liliilliiiiliiiife!!''' ^^^^■apan ana a ■kfllsA^^^S^U LI M U C 1? Cj I? JV CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Dudley Schoeles l*fOETORAdUA1t LIBPARV Cornell University Library JV 6888.197 1921 Japan and the California problem, 3 1924 011 201 542 DATE DUE urn m^^M. ^**^.- Um« .,4jgg*pMfi»*'' JMwnitJMO-WBlil ppiiSi^i '■ IN ■MH|Mli|fe "^[im „ Mfe - 'PffjS Tt^toiu ' '''"PiBfii ^ALi«a Kj !_''.' ^W- CAVLOHD ^fllNTCO IN U.S.A. The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924011201542 Japan and The California Problem By T. lyenaga, Ph.D. Professorial Lecturer in the Department of Political Science, University of Chicago and Kenoske Sato, M.A. Formerly Fellow in the University of Chicago G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London dbe fniichetbociiet press 1921 URIS LIBRARY MAY 9 1983 ( • Copyriglit. I02Z by G. P. Putnam's Sons Printed in the United States of America ^^ CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE Introductory 3 CHAPTER II Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life . 9 Emotional Nature — ^iSlsthetic Temperament — Group Consciousness — Adaptable Disposition — Spirit of Proletarian Chivalry — Philosophy of Life — New Turn in Thought. CHAPTER III Japan's Asiatic Policy • •• • 33 Korean Sitiiation — Policy of Self -Preservation — Shantung Settlement — Cooperation with China — Understanding with America — Japan's Proper Sphere of Activity. CHAPTER IV Background of Japanese Emigration . 50 Causes of Emigration and Immigration — Japan's Land Area — ^Agriculture — Population — Industry — Sodal Factors. CHAPTER V Attempts at Emigration: Results . . 64 Australia — Canada — South America — The United States — Results. iv Contents CHAPTER VI Causes of Anti-Japanese Agitation . . 75 Modem Civilization — Various Attitudes Towards Japanese — Psychological Nature of the Cause — Chinese Agitation Inherited — Local Politics — "Yellow Peril" — Propaganda — Racial Difference — Japanese Nationality — Modem Nationalism — Congestion in California — Pear and Envy Incited by Japanese Progress — Summary. , CHAPTER VII Facts about the Japanese in California — Population and Birth Rate ... 90 Number of Japanese in California — Immigration — ' ' Gentlemen's Agreement ' ' — Smuggling — Birth Rate — What we May Expect in the Future. CHAPTER VIII Facts about the Japanese in California — Farmers and Alien Land Laws 120 History of Japanese Agriculture in California — Causes of Progress — Japanese Farm Labor — Japanese Farmers — Anti-Alien Land Laws — Land Laws of Japan — Effect of the Initiative Bill. CHAPTER IX Assimilation 148 Nationalism and Assimilation — ^Meaning of " Assimi- lation" — Biological Assimilation-^Is Assimilation without Intermarriage Possible? — Cultural As- similation — Assimilability of Japanese Immigrants — Native- Bom Japanese. CHAPTER X General Conclusion 178 Contents v APPENDIXES PAGE Appendix A 198 Charts on Comparative Height and Weight of Ameri- can, Japanese-American, and Japanese Children. Appendix B ...... 201 Extracts from the Treaty of Commerce and Navi- gation and Protocol between Japan and the United States of America, of February 21, 1911. Appendix C 204 California's Alien Land Law, Approved May 19, 1913. Appendix D 207 AHen Land Law, Adopted November 2, 1920. Appendix E 216 Crops Raised by Japanese and their Acreage. Appendix F 217 Japanese Immigration to the United States. Appendix G 218 Japanese Admitted into Continental United States; Arrivals and Departures. Appendix H 218 Immigrants and Non-Inunigrants. Appendix I . . ... 219 Distribution of Japanese and Chinese Population in the United States. Appendix J 220 Distribution of Japanese in the United States, Ac- cording to the Consular Division, as Reported by Foreign Department, Japan. vi Contents PAGE Appendix K 221 An Abstract of Expatriation Law of Japan. Appendix L 223 A Minute of Hearing at Seattle, Washington, before the House Sub-Committee on Immigration and Naturalization. Appendix M . .... 230 Comparative Standing of Intelligence and Behavior of American-bom Japanese Children and American Children Discussed by Several Principals of Ele- mentary Schools of Los Angeles, California. Literature on the Subject . . . 238 Index 247 Japan and the California Problem Japan and The California Problem CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY WHEN, during the middle years of the last century, thousands of stalwart pioneers moved westward to California in quest of gold, they had no idea whatsoever of the part of destiny they were playing. When, synchronously with that movement, Commodore Perry crossed the Pacific and forced open the doors of Japan with the prime object of securing safe anchorage, water, ft and provisions for the daring American schooners then busily engaged in trade with China, he never dreamed of the tremendous result which he was thereby bringing about. What those men were doing unconsciously was nothing short of pre- paring the way for contact and ultimate harmoni- ous progress of two great branches of mankind and civilization which originally sprang from a 3 4 Japan and the California Problem common root, but which in the course of thousands of years of independent development have come to possess strikingly different characteristics. Culture is aggressive and masculine; it craves conquest and vaunts victory. Once let loose in the open field of the Pacific, the East and West are now involved in a mighty tournament, the outcome of which is yet beyond mortal imagina- tion. The most we can hope for is the speedy realization of Ejpling's vision : But there is neither East nor West, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth, When two strong men stand face to face. Though they come from the ends of the earth. The Oriental problems in California, originating as they did in the conflict of local, economic, and political interests, have in recent years come to assume more and more the character of cultural and racial questions. The forms and motives of the movement for the exclusion of the Orientals are vastly diverse, often counteracting and con- tradictory, but deep in the bottom of the whirl there lies the fundamental question of race and civilization. To say the least, the present unrest in California with reference to the Japanese prob- lem is the intensified, miniature form of the general struggle in which East and West are now being Introductory 5 involved. Says Governor Stephens of California in his letter to Secretary of State Colby : California stands as an outpost on the western edge of Occidental civilization. Her people are the sons or the followers of the Argonauts who wended their way westward . . . and here, without themselves recog- nizing it at the time, they took the farthest westward step that the white men can take. From our shores roll the waters of the Pacific. From our coast the mind's eye takes its gaze and sees on the other shores of that great ocean the teeming millions of the Orient, with its institutions running their roots into the most venerable antiquity, its own inherited philosophy and standards of life, its own peculiar races and colors. This being the case, the magnitude of the Japanese problem in California can hardly be exaggerated. Enveloped in a state under the guise of local conflict, the problem is, nevertheless, a gigantic one, involving vital questions of world destiny. Shall the races of Asia and Europe, brought together by the progress of science, be once more strictly separated? Cannot different races; while remaining biologically distinct, form together the strong factors of a unified nation? Should white races organize in defense of them- selves against "the rising tide of color" and invoke race war of an unprecedented scale and conse- quence? Is it not possible to arrive. at some prin- ciple by which the contact of white and yellow 6 Japan and the California Problem races may be rendered a source of human happi- ness instead of being a cause for all the evil con- sequences imaginable? These are some of the questions which are contained in the Asiatic problem in California. Already a considerable quantity of literature has appeared which sounds an extremely pessi- mistic forecast of the future of Eurasiatic relation- ship. Some writers erroneously divide mankind into so many races by the color of the skin, as if each were a pure, homogeneous race, and they indulge in the risky speculation of "inevitable" race war between the white race, which hitherto held supremacy, and the yellow race, which is now attaining a position of serious rivalry. Others urge the imperative need of organizing the white nations into a supernational state in order to enable them to weather the threatened attacks from the yellow races. All these arguments are based on the presumption that the Asiatic races wherever they go — in Australia, Canada, or America — create conflict with the Aryan race. The fallacy of such arguments lies in envisaging the large problem of East and West from its partial expres- sion. The anti-Asiatic movement in the new world is certainly a significant problem, but it is only an incidental and local phenomenon of the great process under way of cultural unification. Introductory 7 That the California problem is not all that is in- volved in the relationship of Asia and America can readily be seen by the incessant increase, in spite of it, of close cooperation between them. In science, in art, in religion, in ideals, in industry, and commerce, and, last but not least, in senti- ment, the peoples of these continents find them- selves ever more closely bound together, learning to appreciate the inestimable value thereby created, and fast widening the scope of their group consciousness so as to embrace all mankind, thus concretely vindicating the futility of the idle speculation of race war based on the mere differ- ence of skin pigmentation. If the error of race-war theory arises from ab- sorption in parts, overlooking their relations with the whole — ^from magnifying out of proportion the local racial conflict to the extent of eclipsing the value and significance of vastly more important relations — ^it behooves us to avoid such grievous mistakes and to view the situation in a broader perspective. Indeed, the key to the understand- ing and the solution of the difficulty of the Pacific Coast is in viewing it in the light of friendship and cooperation between America and Japan, Then, and only then, does it become clear how impor- tant it is to approach the problem with prudence and foresight, and to endeavor to solve it in a 8 Japan and the California Problem spirit of fairness and justice. It then becomes plain, in the face of the vastly important tasks involved in wisely conducting the relationship of Orient and Occident, how foolish and cowardly it is to assume a negative attitude of fear and with- drawal from the natural circumstance which time has brought about. Whether one likes it or not, the world is already made one, and any human attempt to divide it into air-tight compartments is hopeless. We are bound to have yet closer con- tacts among all races and nations. The way to a satisfactory solution of the California problem clearly lies in a closer and more intimate associa- tion — ^in a word, better mutual understanding between Orientals and Occidentals. Let us then honestly seek to comprehend the heart of the difficulty and frankly discuss the question, untrammeled by any bias, prepossessions, or fear; with eyes steadily fixed on the larger aspects of the problem; eager to arrive at some Qonstructive principles of solution satisfactory to all concerned- CHAPTER II JAPANESE TRAITS AND PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE THE national traits of different peoples are, like our faces, similar in rough outline but infinitely different in the finer details. The people of Japan are in the larger characteristics not different from any other people; they are part of the aggregate of human beings and they possess all the instincts and desires which are common to humanity. But, as distinguished from other peoples, they display certain individual charac- teristics which are the product of a unique environ- ment and history. Emotional Nature. Perhaps the most prominent characteristic of the Japanese is their excitable, emotional nature, which among the ignorant is often expressed in turbulent and irascible action, and which among the refined takes the form of a fine sentimentality and temperamental delicacy. This is rather the direct opposite of the American disposition, which 9 10 Japan and the California Problem is stable, blunt and big, hearty and generous. Such difference is greatly responsible for mutual mis- understandings, such as the Japanese charge that the American is discourteous and inconsiderate, and the American impression that the Japanese is dissimulating, not to say tricky. The emotional temper of the Japanese has played a large r61e in their history and constitutes a conspicuous factor in their national life. If the history of the Anglo-Saxons is primarily a story of competition and struggle for the control of power and the pursuit of material interests, that of the Japanese is a drama of sentimental entanglement largely removed from material issues. Without due regard to the r61e played by emotion, the history of the Japanese people is wholly incompre- hensible. What, for instance, incited Hideyoshi to invade Korea in 1592? What made the Jap- anese accept so readily the teachings of the Jesuit Fathers during the latter half of the sixteenth century? What more recently induced Japan to insist at the Paris Conference on recognition of racial equality by the League of Nations? If the emotionalism of the race has been deeply influential in the historic drama, it has been no less persuasive in the political and social life of the present-day Japan. Compare the Constitutions of America and Japan. If the outstanding features Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life ii of the American Constitution are the safeguarding of the interests and rights of the individual, the states, and the nation, those of the Japanesfe Constitution are the expressions of the people's anxiety to recognize and perpetuate their beloved head, the Emperor, as the great, the divine ruler of their ideals. Although the onslaught of material- ism has wrought some changes in recent years, there yet remains the ineradicable proof of Jap- anese emotionalism in the realm of marriage and love, where all earthly considerations are forgotten, if not tabooed, and in the realms of family and of society, where the relations between parents and children, and between friends and neighbors, are conducted with an assured sense of devotion, love, and good will. The same tendency is to be rec- ognized in almost all Japanese institutions, educational, military, and political, while it is particularly true in the realm of aesthetics, includ- ing, art, literature, and music — a realm that is ruled by sentiment. In the common daily life of the Japanese their emotionalism expresses itself in almost infinitely diverse ways. Their peculiarly strong sense of pride and dignity, individual, family, and national, a sense for which the Japanese will make any sacrifice, comes from their highly-strung nervous system. Their keen sense of pride gives rise to 12 Japan and the California Problem another marked Japanese peculiarity — an exces- sive susceptibility to the opinions and feelings of their fellow men. Social ostracism to the Japanese is a punishment which is often more unbearable than the death penalty. The peculiarly high rate of suicides in Japan is explained by statisticians as being largely due to some mistake or sin for which the offender would rather die than be chas- tised by society. The cold-blooded hara kiri was an institution by which the Samurai could sustain his honor or save his face when involved in dis- grace. High-spirited temper, suppressed by ethical teachings, social conventions, and rigorous dis- cipline, results in a singular contrast between external physifcal expressions and internal feelings. The placid faces, reserved manners, and reticence are but masks of the intense, burning spirit, whose spontaneous expression has been inhibited by cen- turies of stoic training. It is most imfortunate that this virtue in the Oriental sense has frequently been a cause of misunderstanding, making the Japanese appear dissimulating, and, therefore, untrustworthy. But at heart the Japanese are neither as inscrut- able or deceitful as some believe, nor are they as intriguing or profound as these terms would imply. They are kind and sympathetic, easily moved by the attitude of others, quite simple-minded and Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 13 honest, lacking tenacity, audacity, iron will, or cold deliberation. In these respects, as in many others, the Japanese possess some of the weaker traits of the South European peoples. They have proved heretofore not a great people, but a little people "who are great in little things and little in great things." The simple explanation of Japanese sentimen- talism may be found in one of the original race stocks which migrated from southern islands of tropical climate, where emotion rather than will guides the conduct of the people. The topographi- cal and cUmatic conditions of Japan have also had their influence, and these, with the numerous volcanic eruptions, frequent earthquakes, and re- current typhoons, have given the people the dis- position of restlessness and excitement. Perhaps also the social system of the Middle Ages, which was unduly autocratic and despotic, irritated the lower classes, driving them to turbulent and "peppery" conduct. JEsthetic Temperament. The next characteristic of the Islander is one which is closely related to the preceding trait. It is artistic temperament. Some scholars of archaeo- logy attempted to trace this characteristic to the original settlers of the empire, but the resultant 14 Japan and the California Problem opinions are so diverse as to deny scientific valid- ity. Some of them maintain that the Ainu, the earliest known settlers in Japan, a now dwindling race living in the northern island called Hokkaido, were originally a very artistic people, contributing much to the aesthetic temperament of the Japanese. There are other scholars who insist that the Yamato race, and not the Ainu, was the most artis- tic, while there are still others who uphold the view that it was the vast horde of migrators coming from Korea, Tartary, and China who brought with them the love of beauty. But these are specula- tions of prehistorical conditions which are largely hidden from us by the veil of mythology. What we can be sure of is that the influence on the people of the exceptionally beautiful natural surround- ings reflected itself in their artistic genius. En- couragement of art and literature and of artistic productions generally through the patronage of aristocrats, who enjoyed from the earlier ages leisure and wealth, has also had much to do in making the Japanese artistic. What influence has this aesthetic temperament exerted on the life of the Japanese? In the first place, it has rendered Japanese civilization mark- edly feminine. This is shown by the fact that the creative efforts of the people were mainly directed to personal and home decoration and to literary Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 15 and artistic pursuits, instead of to masculine efforts to fight and conquer the forces of nature, from which alone the sciences are bom. Particularly noticeable was the almost total absence of science in Japan, in striking contrast to the remarkable wealth of art at the time, some hah a century ago, when the coimtry began a critical introspection of itself in comparison with other nations. In the second place, it had the effect of making the people inclined to underestimate the value of material things and to exaggerate the glory of the spiritual aspects of life. This is most clearly seen in the teachings of Bushido,' which laid strong emphasis on the baseness of the conduct that has for its motive pecuniary or material interests, and which taught the subordination of the body to the soul as the most essential virtue of the Samurai. The traditional custom of sacrificing the material side of a question for the satisfaction and uphold- ing of the emotional side still survives in present Japan, and constitutes one of the marked charac- teristics of the Japanese. His strong inclination towards imagination, meditation, and religious belief is too well known a fact to require more than a mention here. It seems true that people gifted aesthetically are more apt to turn hedonistic. While it remains » Th* System of Samurai Ethics and ObHeations of Honor. l6 Japan and the California Problem doubtful whether the Japanese are more immoral than other peoples, as is so frequently charged, it is quite true that they take more delight in a leisurely comfort of living, going to picnics, attending theaters, calling upon friends, and holding various ceremonies and feasts. Generally speaking, al- though not given to excesses, they show no puri- tanic disposition about drink and are lavish spenders for luxuries. In the tea houses and other places of social amusement they spend money often beyond the reasonable proportion of their income. They are not a thrifty people. Group Consciousness. Next to the artistic disposition must be men- tioned their strong group consciousness. It is true that all people have a certain degree of group consciousness which emerges out of the facts of common biological and cultural heritage and experience. But in the case of the Japanese this group spirit is markedly strong, expressing itself in loyalty and patriotism. Most strangely, the spirit of Yamato, or the Japanese group spirit, has had its source more than anjrwhere else in primitive mj^hs. Two ancient books of mythology, Kojiki and Nihongi, record the story of the Japanese ancestors who were originally bom of the gods of heaven and earth,, and who settled in Japan and Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 17 established there through their brave deeds the majesty of the Empire of Nippon. From these ancestors sprang the people of Japan. This myth is faithfully believed by the Japanese, and the people worship at the shrines where the spirits of their heroic ancestors are supposed still to reside and guard the country. So strong is this belief in the myth even to-day that, in spite of the anthro- pological discovery that the original settlers of the island were of diverse races and possessed no ad- vanced culture, the people still cling to the idea that the Japanese are a pure and glorious race, having sprung from one line of ancestors which was divine and which is now represented by its direct descendant, the Emperor. In addition to mythology, what bound the Japanese so close together was the natural environ- ment and the lack of cosmopolitan associations. Marooned as they were on little islands, the mutual association and intermarriage of people took place freely, and in the course of time established a sub- stantially complete homogeneity of the population. The internal unity was further strengthened by the policy of national seclusion, which gave the common people the idea that Japan was the only universe and that the Japanese were the only people on earth. In modem times, the group spirit or patriotism has been skillfully encouraged and 1 8 Japan and the California Problem enkindled by utilizing the national experience of the wars with China and Russia, and by a system of education which aimed to impress on the minds of children the glory of their people and history, the absolute duty of being loyal to the Emperor, and the hostile tendency of foreign countries to- ward their own. What the people gain by narrow patriotism in the maintenance of national integrity they lose in their failure to take a broad view of things. This stubbornly obstructs the Japanese in their efforts to view their country in its proper relation to other coimtries; it hinders them from being "Romans when in Rome " ; it makes the idea of following the example of England, the policy of loose national expansion, wholly unthinkable — Japanese colonies must be exclusively Japanese. The chief cause of the failure of Japanese colonization and emigra- tion must be attributed to the strong conscious- ness of the Yamato Minzoku (Yamato race). This has made the Japanese noticeably narrow- minded, quite awkward in their relations with different peoples, and more or less given to race prejudice. The reputation of the Japanese as poor mixers is well known. Their strong race prejudice has been exemplified by their attitude toward the Chinese, Koreans, and the outcast class of their fellow countrymen, called Eta, Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 19 which has been nothing short of prejudicial discrimination. In spite of the desperate efforts of the militarists and bureaucrats to conserve narrow patriotism and racial pride, it has been found increasingly- difficult to do so, since the facts and thoughts of the West became accessible to the people. When the marvelous scientific achievements of the Occi- dental peoples, their advanced political and social systems, their profound philosophies of life and of the universe, together with their superior physique and formidable armament, were appreciated, it became all too apparent; even to the most con- ceited mind, that the culture and racial stock, in which the Japanese had taken so much pride, were sadly inferior, and that years of hard toil would be necessary before they could be the equals of the Occidentals. The pathetic cry of Japan for recognition of racial equality by the League of Nations is a reluctant admission of this fact. The outcome of this disillusionment has been the appearance of three currents of thought with reference to the national policy. One is the ultra Occidentalism which sees nothing good in their own country and people, and hence is extremely merciless and outspoken in denunciation of things Japanese, but which admires even to the point of worship almost everything that is European and 20 Japan and the California Problem American. .To this school belong many younger radicals who are more or less socialisticaUy inclined and who would like to see Japan converted into a republic or a Bolshevik communism. Categori- cally opposed to this thought is another school, which its adherents call " Japanism." This school sees nothing new or worth while in things Occi- dental, and advocates, after the reasoning of Rousseau, a return to natural Japan. Between these two extremes stand the majority of sane intellectuals, who clearly perceive both the limi- tations and the strength of Japan, and endeavor to benefit through learning and assimilating the valu- able experience of advanced nations. Adaptable Disposition. Another notable feature of the Japanese is their meager endowment of originality and, conversely, their marked aptitude for adaptability. A glance at the outline of Japanese history shows how much the Japanese borrowed from other peoples in almost all phases of civilization and how little they themselves have created. Indeed, there is hardly anything which belongs to Japan that cannot be traced originally to the earnest creative effort of other peoples. The same may be said of modem peoples, who, with the exception of scientific in- ventions, have mainly derived their culture from Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 21 the Greeks and Romans. Whatever difference the future may witness, the Japanese thus far have been borrowers and receivers of other races' accomplish- ments. Perhaps this is the cause of the rapid de- velopment of the Japanese, who have succeeded in imitating and assimilating the strong points of nations in succession from the lower to the top of the hierarchy^ — from Korea, China, India, to Eu- rope. When the process reaches the top of the ladder, let us hope that Nippon will start for the first time real creative work. Spirit of Proletarian Chivalry. The discussion of Japanese traits would be very incomplete if we omitted one outstanding idio- syncrasy that has not yet been mentioned. So pecuUar is this trait to the Japanese that there is no adequate word to designate it in other lan- guages. The Japanese express it by such words as kikotsu, otokodate, and gikyoshin. The nearest English equivalents for these terms would be heroism and chivalry. It is a mixed sentiment of rebellion against bully power, sympathy for the helpless, and willingness to sacrifice self for the sake of those who have done kind acts. This ad- mirable sentiment must be strictly distinguished from the spirit of Bushido, because it has arisen among the plebeians in place of Bushido, which 32 Japan and the California Problem was the way of the Samurai or aristocrats, al- though it may have been, as some scholars claim, the source of inspiration for the growth of prole- tarian chivalry. Bushido has found an able pro- povmder in Dr. Nitob6. Under the Tokugawa regime the Samurai was the flower and the rest were nothing. The Samurai often abused their privilege and oppressed the common people not a little, disregarding their rights and personality. Then a class of plebeians appeared who called themselves "men of men, " and who made it their profession to defy the bullying Samurai and to defend the oppressed people. It was the virtue of this class always to help the weak and crush the strong, and to be ready to lay down their lives at any moment. The story of Sakura Sogoro, who fell a martyr to the cause of oppressed peasants, has become a classic. Thus originating in defiance of despotism, the spirit of proletarian chivalry permeated among the lower classes of people, and to this day it forms the bulwark of the rights and freedom of the common people. Refined and enriched by the embodiment in it of enlightened knowledge and ideals, the sentiment came to be on one side a keen appreciation of kindness and sympathy, and on the other a strong hatred of oppression and in- justice. The present proletarian movement in Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 23 Japan, a movement which is destined presently to become a mighty social force, owes its source and guidance to "the ways of the common people." If Dr. Nitobeis right in predicting that Bushido, "the way of the Samurai," will eventually enjoy the glory of "blessing mankind with the perfume with which it will enrich life," we may reasonably hope that proletarian chivalry will succeed in bringing about general freedom and democracy in Nippon, in defiance of military and /imperialistic domination. The tmderstanding of this trait of the common people of Japan goes far to explain what has puzzled those Americans who wonder why the Japanese immigrants in this country are so unsub- missive and rebellious. In his letter to the Legis- lature of Nevada, the late Senator Newlands stated: "The presence of the Chinese, who are patient and submissive, would not create as many complications as the presence of Japanese, whose strong and virile qualities would constitute addi- tional factors of difficulty. ' ' Governor Stephens of California, too, observes in his letter to the Secre- tary of State: "The Japanese, be it said to their credit, are not a servile or docile stock." Acqviired by centuries of opposition to arbitrary power, the trait has become almost instinctive, and expresses 24 Japan and the California Problem itself even under democracy whenever they think they are unjustly treated. In discussing the features of Japanese character thus far, we have taken care to state the known causes which gave rise to each trait. This has been done with a view to preparing ourselves to answer the question; To what extent are these charac- teristics of the Japanese inherent in the race and to what extent acquired? The answer which the foregoing discussion suggests is that they are both inherent and acquired, biological and social. While racial stock is responsible to an extent, other fac- tors, such as natural environment and social condi- tions, have helped to develop the characteristics of the Japanese. Perhaps the best criterion by which we can determine the relative strength of heredity and environment in this case is to observe how and in what respects the Japanese, bom and reared in other countries, undergo transformation in their mentality and characteristics. We shall touch on this point again later when we discuss the characteristics of the American-bom Japanese children. Philosophy of Life. It is but natural that the philosophy of a nation developed from the life and experience of people should be deeply colored by their temperament. Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 25 After having discussed the essential features of the Japanese disposition, it may be easy to anticipate the character of philosophy which rests on it. We shall now consider the outstanding features of Japanese thought, with a view to interpreting and evaluating the spiritual side of Japan's civilization. True to the characteristics of the Japanese, who lack initiative, the thought of the people also manifests a marked absence of originality. Until, in the early part of the sixth pentury, Buddhism and Confucianism came into the country, the Japanese seem to have had no system of religion or philosophy save fetichism and mythology. The advent of new doctrines of ethics and religion caused a rapid transformation of the life and ideas of the people, elevating them by one stroke from barbarian obscurity to civilized enlightenment. From this time on a childish admiration of mytho- logical characters and stories began to be super- seded by an earnest effort for the perfection of the individual character and the realization of social ideals; and crude superstitions were gradually re- placed by the profound teachings of Gautama. Out of the religious zeal were developed admirable art and literature, and from the moral effort were bom elaborate ethical codes, social order, and social etiquette. Thus, with raw materials imported, the Japanese worked dihgently and carefully to turn 26 Japan and the California Problem out finished products well adapted to their tastes and needs. If the Japanese were people endowed with great originality, they wotild surely have given evidence of it during nearly three hundred years of national seclusion (1570-1868), when almost all conditions requisite for a creative impulse were present, including peace, prosperity, need, and encouragement. In fact, however, the peopl6 were interested and absorbed in stamping out the feeble hold of Christian influence, in assimilating the teachings of Wang Yang Ming, and in recasting the doctrines of Confucius and Buddha. When the flood gates of Japan were thrown open and the tides of Occidental learning swept in, the Japanese were almost overwhelmed, and found themselves too busy in coping with them to think of the original contribution. Lack of ability to start new things is generally compensated by the capacity to borrow new things. In the point of borrowing new ideas and then working these to suit their own tastes, the Japanese are probably second to no nation on earth. Japan first borrowed Confucianism and Buddhism, and within a short time remodeled them in ways peculiar to her, rendering their identity with the original almost unrecognizable. Thus the stoic, pessimistic character of Buddhism was greatly modified, becoming more or less epi- Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 27 curean and optimistic in the hands of the Japanese. The casuistic, practical, individualistic ethics of Confucius were radically changed to general principles of ideal conduct, with the addition of aesthetic elements, and a strong emphasis laid on group loyalty rather than on filial piety. It is to this ability of the Japanese to assimilate new thought and new belief that the unexpected success of early Catholic propaganda was chiefly due. To this capacity of assimilation is also due the origin of Bushido, which is essentially an eclectic of Confucian, Taoist, and Buddhist doctrines. The later-day Shintoism, the so-called cult of ancestor worship, is also a product of the skillful combination of native mythology, Taoism, and Confucianism, with an infusion of certain of the Buddhist doctrines. That the present Japanese civilization is largely a product of assimilation by native genius of American, French, German, and English ideas and institutions is an established fact. It may be that therein lies the hope, as many Japanese thinkers cherish, of making Japan a modem Alexandria, where centuries of human achievements in Asia and Europe may be har- moniously woven together for the realization of a more perfect fabric of civilization. In literature it is asserted that the creative period is uncritical and the critical period is barren. 28 Japan and the California Problem It seems that the critical tendency is the anti- thesis of creative effort. This applies to the Japanese, who do not create but who are keenly critical. Instinctively bent on absorbing new ideas, they immediately react to any new schools of thought^ — turning from Eucken to Bergson, again to Russell, now to Einstein — but they soon begin to analyze their doctrines and to find fault and fallacy here and there, and, finally, are ready to depreciate them wholesale. In so doing, of course, they assimilate some of the good points involved in various systems. The chief obstacle which Chris- tianity, as interpreted by healthy-minded mission- aries, encotmters in Nippon is the sceptical temper of the Japanese intellectuals. A strong appeal to emotionalism and to the sense of beauty rather than to cold reason and im- pleasant realities is another common characteris- tic of Japanese philosophy. The Japanese have always taken pride in expressing great truths in a short verse form called Uta, with choice words and exquisite phrases. Until the advent of Euro- pean learning, poetry and philosophy were never clearly distinguished in Japan. Love of emotional- ism naturally leads Japanese thought to humanism rather than to metaphysical speculation. From this it may be thought that English posi- tivism would find great vogue in Japan. In fact, Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 29 the influence of Adam Smith, Bentham, Mill, Malthus, and others was a considerable factor in shaping modem Japanese thought. But at bottom the Japanese are not utilitarians. They are by temper ideaKsts. The magical power by which German idealism as propounded by Kant, Hegel, and Fichte, and more recently by Lotze and Eucken, controls the Japanese mind is astoimding. Nearly all the prominent philosophers of the Meiji era may be classed under some branch of German idealism. The fact that of American thinkers Emerson is more widely read than any other, and that Royce is more popular than James, is no accident. If pragmatism appeals to the Japanese mind, it is not in the logical form of Professor Dewey but rather in the aesthetic pres- entation of Santayana. New Turn in Thought. Recently, however, or more particularly since the war, the trend of Japanese thought has began to follow a somewhat different path. Industrial revolution, which has been rapidly advancing during the past twesty years, reached its culmina- tion during the war, when various forces acci- dently combined in bringing about universal recognition of the need for radical social reorgani- zation. Capitalism, which had in the course of 30 Japan and the California Problem time grown to be a gigantic power, proved unable to adapt itself to the changing conditions of the day, and it thus obstructed the onward march of liberalism and democracy. Labor, however, shook off the dust of long humiliation, and began with united front to demand recognition of its rights and of humanity. The struggle naturally forced the attention of the people to the actual condition of society, where the poor majority are sadly left in destitution, where sins and crime are sapping the very vitality of the people, where the rich are abusing their fortunes for deplorable ends. Then came the European downfall of autoc- racy and the triumph (at least for a short time) of democracy. Liberty, equality, and fraternity became once more the slogan of the time. All these forces united and started a reform movement, upsetting to a certain degree the age-long social system of Nippon. The three years of confusion did a lasting good. The German systems of government, diplomacy, education, military affairs, and philosophy, to which the Japanese had hitherto adhered too blindly, were, one after another, filtrated and purified, thereby removing much of the scum that was in them. It is, of course, impossible for hard- ened militarists and bureaucrats to get rid of the beliefs in which they were bom and brought up Japanese Traits and Philosophy of Life 31 and which have become endeared; but the old generations are gradually dying ofiE, carrying with them to the grave the skeleton of systems which are now dead. In open rebellion against these falling autocrats there arose a great number of brilUant young people, bred and trained in the new school of liberty and democracy, with courage and foresight to complete the second Restoration — that of the rights of humanity belonging to the common masses. Already the status of the work- ing classes is greatly improved through a persist- ent, costly struggle against the misused power of capital; wages have been increased, hours short- ened, and, in the near future, we may expect the triumph of industrial democracy, a triumph which will secure for labor the deserved right of industrial copartnership. Already the status of the women has been greatly improved by their emancipation from the traditional and social bondage under which they suffered so long. Political rights have been greatly enlarged, and universal manhood suffrage is now within view. The educational system, too, has just been revised, rendering its spirit a great deal more liberal than ever before. In this way, though the road is yet long and un- certain, true liberalism in Nippon at last stands firmly on its ground, ready to march towards its ordained goal. 32 Japan and the California Problem Such a great social innovation is but a concrete expression of changes that are taking place in the underlying currents of thought. It indicates the breaking up of classic systems of moral and politi- cal philosophy, which by dint of age-long prestige had never ceased to exercise a strong influence upon the minds of the people. It discloses the bankruptcy of that German idealism which so precisely fitted in with the d priori, passive, spirit- ual temper of the people but which proved hopeless in the face of vital problems of life and society. It means the exposure of the inadequacy of Eng- lish utilitarianism, with its over-emphasis on individualism, to help the people effectually to solve many difficulties of society. The changes now taking place in Japanese thought imply the failure of those philosophies which belittle the value of the material, slight the position of man- kind in the universe and fail to satisfy man's inherent craving for ceaseless progress. The new direction of Japanese thought is decidedly towards pragmatic humanism at its best, with due em- phasis on the importance of the practical and social phases of life, enriched with the spirit of a sentimental delicacy and an aesthetic proclivity singularly characteristic of the people. CHAPTER III japan's ASIATIC POLICY COLONEL THEODORE ROOSEVELT once remarked to one of the authors of this book, with his accustomed emphasis and gesture: "The United States' proper sphere is in this hemisphere ; Japan's proper sphere is in Asia." With this text the great statesman was propounding an idea of deep political significance. What is suggested by the text is, of course, not that either of the two nations should resume its traditional policy of isolation or confine its activities within the specified zones, but rather it is to the effect that each should know its bounds and play the part which destiny and geography have assigned to it. In further elucidating the same idea, in his book entitled Fear God and Take Your Own Part, Roosevelt says: Japan's whole sea front, and her entire home mari- time interest, bear on the Pacific; and of the other great nations of the earth the United States has the greatest proportion of her sea front on, and the greatest proportion of her interest in, the Pacific. But there is 3 33 34 Japan and the California Problem not the slightest real or necessary conflict of interests between Japan and the United States in the Pacific. When compared with each other, the interest of Japan is overwhelmingly Asiatic, that of the United States overwhelmingly American. Relatively to each other, one is dominant in Asia, the other in North America. Neither has any desire, nor any excuse for desiring, to acquire territory on the other!s continent. President Roosevelt had a unique opportunity of making himself thoroughly conversant with the situation in the Far East without even setting foot on the soil. The Portsmouth Treaty of 1905, the "Gentlemen's Agreement" of 1907, the Root- Takahira Agreement of 1908, negotiated on be- half of America by the able Secretary of State, Elihu Root, and t he American recognition of the ama lgamation of Korea into the Japane se Empire in 1910, are the outstan ding POtg.jQf,jthft Roosevelt administr ation._silprp.in the foregoing idea has been translated into d eeds. These acts have proceeded from a thorough apprecia- tion of the history and developmegt of modem Japan. Nor did Q^^ekj^^velt cease on his return to private life to follow dosely the march of events in Asia. He wrote many articles on Far Eastern affairs which showed his remark- able grasp of the situation. No wonder, then, that the Japanese people reciprocate this generous appreciation by paying the highest respect to, and Japan's Asiatic Policy 35 entertaining a genuine admiration for, the late American statesman. Korean Situation. Recently Japan has been made the target of attack from many quarters with reference to her Asiatic poUcy. The Shanttmg settlement, the Korean administration, and Japan's activities in East Siberia have been severely assailed by her critics. Patriotism imposes upon a citizen no obli- gation to condone any mistakes and wrongs which his country has committed. We deplore the gross diplomatic blunder which Japan made in 1915 in her dealings with China, which, although per- fectly justifiable in the main proposals presented, ' had the appearance of browbeating her to sub- mission by brandishing the sword. We deplore the atrocities perpetrated in the attempt to crush the Korean uprisings. Whatever may have been the advisabiUty of adopting drastic measures to nip the K orean revolt in the bud, a revolt which, if (leniently dealt with, might have resulted in far reafer siSHerings of the people, it can never be proffered as a plea for the committing of inhuman deeds. Fortunately, a change of heart has come to ' See "The New Chino-Japanese Treaties and Their Import," by T. lyenaga, in The American Review 0/ Reviews, September, 1915- r 36 Japan and the California Problem the Mikado's Government, which, by uprooting the militaristic regime, is now resolutely introduc- ing liberal measures and reforms in Korea. The most significant of the measures is the system of local self-government which has just been in- augurated. It creates in the provinces, municipali- ties, and villages of Chosen (Korea) consultative or advisory Councils whose functions are to deliberate on the finances and other matters of public impor- tance to the respective local bodies. The members are partly elective and partly appointive. Besides these deliberative Coimcils, there wiU be estab- lished in each mvmicipality, county, and island a School Council to discuss matters relating to education. This is the sure road to complete self- government in Chosen. The same process of evolution ,^ which brought local autonomy and a constitutional regime to Japan proper, which took thirty years to perfect, is now being applied to the newly joined integral part of the Mikado's Empire. The step may be slow, but the goal is sure. Korea's union with Japan was consummated after the bitter experience of two sanguinary wars and the mature deliberation of the best minds of the two peoples. Its revocation is out of the question, unless it is demanded in the future for most cogent reasons. The ^priv ilege of tak ing ajband in Jhe government of the empire, however, should be Japan's Asiatic Policy 37 '*. extended as speedily as possible to its subjects in the peninsula. Policy of Self-Preservation. Many as are the pitfalls into which Japan has fallen in pursuance of her Asiatic policy, it may confidently be asserted that the road she has trodden has, on the whole, been straight. She can face with a clean conscience the verdict of history. When Far Eastern history, from the China- Japan War to the conclusion of the Versailles Treaty, is carefully examined and rightly understood, it will be conceded that the course which Japan has adopted, so far as its general principles are con- cerned, is the one which any nation of self-respect and right motive would pursue. Fundamentally Japan's Asiatic policy is the policy of self-preser- vation, the policy of defense,- and never of aggres- sion. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance, which was and still remains the cornerstone of Japan's Asiatic policy, was formed for purely defensive purposes, in order to maintain peace in Asia and safeguard mutual interests vested therein of the two Powers. Only the ' ' inexorable march of events " has brought Japan into Korea, Manchuria, and East Siberia. None of the statesmen who took part in the Meiji Restoration could ever have dreamed that their cotintry would in the course of time be driven 38 Japan and the California Problem through sheer force of circumstances to plant its flag on the Asiatic mainland. It was solely in self- defense that Japan took up arms against China and Russia. Once enmeshed in continental poH- tics, however, it became imperative for her to take such measures as would ensure and consoli- date the position and gains that were won through enormous sacrifice of blood and treasure. Herein, in short, is the genesis of Japan's present status in Korea and Manchuria. Even at the present time, the heavy arming of Japan is a case of necessity, so long as the Far East remains in such an tmstable condition as exists there to-day, and is not free from the menace of the Bolsheviki, who, professing pacifism, are not slow to emulate the military machine of Imperial Russia. Nothing could be more welcome to the Japanese people than to see the curtailment of their naval and military equipments, for the mainten- ance of which they have to bear the burden of crushing taxes, and to behold the day when they can, without fear of interference by force of arms, win their spurs in the Far East by engaging in the peaceful enterprises of farming, trade, and industry. Precisely as the position of Japan on the Asiatic mainland was -he result of arbitrament by the sword, drawn in response to a challenge made by \ \ \ Japan's Asiatic Policy 39 Others, and is now upheld by the prestige of arms, her Asiatic policy, although conceived in self- defense, came to assume in the eyes of the outside world a semblance of military aggrandizement. As a consequence, Japan is looked upon as a mili- taristic nation, bent upon conquest. Suspicion and fear are thereby engend^ed. This is, to say the least, extremely unfortunate. No stone should be left imtumed to smooth the sharp edges cut by this historical retrospect and to obliterate the tm- pleasant memories of the past. No effort would be too great for Japan to convince the world of her genuine faith that her future lies "not in territorial and military conquest, but on the water in the carrying trade and on la.nd in her commercial and industrial expansion abroad." Her erstwhile failure to dispel the suspicion of the world about her intentions and to take it into her confidence is the root of many ills with which she has been afflicted for the past few years. Shanttmg Settlement. The storm of criticism we have witnessed in America about the Shantung settlement is a good illustration. Whatever part party politics in the United States may have played in raising the furor, had Japan secured the complete confidence of the American people, all the eloquence expended for 40 Japan and the California Problem the denunciation of the Shantung clause in the Versailles Treaty would surely have fallen on deaf ears. That our judgment is not wrong is sus- tained by the fact that the Portsmouth Treaty evoked not a word of protest in America. We need not remind our readers that the Treaty con- cluded through the good offices of President Roose- velt and the settlement made at Versailles are not only based upon the same principles but are exactly identical in many respects, with this most impor- tant exception — ^namely, that the former Treaty transferred to Japan the lease of the Kwantvmg territory, and she still holds it, while in the latter case she pledges herself to relinquish the leasehold of Kiaochow, thereby restoring the complete sovereignty of China over Shantting, which had been infringed upon by Germany. The Shantung settlement is, consequently, of a far greater ad- vantage to China. What Japan secures in that province is only the same economic rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other Powers in other parts of China. There is, therefore, no jus- tifiable ground for singling out Japan for attack with regard to the international arrangement now in vogue in China. Were the complete reconstruc- tion of China, the re-writing of her history, to be attempted, international justice would demand that the parties interested should all share equal \ Japan's Asiatic Policy 41 r^ponsibilities and sacrifices. Discrimination ag&,inst Japan alone is unjust, unfair. The would- be builders of the new heaven and the new earth can ill, afford to lay the cornerstone of their edifice on such an unsafe and unlevel ground. Manifestly, the dawn of the millennium is still far away. We have to make the best of the world as it is. To ignore this fact is to make the confusion in the world worse confounded. As a result of this mis- apprehension of history, the Shantung question still remains in abeyance, because of China's refus- al to enter into negotiations with Japan for the res- toration of Kiaochow, thus delaying perfect accord between the two Oriental neighbors whom destiny has called to be on the best of terms. The fore- going interpretation of the Shantung question could not in ordinary circumstances have failed to con- vince the practical American people of the appropri- ateness of the Versailles settlement, were they not tempted to indulge suspicions of Japan and, hence, ready to be easily misled by false stories, misrepre- sentations, and slanders concocted by her enemies. Rather tmfortunate, one is sometimes tempted to think, has been the heading of the clause in the Versailles Treaty, that has readjusted the German- China Treaty of 1898 and its sequel, and disposed of the rights and privileges Germany had secured thereby in the province of Shantung. Like "the 42 Japan and the California Problem three R's" and other catchwords that have in American history often proved so powerful in mis- leading the people, so this curt phrase "Shantung clause," which was seized on and skillfully utilized by Japan's critics, has been a cause of mountains of misunderstanding that have crept into the heads of the American people, who, as a rule, take neither time nor pains to examine the subject carefully and thoroughly. As a result, they im- agine that the whole province of Shantung was ceded to Japan by the Peace Treaty. Great, indeed, as is this mistake, it would be extremely difficult to correct it, as the mischief has aheady been done, except by the actual restoration of ICiaochow. Japan cannot, of course, be held responsible for the misinterpretations of other people, but at the same time it would be well for her to spare no effort to convince China of the wisdom of entering into negotiations for the re- covery of the leased territory, and, consequently, of her complete sovereignty over the province of Shantung. Until this pledge is redeemed, Japan's credit wiU suffer, and all her pronouncements on jus- tice and humanity fall flat on the ears of the world. Cooperation with China. While Japan's Asiatic poHcy was, of course, primarily formulated to further her own interests, Japan's Asiatic Policy 43 it has also been inspired with the laudable ambition of rendering a good record of stewardship over the people who have come within the orbit of its in- fluence. No one who knows the work undertaken in Korea and South Manchuria will grudge a word of praise for the record. It has bestowed untold benefits on the inhabitants. Theodore Roosevelt, in reviewing the enterprise of Japan in Korea, grew enthusiastic over it. The same story- is repeated in South Manchuria, where the South Manchurian Railroad Company, acting as a civiliz- ing agent, has wrought marvels. We should Uke to dwell here with patriotic pride on these reforms and undertakings in some detail, were they not out of place in this book. Commendable as are these civilizing measures adopted by Japan, the fact remains that she has signally failed in one great essential, namely, in winning the good will and friendship of her neigh- bors. This is the weakest spot in the armor of her Asiatic policy. She is thereby jeopardizing her future. The sentiment of good will is as much a fact, though imponderable, as any other fact, and is a force of immense consequence. How vital this moral asset is to Japan can easily be gauged when we consider that in her neighboring lands are found the indispensable materials for her industrial ex- pansion and the best market for her commerce. 44 Japan and the California Problem Japanese leaders are thoroughly aware of the importance of this moral asset, and have done all that they could to secure it. The failure to win it is partly due to the petti- ness of Japanese officialdom, so bitterly complained of by Lafcadio Heam with his fine poetical irony — the pettiness which tries to bring everything within its prescribed order and does not allow free play to the idiosyncrasies and peculiar characteris- tics of other peoples. No less responsible are the shortsightedness of Japanese nationals, their too great eagerness to accomplish things within a short time, their haughtiness and overbearing manners, which are decidedly offensive to their neighbors. The fault, however, is not Japan's alone. There are tremendous difficulties which confront her in the way of winning the friendship of her neighbors. The first to reckon with are their weak and unstable qualities, which have so sadly but too clearly been shown by their incapacity to organize a strong nation or to put their house in order. To deal with these neighbors is no easy task. It requires the highest statesmanship. The task is made difficult a hundredfold by the covm- teracting influences exerted on Japan's neighbors, as they are in the vortex of international rivalry. And not all foreigners are the friends of Japan. There is a considerable number of those who enter- Japan's Asiatic Policy 45 tain, for one reason or another, a dislike of the Island Empire, and ceaselessly labor to defeat its purpose. They paint, either wittingly or unwit- tingly, every act of Japan so maliciously that it instills fear and hatred of her among her neighbors. Undiscriminating and unfair attacks of Japan's critics play into the hands of the jingoistic ele- ments in the countries concerned and make the task of the liberals extremely difficult. Whatever the obstacles, however, they must be surmounted, for the future road to tread is clear. Japan's salvation, together with that of her neighbors, lies in their genuine friendship and cooperation. Understanding with America. A brief review of Japan's Asiatic policy was deemed advisable in connection with the discus- sion of the Japanese-California problem in order to see how Japan proposes to solve the question of human congestion at home and to meet her other urgent needs. The succeeding chapters wiU show what an unparalleled predicament Japan is facing. Circumscribed within a narrowly limited area, only 16 per cent, of which is fit for cultivation, and crowded with two thirds as many people as the entire population of the United States, with an annual increase at the rate of seven hundred thou- sand, Japan must perforce find a way whereby her 46 Japan and the California Problem people may live contentedly and develop robustly. Emigration and industrial expansion are mani- festly the exits from the dilemma of slow strangula- tion. Emigration, however, is found a difficult exit, for the Japanese find themselves barred from the most favorably placed lands of the earth. Australia, Canada, and the United States, with their vast lands yet sparsely peopled, and their immense resources left unexploited, while wel- coming every race and creed of Europe, shut their doors against the Japanese. Japan has acquiesced without much ado in the restrictive immigration measures adopted by America and by British colonies from the higher consideration of international comity. She saw that there lies at the bottom of these measures the delicate question of race difference, which requires a long period for its proper adjustment. To ignore this fact and force the race issue, however just in principle, would be to court disaster. It might result in the loss of friendship of her best as- sociates in international affairs and of the vital interests involved in that friendship. At the same time, the "Gentlemen's Agreement" which Ja- pan has entered into is evidence of her sin- cere solicitude to avoid embarrassment of her friends by the influx of an alien race. It is then but just that they reciprocate the courtesy Japan's Asiatic Policy 47 by a sympathetic understanding of Japan's difficulties. Barred in the east and south, it is natural for Japan to strive to find room and employment for the surplus of her population in her neighboring lands^-the sparsely peopled Manchuria, Mon- golia, and East Siberia. Climate, cheap and eflfi- dent native labor, and the unfavorable economic conditions, however, preclude the immigration iti large nvunbers of Japanese laborers into these regions. Only by building up large plants and inaugurating big agricultural enterprises, in co- operation with the natives, could Japan hope to transplant in these lands some portion of her skilled laborers and traders. During the stay of a decade and a half in South Manchuria, limited as it was imtil the conclusion of the China- Japan Treaties of 191 5 to the Kwantung territory and the railway zones, Japan can count therein as colonists only a little over 150,000 of her sons and daughters.' The only alternative which remains and which is the most feasible proposition to absorb the energies of her crowded population is found in her ' According to the result of the census taken on October i, 1920, the Japanese population of South Manchuria stands at 154,- 998 souls. Of this total, those living at Dairen number 63,745; Fushun, 12,659; Mukden, 12,268; Port Arthur, 9379; Antung, 7057, and Anshan, 6678, while those resident in the jurisdiction of Kwantung Province number 74,893. 48 Japan and the California Problem commercial and industrial expansion. Here again, however, she is terribly handicapped, as we shall see in the next chapter, by the conspicuous ab- sence and scarcity of raw materials indispensable for industrial development. Fortunately, in the territories of her neighbors — China and East Si- beria — there are vast stores of these materials im- touched and imused, the tmfolding of which will not only meet her wants, but will equally benefit her neighbors. The supreme importance of win- ning their good will thereby becomes accentuated a thousandfold, for without their willing coopera- tion nothing can be accomplished. In the par- ticipation of the benefits accruing from the de- velopment of her neighbors' natural resoiu-ces Japan need not ask for special privileges. The faithful and effective execution of the "open door" policy is all she requires. Here she stands on common ground with Occidental Powers. She entertains no fear of the outcome of the "open door" policy, for she is in a position to secure every advantage accruing from its operation. Japan's Proper Sphere of Activity. As Colonel Roosevelt pointed out, "Japan's proper sphere is in Asia, " and it is but proper that her activities therein develop in intensity and vigor. She is entitled to use every peaceful and Japan's Asiatic Policy 49 legitimate means that is open to her for the ex- tension of her influence in the Far East, for it is there that she can assure herself of her right to live. America and Great Britain, while reserving to themselves the right of opening or closing their own doors to the Japanese, will not be playing a fair and even game if they grudge to recognize this fact. In the strict adherence on the part of Japan to the spirit which gave birth to the "Gentlemen's Agreement," and in the just appreciation on the part of America of Japan's difficulties at home and abroad, lies one of the fundamentals of an equit- able solution of the Japanese-California problem. CHAPTER IV BACKGROUND OF JAPANESE EMIGRATION Causes of Emigration and Immigration. DIVERSE as are the causes that induce emi- gration and invite immigration, the most fimdamental of all, with the exception of a few extraordinary cases, such as that of the Pilgrim Fathers, is economic pressure. There is a close relationship — a mutual give and take — ^between the immigrants and those who receive them. Generally speaking, human activities have their main-spring in man's desire to improve his condi- tions of living. The motive which induces the people of one country to go out and settle in another country is the same as the motive which induces another people to invite immigrants from other countries. True, in the former case, the direct reason for the move is generally the over- crojyding and poor natural environment at home. In the latter case, it is the lack of man-power and the presence of great unexploited natural re- sources. But in both cases the real motive is the pursuit of interest, which may be reciprocally 50 Background of Japanese Emigration 51 promoted by the transaction. It is well to keep this point clearly in mind at the outset, because much of the confusion in discussing the Japanese problem in CaHfomia arises from forgetting the real cause which brought Japanese immigrants to America and which induced America to invite them. During the early colonial period the American colonies invited refugees from political and religious oppression to come and settle in the new world of freedom and democracy. The remnant of this early spirit still remains embodied in the present immigration laws of the United States. Neverthe- less, it is almost a dead letter, with great historic interest but with no practical significance. The real motive for welcoming immigrants has been the acquisition of man-power for the exploitation of vast natural resources and for the development of industry. This is a fact which may be observed in almost aU "new worlds," including the South American republics, Canada, and Australia, where the dearth of human energy is the capital reason of slow economic development. With settlers, how- ever, the economic motive is not the only one, though it is predominant. Here the motives are diverse and complicated. With the Japanese there are partictalar causes which have been driving them to seek opportunities in new worlds. 52 Japan and the California Problem Japan's Land Area. The first and foremost cause is Japan's limited and unresourceful land. The land area of Japan Proper is 147,655 square miles, which is about 8,000 square miles less than that of California. The terrain of Japan is mountainous and volcanic, being traversed by two chains of mountains. One runs down from Saghalien towards the center of Honshu and the other from China via Formosa headed towards the north, both meeting* at the middle of Honshu, thereby producing rugged up- heavals popularly known as "the Japanese Alps." Being thus rocky and mountainous, the area con- tains a very small portion of plain land. Hokkaido, the extreme northern island, has seven plains. Honshu, the main island, has between the moun- tains five small plains, and Kyushu, the large southern island, has one. The total area of plains forms about one fourth of the entire area of Japan. The consequence of this geological formation is that about 16 per cent, of the total area is fit for cultivation, while over 70 per cent, of it is made up of mountains and forests. Agriculture. The Japanese having always been primarily farmers, agriculture still remains the principal occupation of the people. More than half the Background of Japanese Emigration 53 population is earning a livelihood wholly or par- tially by agrictdtural pursuits. The large number of farmers and the small amovmt of agricultural land allotted to them has given rise to the most intensive cultivation, which probably has no parallel in the world. Nearly five and a half million families, or thirty million people, cultivate fifteen million acres, which means less than three acres per family, and half an acre per individual farmer. It is little wonder that the law of diminish- ing return has long been operating, rendering the agricultural pursuit less and less remunerative, driving farm hands to industry and other work. The average daily wage of the farm laborer was 56 sen in 191 7, while that of the industrial laborer was I yen.' In recent years the Government undertook a thorough examination of the tillable land in the country and reported as a result that there is yet a possibility of reclaiming about five million acres. By way of experiment, the Government began, with the approval of the 41st Session of the Diet (19 1 8-19), to undertake the work of partial rec- lamation of seven hundred thousand acres on a nine-year program, with an outlay of some four million yen. It is yet uncertain how the enterprise will turn out ; but it is fairly doubtful, in view of the ' One dollar U. S. currency is approximately two yen. 54 Japan and the California Problem fact that aheady the land is utilized almost to the limit of cultivation, including narrow back yards and rugged hillsides, as well as sandy beach, whether the program can materially increase the present amount of farm acreage. Parallel with the effort to extend the tillable land, everything has been done to increase the productivity of the soil under cultivation. Thanks to the appUcation of scientific methods in agricul- ture and the use of fertilizer, the average yield of aU crops per acre has increased since 1894 ^Y about 35 per cent. But experts assert that owing to the excessive employment of land the soil now indicates signs of exhaustion, and that accordingly any further increase of productivity cannot be hoped for. On the contrary, the tendency will be toward a gradual decrease of productivity in the future. This is a grave forecast for Japan, and makes that country dependent more and more upon the food supply from abroad. The average yield of staple crops in Japan during the past few years com- prises: barley, nine milUon koku (a koku is approximately five bushels); rye, seven milHon koku; wheat, five million koku; millet, four million koku, and rice, the most important crop, fifty-two million koku. The crops are far from being sufficient to feed a population of fifty-five millions, and Japan buys annually milhons of koku Background of Japanese Emigration 55 of staple food from abroad. Taking rice, for in- stance, the average annual consumption is fifty- eight million koku, which exceeds by six million koku the average annual yield of Japan, so that the deficiency is made up by imports from Korea, China, and India. Naturally, the Japanese, being very good fanners and fond of agriculture, atjd yet having so small a prospect of success at home, look with eager eyes for an opportunity to cultivate land abroad. In the north there are the vast plains of Manchuria; towards the south the fertile soil of Australia; in the east, California and Hawaii appear to offer golden opportunities for industrious fanners. Manchuria, however, turned out to be too cold, and competition there with cheap Chinese labor proved improfitable. Australia, from the beginning, never welcomed the yellow races. Only Hawaii and California seemed in all respects satisfactory for Japanese emigration. Hence, large numbers of Japanese farmers migrated to these places during the years between 1891 and 1907. Population. Another big factor of Japanese emigration is the overcrowded status of the home population. Strangely,, during the three centuries of national 56 Japan and the California Problem isolation, Japan's population remained fairly static, varying only slightly around twenty-six millions. A reasonable explanation of this peculiar phenomenon may be found in the rigid social structure of feudalism, which allowed no swelling of population beyond a certain number. Malthus- ian factors, such as pestilence and famine, as well as artificial means of control, operated in effectively thwarting the increasing forces of population. When, however, feudalism was at last destroyed and in its place were established new forms of political and social systems which were much more liberal and advanced, the population sud- denly began to swell at a tremendous rate. The advent of Occidental enlightenment which went far to improve the economic conditions of the country, and hence the conditions of living among the people, greatly encouraged the rapid multipli- cation of the number of people. Within the last fifty years the population of Japan has nearly doubled, increasing from thirty millions to fifty- five millions. At the present time the population is increasing at the rate of 650,000 to 700,000 per annum within Japan proper alone. The census taken on October i, 1920, shows the total popula- tion of the Mikado's Empire as totalling 77,005,510, of which that of Japan proper is 55,961,140. The significance of Japan's population cannot be Background of Japanese Emigration 57 appreciated imless it is considered in connection with her land. The total area of Japan proper we have seen to be 147,655 square miles and the population close to 56,000,000. That is to say, the number of inhabitants per square mile is 380. This is rather a high figure when compared with that of other coimtries. Germany with her dense population counted, in 1915, 319 per square mile; France had 191, America 31 (1910), India and China, famous for density, had populations enu- merated respectively at 1 58 and 1 00. Great Britain has rather a dense population (370 per square mile), but she has vast colonies, the population of which is extremely thin. This comparison of the number of people per square mile does not teU the true story imtil the quality and resources of each square mile are also compared. It has already been made clear that only 16 per cent., or fifteen million acres, of the land of Japan proper is tillable. This gives only one quarter of an acre of agricultural land per capita of population . In Great Britain agricultural land occupies 77 per cent, of the total area; in Italy, 76 per cent. ; in France, 70 per cent, and in Germany 65 per cent. Industry. Handicapped as she is in agriculture, and hold- ing on the other hand a vast and ever-increasing 58 Japan and the California Problem population, the best, in fact the only, policy for Japan to follow has been to utilize her vast man- power for the development of industry. Firpily convinced that the future of Japan depends solely on her ability to stand in the world as an industrial nation, the far-sighted statesmen of Japan long ago formulated plans for a steady industrial expansion. These plans were furthered by Government subsidy and have been faithfully carried out step by step by the authorities. The creation of a vast merchant marine; the building of railroads throughout the country, closely knitting all parts of the empire together; the enactment of a care- fully drafted protective tariff; the national and municipal monopolization of public utilities and important industries; the establishment of a stable financial system with facilities for financing healthy enterprises; the establishment of technical schools throughout the empire for the training of experts and skilled workmen, and thousands of other re- markable undertakings were accomplished within a very short time by the direct and indirect eflEorts of the State. The people, too, were not behind in their devo- tion to the cause of making Japan an industrial power. They toiled most willingly under all kinds of disadvantages and hardships; they shouldered extortionate taxes with smiling faces; they worked Background of Japanese Emigration 59 in unison, disregarding for the time being petty private interests; they calmly and bravely met all privations and adversities. There is little wonder indeed that Japan established herself within only a few decades as an industrial nation of the first rank. In order to get a general idea of Japan's indus- trial strides, a few figures will perhaps suffice. Take, for instance, the number of factories. There was not one factory, properly so-called, in the country at the time of the Restoration in 1868; as late as 1885 there were but 496 industrial com- panies, joint stock or partnership, with a total capital of seven million yen. In the year 1900, however, there were 7000 typically modem fac- tories, and this ntmiber rapidly multiplied, subse- quently reaching over 25,000, with billions of paid-up capital. The number of factory operatives, too, correspondingly multiplied during that period. Less than 500,000 twenty years ago, they now total 1,500,000. The increase in the output of produc- tion and multiplication of various kinds of indus- tries has been particularly phenomenal. In the textile industry the production has increased more than 300 per cent, during the past twenty years, cotton yam having increased from 30,000,000 kan (one kan is approximately equal to 8.27 pounds avoirdupois) in 1900 to 100,000,000 6o Japan and the California Problem kan; and in the silk textiles from 2,500,000 kan to 7,500,000 kan. In cloth fabrics, similarly the value turned out in silk weaving increased from $42,000,- 000 to $100,000,000; in cotton weaving from $30,000,000 to $200,000,000 between the years mentioned. The corresponding increase of output has been realized in almost all estabHshed indus- tries, and the same ratio obtains in the many new industries which have sprtmg up in recent years. Generally speaking, the industry of Japan, which was established on a firm footing by the year 1900, has trebled during the last twenty years. The World War, too, by absorbing for mihtary purposes aU the energies of the belligerent Powers in Europe and America, was greatly instnimental in stimulating the industrial growth of Japan, who, after accomplishing her allotted task at the initial stage of the great conflict, was thereafter called upon by her AlUes to do her utmost in supplying their urgent needs in ships and industrial products. The development of industry naturally accom- panies a similar expansion in commerce. The total amount of foreign trade, which started with the meager sum of $13,000,000 in 1868, jumped to about $250,000,000 in 1900, and in 1920 reached $2,124,000,000. That is, within the past twenty years only, Japan's foreign trade increased roughly ten times, and during the past fifty years 163 times. Backgrotind of Japanese Emigration 6i Yet, with all this remarkable development, the future of Japanese manufactures does not allow tmquaUfied optimism. In several important re- spects the foundation of Japan's industrialism is seriously hampered. In the first place, the supply of raw material is pitifully meager. With the exception of silk, Japan has in store hardly any raw material worthy of mention. She produces no wool or cotton and has only a limited store of iron. With the exception of coal, in which alone she is fairly independent — at least for the present — ■ Japan depends for these indispensable factors of modem industry mostly on foreign supply. Scarc- ity of iron, in particular, is a notable weakness of Japan as an industrial nation. The many mistakes Japan made in her labor policy, which were the inevitable outcome of the ex- treme difficulty she confronted in adjusting the sudden transition from the Feudal regime to the modem industrial stage, must also be counted as a cause in retarding the progress of her industry. Due to exceedingly low wages, long working hours, and lack of adequate protection of labor from exploitation, the man-power of Japan has been greatly lavished and wasted. The paternal social systems inherited from the feudal days long re- fused to allow the voice of the working classes to be heard and to give them freedom to improve 62 Japan and the California Problem their status. Strikes and labor tinions, whatever their motive and character, have always been frowned upon in Japan, It is by no means too much to say that the present development of Japan's industry has been achieved largely by the costly sacrifice of health and the rights of millions of laboring men and women. Considering how costly was the present achievement of industry, there remains some doubt as to how far Japan can carry on its progress in the future. It may seem that the development of industry must have brought a marked improvement in the standard of living of the masses. Such, however, is not the case. It has indeed immensely swelled the pockets of plutocrats, but has not much bene- fited the rank and file. While the income of the lower classes has not increased to any large extent, the cost of living has gone up by leaps and bounds, aggravating the severity of their struggle. When both farming and manufacturing failed successfully to cope with the ever-increasing popu- lation, the only altemativefor the Japanese was emi- gration. Among the students, the talk of another alternative, namely birth-control, is becoming a fad. Social Factors. Besides the economic reasons so far discussed there are social reasons which induce Japanese Background of Japanese Emigration 63 youths to go abroad. Socially an old country like Japan contains a vast accumulated crust of custom and tradition which refuses to adapt itself to the changing conditions and ideals of the age, and which, therefore, is obi'ectionable to the younger generation who know something of the value of freedom and democracy. Again, the national conscription for military service is becoming in- creasingly distasteful to the youths of individualis- tic incHnation. It is but natural, in the face of such powerful and niunerous fetters which obstruct the free development of lives and personalities, that the young people of Nippon should seek opportunities abroad. All these factors above described would not have constituted the effective motive forces for Japanese emigration had it not been for the as- sumed external advantages. Attractive narra- tives in which some of the new countries, more especially America, were represented as places where economic opportunities are really boundless and where an ideal state of freedom and democ- racy prevails, took an exaggerated form in the imagination. The glaring contrast which the visualized America presents with the actual Japan stimulates the desire of yotmg men to turn to America and try their fortunes. CHAPTER V ATTEMPTS AT EMIGRATION: RESULTS THE histoiy of Japanese emigration began only a few decades ago. Immediately after the conclusion of treaties with the Western Powers many Japanese youths were sent abroad to acquire advanced Occidental knowledge. A number of adventurous persons and travelers also knocked at the doors of western countries, but they were not immigrants. Real immigration movement did not start until the facts of other countries became more or less known; until the colossal task of economic and social "revolutions" was well started; until the influence of European imperial- ism began to take root in the empire. Then came a brief period of "emigration fever" towards the end of the eighties, lasting some twenty years. What follows is a brief history of the various at- tempts made by Japanese to emigrate into differ- ent countries, and the results of the experiment. Australia. Because of the geographical proximity and alluring temptations that the vast uncultivated 64 Attempts at Emigration : Results 65 lands and rich natural resources presented, Aus- tralia was the place which early attracted the Japanese. A few hundreds of them began to migrate to several colonies, chiefly to Queensland, New South Wales, and Victoria. But they soon foimd the conditions exceedingly uncomfortable, owing to the hostile feeling already prevalent there against the Asiatics. The Australian fear of an influx of Asiatic races was early aroused by Chinese immigrants, who, as early as 1848, attained a sufficient number to cause agitation and race riots in several colonies. These colonies subsequently enacted rigorous anti-Asiatic immigration laws restricting the number of immigrants admitted per annum to a few hundred. Since then, filled with the fear, real or imaginary, of a menace of Asiatic inundation from across the equator, where one-half of the planet's population live congested on one-tenth of the total area of the eaith, the great task of AustraHa during the last sixty years has been to keep the country clear of Asiatics. The immigration policy of the Commonwealth of Australia presents perhaps the most clear-cut and radical example of racial discrimination. While, on the one side, she spares neither effort nor money to attract and welcome white settlers, on the other side she leaves no stone tmtumed to exclude all Asiatic immigrants. With an im- 66 Japan and the California Problem mensely large area — about 50,000 square miles more extensive than that of the United States — yet almost untouched, and a population less than that of the City of New York, Australia really needs farmers, artisans, and all other classes of people. It is the function of the Commonwealth Department of Home and Territories to advertise in Europe, through lectures, films, exhibitions, and posters, for the purpose of inviting laborers and settlers to Australia. Each State of the Common- wealth has extended assistance in money and privilege to hundreds of thousands of European imnoigrants. The cause for lamentation by the government is that with all this effort and sacrifice she has not been successful in getting any con- siderable number of people as settlers. Unsuccessful in attracting white settlers, she has been most successful in repelling the yellow race. She has an immigration law which requires immigrants to pass a dictation test — a test in writing of not less than fifty words of a European language — ^which is dictated to them by an officer. Examination in a European language for the Asiatics! And what is more, the Europeans are exempt from it. The law provides, furthermore, that Asiatic immigrants may be required to pass a test at any time within two years after they have entered the Commonwealth. Even for the recep- Attempts at Emigration: Results 67 tibn of those Asiatics who have been lawfully ad- mitted, some of the States, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, and Tasmania in particular, do not allow them the right of owning or leasing land, under the pretext that they are not eligible to citizenship. The Commonwealth of Australia does not extend the right of naturaliza- tion to Asiatics. No wonder, then, that there is only a handful of Orientals in that vast country — 35,000 Chinese and some 5000 Japanese. Canada. Until recent years, no record was kept of the number of Japanese immigrants arriving in Canada and consequently the development of the move- ment cannot be accurately traced. The Canadian census of 1901 shows that 4674 persons bom in Japan were in the Dominion at that time; 4415 were in the Province of British Columbia, the rest being scattered in the Provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. After that year the number of Japanese immigrants coming to Canada gradually increased, and when the United States placed restrictions on the influx of Japanese from Hawaii, and the latter began to seek entrance into Canada, the number grew considerably and soon caused serious concern to the people of Western Canada. It was estimated that in 1907 the Jap- 68 Japan and the California Problem anese domiciled in Canada had reached eight thousand. Determined opposition soon arose among the western provinces, and protests were sent by the Canadian Government to Hawaii and Tokyo requesting them to control the sudden immigration tide. An agreement was reached in 1908 between Japan and Canada by which the number of passports to be granted in any one year to Japanese emigrating to Canada was limited to four himdred. In this way the question was satisfactorily settled. Canada's treatment of the Asiatic races lawfully admitted has been marked by leniency. She has extended to the Orientals the privilege of naturali- zation and of securing homesteads. Even in British Columbia, the center of anti-Oriental agita- tion, the Japanese and Chinese are permitted to conduct business and cultivate land on an equal basis with British subjects in Canada. They may own land, both urban and rural, and in prov- inces other than British Columbia they are en- titled to voting privileges when natiu-alized; only in that province the Orientals are not allowed to cast ballots, though free to become citizens. It is reported that there are 13,823 Japanese residing in Canada to-day, engaged in fishing and logging and sawmill industries, as w^ as in agriculture. Attempts at Emigration : Results 69 South America. For some years past a number (about six thou- sand) of Japanese immigrants has been sent every year to Brazil in compliance with the request of the Republic. They have been mostly engaged on coffee plantations in Sao Paulo. The coloniza- tion is still in an experimental stage, and it is a little premature to forecast its future at this time. Altogether about twenty thousand Japa- nese immigrants have gone to the South American Republic. The United States. Perhaps attracted by the wonderful stories of the discovery of gold in the Sacramento VaUey, or possibly cast ashore in boats on the Pacific Coast of America, there seem to have lived in the early sixties in California about a himdred Japanese. Early California papers record the story of quaint- looking Japanese settlers, who were received with great favor. Although accurate records are lack- ing, it would seem that the number of Japanese did not begin to increase until the late eighties, when a few hundred began to come in every year. The census of 1890 reported the number of Japanese residents as 2039. From that time on the number of immigrants steadily increased, reaching the highest mark in 1907, when about 70 Japan and the California Problem ten thousand of them entered continental America in one year.' The direct incentive for Japanese emigration was furnished by a few large emigration com- panies," which were formed with a view to supply- ing contract labor to Hawaii and America, where the demand for labor was insatiable. In the former case, the rapid growth of the sugar planta- tions demanded a large supply of cheap labor. In the latter case, the need for cheap labor was tirgent, due to the enactment of the Chinese Ex- clusion Law in 1882, which soon began to effect a decrease in the number of Chinese laborers, re- sulting in a dearth of labor on the farms and in railroad work. It was in response to the urgent demand of capitalists and landowners in Hawaii and America for Japanese labor that the emigra- tion companies sprang into existence with the object of facilitating the complex process of immigration. The Japanese coolies so brought in were wel- comed and prosperous — at least for a while. Their industry and frugality won them the confidence of their employers. In agriculture, in railroad- building, in mining and fishing, they proved useful 'For a complete tabulation of Japanese immigration see appendix F. 'Tokyo Emigration Co., Toyo Emigration Co., were the most oonspicuous. Attempts at Emigration: Results 71 hands. They saved money and remitted to their native country a considerable portion of it. Some of them returned home with a fortune and a de- gree of refinement which a superior environment could bestow upon a laborer. These incidents stimulated the desire of ambitious Japanese to leave for and work in California and Hawaii, and the number of applicants for emigration greatly multiplied. In the meantime, between 1895 and 1900, changes had taken place in the attitude of the people of California toward the Japanese. For various reasons the friendly feeling of the Califor- nians was gradually replaced by a more or less hostile sentiment. It so happened that just about this time California was the stage for a struggle between organized labor and capital. It was with a great deal of effort and sacrifice that the or- ganized labor of California succeeded in excluding the Chinese coolies. But their hard-won victory was shattered to pieces by the advent of Japanese laborers, whom capital, taking advantage of their ignorance of American customs and language, wisely utilized as a powerful weapon to defeat the unions. To the union men it made no difference whether the strike-breakers were Chinese or Japanese; whether strike-breaking was voluntarily or unwittingly performed; they were enemies just 72 Japan and the California Problem the same. The cry for exclusion was a natural consequence. Then there also seems to be some truth in the report' made in 1908 by W. L. Mackenzie King, the Deputy Minister of the Government of Can- ada, which states that it is suspected that much of the anti- Japanese agitation in California was de- liberately fermented by the interests of the Planters' Association of Honolulu, who, alarmed by the tendency of Japanese laborers engaged on the sugar plantations to seek work on the Pacific Coast of America, where wages were much better, started a campaign to check the exodus by causing ill feeling toward the Japanese along the Pacific Coast. The report states in part- It is believed . . . that the members of the Asiatic Exclusion League in San Francisco were not without contributions from the Association's incidental ex- pense fund, to assist them in an agitation which by excluding Japanese from the mainland would confine that class of labor to the islands, to the greater ec- onomic advantage of the members of the Association.* For these two chief reasons, and perhaps for many other minor ones, there arose the persistent social movement for Japanese exclusion in CaU- ' Report of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the methods by which Oriental laborers were induced to come to Canada in 1909. ' Report as cited, p. 54. Attempts at Emigration : Results 73 fomia, which first took definite shape in 1900, when a mass-meeting held at San Francisco ^ for the express purpose of more rigidly ex- cluding the Chinese, adopted a resolution urging Congress to take measures for the total ex- clusion of Japanese other than members of the Diplomatic Staff. Following this came the first of the anti- Japanese messages delivered by the Governor of California, and of the resolutions voted on by the State Legislature calling upon Congress to extend the Chinese Exclusion Law to other Asiatics. The climax of the movement was reached when, immediately after the earthquake, the Board of Education of San Francisco passed the "separate school order, " and Japan protested^ A series of diplomatic negotiations followed, which finally resulted in the repeal of the school dis- criminatory order and the conclusion of the "Gentlemen's Agreement," whereby Japan pledged herself to restrict the number of immi- grants to the United States. Leaving to a later chapter the detailed discussion of the result which the "Gentlemen's Agreement" has brought about in the status of Japanese immi- gration, it will suffice to mention here that the agreement has faithfully and loyally been carried out by Japan, and thatsince then the Japaneseprob- lem has in fact ceased to be an immigration issue. 74 Japan and the California Problem Results. Twenty years of emigration attempts, chief of which we reviewed in this chapter, have resulted in failure in every case, and Japan's efiEort to plant her race in other lands has proved futile. There are many causes for this failure, for which Japan is partially, but not wholly, responsible. But this is a matter which we shall more fully discuss in the next chapter. Excluded and maltreated wherever they went, the Japanese returned home with shattered hopes and wounded feelings, and the mooted question of population once more con- fronted them with intensified severity. Giving up as entirely hopeless the attempt at settling in places where the white races held supremacy, they now appear to have made up their minds to migrate towards the north, where climatic and economic disadvantages, together with political revolution in Eastern Europe, have freed the land tempor- arily from the strong white grip, offering the line of least resistance for Japanese. CHAPTER VI CAUSES OF ANTI- JAPANESE AGITATION Modem Civilization. THE major cause of the agitation against Japanese in California must be attributed to modem civilization, which, with scientific devices, has conquered time and space and thereby de- stroyed ro«oiKi<)0)«-« ^2 S Ei$5§c;^;sss$ 1 ^ ? ■+«oic»«n^-»-i^.<^N $>0 \ \ % * 1 Sy 3 ^^* lo « vei N BO oi o •nN-^OiO ^MOk \'\ \ 222 N \ \ \ o o o 10 m OJ > \ 1 \ 1 I 1 1: > k \ •J It III 5?" ^ \ \ \ \ ' It •A i ^ • \ • * IKS IP \\ \ '■ ^ N 1 "u * ^« s k;* \\ • * s V t < *■ «: \ \ ■ ♦ • + 1, \ \ \\ g, \ X • * i s: CI iri o yl s •^ Q i/i o [o fS in o ^ p i? c 2 1016 +2,178 +2, '578 1017 IOI8 t3'452 +3,076 IQIO 1020 + 1,206 The above is taken from the Annual Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration. 217 APPENDIX G Japanese Admitted into Continental United States: Arrivals and Departures. Year. Number of Arrivals. Departed. Total Gains / Up to Date. 1 1861-1870 1871-1880 1881-1890 1891-1900 I9OI-1910 19IX-1920 218 149 2,270 20,829 54.838 , 87,576 25,000 (estimated) 70,404 Total No. of transient im- migrants from Hawaii 165,880 15,000 (estimated) Total 180,880 95.404 87,476 APPENDIX H Immigrants and Non-Immigrants. Percentaee of Year. Total Number Admitted. Immigrants. Non-Immigrants. Non-Immigrants Against Total Number Admitted 1909 1,593 255 1,338 84.0 I910 1,552 116 1,436 92.5 191 1 4,282 736 3.546 83.0 1912 5,358 894 4,464 83.3 I913 t'T 1. 371 5,400 79-7 1914 8,462 1,762 6,700 79.1 1915 9,029 2,214 6,815 75-5 I916 9,100 2.958 6,142 67.5 I917 9.159 2,838 6,321 69.0 1918 11.143 2,604 8,539 76.6 Taken from Kawakami, Japan Review, vol. iv., p. 76. ai8 APPENDIX I Distribution of Japanese and Chinese Popu- lation IN the United States. DISTKIBUTION OF JAPANESE POPULATION. Census. i88o 1890 ipoo 1010 Total United States. . . . 148 2039 24,326 72,157 New Sngland 14 27 7 I 5 5 89 45 202 lOI 16 55 19 42 27 1,532 89 446 126 223 29 7 30 18,296 272 1,643 482 1,000 26 428 10,447 57,703 Middle Atlantic East North Central West North Central.... South Atlantic East South Central West South Central. . . . Mountain Pacific DISTRIBUTION OF CHINESE POPULATION. \ Census. 1S80 iSgo 1900 1910 United States 105,465 107,488 89,863 71.531 401 1,277 390 423 74 90 758 87,828 1,488 4.689 1.254 1,097 669 274 I.173 ",572 85.272 4.203 10,490 2.533 1.135 1,791 427 1,555 7.950 59.779 3.499 8,189 3,451 1,195 1,582 414 1,303 5,614 46*320 Middle Atlantic East North Central. . . . West North Central.. . . South Atlantic East South Central West South Central. . . . Pacific Taken from Gulick, American Democracy and Asi- atic Citistnship, pp. 152, 177. 319 APPENDIX J Distribution of Japanese in United States. {According to Consular Division as Reported by Foreign DepartmerU, Japan.) Districts. Male. Female. Total for 1919. Seattle 14,568 5,829 37.375 22,644 2,336 3,320 4.397 1,637 16,578 9,861 378 284 18,965 Portland 7,466 San Francisco Los Angeles Chicago 53,953 32,505 2,714 New York 3,604 86,072 33.135 119,207 aao APPENDIX K AN ABSTRACT OF EXPATRIATION LAW OF JAPAN Article XVIII. — When a Japanese, by becoming the wife of a foreigner, has acquired the husband's nation- ality, then such Japanese loses her Japanese nationality. Article XX. — ^A person who voluntarily acquires a foreign nationality loses Japanese nationality. In case a Japanese subject, who has acquired foreign nationality by reason of his or her birth in a foreign country has domiciled in that country, he or she may be expatriated with the permission of the Minister of State for Home Affairs. The application for the per- mission referred to in the preceding paragraph shall be made by the legal representative in case the per- son to be expatriated is younger than fifteen years of age. If the person in question is a minor above fifteen years of age, or a person adjudged incompetent, the application can be made with the consent of his or her legal representative or guardian. A stepfather, a stepmother, a legal mother, or a guardian may not make the application or give the consent prescribed in the preceding paragraph without the consent of the family council. A person who has been expatriated loses Japanese nationality. Article XXIV. — Notwithstanding the provisions of the preceding six articles a male of full seventeen years or upwards does not lose Japanese nationality, unless he 222 Appendix K has completed active service in the army or navy, or he is under no obligation to enter into it. A person who actually occupies an official post — civil or mili- tary — does not lose Japanese nationality notwith- standing the provisions of the foregoing seven articles. Article XXVI. — A person who has lost Japanese nationality in accordance with Article XX may re- cover Japanese nationality provided that he or she possesses a domicile in Japan, but this does not apply when the person mentioned in Article XVI has lost Japanese nationality. In case the person who has lost Japanese nationality in accordance with the provision of Article XX is younger than fifteen years of age, the application for the permission prescribed in the pre- ceding paragraph shall be made by the father who is the member of the family to which such person be- longed at the time of his expatriation; should the father be unable to do so, the application shall be made by the mother; if the mother is unable to do so, by the grandfather; and if the grandfather is unable to do so, then by the grandmother. APPENDIX L A MINUTE OF HEARING AT SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, BEFORE THE HOUSE SUB-COMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION DIRECT EXAMINATION July 27, 1920. Evening Session Seattle James Sakamoto, produced as a witness, having been first duly sworn, testi- fied as follows: Questions by Mr. Box: Q. What is your name? A. James Sakamoto. Q. Where do you live? A. 1609 Yesler Way. Q. You were bom in the United States? A. Yes, sir. Q. Where were you bom? A. In Seattle, Washington. Q. Right here? A. Yes. Q. Are you full of Seaittle spirits? A. You bet. Q. You only refer to one kind. How old are you? A . Seventeen. I was bom in 1903 ; March aad. 224 Appendix L Q. Yougo to school here? A. Oh, yes. Q. In the high school ? A. The Franklin High. Q. About how many boys are there here in and about Seattle that were born here, along about your age, from three or four years younger to two or three years older? A. Well, I only know of the fellows that I asso- ciate with. I can't tell you the fellows that I don't know about. Q. Do you know a number? A. I don't know many of them. Q. A half a dozen? Q. How many in your high school are Japanese boys? A. I think I am the only one. Q. Are there many young ladies? Do you know this young lady that just testified ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Are there many such nice looking girls as she is in Seattle? A. You better ask them. Q. You get along all right in school ? A. Oh, yes, sir. Q. You don't have any trouble with your classes, and boys? A. I have lots of fun. Q. You have a good time? A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you attend the Japanese Language School ? A. Yes, sir; eight years. Q. What did they teach you there? A. Taught me Japanese. Appendix L 225 Q. The Japanese language? A. Yes, sir. Q. Did they teach you Japanese history? A. I wasn't able to learn very quick. Q. You were not very quick to learn, but they did that, teach the history of Japan? A. They tried to. Q. Didn't they succeed with a boy as bright as you are, going to high school? A. They were successful, but I did not succeed. See? Q. You read the Japanese language now? A . I can't read it ; it is too hard. Q. You really can't read any? A. There are three different kinds of words and letters. I can read the easiest. Q. In other words, you have adopted the road of least resistance with the Japanese language? A. Sure. Q. You talk Japanese with your parents? A. In a simple, broken language. Q. Do they talk English ? A. They can't talk English. They have been here quite long, but they have never had a chance to talk English. Q. Let me ask you this; do you get along very well with them? A. In my home? Q. Yes. A. Sure. They are my father and mother. Q. (Mr. Siegel.) And you say that you don't understand the Japanese language sufficiently well to carry on a conversation with them? A. I understand them, but that is about all. IS 226 Appendix L Q. How do they arrange to get along with you, if you can't speak the language orally? A. They just about guess what I am trying to tell them. Q. In other words, you are always asking for money. Is that the principal idea? A. May be, not any more, but I used to. Q. When they talk to you, you understand them all right? A. Oh, yes; I understand them. Q. (Mr. Raker.) Would you tell us why, you haven't, or didn't, and haven't given more attention and worked harder to become familiar with the Jap- anese language and history? A. That is a hard question to ask me just now. Q. I know it is, but I think you know, my boy; tell us in your own language, in your own way? A. Well, suppose we go to school five hours a day, the American school. We attend Japanese school for two hours; that is overwork two hours, you see, and we don't get paid for over time. Q. I guess you are about pretty near right, didn't I? You are the kind of a fellow that is going to be thinking a little about money as you grow up, and you are going to make it in Seattle. A . I haven't got a business. Q. (Mr. Raker.) What I was asking that question for, I am going to put it direct. I want you to give me your good frank answer, which I know you will. Is it your determination when you get a little older, and begin to think over the situation, that you want to become familiar with the English language and under- stand the American ways rather than to devote your time to Japanese ways and language? Appendix L 227 A. Well, I want to be an American more than a Japanese. I was bom here. Q. That is one of the reasons you haven't devoted your time to the Japanese language. How old were you when you started? A. I started the same year when I went to Gram- mar School. Q. That was when? A. Five years old. Five years old I started to kindergarten, and at six I started to Grammar School. Q. So when you started to kindergarten did you start in the Japanese School? A. No, when I was six. Q. And you did that from the time you were six until you were fourteen? A. I think that is right, fourteen. Q. How old are you now? A. Seventeen. Q. You have to renounce the Japanese Emperor before you are seventeen? A. I don't know a thing about it. Q. You know, don't you, that you are claimed as a citizen by Japan, and also by the United States. A. I don't care. I was bom here. Q. Is it your intention to remain an American citizen or be a Japanese citizen? A. Why shouldn't I remain an American? I was bom here. Why should I go back there? This is my home here. Q. You intend to remain an American citizen ? A . Nobody is going to stop me. Q. That's what I want to get at. Do you remem- 228 Appendix L ber when you were first told that you were a native- born American citizen; do you remember when that was first told you? A. I don't know. Q. How long have you felt the pride that you are a young American citizen? How long have you held that feeling of pride? A . Since I went to Grammar School. Q. Has every young Japanese boy here expressed that feeling as you do to us ; have you heard them talk about it? A. They don't talk about it much. It is mostly their home training. My father and mother don't care whether I am an American. They would rather have me an American. Q. And they have encouraged you to be an American? A. Sure. Q. And yotu: teachers have? A. Oh, yes, naturally. Q. And you like the idea? A. Sure. Q. Your father and mother intend to remain here all their lives, do they, as far as you know? A. Well, I would like to have them go back and see their home once again, but that is about all. I don't know what I can do. Q. (Mr. Vaile.) As far as you know, their own intention is to live here, except for a visit home, per- haps, the rest of their lives ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Suppose you visit Japan. You know, don't you, that the Japanese Emperor still claims you as his subject ? Suppose you are required to render military Appendix L 229 service to Japan, what would be your position on that subject? A . It would be a pretty difficult one, but I will get out of it. Q. Following that, suppose you were required to render military service to the United States, what will be your position? A. I will get in. Q. Exactly. We are glad to meet you. Good luck to you. {Witness Excused.) APPENDIX M COMPARATIVE STANDING OF INTELLIGENCE AND BE- HAVIOR OF AMERICAN-BORN JAPANESE CHILDREN AND AMERICAN CHILDREN DISCUSSED BY SEVERAL PRINCIPALS OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS OF LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA. Request Sent to the Board of Education of Los Angeles, CaUfornia. December 34, 1930. President of the Board of Education, Los Angeles, California. My DEAR Sir: I am collecting data on the intellectual and moral status of American-bom Japanese children. Among the data the most important, I need hardly say, are their school records. I shall highly appreciate your courtesy if you will be pleased to provide me with the valuable information you have at your command bearing on the subject. What I am particularly interested in is the average record of American-born Japanese children and its comparison with the record of American children. Yours very respectfully, (Signed) T. Iyenaga. 330 Appendix M 331 Method of Gathering Material December 31, 1930. DEAii Mr. Shafer: Ma^ I trouble you to select two of your schools in which you have the largest Japanese attendance and secure for me at your earliest possible convenience data as to the number of Japanese children in those schools and the points about them that are touched upon in the Wcompanying letter? My thought is this — ^that if we secure records from two or three ^hools where we have the largest Jap- anese attendance, this will suffice as a basis for decision as to the other such schools. Mrs. Dorsey. January 7, tgai. Mrs, Adda Wilson Hunter, Principal, Moneta School, Miss Mary A. Colestock, Principal, Hewitt St. School, Miss Mary A. Henderson, Principal, Amelia St. School, Miss Lizzie A. McKenzie, Principal, Hobart Blvd. School. A communication has been received from Dr. T. lyenaga stating that he is collecting data on the in- tellectual and moral status of American-bom Japanese children. He is anxious to know the average record of American-bom Japanese children in the schools and how it compares with the record of American children. Will you kindly send me statement concerning the results in your schools? Very truly yours. Assistant Superintendent. 23a Appendix M Replies (I) Office of the Principal of Hewitt St. School, District No. 151 Report of American-born Japanese Children, January 17, 1921. My DEAR Mr. Shafer : The American-born Japanese children, who are enrolled in this school, compare most favorably with the American children both intellectually and morally. They are like all groups of children. We find some very bright children and some very dull ones. As a whole, they are more persevering and more dependable than the class of white children found in this school. Miss Oliver, who has been working with the Jap- anese for the past four years, said, "When with them I feel that I am in the company of well-bred Americans." „ , Truly yours, Mary A. Colestock, Prin. (2) Amelia St. School, City January 19, 1931. Mr. Harry M. Shafer, Assistant Superintendent, Los Angeles City Public Schools, Los Angeles, California. Dear Mr. Shafer: My general observation has been that given any- thing of an equal chance, children are children, human Appendix M 233 nature is human nature, and brains are brains — what- eveis the mother tongue may be. Compared with our othei. foreign children, or with other children bom in Amenpa of foreign parentage not Japanese, keeping in mind t\e differences in social position that exist in all classes. Whatever the nationality may be, I cannot see much difference along any line between our Japanese children and our Mexicans, our French and our Ital- ians; nor do I think any of them differ radically from what we are^apt to term "American" children. Few families are n\any generations away from some foreign ancestors. . .\ Our Japanese children are called brighter and more studious, sometimes, than the others. I think this is due to the fact ihat they have, in many cases, ambi- tious, educated parents who follow school work up very closely in the home. Where home restrictions are lifted, such conditions do not always prevail, any more than in cases of other neglected children. They must be studious. Discipline of American-bom Japanese children is not so close in the home as it seems to be with children born in Japan and reared along Japanese lines, yet such children show much more initiative in all of their work at school. They catch the American spirit. As summary, I would say that physically, mentally, morally, given the same chance, there does not seem to me to be a great difference among children of the different nationalities, but this difference is most readily noticed. The other nationalities do assimilate quickly, and lose, to a great extent, their parents' national traits in short time; but it is exceedingly hard to get the same results with our Japanese children. They cling to one another, to their own ways, and to 234 Appendix M their own language, even after many years of work in public schools, where most social barriers are broken down. My personal feeling in the matter is that this condition is the result of lack of American education in the Japanese homes and lack of American touch with the Japanese mothers. Our Home teachers are doing much to help along this line, but it is slow work, and work that takes much time, and requires great tact on part of the workers. Most important to me is the work our public schools are doing with the Japanese girls, the mothers of to- Yours respectfully, Mary A. Henderson. (3) Report of Intellectual and Moral Status of American- born Japanese Children MONETA School, Los Angeles School Dist. As a rule American-bom Japanese children know no English when entering school. Their progress at first, therefore, is more slow than that of English speaking children. Japanese children require one year to com- plete one half year's work through the first, second, and third grades. After the third grade they com- plete the work in the time assigned. They are especially good in handwork. Their chief difiiculty is with English. In application they rank high. As to their moral status they are neither better nor worse than other children. Mrs. Adda Wilson Hunter, Principal Moneta School. January 14, 1921. Appendix M 235 Report of Intellectruil and Moral Status of American- Born Japanese Children Grade. II 1 ■s 1 II 4 a a i < 1. In What Do They Excel? 2. What is Great- est Draw- back? Kgn. 13 lyr. 4J^-6 5 Good 1. Handwork. 2. Do not speak Engli^. B-i ai lyr. 6-7 Good 1. Drawing, writing, handwork. 2. Do not speak A-i 4 lyr. 6-7 9 Good 1. Handwork. 2. Do not speak English. B-2 3 lyr. 7-8 9 Good 1. Handwork. 2. Do not speak A-2 3 lyr. 7-8 10 Good 1. Handwork. 2. Do not speak English. I. Spelling, B-3 3 5mos. 8-9 10 Excel. Poor arithmetic. 1 2. English. A-3 3 lyr. 8-9 10 Fair Good I. Spelling, arithmetic. 3. English. B-4 I 5mos. 9-10 9 Excel. Excel. 1. Arithmetic. 2. English. A-4 I Smos. 9-10 II Excel. Excel. I. Arithmetic, spelling. 3. English. B-5 3 Smos. lO-II II Excel. Excel. 1. Arithmetic, spelling. 2. EngUsh. B-6 3 smos. II-I3 10 Good Excel. 1. History, geography. 2. Arithmetic. A-6 I 5 mos. II-I2 I2j^ Excel. Excel. I. Arithmetic, history. 3. Geography. 236 Appendix M (4) HoBART Blvd. School, Los Angeles, California, January 13, 1921. Mr. Harry M. Shafer, Assistant Supt. City Schools. My dear Mr. Shafer: In reply to your inquiry relative to the American- born Japanese pupils of our school, I enclose state- ment as to results noted in the various classes. Trusting that this may serve the purpose desired, and appreciating your very kindly interest, Sincerely, Lizzie A. McKenzie, Principal. Hobart Blvd. School. January 13, 1921. Report on Japanese Pupils (American-born) Many of the Japanese fail in First Grade on account of inability to understand the English language. In succeeding grades, progress is satisfactory as shown by the following tabulation of current date: To Be To Be Enrolkd. Promoted. Enrolled. Promoted. B-i 16 ID A-3 I I A-i 7 6 B-4 2 2 B-2 5 5 A-4 A-^ 4 4 B-5 2 I B-3 I I A-5 I I B-6 I I A-6 Total enrolled, 40. Total promoted, 32. Appendix M 237 We find these children as a rule clever in use of pen and crayon, possessing light touch, having correct ideas of form, and excellent taste in selection of color. As pupils they follow direction well, and are usually free from faults of rudeness or improper language. Of the forty above Kindergarten, three are trouble- some and are persistent cases. In general, it may be said that these children as a class compare favorably with others in matters of progress and of conduct as well. Lizzie A. McKenzie, Principal. LITERATURE ON THE SUBJECT Books Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science, January, 1921. Present Day Im- migration with Special Reference to the Japanese. Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science, September, 1909. Chinese and Japanese in America. GuLiCK, Sydney L. American Democracy and Asiatic Citizenship. Scribners, New York, 1918. The American-Japanese Problem. Scribners, New York, 1914. IcHiHASHi, Y. Japanese Immigration. Marshall Press, San Francisco, 1915. Kawakami, K. K. American-Japanese Relations. Revell, New York, 1912. Asia at the Door. Revell, New York, 1914. Japan in the World Politics. Revell, New York, 1917. Masaoka, N. (Editor). Japan to America. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1915. MiLLis, H. A. The Japanese Problem in the United States. McMillan, New York, 1915. Pitkin, Walter B. Must We Fight Japan? The Century Co., New York, 192 1. Russell, Lindsay (Editor). America to Japan. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1915. Scherer, J. A. A. The Japanese Crisis. Stokes, 1915. 338 Literature on the Subject 239 The Japanese-American News. The Japanese- American Year Book, 1910 and 1918. San Francisco. Official Publications Annual Reports of the United States Commissioner- General of Immigration. Bureau of Labor (California). Biennial Reports, and especially, "Report on the Japanese in California." California and the Oriental. Report of California State Board of Control, with Governor Wm. D. Stephens's letter addressed to Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby. California State Printing Office, Sacramento, 1920. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census. Chinese and Japanese in the United States, 1910. Bulletin 127, Washington Printing Office, 1914. Immigration Commission. Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrant. Senate Document, No. 208, 6 1 St Congress, 2nd Session. Washington Government Printing Office, 1910. Immigration Laws of the United States. (Revised Federal Statutes). Kahn, Congressman. Japanese-California Problem. Congressional Record, 60, 4 : 78-82, December 9, 1920. Metcalf, Secretary. Report on the Japanese School Question. Naturalization Laws of the United States. (Revised Federal Statutes.) Reports of the Immigration Commission. Immi- grants in the Industries, Vols. 23, 24, 25, Senate Document, No. 633^ 6ist Congress. 240 Literature on the Subject Roosevelt, Theodore. Presidential Message to Congress, 1907. House of Representatives; Mes- sage of the President of the United States, and Accompanying Documents. Part I; pp. 492-846. Ex. Doc. No. I. Pamphlets California Farmers' Co-operative Association. Japanese Immigration and the Japanese in Cali- fornia, 1919. Clement, E. W. Expatriation of Japanese Abroad. Japanese Association of America, San Francisco, 1916. Eliot, Chas. W. Friendship between the United States and Japan. Japanese Merchants' Associa- tion, Portland, Oregon. Gadsby, John. Foreign Land-Ownership and Leasing in Japan, 1920. Japanese Association of America, San Francisco, 1914. GuLiCK, Sydney L. How Shall Immigration be Regu- lated ? 1 920. Japan and the Gentlemen's A greement. 1920. The New Anti-Japanese Agitation. 1920. ICHiHASHi, Y. Japanese Immigration, Its Status in California. 1913. Irish, John P. Campaign of Lies, Stolen Letters of Senator Phelan. 1920. Shall Japanese-Americans in Idaho be Treated with Fairness and Justice or Not? 192 1. Kawakami, K. K. Senator Phelan, Dr. Gulick and I. Bureau of Literary Service, San Francisco, 1920. Lamont, Thomas, and Others. Japan. 1920. People's League of Justice. Petition by People's League of Justice, Los Angeles, California, 1920. Literature on the Subject 241 Rea, George Bronson. Japan's Right to Exist. Far Eastern Review, Shanghai, China, 1920. Roosevelt, T. America and Japan. Reprint from the New York Times. Shima, George. An Appeal to Justice. 1920. Taft, Henry W. Our Relations with Japan. Japan Society, New York, 1920. The American Committee of Justice. California and the Japanese. Oakland, California, December, 1920. Tyndall, Philip. Proposed Initiative Measure to be Presented to the Legislature of igzi, Seattle, Wash- ington. Vanderlip, Frank. Mr. Vanderlip's Message. Wallace, J. B. Waving the Yellow Flag in Cali- fornia. Reprinted from the Dearborn Independent. Williams, B. H. The Case against the Japanese. 1920. Articles in Periodicals "America and the Japanese Relations." Wainwright, S. H. Outlook, 124 : 392, March, 1926. "America's Responsibility on the Pacific." Green- bie, S. North American Review, 212 : 71-79, July, 1920. "Another Japanese Problem." McLeod, H. New Republic, 24 : 184-6, October 20, 1920. "Anti- Japanese Agitation." Business Chronicle, 9, 18 : 137-49, September, 1920. "Asia's American Problem." Robinson, Geroid. Pacific Review, 367-388, December, 1920. "California and the Japanese." Kawakami, K. K. Nation, 112 : 173-174, February 2, 1921. 16 3^2 Literature on the Subject "California and the Oriental." The Letter of Wm. D. Stephens to the Secretary of State Colby. The Pacific Review, 349-361, December, 1920. " Calif ornia- Japanese Problem." The Pacific Voice, 5, 10 : 4-10. "Calif ornia- Japanese Question." Woolsey, Theo- dore S. The American Journal of International Laws, Oxford Press,. 15, i : 24-26, January, 1921. "Co-operation between Japan and America." Kaneko, K. Japan Review, 24-^26, December, 1920. " Discrimination against the Japanese." New Repub- lic, 24 : 135-6. "Future of Japanese- American Relations." Shtoe- HARA, K. Japan Review, 170-171, April, 1920. "Hegemony of the Pacific." Living Age, 2,16: 638-40. "Japan, a Great Economic Power." Longford, J. H. Nineteenth Century, 523 : 526-39, September, 1920. "Japan and America." Far Eastern Review, 16 : 335- 36. "Japan and the United States, a Suggestion." Otto, M. C. Japan Review, 334-336, October, 1920. "Japan and the Japanese-California Problem." Iyenaga, T. Current History, 13, i : 1-7, October, 1920. "Japan as Colonizer." Stead's Review, 53, 7 : 358-9. "Japan Challenges Us to Control California." Stod- dard, L. World's Work, 40 : 48-85. "Japan Our New Customer." Starrett, W. A. Scribner's, 66 : 517-18. "Japan's Diplomacy of Necessity." Living Age, 316: 638-640. ; "Japan's New Difficulties with China." The New Literature on the Subject 243 York Times Current History, 457-458, December, 1920. "Japan's Use of Her Hegemony." Ferguson, J. C. North American Review, 210 : 456-459. "Japan's Aggression." Inman, J. M. Forum, 65, I : 1-9, January, 192 1. "Japanese-American Relations." Shidehara, K. Outlook, 125 : 317-18, June 16, 1920. "Japanese-American Relations." Yoshino, Sakuzo. Pacijk Review, 418-421, December, 1920. "Japanese and the Pacific Coast." Ryder, R. W. North American Review, 213, i : 1-15, January, 192 1. "Japanese Farmers' Contribution to California." Chiba, Toyoji. Japan Review, 212-13, May, 1920. "Japanese Imperialism in Siberia." Chamberlain, W. H. Nation, iio : 798-9. "Japanese in America." Trent, P. J. Review of Reviews, 61 : 76-8, June, 1920. "Japanese in California." Briggs, A. H.; Johnson, H. B.; LoOFBOUROW, I. J. Japan Review, 166-170, April, 1920. "Japanese in California." Irish, John P. Japan Review, 7-72, January, 1920. "Japanese in California." Jordan, D. S. The Paci- fic Review, 316-65, December, 1920. " Japanese I^sue in California." Stoddard, L. World's Work, 40, 5 : 585-600, September, 1920. "Japanese Language Schools." Kawakami, K. K. Japan Review, 14-15, January, 1921. "Japanese Problem in California." Locan, C. A. Current History, 13 : 7-11, October, 1920. "Japanese Pupils and American Schools." Fulton, C. W. North American Review, December, 1906. 244 Literature on the Subject "Japanese Question." Kawaeami, K. K. Pacific Review, 365-78, December, 1920. "Japanese Views of California." Literary Digest, 67, I : 20-1. "Japanthropy." Woolston, H. B. Pacific Review, 289-96, December, 1920. " Legal Aspects of the Japanese Question." McMuR- RAY, Orrin K. Pacific Review, 396-403, December, 1920. "Liberalism in Japan." Dewey, John. Dial, 63 : 283-5; 335-7; 369-7 1- "Light on the Japanese Question." Kinney, H. W. Atlantic Monthly, 126 : 832-42, December, 1920. " Moral Factors in Japanese Policy." Bland, J. O. P. Asia, 211-217, March, 1920. "Oriental Immigration from the Canadian Stand- point." Baggs, Theodore H. Pacific Review, 408-418, December, 1920. "Oriental in California." Irish, John P. Overland, 75 : 332-3, April, 1920. "Oriental Problem, as the Coast See It." Hart, J. A. World's Work, March, 1906. "Oriental Question and Popular Diplomacy." Pruett, Robert L. Japan Review, 291-92, August, 1920. "'Possum and the Dinosaur." Mason, G. Otit- look, 125 : 319-20, June 16, 1920. "Race Prejudice: Psychological Analysis." Sato, K. Japan Review, 237-238, June, 1920. "Shall East and West Never Meet?" Sato, K. Japan Review, 336-37, October, 1920. "Some Aspects of the So-called Japanese Problem." Vanderlip, p. a. Outlook, 125 : 380-4. "What are the Japanese Doing towards Americaniza- Literature on the Subject 245 tion?" Sasamori, Junzo. Japan Review, 22-24, December, 1920. "What Japan Wants." Adachi, K. Nation, 181-82, Feburary 2, 1921. ' ' When East is West. ' ' Gulick, Sydney L. Outlook, 102 : 12-14, April 3, 1920. INDEX Adaptability, Japanese dis- position of, 20 /Esthetic temperament of Jap- anese, 13 Age distribution of Japanese in California, 112 Agreement, Root-Takahira,- 34 Agriculture, Japanese, in Cali- fornia, 120-147; causes of Japanese progress in, 123- 126 Ainu, 14 American-bom Japanese, 174- 177 Amencan disposition, 9 Americanization, criterion of, 151-154 Ancestors, Japanese, 16 Anti-Alien Land Laws, 138- 142; e&ect of, 145; Appen- dixes C, D Anti- Japanese Agitation, causes of, ,75-89 Asiatic policy, Japan s, 33- 45 Assimilation, 137; 148-177; and nationalism, 148-1^9; meaning of, 15 1- 154; bio- logical, 155-162; of Japanese immigrants, 168-174 Australia, Japanese emigra- tion to, 64-67 Birth-rate of Japanese in Cali- fornia, 109-119 Boas, Professor, quoted, 163 Bolsheviki, 38 Buddhism, 25 Bushido, 15, 21 Japanese agitation in, 75! causes of Japanese influx toi 50-63; Christianity amopg Japanese in, 169-170; com- petition in, 133-135; con- gestion of Japanese in, 87- 89; cultural assimilation of Japanese in, 166-168; gene- sis of hostility towards Japanese in, 71; population of> 93; problem, 7 Canada, Japanese emigration to, 67-69 Capitahsm, 29 Castle, Professor, quoted, 159 Chiba, T., quoted, 129 China, Japan's cooperation with, 42-45 Chinese, 23, 95 Chivahy, proletarian, 21 Christianity, 28 Colonization, Japanese policy of, 18 Confucianism, 25, 27 Congressional sub-Committee on Immigration and Natu- ralization, 176 Constitution, Japanese, 1 1 Democracy, industrial, 31 Democratic institutions, Jap- anese training in, 172 Den Do Dan, 169-170 Despotism, Japanese, 22 Dewey, Professor John, 29 Dispersal of Japanese in Cali- fornia, 189 Disposition, Japanese, 20 Dual nationality, 191 California, causes of Anti- East and West, 4, 195-196 347 248 Index Economic status of Japanese in California, 171 Education, system of, 31 Emotional nature, of Japanese, 9 English, Japanese ability to command, 170 Eta, 18 Eurasiatic relationship, 6 Expatriation Law of Japan, Appendix K Farmers, Japanese, in CaU- fomia, 132-138 Pishberg, Dr., quoted, 164 "Gentlemen's Agreement," 100-106 German, influence on Japan, 30; idealism, 32 Gikyoshin, 21 Group consciousness of Japan- ese, 16 Gulick, Dr. Sydney L., quoted, 157 Hara kiri, 12 Heam, Lafcadio, 44 Hedonism, Japanese, 15 Hideyoshi, 10 History of Japanese, 10, 20 Humanism, 32 Immigration to Australia, 64-67 Canada, 67-^69 South America, 69 United States, 69-75 Industrial democracy, 31 Intelligence of Japanese in California, 170 Intermarriage, 155-162 Japan, topographical condi- tions of, 13; Nature of, 14 Japan's, Asiatic Policy, 33; land area, 52; agriculture, 52-55; industry, 57-62; population, 55-57; social conditions, 62-63 Japanese, ability to speak JEnglish, 170; age distribu- tion of, in California, 112; agriculture in ^California, 120-147; ancestors, 16; as- similabilityof, 148-177; birth rate in California, 109-iig; civilization of, 14; Qjnsti- tution, 1 1 ; death rate of, in California, 117; descendants in California,' 164-166, 174- 177; economic status of, in California, 171; farm labor, 126-131; farmers in CaU- fomia, 132-138; immi- gration to America, 97-107; Land Laws, 142-145; mo- rality of, in Califomia, 168- 169; nationalit3^, 85-86; number of, in Calif omia, 91 ; philosophy, 24; sex distri- bution of, in California, 112; social system, 30; suscepti- bility of, 12; training in civics, 172 Jesuit Fathers, 10 Jones and East, quoted, 159 Kikotsu, 21 Kii)ling, quoted, 4 Kojiki, 16 Korea, amalgamation of, 34; local self-government in, 36; situation in, 35-37 Koreans, 18 Kusama, Shiko, note, 170 Labor, 30 Land, amount held by Japan- ese in California, 135-137 Land Laws, Anti-AJien, 138- 142; Appendixes C and D League of Nations, 19 Lippman, Walter, note, 86 Manchuria, 37 Mankind, 6 Marriage, Japanese, 1 1 Millis, Professor H. A., quoted, 157 Morahty of Japanese in Cali- fornia, 168-169 Morris, Roland, 186 Myth, 17 Index 249 Nationalism, 148 Native-bom Japanese, 174 Nevada, 23 Newlands, U. S. Senator, 23 Nihongi, 16 Nitob6, Dr., 22 Number of Japanese in Califor- nia, 91 Oakesmith, John, quoted, 176 Occidental learning, 26 Occidentalism, ultra, 19 Otokodate, 21 Pacific Coast, 193-194 Passports, 103 Patriotism of Japanese, 17 Perry, Commodore, 3 Philosophy, Japanese, 24 Picture brides, 113 Political rights of Japanese, 31 Politics as a cause of agitation, 80-82 Population of Japanese in California, 90-^97 Positivism, English, 28 Pragmatism, 29, 32 Pride of Japanese, 11, 19 Propaganda, 83 Race war, 7 Racial difference, 83-85 Radicals, Japanese, 20 Relationship, American Japan- ese, 7 Roosevelt, Theodore, 33 Root-Takahira Agreement, 34 Russo-Japanese war, 18 Sakura, Sogoro, 22 Samurai, 12, 15 San Francisco Chamber of Commerce, 187 Santayana, 29 Science, lack of, in Japan, 15 Sex distribution of Japanese m California, 113 Shantung, 39 Shibusawa, Viscount, 186 Smuggling of Japanese to United States, 107-109 Social, force, 23; milieu as afifecting man, 165; reorgani- zation, 29 South America, Japanese emi- gration to, 69 State Board of Control of California, 96 Stephens, Governor, quoted, 5. 23. 122 Suicide in Japan, 12 Thought, Japanese, 29 Tokugawa regime, 22 Traits, Japanese, 9 Treaty, American-Japanese, 187, Appendix B United States, the, Japanese immigration to, 69-74 Unity, national, 17 Utilitarians, 29 Vanderlip, Frank, 187 Wang Yang Ming, 26 White and yellow races, 5 Wilson, Woodrow, quoted, 154 Women, status of Japanese, 31 Yamato race, 14 "Yellow peril," 82 Young Japan, 14 M Selection from thti Catalogue of C. P. PUTNAM'S SONS Complete Catalogue sent on applioation An Introduction to The History of Japan By Katsuro Hara " At last we have a concise and readable history of Japan by a native scholar who does not begm either in the ages of eternity or at 660 B. C. . . . In a word, he is a modem Japanese, who in the spirit of the age writes in an honest way. Casting aside the inveterate insular prejudices belonging to a people long in hermitage, he tells what is known. In a word, he illustrates handsomely his own country's proverb, ' Proof is better than argument.' . . . The spirit of this well arranged and indexed volume is discerned in the penultimate paragraph: 'What we aspire to earnestly as our national ideal is to make our country able to stand shoulder to shoulder with the senior Western nations in contributing to the advance and welfare of world civilization.' " DR. WILLIAM E. GRIFFIS •in the New York Herald G. P. Putnam's Sons New York London The Story of Japan By David Murray, Ph.D.. LL.D. Late Advisor to the Japanese Minister of Education Crown Octavo Fully Illustrated No. 38 ia " The Story of the Nations " "Little seems omitted that would be of value in giving a clear and rational picture of the nation 'at home,' as one may say. The account of the Shogun rule is a very interest- ing one, and is ably disen- tangled from the complicated circumstances that have so often placed it in a false light." New York Times. G. P. Putnam's Sons New York London gfCIOLOGY A