient 
 chaos. 
 
 Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced unprece- 
 dented and marvellous effects ; but these were more especially 
 experienced near the castle of St. Casciano, about eight miles 
 from Florence, upon the hill which separates the valleys of 
 Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle and the Borgo St. An- 
 drea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed without touching 
 the latter, and in the former, only threw down some of the 
 battlements and the chimneys of a few houses; but in the 
 space between them, it levelled many buildings quite to the 
 ground. The roofs of the churches of St. Martin, at Bagnolo, 
 and Santa Maria della Pace, were carried more than a mile, 
 unbroken as when upon their respective edifices. A muleteer 
 and his beasts were driven from the road into the adjoining 
 valley, and found dead. All the large oaks and lofty trees 
 
332 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1456 
 
 which could not bend beneath its influence, were not only 
 stripped of their branches but borne to a great distance from 
 the places where they grew, and when the tempest had passed 
 over and daylight made the desolation visible, the inhabitants 
 were transfixed with dismay. The country had lost all its 
 habitable character; churches and dwellings were laid in 
 heaps ; nothing was heard but the lamentations of those whose 
 possessions had perished, or whose cattle or friends were 
 buried beneath the ruins; and all who witnessed the scene 
 were filled with anguish or compassion. It was doubtless the 
 design of the Omnipotent, rather to threaten Tuscany than to 
 chastise her; for had the tempest been directed over the city, 
 filled with houses and inhabitants, instead of proceeding among 
 oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattered dwellings, it 
 would have been such a scourge as the mind, with all its ideas 
 of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty de- 
 sired that this slight example should suffice to recall the minds 
 of men to a knowledge of himself and of his power. 
 
 To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied 
 with the peace, and as the war which he had unnecessarily 
 caused Jacopo Piccinino to make against the Siennese, had 
 produced no important result, he resolved to try what could 
 be done against those whom the conditions of the league per- 
 mitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456, assailed 
 the Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to deprive 
 the Fregosi of the government and restore the Adorni. At 
 the same time, he ordered Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto, 
 and attack Gismondo Malatesti, who, having fortified his ter- 
 ritories, did not concern himself, and this part of the King's 
 enterprise produced no effect; but his proceedings against 
 Genoa occasioned more wars against himself and his king- 
 dom than he could have wished. Piero Fregoso was then Doge 
 of Genoa, and doubting his ability to sustain the attack of 
 the King, he determined to give what he could not hold, to 
 someone who might defend it against his enemies, in hope, 
 that at a future period, he should obtain a return for the bene- 
 fit conferred. He therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII, 
 of France, and offered him the government of Genoa. Charles 
 accepted the offer, and sent John of Anjou, the son of King 
 Rene, who had a short time previously left Florence and re- 
 
1457] FERRANDO, KING OF NAPLES 333 
 
 turned to France, to take possession, with the idea, that he, 
 having learned the manners and customs of Italy, would be 
 able to govern the city; and also that this might give him 
 an opportunity of undertaking the conqiiest of Naples, of which 
 Rene, John's father, had been deprived by Alfonso. John, 
 therefore, proceeded to Genoa, where he was received as 
 prince, and the fortresses, both of the city and the government, 
 given up to him. This annoyed Alfonso, with the fear that he 
 had brought upon himself too powerful an enemy. He was 
 not, however, dismayed; but pursued his enterprise vigor- 
 ously, and had led his fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when 
 he died after a sudden illness, and thus John and the Genoese 
 were relieved from the war. 
 
 Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom of his father Al- 
 fonso, became alarmed at having so powerful an enemy in 
 Italy, and was doubtful of the disposition of many of his 
 barons, who being desirous of change, he feared would take 
 part with the French. He was also apprehensive of the Pope, 
 whose ambition he well knew, and who, seeing him new in the 
 government, might design to take it from him. He had no 
 hope except from the Duke of Milan, who entertained no less 
 anxiety concerning the affairs of the kingdom than Ferrando ; 
 for he feared that if the French were to obtain it, they would 
 endeavor to annex his own dominions; which he knew they 
 considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soon 
 after the death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando ; 
 the latter to give him aid and influence, the former to encour- 
 age him with an intimation, that he would not, under any cir- 
 cumstances, forsake him. The pontiff intended, after the death 
 of Alfonso, to give the Kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero 
 Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a decent pretext for his de- 
 sign and obtaiji the concurrence of the powers of Italy in its 
 favor, he signified a wish to restore that realm to the domin- 
 ion of the Church of Rome ; and therefore persuaded the duke 
 not to assist Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and 
 opening enterprises. Pope Calixtus died, and Pius II of Sien- 
 nese origin, of the family of the Piccolomini, and by name 
 Mneas, succeeded to the pontificate. This pontiff, free from 
 the ties of private interest, having no object but to benefit 
 Christendom and honor the Church, at the duke's entreaty 
 
334 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1457 
 
 crowned Ferrando King of Naples; judging it easier to es- 
 tablish peace if the kingdom remained in the hands which at 
 present held it, than if he were to favor the views of the 
 French, or, as Calixtus purposed, take it for himself. Fer- 
 rando, in acknowledgment of the benefit, created Antonio, one 
 of the Pope's nephews. Prince of Mailfi, gave him an illegiti- 
 mate daughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento 
 and Terracina to the Church. 
 
 It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might 
 be quelled, and the pontiflf prepared to induce the powers of 
 Christendom to unite in an enterprise against the Turks, as 
 Calixtus had previously designed, when differences arose be- 
 tween the Fregosi and John of Anjou, the Lord of Genoa, 
 which occasioned greater and more important wars than those 
 recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at his castle of 
 Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by John in 
 proportion to his family's merits; for it was by their means 
 the latter had become prince of the city. This impression drove 
 the parties into open enmity; a circumstance gratifying to 
 Ferrando, who saw in it relief from his troubles, and the sole 
 means of procuring his safety: he therefore assisted Pietrino 
 with money and men, trusting to drive John out of the Gen- 
 oese territory. The latter being aware of his design, sent 
 for aid to France, and, on obtaining it, attacked Pietrino, who 
 through his numerous friends entertained the strongest assur- 
 ance of success; so that John was compelled to keep within 
 the city, into which Pietrino having entered by night, took pos- 
 session of some parts of it; but upon the return of day, his 
 people were all either slain or made prisoners by John's troops, 
 and he himself was found among the dead. 
 
 This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; 
 and in October, 1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a 
 powerful fleet, and landed at Baia; whence he proceeded to 
 Sessa, by the duke of which place he was favorably received. 
 The Prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with several cities and 
 other princes, also joined him; so that a great part of the 
 kingdom fell into his hands. On this, Ferrando applied for 
 assistance to the Pope and the Duke of Milan ; and, to dimin- 
 ish the number of his enemies, made peace with Gismondo 
 Malatesti, which gave so much offence to Jacopo Piccinino, the 
 
I4S9J FERRANDO DEFEATED 335 
 
 hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he resigned his command 
 under Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent 
 money to Federigo, Lord of Urbino, and collected with all 
 possible speed what was in those times considered a tolerable 
 army ; which, meeting the enemy upon the banks of the river 
 Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was routed, 
 and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat the 
 city of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes 
 of inferior note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having 
 submitted to John. Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, ad- 
 vised an immediate march upon Naples; but John declined 
 ' this, saying, he would first reduce the remainder of the king- 
 dom, and then attack the seat of government. This resolution 
 occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did not con- 
 sider how much more easily the members follow the head than 
 the head the members. 
 
 After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither 
 the scattered remnants of his people followed him; and by 
 soliciting his friends, he obtained money and a small force. 
 He sent again for assistance to the Pope and the duke, by 
 both of whom he was supplied more liberally and speedily 
 than before ; for they began to entertain most serious appre- 
 hensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus re- 
 vived ; and, marching from Naples, he regained his reputation 
 in his dominions, and soon obtained the places of which he 
 had been deprived. While the war was proceeding in the king- 
 dom, a circumstance occurred by which John of Anjou lost 
 his influence, and all chance of success in the enterprise. The 
 Genoese had become so weary of the haughty and avaricious 
 dominion of the French, that they took arms against the vice- 
 roy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the castelletto; the 
 Fregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise against him, 
 and were assisted with money and troops by the Duke of Milan, 
 both for the recovery and preservation of the government. At 
 the same time. King Rene comihg with a fleet to the assistance 
 of his son, and hoping to recover Genoa by means of the cas- 
 telletto, upon landing his forces was so completely routed, that 
 he was compelled to return in disgrace to Provenge. When the 
 news of his father's defeat reached Naples, John was greatly 
 alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assistance 
 
336 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1462 
 
 of those barons who, being rebels, knew they would obtain no 
 terms from Ferrando. At length, after various trifling occur- 
 rences, the two royal armies came to an engagement, in which 
 John was routed near Troia, in the year 1463. He was, how- 
 ever, less injured by his defeat than by the desertion of Jacopo 
 Piccinino, who joined Ferrando ; and, being abandoned by his 
 troops, he was compelled to take refuge in Istria, and thence 
 withdrew to France. This war continued four years. John's 
 failure was attributable to negligence; for victory was often 
 within his grasp, but he did not take proper means to secure 
 it. The Florentines took no decisive part in this war. John, 
 King of Arragon, who succeeded upon the death of Alfonso, 
 sent ambassadors to request their assistance for his nephew 
 Ferrando, in compliance with the terms of the treaty recently 
 made with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied, that 
 they were under no obligation ; that they did not think proper 
 to assist the son in a war commenced by the father with his 
 own forces; and that as it was begun without either their 
 counsel or knowledge, it must be continued and concluded with- 
 out their help. The ambassadors affirmed the engagement to 
 be binding on the Florentines, and themselves to be answer- 
 able for the event of the war; and then in great anger left 
 the city. 
 
 Thus with regard of external affairs, the Florentines con- 
 tinued tranquil during this war; but the case was otherwise 
 with their domestic concerns, as will be particularly shown 
 in the following book. 
 
BOOK VII 
 
 FOREIGN RELATIONS— THE VENETIAN WAR 
 —THE MILANESE PLOT 
 
BOOK VII 
 
 FOREIGN RELATIONS— THE VENETIAN WAR— THE 
 MILANESE PLOT— 1453-1476 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Connection of the Other Italian Governments with the History of 
 Florence — Republics Always Disunited — Some Differences are In- 
 jurious; Others not so — The Kind of Dissensions Prevailing at 
 Florence — Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi Become Powerful 
 by Dissimilar Means — Reform in the Election of Magistrates Favor- 
 able to Cosmo — Complaints of the Principal Citizens against the Re- 
 form in Elections — Lucca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice, Restrains the 
 Imborsations by Force — Tyranny and Pride of Lucca Pitti and his 
 Party — Palace of the Pitti — ^Death of Cosmo de' Medici — His Liber- 
 ality and Magnificence — ^His Modesty — His Prudence — Sayings of 
 Cosmo. 
 
 IT will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book 
 that, professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, 
 I have dilated too much in speaking of those which oc- 
 curred in Lombardy and Naples. But as I have not already 
 avoided, so it is not my intention in future to forbear similar 
 digressions. For although we have not engaged to give an 
 account of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improper to 
 neglect noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were 
 wholly omitted, our history would not be so well understood, 
 neither would it be so instructive or agreeable; since, from 
 the proceedings of the other princes and states of Italy, have 
 most commonly arisen those wars in which the Florentines 
 were compelled to take part. Thus, from the war between 
 John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those serious 
 enmities and hatreds which ensued between Ferrando and the 
 Florentines, particularly the house of Medici. The King com- 
 plained of a want of assistance during the war, and of the aid 
 afforded to his enemy; and from his anger originated the 
 
 339 
 
340 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i453 
 
 greatest evils, as will be hereafter seen. Having, in speaking 
 Qf external affairs, come down to the year 1463, it will be neces- 
 sary, in order to make our narrative of the contemporaneous 
 domestic transactions clearly understood, to revert to a period 
 several years back. 
 
 But first, according to custom, I would offer a few remarks 
 referring to the events about to be narrated, and observe, that 
 those who think a republic may be kept in perfect unity of 
 purpose are greatly deceived. True it is, that some divisions 
 injure republics, while others are beneficial to them. When 
 accompanied by factions and parties they are injurious; but 
 when maintained without them they contribute to their pros- 
 perity. The legislator of a republic, since it is impossible to 
 prevent the existence of dissensions, must at least take care 
 to prevent the growth of faction. It may therefore be ob- 
 served, that citizens acquire reputation and power in two ways ; 
 the one public, the other private. Influence is acquired pub- 
 licly by winning a battle, taking possession of a territory, ful- 
 filling the duties of an embassy with care and prudence, or 
 by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result. Private 
 methods are, conferring benefits upon individuals, defending 
 them against the magistrates, supporting them with money, 
 and raising them to undeserved honors ; or with public games 
 and entertainments gaining the affection of the populace. This 
 mode of procedure produces parties and cliques ; and in pro- 
 portion as influence thus acquired is injurious, so is the former 
 beneficial, if quite free from party spirit ; because it is founded 
 upon the public good, and not upon private advantage. And 
 though it is impossible to prevent the existence of inveterate 
 feuds, still if they be without partisans to support them for 
 their own individual benefit, they do not injure a republic, but 
 [contribute to its welfare; since none can attain distinction but 
 sas he contributes to her good, and each party prevents the 
 'Other from infringing her liberties. 
 
 The dissensions of Florence were always accompanied by 
 factions, and were therefore always pernicious ; and the domi- 
 nant party only remained united so long as its enemies held 
 it in check. As soon as the strength of the opposition was 
 annihilated, the government, deprived of the restraining influ- 
 ence of its adversaries, and being subject to no law, fell to 
 
1455] COSMO AND NERI 341 
 
 pieces. The party of Cosmo de' Medici gained the ascendant 
 in 1434; but the depressed party being very numerous, and 
 composed of several very influential persons, fear kept the 
 former united, and restrained their proceedings within the 
 bounds of moderation, so that no violence was committed by 
 them, nor anything done calculated to excite popular dislike. 
 Consequently, whenever this government required the citizens' 
 aid to recover or strengthen its influence, the latter were al- 
 ways willing to gratify its wishes ; so that from 1434 to 1455, 
 during a period of twenty-one years, the authority of a balia 
 was granted to it six times. 
 
 There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed, 
 two principally powerful citizens, Cosmo de' Medici and Neri 
 Capponi. Neri acquired his influence by public services; so 
 that he had many friends but few partisans. Cosmo, being 
 able to avail himself both of public and private means, had 
 many partisans as well as friends. While both lived, having 
 always been united, they obtained from the people . whatever 
 they required ; for in them popularity and power were united. 
 But in the year 145S, Neri being dead, and the opposition party 
 extinct, the government found a difficulty in resuming its au- 
 thority; and this was occasioned, remarkably enough, by Cos- 
 mo's private friends, and the most influential men in the state ; 
 for, not fearing the opposite party, they became anxious to 
 abate his power. This inconsistency was the beginning of the 
 evils which took place in 1456; so that those in power were 
 openly advised in the deliberative councils not to renew the 
 power of the balia, but to close the balloting-purses, and ap- 
 point the magistrates by drawing from the pollings or squittini 
 previously made. 
 
 To restrain this disposition, Cosmo had the choice of two 
 alternatives, either forcibly to assume the government, with 
 the partisans he possessed, and drive out the others, or to al- 
 low the matter to take its course, and let his friends see they 
 were not depriving him of power, but rather themselves. He 
 chose the latter ; for he well knew that at all events the purses 
 being filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred no 
 risk, and could take the government into his own hands when- 
 ever he found occasion. The chief offices of state being again 
 filled by lot, the mass of the people began to think they had 
 
342 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1456 
 
 j recovered their liberty, and that the decisions of the magis- 
 /trates were according to their own judgments, unbiassed by 
 the influence of the great. At the same time, the friends of 
 different grandees were humbled; and many who had com- 
 monly seen their houses filled with suitors and presents, found 
 themselves destitute of both. Those who had previously been 
 very powerful were reduced to an equality with men whom 
 they had been accustomed to consider inferior; and those 
 formerly far beneath them were now become their equals. No 
 respect or deference was paid to them; they were often ridi- 
 culed and derided; and frequently heard themselves and the 
 republic mentioned in the open streets without the least defer- 
 ence; thus they found it was not Cosmo but themselves that 
 had lost the government. Cosmo appeared not to notice these 
 matters; and whenever any subject was proposed in favor of 
 the people he was the first to support it. But the greatest 
 cause of alarm to the higher classes, and his most favorable 
 opportunity of retaliation, was the revival of the catasto, or 
 property-tax of 1427, so that individual contributions were de- 
 termined by statute, and not by a set of persons appointed for 
 its regulation. 
 
 This law being re-established, and a magistracy created to 
 carry it into effect, the nobility assembled, and went to Cosmo 
 to beg he would rescue them and himself from the power of 
 the plebeians, and restore to the government the reputation 
 which had made himself powerful and them respected. He 
 replied, he was willing to comply with their request, but wished 
 the law to be obtained in the regular manner, by consent of 
 the people, and not by force, of which he would not hear on 
 any account. They then endeavored in the councils to estab- 
 lish a new balia, but did not succeed. On this the grandees 
 again came to Cosmo, and most humbly begged he would as- 
 semble the people in a general council or parliament ; but this 
 he refused, for he wished to make them sensible of their great 
 mistake; and when Donate Cocchi, being gonfalonier of jus- 
 tice, proposed to assemble them without his consent, the sig- 
 ners who were of Cosmo's party ridiculed the idea so un- 
 mercifully, that the man's mind actually became deranged, and 
 he had to retire from office in consequence. 
 
 However, since it is undesirable to allow matters to proceed 
 
I4S8] LUCCA PITTI GONFALONIER 343 
 
 beyond recovery, the gonfalon of justice being in the hands 
 of Luca Pitti, a bold-spirited man, Cosino' determined to let 
 him adopt what course he thought proper, that if any trouble 
 should arise it might be imputed to Lucca and not to himself. 
 Lucca, therefore, in the beginning of his magistracy, several 
 times proposed to the people the appointment of a new balia; 
 and, not succeeding, he threatened the members of the councils 
 with injurious and arrogant expressions, which were shortly 
 followed by corresponding conduct ; for in the month of Au- 
 gust, 1458, on the eve of Saint Lorenzo, having filled the palace 
 with armed men, he assembled the people in the piazza, and , 
 compelled them to assent to a measure to which he knew them ' 
 to be averse. Having recovered power, created a new balia, 
 and filled the principal offices according to the pleasure of a 
 few individuals, in order to commence that government with 
 terror which they had obtained by force, they banished Giro- 
 lamo Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many of the 
 honors of government. Girolamo, having transgressed the con- 
 fines to which he was limited, was declared a rebel. Travelling 
 about Italy, with the design of exciting the princes against his 
 country, he was betrayed while at Lunigiana, and, being 
 brought to Florence, was put to death in prison. 
 
 This government, during the eight years it continued was 
 violent and insupportable; for Cosmo, being now old, and 
 through ill health unable to attend to public affairs as for- 
 merly, Florence became a prey to a small number of her own 
 citizens. Lucca Pitti, in return for the services he had per- 
 formed for the republic, was made a knight, and to be no less 
 grateful than those who had conferred the dignity upon him, 
 he ordered that the priors, who had hitherto been called priors 
 of the trades, should also have a name to which they had no 
 kind of claim, and therefore called them priors of liberty. He 
 also ordered, that as it had been customary for the gonfalonier 
 to sit upon the right hand of the rectors, he should in future 
 take his seat in the midst of them. And that the Deity might 
 appear to participate in what had been done, public proces- 
 sions were made and solemn services performed, to thank Him 
 for the recovery of the government. The signory and Cosmo 
 made Lucca Pitti rich presents, and all the citizens were emu- 
 lous in imitation of them ; so that the money given amounted 
 
344 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1464 
 
 to no less a sum than 20,000 ducats. He thus attained such 
 influence, that not Cosmo but himself now governed the city ; 
 and his pride so increased, that he commenced two superb 
 buildings, one in Florence, the other at Ruciano, about a mile 
 distant, both in a style of royal magnificence ; that in the city, 
 being larger than any hitherto built by a private person. To 
 complete them, he had recourse to the most extraordinary 
 means ; for not only citizens and private individuals made him 
 presents and supplied materials, but the mass of people, of 
 every grade, also contributed. Besides this, any exiles who 
 had committed murders, thefts, or other crimes which made 
 them amenable to the laws, found a safe refuge within their 
 walls, if they were able to contribute toward their decoration 
 or completion. The other citizens, though they did not build 
 like him, were no less violent or rapacious, so that if Florence 
 were not harassed by external wars, she was ruined by the 
 wickedness of her own children. During this period the wars 
 of Naples took place. The Pope also commenced hostilities in 
 Romagna against the Malatesti, from whom he wished to take 
 Rimino and Cesena, held by them. In these designs, and his in- 
 tentions of a crusade against the Turks, was passed the pon- 
 tificate of Pius II. 
 
 Florence continued in disunion and disturbance. The dis- 
 sensions commenced among the party of Cosmo, in 1455, from 
 the causes already related, which by his prudence, as we have 
 also before remarked, he was enabled to tranquillize; but in 
 the year 1464, his illness increased, and he died. Friends and 
 enemies alike grieved for his loss ; for his political opponents, 
 perceiving the rapacity of the citizens, even during the life of 
 him who alone restrained them and made their tyranny sup- 
 portable, were afraid, lest after his decease, nothing but ruin 
 would ensue. Nor had they much hope of his son Piero, who 
 though a very good man, was of infirm health, and new in 
 the government, and they thought he would be compelled to 
 give way; so that, being unrestrained, their rapacity would 
 pass all bounds. On these accounts, the regret was universal. 
 
 Of all who have left memorials behind them, and who were 
 not of the military profession, Cosmo was the most illustrious 
 and the most renowned. He not only surpassed all his co- 
 temporaries in wealth and authority, but also in generosity and 
 
1464] CHARACTER OF COSMO 345 
 
 prudence ; and among the qualities which contributed to make 
 him prince in his own country, was his surpassing all others 
 in maginficence and generosity. His liberality became more 
 obvious after his death, when Piero, his son, wishing to know 
 what he possessed, it appeared there was no citizen of any 
 consequence to whom Cosmo had not lent a large sum of 
 money ; and often, when informed of some nobleman being in 
 distress, he relieved him unasked. His magnificence is evident 
 from the number of public edifices he erected ; for in Florence 
 are the convents and churches of St. Marco and St. Lorenzo, 
 and the monastery of Santa Verdiana; in the mountains of 
 Fiesole, the church and abbey of St. Girolamo; and in the 
 Mugello, he not only restored, but rebuilt from its foundation, 
 a monastery of the Frati Minori, or Minims. Besides these, in 
 the church of Santa Croce, the Servi, the Agnoli, and in San 
 Miniato, he erected splendid chapels and altars; and besides 
 building the churches and chapels we have mentioned, he pro- 
 vided them with all the ornaments, furniture, and utensils suit- 
 able for the performance of divine service. To these sacred 
 edifices are to be added, his private dwellings, one in Florence, 
 of extent and elegance adapted to so great a citizen, and four 
 others, situate at Careggi, Fiesole, Cafaggiuolo, and Trebbio, 
 each, for size and grandeur, equal to royal palaces. And, as 
 if it were not sufficient to be distinguished for magnificence 
 of buildings in Italy alone, he erected a hospital at Jerusalem, 
 for the reception of poor and infirm pilgrims. 
 
 Although his habitations, like all his other works and ac- 
 tions, were quite of a regal character, and he alone was prince 
 in Florence, still everything was so tempered with his prudence, 
 that he never transgressed the decent moderation of civil life ; 
 in his conversation, his servants, his travelling, his mode of 
 living, and the relationships he formed, the modest demeanor 
 of the citizen was always evident; for he was aware that a 
 constant exhibition of pomp brings more envy upon its posses- 
 sor than greater realities borne without ostentation. Thus 
 in selecting consorts for his sons, he did not seek the alliance 
 of princes, but for Giovanni chose Corneglia degli Alessandri, 
 and for Piero, Lucrezia de' Tornabuoni. He gave his grand- 
 daughters, the children of Piero, Biaiica to Guglielmo de' Pazzi, 
 and Nannina to Bernardo Ruccellai. No one of his time pos- 
 
346 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1464 
 
 sessed such an intimate knowledge of government and state 
 afifairs as himself ; and hence, amid such a variety of fortune, 
 in a city so given to change, and among a people of such ex- 
 treme inconstancy, he retained possession of the government 
 thirty-one years ; for, being endowed with the utmost prudence, 
 he foresaw evils at a distance, and therefore had an oppor- 
 tunity either of averting thern or preventing their injurious 
 results. He thus not only vanquished domestic and civil am- 
 bition, but humbled the pride of many princes with so much 
 fidelity and address that whatever powers were in league with 
 himself and his country, either overcame their adversaries or 
 remained uninjured by his alliance; and whoever were op- 
 posed to him, lost either their time, money, or territory. 
 
 Of this the Venetians afford a sufificient proof, who, while 
 in league with him against Duke Filippo were always victori- 
 ous, but apart from him were always conquered; first by 
 Filippo and then by Francesco. When they joined Alfonso 
 against the Florentine Republic, Cosmo, by his commercial 
 credit, so drained Naples and Venice of money that they were 
 glad to obtain .peace upon any terms it was thought proper 
 to grant. Whatever difficulties he had to contend with, whether 
 within the city or without, he brought to a happy issue, at 
 once glorious to himself and destructive to his enemies; so 
 that civil discord strengthened his government in Florence, 
 and war increased his power and reputation abroad. He added 
 to the Florentine dominions the Borgo of St. Sepolcro, Mon- 
 tedoglio, the Casentino, and Val di Bagno. His virtue and 
 good-fortune overcame all his enemies and exalted his friends. 
 He was born in the year 1389, on the day of the saints Cosmo 
 and Damiano. His earlier years were full of trouble, as his 
 exile, captivity, and personal danger fully testify; and having 
 gone to the Council of Constance, with Pope John, in order 
 to save his life, after the ruin of the latter, he was obliged to 
 escape in disguise. But after the age of forty, he enjoyed the 
 greatest felicity ; and not only those who assisted him in pub- 
 lic business, but his agents who conducted his commercial spec- 
 ulations throughout Europe, participated in his prosperity. 
 Hence many enormous fortunes took their origin in different 
 families of Florence, as in that of the Tornabuoni, the Benci, 
 the Portinari, and the Sassetti. 
 
1464] SAYINGS OF COSMO 347 
 
 Besides these, all who depended upon his advice and patron- 
 age became rich; and, though he was constantly expending 
 money in building churches, and in charitable purposes, he 
 sometimes complained to his friends that he had never been 
 able to lay out so much in the service of God as to find the 
 balance in his own favor, intimating that all he had done or 
 could do was still unequal to what the Almighty had done 
 for him. He was of middle stature, olive complexion, and 
 venerable aspect; not learned but exceedingly eloquent, en- 
 dowed with great natural capacity, generous to his friends, 
 kind to the poor, comprehensive in discourse, cautious in ad- 
 vising, and in his speeches and replies grave and witty. When 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi, at the beginning of his exile, sent to 
 him to say, " The hen has laid," he replied, " She did ill to 
 lay so far from the nest." Some other of the rebels gave him 
 to understand they were " not dreaming." He said, " he be- 
 lieved it, for he had robbed them of their sleep." When Pope 
 Pius was endeavoring to induce the different governments to 
 join in an expedition against the Turks, he said " he was an 
 old man, and had undertaken the enterprise of a young one." 
 To the Venetian ambassadors who came to Florence with those 
 of King Alfonso, to complain of the republic, he uncovered his 
 head, and asked them what color it was ; they said, " White " : 
 he replied, " it is so ; and it will not be long before your Sena- 
 tors have heads as white as mine." A few hours before his 
 death, his wife asked him why he kept his eyes shut, and he 
 said, " To get them in the way of it." Some citizens saying 
 to him, after his return from exile, that he injured the city, 
 and that it was offensive to God to drive so many religious 
 persons out of it, he replied that "it was better to injure 
 the city than to' ruin it ; that two yards of rose-colored cloth 
 would make a gentleman, and that it required something more 
 to direct a government than to play with a string of beads." 
 These words gave occasion to his enemies to slander him, as 
 a man who loved himself more than his country, and was more 
 attached to this world than to the next. Many others of his, 
 sayings might be adduced, but we shall omit them as unneces- 
 sary. 
 
 Cosmo was a friend and patron of learned men. He brought 
 Argiripolo, a Greek by birth, and one of the most erudite of 
 
348 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1464 
 
 his time, to Florence, to instruct the youth in Hellenic litera- 
 ture. He entertained Marsilio Ficino, the reviver of the Pla- 
 onic philosophy, in his own house, and, being much attached 
 to him, gave him a residence near his palace at Careggi, that 
 he might pursue the study of letters with greater convenience, 
 and himself have an opportunity of enjoying his company. 
 His prudence, his great wealth, the uses to which he applied 
 it, and his splendid style of living, caused him to be beloved 
 and respected in Florence, and obtained for him the highest 
 consideration, not only among the princes and governments of 
 Italy, but throughout all Europe. He thus laid a foundation 
 for his descendants, which enabled them to equal him in virtue, 
 and greatly surpass him in fortune; while the authority they 
 possessed in Florence and throughout Christendom was not 
 obtained without being merited. Toward the close of his life 
 he suffered great affliction; for, of his two sons, Piero and 
 Giovanni, the latter, of whom he entertained his greatest hopes, 
 died; and the former was so sickly as to be unable to attend 
 either to public or private business. On being carried from 
 one apartment to another, after Giovanni's death, he remarked 
 to his attendants, with a sigh, " This is too large a house for 
 so small a family." His great mind also felt distressed at the 
 idea that he had not extended the Florentine dominions by any 
 valuable acquisition ; and he regretted it the more, from imag- 
 ining he had been deceived by Francesco Sforza, who, while 
 count, had promised that if he became Lord of Milan he 
 would undertake the conquest of Lucca for the Florentines, a 
 design, however, that was never realized ; for the count's ideas 
 changed upon his becoming duke; he resolved to enjoy in 
 peace the power he had acquired by war, and would not again 
 encounter its fatigues and dangers unless the welfare of his 
 own dominions required it. 
 
 This was a source of much annoyance to Cosmo, who felt 
 he had incurred great expense and trouble for an ungrateful 
 and perfidious friend. His bodily infirmities prevented him 
 from attending either to public or private affairs, as he had 
 been accustomed, and he consequently witnessed both going to 
 decay; for Florence was ruined by her own citizens, and his 
 fortune by his agents and children. 
 
 Cosmo died, however, at the zenith of his glory, and in the 
 
1464] FUNERAL OF COSMO 349 
 
 enjoyment of the highest renown. The city, and all the Chris- 
 tian princes, condoled with his son Piero for his loss. His 
 funeral was conducted with the utmost pomp and solemnity, 
 the whole city following his corpse to the tomb in the church 
 of St. Lorenzo, on which, by public decree, was inscribed, 
 " Father of his Country." If, in speaking of Cosmo's ac- 
 tions, I have rather imitated the biographies of princes than 
 general history, it need not occasion wonder ; for of so extra- 
 ordinary an individual I was compelled to speak with unusual 
 praise. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 The Duke of Milan Becomes Lord of Genoa — ^The King of Naples and 
 the Duke of Milan Endeavor to Secure their Dominions to their 
 Heirs — Jacopo Piccinino Honorably Received at Milan, and Shortly 
 afterward Murdered at Naples — Fruitless Endeavors of Pius II to 
 Excite Christendom against the Turks — Death of Francesco Sforza, 
 Duke of Milan — Periidious Counsel Given to Piero de' Medici by 
 Diotisalvi Neroni — Conspiracy of Diotisalvi and Others against Piero 
 — Futile Attempts to Appease the Disorders — Public Spectacles — 
 Projects of the Conspirators against Piero de' Medici — Niccolo 
 Fedini Discloses to Piero the Plots of his Enemies. 
 
 WHILE Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis 
 XI of France was involved in very serious troubles 
 with his barons, who, with the assistance of Francis, 
 Duke of Brittany, and Charles, Duke of Burgundy, were in 
 arms against him. This attack was so serious that he was un- 
 able to render further assistance to John of Anjou in his en- 
 terprise against Genoa and Naples, and, standing in need of 
 all the forces he could raise, he gave over Savona (which still 
 remained in the power of the French) to the Duke of Milan, 
 and also intimated that, if he wished, he had his permission to 
 undertake the conquest of Genoa. 
 
 Francesco accepted the proposal, and with the influence af- 
 forded by the King's friendship, and the assistance of the 
 Adorni, he became Lord of Genoa. In acknowledgment of this 
 benefit, he sent 1,500 horse into France for the King's service, 
 under the command of Galeazzo, his eldest son. Thus Fer- 
 rando of Arragon and Francesco Sforza became, the latter 
 Duke of Lombardy and Prince of Genoa, and the former sov- 
 ereign of the whole Kingdom of Naples. Their families being 
 allied by marriage, they thought they might so confirm their 
 power as to secure to themselves its enjoyment during life, 
 and at their death its unencumbered reversion to their heirs. 
 To attain this end they considered it necessary that the King 
 should remove all ground of apprehension from those barons 
 
 350 
 
1465] DEATH OF JACOPO AND FRANCESCO 351 
 
 who had offended him in the war of John of Anjou, and that 
 the duke should extirpate the adherents of the Bracceschi, the 
 natural enemies of his family, who, under Jacopo Piccinino, 
 had attained the highest reputation. The latter was now the 
 first general in Italy, and possessing no territory, he naturally 
 excited the apprehension of all who had dominions, and espe- 
 cially of the duke, who, conscious of what he had himself done, 
 thought he could neither enjoy his own estate in safety, nor 
 leave them with any degree of security to his son during 
 Jacopo's lifetime. The King, therefore, strenuously endeav- 
 ored to come to terms with his barons, and using his utmost 
 ingenuity to secure them, succeeded in his object; for they 
 perceived their ruin to be inevitable if they continued at war 
 with their sovereign, though from submission and confidence 
 in him they would still have reason for apprehension. Man- 
 kind are always most eager to avoid a certain evil ; and hence 
 inferior powers are easily deceived by princes. The barons, 
 conscious of the danger of continuing the war, trusted the 
 King's promises, and having placed themselves in his hands 
 they were soon after destroyed in various ways and under a 
 variety of pretexts. This alarmed Jacopo Piccinino, who was 
 with his forces at Sulmona; and to deprive the King of the 
 opportunity of treating him similarly, he endeavored, by the 
 mediation of his friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, 
 by the most liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, 
 accompanied by only 100 horse. 
 
 Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother, 
 first under Duke Filippo, and afterward under the Milanese 
 Republic, so that by frequent intercourse with the citizens he 
 had acquired many friends and universal popularity, which 
 present circumstances tended to increase ; for the prosperity 
 and newly acquired power of the Sforzeschi had occasioned 
 envy, while Jacopo's misfortunes and long absence had given 
 rise to compassion and a great desire to see him. These various 
 feelings were displayed upon his arrival; for nearly all the 
 nobility went to meet him ; the streets through which he passed 
 were filled with citizens, anxious to catch a glimpse of him, 
 while shouts of " The Bracceschi ! the Bracceschi ! " resounded 
 on all sides. These honors accelerated his ruin ; for the duke's 
 apprehensions increased his desire of destroying him; and to 
 
352 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1465 
 
 effect this with the least possible suspicion, Jacopo's marriage 
 with Drusiana, the duke's natural daughter, who had been 
 promised to him long before, was now celebrated. The duke 
 then arranged with Ferrando to take him into pay, with the 
 title of captain of his forces, and give him 100,000 florins for 
 his maintenance. After this agreement, Jacopo, accompanied 
 by a ducal ambassador and his wife Drusiana, proceeded to 
 Naples, where he was honorably and joyfully received, and 
 for many days entertained with every kind of festivity; but 
 having asked permission to go to Sulmona, where his forces 
 were, the King invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the 
 conclusion of which he and his son Francesco were impris- 
 oned, and shortly afterward put to death. It was thus our 
 Italian princes, fearing those virtues in others which they them- 
 selves did not possess, extirpated them; and hence the coun- 
 try became a prey to the efforts of those by whom it was not 
 long afterward oppressed and ruined. 
 
 At this time, Pope Pius II having settled the affairs of Ro- 
 magna, and witnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable 
 opportunity to lead the Christians against the Turks, and 
 adopted measures similar to those which his predecessors had 
 used. All the princes promised assistance either in men or 
 money; while Matthias, King of Hungary, and Charles, Duke 
 of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the enterprise 
 in person, and were by the Pope appointed leaders of the expedi- 
 tion. The pontiff was so full of expectation, that he left Rome 
 and proceeded to Ancona, where it had been arranged that the 
 whole army should be assembled, and the Venetians engaged 
 to send ships thither to convey the forces to Sclavonia. Upon 
 the arrival of the Pope in that city, there was soon such a 
 concourse of people that in a few days all the provisions it con- 
 tained, or that could be procured from the neighborhood, were 
 consumed, and famine began to impend. Besides this, there 
 was no money to provide those who were in want of it, nor 
 arms to furnish such as were without them. Neither Matthias 
 nor Charles made their appearance. The Venetians sent a cap- 
 tain with some galleys, but rather for ostentation and the sake 
 of keeping their word than for the purpose of conveying troops. 
 During this position of affairs, the Pope, being old and infirm, 
 died, and the assembled troops returned to their homes. The 
 
1464] PERFIDY OF DIOTISALVI 353 
 
 death of the pontiff occurred in 1464, and Paul II, of Vene- 
 tian origin, was chosen to succeed him; and that nearly all 
 the principalities of Italy might change their rulers about the 
 same period, in the following year Francesco Sforza, Duke of 
 Milan, also died, having occupied the dukedom sixteen years, 
 and Galeazzo, his son, succeeded him. 
 
 The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the 
 Florentine dissensions, and caused them to produce more 
 prompt effects than they would otherwise have done. Upon 
 the demise of Cosmo, his son Piero, being heir to the wealth 
 and government of his father, called to his assistance Dio- 
 tisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highest repu- 
 tation, in whom Cosmo reposed so much confidence that just 
 before his death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided 
 by him, both with regard to the government of the city and 
 the management of his fortune. Piero acquainted Diotisalvi 
 with the opinion Cosmo entertained of him, and said that as 
 he wished to obey his father, though now no more, as he 
 always had while alive, he should consult him concerning both 
 his patrimony and the city. Beginning with his private affairs, 
 he caused an account of all his property, liabilities, and assets 
 to be placed in Diotisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaint- 
 ance with the state of his affairs, he might be able to afford 
 suitable advice, and the latter promised to use the utmost care. 
 Upon examination of these accounts the affairs were found to 
 be in great disorder, and Diotisalvi, instigated rather by his 
 own ambition than by attachment to Piero or gratitude to 
 Cosmo, thought he might without difficulty deprive him of 
 both the reputation and the splendor which his father had left 
 him as his inheritance. In order to realize his views, he waited 
 upon Piero, and advised him to adopt a measure which, while 
 it appeared quite correct in itself, and suitable to existing cir- 
 cumstances, involved a consequence destructive to his author- 
 ity. He explained the disorder of his affairs, and the large 
 amount of money it would be necessary to provide, if he 
 wished to preserve his influence in the state and his reputa- 
 tion of wealth, and said there was no other means of remedy- 
 ing these disorders so just and available as to call in the sums 
 which his father had lent to an infinite number of persons, both 
 foreigners and citizens; for Cosmo, to acquire partisans in 
 23 
 
354 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1465 
 
 Florence and friends abroad, was extremely liberal of his 
 money, and the amount of loans due to him was enormous. 
 Piero thought the advice good, because he was only desirous 
 to repossess his own property to meet the demands to which 
 he was liable; but as soon as he had ordered those amounts 
 to be recalled, the citizens, as if he had asked for something 
 to which he had no kind of claim, took great offence, loaded 
 him with opprobrious expressions, and accused him of being 
 avaricious and ungrateful. 
 
 Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, 
 occasioned by his own advice, obtained an interview with Lucca 
 Pitti, Agnolo Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and they re- 
 solved to unite their efforts to deprive him both of the gov- 
 ernment and his influence. Each was actuated by a different 
 motive; Lucca Pitti wished to take the position Cosmo had 
 occupied, for he was now become so great that he disdained 
 to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, who knew Lucca unfit 
 to be at the head of a government, thought that of necessity, 
 on Piero's removal, the whole authority of the state would de- 
 volve upon himself; Niccolo Soderini desired the city to en- 
 J joy greater liberty, and for the laws to be equally binding upon 
 tall, Agnolo Acciajuoli was greatly incensed against the 
 Medici, for the following reasons: his son, Raffaello, had 
 some time before married Alessandra de' Bardi, and received 
 with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault or the 
 misconduct of others, suffered much ill-treatment both from 
 her father-in-law and her husband, and in consequence Lo- 
 renzo d' Ilarione, her kinsman, out of pity for the girl, being 
 accompanied by several armed men, took her away from Ag- 
 nolo's house. The Acciajuoli complained of the injury done 
 them by the Bardi, and the matter was referred to Cosmo, who 
 decided that the Acciajuoli should restore to Alessandra her 
 fortune, and then leave it to her choice either to return to her 
 husband or not, Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this in- 
 stance, treated him as a friend; and having been unable to 
 avenge himself on the father, he now resolved to do his utmost 
 to ruin the son. 
 
 These conspirators, although each was influenced by a dif- 
 ferent motive from the rest, affected to have only one object 
 in view, which was that the city should be governed by the 
 
1465] FESTIVALS AT FLORENCE 355 
 
 magistrates, and not be subjected to the counsels of a few 
 individuals. The odium against Piero, and opportunities of 
 injuring him, were increased by the number of merchants who 
 failed about this time; for it was reported that he, in hav- 
 ing, quite unexpectedly to all, resolved to call in his debts, 
 had, to the disgrace and ruin of the city, caused them to be- 
 come insolvent. To this was added his endeavor to obtain 
 Clarice degli Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son; and 
 hence his enemies took occasion to say it was quite clear that 
 as he despised a Florentine alliance, he no longer considered 
 himself one of the people, and was preparing to make himself 
 prince; for he who refuses his fellow-citizens as relatives 
 desires to make them slaves, and therefore cannot expect to 
 have them as friends. The leaders of the sedition thought they 
 had the victory in their power ; for the greater part of the citi- 
 zens followed them, deceived by the name of liberty which 
 they, to give their purpose a graceful covering, adopted upon, 
 their ensigns. 
 
 In this agitated state of the city, some, to whom civil dis- 
 cord was extremely offensive, thought it would be well to 
 endeavor to engage men's minds with some new occupation, 
 because when unemployed they are commonly led by whoever 
 chooses to excite them. To divert their attention from mat- 
 ters of government, it being now a year since the death of 
 Cosmo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to 
 the most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was 
 represented the arrival of the three kings from the East, led 
 by the star which announced the nativity of Christ; which 
 was conducted with such pomp and magnificence that the 
 preparations for it kept the whole city occupied many months. 
 The other was a tournament (for so they call the exhibition 
 of equestrian combats), in which the sons of the first fami- 
 lies in the city took part with the most celebrated cavaliers of 
 Italy. Among the most distinguished of the Florentine youth 
 was Lorenzo, eldest son of Piero, who, not by favor, but by 
 his own personal valor, obtained the principal prize. When 
 "these festivals were over, the citizens reverted to the same 
 thoughts which had previously occupied them, and each pur- 
 sued his ideas with greater earnestness than ever. 
 
 Serious differences and troubles were the result; and these 
 
356 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1465 
 
 were greatly increased by two circumstances: one of which 
 was, that the authority of the balia had expired; the other, 
 that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo, the new 
 duke, sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements 
 of his father with the city, which, among other things, pro- 
 vided that every year a certain sum of money should be paid 
 to the duke. The principal opponents of the Medici took occa- 
 sion, from this demand, to make public resistance in the coun- 
 cils, on pretence that the alliance was made with Francesco 
 and not with Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead, the 
 obligation had ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive 
 it, because Galeazzo did not possess his father's talents, and 
 consequently they neither could nor ought to expect the same 
 benefits from him; that if they had derived little advantage 
 from Francesco, they would obtain still less from Galeazzo; 
 and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his own pur- 
 poses, it was contrary to civil rule, and inconsistent with the 
 public liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would 
 be very impolitic to lose such an alliance from mere avarice, 
 and that there was nothing so important to the republic, and to 
 the whole of Italy, as their alliance with the duke; that the 
 Venetians, while they were united, could not hope either by 
 feigned friendship or open war to injure the duchy; but as 
 soon as they perceived the Florentines alienated from him they 
 would prepare for hostilities, and, finding him young, new in 
 the government, and without friends, they would, either by 
 force or fraud, compel him to join them; in which case the 
 ruin of the republic would be inevitable. 
 
 The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the ani- 
 mosity of the parties began to be openly manifested in their 
 nocturnal assemblies; the friends of the Medici meeting in 
 the Crocetta, and their adversaries in the Pieta. The latter 
 being anxious for Piero's ruin, had induced many citizens to 
 subscribe their names as favorable to the undertaking. Upon 
 one occasion, particularly when considering the course to be 
 adopted, although all agreed that the power of the Medici 
 ought to be reduced, different opinions were given concerning 
 the means by which it should be eflFected ; one party, the most 
 temperate and reasonable, held that as the authority of the 
 balia had ceased, they must take care to prevent its renewal; 
 
1465] PLOTS AGAINST PIERO 357 
 
 it would then be found to be the universal wish that the magis- 
 trates and councils should govern the city, and in a short time 
 Piero's power would be visibly diminished, and, as a conse- 
 quence of his loss of influence in the government, his com- 
 mercial credit would also fail; for his affairs were in such a 
 state that if they could prevent him from using the public 
 money his ruin must ensue. They would thus be in no further 
 danger from him, and would succeed in the recovery of their I 
 liberty, without the death or exile of any individual; but if j 
 they attempted violence they would incur great dangers: for 
 mankind are willing to allow one who falls of himself to meet 
 his fate, but if pushed down they would hasten to his relief; 
 so that if they adopted no extraordinary measures against him, 
 he will have no reason for defence or aid; and if he were to 
 seek them it would be greatly to his own injury, by creating 
 such a general suspicion as would accelerate his ruin, and jus- 
 tify whatever course they might think proper to adopt. 
 
 Many of the assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy 
 method of proceeding ; they thought delay would be favorable 
 to him and injurious to themselves ; for if they allowed mat- 
 ters to take their ordinary course, Piero would be in no danger 
 whatever, while they themselves would incur manyj for the 
 magistrates who were opposed to him would allow him to rule 
 the city, and his friends would make him a prince, and their 
 own ruin would be inevitable, as happened in 1458 ; and though 
 the advice they had just heard might be most consistent with 
 good-feeling, the present would be found to be the safest; 
 that it would therefore be best, while the minds of men were 
 yet excited against him, to effect his destruction. It must be 
 their plan to arm themselves, and engage the assistance of 
 the Marquis of Ferrara, that they might not be destitute of 
 troops; and if a favorable signory were drawn, they would 
 be in condition to make use of them. They therefore de- 
 termined to wait the formation of the new signory, and be 
 governed by circumstances. 
 
 ■ Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had acted 
 as president of their assemblies. He, being induced by most 
 certain hopes, disclosed the whole affair to Piero, and gave 
 him a list of those who had subscribed their names, and also 
 of the conspirators. Piero was alarmed on discovering the 
 
3s8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1465 
 
 number and quality of those who were opposed to him; and 
 by the advice of his friends he resolved to take the signatures 
 of those who were inclined to favor him. Having employed 
 one of his most trusty confidants to carry this design into 
 effect, he found so great a disposition to change and instabil- 
 ity, that many who had previously set down their names among 
 the number of his enemies, now subscribed them in his favor. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Niccolo Soderini Drawn Gonfalonier of Justice — Great Hopes Excited 
 in Consequence — The Two Parties Take Arras — The Fears of the 
 Signory — Their Conduct with Regard to Piero — Piero's Reply to the 
 Signory— Reform of Government in Favor of Piero de' Medici — 
 Dispersion of his Enemies— Fall of Lucca Pitti— Letter of Agnolo 
 Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici— Piero's Answer — Designs of the 
 Florentine Exiles — They Induce the Venetians to Make War on 
 Florence. 
 
 IN the midst of these events, the time arrived for the renewal 
 of the supreme magistracy; and Niccolo Soderini was 
 drawn gonfalonier of justice. It was surprising to see 
 by what a concourse, not only of distinguished citizens, but 
 also of the populace, he was accompanied to the palace; and 
 while on the way thither an olive wreath was placed upon 
 his head, to signify that upon him depended the safety and lib- 
 erty of the city. This, among many similar instances, serves 
 to prove how undesirable it is to enter upon office or power 
 exciting inordinate expectations; for, being unable to fulfil 
 them (many looking for more than it is possible to perform), 
 shame and disappoinment are the ordinary results. Tommaso 
 and Niccolo Soderini were brothers. Niccolo was the more 
 ardent and spirited, Tommaso the wiser man, who, being very 
 much the friend of Piero, and knowing that his brother de- 
 sired nothing but the liberty of the city and the stability of 
 the republic, without injury to any, advised him to make new 
 squittini, by which means the election purses might be filled 
 with the names of those favorable to his design. Niccolo took 
 his brother's advice, and thus wasted the period of his mag- 
 istracy in vain hopes, which his friends, the leading conspira- 
 tors, allowed him to do from motives of envy ; for they were 
 unwilling that the government should be reformed by the au- 
 thority of Niccolo, and thought they would be in time enough 
 to effect their purpose under another gonfalonier. Thus the 
 
 359 
 
360 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1466 
 
 magistracy of Niccolo expired; and having commenced many 
 things without completing aught, he retired from office with 
 much less credit than he had entered upon it. 
 
 This circumstance caused the aggrandizement of Piero's 
 party, whose friends entertained stronger hopes, while those 
 who had been neutral or wavering became his adherents; so 
 that both sides being balanced, many months elapsed without 
 any open demonstration of their particular designs. Piero's 
 party continuing to gather strength, his enemies' indignation 
 increased in proportion; and they now determined to effect 
 by force what they either could not accomplish or were unwill- 
 ing to attempt by the medium of the magistrates, which was 
 the assassination of Piero, who lay sick at Careggi, and to 
 this end order the Marquis of Ferrara nearer to the city with 
 his forces, that after Piero's death he might lead them into the 
 piazza, and thus compel the signory to form a government 
 according to their own wishes; for though all might not be 
 friendly, they trusted they would be able to induce those to 
 submit by fear who might be opposed to them from principle. 
 
 Diotisalvi, the better to conceal his design, frequently vis- 
 ited Piero, conversed with him respecting the union of the city, 
 and advised him to effect it. The conspirators' designs had 
 already been fully disclosed to Piero; besides this, Domenico 
 Martelli had informed him, that Francesco Neroni, the brother 
 of Diotisalvi, had endeavored to induce him to join them, as- 
 suring him the victory was certain, and their object all but 
 attained. Upon this, Piero resolved to take advantage of his 
 enemies' tampering with the Marquis of Ferrara, and be first 
 in arms. He therefore intimated that he had received a letter 
 from Giovanni Bentivogli, Prince of Bologna, which informed 
 him that the Marquis of Ferrara was upon the river Albo, at 
 the head of a considerable force, with the avowed intention 
 of leading it to Florence; that upon this advice he had taken 
 up arms ; after which, in the midst of a strong force, he came 
 to the city, when all who were disposed to support him armed 
 themselves also. The adverse party did the same, but not in 
 such good order, being unprepared. The residence of Dio- 
 tisalvi being near that of Piero, he did not think himself safe 
 in it, but first went to the palace and begged the signory would 
 endeavor to induce Piero to lay down his arms, and thence 
 
1466] PIERO TAKES ARMS 361 
 
 to Lucca Pitti, to keep him faithful in their cause. Niccolo 
 Soderini displayed the most activity; for taking arms, and 
 being followed by nearly all the plebeians in his vicinity, he 
 proceeded to the house of Lucca, and begged that he would 
 mount his horse, and come to the piazza in support of the 
 signory, who were, he said, favorable, and that the victory 
 would, undoubtedly, be on their side ; that he should not stay 
 in the house to be basely slain by their armed enemies, or ig- 
 nominiously deceived by those who were unarmed ; for, in that 
 case, he would soon repent of having neglected an opportu- 
 nity irrecoverably lost ; that if he desired the forcible ruin of 
 Piero, he might easily effect it; and that if he were anxious 
 for peace, it would be far better to be in a condition to pro- 
 pose terms than to be compelled to accept any that might be 
 offered. These words produced no effect upon Lucca, whose 
 mind was now quite made up ; he had been induced to desert 
 his party by new conditions and promises of alliance from 
 Piero; for one of his nieces had been married to Giovanni 
 Tornabuoni. He, therefore, advised Niccolo to dismiss his 
 followers and return home, telling him he ought to be satis- 
 fied, if the city were governed by the magistrates, which would 
 certainly be the case, and that all ought to lay aside their weap- 
 ons; for the signory, most of whom were friendly, would de- 
 cide their differences. Niccolo, finding him impracticable, re- 
 turned home ; but before he left, he said : " I can do the city 
 no good alone, but I can easily foresee the evils that will be- 
 fall her. This resolution of yours will rob our country of her 
 liberty; you will lose the government, I shall lose my prop- 
 erty, and the rest will be exiled." 
 
 During this disturbance, the signory closed the palace, and 
 kept their magistrates about them, without showing favor to 
 either party. The citizens, especially those who had followed 
 Lucca Pitti, finding Piero fully prepared and his adversaries 
 unarmed, began to consider, not how they might injure him, 
 but how, with least observation, glide into the ranks of his 
 friends. The principal citizens, the leaders of both factions, 
 assembled in the palace in the presence of the signory, and 
 spoke respecting the state of the city and the reconciliation of 
 parties; and as the infirmities of Piero prevented him from 
 being present, they, with one exception, unanimously deter- 
 
362 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1466 
 
 mined to wait upon him at his house. Niccolo Soderini having 
 first placed his children and his effects under the care of his 
 brother Tommaso, withdrew to his villa, there to await the 
 event, but apprehended misfortune to himself and ruin to his 
 country. The other citizens coming into Piero's presence, one 
 of them, who had been appointed spokesman, complained of 
 the disturbances that had arisen in the city, and endeavored 
 to show that those must be most to blame who had been first 
 to take up arms ; and, not knowing what Piero (who was evi- 
 dently the first to do so) intended, they had come in order 
 to be informed of his design, and, if it had in view the wel- 
 fare of the city, they were desirous of supporting it. 
 
 Piero replied that not those who first take arms are the most 
 to blame, but those who give the first occasion for it, and if 
 they would reflect a little on their mode of proceeding toward 
 himself, they would cease to wonder at what he had done; 
 for they could not fail to perceive that nocturnal assemblies, 
 the enrolment of partisans, and attempts to deprive him both 
 of his authority and his life, had caused him to take arms; 
 and they might further observe that as his forces had not 
 quitted his own house, his design was evidently only to defend 
 himself and not to injure others. He neither sought nor de- 
 sired anything but safety and repose ; neither had his conduct 
 ever manifested a desire for aught else ; for when the author- 
 ity of the balia expired, he never made any attempt to renew 
 it, and was very glad the magistrates had governed the city 
 and been content. They might also remember that Cosmo and 
 his sons could live respected in Florence, either with the balia 
 or without it, and that in 1458, it was not his family, but them- 
 selves, who had renewed it. That if they did not wish for 
 it at present, neither did he; but this did not satisfy them; 
 for he perceived they thought it impossible to remain in Flor- 
 ence while he was there. It was entirely beyond all his an- 
 ticipations that his own or his father's friends should think 
 themselves unsafe with him in Florence, having always shown 
 himself quiet and peaceable. He then addressed himself to 
 Diotisalvi and his brothers, who were present, reminding them 
 with grave indignation of the benefits they had received from 
 Cosmo, the confidence he had reposed in them and their sub- 
 sequent ingratitude; and his words so strongly excited some 
 
1466] REFORM OF GOVERNMENT 363 
 
 present, that had he not interfered they would certainly have 
 torn the Neroni to pieces on the spot. He concluded by say- 
 ing that he should approve of any determination of themselves 
 and the signory; and that for his own part, he only desired 
 peace and safety. After this, many things were discussed, but 
 nothing determined, excepting generally that it was necessary 
 to reform the administration of the city and government. 
 
 The gonfalon of justice was then in the hands of Bernardo 
 Lotti, a man not in the confidence of Piero, who was there- 
 fore disinclined to attempt aught while he was in office; but 
 no inconvenience would result from the delay, as his magis- 
 tracy was on the point of expiring. Upon the election of 
 signors for the months of September and October, 1466, 
 Roberto Lioni was appointed to the supreme magistracy, and 
 as soon as he assumed its duties, every requisite arrangement 
 having been previously made, the people were called to the 
 piazza, and a new balia created, wholly in favor of Piero, who 
 soon afterward filled all the offices of government according 
 to his own pleasure. 
 
 These transactions alarmed the leaders of the opposite fac- 
 tion, and Agnolo Acciajuoli fled to Naples, Diotisalvi Neroni 
 and Niccolo Soderini to Venice. Lucca Pitti remained in Flor- 
 ence, trusting to his new relationship and the promises of Piero. 
 The refugees were declared rebels, and all the family of the 
 Neroni were dispersed. Giovanni di Neroni, then Archbishop 
 of Florence, to avoid a greater evil, became a voluntary exile 
 at Rome ; and to many other citizens who fled, various places 
 of banishment were appointed. Nor was this considered suffi- 
 cient ; for it was ordered that the citizens should go in solemn 
 procession to thank God for the preservation of the govern- 
 ment and the reunion of the city, during the performance of 
 which, some were taken and tortured, and part of them after- 
 ward put to death and exiled. In this great vicissitude of af- 
 fairs, there was not a more remarkable instance of the un- 
 certainty of fortune than Lucca Pitti, who soon found the 
 difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His 
 house now presented only a vast solitude, where previously 
 crowds of citizens had assembled. In the streets, his friends 
 and relatives, instead of accompanying, were afraid even to 
 salute him. Some of them were deprived of the honors of 
 
364 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1466 
 
 government, others of their property, and all alike threatened. 
 The superb edifices he had commenced were abandoned by the 
 builders; the benefits that had been conferred upon him were 
 now exchanged for injuries, the honors for disgrace. Hence 
 many of those who had presented him with articles of value 
 now demanded them back again, as being only lent ; and those 
 who had been in the habit of extolling him as a man of sur- 
 passing excellence, now termed him violent and ungrateful. 
 So that, when too late, he regretted not having taken the ad- 
 vice of Niccolo Soderini, and preferred an honorable death in 
 battle, than to a life of ignominy among his victorious enemies. 
 
 The exiles now began to consider various means of recover- 
 ing that citizenship which they had not been able to preserve. 
 However, Agnolo Acciajuoli being at Naples, before he at- 
 tempted anything else, resolved to sound Piero, and try if he 
 could effect a reconciliation. For this purpose, he wrote to 
 him in the following terms : 
 
 " I cannot help laughing at the freaks of fortune, perceiv- 
 ing how, at her pleasure, she converts friends into enemies, 
 and enemies into friends. You may remember that during 
 your father's exile, regarding more the injury done to him 
 than my own misfortunes, I was banished, and in danger of 
 death, and never during Cosmo's life failed to honor and sup- 
 port your family; neither have I since his death ever enter- 
 tained a wish to injure you. True, it is, that your own sick- 
 ness, and the tender years of your sons, so alarmed me that I 
 judged it desirable to give such a form to the government that 
 after your death our country might not be ruined ; and hence, 
 the proceedings, which not against you, but for the safety of 
 the state, have been adopted, which, if mistaken, will surely 
 obtain forgiveness, both for the good design in view and on 
 account of my former services. Neither can I apprehend that 
 your house, having found me so long faithful, should now 
 prove unmerciful, or that you could cancel the impression of 
 so much merit for so small a fault." 
 
 Piero replied : " Your laughing in your present abode is 
 the cause why I do not weep, for were you to laugh in Flor- 
 ence, I should have to weep at Naples. I confess you were 
 well disposed toward my father, and you ought to confess you 
 were well paid for it ; and the obligation is so much the greater 
 
1466] AGNOLO'S PLOTS 365 
 
 on your part than on ours, as deeds are of greater value than 
 words. Having been recompensed for your good wishes, it 
 ought not to surprise you that you now receive the due reward 
 of your bad ones. Neither will a pretence of your patriotism 
 excuse you, for none will think the city less beloved or benefited 
 by the Medici than by the Acciajuoli. It, therefore, seems 
 but just that you should remain in dishonor at Naples, since 
 you knew not how to live with honor at home." 
 
 Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome, where, 
 joining the archbishop and other refugees, they used every 
 available means to injure the commercial credit of the Medici 
 in that city. Their attempts greatly annoyed Piero; but by 
 his friends' assistance, he was enabled to render them abortive. 
 Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini strenuously urged the 
 Venetian Senate to make war upon their country, calculating 
 that in case of an attack, the government, being new and un- 
 popular, would be unable to resist. At this time there resided 
 at Ferrara, Giovanni Francesco, son of Palla Strozzi, who, 
 with his father, was banished from Florence in the changes of 
 1434. He possessed great influence, and was considered one 
 of the richest merchants. The newly banished pointed out to 
 Giovanni Francesco how easily they might return to their coun- 
 try, if the Venetians were to undertake the enterprise, and that 
 it was most probable they would do so, if they had pecuniary 
 assistance, but that otherwise it would be doubtful. 
 
 Giovanni Francesco, wishing to avenge his own injuries, at 
 once fell in with their ideas, and promised to contribute to the 
 success of the attempt all the means in his power. On this they 
 went to the Doge, and complained of the exile they were com- 
 pelled to endure, for no other reason, they said, than for hav- 
 ing wished their country should be subject to equal laws, and 
 that the magistrates should govern, not a few private indi- 
 viduals; that Piero de' Medici with his adherents, who were 
 accustomed to act tyrannically, had secretly taken up arms, 
 deceitfully induced them to lay their own aside, and thus, by 
 fraud, expelled them from their country ; that, not content with 
 this, they made the Almighty himself a means of oppression 
 to several, who, trusting to their promises, had remained in 
 the city and were there betrayed ; for, during public worship 
 and solemn supplications, that the Deity might seem to partici- 
 
366 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1466 
 
 pate in their treachery, many citizens had been seized, impris- 
 oned, tortured, and put to death ; thus affording to the world 
 a horrible and impious precedent. To avenge themselves for 
 these injuries, they knew not where to turn with so much hope 
 of success as to the Senate, which, having always enjoyed their 
 liberty, ought to compassionate those who had lost it. They 
 therefore called upon them as free men to assist them against 
 tyrants; as pious, against the wicked; and would remind the 
 Venetians, that it was the family of the Medici who had robbed 
 them of their dominions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish 
 of the other citizens, and who, in opposition to the interests of 
 the Senate, had favored and supported Francesco, so that if 
 the exiles' distresses could not induce them to undertake the 
 war, the just indignation of the people of Venice and their 
 desire of vengeance ought to prevail. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 War between the Venetians and the Florentine: — Peace Reestablished 
 — Death of Niccolo Soderini — His Character — Excesses in Florence 
 —Various External Events from 1468 to 1471 — Accession of Sixtus 
 IV — His Character — Grief of Piero de' Medici for the Violence Com- 
 mitted in Florence — His Speech to the Principal Citizens — Plans of 
 Piero de' Medici for the Restoration of Order — His Death and 
 Character — Tommaso Soderini, a Citizen of Great Reputation, De- 
 clares Himself in Favor of the Medici — Disturbances at Prato Oc- 
 casioned by Bernardo Nardi. 
 
 THE concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced 
 the utmost excitement among the Venetian Senators, 
 and they resolved to send Bernardo Coglione, their 
 general, to attack the Florentine territory. The troops were 
 assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been sent by 
 Borgo, Marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostili- 
 ties, the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burnt 
 the Borgo of Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding coun- 
 try. But having expelled the enemies of Piero, renewed their 
 league with Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, and Ferrando, King of 
 Naples, they appointed to the command of their forces Feder- 
 igo, Count of Urbino ; and being thus on good terms with their 
 friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando 
 sent Alfonso, his eldest son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came in 
 person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled 
 at Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and sit- 
 uated among the roots of the Apennines which descend from 
 Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew 
 toward Imola. A few slight skirmishes took place between the 
 armies ; yet, in accordance with the custom of the times, neither 
 of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town, or gave the 
 other an opportunity of coming to a general engagement ; but 
 each kept within their tents, and conducted themselves with 
 most remarkable cowardice. This occasioned general dissat- 
 isfaction among the Florentines; for they found themselves 
 
 367 
 
368 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1467 
 
 involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage could 
 be derived. The magistrates complained of these spiritless 
 proceedings to those who had been appointed commissaries to 
 the expedition ; but they replied, that the entire evil was charge- 
 able upon the Duke Galeazzo, who, possessing great authority 
 and little experience, was unable to suggest useful measures, 
 and unwilling to take the advice of those who were more capa- 
 ble; and therefore any demonstration of courage or energy 
 would be impracticable so long as he remained with the army. 
 
 Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the duke, that his 
 presence with the forces was in many ways advantageous and 
 beneficial, and of itself sufiicient to alarm the enemy ; but they 
 considered his own safety, and that of his dominions, much 
 more important than their own immediate convenience ; because 
 so long as the former were safe the Florentines had nothing to 
 fear, and all would go well ; but if his dominions were to suffer, 
 they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They as- 
 sured him they did not think it prudent for him to be absent 
 so long from Milan, having recently succeeded to the govern- 
 ment, and being surrounded by many powerful enemies and 
 suspected neighlaors ; while any who were desirous of plotting 
 against him, had an opportunity of doing so with impunity. 
 They would, therefore, advise him to return to his territories, 
 leaving part of his troops with them for the use of the expedi- 
 tion. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who, in consequence, im- 
 mediately withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals being 
 now left without any hinderance, to show that the cause as- 
 signed for their inaction was the true one, pressed the enemy 
 more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement, which 
 continued half a day, without either party yielding. Some 
 horses were wounded, and prisoners taken, but no death oc- 
 curred. Winter having arrived, and with it the usual time for 
 armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew 
 to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of 
 the King and duke each to the territories of their sovereign. 
 As this attempt had nof occasioned any tumult in Florence, 
 contrary to the rebels' expectation, and the troops they had 
 hired were in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and 
 easily arranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of 
 hope, dispersed themselves in various places. Diotisalvi Neroni 
 
1468] PEACE RESTORED 369 
 
 withdrew to Ferrara, where he was received and entertained 
 by the Marquis Borso. Niccolo Soderini went to Ravenna, 
 where, upon a small pension allowed him by the Venetians, he 
 grew old and died. He was considered a just and brave man, 
 but over-cautious and slow to determine, a circumstance which 
 occasioned him, when gonfalonier of justice, to lose the oppor- 
 tunity of victory, which he would have gladly recovered when 
 too late. 
 
 Upon the restoration of peace, those who remained victorious 
 in Florence, as if unable to convince themselves they had con- 
 quered, unless they oppressed not merely their enemies, but all 
 whom they suspected, prevailed upon Bardo Altoviti, then gon- 
 falonier of justice, to deprive many of the honors of govern- 
 ment, and to banish several more. They exercised their power 
 so inconsiderately, and conducted themselves in such an arbi- 
 trary manner, that it seemed as if fortune and the Almighty 
 had given the city up to them for a prey. Piero knew little of 
 these things, and was unable to remedy even the little he knew, 
 on account of his infirmities ; his body being so contracted that 
 he could use no faculty but that of speech. All he could do 
 was to admonish the leading men, and beg they would conduct 
 themselves with greater moderation, and not by their violence 
 effect their country's ruin. In order to divert the city, he re- 
 solved to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo with Clarice 
 degli Orsini, with great splendor ; and it was accordingly sol- 
 emnized with all the display suitable to the exalted rank of the 
 parties. Feasts, dancing, and antique representations occupied 
 many days ; at the conclusion of which, to exhibit the grandeur 
 of the house of Medici and of the government, two military 
 spectacles were presented, one performed by men on horseback, 
 who went through the evolutions of a field engagement, and 
 the other representing the storming of a town ; everything be- 
 ing conducted with admirable order and the greatest imagina- 
 ble brilliancy. 
 
 During these transactions in Florence, the rest of Italy, 
 though at peace, was filled with apprehension of the power of 
 the Turks, who continued to attack the Christians, and had 
 taken Negropont, to the great disgrace and injury of the Chris- 
 tian name. About this time died Borso, Marquis of Ferrara, 
 who was succeeded by his brother Ercole. Gismondo da Rim- 
 24 
 
370 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1468 
 
 ini, the inveterate enemy of the Church, also expired, and his 
 natural brother Roberto, who was afterward one of the best 
 generals of Italy, succeeded him. Pope Paul died in the year 
 1471, and was succeeded by Sixtus IV, previously called Fran- 
 cesco da Savona, a man of the very lowest origin, who by his 
 talents had become general of the order of St. Francis, and 
 afterw;ard cardinal. He was the first who began to show how 
 far a pope might go, and how much that which was previously 
 regarded as sinful lost its iniquity when committed by a pontiff. 
 Among others of his family were Piero and Girolamo, who, 
 according to universal belief, were his sons, though he desig- 
 nated them by terms reflecting less scandal on his character. 
 Piero, being a priest, was advanced to the dignity of cardinal, 
 with the title of St. Sixtus. To Girolamo he gave the city of 
 Furli, taken from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose ancestors had held 
 that territory for many generations. This ambitious method 
 of procedure made him more regarded by the princes of Italy, 
 and all sought to obtain his friendship. The Duke of Milan 
 gave his natural daughter Caterina to Girolamo, with the city 
 of Imola, which he had taken from Taddeo degli Alidossi, as 
 her portion. New matrimonial alliances were formed between 
 the duke and King Ferrando ; Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, 
 the King's eldest son, being united to Giovan-Galeazzo, the 
 eldest son of the duke. 
 
 Italy being at peace, the principal employment of her princes 
 was to watch each other, and strengthen their own influence 
 by new alliances, leagues, or friendships. But in the midst of 
 this repose, Florence endured great oppression from her princi- 
 pal citizens, and the infirmities of Piero incapacitated him from 
 restraining their ambition. However, to relieve his conscience, 
 and, if possible, to make them ashamed of their conduct, he 
 sent for them to his house, and addressed them in the following 
 words : 
 
 " I never thought a time would come when the behavior of 
 my friends would compel me to esteem and desire the society 
 of my enemies, and wish that I had been defeated rather than 
 victorious; for I believed myself to be associated with those 
 who would set some bounds to their avarice, and who, after 
 having avenged themselves on their enemies, and lived in their 
 country with security and honor, would be satisfied. But now 
 
14681 DEATH OF PIERO 371 
 
 I find myself greatly deceived, unacquainted with the ambition 
 of mankind, and least of all with yours ; for, not satisfied with 
 being masters of so great a city, and possessing among your- 
 selves those honors, dignities, and emoluments which used to 
 be divided among many citizens; not contented with having 
 shared among a few the property of your enemies, or with being 
 able to oppress all others with public burdens, while you your- 
 selves are exempt from them and enjoy all the public offices of 
 profit, you must still further load everyone with ill-usage. You 
 plunder your neighbors of their wealth; you sell justice; you 
 evade the law; you oppress the timid and exalt the insolent. 
 Nor is there, throughout all Italy, so many and such shocking 
 examples of violence and avarice as in this city. Has our 
 country fostered us only to be her destroyer? Have we been 
 victorious only to effect her ruin? Has she honored us that 
 we may overwhelm her with disgrace? Now, by that faith 
 which is binding upon all good men, I promise you, that if you 
 still conduct yourselves so as to make me regret my victory, 
 I will adopt such measures as shall cause you bitterly to repent 
 of having misused it." 
 
 The reply of the citizens accorded with the time and circum- 
 stances, but they did not forego their evil practices ; so that, in 
 consequence, Piero sent for Agnolo Acciajuoli to come secretly 
 to Cafaggiolo, and discussed with him at great length the con- 
 dition of the city ; and doubtless, had he not been prevented by 
 death, he would have called home the exiles as a check upon 
 the rapine of the opposite party. But these honorable designs 
 were frustrated, for, sinking under bodily infirmities and men- 
 tal anguish, he expired in the fifty-third year of his age. His 
 goodness and virtue were not duly appreciated by his country, 
 principally from his having, until almost the close of his life, 
 been associated with Cosmo, and the few years he survived be- 
 ing spent in civil discord and constant debility. Piero was 
 buried in the church of St. Lorenzo, near his father, and his 
 obsequies were performed with all the pomp and solemnity due 
 to his exalted station. He left two sons, Lorenzo and Giuliano, 
 whose extreme youth excited alarm in the minds of thinking 
 men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness to the 
 republic. 
 
 Among the principal citizens in the government of Florence, 
 
372 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1469 
 
 and very superior to the rest, was Tommaso Soderini, whose 
 prudence and authority were well known, not only at home, 
 but throughout Italy. After Piero's death, the whole city 
 looked up to him ; many citizens waited upon him at his own 
 house, as the head of the government, and several princes ad- 
 dressed him by letter; but he, impartially estimating his own 
 fortune and that of the house of Medici, made no reply to the 
 princes' communications, and told the citizens it was not his 
 house, but that of the Medici, they ought to visit. To demon- 
 strate by his actions the sincerity and integrity of his advice, 
 he assembled all the heads of noble families in the convent of 
 St. Antonio, whither he also brought Lorenzo and Giuliano de' 
 Medici, and in a long and serious speech upon the state of the 
 city, the condition of Italy, and the views of her princes, he as- 
 sured them that if they wished to live in peace and unity in 
 Florence, free both from internal dissensions and foreign wars, 
 it would be necessary to respect the sons of Piero and support 
 the reputation of their house ; for men never regret their con- 
 tinuance in a course sanctioned by custom, while new methods 
 are soon adopted and as speedily set aside; and it has always 
 been found easier to maintain a power which by its continuance 
 has outlived envy, than to raise a new one, which innumerable 
 unforeseen causes may overthrow. When Tommaso had con- 
 cluded, Lorenzo spoke, and, though young, with such modesty 
 and discretion that all present felt a presentiment of his becom- 
 ing what he afterward proved to be ; and before the citizens de- 
 parted they swore to regard the youths as their sons, and the 
 brothers promised to look upon them as their parents. After 
 this, Lorenzo and Giuliano were honored as princes, and re- 
 solved to be guided by the advice of Tommaso Soderini. 
 
 While profound tranquillity prevailed both at home and 
 abroad, no wars disturbing the general repose, there arose an 
 unexpected disturbance, which came like a presage of future 
 evils. Among the ruined families of the party of Lucca Pitti, 
 was that of the Nardi ; for Salvestro and his brothers, the heads 
 of the house, were banished, and afterward declared rebels for 
 having taken part in the war under Bartolommeo Coglione. 
 Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro, was young, prompt, and 
 bold, and on account of his poverty, being unable to alleviate 
 the sorrows of exile, while the peace extinguished all hopes 
 
1469I BERNARDO'S DISAFFECTION 373 
 
 of his return to the city, he determined to attempt some means 
 of rekindling the war ; for a trifling commencement often pro- 
 duces great results, and men more readily prosecute what is 
 already begun than originate new enterprises. Bernardo had 
 many acquaintances at Prato, and still more in the district of 
 Pistoia, particularly among the Palandra, a family which, 
 though rustic, was very numerous, and, like the rest of the 
 Pistolesi, brought up to slaughter and war. These he knew 
 to be discontented, on account of the Florentine magistrates 
 having endeavored, perhaps too severely, to check their par- 
 tiality for inveterate feuds and consequent bloodshed. He was 
 also aware that the people of Parto considered themselves in- 
 jured by the pride and avarice of their governors, and that 
 some were ill-disposed toward Florence; therefore all things 
 considered, he hoped to be able to kindle a fire in Tuscany 
 (should Prato rebel) which would be fostered by so many, that 
 those who might wish to extinguish it would fail in the attempt. 
 He communicated his ideas to Diotisalvi Neroni, and asked 
 him, in case they should succeed in taking possession of Prato, 
 what assistance might be expected from the princes of Italy, 
 by his means? Diotisalvi considered the enterprise as immi- 
 nently dangerous, and almost impracticable; but since it pre- 
 sented a fresh chance of attaining his object, at the risk of 
 others, he advised him to proceed, and promised certain assist- 
 ance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could retain Prato not 
 less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom this promise inspired 
 with a lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to Prato, and 
 communicated with those most disposed to favor him, among 
 whom were the Palandra; and having arranged the time and 
 plan, informed Diotisalvi of what had been done. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Bernardo Takes Possession of Prato, but Is Not Assisted by the In- 
 habitants — He Is Taken, and the T-umuIt Appeased — Corruption of 
 Florence — The Duke of Milan in Florence — The Church of Santo 
 Spirito Destroyed by Fire — The Rebellion of Volterra, and the Cause 
 of It — Volterra Reduced to Obedience by Force, in Accordance with 
 the Advice of Lorenzo de' Medici — Volterra Pillaged. 
 
 CESARE PETRUCCI held the office of Provost of Prato 
 for the Florentine people at this period. It is cus- 
 tomary with governors of towns, similarly situated, to 
 keep the keys of the gates near their persons; and whenever, 
 in peaceful times, they are required by any of the inhabitants, 
 for entrance or exit, they are usually allowed to be taken. 
 Bernardo was aware of this custom, and about daybreak pre- 
 sented himself at the gate which looks toward Pistoia, accom- 
 panied by the Palandra and about loo persons, all armed. 
 Their confederates within the town also armed themselves, and 
 one of them asked the governor for the keys, alleging, as a 
 pretext, that someone from the country wished to enter. The 
 governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion, sent a servant 
 with them. When at a convenient distance, they were taken 
 by the conspirators, who, opening the gates, introduced Ber- 
 nardo and his followers. They divided themselves into two 
 parties, one of which, led by Salvestro, an inhabitant of Prato, 
 took possession of the citadel ; the other, following Bernardo, 
 seized the palace, and placed Cesare with all his family in the 
 custody of some of their number. They then raised the cry 
 of libertv^ and proceeded thrpdgh the town. It was now day, 
 and many of the inhabitants, hearing the disturbance, ran to the 
 piazza, where, learning that the fortress and the palace were 
 taken and the governor with all his people made prisoners, they 
 were utterly astonished, and could not imagine how it had oc- 
 curred. The eight citizens, possessing the supreme authority, 
 assembled in their palace to consider what was best to be done. 
 In the meantime, Bernardo and his followers, on going round 
 
 374 
 
I47I] BERNARDO ENTERS PRATO 37S 
 
 the town, found no encouragement, and being told that the 
 Eight had assembled, went and declared the nature of their 
 enterprise, which he said was to deliver the country from 
 slavery, reminding them how glorious it would be for those 
 who took arms to effect such an honorable object, for they 
 would thus obtain permanent repose and everlasting fame. He 
 called to recollection their ancient liberlv and present condition, 
 and assured them of certaifTarsiStanCejif they would only, for 
 a few days, aid in resisting the forces the Florentines might 
 send against them. He said he had friends in Florence who 
 would join them as soon as they found the inhabitants resolved 
 to support him. His speech did not produce the desired effect 
 upon the Eight, who replied that they knew not whether Flor- 
 ence was free or enslaved, for that was a matter which they 
 were not called upon to decide; but this they knew very well, 
 that for their own part, they desired no other l iberty than to 
 obey the magistrates who governed Florence, from whom they 
 had never received any injury sufficient to make them desire a 
 change. They therefore advised him to set the governor at 
 liberty, clear the place of his people, and, as quickly as possible, 
 wTtE^w from the danger he had so rashly incurred. 
 
 Bernardo was not daunted by these words, but determined 
 to try whether fear could influence the people of Prato since 
 entreaties produced so little effect. In order to terrify them, 
 he determined to put Cesare to death, and having brought him 
 out of prison, ordered him to be hanged at the windows of the 
 palace. He was already led to the spot with a halter around 
 his neck, when seeing Bernardo giving directions to hasten 
 his end, he turned to him, and said : 
 
 " Bernardo, you put me to death, thinking that the people of 
 Prato will follow you ; but the direct contrary will result ; for 
 the respect they have for the rectors which the Florentine peo- 
 ple send here is so great, that as soon as they witness the injury 
 inflicted upon me, they will conceive such a disgust against 
 you as will inevitably effect your ruin. Therefore, it is not 
 by my death, but by the preservation of my life, that you can 
 attain the object you have in view ; for if I deliver your com- 
 mands, they will be much more readily obeyed, and, following 
 your directions, we shall soon attain the completion of your 
 design," 
 
376 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1471 
 
 Bernardo, whose mind was not fertile in expedients, thought 
 the advice good, and commanded Cesare, on being conducted 
 to a veranda which looked upon the piazsa, to order the peo- 
 ple to Prato to obey him, and having done which, Cesare was 
 led back to prison. 
 
 The weakness of the conspirators was obvious; and many 
 Florentines residing in the town, assembled together, among 
 whom, Giorgio Ginori, a knight of Rhodes, took arms first 
 against them, and attacked Bernardo, who traversed the piazza, 
 alternately entreating and threatening those who refused to 
 obey him, and, being surrounded by Giorgio's followers, he was 
 wounded and made prisoner. This being done, it was easy to 
 set the governor at liberty and subdue the rest, who, being few, 
 and divided into several parties, were nearly all either secured 
 or slain. An exaggerated report of these transactions reached 
 Florence, it being told there that Prato was taken, the governor 
 and his friends put to death, and the place filled with the enemy ; 
 and that Pistoia was also in arms, and most of the citizens in 
 the conspiracy. In consequence of this alarming account, the 
 palace was quickly filled with citizens, who consulted with the 
 signory what course ought to be adopted. At this time, Rob- 
 erto da San Severino, one of the most distinguished generals 
 of this period, was at Florence, and it was therefore determined 
 to send him, with what forces could be collected, to Prato, with 
 orders that he should approach the place, particularly observe 
 what was going on, and provide such remedies as the necessity 
 of the case and his own prudence should suggest. Roberto 
 had scarcely passed the fortress of Campi, when he was met by 
 a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Ber- 
 nardo was taken, his followers either dispersed or slain, and 
 everything restored to order. He consequently returned to 
 Florence, whither Bernardo was shortly after conveyed, and 
 when questioned by the magistracy concerning the real motives 
 of such a weak conspiracy, he said he had undertaken it, be- 
 cause, having resolved to die in Florence rather than live in 
 exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memora- 
 ble action. 
 
 This disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at 
 the same time, the citizens returned to their accustomed mode 
 of life, hoping to enjoy, without anxiety, the state they had now 
 
1474] VOLTERRA REBELS 377 
 
 established and confirmed. Hence arose many of those evils 
 which usually result from peace ; for the youth having become 
 more dissolute than before, more extravagant in dress, feasting, 
 and other licentiousness, and being without employment, 
 wasted their time and means on gaming and women; their 
 principal study being how to appear splendid in apparel, and 
 attain a crafty shrewdness in discourse; he who could make 
 the most poignant remark being considered the wisest, and 
 being most respected. These manners derived additional en- 
 couragement from the followers of the Duke of Milan, who, 
 with his duchess and the whole ducal court, as it was said, to 
 fulfil a vow, came to Florence, where he was received with all the 
 pomp and respect due to so great a prince, and one so intimately 
 connected with the Florentine people. Upon this occasion the 
 city witnessed an unprecedented exhibition; for, during Lent, 
 when the Church commands us to abstain from animal food, 
 the Milanese, jvithout respect for either God or His Church, 
 ate of it daily. Many spectacles were exhibited in honor of the 
 duke, and among others, in the church of Santo Spirito, was 
 represented the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the apostles ; 
 and in consequence of the numerous fires used upon the occa- 
 sion, some of the wood-work became ignited, and the church 
 was completely destroyed by the flames. Many thought that 
 the Almighty, being offended at our misconduct, took this 
 method of signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the duke 
 found the city full of courtly delicacies, and customs unsuitable 
 to well-regulated conduct, he left it in a much worse state. 
 Hence the good citizens thought it necessary to restrain these 
 improprieties, and made a law to put a stop to extravagance in 
 dress, feasts, and funerals. 
 
 In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected 
 disturbance arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra 
 had discovered an alum mine in their district, and being aware 
 of the profit derivable from it, in order to obtain the means of 
 working and securing it, they applied to some Florentines, and 
 allowed them to share in the profits. This, as is frequently 
 the case with new undertakings, at first excited little attention 
 from the people of Volterra; but in time, finding the profits 
 derived from it had become considerable, they fruitlessly en- 
 deavored to effect what at first might have been easily accom- 
 
378 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i474 
 
 plished. They began by agitating the question in their Coun- 
 cils, declaring it grossly improper that a source of wealth 
 discovered in the public lands should be converted to the emolu- 
 ment of private individuals. They next sent advocates to 
 Florence, and the question was referred to the consideration of 
 certain citizens, who, either through being bribed by the party 
 in possession, or from a sincere conviction, declared the aim 
 of the people of Volterra to be unjust in desiring to deprive 
 their citizens of the fruit of their labor; and decided that the 
 alum pit was the rightful property of those who had hitherto 
 wrought it ; but, at the same time, recommended them to pay 
 an annual sum by way of acknowledgment to the city. This 
 answer, instead of abating, served only to increase the animosi- 
 ties and tumult in Volterra, and absorbed entire attention both 
 in the Councils and throughout the city ; the people demanding 
 the restitution of what they considered their due, and the pro- 
 prietors insisting upon their right to retain what they had origi- 
 nally acquired, and what had subsequently been confirmed to 
 them by the decision of the Florentines. In the midst of these 
 disturbances, a respectable citizen, named II Pecorino, was 
 killed, together with several others, who had embraced the 
 same side, whose houses were also plundered and burnt; and 
 the fury of the mob rose to such a height, that they were with 
 difficulty restrained from putting the Florentine rectors to 
 death. 
 
 After the first outrage, the Volterrani immediately deter- 
 mined to send ambassadors to Florence, who intimated, that if 
 the signory would allow them their ancient privileges, the city 
 would remain subject to them as formerly. Many and various 
 were the opinions concerning the reply to be made. Tommaso 
 Soderini advised that they should accept the submission of the 
 people of Volterra, upon any conditions with which they were 
 disposed to make it ; for he considered it unseasonable and un- 
 wise to kindle a flame so near home that it might burn their 
 own dwelling; he suspected the Pope's ambition, and was ap- 
 prehensive of the power of the King; nor could he confide in 
 the friendship either of the duke or the Venetians, having no 
 assurance of the sincerity of the latter, or the valor of the 
 former. He concluded by quoting that trite proverb, " Meglio 
 un magro accordo che una grassa vittoria."* On the other 
 
 * " A lean peace i§ better than a fat victory," 
 
1474] PILLAGE OF VOLTERRA 379 
 
 hand, Lorenzo de' Medici, thinking this an opportunity for 
 exhibiting his prudence and wisdom, and being strenuously 
 supported by those who envied the influence of Tommaso 
 Soderini, resolved to march against them, and punish the 
 arrogance of the people of Volterra with arms ; declaring that 
 if they were not made a striking example, others would, with- 
 out the least fear or respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt 
 a similar course. The enterprise being resolved on, the Vol- 
 terrani were told that they could not demand the observance 
 of conditions which they themselves had broken, and therefore 
 must either submit to the discretion of the signory or expect 
 war. With this answer they returned to their city, and pre- 
 pared for its defence; fortifying the place, and sending to all 
 the princes of Italy to request assistance, none of whom listened 
 to them, except the Siennese and the Lord of Piombino, who 
 gave them some hope of aid. 
 
 The Florentines, on the other hand, thinking success depend- 
 ent principally upon celerity, assembled 10,000 foot and 2,000 
 horse, who, under the command of Federigo, Lord of Urbino, 
 marched into the country of Volterra, and quickly took entire 
 possession of it. They then encamped before the city, which, 
 being in a lofty situation, and precipitous on all sides, could 
 only be approached by a narrow pass near the Church of St. 
 Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for their defence 
 about 1,000 mercenaries, who, perceiving the great superiority 
 of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and were tardy 
 in their defensive operations, but indefatigable in the constant 
 injuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus 
 these poor citizens were harassed by the enemy without, and by 
 their own soldiery within ; so, despairing of their safety, they 
 began to think of a capitulation; and, being unable to obtain 
 better terms, submitted to the discretion of the Florentine com- 
 missaries, who ordered the gates to be opened, and introduced 
 the greater part of their forces. They then proceeded to the 
 palace, and commanded the priors to retire to their homes ; and, 
 on the way thither, one of them was in derision stripped by the 
 soldiers. From this beginning (so much more easily are men 
 predisposed to evil than to good) originated the pillage and 
 destruction of the city; which for a whole day suffered the 
 greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being 
 
380 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1474 
 
 spared ; and the soldiery, those engaged for its defence as well 
 as its assailants, plundered all that came within their reach. 
 The news of this victory was received with great joy at Flor- 
 ence, and as the expedition had been undertaken wholly by the 
 advice of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which 
 one of the intimate friends of Tommaso Soderini, reminding 
 him of the advice he had given, asked him what he thought of 
 the taking of Volterra ; to which he replied : " To me the place 
 seems rather lost than won ; for had it been received on equita- 
 ble terms, advantage and security would have been the result ; 
 but having to retain it by force, it will in critical junctures occa- 
 sion weakness and anxiety, and, in times of peace, injury and 
 expense." 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Origin of the Animosity between Sixtus IV and Lorenzo de' Medici 
 — Carlo di Braccio da Perugia Attacks the Siennese — Carlo Retires 
 by Desire of the Florentines — Conspiracy against Galeazzo, Duke 
 of Milan— His Vices— He is Slain by the Conspirators— Their 
 Deaths. 
 
 THE Pope, anxious to retain the territories of the Church 
 in obedience, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for hav- 
 ing, through internal factions, fallen into rebellion. 
 Citta di Castello being in the same state of contumacy, he be- 
 sieged that place ; and Niccolo Vitelli, its prince, being on inti- 
 mate terms with Lorenzo de' Medici, obtained assistance from 
 him, which, though inadequate, was quite enough to originate 
 that enmity between Sixtus IV and the Medici afterward pro- 
 ductive of such unhappy results. Nor would this have been 
 so long iri development had not the death of Frate Piero, Car- 
 dinal of St. Sixtus, taken place; who, after having travelled 
 over Italy and visited Venice and Milan (under the pretence of 
 doing honor to the marriage of Ercole, Marquis of Ferrara), 
 went about sounding the minds of the princes, to learn how 
 they were disposed toward the Florentines. But upon his re- 
 turn he died, not without suspicion of having been poisoned by 
 the Venetians, who found they would have reason to fear 
 Sixtus if he were allowed to avail himself of the talents and 
 exertions of Frate Piero. Although of very low extraction, 
 and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he had 
 no sooner attained the distinction of the scarlet hat, than he 
 exhibited such inordinate pride and ambition that the pontifi- 
 cate seemed too little for him, and he gave a feast in Rome 
 which would have seemed extraordinary even for a king, the 
 expense exceeding 20,000 florins. Deprived of this minister, 
 the designs of Sixtus proceeded with less promptitude. The 
 Florentines, the duke, and the Venetians having renewed their 
 league, and allowed the Pope and the King to join them if they 
 
 381 
 
382 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1476 
 
 thought proper, the two latter also entered into a league, reserv- 
 ing an opening for the others if they were desirous to become 
 parties to it. Italy was thus divided in two factions ; for cir- 
 cumstances daily arose which occasioned ill-feeling between 
 the two leagues ; as occurred with respect to the island of Cy- 
 prus, to which Ferrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. 
 Thus the Pope and the King became more closely united. 
 
 Federigo, Count of Urbino, was at this time one of the first 
 generals of Italy; and had long served the Florentines. In 
 order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league of their captain, 
 the Pope advised, and the King requested him to pay a visit 
 to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines, 
 Federigo complied, for they thought the same fate awaited him 
 as had befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was 
 quite dififerent ; for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly 
 honored, and with the appointment of general to their forces. 
 They also endeavored to gain over to their interests the Lords 
 of Romagna and the Siennese, that they might more easily in- 
 jure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of these things, used 
 their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against the ambi- 
 tion of their enemies ; and having lost Federigo d' Urbino, they 
 engaged Roberto da Rimino in his place, renewed the league 
 with the Perugini and formed one with the Prince of Faenza. 
 The Pope and the King assigned, as the reasons of their ani- 
 mosity against the Florentines, that they wished to withdraw 
 them from the Venetian alliance, and associate them with their 
 own league ; for the Pope did not think the Church could main- 
 tain her reputation, nor the Count Girolamo retain the states 
 of Romagna, while the Florentines and the Venetians remained 
 united. The Florentines conjectured their design was to set 
 them at enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake 
 of gaining their friendship as to be able the more easily to 
 injure them. Two years passed away in these jealousies and 
 discontents before any disturbance broke out; but the first 
 which occurred, and that but trivial, took place in Tuscany. 
 
 Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned as 
 one of the most distinguished warriors of Italy, left two sons, 
 Oddo and Carlo; the latter was of tender years; the former, 
 as above related, was slain by the people of Val di Lamona ; but 
 Carlo, when he came to mature age, was by the Venetians, out 
 
1476] CARLO BRACCIO IN TUSCANY 383 
 
 of respect for the memory of his father, and the hopes they 
 entertained from himself, received among the condottieri of 
 their repubHc. The term of his engagement having expired, 
 he did not design to renew it immediately, but resolved to try, 
 if, by his own influence and his father's reputation, he could 
 recover possession of Perugia. To this the Venetians will- 
 ingly consented, for they usually extended their dominion by 
 any changes that occurred in the neighboring States. Carlo 
 consequently came into Tuscany, but found more difficulties in 
 his attempt upon Perugia than he had anticipated, on account 
 of its being allied with the Florentines ; and desirous of doing 
 something worthy of memory, he made war upon the Siennese, 
 alleging them to be indebted to him for services performed by 
 his father in the affairs of that republic, and attacked them with 
 such impetuosity as to threaten the total overthrow of their 
 dominion. The Siennese, ever ready to suspect the Floren- 
 tines, persuaded themselves that this outrage had been commit- 
 ted with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the 
 Pope and the King against them. They also sent ambassadors 
 to Florence, to complain of the injuries they had suflfered, and 
 adroitly intimated that if Carlo had not been secretly supported 
 he could not have made war upon them with such perfect se- 
 curity. 
 
 The Florentines denied all participation in the proceedings 
 of Carlo, expressed their most earnest wish to do everything 
 in their power to put a stop to them, and allowed the ambassa- 
 dors to use whatever terms they pleased in the name of the 
 signory, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that 
 the Florentines, by their unwillingness to support him, had de- 
 prived themselves of a most valuable acquisition and him of 
 great glory ; for he could have insured them the possession of 
 the whole territory in a short time, from the want of courage 
 in the people, and the ineffectual provision they had made for 
 their defence. He then withdrew to his engagement under the 
 Venetians ; but the Siennese, although delivered from such im- 
 minent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignant 
 against them; considering themselves under no obligation to 
 those who had delivered them from an evil to which they had 
 first exposed them. 
 
 While the transactions between the King and the Pope were 
 
384 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1476 
 
 in progress, and those in Tuscany in the manner we have re- 
 lated, an event of greater importance occurred in Lombardy. 
 Cola Montano, a learned and ambitious man, taught the Latin 
 language to the youth of the principal families in Milan. Either 
 out of hatred to the character and manners of the duke, or 
 from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the condition 
 of those who live under a bad prince; calling those glorious 
 and happy who had the good-fortune to be born and live in a 
 republic. He endeavored to show that the most celebrated men 
 had been produced in republics, and not reared under princes ; 
 that the former cherish virtue, while the latter destroy it ; the 
 one deriving advantage from virtuous men, while the latter 
 naturally fear them. The youths with whom he was most inti- 
 mate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and 
 Girolamo Olgiato. He frequently discussed with them the 
 faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who 
 were subject to him ; and by constantly inculcating his princi- 
 ples, acquired such an ascendancy over their minds as to induce 
 them to bind themselves by oath to effect the duke's destruction, 
 as soon as they became old enough to attempt it. Their minds 
 being fully occupied with this design, which grew with their 
 years, the duke's conduct and their own private injuries served 
 to hasten its execution. 
 
 Galeazzo was licentious and cruel, of both which vices he had 
 given such repeated proofs that he became odious to all. Not 
 content with corrupting the wives of the nobility, he also took 
 pleasure in making it notorious ; nor was he satisfied with mur- 
 dering individuals unless he effected their deaths by some un- 
 usual cruelty. He was suspected of having destroyed his own 
 mother; for, not considering himself prince while she was 
 present, he conducted himself in such a manner as induced her 
 to withdraw from his court, and, travelling toward Cremona, 
 which she obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was 
 seized with a sudden illness, and died upon the road; which 
 made many think her son had caused her death. The duke 
 had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo in respect to their 
 wives or other female relatives, and had refused to concede to 
 Giovanni Andrea possession of the monastery of Miramondo, 
 of which he had obtained a grant from the Pope for a near rela- 
 tive. These private injuries increased the young men's desire 
 
1476] CONSPIRACY IN MILAN 385 
 
 for vengeance, and the deliverance of their country from so 
 many evils ; trusting that whenever they should succeed in de- 
 stroying the duke, many of the nobility and all the people would 
 rise in their defence. Being resolved upon their undertaking, 
 they were often together, which, on account of their long inti- 
 macy, did not excite any suspicion. They frequently discussed 
 the subject; and in order to famiUarize their minds with the 
 deed itself, they practised striking each other in the breast and 
 in the side with the sheathed daggers intended to be used for 
 the purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, 
 the castle seemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and 
 dangerous ; while going about the city for his own amusement, 
 difficult if not impracticable; and, at a banquet, of doubtful 
 result. They, therefore, determined to kill him upon the occa- 
 sion of some procession or public festivity when there would 
 be no doubt of his presence, and where they might under vari- 
 ous pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also resolved, that 
 if one of their number were prevented from attending, on any 
 account whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst 
 of their armed enemies. 
 
 It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and 
 as it was customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day, 
 in great solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they consid- 
 ered this the most suitable opportunity for the execution of 
 their design. Upon the morning of that day they ordered some 
 of their most trusty friends and servants to arm, telling them 
 they wished to go to the assistance of Giovanni Andrea, who, 
 contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors, intended to turn 
 a water-course into his estate ; but that before they went they 
 wished to take leave of the prince. They also assembled, under 
 various pretences, other friends and relatives, trusting that 
 when the deed was accomplished, everyone would join them in 
 the completion of their enterprise. It was their intention, after 
 the duke's death, to collect their followers together and proceed 
 to those parts of the city where they imagined the plebeians 
 would be most disposed to take arms against the duchess and 
 the principal ministers of state, and they thought the people, on 
 account of the famine which then prevailed, would easily be 
 induced to follow them ; for it was their design to give up the 
 houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco 
 25 
 
386 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1476 
 
 I Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be plundered, 
 and by this means gain over the populace and restore liberty 
 to the community. With these ideas, and with minds re- 
 solved upon their execution, Giovanni Andrea and all the 
 rest were early at the church, and heard mass together ; after 
 which, he, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, " O 
 patron of our city! thou knowest our intention, and the end 
 we would attain, by so many dangers ; favor our enterprise, and 
 prove, by protecting the oppressed, that tyranny is offensive to 
 thee." 
 
 To the duke, on the other hand, when intending to go to the 
 church, many omens occurred of his approaching death; for 
 in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as was his frequent 
 custom, he immediately took it off again, either because it in- 
 convenienced him or that he did not like its appearance. He 
 then wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest 
 who officiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had 
 taken with him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the 
 service to be performed by the Bishop of Como, who acquainted 
 him with preventing circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, 
 he determined to go to the church; but before his departure, 
 caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ermes, to be brought 
 to him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming 
 reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle, and, with 
 the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand, pro- 
 ceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid exciting 
 suspicion, and to escape the cold, which was very severe, had 
 withdrawn to an apartment of the arch-priest, who was a friend 
 of theirs ; but hearing the duke's approach, they came into the 
 church, Giovanni Andrea and Girolamo placing themselves 
 upon the right hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. 
 Those who led the procession had already entered, and 
 were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a multitude 
 as is usual on similar otcasions. The first attack was made by 
 Giovanni Andrea and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the 
 way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping their dag- 
 gers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed in the 
 sleeves of their vests, struck at him. The first gave him two 
 wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat. Girolamo 
 struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo Visconti, be- 
 
1476] GIROLAMO EXECUTED 387 
 
 ing nearer the door, and the duke having passed, could 
 not wound him in front ; but with two strokes, transpierced his 
 shoulder and spine. These six wounds were inflicted so in- 
 stantaneously that the duke had fallen before anyone was 
 aware of what had happened, and he expired, having only once 
 ejaculated the name of the Virgin, as if imploring her as- 
 sistance. 
 
 A great tumult immediately ensued, several swords were 
 drawn, and, as often happens in sudden emergencies, some fled 
 from the church, and others ran toward the scene of tumult, 
 both without any definite motive or knowledge of what had oc- 
 curred. Those, however, who were nearest the duke and had 
 seen him slain, recognizing the murderers, pursued them. Gio- 
 vanni Andrea, endeavoring to make his way out of the church, 
 proceeded among the women, who being numerous, and accord- 
 ing to their custom, seated upon the ground, was prevented in 
 his progress by their apparel, and being overtaken, he was 
 killed by a Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was slain 
 by those who were immediately around him. Girolamo Olgi- 
 ato passed through the crowd, and got out of the church ; but 
 seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where else to go, 
 he proceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to 
 receive him; his mother only, having compassion on her son, 
 recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, 
 disguising him in his own apparel, led him to his house. Here 
 he remained two days, not without hope that some disturbance 
 might arise in Milan which would contribute to his safety. 
 This not occurring, and apprehensive that his hiding-place 
 would be discovered, he endeavored to escape in disguise, but 
 being observed, he was given over to justice, and disclosed all 
 the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three 
 years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death than 
 resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his 
 apparel, and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by with 
 the sword unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated 
 the following words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well 
 versed:. "Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria 
 facti." 
 
 The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was con- 
 ducted with secrecy and executed with resolution; and they 
 
388 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1476 
 
 failed for want of the support of those whom they expected 
 would rise in their defence. Let princes therefore learn to live, 
 so as to render themselves beloved and respected by their sub- 
 jects, that none may have hope of safety after having destroyed 
 them ; and let others see how vain is the expectation which in- 
 duces them to trust so much to the multitude, as to believe, that 
 even when discontented, they will either embrace or ward off 
 their dangers. This event spread consternation all over Italy ; 
 but those which shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused 
 much more alarm, and terminated a peace of twelve years' con- 
 tinuance, as will be shown in the following book ; which, having 
 commenced with blood and horror, will have a melancholy and 
 tearful conclusion. 
 
BOOK VIII 
 
 TROUBLE AND FINAL TRIUMPH OF THE 
 
 MEDICI 
 
 1473-1492 
 
BOOK VIII 
 
 TROUBLE AND FINAL TRIUMPH OF THE MEDICI— 
 
 1473-1492 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 State of the Family of the Medici at Florence — Enmity of Sixtus IV 
 toward Florence — Differences between the Family of the Pazzi and 
 That of the Medici — Beginning of the Conspiracy of the Pazzi — 
 Arrangements to' Effect the Design of the Conspiracy — Giovan Ba- 
 tista da Montesecco is Sent to Florence — The Pope Joins the Con- 
 spiracy — The King of Naples Becomes a Party to it — Names of the 
 Conspirators — The Conspirators Make Many Ineffectual Attempts to 
 Kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici — Their Final Arrangement — 
 Order of the Conspiracy. 
 
 THIS book commencing between two conspiracies, the one 
 at Milan already narrated, the other yet to be recorded, 
 it would seem appropriate, and in accordance with our 
 usual custom, were we to treat of the nature and importance 
 of these terrible demonstrations. This we should willingly do 
 had we not discussed the matter elsewhere, or could it be com- 
 prised in few words. But requiring much consideration, and 
 being already noticed in another place, it will be omitted, and / 
 we shall proceed with our narrative. The government of the ■ 
 Medici having subdued all its avowed enemies in order to ob- 
 tain for that family undivided authority, and distinguish them 
 from other citizens in their relation to the rest, found it neces- 
 sary to subdue those who secretly plotted against them. While 
 the Medici contended with other families their equals in author- 
 ity and reputation, those who envied their power were able to 
 oppose them openly without danger of being suppressed at the 
 first demonstration of hostility ; for the magistrates being free, 
 neither party had occasion to fear, till one or other of them 
 was overcome. But after the victory of 1466, the government 
 
 391 
 
392 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i477 
 
 became so entirely centred in the Medici, and they acquired so 
 much authority, that discontented spirits were obliged either 
 to suffer in silence, or, if desirous to destroy them, to attempt 
 it in secrecy, and by clandestine means ; which plots rarely suc- 
 ceed, and most commonly involve the ruin of those concerned 
 in them, while they frequently contribute to the aggrandize- 
 ment of those against whom they are directed. Thus the 
 prince of a city attacked by a conspiracy, if not slain Uke the 
 Duke of Milan (which seldom happens), almost always attains 
 to a greater degree of power, and very often has his good dis- 
 position perverted to evil. The proceedings of his enemies 
 give him cause for fear ; fear suggests the necessity of provid- 
 ing for his own safety, which involves the injury of others; and 
 hence arise animosities, and not unfrequently his ruin. Thus 
 these conspiracies quickly occasion the destruction of their con- 
 trivers, and, in time, inevitably injure their primary object. 
 
 Italy, as we have seen before, was divided into two factions ; 
 the Pope and the King on one side ; on the other, the Venetians, 
 the duke, and the Florentines. Although the flames of war 
 had not yet broken out, every day gave rise to some new occa- 
 sion for rekindling them; and the Pope, in particular, in all 
 his plans endeavored to annoy the Florentine Government. 
 Thus Filippo de' Medici, Archbishop of Pisa, being dead, Fran- 
 cesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici, was appointed 
 his successor, contrary to the wish of the Signory of Florence, 
 who being unwilling to give him possession, there arose be- 
 tween them and the Pope many fresh grounds of offence, be- 
 fore the matter was settled. Besides this, he conferred, at 
 Rome, many favors upon the family of the Pazzi, and opposed 
 that of the Medici, whenever an opportunity offered. The 
 Pazzi were at this time, both on account of nobility of birth 
 and their great wealth, the most brilliant in Florence. The 
 head of this family was Jacopo, whom the people, on account 
 of his distinguished pre-eminence, had made a knight. He had 
 no children, except one natural daughter, but many nephews, 
 sons of his brothers Piero and Antonio, the first of whom were 
 Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and then, Andrea, 
 Niccolo, and Galeotto. Cosmo de' Medici, noticing the riches 
 and rank of this family, had given his granddaughter, Bianca, 
 to Guglielmo, hoping by this marriage to unite the houses, and 
 
1477] FACTIONS IN ITALY 393 
 
 obviate those enmities and dissensions so frequently occasioned 
 by jealousy. 
 
 However (so uncertain and fallacious are our expectations), 
 very different feelings were thus originated ; for Lorenzo's ad- 
 visers pointed out to him how dangerous it was, and how in- 
 jurious to his authority, to unite in the same individuals so 
 much wealth and power. In consequence, neither Jacopo nor 
 his nephews obtained those degrees of honor, which, in the 
 opinion of other citizens, were their due. This gave rise to 
 anger in the Pazzi, and fear on the part of the Medici ; as the 
 former of these increased, so did the latter ; and upon all occa- 
 sions, when the Pazzi came in competition with other citizens, 
 their claims to distinction, however strong, were set aside by 
 the magistracy. Francesco de' Pazzi, being at Rome, the 
 Council of Eight, upon some trivial occasion, compelled him 
 to return, without treating him with the respect usually ob- 
 served toward great citizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere 
 bitterly complained of the ill-usage they experienced, and thus 
 excited suspicion in others, and brought down greater evils 
 upon themselves. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter 
 of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man, whose riches, on 
 his decease, without other children, came to his daughter. His 
 nephew. Carlo, however, took possession of part, and the ques- 
 tion being Htigated, a law was passed, by virtue of which the 
 wife of Giovanni de' Pazzi was robbed of her inheritance, and 
 it was given to Carlo. In this piece of injustice, the Pazzi at 
 once recognized the influence of the Medici. Giuliano de' 
 Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo of the affair, 
 saying, he was afraid, that by grasping at too much they would 
 lose all. 
 
 Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the 
 direction of everything, and resolved that all transactions 
 should bear an impress of his influence. The Pazzi, with their 
 nobility and wealth unable to endure so many affronts, began to 
 devise some means of vengeance. The first who spoke of any 
 attempt against the Medici, was Francesco, who, being more 
 sensitive and resolute than the others, determined either to ob- 
 tain what was withheld from him, or lose what he still pos- 
 sessed. As the government of Florence gave him great of- 
 fence, he resided almost constantly at Rome, where, like other 
 
394 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i477 
 
 Florentine merchants, he conducted extensive commercial op- 
 erations ; and being a most intimate friend of Count Girolamo, 
 they frequently complained to each other of the conduct of the 
 Medici. After a while they began to think that for the count 
 to retain his estates, or the Pazzi their rights in the city, it 
 would be necessary to chinge the government of Florence; 
 and this they considered could not be done without the death 
 of Giuliano and Lorenzo. They imagined the Pope and the 
 King would be easily induced to consent, because each could 
 be convinced of the facility of the enterprise. Having acquired 
 these ideas, they communicated them to Francesco Salviati, 
 Archbishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious, and recently offend- 
 ed by the Medici, willingly adopted their views. Considering 
 their next step, they resolved, in order to facilitate the design, 
 to obtain the consent of Jacopo de' Pazzi, without whose "con- 
 currence they feared it would be impracticable. 
 
 With this view, it was resolved that Francesco de' Pazzi 
 should go to Florence, while the archbishop and the count were 
 to remain at Rome, to be ready to communicate with the Pope 
 when a suitable opportunity occurred. Francesco found Jacopo 
 de' Pazzi more cautious and difficult to persuade than he could 
 have wished, and on imparting this to his friends at Rome, ft 
 was thought he desired the sanction of some greater authority 
 to induce him to adopt their views. Upon this, the archbishop 
 and the count communicated the whole affair to Giovanni Ba- 
 tista da Montesecco, a leader of the papal forces, possessing 
 military reputation, and under obligations to the Pope and the 
 count. To him the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while 
 the archbishop endeavored to obviate his objections by showing 
 how much assistance the Pope and the King would lend to the 
 enterprise; the hatred of the Florentines toward the Medici, 
 the numerous friends the Salviati and the Pazzi would bring 
 with them, the readiness with which the young men might be 
 slain, on account of their going about the city unaccompanied 
 and without suspicion, and the facility with which the govern- 
 ment might then be changed. These things Giovanni Batista 
 did not in reality believe, for he had heard from many Floren- 
 tines quite contrary statements. 
 
 While occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, Lord of 
 Faenza, was taken ill, and fears were entertained for his life. 
 
1477] CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE MEDICI 395 
 
 This circumstance seemed to the archbishop and the count to 
 offer an opportunity for sending Giovanni Batista to Florence, 
 and thence to Romagna, under pretence- of recovering certain 
 territories belonging to the latter, of which the Lord of Faenza 
 had taken possession. The count therefore commissioned Gio- 
 vanni Batista to have an interview with Lorenzo de' Medici, 
 and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respect 
 to the affair of Romagna; that he should then see Francesco 
 de' Pazzi, and in conjunction with him endeavor to induce his 
 Uncle Jacopo to adopt their ideas. To render the Pope's au- 
 thority available in their behalf, Giovanni Batista was ordered, 
 before his departure, to communicate with the pontiff, who 
 offered every means at his disposal in favor of their enterprise. 
 Giovanni Batista, having arrived at Florence, obtained an inter- 
 view with Lorenzo, by whom he was most graciously received ; 
 and with regard to the advice he was commissioned to ask, ob- 
 tained a wise and friendly answer ; so that he was astonished at 
 finding him quite a different character from what he had been 
 represented, and considered him to possess great sagacity, an 
 affectionate heart, and most amicably disposed toward the 
 count. He found Francesco de' Pazzi had gone to Lucca, and 
 spoke to Jacopo, who was at first quite opposed to their de- 
 sign, but before they parted the Pope's authority seemed to 
 have influenced him; for he told Giovanni Batista that he 
 might go to Romagna, and that before his return Francesco 
 would be with him, and they would then consult more particu- 
 larly upon the subject. Giovanni Batista proceeded to Ro- 
 magna, and soon returned to Florence. After a pretended 
 consultation with Lorenzo, upon the count's affairs, he ob- 
 tained an interview with Francesco and Jacopo de' Pazzi, 
 when the latter gave his consent to their enterprise. 
 
 They then discussed the means of carrying it into effect. 
 Jacopo de' Pazzi was of opinion that it could not be effected 
 while both the brothers remained at Florence ; and therefore it 
 would be better to wait till Lorenzo went to Rome, whither it 
 was reported he had an intention of going ; for then their object 
 would be more easily attained. Francesco de' Pazzi had no 
 objection to Lorenzo being at Rome, but if he were to forego 
 the journey, he thought that both the brothers might be slain, 
 either at a marriage, or at a play, or in a church. With regard 
 
396 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1478 
 
 to foreign assistance, he supposed the Pope might assemble 
 forces for the conquest of the fortress of Montone, being justi- 
 fied in taking it from the Count Carlo, who had caused the 
 tumults already spoken of in Sienna and Perugia. Still no 
 definite arrangement was made ; but it was resolved that Gio- 
 vanni Batista and Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Rome and 
 settle everything with the pontiff. The matter was again de- 
 bated at Rome ; and at length it was concluded, that besides an 
 expedition against Montone, Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, a 
 leader of the papal troops, should go into Romagna, and Lo- 
 renzo da Castello to the Val di Tavere; that each, with the 
 forces of their country, should hold himself in readiness to per- 
 form the commands of the Archbishop de' Salviati and Fran- 
 cesco de' Pazzi, both of whom were to come to Florence, and 
 provide for the execution of their design, with the assistance 
 of Giovanni Batista da Montesecco. King Ferrando promised, 
 by his ambassador, to contribute all in his power to the success 
 of their undertaking. Francesco de' Pazzi and the archbishop 
 having arrived at Florence, prevailed upon Jacopo di Poggio, a 
 well-educated youth, but ambitious and very desirous of 
 change, to join them, and two others, each of the name of 
 Jacopo Salviati, one a brother, the other a kinsman, of the arch- 
 bishop. They also gained over Bernardo Bandini and Napo- 
 leone Franzesi, two bold young men, under great obligations 
 to the family of the Pazzi. Besides those already mentioned, 
 they were joined by Antonio da Volterra and a priest named 
 Stefano, who taught Latin to the daughter of Jacopo de' Pazzi. 
 Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man, being quite aware 
 of the evils resulting from such undertakings, refused all par- 
 ticipation in the conspiracy; he held it in abhorrence, and, as 
 much as possible, without betraying his kinsmen, endeavored 
 to counteract it. 
 
 The Pope had sent Raffaello di Riario, a nephew of Count 
 Girolamo, to the College of Pisa, to study canon law, and while 
 there, had advanced him to the dignity of a cardinal. The con- 
 spirators determined to bring this cardinal to Florence, as they 
 would thus be better able to conceal their design, since any per- 
 sons requisite to be introduced into the city might easily be 
 made to appear as a part of his retinue, and his arrival might 
 facilitate the completion of their enterprise. The cardinal 
 
1478] INCREASE OF CONSPIRATORS 397 
 
 came, and was received by Jacopo de' Pazzi at his villa of 
 Montughi, near Florence. By his means it was also intended 
 to bring together Giuliano and Lorenzo, and whenever this hap- 
 pened, to put them both to death. They therefore invited them 
 to meet the cardinal at their villa of Fiesole; but Giuliano, 
 either intentionally or through some preventing cause, did not 
 attend; and this design having failed,' they thought, that if 
 asked to an entertainment at Florence, both brothers would 
 certainly be present. With this intention they appointed Sun- 
 day, April 26, 1478, to give a great feast; and, resolving to 
 assassinate them at table, the conspirators met on the Saturday 
 evening, to arrange all proceedings for the following day. 
 
 In the morning, it was intimated to Francesco, that Giuliano 
 would be absent ; on which the conspirators again assembled, 
 and finding they could no longer defer the execution of their 
 design, since it would be impossible among so many to preserve 
 secrecy, they determined to complete it in the cathedral church 
 of Santa Reparata, where the cardinal attending, the two broth- 
 ers would be present as usual. They wished Giovanni Batista 
 da Montesecco to undertake the murder of Lorenzo, while that 
 of Giuliano was assigned to Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo 
 Bandini. Giovanni Batista refused, either because his famil- 
 iarity with Lorenzo had created feelings in his favor, or from 
 some other reason, saying he should not have resolution suffi- 
 cient to commit such a deed in a church, and thus add sacrilege 
 to treachery. This caused the failure of their undertaking; 
 for time pressing, they were compelled to substitute Antonio da 
 Volterra and Stefano, the priest, two men, who, from nature 
 and habit, were the most unsuitable of any ; for if firmness and 
 resolution joined with experience in bloodshed be necessary 
 upon any occasion, it is on such as these ; and it often happens 
 that those who are expert in arms, and have faced death in all 
 forms on the field of battle, still fail in an affair like this. Hav- 
 ing now decided upon the time, they resolved that the signal 
 for the attack should be the moment when the priest who cele- 
 brated high mass should partake of the sacrament, and that, 
 in the meantime, the Archbishop de' Salviati, with his fol- 
 lowers, and Jacopo di Poggio, should take possession of the 
 palace, in order that the signory, after the young men's death, 
 should voluntarily, or by force, contribute to their assistance. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 Giuliano de' Medici Slain— Lorenzo Escapes— The Archbishop de Sal- 
 viati Endeavors to Seize the Palace of the Signory- He is Taken 
 and Hanged— The Enterprise of the Conspirators Entirely Fails- 
 Manifestations of the Florentines in Favor of Lorenzo de' Medici 
 —The Conspirators Punished— The Funeral of Giuliano — The Pope 
 and the King of Naples Make War upon the Florentines— Florence 
 Excommunicated — Speech of Lorenzo de' Medici to the Citizens of 
 Florence. 
 
 THE conspirators proceeded to Santa Reparata, where the 
 cardinal and Lorenzo had already arrived. The 
 church was crowded^ and divine service commenced 
 before Giuliano's arrival. Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo 
 Bandini, who were appointed to be his murderers, went to his 
 house, and finding him, they, by earnest entreaties, prevailed 
 on him to accompany them. It is surprising that such intense 
 hatred, and designs so full of horror as those of Francesco and 
 Bernardo, could be so perfectly concealed ; for while conduct- 
 ing him to the church, and after they had reached it, they 
 amused him with jests and playful discourse. Nor did Fran- 
 cesco forget, under pretence of endearment, to press him in his 
 arms, so as to ascertain whether under his apparel he wore a 
 cuirass or other means of defence. Giuliano and Lorenzo were 
 both aware of the animosity of the Pazzi, and their desire to 
 deprive them of the government; but they felt assured' that any 
 design would be attempted openly, and in conjunction with the 
 civil authority. Thus being free from apprehension for their 
 personal safety, both affected to be on friendly terms with them. 
 The murderers being ready, each in his appointed station, 
 which they could retain without any suspicion, on account of 
 the vast numbers assembled in" the church, the preconcerted 
 moment arrived, and Bernardo Bandini, with a short dagger 
 provided for the purpose, struck Giuliano in the breast, who, 
 after a few steps, fell to the earth. Francesco de Pazzi threw 
 
 398 
 
1478] GIULIANO ASSASSINATED 399 
 
 himself upon the body and covered him with wounds ; while, as 
 if blinded by rage, he inflicted a deep incision upon his own leg. 
 Antonio and Stefano the priest attacked Lorenzo, and after 
 dealing many blows, effected only a slight incision in the throat ; 
 for either their want of resolution, the activity of Lorenzo, who, 
 finding himself attacked, used his arms in his own defence, or 
 the assistance of those by whom he was surrounded, rendered 
 all attempts futile. They fled and concealed themselves, but 
 being subsequently discovered^ were put to death in the most 
 ignominious manner, and their bodies dragged about the city. 
 Lorenzo, with the friends he had about him, took refuge in the 
 sacristy of the Church. Bernardo Bandini, after Giuliano's 
 death, also slew Francesco Nori, a most intimate friend of the 
 Medici, either from some previous hatred or for having en- 
 deavored to render assistance to Giuliano ; and not content with 
 these murders, he ran in pursuit of Lorenzo, intending, by his 
 own promptitude, to make up for the weakness and inefficiency 
 of the others ; but finding he had taken refuge in the vestry, he 
 was prevented. 
 
 In the midst of these violent and fearful deeds, during which 
 the uproar was so terrible that it seemed almost sufficient to 
 bring the church down upon its inmates, the Cardinal Riario 
 remained close to the altar, where he was with difficulty kept 
 in safety by the priests, until the signory, upon the abatement 
 of the disturbance, could conduct him to their palace, where 
 he remained in the utmost terror till he was set at liberty. 
 
 There were at this time in Florence some people of Perugia, 
 whom party feuds had compelled to leave their homes ; and the 
 Pazzi, by promising to restore them to their country, obtained 
 their assistance. The Archbishop de' Salviati going to seize 
 the palace, together with Jacopo di Poggio, and the Salviati his 
 friends, took these Perugini with him. Having arrived, he 
 left part of his people below, with orders, that when they heard 
 a noise they should make themselves masters of the entrance, 
 while himself, with the greater part of the Perugini, proceeded 
 above, and finding the signory at dinner (for it was now late), 
 was admitted after a short delay", by Cesare Petrucci, the gon- 
 falonier of justice. He entered with only a few of his fol- 
 lowers, the greater part of them being shut up in the cancelleria 
 into which they had gone, whose doors were so contrived, that 
 
40O THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1478 
 
 upon closing they could not be opened from either side, without 
 the key. The archbishop being with the gonfalonier, under 
 pretence of having something to communicate on the part of 
 the Pope, addressed him in such an incoherent and hesitating 
 manner, and with so many changes of countenance, that the 
 gonfalonier at once suspected him, and running out of the 
 chamber to call assistance, found Jacopo di Poggio, whom he 
 seized by the hair of the head, and gave into the custody of his 
 attendants. The signory hearing the tumult, snatched such 
 arms as they could at the moment obtain, and all who had gone 
 up with the archbishop, part of them being shut up, and part 
 overcome with terror, were immediately slain or thrown alive 
 out of the windows of the palace, at which the archbishop, the 
 two Jacopi Salviati, and Jacopo di Poggio were hanged. Those 
 whom the archbishop left below, having mastered the guard 
 and taken possession of the entrance, occupied all the lower 
 floors, so that the citizens, who in the uproar hastened to the 
 palace, were unable to give either advice or assistance to the 
 signory. 
 
 Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, perceiving Lo- 
 renzo's escape, and the principal agent in the enterprise seri- 
 ously wounded, became immediately conscious of the imminent 
 peril of their position. Bernardo, using the same energy in his 
 own behalf that had served him against the Medici, finding all 
 lost, saved himself by flight. Francesco, wounded as he was, 
 got to his house, and endeavored to get on horseback, for it 
 had been arranged they should ride through the city and call 
 the people to arms and liberty; but he found himself unable, 
 from the nature of his wound and the effusion of blood. He 
 then took off his clothes, and, throwing himself naked upon his 
 bed, begged Jacopo de' Pazzi to perform the part for which 
 he was himself incapacitated. Jacopo, though old and unac- 
 customed to such business, by way of making a last effort, 
 mounted his horse, and, with about 100 armed followers, col- 
 lected without previous preparation, hastened to the piazza of 
 I the palace, and endeavored to assemble adherents by cries of 
 " People! " and " Liberty! "but the former, having been ren- 
 dered deaf by the fortune and liberality of the Medici, the latter 
 was unknown in Florence, and he found no followers. The 
 signors, who held the upper part of the palace, saluted him 
 
1478] THE CONSPIRACY FAILS 401 
 
 with stones and threats. Jacopo, while hesitating, was met by 
 Giovanni Seristori, his brother-in-law, who upbraided him with 
 the troubles he had occasioned, and then advised him to go 
 home, for the people and liberty were as dear to other citizens 
 as to himself. Thus deprived of every hope, Lorenzo being 
 alive, Francesco seriously wounded, and none disposed to fol- 
 low him, not knowing what to do, he resolved, if possible, to 
 escape by flight ; and, accompanied by those whom he had led 
 into the piazza, left Florence with the intention of going into 
 Romagna. 
 
 In the meantime, the whole city was roused to arms, and 
 Lorenzo de' Medici, accompanied by a numerous escort, re- 
 turned to his house. The palace was recovered from its assail- 
 ants, all of whom were either slain or made prisoners. The 
 name of the Medici echoed everywhere, and portions of dead 
 bodies were seen borne on spears and scattered through the 
 streets ; while everyone was transported with rage against the 
 Pazzi, and pursued them with relentless cruelty. The people 
 took possession of their houses, and Francesco^ naked as they 
 found him, was led to the palace, and hanged beside the arch- 
 bishop and the rest. He could not be induced, by any injurious 
 words or deeds, either upon the way thither or afterward, to 
 utter a syllable, but regarding those around with a steady look, 
 he silently sighed. Guglielmo de' Pazzi, brother-in-law to Lo- 
 renzo, fled to the latter's house, and by his innocence and the 
 intercession of his wife, Bianca, he escaped death. There was 
 not a citizen of any rank whatever who did not, upon this occa- 
 sion, wait upon Lorenzo with an offer of his services ; so great 
 were the popularity and good-fortune which this family had 
 acquired by their liberality and prudence. 
 
 Rinato de' Pazzi was at his villa when the event took place, 
 and on being informed of it, he endeavored to escape in dis- 
 guise, but was arrested upon the road and brought to Florence. 
 Jacopo de' Pazzi was taken while crossing the Mountains of 
 Romagna, for the inhabitants of these parts having heard what 
 had occurred, and seeing him in flight, attacked and brought 
 him back to the city; nor could he, though he frequently en- 
 deavored, prevail with them to put him to death upon the road. 
 Jacopo and Rinato were condemned within four days after the 
 murder of Giuliano. And though so many deaths had been 
 26 
 
402 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1478 
 
 inflicted that the roads were covered with fragments of human 
 bodies, not one excited a feehng of regret except that of Rinato ; 
 for he was considered a wise and good man, and possessed none 
 of the pride for which the rest of his family were notorious. 
 As if to mark the event by some extraordinary circumstance, 
 Jacopo de' Pazzi, after having been buried in the tomb of his 
 ancestors, was disinterred like an excommunicated person, and 
 thrown into a hole at the outside of the city walls ; from this 
 grave he was taken, and with the halter in which he had been 
 hanged, his body was dragged naked through the city, and, as 
 if unfit for sepulture on earth, thrown by the populace into the 
 Arno, whose waters were then very high. 
 
 It was an awful instance of the instability of fortune, to see 
 so wealthy a man, possessing the utmost earthly felicity, 
 brought down to such a depth of misery, such utter ruin and 
 extreme degradation. It is said he had vices, among which 
 were gaming and profane swearing, to which he was very much 
 addicted ; but these seem more than balanced by his numerous 
 charities, for he relieved many in distress, and bestowed much 
 money for pious uses. It may also be recorded in his favor, 
 that upon the Saturday preceding the death of Giuliano, in 
 order that none might suffer from his misfortunes, he dis- 
 charged all his debts ; and whatever property he possessed be- 
 longing to others, either in his own house or his places of busi- 
 ness, he was particularly careful to return to its owners. Gio- 
 vanni Batista da Montesecco, after a long examination, was be- 
 headed; Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by flight; 
 Giulielmo de' Pazzi was banished, and such of his cousins as 
 remained alive were imprisoned in the fortress of Volterra. 
 The disturbances being over, and the conspirators punished, 
 the funeral obsequies of Giuliano were performed amid univer- 
 sal lamentation ; for he possessed all the liberality and humanity 
 that could be wished for in one of his high station. He left 
 a natural son, born some months after his death, named Giulio, 
 who was endowed with that virtue and felicity with which the 
 whole world is now acquainted; and of which we shall speak 
 at length when we come to our own times, if God spare us. 
 The people who had assembled in favor of the Pazzi under 
 Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan 
 Francesco da Tolentino in Romagna, approached Florence, but 
 
1479] ADDRESS OF LORENZO 403 
 
 having heard of the failure of the conspiracy, they returned 
 home. 
 
 The changes desired by the Pope and the King, in the gov- 
 ernment of Florence, not having taken place, they determined 
 to effect by war what they had failed to accomplish by 
 treachery; and both assembled forces with all speed to attack 
 the Florentine states ; publicly declaring, that they only wished 
 the citizens to remove Lorenzo de' Medici, who alone of all the 
 Florentines was their enemy. The King's forces had already 
 passed the Tronto, and the Pope's were in Perugia ; and that 
 the citizens might feel the effect of spiritual as well as temporal 
 weapons, the pontiff excommunicated and anathematized them. 
 Finding themselves attacked by so many armies, the Floren- 
 tines prepared for their defence with the utmost care. Lorenzo 
 de' Medici, as the enemy's operations were said to be directed 
 against himself alone, resolved first of all to assemble the sig- 
 nory, and the most influential citizens, in the palace, to whom, 
 being above 300 in number, he spoke as follows : 
 
 " Most Excellent Signors, and you. Magnificent Citizens, I 
 know not whether I have more occasion to weep with you for 
 the events which have recently occurred, or to rejoice in the 
 circumstances with which they have been attended. Certainly, 
 when I think with what virulence of united deceit and hatred 
 I have been attacked, and my brother murdered, I cannot but 
 mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet 
 when I consider with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and 
 unanimity of the whole city my brother has been avenged and 
 myself defended, I am not only compelled to rejoice, but feel 
 myself honored and exalted; for if experience has shown me 
 that I had more enemies than I apprehended, it has also proved 
 that I possess more warm and resolute friends than I could ever 
 have hoped for. I must therefore grieve with you for the in- 
 juries others have suffered, and rejoice in the attachment you 
 have exhibited toward myself ; but I feel more aggrieved by the 
 injuries committed, since they are so unusual, so unexampled, 
 and (as I trust you believe) so undeserved on our part. 
 
 " Think, Magnificent Citizens, to what a dreadful point ill- 
 fortune has reduced our family, when among friends, amid our 
 own relatives, nay, in God's holy temple, we have found our 
 greatest foes. Those who are in danger turn to their friends 
 
404 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i479 
 
 for assistance; they call upon their relatives for aid; but we 
 found ours armed, and resolved on our destruction. Those 
 who are persecuted, either from public or private motives, flee 
 for refuge to the altars ; but where others are safe, we are assas- 
 sinated ; where parricides and assassins are secure, the Medici 
 find their murderers. But God, who has not hitherto aban- 
 doned our house, again saved us, and has undertaken the de- 
 fence of our just cause. What injury have we done to justify 
 so intense desire of our destruction? Certainly those who 
 have shown themselves so much our enemies, never received 
 any private wrong from us ; for, had we wished to injure them, 
 they would not have had an opportunity of injuring us. If 
 they attribute public grievances to ourselves (supposing any 
 had been done to them), they do the greater injustice to you, 
 to this palace, to the majesty of this government, by assuming 
 that on our account you would act unfairly to any of your 
 citizens ; and such a supposition, as we all know, is contradicted 
 by every view of the circumstances ; for we, had we been able, 
 and you, had we wished it, would never have contributed to so 
 abominable a design. Whoever inquires into the truth of these 
 matters, will find that our family has always been exalted by 
 you, and from this sole cause, that we have endeavored by kind- 
 ness, liberality, and beneficence to do good to all ; and if we have 
 honored strangers, when did we ever injure our relatives? 
 
 " If our enemies' conduct has been adopted to gratify their 
 desire of power (as would seem to be the case from their having 
 taken possession of the palace and brought an armed force into 
 the piazza), the infamous, ambitious, and detestable motive is at 
 once disclosed. If they were actuated by envy and hatred of 
 our authority, they offend you rather than us ; for from you we 
 have derived all the influence we possess. Certainly usurped 
 power deserves to be detested; but not distinctions coneeded 
 for acts of kindness, generosity, and magnificence. And you 
 all know that our family never attained any rank to which this 
 palace and your united consent did not raise it. Cosmo, my 
 grandfather, did not return from exile with arms and violence, 
 but by your unanimous desire and approbation. It was not my 
 father, old and infirm, who defended the government against 
 so many enemies, but yourselves by your authority and benevo- 
 lence defended him ; neither could I, after his death, being then 
 
1479] ADDRESS OF LORENZO 405 
 
 a boy, have maintained the position of my house except by your 
 favor and advice. Nor should we ever be able to conduct the 
 affairs of this republic, if you did not contribute to our support. 
 Therefore, I know not the reason of their hatred toward us, or 
 what just cause they have of envy. Let them direct their 
 enmity against their own ancestors, who, by their pride and 
 avarice, lost the reputation which ours, by very opposite con- 
 duct, were enabled to acquire. But let it be granted we have 
 greatly injured them, and that they are justified in seeking our 
 ruin; why do they come and take possession of the palace? 
 Why enter into league with the Pope and the King, against the 
 liberties of this republic? 
 
 " Why break the long-continued peace of Italy? They have 
 no excuse for this; they ought to confine their vengeance to 
 those who do them wrong, and not confound private animosi- 
 ties with public grievances. Hence it is that since their defeat 
 our misfortune is the greater; for on their account the Pope 
 and the King make war upon us, and this war, they say, is 
 directed against my family and myself. And would to God 
 that this were true ; then the remedy would be sure and unfail- 
 ing, for I would not be so base a citizen as to prefer my own 
 safety to yours ; I would at once resolve to insure your security, 
 even though my own destruction were the immediate and inev- 
 itable consequence. But as the wrongs committed by princes 
 are usually concealed under some offensive covering, they have 
 adopted this plea to hide their more abominable purpose. If, 
 however, you think otherwise, I am in your hands; it is with 
 you to do with me what you please. You are my fathers, my 
 protectors, and whatever you command me to do I will perform 
 most willingly; nor will I ever refuse, when you find occasion 
 to require it, to close the war with my own blood which was 
 commenced with that of my brother." 
 
 While Lorenzo spoke, the citizens were unable to refrain 
 from tears, and the sympathy with which he had been heard 
 was extended to their reply, delivered by one of them in the 
 name of the rest, who said that the city acknowledged many 
 advantages derived from the good qualities of himself and his 
 family ; and encouraged him to hope that with as much prompt- 
 itude as they had used in his defence, and in avenging his 
 brother's death, they would secure to him his influence in the 
 
4o6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [H79 
 
 government, which he should never lose while they retained 
 possession of the country. And that their deeds might corre- 
 spond with their words, they immediately appointed a number 
 of armed men, as a guard for the security of his person against 
 domestic enemies. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 The Florentines Prepare for War against the Pope— They Appeal to 
 a Future Council — Papal and Neapolitan Movements against the 
 Florentines — The Venetians Refuse to Assist the Florentines — Dis- 
 turbances in Milan — Genoa Revolts from the Duke— Futile En- 
 deavors to Effect Peace with the Pope — The Florentines Repulse 
 their Enemies from the Territory of Pisa — They Attack the Papal 
 States — The Papal Forces Routed upon the Borders of the Lake 
 of Perugia. 
 
 THE Florentines now prepared for war, by raising money 
 and collecting as large a force as possible. Being in 
 league with the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, they 
 applied to both for assistance. As the Pope had proved himself 
 a wolf rather than a shepherd, to avoid being devoured under 
 false accusations, they justified their cause with all available 
 arguments, and filled Italy with accounts of the treachery prac- 
 ticed against their government, exposing the impiety and in- 
 justice of the pontiif, and assured the world that the pontificate 
 which he had wickedly attained, he would as impiously fill ; for 
 he had sent those whom he had advanced to the highest order 
 of prelacy, in the company of traitors and parricides, to commit 
 the most horrid treachery in the Church in the midst of divine 
 service and during the celebration of the Holy Sacrament, and 
 that then, having failed to murder the citizens, change the gov- 
 ernment, and plunder the city, according to his intention, he 
 had suspended the performance of all religious offices, and in- 
 juriously menaced and injured the republic with pontifical mal- 
 edictions. But if God was just, and violence was offensive to 
 him, he would be displeased with that of his vicegerent, and 
 allow his injured people who were not admitted to communion 
 with the latter, to offer up their prayers to himself. The Flor- 
 entines, therefore, instead of receiving or obeying the interdict, 
 compelled the priests to perform divine service, assembled a 
 council in Florence of all the Tuscan prelates under their juris- 
 
 407 
 
4o8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1479 
 
 diction, and appealed against the injuries suffered from the 
 pontiff to a future general council. 
 
 The Pope did not neglect to assign reasons in his own justi- 
 fication, and maintained it was the duty of a pontiff to suppress 
 tyranny, depress the wicked, and exalt the good ; and that this 
 ought to be done by every available means; but that secular 
 princes had no right to detain cardinals, hang bishops, murder, 
 mangle, and drag about the bodies of priests, destroying with- 
 out distinction the innocent with th^ guilty. 
 
 Notwithstanding these complaints and accusations, the Flor- 
 entines restored to the Pope the cardinal whom they had de- 
 tained, in return for which^ he immediately assailed them with 
 his own forces and those of the King. The two armies, linder 
 the command of Alfonso, eldest son of Ferrando, and Duke of 
 Calabria, who had as his general Federigo, Count of Urbino, 
 entered the Chianti, by permission of the Siennese, who sided 
 with the enemy, occupied Radda with many other fortresses, 
 and having plundered the country, besieged the Castellina. 
 The Florentines were greatly alarmed at these attacks, being al- 
 most destitute of forces, and finding their friends slow to assist ; 
 for though the duke sent them aid, the Venetians denied all 
 obligation to support the Florentines in their private quarrels, 
 since the animosities of individuals were not to be defended 
 at the public expense. The Florentines, in order to induce 
 the Venetians to take a more correct view of the case, sent 
 Tommaso Soderini as their ambassador to the Senate, and, in 
 the meantime, engaged forces, and appointed Ercole, Marquis 
 of Ferrara, to the command of their army. While these prep- 
 arations were being made, the Castellina was so hard pressed 
 by the enemy, that the inhabitants, despairing of relief, surren- 
 dered, after having sustained a siege of forty-two days. The 
 enemy then directed their course toward Arezzo, and encamped 
 before San Savino. The Florentine army being now in order, 
 went to meet them, and having approached within three miles, 
 caused such annoyance, that Federigo d'Urbino demanded a 
 truce for a few days, which was granted, but proved so disad- 
 vantageous to the Florentines, that those who had made the 
 request were astonished at having obtained it ; for, had it been 
 refused, they would have been compelled to retire in disgrace. 
 Having gained these few days to recruit themselves, as soon as 
 
1479] REVOLT OF GENOA 409 
 
 they were expired, they took the castle in the presence of their 
 enemies. Winter being now come, the forces of the Pope and 
 the King retired for convenient quarters to the Siennese terri- 
 tory. The Florentines also withdrew to a more commodious 
 situation, and the Marquis of Ferrara, having done little for 
 himself and less for others, returned to his own territories. 
 
 At this time, Genoa withdrew from the dominion of Milan, 
 under the following circumstances. Galeazzo, at his death, 
 left a son, Giovan Galeazzo, who being too young to undertake 
 the government, dissensions arose between Sforza, Lodovico, 
 Ottaviano, and Ascanio, his uncles, and the Lady Bona, his 
 mother, each of whom desired the guardianship of the young 
 duke. By the advice and mediation of Tommaso Soderini, 
 who was then Florentine ambassador at the Court of Milan, 
 and of Cecco Simonetta, who had been secretary to Galeazzo, 
 the Lady Bona prevailed. The uncles fled, Ottaviano was 
 drowned in crossing the Adda ; the rest were banished to vari- 
 ous places, together with Roberto da San Severino, who in 
 these disputes had deserted the duchess and joined the uncles 
 of the duke. The troubles in Tuscany, which immediately fol- 
 lowed, gave these princes hope that the new state of things 
 would present opportunities for their advantage ; they therefore 
 quitted the places to which their exile limited them, and each 
 endeavored to return home. King Ferrando, finding the Flor- 
 entines had obtained assistance from none but the Milanese, 
 took occasion to give the duchess so much occupation in her 
 own government, as to render her unable to contribute to their 
 assistance. By means of Prospero Adorno, the Signer Ro- 
 berto, and the rebellious uncles of the duke, he caused Genoa to 
 throw off the Milanese yoke. The Castelletto was the only 
 place left ; confiding in which, the duchess sent a strong force 
 to recover the city, but it was routed by the enemy ; and per- 
 ceiving the danger which might arise to her son and herself if 
 the war were continued, Tuscany being in confusion, and the 
 Florentines, in whom alone she had hope, themselves in trouble, 
 she determined, as she could not retain Genoa in subjection, to 
 secure it as an ally; and agreed with Battistino Fregoso, the 
 enemy of Prospero Adorno, to give him the Castelletto, and 
 make him Prince of Genoa, on condition that he should expel 
 Prospero, and do nothing in favor of her son's uncles. Upon 
 
410 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i479 
 
 this agreement, Battistino, by the assistance of the Castelletto 
 and of his friends, became Prince of Genoa ; and according to 
 the custom of the city, took the title of Doge. The Sforzeschi 
 and the Signor Roberto, being thus expelled by the Genoese, 
 came with their forces into Lunigiana, and the Pope and the 
 King, perceiving the troubles of Lombardy to be composed, 
 took occasion with them to annoy Tuscany in the Pisan terri- 
 tory, that the Florentines might be weakened by dividing their 
 forces. At the close of winter, they ordered Roberto da San 
 Severino to leave Lunigiana and march thither, which he did, 
 and with great tumult plundered many fortresses, and overran 
 the country around Pisa. 
 
 At this time, ambassadors came to Florence from the Em- 
 peror, the King of France, and the King of Hungary, who were 
 sent by their princes to the pontiff. They solicited the Floren- 
 tines also to send ambassadors to the Pope, and promised to use 
 their utmost exertion to obtain for them an advantageous peace. 
 The Florentines did not refuse to make trial, both for the sake 
 of publicly justifying their proceedings, and because they were 
 really desirous of peace. Accordingly, the ambassadors were 
 sent, but returned without coming to any conclusion of their 
 differences. The Florentines, to avail themselves of the influ- 
 ence of the King of France, since they were attacked by one 
 part of the Italians and abandoned by the other, sent to him 
 as their ambassador Donato Acciajuoli, a distinguished Latin 
 and Greek scholar, whose ancestors had always ranked high in 
 the city ; but while on his journey he died at Milan. To relieve 
 his surviving family and pay a deserved tribute to his memory, 
 he was honorably buried at the public expense, provision was 
 made for his sons, and suitable marriage portions given to his 
 daughters, and Guid' Antonio Vespucci, a man well acquainted 
 with pontifical and imperial affairs, was sent as ambassador to 
 the King in his stead. 
 
 The attack of Signor Roberto upon the Pisan territory, being 
 unexpected, greatly perplexed the Florentines; for having to 
 resist the foe in the direction of Sienna, they knew not how to 
 provide for the places about Pisa. To keep the Lucchese faith- 
 ful, and prevent them from furnishing the enemy either with 
 money or provisions, they sent as ambassador Piero di Gino 
 Capponi, who was received with so much jealousy, on account 
 
1479] REVOLT OF GENOA 4" 
 
 of the hatred which that city always cherishes against the Flor- 
 entines from former injuries and constant fear, that he was 
 on many occasions in danger of being put to death by the mob ; 
 and thus his mission gave fresh cause of animosity rather than 
 of union. The Florentines recalled the Marquis of Ferrara, 
 and engaged the Marquis of Mantua; they also as earnestly 
 requested the Venetians to send them Count Carlo, son of Brac- 
 cio, and Deifobo, son of Count Jacopo, and after many delays 
 they complied; for having made a truce with the Turks, they 
 had no excuse to justify a refusal, and could not break through 
 the obligation of the league without the utmost disgrace. The 
 counts. Carlo and Deifobo, came with a good force, and being 
 joined by all that could be spared from the army, which, under 
 the Marquis of Ferrara, held in check the Duke of Calabria, 
 proceeded toward Pisa, to meet Signer Roberto, who was with 
 his troops near the River Serchio, and who, though he had ex- 
 pressed his intention of awaiting their arrival, withdrew to the 
 camp at Lunigiana, which he had quitted upon coming into the 
 Pisan territory, while Count Carlo recovered all the places that 
 had been taken by the enemy in that district. 
 
 The Florentines, being thus relieved from the attack in the 
 direction of Pisa, assembled the whole force between CoUe and 
 Santo Geminiano. But the army, on the arrival of Count Carlo, 
 being composed of Sforzeschi and Bracceschi, their hereditary 
 feuds soon broke forth, and it was thought that if they re- 
 mained long in company, they would turn their arms against 
 each other. It was therefore determined, as the smaller evil, 
 to divide them ; to send one party, under Count Carlo, into the 
 district of Perugia, and establish the other at Poggibonzi, 
 where they formed a strong encampment, in order to prevent 
 the enemy from penetrating the Florentine territory. By this 
 they also hoped to compel the enemy to divide their forces; 
 for Count Carlo was understood to have many partisans in 
 Perugia, and it was therefore expected, either that he would 
 occupy the place or that the Pope would be compelled to 
 send a large body of men for its defence. To reduce the 
 pontiff to greater necessity, they ordered Niccolo Vitelli, 
 who had been expelled from Citta di Castello, where his 
 enemy Lorenzo Vitelli commanded, to lead a force against that 
 place, with the view of driving out his adversary and with- 
 
412 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1479 
 
 drawing it from obedience to the Pope. At the beginning of 
 the campaign, fortune seemed to favor the Florentines; for 
 Count Carlo made rapid advances in the Perugino, and Niccolo 
 Vitelli, though unable to enter Castello, was superior in the 
 field, and plundered the surrounding country without opposi- 
 tion. The forces also, at Poggibonzi, constantly overran the 
 country up to the walls of Sienna. These hopes, however, were 
 not realized ; for in the first place. Count Carlo died, while in 
 the fullest tide of success; though the consequences of this 
 would have been less detrimental to the Florentines, had not 
 the victory to which it gave occasion, been nullified by the mis- 
 conduct of others. 
 
 The death of the count being known, the forces of the 
 Church, which had already assembled in Perugia, conceived 
 hopes of overcoming the Florentines^ and encamped upon the 
 lake, within three miles of the enemy. On the other side, 
 Jacopo Guicciardini, commissary to the army, by the advice of 
 Roberto da Rimino, who, after the death of Count Carlo, was 
 the principal commander, knowing the ground of their san- 
 guine expectations, determined to meet them, and coming to an 
 engagement near the lake, upon the site of the memorable rout 
 of the Romans, by Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, the 
 papal forces were vanquished. The news of the victory, which 
 did great honor to the commanders, diffused universal joy at 
 Florence, and would have ensured a favorable termination of 
 the campaign, had not the disorders which arose in the army 
 at Poggibonzi thrown all into confusion; for the advantage 
 obtained by the valor of the one, was more than counterbalanced 
 by the disgraceful proceedings of the other. Having made 
 considerable booty in the Siennese territory, quarrels arose 
 about the division of it between the Marquis of Mantua and 
 the Marquis of Ferrara, who, coming to arms, assailed each 
 other with the utmost fury; and the Florentines seeing they 
 could no longer avail themselves of the services of both, allowed 
 the Marquis of Ferrara and his men to return home. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Duke of Calabria Routs the Florentine Army at Poggibonzi— 
 Dismay in Florence on Account of the Defeat — Progress of the Duke 
 of Calabria — The Florentines Wish for Peace — Lorenzo de' Medici 
 Determines to Go to Naples to Treat with the King — Lodovico 
 Sforza, Surnamed the Moor, aiid his Brothers, Recalled to Milan 
 ^-Changes in the Government of that City in Consequence — The 
 Genoese Take Serezana — Lorenzo de Medici Arrives at Naples — 
 Peace Concluded with the King-^The Pope and the Venetians Con- 
 sent to the Peace— The Florentines in Fear of the Duke of Calabria 
 — Enterprises of the Turks — They Take Otranto — The Florentines 
 Reconciled with the Pope — Their Ambassadors at the Papal Court 
 — The Pope's Reply to the Ambassadors— The King of Naples Re- 
 stores to the Florentines All the Fortresses He Had Taken. 
 
 THE army being thus reduced, without a leader, and dis- 
 order prevailing in every department, the Duke of Ca- 
 labria, who was with his forces near Sienna, resolved 
 to attack them immediately. The Florentines, finding the 
 enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic ; neither their 
 arms, nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their 
 adversaries, nor their position, which was one of great strength, 
 could give them confidence ; but observing the dust occasioned 
 by the enemy's approach, without waiting for a sight of them, 
 they fled in all directions, leaving their ammunition, carriages, 
 and artillery to be taken by the foe. Such cowardice and dis- 
 order prevailed in the armies of those times, that the turning 
 of a horse's head or tail was sufficient to decide the fate of an 
 expedition. This defeat loaded the King's troops with booty, 
 and filled the Florentines with dismay ; for the city, besides the 
 war, was afflicted with pestilence, which prevailed so exten- 
 sively, that all who possessed villas fled to them to escape death. 
 This occasioned the defeat to be attended with greater horror ; 
 for these citizens whose possessions lay in the Val di Pesa and 
 the Val d'Elsa, having retired to them, hastened to Florence 
 with all speed as soon as they heard of the disaster, taking with 
 
 413 
 
414 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [I479 
 
 them not only their children and their property, but even their 
 laborers ; so that it seemed as if the enemy were expected every 
 moment in the city. 
 
 Those who were appointed to the managament of the war, 
 perceiving the universal consternation, commanded the vic- 
 torious forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in 
 that district, and march to oppose the enemy in the Val d'Elsa, 
 who, after their victory, plundered the country without opposi- 
 tion ; and although the Florentine army had so closely pressed 
 the city of Perugia that it was expected to fall into their hands 
 every instant, the people preferred defending their own pos- 
 sessions to endeavoring to seize those of others. The troops, 
 thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their good-fortune, were 
 marched to San Casciano, a castle within eight miles of Flor- 
 ence ; the leaders thinking they could take up no other position 
 till the relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other 
 hand, the enemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, 
 and emboldened by the departure of the Florentines, plundered 
 to a large amount in the districts of Arezzo and Cortona ; while 
 those who under Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, had been victori- 
 ous near Poggibonzi, took the town itself; sacked Vico and 
 Certaldo, and after these conquests and pillagings encamped 
 before the fortress of Colle, which was considered very strong ; 
 and as the garrison was brave and faithful to the Florentines, 
 it was hoped they would hold the enemy at bay till the republic 
 was able to collect its forces. The Florentines being at Santo 
 Casciano, and the enemy continuing to use their utmost exer- 
 tions against Colle, they determined to draw nearer, that the 
 inhabitants might be the more resolute in their defence, and 
 the enemy assail them less boldly. With this design they re- 
 moved their camp from Santo Casciano to Santo Geminiano, 
 about five miles from Colle, and with light cavalry and other 
 suitable forces were able every day to annoy the duke's camp. 
 All this, however, was insufficient to relieve the people of Colle ; 
 for, having consumed their provisions, they were compelled to 
 surrender on the thirteenth of November, to the great grief of 
 the Florentines, and joy of the enemy, more espcially of the 
 Siennese, who, besides their habitual hatred of the Florentines, 
 had a particular animosity against the people of Colle. 
 
 It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuit- 
 
1479] PEACE CONSIDERED 41S 
 
 able for war, that the Pope and the King, either designing to 
 hold out a hope of peace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of 
 their victories, proposed a truce for three months to the Flor- 
 entines, and allowed them ten days to consider the reply. The 
 offer was eagerly accepted ; but as wounds are well known to 
 be more painful after the blood cools than when they were first 
 received, this brief repose awakened the Florentines to a con- 
 sciousness of the miseries they had endured; and the citizens 
 openly laid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors 
 committed in the management of the war, the expenses use- 
 lessly incurred, and the taxes unjustly imposed. These mat- 
 ters were boldly discussed, not only in private circles, but in 
 the public councils ; and one individual even ventured to turn 
 to Lorenzo de' Medici, and say, " The city is exhausted, and 
 can endure no more war; it is therefore necessary to think of 
 peace." 
 
 Lorenzo was himself aware of the necessity, and assembled 
 the friends in whose wisdom and fidelity he had the greatest 
 confidence, when it was at once concluded, that as the Venetians 
 were lukewarm and unfaithful, and the duke in the power of 
 his guardians, and involved in domestic difficulties, it would be 
 desirable by some new alliance to give a better turn to their 
 affairs. They were in doubt whether to apply to the King or 
 to the Pope; but having examined the question on all sides, 
 they preferred the friendship of the King as more suitable and 
 secure ; for the short reigns of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing 
 upon each succession, the disregard shown by the Church 
 toward temporal princes, and the still greater want of respect 
 for them exhibited in her determinations, render it impossible 
 for a secular prince to trust a pontiff, or safely to share his 
 fortune ; for an adherent of the Pope will have a companion in 
 victory, but in defeat must stand alone, while the pontiff is sus- 
 tained by his spiritual power and influence. Having therefore 
 decided that the King's friendship would be of the greatest 
 utility to them, they thought it would be most easily and cer- 
 tainly obtained by Lorenzo's presence ; for in proportion to the 
 confidence they evinced toward him, the greater they imagined 
 would be the probability of removing his impressions of past 
 enmities. Lorenzo having resolved to go to Naples, recom- 
 mended the city and government to the care of Tommaso So- 
 
41 6 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1479 
 
 derini, who was at that time Gonfalonier of Justice. He left 
 Florence at the beginning of December, and having arrived at 
 Pisa, wrote to the government to acquaint them with the cause 
 of his departure. The Signory, to do him honor, and enable 
 him the more effectually to treat with the King, appointed him 
 ambassador from the Florentine people, and endowed him with 
 full authority to make such arrangements as he thought most 
 useful for the republic. 
 
 At this time Roberto da San Severino, with Lodovico and 
 Ascanio (Sforza, their elder brother, being dead), again at- 
 tacked Milan, in order to recover the government. Having 
 takenTortona, and the city and the whole state being in arms, 
 the Duchess Bona was advised to restore the Sforzeschi, and 
 to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them to the gov- 
 ernment. The person who gave this advice was Antonio Tas- 
 sino, of Ferrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, 
 fell into the hands of the Duke Galeazzo, and was given by him 
 to his duchess for her valet. He, either from his personal at' 
 tractions, or some secret influence, after the duke's death 
 attained such influence over the duchess, that he governed the 
 state almost at his will. This greatly displeased the Minister 
 Cecco, whom prudence and long experience had rendered in- 
 valuable ; and who, to the utmost of his power, endeavored to 
 diminish the authority of Tassino with the duchess and other 
 members of the government. The latter, aware of this, to 
 avenge himself for the injury, and secure defenders against 
 Cecco, advised the duchess to recall the Sforzeschi, which she 
 did, without communicating her design to the minister, who, 
 when it was done, said to her, " You have taken a step which 
 will deprive me of my life, and you of the government." This 
 shortly afterward took place; for Cecco was put to death by 
 Lodovico, and Tassino, being expelled from the dukedom, the 
 duchess was so enraged that she left 'Milan, and gave up the 
 care of her son to Lodovico, who, becoming sole governor of 
 the dukedom, caused, as will be hereafter seen, the ruin of Italy. 
 
 Lorenzo de' Medici had set out for Naples, and the truce 
 between the parties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, 
 Lodovico Fregoso, being in correspondence with some persons 
 of Serezana, entered the place by stealth, took possession of it 
 with an armed force, and imprisoned the Florentine governor. 
 
1479] LORENZO AT NAPLES 417 
 
 This greatly offended the Signory, for they thought the whole 
 had been concerted with the connivance of King Ferrando. 
 They complained to the Duke of Calabria, who was with the 
 army at Sienna, of a breach of the truce ; and he endeavored to 
 prove, by letters and embassies, that it had occurred without 
 either his own or his father's knowledge. The Florentines, 
 however, found themselves in a very awkward predicament, 
 being destitute of money, the head of the republic in the power 
 of the King, themselves engaged in a long-standing war with 
 the latter and the Pope, in a new one with the Genoese, and 
 entirely without friends ; for they had no confidence in the Ve- 
 netians, and on account of its changeable and unsettled state 
 they were rather apprehensive of Milan. They had thus only 
 one hope, and that depended upon Lorenzo's success with the 
 King. 
 
 Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honorably 
 received, not only by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his com- 
 ing having excited the greatest expectation ; for it being gener- 
 ally understood that the war was undertaken for the sole pur- 
 pose of effecting his destruction, the power of his enemies 
 invested his name with additional lustre. Being admitted to the 
 King's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon the 
 affairs of Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his 
 hopes from peace, his fears of the results of war, that Ferrando 
 was more astonished at the greatness of his mind, the prompti- 
 tude of his genius, his gravity and wisdom, than he had previ- 
 ously been at his power. He consequently treated him with re- 
 doubled honor, and began to feel compelled rather to part with 
 him as a friend, than detain him as an enemy. However, under 
 various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from December till March, 
 not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of his own views, 
 but of those of his city ; for he was not without enemies, who 
 would have wished the King to detain and treat him in the same 
 manner as Jacopo Piccinino; and, with the ostensible view of 
 sympathizing for him, pointed out all that would, or rather 
 what they wished should, result from such a course; at the 
 same time opposing in the council every proposition at all likely 
 to favor him. By such means as these the opinion gained 
 ground, that if he were detained at Naples much longer, the 
 Government of Florence would be changed. This caused the 
 a? 
 
4i8 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i479 
 
 King to postpone their separation more than he would have 
 otherwise done, to see if any disturbance were likely to arise. 
 But finding everything go quietly on, Ferrando allowed him to 
 depart on March 6, 1479, having, with every kind of attention 
 and token of regard, endeavored to gain his affection, and 
 formed with him a perpetual alliance for their mutual defence. 
 Lorenzo returned to Florence, and upon presenting himself 
 before the citizens, the impressions he had created in the popu- 
 lar mind surrounded him with a halo of majesty brighter than 
 before. He was received with all the joy merited by his 
 extraordinary qualities and recent services, in having exposed 
 hisown life to the most imminent peril, in order to restore peace 
 to his country. Two days after his return, the treaty between 
 the Republic of Florence and the King, by which each party 
 bound itself to defend the other's territories, was published. 
 The places taken from the Florentines during the war were 
 to be given up at the discretion of the King ; the Pazzi confined 
 in the tower of Volterra were to be set at liberty, and a certain 
 sum of money, for a limited period, was to be paid to the Duke 
 of Calabria. 
 
 As soon as this peace was publicly known, the Pope and the 
 Venetians were transported with rage ; the Pope thought him- 
 self neglected by the King; the Venetians entertained similar 
 ideas with regard to the Florentines, and complained that, hav- 
 ing been companions in the war, they were not allowed to par- 
 ticipate in the peace. Reports of this description being spread 
 abroad, and received with entire credence at Florence, caused 
 a general fear that the peace thus made would give rise to 
 greater wars ; and therefore the leading members of the govern- 
 ment determined to confine the consideration of the most im- 
 portant affairs to a smaller number, and formed a council of 
 seventy citizens, in whom the principal authority was invested. 
 This new regulation calmed the minds of those desirous of 
 change, by convincing them of the futility of their efforts. To 
 establish their authority, they in the first place ratified the 
 treaty of peace with the King, and sent as ambassadors to the 
 Pope Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi. But, notwithstanding 
 the peace, Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, still remained at Sienna 
 with his forces, pretending to be detained by discords among 
 the citizens, whidh, he said, had risen so high, that while he re- 
 
1479] INVASION OF THE TURKS 419 
 
 sided outside of 'the city they had compelled him to enter and 
 assume the office of arbitrator between them. He took occa- 
 sion to draw large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens 
 by way of fines, imprisoned many, banished others, and put 
 some to death ; he thus became suspected, not only by the Sien- 
 nese, but by the Florentines, of a design to usurp the sover- 
 eignty of Sienna; nor was any remedy then available, for the 
 republic had formed a new alliance with the King, and was 
 at enmity with the Pope and the Venetians. This supicion 
 was entertained not only by the great body of the Florentine 
 people, who are subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the 
 principal members of the government; and it was agreed, on 
 all hands, that the city never was in so much danger of losing 
 her liberty. But God, who in similar extremities has always 
 been her preserver, caused an unhoped-for event to take place, 
 which gave the Pope, the King, and the Venetians other mat- 
 ters to think of than those of Tuscany. 
 
 The Turkish Emperor, Mohammed II, had gone with a large 
 army to the siege of Rhodes, and continued it for several 
 months ; but though his forces were numerous, and his courage 
 indomitable, he found them more than equalled by those of the 
 besieged, who resisted his attack with such obstinate valor that 
 he was at last compelled to retire in disgrace. Having left 
 Rhodes, part of his army, under the Pasha Achmet, approached 
 Velona, and, either from observing the facility of the enter- 
 prise, or in obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting 
 along the Italian shores, he suddenly landed 4,000 soldiers, and 
 attacked the City of Otranto, which he easily took, plundered, 
 and put all the inhabitants to the sword. He then fortified 
 the city and port, and having assembled a large body of cavalry, 
 pillaged the surrounding country. The King, learning this, 
 and aware of the redoubtable character of his assailant, imme- 
 diately sent messengers to all the surrounding powers, to re- 
 quest assistance against the common enemy, and ordered the 
 immediate return of the Duke of Calabria with the forces at 
 Sienna. 
 
 This attack, however it might annoy the Duke and the rest 
 of Italy, occasioned the utmost joy at Florence and Sienna, the 
 latter thinking it had recovered its liberty, and the former that 
 she had escaped a storm which threatened her with destruction. 
 
4ao THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i479 
 
 These impressions, which were not unknown to the Duke, in- 
 creased the regret he felt at his departure from Sienna; and 
 he accused fortune of having, by an unexpected and unaccount- 
 able accident, deprived him of the sovereignty of Tuscany. 
 The same circumstance changed the disposition of the Pope; 
 for although he had previously refused to receive any ambas- 
 sador from Florence, he was now so mollified as to be anxious 
 to listen to any overtures of peace ; and it was intimated to the 
 Florentines, that if they would condescend to ask the Pope's 
 pardon, they would be sure of obtaining it. Thinking it ad- 
 visable to seize the opportunity, they sent twelve ambassadors 
 to the pontiff, who, on their arrival, detained them under differ- 
 ent pretexts before he would admit them to an audience. How- 
 ever, terms were at length settled, and what should be contrib- 
 uted by each in peace or war. The messengers were then ad- 
 mitted to the feet of the pontiff, who, with the utmost pomp, 
 received them in the midst of his cardinals. They apologized 
 for past occurrences; first showing they had been compelled 
 by necessity, then blaming the malignity of others, or the rage 
 of the populace, and their just indignation, and enlarging on 
 the unfortunate condition of those who are compelled either 
 to fight or die, saying, that since every extremity is endured 
 in order to avoid death, they had suffered war, interdicts, and 
 other inconveniences, brought upon them by recent events, that 
 their republic might escape slavery, which is the death of free 
 cities. However, if in their necessities they had committed any 
 offence, they were desirous to make atonement, and trusted in 
 his clemency, who, after the example of the blessed Redeemer, 
 would receive them into his compassionate arms. 
 
 The Pope's reply was indignant and haughty. After reiter- 
 ating all the offences against the Church during the late trans- 
 actions, he said that, to comply with the precepts of God, he 
 would grant the pardon they asked, but would have them 
 understand that it was their duty to obey; and that upon the 
 next instance of their disobedience, they would inevitably for- 
 feit, and that most deservedly, the liberty which they had just 
 been upon the point of losing; for those merit freedom who 
 exercise themselves in good works and avoid evil ; that liberty, 
 I improperly used, injures itself and others ; that to think little 
 of God, and less of His Church, is not the part of a free man. 
 
i48o] TRANQUILLITY RESTORED 421 
 
 but of a fool, and one disposed to evil rather than good, and 
 to effect whose correction is the duty not only of princes, 
 but of every Christian ; so that in respect of the recent events, 
 they had only themselves to blame, who, by their evil deeds, had 
 given rise to the war, and inflamed it by still worse actions, it 
 having been terminated by the kindness of others rather than 
 by any merit of their own. The formula of agreement and 
 benediction was then read ; and, in addition to what had already 
 been considered and agreed upon between the parties, the Pope 
 said, that if the Florentines wished to enjoy the fruit of his 
 forgiveness, they must maintain fifteen galleys, armed and 
 equipped, at their own expense, so long as the Turks should 
 make war upon the Kingdom of Naples. The ambassadors 
 complained much of this burden in addition to the arrangement 
 already made, but were unable to obtain any alleviation. How- 
 ever, after their return to Florence, the Signory sent, as ambas- 
 sador to the Pope, Guid' Antonio Vespucci, who had recently 
 returned from France, and who by his prudence brought every- 
 thing to an amicable conclusion, obtained many favors from the 
 pontiff, which were considered as presages of a closer reconcil- 
 iation. 
 
 Having settled their affairs with the Pope, Sienna being free, 
 themselves released from the fear of the King, by the departure 
 of the Duke of Calabria from Tuscany, and the war with the 
 Turks still continuing, the Florentines pressed the King to re- 
 store their fortresses, which the Duke of Calabria, upon quitting 
 the country, had left in the hands of the Siennese. Ferrando, 
 apprehensive that, if he refused, they would withdraw from the 
 alliance with him, and by new wars with the Siennese deprive 
 him of the assistance he hoped to obtain from the Pope and 
 other Italian powers, consented that they should be given up, 
 and by new favors endeavored to attach the Florentines to his 
 interests. It is thus evident that force and necessity, not deeds 
 and obligations, induce princes to keep faith. 
 
 The castles being restored, and this new alliance established, 
 Lorenzo de' Medici recovered the reputation which first the 
 war and then the peace, when the King's designs were doubt- 
 ful, had deprived him of ; for at this period there was no lack 
 of those who openly slandered him with having sold his country 
 to save himself, and said, that in war they had lost their terri- 
 
422 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1480 
 
 I tories, and in peace their liberty. But the fortresses being re- 
 . covered, an honorable treaty ratified with the King, and the 
 city restored to her former influence, the spirit of public dis- 
 course entirely changed in Florence, a place greatly addicted 
 to gossip, and in which actions are judged by the success attend- 
 ing them, rather than by the intelligence employed in their 
 direction ; therefore, the citizens praised Lorenzo extravagantly, 
 declaring that by his prudence he had recovered in peace what 
 unfavorable circumstances had taken from them in war, and 
 that by his discretion and judgment he had done more than 
 the enemy with all the force of their arms. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 New Occasions of War in Italy— Differences between the Marquis of 
 Ferrara and the Venetians— The King of Naples and the Floren- 
 tines Attack the Papal States — The Pope's Defensive Arrangements 
 — The Neapolitan Army Routed by the Papal Forces — Progress of 
 the Venetians against the Marquis of Ferrara — The Pope Makes 
 Peace, and Enters into a League against the Venetians — Operations 
 of the League against the Venetians — The Venetians Routed at Bon- 
 deno— Their Losses — Disunion among the League — Lodovico Sforza 
 Makes Peace with the Venetians — Ratified by the Other Parties. 
 
 THE invasion of the Turks had deferred the war which 
 was about to break forth from the anger of the Pope 
 and the Venetians at the peace between the Florentines 
 and the King. But as the beginning of that invasion was un- 
 expected and beneficial, its conclusion was equally unlooked 
 for and injurious ; for Mohammed dying suddenly, dissensions 
 arose among his sons, and the forces which were in Puglia be- 
 ing abandoned by their commander, surrendered Otranto to 
 the,King. The fears which restrained the Pope and the Vene- 
 tians being thus removed, everyone became apprehensive of 
 new troubles. On the one hand, was the league of the Pope 
 and the Venetians, and with them the Genoese, Siennese, and 
 other minor powers; on the other, the Florentines, the King, 
 and the duke, with whom were the Bolognese and many princes. 
 The Venetians wished to become Lords of Ferrara, and thought 
 they were justified by circumstances in making the attempt, and 
 hoping for a favorable result. Their differences arose thus: 
 The Marquis of Ferrara affirmed he was under no obligation 
 to take salt from the Venetians, or to admit their governor; 
 the terms of convention between them declaring, that after 
 seventy years, the city was to be free from both impositions. 
 The Venetians replied, that so long as he held the Polesine, he 
 was bound to receive their salt and their governor. The mar- 
 quis refusing his consent, the Venetians considered themselves 
 
 423 
 
424 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1481 
 
 justified in taking arms, and that the present moment offered 
 a suitable opportunity ; for the Pope was indignant against the 
 Florentines and the King ; and to attach the Pope still further, 
 the Count Girolamo, who was then at Venice, was received with 
 all possible respect ; first admitted to the privileges of a citizen, 
 and then raised to the rank of a Senator, the highest distinc- 
 tions the Venetian Senate can confer. To prepare for the war, 
 they levied new taxes, and appointed to the command of the 
 forces Roberto da San Severino, who being offended with Lo- 
 dovico, Governor of Milan, fled to Tortona, whence, after occa- 
 sioning some disturbances, he went to Genoa, and while there 
 was sent for by the Venetians, and placed at the head of their 
 troops. 
 
 These circumstances becoming known to the opposite league, 
 induced it also to provide for war. The Duke of Milan ap- 
 pointed as his general Federigo d'Urbino; the Florentines en- 
 gaged Costanzo, Lord of Pesaro ; and to sound the disposition 
 of the Pope, and know whether the Venetians made war against 
 Ferrara with his consent or not. King Ferrando sent Alfonso, 
 Duke of Calabria, with his army, across the Tronto, and asked 
 the pontiff's permission to pass into Lombardy to assist the 
 marquis, which was refused in the most peremptory manner. 
 The Florentines and the King, no longer doubtful concerning 
 the Pope's intentions, determined to harass him, and thus either 
 compel him to take part with them, or throw such obstacles in 
 his way as would prevent him from helping the Venetians, who 
 had already taken the field, attacked the marquis, overrun his 
 territory, and encamped before Figarulo, a fortress of the 
 greatest importance. In pursuance of the design of the Flor- 
 entines and the King, the Duke of Calabria, by the assistance 
 of the Colonna family (the Orsini had joined the Pope), plun- 
 dered the country about Rome, and committed great devasta- 
 tion; while the Florentines, with Niccolo Vitelli, besieged and 
 took Citta di Castello, expelling Lorenzo Vitelli, who held it 
 for the Pope, and placing piccolo in it as prince. 
 
 The Pope now found himself in very great straits; for the 
 city of Rome was disturbed by factions, and the country 
 covered with enemies. But acting with courage and resolu- 
 tion, he appointed Roberto da Rimino to take the command of 
 his forces ; and having sent for him to Rome, where his troops 
 
1483] MARQUIS OF FERRARA 42S 
 
 were assembled, told him how great would be the honor, if he 
 could deliver the Church from the King's forces, and the troub- 
 les in which it was involved; how greatly indebted, not only 
 himself, but all his successors would be, and that not mankind 
 merely, but God himself would be under obligations to him. 
 The magnificent Roberto, having considered the forces and 
 preparations already made, advised the Pope to raise as numer- 
 ous a body of infantry as possible, which was done without 
 delay. The Duke of Calabria was at hand, and constantly 
 harassed the country up to the very gates of Rome, which so 
 roused the indignation of the citizens, that many offered their 
 assistance to Roberto, and all were thankfully received. The 
 duke, hearing of these preparations, withdrew a short distance 
 from the city, that in the belief of finding him gone, the mag- 
 nificent Roberto would not pursue him, and also in expectation 
 of his brother Federigo, whom their father had sent to him 
 with additional forces. But Roberto, finding himself nearly 
 equal to the duke in cavalry, and superior in infantry, marched 
 boldly out of Rome, and took a position within two miles of 
 the enemy. 
 
 The duke, seeing his adversaries close upon him, found he 
 must either fight or disgracefully retire. To avoid a retreat 
 unbecoming a king's son, he resolved to face the enemy; and 
 a battle ensued which continued from morning till mid-day. 
 In this engagement greater valor was exhibited on both sides 
 than had been shown in any other during the last fifty years, 
 upward of 1,000 dead being left upon the field. The troops 
 of the Church were at length victorious, for their numerous 
 infantry so annoyed the ducal cavalry that they were compelled 
 to retreat, and Alfonso himself would have fallen into the hands 
 of the enemy, had he not been rescued by a body of Turks, who 
 remained at Otranto, and were at that time in his service. The 
 Lord of Rimino, after this victory, returned triumphantly to 
 Rome, but did not long enjoy the fruit of his valor ; for having, 
 during the heat of the engagement, taken a copious draught of 
 water, he was seized with a flux, of which he very shortly after- 
 ward died. The Pope caused his funeral to be conducted with 
 great pomp, and in a few days, sent the Count Girolamo toward 
 Citta di Castello to restore it to Lorenzo, and also endeavor to 
 gain Rimino, which being by Roberto's death left to the care 
 
426 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1483 
 
 of his widow and a son' who was quite a boy, his holiness 
 thought might be easily won; and this would certainly have 
 been the case, if the lady had not been defended by the Floren- 
 tines, who opposed him so effectually as to prevent his success 
 against both Castello and Rimino. 
 
 While these things were in progress at Rome and in Ro- 
 magna, the Venetians took possession of Figaruolo and crossed 
 the Po with their forces. The camp of the Duke of Milan and 
 the marquis was in disorder ; for the Count of Urbino, having 
 fallen ill, was carried to Bologna for his recovery, but died. 
 Thus the marquis's affairs were unfortunately situated, while 
 those of the Venetians gave them increasing hopes of occupy- 
 ing Ferrara. The Florentines and the King of Naples used 
 their utmost endeavors to gain the Pope to their views; and 
 not having succeeded by force, they threatened him with the 
 council, which had already been summoned by the Emperor to 
 assemble at Basle ; and by means of the imperial ambassadors, 
 and the co-operation of the leading cardinals, who were desir- 
 ous of peace, the Pope was compelled to turn his attention 
 toward effecting the pacification of Italy. With this view, at 
 the instigation of his fears, and with the conviction that the 
 aggrandizement of the Venetians would be the ruin of the 
 Church and of Italy, he endeavored to make peace with the 
 league, and sent his nuncios to Naples, where a treaty was 
 concluded for five years, between the Pope, the King, the Duke 
 of Milan, and the Florentines, with an opening for the Vene- 
 tians to join them if they thought proper. When this was ac- 
 complished, the Pope intimated to the Venetians that they must 
 desist from war against Ferrara. They refused to comply, and 
 made preparations to prosecute their design with greater vigor 
 than they had hitherto done ; and having routed the forces of 
 the Duke and the Marquis at Argenta, they approached Ferrara 
 so closely as to pitch their tents in the marquis's park. ' 
 
 The league found they must no longer delay rendering him 
 efficient assistance, and ordered the Duke of Calabria to march 
 to Ferrara with his forces and those of the Pope, the Florentine 
 troops also moving in the same direction. In order to direct 
 the operations of the war with greater efficiency, the league 
 assembled a diet at Cremona, which was attended by the Pope's 
 legate, the Count Girolamo, the Duke of Calabria, the Signor 
 
1483] WAR RENEWED 42? 
 
 Lodovico Sforza, and Lorenzo de' Medici, with many other 
 Italian princes; and when the measures to be adopted were 
 fully discussed, having decided that the best way of relieving 
 Ferrara would be to eifect a division of the enemies' forces, 
 the league desired Lodovico to attack the Venetians on the side 
 of Milan, but this he declined, for fear of bringing a war upon 
 the duke's territories, which it would be difficult to quell. It 
 was therefore resolved to proceed with the united forces of the 
 league to Ferrara, and having assembled 4,000 cavalry and 
 8,000 infantry, they went in pursuit of the Venetians, whose 
 force amounted to 2,000 men at arms, and 6,000 foot. They 
 first attacked the Venetian flotilla, then lying upon the River 
 Po, which they routed with the loss of above 200 vessels, and 
 took prisoner Antonio Justiniano, the purveyor of the fleet. 
 The Venetians, finding all Italy united against them, endea- 
 vored to support their reputation by engaging in their service 
 the Duke of Lorraine, who joined them with 200 men at arms ; 
 and having suffered so great a destruction of their fleet, they 
 sent him, with part of their army, to keep their enemies at bay, 
 and Roberto da San Severino to cross the Adda with the re- 
 mainder, and proceed to Milan, where they were to raise the 
 cry of " The Duke and the Lady Bona ! " his mother, hoping 
 by this means to give a new aspect to affairs there, believing 
 that Lodovico and his government were generally unpopular. 
 This attack at first created great consternation, and roused 
 the citizens in arms; but eventually produced consequences 
 unfavorable to the designs of the Venetians ; for Lodovico was 
 now desirous to undertake what he had refused to do at the 
 entreaty of his allies. Leaving the Marquis of Ferrara to the 
 defence of his own territories, he, with 4,000 horse and 2,000 
 foot, and joined by the Duke of Calabria with 12,000 horse and 
 S,ooo foot, entered the territory of Bergamo, then Brescia, next 
 that of Verona, and, in defiance of the Venetians, plundered 
 the whole country; for it was with the greatest difficulty that 
 Roberto and his forces could save the cities themselves. In 
 the meantime, the Marquis of Ferrara had recovered a great 
 part of his territories ; for the Duke of Lorraine, by whom he 
 was attacked, having only at his command 2,000 horse and 
 i,oco foot, could not withstand him. Hence, during the whole 
 of 1483 the affairs of the league were prosperous. 
 
428 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1483 
 
 The winter having passed quietly over, the armies again 
 took the field. To produce the greater impression upon the 
 enemy, the league united their whole force^ and would easily 
 have deprived the Venetians of all they possessed in Lombardy, 
 if the war had been conducted in the same manner as during 
 the preceding year ; for by the departure of the Duke of Lor- 
 raine, whose term of service had expired, they were reduced to 
 6,000 horse and 5,000 foot, while the allies had 13,000 horse 
 and 5,000 foot at their disposal. But, as is often the case where 
 several of equal authority are joined in command, their want 
 of unity decided the victory to their enemies. Federigo, Mar- 
 quis of Mantua, whose influence kept the Duke of Calabria and 
 Lodovico Sforza within bounds, being dead, differences arose 
 between them which soon became jealousies. Giovan Galeazzo, 
 Duke of Milan, was now of an age to take the government on 
 himself, and had married the daughter of the Duke of Calabria, 
 who wished his son-in-law to exercise the government and not 
 Ludovico ; the latter, being aware of the duke's design, studied 
 to prevent him from effecting it. The position of Lodovico 
 being known to the Venetians, they thought they could make 
 it available for their own interests; and hoped, as they had 
 often before done, to recover in peace all they had lost by war ; 
 and having secretly entered into treaty with Lodovico, the 
 terms were concluded in August, 1484. When this became 
 known to the rest of the allies, they were greatly dissatisfied, 
 principally because they found that the places won from the 
 Venetians were to be restored ; that they were allowed to keep 
 Rovigo and the Polesine, which they had taken from the Mar- 
 quis of Ferrara, and besides this retain all the pre-eminence 
 and authority over Ferrara itself which they had formerly pos- 
 sessed. Thus it was evident to everyone they had been en- 
 gaged in a war which had cbst vast sums of money, during the 
 progress of which they had acquired honor, and which was 
 concluded with disgrace; for the places wrested from the 
 enemy were restored without themselves recovering those they 
 had lost. They were, however, compelled to ratify the treaty, 
 on account of the unsatisfactory state of their finances, and be- 
 cause the faults and ambitions of others had rendered them un- 
 willing to put their fortunes to further proof. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Affairs of the Pope — He is Reconciled to Niccolo Vitelli — Discords 
 between the Colonnesi and the Orsini — ^Various Events — The War 
 of Serezana — Genoa Occupied by Her Archbishop — Death of Sixtus 
 IV — Innocent VIII Elected — Agostino Fregoso Gives Serezana to 
 the Bank of St. Giorgio — Account of the Bank of St. Giorgio — War 
 with the Genoese for Serezana — Stratagem of the Florentines to At- 
 tack Pietra Santa — Difficulties and Final Surrender of Pietra Santa 
 — The Lucchese Lay Claim to Pietra Santa — The City of L'Aquila 
 Revolts against the King of Naples — War between Him and the Pope 
 — The Florentines Take the King's Part — Peace between the Pope 
 and the King. 
 
 DURING these events in Lombardy, the Pope sent Lo- 
 renzo to invest Citta di Castello, for the purpose of 
 expelling Niccolo Vitelli, the place having been aban- 
 doned to him by the league, for the purpose of inducing the 
 pontiff to join them. During the siege, Niccolo's troops were 
 led out against the papal forces and routed them. Upon this 
 the Pope recalled the Count Girolamo from Lombardy with 
 orders first to recruit his army at Rome, and then proceed 
 against Citta di Castello. But thinking afterward, that it would 
 be better to obtain Niccolo Vitelli as his friend than to renew 
 hostilities with him, an arrangement was entered into by which 
 the latter retained Citta di Castello, and the Pope pacified Lo- 
 renzo as well as he could. He was induced to both these meas- 
 ures rather by his apprehension of fresh troubles than by his 
 love of peace, for he perceived dissensions arising between the 
 Colonnesi and the Orsini. 
 
 In the war between the King of Naples and the Pope, the 
 former had taken the district of Tagliacozzo from the Orsini, 
 and given it to the Colonnesi, who had espoused his cause. 
 Upon the establishment of peace, the Orsini demanded its res- 
 toration by virtue of the treaty. The Pope had frequently 
 intimated to the Colonnesi, that it ought to be restored; but 
 they, instead of complying with the entreaties of the Orsini, 
 
 429 
 
430 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1484 
 
 or being influenced by the Pope's threats, renewed hostilities 
 against the former. Upon this the pontiff, unable to endure 
 their insolence, united his own forces with those of the Orsini, 
 plundered the houses they possessed in Rome, slew or made 
 prisoners all who defended them, and seized most of their for- 
 tresses. So that when these troubles were composed, it was 
 rather by the complete subjugation of one party than from 
 any desire for peace in the other. 
 
 Nor were the affairs of Genoa or of Tuscany in repose, for 
 the Florentines kept the Count Antonio da Marciano on the 
 borders of Serezana, and, while the war continued in Lom- 
 bardy, annoyed the people of Serezana by inroads and light 
 skirmishes. Battistino Fregoso, Doge of Genoa, trusting to 
 Pagolo Fregoso, the archbishop, was taken prisoner, with his 
 wife and children, by the latter, who assumed the sovereignty 
 of the city. The Venetian fleet had attacked the Kingdom of 
 Naples, taken Gallipoli, and harassed the neighboring places. 
 But upon the peace of Lombardy, all tumults were hushed ex- 
 cept those of Tuscany and Rome; for the Pope died in five 
 days after its declaration, either in the natural course of things, 
 or because his grief for peace, to which he was always op- 
 posed, occasioned his end. 
 
 Upon the decease of the pontiff, Rome was immediately in 
 arms. The Count Girolamo withdrew his forces into the cas- 
 tle; and the Orsini feared the Colonnesi would avenge the in- 
 juries they had recently sustained. The Colonnesi demanded 
 the restitution of their houses and castles, so that in a few 
 days robberies, fires, and murders prevailed in several parts of 
 the city. The cardinals entreated the count to give the castle 
 into the hands of the college, withdraw his troops, and deliver 
 Rome from the fear of his forces, and he, by way of ingratiat- 
 ing himself with the future pontiff, obeyed, and retired to Imola. 
 The cardinals, being thus divested of their fears, and the barons 
 hopeless of assistance in their quarrels, proceeded to create a 
 new pontiff, and after some discussion, Giovanni Batista Cibo, 
 a Genoese, Cardinal of Malfetta, was elected (1484), and took 
 the name of Innocent VIII. By the mildness of his disposi- 
 tion (for he was peaceable and humane) he caused a cessation 
 of hostilities, and for the present restored peace to Rome. 
 
 The Florentines, after the pacification of Lombardy, could 
 
1484] BANK OF SAN GIORGIO 431 
 
 not remain quiet; for it appeared disgraceful that a private 
 gentleman should deprive them of the fortress of Serezana; 
 and as it was allowed by the conditions of peace, not only to de- 
 mand lost places, but to make war upon any who should im- 
 pede their restoration, they immediately provided men and 
 money to undertake its recovery. Upon this, Agostino Fre- 
 goso, who had seized Serezana, being unable to defend it, gave 
 the fortress to the bank of San Giorgio. As we shall have 
 frequent occasion to speak of San Giorgio and the Genoese, 
 it will not be improper, since Genoa is one of the principal cities 
 of Italy, to give some account of the regulations and usages 
 prevailing there. When the Genoese had made peace with 
 the Venetians, after the great war, many years ago, the repub- ' 
 lie being unable to satisfy the claims of those who had ad- 
 vanced large sums of money for its use, conceded to them the 
 revenue of the Dogano or custom-house, so that each creditor 
 should participate of the receipts in proportion to his claim, 
 until the whole amount should be liquidated, and, as a suit- 
 able place for their assembling, the palace over the Dogano 
 was assigned for their use. These creditors established a form 
 of government among themselves, appointing a council of 100 
 persons for the direction of their affairs, and a committee of 
 eight, who, as the executive body, should carry into effect the 
 determinations of the council. Their credits were divided into 
 shares, called Luoghi, and they took the title of the Bank, or 
 Company, of San Giorgio. 
 
 Having thus arranged their government, the city fell into 
 fresh difficulties, and applied to the San Giorgio for assistance, 
 which, being wealthy and well managed, was able to afford 
 the required aid. On the other hand, as the city had at first 
 conceded the customs, she next began to assign towns, castles, 
 or territories, as security for moneys received ; and this prac- 
 tice has proceeded to such a length, from the necessities of the 
 state, and the accommodation 'by the San Giorgio, that the 
 latter now has under its administration most of the towns and 
 cities in the Genoese dominion. These the Bank governs and 
 protects, and every year sends its deputies, appointed by vote, 
 without any interference on the part of the republic. Hence 
 the affections of the citizens are transferred from the govern- 
 ment to the San Giorgio, on account of the tyranny of the 
 
432 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1484 
 
 former, and the excellent regulations adopted by the latter. 
 Hence also originate the frequent changes of the republic, 
 which is sometimes under a citizen, and at other times gov- 
 erned by a stranger; for the magistracy, and not the San 
 Giorgio, changes the government. So when the Fregosi and 
 the Adorni were in opposition, as the government of the re- 
 public was the prize for which they strove, the greater part of 
 the citizens withdrew and left it to the victor. The only in- 
 terference of the Bank of San Giorgio is when one party has 
 obtained a superiority over the other, to bind the victor to the 
 observance of its laws, which up to this time have not been 
 changed ; for as it possesses arms, money, and influence, they 
 could not be altered without incurring the imminent risk of a 
 dangerous rebellion. This establishment presents an instance 
 of what in all the republics, either described or imagined by 
 philosophers, has never been thought of; exhibiting within 
 the same community, and among the same citizens, liberty and 
 tyranny, integrity and corruption, justice and injustice; for 
 this establishment preserves in the city many ancient and ven- 
 erable customs; and shoul'd it happen (as in time it easily 
 may) that the San Giorgio should have possession of the whole 
 city, the republic will become more distinguished than that of 
 Venice. 
 
 Agostino Fregoso conceded Serezana to the San Giorgio, 
 which readily accepted it, undertook its defence, put a fleet to 
 sea, and sent forces to Pietra Santa to prevent all attempts of 
 the Florentines, whose camp was in the immediate vicinity. 
 The Florentines found it would be essentially necessary to gain 
 possession of Pietra Santa, for without it the acquisition of 
 Serezana lost much of its value, being situated between the lat- 
 ter place and Pisa; but they could not, consistently with the 
 treaty, besiege it, unless the people of Pietra Santa, or its gar- 
 rison, were to impede their acquisition of Serezana. To in- 
 duce the enemy to do this, the Florentines sent from Pisa to 
 the camp a quantity of provisions and military stores, accom- 
 panied by a very weak escort ; that the people of Pietra Santa 
 might have little cause for fear, and by the richness of the booty 
 be tempted to the attack. The plan succeeded according to 
 their expectation; for the inhabitants of Pietra Santa, at- 
 tracted by the rich prize, took possession of it. 
 
1484] SURRENDER OF PIETRA SANTA 433 
 
 This gave legitimate occasion to the Florentines to under- 
 take operations against them; so leaving Serezana they en- 
 camped before Pietra Santa, which was very populous, and 
 made a gallant defence. The Florentines planted their artil- 
 lery in the plain, and formed a rampart upon the hill, that they 
 might also attack the place on that side. Jacopo Guicciardini 
 was commissary of the army; and while the siege of Pietra 
 Santa was going on, the Genoese took and burnt the fortress 
 of Vada, and, landing their forces, plundered the surrounding 
 country. Bongianni Gianfigliazzi was sent against them, with 
 a body of horse and foot, and checked their audacity, so that 
 they pursued their depredations less boldly. The fleet continu- 
 ing its efforts went to Livorno, and by pontoons and other 
 means approached the new tower, playing their artillery upon 
 it for several days, but being unable to make any impression 
 they withdrew. 
 
 In the meantime the Florentines proceeded slowly against 
 Pietra Santa, and the enemy taking courage attacked, and took 
 their works upon the hill. This was effected with so much 
 glory, and struck such a panic into the Florentines, that they 
 were almost ready to raise the siege, and actually retreated a 
 distance of four miles; for their generals thought that they 
 would retire to winter quarters, it being now October, and 
 make no further attempt till the return of spring. 
 ' When this discomfiture was known at Florence, the govern- 
 ment was filled with indignation; and, to impart fresh vigor 
 to the enterprise, and restore the reputation of their forces, 
 they immediately appointed Antonio Pucci and Bernardo del 
 Neri commissaries, who, with vast sums of money, proceeded 
 to the army, and intimated the heavy displeasure of the Sig- 
 nory, and of the whole city, if they did not return to the walls ; 
 and what a disgrace, if so large an army and so many generals, 
 having only a small garrison to contend with, could not con- 
 quer so poor and weak a place. They explained the immediate 
 and future advantages that would result from the acquisition, 
 and spoke so forcibly upon the subject, that all became anxious 
 to renew the attack. They resolved, in' the first place, to re- 
 cover the rampart upon the hill ; and here it was evident how 
 greatly humanity, aflfability, and condescension influence the 
 minds of soldiers ; for Antonio Pucci, by encouraging one and 
 28 
 
434 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1485 
 
 promising another, shaking hands with this man and embrac- 
 ing that, induced them to proceed to the charge with such 
 impetuosity, that they gained possession of the rampart in an 
 instant. However, the victory was not unattended by mis- 
 fortune, for Count Antonio da Marciano was killed by a can- 
 non shot. This success filled the townspeople with so much 
 terror, that they began to make proposals for capitulation ; and 
 to invest the surrender with imposing solemnity, Lorenzo de' 
 Medici came to the camp, when, after a few days, the fortress 
 was given up. It being now winter, the leaders of the expe- 
 dition thought it unadvisable to make any further effort until 
 the return of spring, more particularly because the autumnal 
 air had been so unhealthy that numbers were affected by it. 
 Antonio Pucci and Bongianni Gianfigliazzi were taken ill and 
 died, to the great regret of all, so greatly had Antonio's con- 
 duct at Pietra Santa endeared him to the army. 
 
 Upon the taking of Pietra Santa, the Lucchese sent ambas- 
 sadors to Florence, to demand its surrender to their republic, 
 on account of its having previously belonged to them, and be- 
 cause, as they alleged, it was in the conditions that places taken 
 by their party were to be restored to their original possessors. 
 The Florentines did not deny the articles, but replied that they 
 did not know whether, by the treaty between themselves and 
 the Genoese, which was then under discussion, it would have 
 to be given up or not, and therefore could not reply to that 
 point at present; but in case of its restitution, it would first 
 be necessary for the Lucchese to reimburse them for the ex- 
 penses they had incurred and the injury they had suffered, in 
 the death of so many citizens; and that when this was satis- 
 factorily arranged, they might entertain hopes of obtaining the 
 place. 
 
 The whole winter was consumed in negotiations between 
 the Florentines and Genoese, which, by the Pope's interven- 
 tion, were carried on at Rome ; but not being concluded upon 
 the return of spring, the Florentines would have attacked Sere- 
 zana had they not iDeen prevented by the illness of Lorenzo de' 
 Medici, and the war between the Pope and King Ferrando ; 
 for Lorenzo was afflicted not only by the gout, which seemed 
 hereditary in his family, but also by violent pains in the stom- 
 ach, and was compelled to go to the baths for relief. 
 
I486] COUNT DI MONTORIO IMPRISONED 435 
 
 The more important reason was furnished by the war, of 
 which this was the origin. The city of Aquila (Aquila degli 
 Abruzzi), though subject to the Kingdom of Naples, was in a 
 manner free ; and the Count di Montorio possessed great in- 
 fluence over it. The Duke of Calabria was upon the banks of 
 the Tronto with his men-at-arms, under pretence of appeasing 
 some disturbances among the peasantry ; but really with a de- 
 sign of reducing Aquila entirely under the King's authority, 
 and sent for the Count di Montorio, as if to consult him upon 
 the business he pretended then to have in hand. The count 
 obeyed without the least suspicion, and on his arrival was made 
 prisoner by the duke and sent to Naples. When this circum- 
 stance became known at Aquila, the anger of the inhabitants 
 arose to the highest pitch; taking arms they killed Antonio 
 Cencinello, commissary for the King, and with him some in- 
 habitants known partisans of his majesty. The Aquilani, in 
 order to have a defender in their rebellion, raised the banner of 
 the Church, and sent envoys to the Pope, to submit their city 
 and themselves to him, beseeching that he would defend them 
 as his own subjects against the tyranny of the King. The 
 pontiff gladly undertook their defence, for he had both public 
 and private reasons for hating that monarch; and Signor 
 Roberto of San Severino, an enemy of the Duke of Milan, 
 being disengaged, was appointed to take the command of his 
 forces, and sent for with all speed to Rome. He entreated 
 the friends and relatives of the Count di Montorio to withdraw 
 their allegiance from the King, and induced the Princes of 
 Altimura, Salerno, and Bisignano to take arms against him. 
 
 The King, finding himself so suddenly involved in war, had 
 recourse to the Florentines and the Duke of Milan for assist- 
 ance. The Florentines hesitated with regard to their own con- 
 duct, for they felt all the inconvenience of neglecting their own 
 affairs to attend to those of others, and hostilities against the 
 Church seemed likely to involve much risk. However, being 
 under the obligation of a league, they preferred their honor to 
 convenience or security, engaged the Orsini, and sent all their 
 own forces under the Count di Pitigliano toward Rome, to the 
 assistance of the King. The latter divided his forces into two 
 parts; one, under the Duke of Calabria, he sent toward Rome, 
 which, being joined by the Florentines, opposed the army of 
 
436 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i486 
 
 the Church; with the other, under his own command, he at- 
 tacked the barons, and the war was prosecuted with varied 
 success on both sides. At length, the King, being universally 
 victorious, peace was concluded by the intervention of the am- 
 bassadors of the King of Spain, in August, i486, to which the 
 Pope consented; for having found fortune opposed to him 
 he was not disposed to tempt it further. In this treaty all the 
 powers of Italy were united, except the Genoese, who were 
 omitted as rebels against the republic of Milan, and unjust oc- 
 cupiers of territories belonging to the Florentines. Upon the 
 peace being ratified, Roberto da San Severino, having been 
 during the war a treacherous ally of the Church, and by no 
 means formidable to her enemies, left Rome; being followed 
 by the forces of the duke and the Florentines, after passing 
 Cesena, found them near him, and urging his flight reached 
 Ravenna with less than a hundred horse. Of his forces, part 
 were received into the duke's service, and part were plundered 
 by the peasantry. The King, being reconciled with his barons, 
 put to death Jacopo Coppola and Antonello d'Aversa and their 
 sons, for having, during the war, betrayed his secrets to the 
 Pope. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Pope Becomes Attached to the Florentines — The Genoese Seize 
 Serezanello — They Are Routed by the Florentines — Serezana Sur- 
 renders — Genoa Submits to the Duke of Milan — War between the 
 Venetians and the Dutch — Osimo Revolts from the Church — Count 
 Girolamo Riario, Lord of Furli, Slain by a Conspiracy — Galeotto, 
 Lord of Faenza, is Murdered by the Treachery of His Wife — The 
 Government of the City Offered to the Florentines — Disturbances in 
 Sienna — Death of Lorenzo de' Medici — His Eulogy — Establishment 
 of His Family — Estates Bought by Lorenzo — His Anxiety for the 
 Defence of Florence — His Taste for Arts and Literature — The Uni- 
 versity of Pisa — The Estimation of Lorenzo by Other Princes. 
 
 THE Pope having observed, in the course of the war, how 
 promptly and earnestly the Florentines adhered to their 
 alliances, although he had previously been opposed to 
 them from his attachment to the Genoese, and the assistance 
 they had rendered to the King, now evinced a more amicable 
 disposition, and received their ambassadors with greater favor 
 than previously. Lorenzo de' Medici, being made acquainted 
 with this change of feeling, encouraged, it with the utmost 
 solicitude; for he thought it would be of great advantage, if 
 to the friendship of the King he could add that of the pontiff. 
 The Pope had a son named Francesco, upon whom he designed 
 to bestow states and attach friends who might be useful to 
 him after his own death, and for whom he saw no safer connec- 
 tion in Italy than Lorenzo's. He therefore induced the latter 
 to give Francesco one of his daughters in marriage. Having 
 formed this alliance, the Pope desired the Genoese to con- 
 cede Serezana to the Florentines, insisting that they had no 
 right to detain what Agostino had sold, nor that Agostino was 
 justified in making over to the Bank of San Giorgio what was 
 not his own. However, his holiness did not succeed with them ; 
 for the Genoese, during these transactions at Rome, armed 
 several vessels, and, unknown to the Florentines, landed 3,000 
 foot, attacked Serezanello, situated above Serezana, plundered 
 
 437 
 
438 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i486 
 
 and burned the town near it, and then, directing their artillery 
 against the fortress, fired upon it with their utmost energy. 
 This assault was new and unexpected by the Florentines, who 
 immediately assembled their forces under Virginio Orsino, at 
 Pisa, and complained to the Pope, that while he was endeavor- 
 ing to establish peace, the Genoese had renewed their attack 
 upon them. They then sent Piero Corsini to Lucca, that by 
 his presence he might keep the city faithful ; and Pagolo An- 
 tonio Soderini to Venice, to learn how that republic was 
 disposed. They demanded assistance of the King and of Sig- 
 ner Lodovico, but obtained it from neither ; for the King ex- 
 pressed apprehensions of the Turkish fleet, and Lodovico made 
 excuses, but sent no aid. 
 
 Thus the Florentines in their own wars are almost always 
 obliged to stand alone, and find no friends to assist them with 
 the same readiness they practise toward others. Nor did they 
 on this desertion of their allies (it being nothing new to them), 
 give way to despondency ; for having 'assembled a large army 
 under Jacopo Guicciardini and Piero Vettori, they sent it 
 against the enemy, who had encamped upon the River Magra, 
 at the same time pressing Serezanello with mines and every 
 species of attack. The commissaries being resolved to relieve 
 the place, an engagement ensued, when the Genoese were routed, 
 and Lodovico dal Fiesco, with several other principal men, 
 made prisoners. The Serezanesi were not so depressed at their 
 defeat as to be willing to surrender, but obstinately prepared for 
 their defence, while the Florentine commissaries proceeded with 
 their operations, and instances of valor occurred on both sides. 
 The siege being protracted by a variety of fortune, Lorenzo de' 
 Medici resolved to go to the camp, and on his arrival the troops 
 acquired fresh courage, while that of the enemy seemed to fail ; 
 for, perceiving the obstinacy of the Florentines' attack, and the 
 delay of the Genoese in coming to their relief, they surrendered 
 to Lorenzo, without asking conditions, and none were treated 
 with severity except two or three who were leaders of the re- 
 bellion. During the siege, Lodovico had sent troops to Pontre- 
 moli, as if with an intention of assisting the Florentines ; but 
 having secret correspondence in Genoa, a party was raised 
 there, who, by the aid of these forces, gave the city to the Duke 
 of Milan. 
 
I486J , TROUBLES IN ROMAGNA 439 
 
 At this time the Dutch made war upon the Venetians, and 
 Boccohno of Osimo, in the Marca, caused that place to revolt 
 from the Pope, and assumed the sovereignty. After a variety 
 of fortune, he was induced to restore the city to the pontiff and 
 come to Florence, where, under the protection of Lorenzo de' 
 Medici, by whose advice he had been prevailed upon to submit, 
 he lived long and respected. He afterward went to Milan, but 
 did not experience such generous treatment; for Lodovico 
 caused him to be put to death. The Venetians were routed by 
 the Dutch, near the city of Trento, and Roberto da San Sever- 
 ino, their captain, was slain. After this defeat, the Venetians, 
 with their usual good fortune, made peace with the Dutch, not 
 as vanquished, but as conquerors, so honorable were the terms 
 they obtained. 
 
 About this time there arose serious troubles in Romagna. 
 Francesco d'Orso, of Furli, was a man of great authority in 
 that city, and became suspected by the Count Girolamo, who 
 often threatened him. He consequently, living under great ap- 
 prehensions, was advised by his friends to provide for his own 
 safety, by the immediate adoption of such a course as would 
 relieve him from all further fear of the count. Having con- 
 sidered the matter and resolved to attempt it, they fixed upon 
 the market-day, at Furli, as most suitable for their purpose; 
 for many of their friends being sure to come from the country, 
 they might make use of their services without having to bring 
 them expressly for the occasion. It was the month of May, 
 when most Italians take supper by daylight. The conspirators 
 thought the most convenient hour would be after the count had 
 finished his repast ; for his household being then at their meal, 
 he would remain in the chamber almost alone. Having fixed 
 upon the hour, Francesco went to the count's residence, left his 
 companions in the hall, proceeded to his apartment, and desired 
 an attendant to say he wished for an interview. He was admit- 
 ted, and after a few words of pretended communication, slew 
 him, and calling to his associates, killed the attendant. The 
 governor of the palace coming by accident to speak with the 
 count, and entering the apartment with a few of his people, was 
 also slain. After this slaughter, and in the midst of a great 
 tumult, the count's body was thrown from the window, and 
 with the cry of " Church and Liberty ! " they roused the people 
 
440 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [i486 
 
 (who hated the avarice and cruelty of the count) to arms, and 
 having plundered his house, made the Countess Caterina and 
 her children prisoners. The fortress alone had to be taken to 
 bring the enterprise to a successful issue; but the Castellan 
 would not consent to its surrender. They begged the countess 
 would desire him to comply with their wish, which she prom- 
 ised to do, if they would allow her to go into the fortress, leav- 
 ing her children as security for the performance of her promise. 
 The conspirators trusted her, and permitted her to enter; but 
 as soon as she was within, she threatened them with death and 
 every- kind of torture in revenge for the murder of her husband ; 
 and upon their menacing her with the death of her children, 
 she said she had the means of getting more. Finding they 
 were not supported by the Pope, and that Lodovico Sforza, 
 uncle to the countess, had sent forces to her assistance, the con- 
 spirators became terrified, and taking with them whatever 
 property they could carry off, they fled to Citta di Castello. 
 The countess recovered the state, and avenged the death of her 
 husband with the utmost cruelty. The Florentines hearing of 
 the count's death, took occasion to recover the fortress of Pian- 
 caldoli, of which he had formerly deprived them, and, on send- 
 ing some forces, captured it ; but Cecco, the famous engineer, 
 lost his life during the siege. 
 
 To this disturbance in Romagna, another in that province, 
 no less important, has to be added. Galeotto, Lord of Faenza, 
 had married the daughter of Giovanni Bentivogli, Prince of 
 Bologna. She, either through jealousy or ill treatment by her 
 husband, or from the depravity of her own nature, hated him 
 to such a degree that she determined to deprive him of his pos- 
 sessions and his life ; and pretending sickness, she took to her 
 bed, where, having induced Galeotto to visit her, he was slain 
 by assassins, whom she had concealed for that purpose in the 
 apartment. She had acquainted her father with her design, 
 and he hoped, on his son-in-law's death, to become Lord of 
 Faenza. A great tumult arose as soon as the murder was 
 known, the widow, with an infant son, fled into the fortress, 
 the people took up arms, Giovanni Bentivogli, with a con- 
 dottiere of the Duke of Milan, named Bergamino, engaged for 
 the occasion, entered Faenza with a considerable force, and 
 
1492] DEATH OF LORENZO DE' MEDICI 441 
 
 Antonio Boscoli, the Florentine commissary, was also there. 
 These leaders being together, and discoursing of the govern- 
 ment of the place, the men of Val di Lamona, who had risen 
 unanimously upon learning what had occurred, attacked Gio- 
 vanni and Bergamino, the latter of whom they slew, made the 
 former prisoner, and raising the cry of " Astorre and the Flor- 
 entines ! " offered the city to the commissary. These events 
 being known at Florence, gave general offence ; however, they 
 set Giovanni and his daughter at liberty, and by the universal 
 desire of the people, took the city and Astorre under their pro- 
 tection. Besides these, after the principal differences of the 
 greater powers were composed, during several years tumults 
 prevailed in Romagna, the Marca, and Sienna, which, as they 
 are unimportant, it will be needless to recount. When the 
 Duke of Calabria, after the war of 1478, had left the country, 
 the distractions of Sienna became more frequent, and after 
 many changes, in which, first the plebeians, and then the nobil- 
 ity, were victorious, the latter, at length, maintained the supe- 
 riority, and among them Pandolfo and Jacopo Petrucci ob- 
 tained the greatest influence, so that, the former being distin- 
 guished for prudence and the latter for resolution, they became 
 almost princes in the city. 
 
 The Florentines after the war of Serezana lived in great 
 prosperity until 1492, when Lorenzo de' Medici died; for he 
 having put a stop to the internal wars of Italy, and by his wis- 
 dom and authority established peace, turned his thoughts to 
 the advancement of his own and the city's interests, and mar- 
 ried Piero, his eldest son, to Alfonsina, daughter of the Cav- 
 aliere Orsino. He caused Giovanni, his second son, to be 
 raised to the dignity of cardinal. This was the more remark- 
 able from its being unprecedented; for he was only fourteen 
 years of age when admitted to the college; and became the 
 medium by which his family attained to the highest earthly 
 glory. He was unable to make any particular provision for 
 Giuliano, his third son, on account of his tender years, and the 
 shortness of his own life. Of his daughters, one married 
 Jacopo Salviati; another, Francesco Cibo; the third, Piero 
 Ridolfi ; and the fourth, whom, in order to keep his house united, 
 he had married to Giovanni de' Medici, died. In his commer- 
 
442 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Ii493 
 
 cial aifairs he was very unfortunate, from the improper conduct 
 of his agents, who in all their proceedings assumed the deport- 
 ment of princes rather, than of private persons ; so that in many 
 places much of his property was wasted, and he had to be re- 
 lieved by his country with large sums of money. 
 
 To avoid similar inconvenience, he withdrew from mercan- 
 tile pursuits, and invested his property in land and houses, as 
 being less liable to vicissitude. In the districts of Prato, Pisa, 
 and the Val di Pesa, he purchased extensively, and erected 
 buildings, which for magnificence and utility were quite of 
 regal character. He next undertook the improvement of the 
 city, and as many parts were unoccupied by buildings, he 
 caused new streets to be erected in them, of great beauty, and 
 thus enlarged the accommodation of the inhabitants. To en- 
 joy his power in security and repose, and conquer or resist his 
 enemies at a distance, in the direction of Bologna he fortified 
 the castle of Firenzuola, situated in the midst of the Apen- 
 nines ; toward Sienna he commenced the restoration and forti- 
 fication of the Poggio Imperiale; and he shut out the enemy 
 in the direction of Genoa, by the acquisition of Pietra Santa 
 and Serezana. For the greater safety of the city, he kept in 
 pay the Baglioni, at Perugia, and the Vitelli, at Citta di Cas- 
 tello, and held the Government of Faenza wholly in his own 
 power; all which greatly contributed to the repose and pros- 
 perity of Florence. In peaceful times, he frequently enter- 
 tained the people with feasts, and exhibitions of various events 
 and triumphs of antiquity, his object being to keep the city 
 abundantly supplied, the people united, and the nobility 
 honored. He was a great admirer of excellence in the arts, 
 and a patron of literary men, of which Agnolo da Montepul- 
 ciano, Cristofero Landini, and Demetrius Chalcondylas, a 
 Greek, may afford sufficient proofs. On this account, Count 
 Giovanni della Mirandola, a man of almost supernatural gen- 
 ius, after visiting every court of Europe, induced by the 
 munificence of Lorenzo, established his abode at Florence. He 
 took great delight in architecture, music, and poetry, many of 
 his comments and poetical compositions still remaining. To 
 facilitate the study of literature to the youth of Florence, he 
 opened a university at Pisa, which was conducted by the most 
 
1492] CHARACTER OF LORENZO 443 
 
 distinguished men in Italy. For Mariano da Chinazano, a 
 friar of the order of St. Augustine, and an excellent preacher, 
 he built a monastery in the neighborhood of Florence. He en- 
 joyed much favor both from fortune and from the Almighty; 
 all his enterprises were brought to a prosperous termination, 
 while his enemies were unfortunate; for, besides the conspirr 
 acy of the Pazzi, an attempt was made to murder him in the 
 Carmine, by Batista Frescobaldi, and a similar one by Baldi- 
 netto da Pistoja, at his villa ; but these persons, with their con- 
 federates, came to the end their crimes deserved. His skill, 
 prudence, and fortune, were acknowledged with admiration, 
 not only by the princes of Italy, but by those of distant coun- 
 tries ; for Matthias, King of Hungary, gave him many proofs 
 of his regard; the sultan sent ambassadors to him with valu- 
 able presents, and the great Turk placed in his hands Ber- 
 nardo Bandini, the murderer of his brother. These circum- 
 stances raised his fame throughout Italy, and his reputation for 
 prudence constantly increased; for in council he was eloquent 
 and acute, wise in determination, and prompt and resolute in 
 execution. Nor can vices be alleged against him to sully so 
 many virtues ; though he was fond of women, pleased with the 
 company of facetious and satirical men, and amused with the 
 games of the nursery, more than seemed consistent with so 
 great a character; for he was frequently seen playing with his 
 children, and partaking of their infantine sports; so that who- 
 ever considers this gravity and cheerfulness, will find united 
 in him dispositions which seem almost incompatible with each 
 other. In his later years, he was greatly afflicted ; besides the 
 gout, he was troubled with excruciating pains in the stomach, 
 of which he died in April, 1492, in the forty-fourth year of his 
 age; nor was there ever in Florence, or even in Italy, one so 
 celebrated for wisdom, or for whose loss such universal regret 
 was felt. As from his death the greatest devastation would 
 shortly ensue, the heavens gave many evident tokens of its ap- 
 proach ; among other signs, the highest pinnacle of the Church 
 of Santa Reparata was struck with lightning, and great part of 
 it thrown down, to the terror and amazement of everyone. The 
 citizens and all the princes of Italy mourned for him, and sent 
 their ambassadors to Florence, to condole with the city on the 
 
444 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE [1492 
 
 occasion ; and the justness of their grief was shortly after ap- 
 parent; for being deprived of his counsel, his survivors were 
 unable either to satisfy or restrain the ambition of Lodovico 
 Sforza, tutor to the Duke of Milan ; and hence, soon after the 
 death of Lorenzo, those evil plants began to germinate, which 
 in a little time ruined Italy, and continue to keep her in deso- 
 lation.