(Slatmll HniuKrattji Cihtarg FROM THE BENNO LOEWY LIBRARY COLLECTED BY BENNO LOEWY 1854-1919 BEQUEATHED TO CORNELL UNIVERSITY Cornell University Library The original of tiiis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030481836 HISTORY American Politics iNdX-PAirnsAN.: EMBRACING A HISTORY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE COLONIES AND UNITED STATES FRO.Ar 1607 TO TH-E PRESENT. By WALTER R. HOUGirJ'ON. A. M., Indiana University, author of "conspectus of the history of political parties," " wat,l- ohart of united states history, utbuatuki?, axd (jeography," "wheels of state and national ftovernmknt." ILLUSTRATED BY COLORED ENGRA\TNGS. CHICAGO: THE CAXTON PUBLlSlTTXr; CO, 1884. A.Goo3\'J CorYEIGHT BY AV ALTER R. HOUGHTON, A. M. 1882. PREFACE. The political history of the United States has received less attention than any other important portion of the history of our country, not- withstanding thff fact that there is no other subject which meets with such general consideration as politics. The object of this work is to present a complete History op Amer- ican Politics, giving the subject ample consideration, yet avoiding those details that consume the time of the reader without adding ma- terially to his historical information. The plan of the work is designed to simplify the story of our polit- ical history, thus making clear and intelligent what is otherwise, to a large proportion of our citizens, a great mass of documents too exten- sive for perusal. Chapter I. treats of local colonial politics, and closes with a plate that represents mechanically the nature of colonial governments in their individual capacity. Chapter II. sets forth the difference between the colonists and the parent country on national colonial politics, and presents those issues that ultimately drove the Americans into the war of independence. This chapter is followed by a plate that exhibits to the eye the lead- ing features of the British government, and represents how, according to the English colonial system, the colonies were under the supreme power of Parliament. Chapter III. presents revolutionary politics, and is accompanied by a plate which shows the sovereign and independent condition of thq thirteen colonies, and their lack of cooperation with the Continental Congress by any binding law. Chapter IV. gives the political history of our country from revolu- tionary times till the beginning of the administration of our first (iii) IV PREFACE. President, and is rendered more valuable by a plate which repre- sents the government of the United States under the articles of con- federation. Chapter V. is devoted to the political history of Washington's ad- ministration, and is classified so as to present, in the order of their oc- currence, the history of the sessions of Congress. Political events that took place outside of Congress are considered between congressional events, in their proper chronological order. Following the historical portion of the chapter is a plate showing, by several hundred wheels: and rings, the nature and workings of the federal government, and its harmonious cooperation with the governments of the states. The succeeding portions of the work treat the political history of the United States by administrations, following the manner of Chapter V. At the close of each chapter are references, naming the publica- tions from which the history of American politics must be gleaned. To these are added lists of the names of federal officers ; the platforms- of the political parties; and other important documejits of historical interest. At the close of the volume is a diagram, showing, at a glance, the history of all the politital parties in our country from 1607 till 1883. The plate is of valuable aid in obtaining a rapid and comprehensive idea of the political history of the United States. In preparing this volume, information has been obtained from nu- merous publications, and from individuals who have made American politics a, subject of careful study. Among those who have readily re- sponded to any inquiries, and have willingly rendered whatever assistance requested, may be mentioned Judge Scott, of the Supreme Bench of In- diana; Hon. Berry Sulgrove, ex-editor of the Indianapolis Journal; and ex-Senator W. B. F. Treat. The W9rk is now before the public, and the reader can judge as to the value of the information furnished. WALTER E. HOUGHTON. Indiana University, Bloomington. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. LOCAL COLONIAL POLITICS. Local Self-Go vernment — Charter Governments — Koyal Governments — Proprietary Governments — Party Names in Colonial Times — Tiie Court Party — The Popular Eights Party — Political Lines First Drawn — Eef- erences Pages 1-7 CHAPTER II. NATIONAL COLONIAL POLITICS. Political Relations of the Colonies — Political Claims of the Colonists — Policy of England toward the Colonies — Declarative Resolves — Th& Stamp Act — The Declaratory Act — Declaration and Resolves of the Continental Congress, October 14, 1774 — Beginning of Hostilities — De- claration of Independence — Revolutionary Parties — References — Decla- ration and Resolves of the Continental Con|;ress Pages 8-23^ CHAPTER III. EEVOLUTIONAKY POLITICS. State Governments During the Revolution — The Continental Congress — Status of the States and the Continental Congress — Articles of Confed- eration — ^The Whig Party — Tlie Tory Party — References — Declaration of Independence Pages 24-35 CHAPTER IV. CONFEDERATION POLITICS. Nature of the Confederation — Distrust of Power — Weakness of Congress — S.hay's Rebellion — Agitation to amend the Confederation — The Ann- apolis Convention — Constitutional Convention, 1787 — Adoption of the Constitution — Presidential Election of 1789 — Work of the Continental Congress — Party Action from 1781 to 1787 — Particularists — Strong- Government Men — Federal Party — The Anti-Federal Party — Refer- ences — Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union Between the- States Pages 36-64 (v) VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. Washington's administration. Federal Party in Power — Anti-Federals Organize — Tariff and the Kegu- lation of Commerce — Bill of Eights — State Sovereignty — Financial Policy — The Debt — National Bank — Internal Eevenue— Militia — Sla- very — Party Organization — Election of 1792 — France — Foreign Policy — England — Internal Taxation — Election of 1796 — Eetirement of Washington— Strict Constructionists— Broad Constructionists — Death of the Anti-Federal Party — Republican Party — Democrats — Democratic- Republican Party — References — Constitution of the United States — Ex- planation of Plate V. — Washington's Farewell Address... Pages 65-124 CHAPTER VI. JOHN ADAMS's ADMINISTRATION. President's Position — France — " Stamp Act " — War with France Threat- ened — Preparation for War — Alien and Sedition Laws — The Natural- ization Law — The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions — Rupture of the Cabinet — The Election of 1800 — Democrats — Downfall of Feder- alism — Political Platforms — References Pages 125-158 CHAPTER VII. THOMAsi Jefferson's administrations. Eepublican Principles— Outlook of the Xew Administration— Official Pa- tronage—Naturalization Law — The Purchase of Louisiana — Secession Contemplated— Election of 1804— The Embargo— Election of 1808 — The Non-Intercourse Act— Republicanism Tested — Political Parties during Jefferson's Administrations — Name "Republican" grows into Disuse— References Pages 159-172 CHAPTER VIIL Madison's administrations. The President's Policy-Diplomacy-Attempt to Recharter the National Bank-Third Embargo -Declaration of War— Election of 1812— Fed- eral Opposition to the War-The Peace Party-The Hartford Conven- tion—Peace Declared— Death of the Federal Party— National Bank- Protective Tariff— Election of 1816— References Pages 173-186 CHAPTER IX. Monroe's administrations. Era of Good Feeling-Jackson's Advice— Internal Improvements -The Florida Cession— The Missouri Question— Election of 1820— Eepubli- TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll cans Unopposed — The Monroe Doctrine — Protective TarifF— Election of 1824 — People's Party — Monroe's Eetirement — Keferences. Pages 187-197 CHAPTER X. JOHN QtriNCT ADAJIS'S ADMINISTRATIOK. , The President's Policy — Opposition to the President — Eepublican Party Divided — The Panama Mission — The Controversy with Georgia — High Tariff of 1828— Election of 1828— The Anti-Mason Party— Eef- ereuces Pages 193-205 CHAPTER XI. Jackson's administrations. The President's Policy — Party Opposition — Removals from Office — The Webster and Hayne Debate — Pocket Veto — Jackson and Calhoun — The Nullification or Calhoun Party — Land Proceeds — Attempted Re- charter of the National Bank — Internal Improvements — The Tariff of 1832— Election of 1832 — Anti-Slavery Society — Nullification Ordi- nance — Compromise Tariff of 1833 — Removal of Deposits — State Banks — Resolution of Censure — The Whig Party — Locofocos — Election of 1836— Specie Circular— Texas— Anti-Slavery Mail— The Eight of Petition — References — Anti-Mason Eesolution — Political Platforms — Whig Resolutions Pages 206-225 CHAPTER XII. VAN bttren's ADMINISTEATION. President's Policy — Panic of 1837— Sub-Treasury— Annexation of Texas — State Bank Depositories vs. Sub-Treasury — The Eight of Petition — The Abolition Party — Liberty Party — Election of 1840 — Eeferences — Political Platforms Pages 226-5135 CHAPTEE XIII. HARBISON AND TYLER's ADMINISTRATIONS. President's Policy— The President's Death— Tyler's Inaugural Address— Eepeal of the Sub-Treasury Act — Rupture Between the President and the Whigs— The Native American Party— Hunkers and Barn-burn- ers— Election of 1844— Annexation of Texas— Eeferences— Platforms. Pages 236-249 CHAPTEE XIV. folk's ADMINISTRATION. Polk's Inaugural Address — Annexation of Texas — War with Mexico — Wilmot Proviso — The Sub-Treasury — Tariff — Internal Improve- ments — Oregon — Peace with Mexico — Liberty League — Nominationa Vlll TABLE OP CONTENTS. for the Canvass of 1848— Free Soil Party— The Presidential Election — Polk's Administration — The Oregon Question — Beferences — Plat- forms Pages 250-268 , CHAPTER XV, TAYLOE AND FILLMOKE'S ADMINISTSATIONS. Taylor's Policy — Squatter Sovereignty— Government for the Mexican Ces- sion^Omnibus Bill — Compromise Measures of 1850 — Death of Presi- dent Taylor — Fillmore's Accession and Secession — Silver Gray Party — The American Party — Election of 1852 — Dissolution of the Whig Party — References — Platforms Pages 269-285 CHAPTER XVI. Pierce's administration. The President's Political Views — Kansas- Nebraska Bill — Territorial Leg- islature — Topeka Constitution — Kansas War — Assault Upon Charles Sumner — The American Party — The Republican Party — Democratic Nominations — References — Platforms Pages 286-305 CHAPTER XVII. Buchanan's administration. Buchanan's Policy — Dred Scott Case — Designs of the Slave Power — Pur- chase of Cuba — Filibustering Expeditions — American Slave Trade — The Struggle in Kansas — The Lincoln and Douglas Debate — The Homestead Bill— John Brown's Insurrection — The Covode Investiga- tion — The National Democratic Convention at Charleston — Constitu- tional Union Convention — Republican National Convention — Presi- dential Election of 1860 — Secession — The Confederate States of Amer- ica— The Crittenden Compromise — The Peace Convention— References- South Carolina Declaration of Independence — Platforms..Pages 306-347 CHAPTER XVIII. Lincoln's administration. Inauguration— Inaugural Address — Lincoln's Cabinet— Attempted Ad- justment of Difficulties— The Border States — Military Leagues — West Virginia — Bombardment of Fort Sumpter — Lincoln's Call for 75,000 Troops— Reply of Southern Governors— Party Adjustments — Union Party in Power — Two Errors— Confiscation of Property — Contraband of War — President's Message — Legislation — " Compensated Emanci- pation" — Reply to the President — Noted and Rising Men — Emanci- pation a War Necessity — Address to Loyal Governors— Conscription Act — Colored Troops— Habeas Corpus — West Virginia Admitted TABLE OF CONTKNTS. IX Emancipation Proclamation — Draft Riot in New York — Tlie National Bank Law — The Thirteenth Amendment — Keconstruction — Convention of Radical Men — Republican National Convention — The Democratic National Convention — Presidential Election of 1864 — References — Platforms Pages 348-392 CHAPTER XIX. Lincoln's and Johnson's administration. Lincoln's Second Inauguration — Assassination of Lincoln — Johnson's Ac- cassion — Reconstruction — Johnson's Policy of Reconstruction — The Black Codes — The Reconstruction Committee — Johnson's Break with the Republicans — The Second Freedraen's Bureau Bill — The Civil Eights Bill — The Fourteenth Amendment — Third Freedmen's Bureau Bill — Republican Address— Limiting the Piesident's Power— The Re- construction Bill — Tenure-of-Office Act — Attempted Removal of Sec- retary ^Stanton — Impeachment Trial — Republican National Conven- tion — The Democratic National Convention — Presidential Election of 1868 — The Fifteenth Amendment — References — Platforms. Pages 393-425 CHAPTER XX. grant's administrations. Grant's Inaugural Address — Ku-Klux-Klan — Decision of the Supreme Court on the Reconstruction Acts of Congress — Readmission of States — Enforcement of the Fifteenth Amendment — Guarding the Ballot-Box — Legality of Greenbacks — Amendatory Enforcement Act — Civil Service Reform — The Alabama Claims — Force Bill — The Amnesty Bill — Lib- eral Republican National Convention — Republican National Conven- tion — Democratic National Convention — Straight-Out Democratic Con- vention — Temperance National Convention — Labor Reform National Convention — Presidential Election of 1872 — Credit Mobilier Investiga- tion — Garfield's Connection with the Credit Mobilier — The Salary Grab — Returning Boards -The Morton Amendment — General Grant's Second Inaugural— The Currency Bill — The Grangers — The Tidal Wave — The White League — The Supplementary Civil Rights Bill — The Kellogg Government — The Wheeler Compromise — Resumption of Specie Payments — The Whisky Ring — Impeachment of Belknap — In- dependent (Greenback) National Convention — Republican National Convention — Democratic National Convention — The Prohibition Na- tional Convention — Presidential Election of 1876 — Electoral Commis- sion Act — References — Platforms Pages 426-486 TABLE OF CONTENTS, CHAPTEE XXI. HAYES S ADMINISTRATION. The President's Conciliatory Policy — The Stalwarts — Civil Service Re- form — Silver Eemonetization — Proposed Kepeal of the Kesumption Act — Retirement of Legal Tenders Forbidden — The Potter Resolu- tion — The Cipher Dispatches — The Title of President Hayes — Report of the House Judiciary Committee — Restricting Chinese Immigra- tion — Appropriations — ^The Array Appropriation Bill — Political Ef- fects of the Extra Session — Resumption — The Xegro Exodus — Tam- many and the Independent Republicans — Army at the Polls — Repub- lican National Convention — The Xational (Greenback) Labor Conven- tion — Prohibition National Convention — Democratic National Con- vention — Presidential Election of 1880 — References — Platforms. Pages 504-521 CHAPTER XXII. gaefield's and Arthur's administration. Garfield's Inaugural Address — Extra Session of the Senate — "Stalwarts" and "Half-breeds"— "Regulars" and " Independents "—The "Conti- nentals'' and the "Wolfe Men" — The Re- Adjusters — The Assassina- tion of President Garfield — Arthur's Accession — Boss Rule — The Star Route Scandal — Anti-Polygamy Bill — The Tariff Commission — The Bank Bill— The Anti-Chinese Bill— The River and Harbor Bill. Pages 522-54S AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER I. LOCAL COLONIAL POLITICS. 1607—1776. LOCAL SELF-GOVEENMENT. A system of local self-government was in operation among the Anglo-Saxons during the period of their history as a dis- tinct people. Their subjugation by the Normans in 1066 modified the system, but did not destroy it. The people slow- ly acquired power and gradually obtained important acces- sions from the crown, three of which, the Magna Charta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights, have been styled the bulwarks of English liberty. These have shaped the destiny of Amefica. ' The English colonists who founded the thirteen original colonies during the one hundred and twenty-six years follow- ing the settlement of Jamestown, brought with them the idea of local self-government, under which they had lived in the parent country. They occupied the coast from Florida to Nova Scotia, and lived under such governments as circum- stances required. Some of the colonies in their incipient stages, such as Plymouth and Rhode Island, were pure de- I HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. mocracies ; but when the growth of population prevented this, the form of government became representative. English sov- ereigns established over the colonies three kinds of govern- ment — the charter, the proprietary, and the royal. This was done, in some instances, at the date of settlement ; in others, at a later period. Under these forms, the thirteen colonies became permanent, each independent of the others, and man- aging its own affairs. Every colony had matters connected with its management, in which the people were interested, and about which they would express their opinion. The dis- cussion of these things developed a local politics, and served to educate the people in the most desirable forms of govern- ment and the best modes of civil administration. The colonial governments were similar, in that each had a governor and a general assembly, consisting of a council, which constituted the upper house, and a lower house elected by the people. Though these things were common, there were dif- ferences in their organization. CHARTER GOVERNMENTS. The charter governments were those modeled according to the provisions of the charters granted by the British crown. A charter served as a constitution to the colony that possessed it, and allowed the people to be represented in the govern- ment, a matter upon which the colonists insisted, claimiijg they should enjoy all the rights and privileges of English- men. The demand for representation was so great that every colony had a colonial legislatui-e modeled after that of the parent country. The local political questions under charter governments usually involved matters pertaining to citizenship, religious toleration, and the right of suffrage. In Massachusetts, Roger Williams and his earnest folloAvers were denied the right of citizenship, Quakers were persecuted, and no person could LOCAL COLONIAL POLITICS. 3 become a freeman unless he wore a member of some church in the colony. ROYAL GOVERNJIENTS. In the provincial or royal governments, the king appointed the governor and a council that formed the upper liouse of a leg- islature, the lower house consisting of representatives chosen by the colonists. The governor, whose instructions were received from the king, had a negative on all proceedings of the assembly, and could dissolve them at pleasure. The authority of the legislature extended to the making of local laws not in conflict with the laws of England ; but all laws enacted by the legislature were subject to ratification or dis- approval by the English sovereign. "The governor and council had power to establish courts, appoint judges, raise troops for defense, and exercise martial law in time of inva- sion, war, and rebellion. All real power was thus in the hands of the king, or of those holding office at his will." Though deprived of power in a great measure, the people possessed the forms of liberty, and freely discussed all matters connected with the government of their colony. Political matters in provincial governments pertained prin- cipally to arbitrary rule and exactions of the governor, free- dom of the press, and the question of franchise. In Virginia, Governor Harvey was deposed, and Puritans were prohibited from holding any office of government. In New York, the colonists contended a number of years before they obtained an assembly ; but the most noted contest between the people and the governor was the trial of Zenger, an editor, who had been arrested for freely expressing his opinion on matters of government. PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENTS. A proprietary government was under a proprietary, who appointed the governor, provided for a legislature, and sus- 4 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. tained toward the people a relation similar to that of the crown in the royal governments. Local politics differed but little from that under provincial governments. In Carolina, the orig- inal form of government, under Locke's Grand Model, was resisted till its abrogation was made a necessity, and two gov- ernors were banished for their tyrannical proceedings. In New Jersey, the colonists refused to pay quit-rents to the pro- prietors ; while in Maryland, the vital struggle lay between the Catholics and Protestants, on the questions of religious toleration and the right of suffrage. The actual power possessed by the people was in many cases very small ; but each colony, having a colonial legisla- ture modeled upon Parliament, was " rendered familiar with elections, and with legislative and judicial proceedings." The forms of liberty brought the reality, and trained the colonists to the exercise of independence. PARTY NAMES IN COLONIAL TIMES. In the earliest era of colonization, political parties con- tended on American soil. Party organizations did not exist as in after times ; but the people held two distinct political opinions, one portion favoring kingly prerogative and dis- trusting the capacity of man for self-government ; the other portion advocating the rights of the people and confiding in the capacity of man for self-government. The former divi- sion maybe called the "court party," the latter the "popular rights party ; " names sufficiently comprehensive to embrace all that is included under them. These appellations are ar- bitrary, being selected because of their fitness ta designate those political divisions that existed for a time without a name, and in different sections under different names. After the accession of "William and Mary, 1688, the political affairs of England absorbed much of the attention of the Americans, and the party names of whig and tory, used in England LOCAL COLOXIAL POLITICS. 5 came into vogue among the colonists, each name having in America, without important variation, the signification at- tached to it in England. THE COURT PARTY. The " court party" is a term applied to those, who, adhering to royalty, favored whatever was claimed by the crown. In some colonies it was called the aristocratic or royalist party. It was synonymous with the name tory, while that party ex- isted in America. (See Plate VI.) THE POPULAR RIGHTS PARTY. In all the provinces, there were those who contended in the interest of the colonists, and antagonized whatever aided in suppressing the will of the people. Such advocates costitu- ted what may be called a popular rights party, since this term includes all who opposed the royalists. The supporters of popular rights comprised a majority of the colonists, though in early colonial times their potency was weakened through coercion and a need of leaders. The adherents of popular rights, after party divisions were established, were known in some colonies as democrats, in others as republicans. They constituted the " people's party," and were sometimes classified as the "country party." Those who advocated popular rights opposed external authority, and favored a union of the colo- nies with allegiance to Great Britain. (Plate VI.) POLITICAL LINES FIRST DRAWN. In the province of New York, a "man of the people," named Rip Van Dam, was acting governor, when William Cosby, the royal governor, arrived from England. They soon quarreled, each having his supporters, thus causing the ap- pearance of two violent parties; that which supported Van Dam was called the democratic party, while that which fa- 6 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. vored the royal governor was called the aristocratic. Each party had the control of a newspaper, and for a long time there was violently waged a war of words. The democratic paper was called The New York Weekly Journal, and was ed- ited by John Peter Zenger ; the aristocratic paper, edited by William Bradford, was called The New York Gazette. Be- ing unable to compete with his opponent, the royal governor, in 1734, ordered the arrest of Zenger on a charge of libel. The editor, after an imprisonment of thirty-five weeks,, was tried by a jury, and acquitted in July 1735. Zenger was de- fended by Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia, to whom the magistrates of New York City presented a gold box " as a token of their esteem for his noble advocacy of popular rights." This contest marks the time when the line of demarkation be- tween democrats and royalists was distinctly drawn. Party strife thus defined continued with prominence till the treaty , of 1783. A few years before the Revolution the democrats were called whigs, and the royalists tories. In colonial times the term "democratic" was interchangeable with that of " republican." Each indicated an advocate of popular rights. (Plate VI.) EEFERENCES. Note.— These works touch upon colonial politics only In so far as its treatment f onns a part of the volumes mentioned. The first named work treats the subject more exten- sively than any other of the list. Kise of the Republic of the United States Frothingham. History of tlie United States, V. I Schouler. History of the United States, V. 1,11 Bancroft. History of the United States, V. I Hildreth. John Adam's Works, V. X., p. 2 .\dams. Jefferson's Works, V.-IV., p. 437 Washington. Franklin's Autobiography, V. I, p. 245 Bidgelow. History of Massachusetts ..Barrv. History of Massachusetts Lippincott's Cabinet. History of Maine Williamson. History of Maryland MoSherry. History of Rhode Ishind S);ort. MECHANICAL REPRESENTATION O F NEW YOR K UNDER ENGLISH GOVERNMENT. E3:FLA.Ivr.A.TI03SrS. NoTR — l^ead on page loi the article entitled, "What Cnnaiitiiieii it Siote," "How a State !■ Mechtnically Repreicnted," "Mechanical Ke(:rcseniaiion of Georgia," and page tio, "How the Machine Operate!." PEOPLE. V. Voting Class. N. Non-Voting Class. LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. A. Assembly. C. Council. G. L. General Ueg;islation. LAWS. M. Laws by which the Voting Class Operate with the Government R. Laws Controlling the Legislative Depart* ment. X. Laws Controllin^the Judicial Department. N v. Z. Laws Controlling the Executive Department. P. PATENT. (Charter.) EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. G. Governor. P. S, Provincial Secretary. A. G. Attorney General. JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT. S C. Supreme Court. C. C. P. Court of Common Pleas. C. C. Court of Chancery. C S. Court of Sessions. C A, Court of Assizes, T. J. C, Town and Justices Courts, C. City Courts. P. C. Prerogative Courts. C. A. Court of Admiralty. At New York it Repreunted, to may each of the other t^oloniei b«, (howu. For Uutiu ef each Official. ■••- -•-^-■•itk,t*»"K«w V«k Civil tut." ' ' _».-... ' IB tlirC«lbUi«; Ci'ttVcruun: 'oT tfvm Yock LOCAL COLONIAL POLITICS. 7 History of North Carolina Wheeler. History of New Hampshire Sanborn. History of Virginia Campbell. History of Connecticut Dwight. History of South Carolina Simms. History of New York (colonial) Lamb. History of New Jersey Sypher. History of Georgia Stevens. History of Delaware Ferris. History of Vermont Lippincott's Cabinet History of Florida Fairbanks. History of Pennsylvania Sypher. History of New England Palfrey. Other Colonial Histories 8 HISTOKY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER II. NATIONAL COLONIAL POLITICS. 1607—1776. POLITICAL RELATIONS OP THE COLONIES. While the colonies were separate in their local organiza- tions and managed their internal affairs without molesting one another, they were as one people in their relation to the British nation, whose authority, vested in the king and Parlia- ment, was supreme. In this relation they had interests in common and contended for them with a united zeal. POLITICAL CLAIMS OF THE COLONISTS. There was a difference of opinion between the colonists and the crown as to how far Great Britain might legitimately ex- ercise her authority in the colonies. This occasioned much discussion and formed the basis of the political differences between the colonies and the home government. So great was the divergence that it was difficult of reconciliation. The colonists claimed that they were loyal English subjects and willing to defend the person and territory of their sovereign against foreign enemies to the extent of their ability ; that by removing to America they lost none of their rights as Eng- lishmen, and that they were entitled to all the privileges se- cured to every citizen in the Magna Charta and the Bill of Eights, foremost among which were trial by jury and the writ of habeas corpus ; that the charters which they obtained from the crown were civil compacts and could not be changed, save by mutual consent ; that they possessed the right of making their own laws through their representatives freely chosen. NATIONAL COLONIAIj POLITICS. !> and that the only limitation to colonial legislation was that their enactments shonld not be antagonistic to tlie laws of England ; that no tax should be imposed upon them but such as they freely voted in their local assemblies to levy and collect ; that they possessed the right of ultimate judicial decision in all cases whatever, and that appeal to any English authority was not legal ; that the authority of Parliament could not be recognized, since the colonists were not represented in that body ; that they could not be bound by laws in the enactment of which they had no voice ; that to Parliament was granted the reserved right of general legislation and of imposing du- ties to regulate commerce, but its right to supervise internal interests was denied. These positions were not held b}' every colony at first, but as the aggressions of Parliament increased the sentiments were adopted, and finally advocated by all. On these national is- sues the colonists who stipported popular rights, planted them- selves, and, confident of right, maintained their position with an ability and success that have attracted the admiration of the world. Neither did they operate without antagonism at home. The court party combatted their political views and supported the policy and measures of England. POLICY OF ENGLAND TOWARD THE COLONIES. The planting of English colonies, though without excep- tion the result of private enterprise, was generally favored by the sovereigns of England. James I., wishing to open a field of enterprise for adventurous men who thronged England after the long war with Spain, which closed in 1604, readily granted, for purposes of colonization and trade, the vast coun- try between Halifax and Cape Fear. Over the colonies, plant- ed in this territory, the king assumed jurisdiction and main- tained that they were the property of the frown, and not sub- ject to the legislation of Parliament. After the affairs of Vir- 10 HISTORY OF AJtERICAN POLITICS. ginia greAv into importance, a royal interference with the Lon- don company was kept up till the corporation dissolved. Charles I. did not preserve a uniform course of action to- ward his subjects in America. He opposed the Virginians who were royalists, endeavored to monopolize the profits of their industry, attempted to deprive them of many rights, and declared that a " chartered incorporation was totally unfit to manage the affairs of a remote colony." In opposition to this policy, he favored an association of Puritans called the Massachusetts Bay Company, granted them ,a charter guaranteeing political rights and religious freedom, and assured them that " he would maintain their privileges and supply whatever else might contribute to their comfort and prosperity." With greater liberality, he granted to Lord Baltimore, for the settlement of Maryland, a charter confer- ring the rights of freemen upon the settlers, exempting them perpetually from royal taxation, and empowering them to make laws with the approbation of a majority. A wish to rid his kingdom of political and religious agitators seemed to have been the object of the king in opening for the Puritans an asylum in the west. When they became permanently es- tablished in Massachusetts, and emigrants to their colony left England in great numbers, the king became jealous of their success and influence, and began royal interference to weaken their power and subvert their liberties. In 1633, he opposed emigration of the Puritans, and on two occasions afterward ships bound for Xew England were prevented from sailing by order of the council. An attempt to deprive Massachu- setts of her charter was defeated by difficulties at home, which resulted in the execution of the king. During the civil war in England, the colonies were not molested. When Parliament assumed the reins of government, it sent a squadron to reduce to obedience the colony of Vir- ginia, M'hich adhered to the cause of Charles II., a fugitive in NATIONAL a)L()MAL POLITICS. 11 France. It domanded that ]\Iassachusetts give up her cliar- ter and receive a new one in the name of Parliament. This requisition was never enforced. To punish Holland for not forming a close confederacy with England, and to promote British commerce, Parliament framed, in 1651, the famous navigation act, which prohibited the importation into Eng- land of colonial products of America, Africa, and Asia, except in British ships, three-fourths of whose mariners were Eng- lishmen. This law was the beginning of that commercial policy which, with other acts of oppression, ultimately drove the Americans to take up arms in the cause of independence. During the Protectorate, this act was not fully enforced against the colonists by Cromwell, whose administration was one of leniency toward them. Charles II. revived the commercial policy which guided Parliament during the Commonwealth. The American colo- nies, no more considered the property of the crown, were re- garded as portions of the British realm, subject to the legis- lation of Parliament. In 1660, the navigation laws were re- modeled so as to make England the only market for impor- tant articles produced in America. At the same time Eng- land, Ireland, and Guernsey, were prohibited from cultivating tobacco, in order to grant to the provinces in America a seem- ing monopoly of the trade in that plant. The countries thus interdicted, not being naturally adapted to the growth of tobacco, were but slightly injured by the law. In 1663, the nav- igation acts were amended so as to require the colonies to purchase from England all their European commodities. In 1672, a tax was imposed on articles imported from one colony to another. These exactions "based upon the principle that the colonies were established at the cost, and for the benefit of the mother country," were enacted to keep the Americans dependent on England. The laws were generally evaded by the colonists, and, in or-, 12 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. der to enforce them in Virginia, vessels were sent to cruise along the coast, and forts were built on her principal rivers. In 1662, the King required of Massachusetts that she should grant the right of franchise to freeholders ; that worship in the church of England should be tolerated ; that every citizen should take the oath of allegiance to the crown ; and that the administration of justice should be conducted in the sover- eign's name. The colony complied only with the last of these requisitions. A number of liberal charters was obtained from Charles II. That granted to Penn was the first one received from an English sovereign in which the authority of Parlia- ment was recognized. The policy of this monarch was pursued by James II. An attempt was made in 1685, to unite under one government the American colonies from Delaware to Maine. Edmond An- dros, having been made governor-general of New England, and having subverted the liberties of the people, extended his authority over New York and New Jersey. In 1689, the ty- rant was arrested in Massachusetts and sent to England. This ended, in America, the despotism of the Stuarts. William III. did not encroach upon the rights of his sub- jects, nor did he surrender to them any prerogative which le- gally belonged to himself. During his reign, the colonies re- tained their political privileges, and the governments received greater permanency. The English Revolution marked the close of excessive royal interference with the American colo- nies and the beginning of a uniform policy ; but the idea that the colonies were dependent was not abandoned. In 1719, the House of Commons enacted "that erecting any manufactories in the colonies tends to lessen their de- pendence upon Great Britain." In 1732, Parliament prohibited both the transportation of woolen goods from one colony to another, and a hatter from having more than t-\vo apprentices. The following year a duty NATIONAL COLONIAL POLITICS. 13 ■was imposed on the importation of molasses, sugar, and rum. This was called the "sugar act." In 1750, the English Government enacted a law prohibit- ing the manufacture of iron and steel in the colonies. After the French Mar, Lord Chatham declared that " the British colonies of North America had no right to manufac- ture even a nail for a horseshoe." The policy of England was in opposition to the political views of a majority of the colonists. In the reign of George "III. an oppressive system of taxa- tion Mas inaugurated by the ministry, and persisted in until the colonies were driven to an open resistance which devel- oped into the American Revolution. DECLARATIVE RESOLVES. In the House of Commons the celebrated Declarative Re- solves were presented in 1764. These resolutions announced the intention of the English government to raise a revenue in the colonies by a stamp tax. The subject was left open for consideration almost a year, during which time " the col- onists watched with anxiety the growth of this new germ of oppression," and gave the proposed measure their almost uni- versal opposition. THE STAMP ACT. The wishes of the colonies were set at naught by Parlia- ment, and in the spring of 1765 there was passed the famous Stamp Act, which provided that all writings were null and void, unless executed on paper bearing a stamp, the cost of which was from three pence to four pounds. The intelligence of this act produced intense indignation in America, and the "wicked scheme was vehemently denounced by the press, the pulpit, and the people. Associations of Sons of Liberty in all the colonies put forth their energies in defense of Ameri- oan freedom. Stamps were seized on their arrival and con- 14 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. cealed or destroyed. Under the lead of the fearless Henry, resolutions denying the right of England to tax the colonies without their consent, were immediately introduced in the Virginia House of Burgesses and triumphantly passed. In October, 1765, all the colonies, except New Hampshire, met by delegates in convention at New York to consult on meas- ures of relief. A declaration of rights and grievances was prepared, asserting that the colonists were entitled to all the rights of natural born subjects within the kingdom of Eng- land ; that taxes could not be imposed upon Englishmen with- out their consent; that the right of trial by jury was a right of the colonists ; that the Stamp Act, and all other acts ex- tending the jurisdiction of the Court of Admiralty beyond-its ancient limits, were subversive of the rights and liberties of the colonies ; and that it was the province of the colonists to petition the king on all grievances whatsoever. The action of the convention was disregarded by the crown, and the Stamp Act went into effect on the first of November, 1765 ; but stamp distributors had been insulted and despised, and no officials were found with sufficient courage to enforce the law. Merchants entered into agreements that they would import no goods from England while the odious act remained in force. From all classes in America a respectful, but firm, protest went to the ears of the British ministry. The deter- mination of the people could not be mistaken. It was ap- parent that the law could not be enforced, save by an aif»peal to arms, and to "this extremity the British government was not prepared to go." While the events of opposition were in progress, a change occurred in the ministry, and the Stamp Act was repealed. THE DECLARATORY ACT. William Pitt, doubting the advisability of repealing the Stamp Act without some concessions, had appended to it an NATIONAL COLONIAL rOLITICS. 15 act which declared tliat Parliament possessed the power "to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever." This forced the colonists to accept a position inferior to that of regular Brit- ish subjects, or to stand out in opposition to the unequivocal declaration of Parliament. WECLAEATIOX AND RESOLVES OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER 14, 1774. The boldness of the American people in exhibiting their in- dignation served to irritate their oppressors. Coercive meas- ures towards the Americans ^\-ere formed by many of the com- mons, the whole bench of bishops, and a large portion of the House of Lords. These, not doubting the power of Parliament to legislate for the colonies, urged the ministry to adopt new schemes for replenishing the English treasury from the re- sources of the colonies, and to employ arms for their enforce- ment, if such should be necessary. Oppressive legislation and coercive measures soon followed, and were continued from year to year, growing more unbearable as each new fea- ture appeared, and meeting with a resistance that could not be appeased. The spirit of opposition grew in strength, spread- ing its flames throughout the colonies. The colonial legisla- tures approved and reflected the spirit of the people. Bold men led the way, "while the timid followed, though some- times with hesitating steps." The more daring called for a congress of representatives of all the colonies to decide upon the measures most suitable for the occasion. The delegates, having been chosen in June, July, and August, assembled in Carpenter'sHall, Philadelphia, on the 5th of September, 1774, This body was called the First Continental Congress, to dis- tinguish it from the two colonial congresses already held, one in Albany, 1754, the other in New York, 1765. This congress continued in session until the 26th of Octo- ber. Its proceedings exerted a most important influence upon 16 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. the public mind, and did much to produce the great events which followed. It recommended that the colonies should not import from England, or purchase merchandise coming thence, or export thither their colonial productions. This con- stituted a practical non-intercourse between the provinces and the parent country, which was to a great extent carried into effect. This congress on the 14th of October, 1774, passed a declaration and resolves, which are of but little less import- ance than the Declaration of Independence, and foi'm much of the basis upon which the latter rests. This highly important ■document is given in full at the close of this chapter. The instru- ment shows the swelling germs of the Declaration of Independ- •ence, and the temper of those active, fearless, and high-toned men who led the way to permanent separation from the parent country. In addition to the Bill of Rights, this congress, ably setting forth their rights and grievances, prepared a petition to the King, an address to the people of Great Britain, an- other to the several Anglo-American colonies, and another to the inhabitants of Quebec. Measures for future action were matured, and met with the general approbation of the Amer- ican people. The signal ability and wisdom of Congress drew these words from the Earl of Chatham in the House of Lords : " I must declare and avow, that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under such a compli- cation of circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the general congress at Philadelphia." The proceedings of this congress manifested decorum, firm- ness, moderation, and loyalty, the delegates hoping that their action would secure the desired redress of grievances ; but pre- paring for emergencies, they resolved to adjourn and meet at ■the same place on the 10th of May, 1775. BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES. ■Soon after Congress adjourned, Parliament assembled and. NATIONAL COLONIAL rOLITICS. 17 spurning all overtures for adjustment of difficulties, gave evi- dence that the polonies could have but faint hopes of recon- ciliation. The Amerieans, preparing for the last resort, be- gan the manutiieture of arms and ammunition, and collected implements of war and stored them for use. In attempting to destroy these supplies, the British sent a detachment to Lexington in April, 1775, which, coming in contact with the local militia, killed eight of them, and destroyed a portion of the stores at that place. The English force continued their march, and, after destroying supplies at Concord, retreated to Boston, having reached the place with extreme difficulty. This city was immediately besieged by the Amerieans, and the issue between them and England was faii«ly made. " There was no retreat for the colonies but in submission and servi- tude. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. Before the time arrived for the second meeting of the Con- tinental Congress, blood had been shed at Lexington, and the colonies had arisen in arms to resist the unlawful proceedings of the British government. Congress, firm in resisting op- pression, passed bold and fearless resolves, which were reit- erated in every city and village in the colonies. This legis- lative assembly commenced to prepare for resisting British power at evcuy hazard. Alaster literary productions rang their clarion notes in favor of liberty and independence, spur- ring on the bold and arousing the indifferent. A work enti- tled "Common Sense" was said to have severed the last link of the chain that bound the colonies to the mother country. Congress provided for raising and equipping armies and pre- paring them for active operations. Washington was appoint- ed commander-in-chief, and a treasury department was estab- lished. A fund was provided by the issue of bills of credit. All legislation of Congress tended at first only to a redress 2 18 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. of grievances, and for this purpose only, was open resistance undertaken by the colonies. In the minds of the more thoughtful men, however, the 'battle of Lexington rendered reconciliation and harmony impossible. This opinion was gradually accepted by the colonists, and when the time for separation came, their minds were prepared for the change. The wisdom of Congress was manifested by the manner in which it presented to the world the reasons of the colonies for separating from Great Britain, the representatives pro- ceeding in the hope that their action would meet Avith the approbation of future generations. To secure this 'object, they proceeded with prudence and careful deliberation. On the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved in Congress the declaration in these words : "Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are ab- solved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." This resolution at first did not meet with general favor in Congress. Many^ hoping for reconciliation, thought it pre- mature, and some timid ones were trembling while standing near the verge of high treason. After a discussion of three days, further consideration of the subject was postponed till the first of July. On the 11th of June, however. Congress appointed a committee to draw up a declaration in accord- ance with the resolution. Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, was chosen chairman of the committee, and to him was as- signed the task of preparing the declaration. The other members of the committee were, John Adams, of Massachu- setts ; Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsylvania ; Roger Sherman, of Connecticut; and Robert R. Livingston, of Xew York. The declaration was submitted to Congress, debated two days, and adopted on the 4th of July, 1776. The adoption of this NATIONAL CUJ.O^IAL POLITICS. 19 document formally separated the colonies from Great Britain. The instrument was sinned by forty-eight true-hearted patri- ots, and Mas read to the army, at publie meetings, in all leg- islative halls of the eountry; and met with the warmest ap- proval throughout tlie land. The Declaration gives at length the causes of separation, and sets forth the principles upon which the Amei'ican Republic was founded. EEVOLUTIOXAIIY PARTIES. The terms "whig" and "tory " were the names of the two great political parties in England at the time when difficul- ties between the colonies and the crown began to assume a serious nature. The whigs opposed royalty, while the tories supported it. About the year 1772, the name "whig" was ap- plied to those who supported the cause of the colonists, and " tory" to those who advocated the position taken by England. The former was a continuation of the popular rights jaarty ; the latter of the court party. (Plate VI.) For the first fif- teen months of hostilities, the line of difference between the parties was drawn by the terms on which the connection of the colonies with England should continue. The whigs wished to remain colonists on condition that their rights would be guaranteed to them; the tories were willing to thus remain without such guarantee. KEFERENCES. Rise of the Republic of the United States Frothingham. Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, Vol. I., II...WeHs. History of the United States, Vol. III., IV., V., VI Bancroft. History of the United States, Vol. I., II., Ill Hildreth. History of New England Palfrey. Popular History of the United States, Vol. II., Ill Bryant. ■History of the English Colonies in America Lodge. History of the United States, Vol. I Schouler. Civil Government Martin. Civil Government Alden. Other Colonial Histories 20 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. DECLARATION AND RESOLVES OF THE CONTINENTAL CON- GRESS, OCTOBER 14, 1774. Wheeeas, Since the close of the last war, tlie British Parliament, claim- ing a power of right to bind the people of America, by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath, in some acts, expressly imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various pretenses, but in fact for the purpose of raising rev- enue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies ; established a board of commissioners with unconstitutional powers; and extended the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty not only for collecting said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a country ; And wheeeas, In consequence of other statutes, judges, who only be- fore held estates at will in their offices, have been made dependent upon the crown alone for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace ; And whereas, It has been lately resolved in Parliament, that by force of a statute made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Henry the Eighth, colonists may be transported to England, and tried there upon accusations for treasons committed in the colonies, and by a late statute such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned ; And whereas. In the last session of Parliament three statutes were made — one entitled, An act to discontinue, in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, loading or shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town and within the harbor of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North Amer- ica; and another entitled. An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England ; and anotlji titled. An act for the impartial administration of justice inutile cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachu- setts Bay, in New England ; and another statute was then made for mak- ing more effectual provisions for the government of the province of Que- bec, etc. All which statutes are impolitic, unjust, and cruel, as well as unconstitutional and most dangerous, and destructive of American rights. And whereas. Assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on griev- ances; and their dutiful, humble, loyal, and reasonable petition, to the crown for redress, have been repeatedly treated by contempt by his majes- ty's ministers of state; The good people of the several colonies of New Hampshire, Massachu- setts Bay, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New NATIONAL COLONIAL POLITICS. 21 York, New Jei'sey, Pennsylvania, New Castle, Kent and Sussex on Dela- ware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, justly alarmed at these arbitrary proceedings of Parliament and administration, have severally elected, constituted, and appointed deputies to meet and sit in General Congress, in the city of Philadelphia, in order to obtain such establishment as that their religion, laws, and liberties may not be subverted. Whereupon the deputies so appointed, being now assembled, in a full and free representation of these colonies, taking into their most serious consideration the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do, in the first place as Englishmen, their ancestors, in like cases have usually done, for effecting and vindicating their rights and liberties. Declare: That the inhabitants of the English colonies in North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following rights : Besolved, 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property, and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever a right to dispose of either without their consent. Resolved, 2. That our ancestors who first settled these colonies were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural-born subjects, within the realm of England. Resolved, 3. That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, sur- rendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their de- scendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy. Resolved, 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free gov- ernment, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative coun- cil; and as the English colonies are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances, can not properly be represented, in the British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, sub- ject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has hereto- fore been used and accustomed. But, from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as are bona fide re- strained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to tlie motlier country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members ; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America without their consent. 22 HISTOEY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Resolved, 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vi'cinage according to the course of that law. Resolved, 6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization, and which they have, by ex- perience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances. Resolved, 7. That these, his majesty's colonies, are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. Resolved, 8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider their grievances, and petition the king ; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal. Resolved, 9. That the keeping a standing army in the colonies, in times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which the army is kept, is against law. Resolved, 10. It is indispensably necessary to good go v ernment, and ren- dered essential by the English constitution, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other ; that, therefore, the exer- cise of legislative power in several colonies, by a council appointed during the pleasure of the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation. All, and each of which, the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indubi- table rights and liberties, which can not be legally taken from them, altered or abridged by any power whatever, without their own consent, by their representatives in their several provincial legislatures. In the course of our inquiry, we find many infringements and violations of the foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire that harmony and mutual intercourse of affection and interest may be restored, we pass over for the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures as have been adopted since the last war, which demonstrate a system formed to enslave America. Resolved, That the following acts of Parliament are infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists, and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary in order to restore harmony between Great Britain and the American colonies, namely : The several acts of 4 Geo. III., ch. 15 and ch. 34 ; 5 Geo. III., ch. 25 ; 6 Geo. III., ch. 52; 7 Geo. III., ch. 41 and ch. 46; 8 Geo. III., ch. 22, which impose duties for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, ex- tend the power of the admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits, de- MECHANICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE COIOBES PlRtel. DURING THEIR COMECTION WITH GREAT BRITAIN. E3:i»x. A-i^-A-T I o isrs. Not* — Read nnte in explanation to plate I. The iI>tc« 4epartntcni> of the Kngli^h KOvernmei't are in the ^ centre of the plate ; a-otind them are represented <;^ (he governments Q) the Ciigliith (-olonicE Eng- ^ liah officials are reiiresentcd bv rinc«. n» dulie« being incticaled ; but in ihe cotonia4 govcrnnientR the officers of a depart- ment and their duties are represen led by a roitiid ^(irfnce. Kor additional information on the Kne ikh gov- ernment at S. I. SECRETARY OF O THEAFFAIRSOF INDIA. 'PSH/Rf OTHER tNG^ S. C. SECRETARY OF THE COLONIAL AFFAIRS. S. H. SECRETARY OF HOME AFFAIRS. t L. A. LORD OF THE ADMIR- d ALTY. th of Novem- ber, 1777, the articles having been amended, were accepted 28 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. by Congress, and it was resolved to recommend them to the legislatures of the states for adoption. On the 1st of March, 1781, the legislatures of all the states had ratified the plan, and the new constitution was universally recognized as law. By these articles the states conferred upon the confederation certain specified powers, deemed essential to the protection of all. They pledged the faith of their constituents to abide by the actions of Congress on all questions arising within its jurisdiction. The Articles of Confederation constituted the first local government for all the colonies. " It revived hope, inspired confidence at home, commanded respect abroad, and led to a recognition of our government by other countries, and especially by France, which secured final success." The states retained all the power not delegated to the con- federate government by the "instrumentality of its creation, and were really sovereign and independent, for there Avas no superior power to direct or control them or annul any of their actions. The articles Mcre so framed that the states were as free and independent as if no confederacy ex- isted. Thus they continued till the adoption of the national constitution, when they surrendered many essential powers. The changes effected by the Articles of Confederation were rather of a negative than positive nature. The essential pre- rogatives which belong to a nation in its relation with foreign powers was confided by law to confederate authorities, from whom in practice all power was withheld. THE WHIG PARTY. The whig party, after the Declaration of Independence, advocated absolute separation from England, and continued as it had been from the beginning of the war, a serried phal- anx against the giant power of George III. There belonged to this party those Americans who favored the cause of the Revolution, among whom were a large proportion of the phy- REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS. 29 sicians, the major part of the lawyers, nearly all the clergy, except those of the Episcoiial tiiith, and a large number of young men eager for fortune and distinction in war. " Liberty ]Men " and " Sons of Liberty " belonged to this party. The whigs who engaged actively in the war for independence were --ailed " patriots." Of the inhabitants of the thirteen colonies a majority were whigs. They were probably in the minority in some states, while in others they about equaled the tories. At the beginning of the war this party began to assume control of the civil and military affairs of the colonies, and throughout the struggle it directed the Continental Con- gress and the government of the states. The whigs con- tended for a cause as righteous as any that ever arrayed men in battle, and by their bravery and determination they broke the yoke of colonial vassalage and gained for the nations of the earth much of that which they gained for themselves. The whigs were a unit on resistance to England, but from the moment they came into full concert there appeared new element-: of political dissension. (1) The smaller states were jealous of the larger, and, for the sake of harmony, compelled Massachusetts and Virginia to various sacrifices. (2) There was a rivalry between the Xew England states and the states south of Pennsylvania on the ground that the interests of one section were commercial' and manufacturing, while those of the other were agricultural, being devoted to raising great staples for a foreign market. (3) Inclination to British tastes and a disposition to pattern after England was against a sympathy for France and the new French school of philosophy. (4) One portion of the inhabitants favored sovereignty in the colony or state, another portion favored it in the central gov- ernment, union, or confederacy. These causes of divisions are the germs of national political j)arties in America. In subsequent pages it will be seen that the latter element ope- rated more powerfully than the others. (Plate YI.) 30 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS, THE TORY PARTY. The colonists who adhered to the crown during the Eevolu- tionary War constituted the tory party. They were the an- tagonists of the whigs, and opposed them in halls of debate before the war began, and afterwards in the field of battle. Among the tories were royal officials, some eminent attorneys, numerous physicians, dependents of royal landholders, some who Avere conservative or neutral at the opening of hostili- ties, and those who, fearing the strength of Great Britain, believed that a "successful resistance to her power Avas im- possible." The tories, or royalists, comprised a considerable number of the force employed to suppress the rebellion of the colonies. It is probable that more than twenty-five thou- sand royalists enlisted in the military service of England, and arrayed themselves against the patriots. The whig pop- ulace awed and punished the tories in various Avays. Some were tarred and feathered ; some Avere smoked, Avaylaid, mob- bed, and insulted, while others were deprived of office and driven from home. Against them the assemblies of the states, according to the ofiense committed, enacted laws in- flicting such penalties as death, exile, imprisonment, confisca- tion of property, loss of personal liberty for a limited period, disqualification from office, and transportation to a British possession. These laws Avere in force at the treaty of 1783, which made no provision for the royalists ; they Avere neg- lected by those they had aided, and banished by those they had opposed. When the English troops AvithdrcAV from America, the royalists abandoned the United States, and be- came the founders of Upper Canada and Ncav Brunswick. The exiles appealed to Parliament for relief j and after several years of delay, received fifteen and one-half millions of dol- lars. In addition to this, many of them obtained " annuities, half pay as military officers, large grants of land, and shared EEVOLUTIOXARY POLITICS. 31 with other subjects in the patronage of the crown." Those royalists whose opposition to the patriots had not been great were allowed to remain in the United States. The issue on which their party was based died Avith the Eevolution, and the tory party ceased to exist in 1783. (Plate VI.) EEFERENCES. Royalists of the American Revolntion Sabine. Life and writings of Wasliington Spailcs. Principles and Acts of tlie Revolutionary AV.ar Niles. History of tlie Constitution of the United States Bancroft. History of the United States Bancroft. Rise of the Republic of the United States Frothingham. Life and Public Service of Samuel Adams Wells. History of the L^nited States Hildreth. History of the United States Schouler. History of the United States Grahame. History of the L'nited States Hamilton. JIass. Hist. Society Collections. (Fifth series.) Life of Jefferson Randall. Life of Madison Rivers. Historical View of the Revolution Greene. History of Virginia Burk. Histoiy of the Revolution Gordon. Life of Wasliington Marshall. History of the Constitution Curtis. Commentaries Story. Public Journals of Congress (to March 3, 1789.) Secret Journals of Congress (domestic affairs 1774-88.) War between the States Stephens. Lost Cause Pollard. Other authorities on the constitution. ■32 HISTORY or AMERICAN POLITICS. THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. In Congress, July 4, 1776. THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one peo- ple to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with an- other, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should de- ■clare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are created equal; •that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to :secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of -government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foun- dation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to efi'ect their safety and happiness. Pru- 'dence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience Tiath shown, that mankind are moi-e disposed to suffer while evils are suf- ferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. T?ut when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pur- suing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such a government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufl'erance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of govern- ment. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of re- peated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish- ment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations, till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to ithem. REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS. 33 He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large dis- tricts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of repre- sentation in the legislature — a right inestimable to tliem, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfcjrta- ble, and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with liis measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to 'be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large, for their exercise, the state remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasions from without and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condi- tions of new appropriations of hands. He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of tlieir salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of of- ficers, to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures. He has afTeeted to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to ■our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders -which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states ; For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ; For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended ofTenses ; For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring prov- ince, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its 34 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of governments ; For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatever. He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most bar- barous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is tlius marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to tlie voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the i-est of mankind — enemies in war ; in peace, friends. We, therefore, representatives of the United States of America, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be. Free and Indeperideri.: States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and ^^^ /V.V fr in. MECFANIIJAL KEFHEiTVrA'lUN OF THE UNITED STATES.-mH181. SHOWING THE INDEPENDENCE OF EACH COLONY AND THE RELATION IT SUSTAINED TO THE CONTI NENTAL CONGRESS. NOTK. — Read note in ptare I. The action of the coloniex in throwing off the Bri'Uh ^vernment was baxed upon the ** right of rev'^liuiim," ihiit !;> \n\\ duwn ba the fuMCla'.nenial law of revoli:lionary governntrnc. 'J'he plate shnwH that the ** United Siates"*were not " united ;" thni each wan lAverei^n and independent, and obeyed Cancresn thrvugh no binding law. The oflicers of a departmetit and linear duties are repreienied by a round surface. V. Voting Class. PEOPLE, PCNN N. Non-Voting Class. WN uws. 0. Laws by which the Vof ng Class A. Laws Controlling Genera! Legis- Opeate witfi the Govemnjent lation. . , . 1. Laws Controlling the Executive G. Laws Controlling the Right of Demrtment Revolution. K. Laws Controlling the Legislative H. Laws Controlling the Continental Depaitment Congress. D. Laws Controlling the Judicial B. Laws Controlling the Treasury Departmenf Department ^ C. CensHtotRifrixrf the State. REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS. 35 that all political connection bet^vecn them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as Free and Independent Slates, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alli- ances, establish commerco, and do all other acts and things which Inde- pendent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Pkovidence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. JOHN HANCOCK. New Hampshire. — Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, ISIatthew Thorn- ton. Massachusetts Bay. — Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge C terry. Rhode Island, etc. — Steplien Hopkins, William Ellery. CoxxECTicuT. — Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington,William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. , New York. — William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New Jersey. — Richard Stockton, John AVitherspoon, Francis Hopkins, John Hart, Abraham Clark. Pennsylvania. — Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. Delaware. — Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean. Maryland. — Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. Virginia. — George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefiferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Jr., Carter Braxton. North Carolina. — William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. South Carolina. — Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hayward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton. Georgia.— Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. 36 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER IV. CONFEDERATION POLITICS. NATURE OF THE CONFEDERATION. Delegates to Congress were elected by the legislatures of the several states, each sending not less than two. These were supported by the states appointing them, and subject to their recall. The delegates were to vote by states, each hav- ing one vote, thus placing the large and small states on equal- ity. Tke states, without the consent of Congress, were pro- hibited from engaging in war, entering into treaties, or keep- ing troops and vessels of war, except in times of actual hos- tility. The Articles of Confederation constituted a league of friendship for the common defense, the security of liberty, and the general interests of all. The confederation had the exclusive right of determining on peace and war ; of enter- ing into treaties and alliances ; of sending and receiving am- bassadors ; of granting letters of marque and reprisal ; of deciding cases of captures on land and water ; of determin- ing disputes concerning jurisdictions, boundaries, and other cases between the states ; of emitting bills of credit ; of bor- rowing or appropriating money ; of coining money ; and reg- ulating the interests of the nation. The eighth article was the one that rendered the govern- ment so inefficient. It provided that all charges of war, and all other expenses for the common defense and general wel- fare which Congress might allow, should be defrayed out of the common treasury. The several states were to supply this treasury in proportion to the value of all land within each state ; but the levying of taxes for the payment of such pro- CONFEDERATION POLITICS. 37 portion was under the authority and direction of the legisla- tures of the several states. Congress promptly performed its duty by directing the collection of taxes, but the states sel- dom fulfilled their duty in making assessments. The neces- sity of compliance was not felt by the states, and their delays greatly embarrassed the government and rendered the efforts of Congress feeble and often ineffectual, where prompt and efficient action was indispensable to procure the safety and defend the honor of the country. It frequently happened that the authorized calls of Congress were entirely neglected. The failure of the states to perform their imperative duties prevented the confederate government from meeting its en- gagements or entering into new ones Avith the expectation of fulfilling them. The inability of Congress to act and per- form their duties was the cause of the weakness and ineffi- ciency of the confederation. The union of thirteen sovereign states, which should pre- serve the rights of each and render efficient the authority of the general government, was a work fraught with inconsis- tencies and attended by almost insurmountable difficulties. It was only approximately attained under the Articles of Con- federation. An observer, living in the times of the confederation, said : " By this political compact, the United States Congress have the exclusive power for the following purposes, without being able to execute one of them : They may make and conclude treaties; but they can only recommend the observance of them. They may appoint ambassadors; but they can not even defray the expenses of their tables. They may borrow money in their own name, on the faith of the Union ; but they can not jpay a dollar. They may coin money ; but they can not purchase an ounce of bullion. They may make war, and determine what number of troops is necessary ; but they 38 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. can not raise a single soldier. In short, they may declare everything, but can do nothing." Chief Justice Marshall observed that "a government au- thorized to declare war, but relying upon independent states to prosecute it ; capable of contracting debts and of pledging the public faith for their payment, but depending upon thir- teen distinct sovereignties for the preservation of that faith, could only be rescued from ignominy and contempt by find- ing those sovereignties administered by men exempt from the passions incident to human nature." DISTRUST OF POWER. The political acts during the Revolution and confederation can not be understood without a knowledge of colonial opinion regarding all external power. To this there was a deep-rooted antipathy engendered by the years of struggle against the guardianship of Great Britain. This antipathy was extended to Congress, and in spite of the fact that it was composed of delegates from their own people, they viewed the body in the light of a foreign power. The people thought they must see in Congress what a "people is always apt to expect from a power foreign to the govrfnment of the state — unpleasantness, annoyance, and usurpation." This distrust Steadily increased, and what information the Americans lacked on the most desirable form of government, they endeavored to supply by reasoning, and crude theories. This antipathy was not modified till experience taught American legislators that their scheme of government, according to the Articles of Confederation, was lacking in some of the most essential features. This was accomplished only by events that brought the country to the verge of anarchy. WEAKNESS OF CONGRESS. During the confederation period the distress grew greater CONFEDERATION POLITICS. 39 every year, and threatened to induce more serious complica- tions. Congress was unable to pay the interest even when the principal was due. All efforts of the general government to secure from the states an adequate source of revenue were unavailing. They considered it a favor even to pay the least attention to requisitions made upon them. In the five years preceding 1787, New Hampshire, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia contributed nothing ; Connecticut and Delaware furnished about a third of their levy ; Massachu- setts, Maryland, and Rhode Island about one-half; Virginia three-fifths; Pennsylvania almost her entire quota. The financial condition of the individual states was worse than that of Congress ; for while there was no possibility of payment, repudiation was agitated, and the disposition to pay daily grew weaker. " Public confidence was shaken to such an extent, in consequence, that even private individuals of undoubted credit were obliged to pay a discount of from thirty to fifty per cent, on their notes. There was no market, especially for real estate, and sales for cash could be made, when at all, only at a great sacrifice." Each state had the exclusive right to regulate its commerce, and in doing so, regard Avas had only to self interest. This gave rise to many vexatious and petty jealousies. As a consequence, commerce was ruined, and faith in the permanency of American institu- tions was greatly shaken. The Americans frequently vio- lated the treaty of peace, and England in turn followed their example. She refused to withdraw her troops from western posts, and protected Indians while they carried on border war against the settlers. shay's eebellion. The distress and misery growing out of the absence of gov- ernment, caused loud and general complaints and provoked resistance to authorized authority. Malcontents in Massachu- 40 HISTORY OF AMERICAX POLITICS. setts, who aimed at repudiation of public and private debts and a redistribution of property, were equal in number to the friends of state government. These malcontents, headed by Shay, rose in rebellion, creating a profound impression, throughout the country. Old leaders of the Revolution be- came apprehensive and felt that the question of the existence or non-existence of the nation must be decided. General Knox wrote that there were "combustibles in every state to. which a spark might set fire." General Washington wrote ta Colonel Lee : " To be more exposed in the eyes of the world and more contemptible than we already are, is hardly possi- ble." Gloom and apprehensions pervaded the public coun- cils and private meditations of the wisest statesmen of the country. The rebellion was suppressed by the force of arms. Washington was implored not to remain neutral if civil war should begin throughout the country. AGITATIONS TO AMEXD THE COXFEDEEATION. In 1782, New York brought to the consideration of the people, the evils arising from the defects in the Articles of Confederation. Her legislature, George Clinton being gov- ernor, resolved, " That it is essential to the common welfare that there should be, as soon as possible, a conference as to , the power of the confederacy, and that it would be advisa- ble for this purpose to propose to Congress to recommend to each state to adopt the measure of assembling a general con- vention of the states specially authorized to revise and amend the confederation, reserving a right to the respective legisla- tures to ratify their determinations." This first action upon the subject of modifying the con- federation was followed in 1783 by resolutions of Congress, recommending the states to invest the general Congress with specified power to raise revenue for the restoration aud main- tenance of the public credit. These resolutions were trans- COXFEDERATION rOMTR'.S. 41 mitted to the states with an address, prepared by INIr. Madison, " which was one of the ablest state papers of tiiose times." In 1784, Congress deehu-ed that unless they should be vested with powers sufficient to protect commerce, they could never command reciprocal advantages in trade, and that with- out these, foreign commerce would eventually be anniiiilated. This declaration was followed by a proposition to confer spe- cial powers upon Congress for fifteen years ; but this was not ratified by a sufficient number of states. Official returns this year, though only one year after the close of the war, showed that the whole army of the nation was reduced to eighty per- sons. In 1785, James Monroe submitted to Congress a report which proposed a permanent change in the Articles of Con- federation, that would confer on Congress full power to reg- ulate trade and conduct the operations of the govornment. The consideration of the report did not result in confefring the necessary powers. The same subject was again before Congress, February 15, 1786, on the report of a committee, of which Eufus King was chairman. The repoi't concluded as follows : "Thus circumstanced, after the most solemn deliberation, and under the fullest conviction that the public embarrassments are such as above represented, and that tliey are daily increas- ing, the committee are of opinion that it has become the duty of Congress to declare, most explicitly, that the crisis has ar- rived when the people of these United States, by whose will and for whose benefit the federal government was instituted, must decide whether they will support their rank as a nation, by maintaining the public faith at home and abroad, or whether, for want of a timely exertion in establishing a gen- eral revenue, and thereby giving strength to the confederacy, they will hazard not only the existence of the Union, but of 42 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. those great and invaluable privileges for which they have so arduously and honorably contended." This report was adopted, and the subject of raising revenue was again presented to the states, which took at different times various and inharmonious action. The subject was again before Congress on the 3d of March, 1786, and once more on the 23d of the following October. But these pro- ceedings accomplished nothing, except to arouse public atten- tion to the necessity of taking prompt measures for securing sufficient revenue to meet the exigencies of the government. The agitation deeply impressed the public mind, and prepared the people for the changes which, of necessity, must soon be made. THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION. In 1786 recommendations similar to those adopted by New York in 1782, were made by several states. This resulted in the appointment of delegates from Virginia, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, who met at Annapolis, on the 11th of September, 1786, at the invitation of the leg- islature of Virginia, to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial relations might be necessary to their com- mon interest. But only five of the thirteen states being rep- resented, and the delegates being satisfied that their powers were too limited to accomplish what the country demanded, contented themselves with drawing up a report, which was laid before Congress and the legislatures of the states. The report recommended the call of a general convention of delegates from each of the states, "to meet at Philadelphia, on the second day in May next, to take into consideration the situation of the United States ; to devise such further pro- visions as shall to them seem necessary to render the consti- tution of the federal government adequate to the exigencies of the Union ; and to report" such an act for that purpose to the United States, in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to CONFEDEUATKIN POLITICS. 43 by them, and afterward confirmed by the legislature of every t^tate, will eifectually provide for the same." The proceedinjis of this meeting were communicated to Cong' jss, Avhich considered the subject and adopted the fol- lowin J resolutions : " Whkheas, There is provision in the Articles of Confed- eration and PerjKjtual Union for making alterations therein, by the assent of a Congress of the United States, and of the legislatures of the several states; and whereas, experience hath evinced that there are defects in the present confedera- tion, as a means to remedy which several of the states, and particularly the state of JVew York, by express instructions to their delegates in Congress, have suggested a convention for the pur[)oscs expressed in the following resolution ; and such convention appearing to be the most probable means of establishing in these states a firm national government : "Resolved, That, in the opinion of Congress, it is expedi- ent that on the second Monday in May next a convention of delegates, who shall have been appointed ])y the several states, be held at Philadelphia, for the sole and express pur- pose of revising the Articles of Confederation, and reporting to Congress and the several legislatures such alterations and provisions therein as shall, when agreed to in Congress, and confirmed by the states, render the federal constitution ade- quate to the exigencies of go\ernraent and the preservation the Union." ' The several states complying with this resolution appointed delegates to meet in convention at the appointed time and place. coxstitutionaIj convention, 1787. When the recommendation ^vas made which had been ad- vised by the Annapolis convention, the advocates of a strong government acted with the utmost energy to induce all the legislatures t<» send delegates to the convention and to select 44 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. for that purpose the most distinguished men of the country, "that their very names might suffice to keep the party of anarchy within bounds." The presence of Washington at the convention was deemed of the utmost importance, for lie held a place in the hearts of the people which no one else occupied, and such as no other can occupy again. Everything he touched seemed to be in- vested with a kind of sacredness, while to impute wrong mo- tives to him was a "species of high treason and an unpar- donable offense against human nature." He did not wish to act as a delegate, but after mature deliberation he did so, only because he saw in the convention the only hope of a future union of the states. The delegates began to convene on the 14th of May, 1787. Eleven days passed before a majority of the states was repre- sented. George Washington was elected president. Six signers of the Declaration of Independence appeared as del- egates, and took part in the proceedings. The members of the convention realized the immense re- sponsibility which rested upon them, and felt sure that their only alternative was mutual concession or the roin of the country. It was decided to carry on transactions with closed doors, that an excited people might not parade before the country the proceedings of the convention at a time when they could not be properly understood and defended. A goodly number of the delegates would not restrict themselves to a literal interpretation of their powers. They were au- thorized only to propose amendments to the Articles of Con- federation ; . but they were convinced that all such attempts would only " postpone the day of ruin, and that the source of evil could be destroyed only by giving the constitution a national basis." They did not hesitate in their choice be- tween exceeding their powers, and the preservation of the country. It would have been dangerous to the future of the COXFEDERATIOX TOLITICS. 45 country if this decision, when first made, had been known to demagogues and the honest opponents of a strong central government. There were disputes and dissensions in the convention which were difficult to be allayed. On two of the most im- portant questions the delegates were so opposite in their views that it seemed almost impossible to mediate between them ; for attempts at compromise appeared to widen the gaps be- tween the opponents. AMien every prospect of an understand- ing seemed to have vanished, the white-haired Franklin pro- posed that henceforth the sessions should be opened with prayer, for since the wit of man was exhausted, there was no hope of help except from heaven. The vital points at issue were the equality of state representation and protection to the interests of slaveholders. After the lapse of nearly four months, the delegates agreed upon a plan, and on the 17th of September unanimously re- solved that it be adopted by the states represented at the time. The convention declared that the consent of nine states >honld give force to the new constitution, so far as these nine states were concerned. The instrument was now before the people for adoption ; but the difficulties to be surmounted here were equal to those which had appeared in the conven- tion. ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTIOIs. The moment the proposed constitution was made public the particularists began to wage a most severe and energetic opposition. Moderation and reason seemed to forsake them; the most fanatical assuming the lead and using weapons most blunt and brutal. The strong government men were called federalists, and the particularists, anti-federalists. The federalists, Avho favored the constitution, were at first less in number than the particularists. Their prospects were gloomy, and the struggle before them was difficult. They 46 HISTORY OF AMEEICAX POLITICS. fought with experience and understanding, and their argu- ments were such as to gain numbers from the opposing ranks. For ten months America was a debating school between the federalists and the anti-federalists, the former having the ablest writers, and, with a few exceptions, the most influential speakers. Each state was a battle ground, and its action was watched with eagerness by both parties, as its decision would have a tendency to turn the scale for or against the constitu- tion. In ^December of 1787, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey took favorable action upon the new government. Delaware has the honor of being the first state to ratify the constitution. Pennsylvania was carried by political strategy. The constitutionalists having the ascendancy in the legisla- ture, called a convention, but gave only ten days for the choice of delegates. This cut off the anti-federalists of west- ern Pennsylvania from all chance at participating in the con- vention. To gain time the opposition absented themselves, leaving the convention without a quorum, but two of the ab- sentees were carried into the house and held in their seats while the quorum thus secured adopted the constitution. It was alleged by those who protested, that but thirteen thousand of the seventy thousand votes in Pennsylvania were repre- sented in the convention. The federal constitution was car- ried by a vote of forty-six to twenty-three. In Delaware and New Jersey the vote for the constitu- tion was unanimous. The example of the powerful state of Pennsylvania was a great stimulus to the federalists. In January, 1788, Georgia ratified unanimously and Connect- icut by a handsome majority. But the real toiL now com- menced, for the first enthusiasm of the cause had spent much of its force. The anti-federalists were fully organized and had developed unexpected strength in the states which had not taken action. Rhode Island would not call a conven- tion. Five states had ratified; nine were necessary; and CONFEDERATION POLITICS. 47 which should be the other four could not bo told. IMiissachu- setts turned the scale. The constitution as prc^^cntcd was not acceptable to the convention ; but nine amendments were drawn up and submitted for consideration. With the under- standing that these amendments would become a part of the constitution, the convention ratified by the close vote of one hundred and eighty-seven to one hundred and sixty-eight. The action of Massachusetts decided the fate of the consti- tution. Her plan of submitting amendments solved the dif- ficulty at the right time ; for the constitution as prepared at Philadelphia could not have been carried. Here was a chance for the anti-federalists to accept a compromise and claim some of the honor of adopting the constitution. This they did not do, but, taking their stand in favor of utter rejection, they per- sisted to the last in reckless and illogical reason. The feder- alists took advantage of this new resource, and, trusting in the good sense of the people, insured victory with the best fruits of it. In April, the Maryland convention ratified, by a vote of sixty-three to eleven, and in INIay, South Carolina adopted the constitution by one hundred and seventy-nine to seventy-three. Eight states had now taken favorable action, and one more was necessary. Neither North Carolina nor Rhode Island would ratify. The ninth state must be New Hampshire, New York, or Virginia. The contest in Virginia was on terms more nearly equal than in any other state. George Ma- son, James Monroe, and Patrick Henry opposed the constitu- tion ; George Washington, James Madison, Chancellor Wythe, Governor Randolph, Edmond Pendleton, and Thomas Jef- ferson supported it. Neither Washington nor Jefferson was in the convention, but their influence was in behalf of the new experiment. Jefferson M-as at first " nearly a neutral ; " when, however, the plan of submitting amendments, as in- itiated by Massachusetts, was made known to him, he said 48 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. the instrument had his hearty prayers. The Virginia con- vention, submitting a long list of amendments, ratified in June, by a majority of ten. Four days prior to this vote, New Hampshire took favorable action and became the ninth ratifying state. Ten states had now accepted the constitu- tion, rendering the new instrument secure. The fourth of July was close at hand, and the coming an- niversary of American independence was made by the fed- eralists a day of unwonted jubilee. On the 26th of July New York, by a bare majority, be- came the eleventh ratifying state. Inflationists in North Car- olina and Rhode Island held the balance of power and pre- vented those states from ratifying before the new government ~was organized. Necessity was that which decided the question, and which encouraged the federalists to continue their eiforts till they could win over a sufficient number of the opposing majority. The scale was wavered to the last, but in the end the feder- alists triumphed, and the constitution was accepted with re- luctance as the only hope of the existence of the United States. Alexander Hamilton, of New York, and James Madison, •of Virginia, were distinguished advocates of the constitution, and the country owes them a lasting debt of gratitude for their untiring eiforts in securing to posterity a substantial and lasting government. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1789. The first Wednesday in January, 1789, was set by the Con- tinental Congress for the choice of presidential electors, the first Wednesday in February for the choice of a President and Vice-President of the United States by electors, and the first Wednesday in March for commencing proceedings under the ■constitution. New York was selected by Congress as the place for inaugurating the new government. The M'hole CONFEDERATION POLITICS. -19 country leaned upon \Yasliington with equal confidence and safety. Pie was not known to be a fedei'alist or an anti- federalist, beyond the assurance given that he was on the constitutional side. He was selected for President without a competitor. There were a number of candidates for the Vice-Presidency, the most prominent among whom were John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and John Adams. The lat- ter, having returned from a mission at London, was chosen by the electors Vice-President of the United States. Ac- cording to the constitution, at that time, the candidate who received the greatest number of electoral votes in the aggre- gate, if a majority, became President of the United States, while the one who received the next largest number of votes would be Vice-President. The unanimous vote for Wash- ington was sixty-nine ; the vote for Adams was thirty-four. This first trial of the electoral plan showed that the states were exposed to the danger of secret cabals among party leaders. AVOEK OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGEESS. Amid all the discouraging circumstances. Congress never lost sight of the great object for which America was contend- ing. While danger was great, the states supported it and complied with its wislies ; but as this stimulus to action was removed the recommendations of Congress were neglected, and finally the body was scoifed at for its impotence, the states boasting of their neglect of duty. But the general Congress, with all its embarrassments, performed the arduous labors to which it had been called, with honor to itself and credit to the country. Its most important legislation, after concluding the treaty of peace, was the enactment of the ordinance of 1787, entitled, "An ordinance for the government of the ter- ritory of the United States northwest of the Ohio." This ordinance secured freedom to the inhabitants of the territory, 4 50 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. and remains a lasting monument to the wisdom and foresight of Congress, standing out as the last brilliant achievement of a paralytic, dying assembly, "which in the first immortal prime had rung its clarion across the seas." PARTY ACTION FROM 1781 TO 1787. When the revolutionary war ended, there was but one party in the United States. It was composed of whigs, and had no organization ; nor did it need any, because its former oppo- nents, the tories, had been killed, banished, converted, or allowed to remain in jDolitical obscurity. The powers over the colonies, which the king had abandoned, were seized by the state legislatures, and formally held through the Arti- cles of Confederation. " State pride increased as the Union languished." From the close of the war to 1787, political issues were chiefly local and uninteresting, the tendencies of party being to denationalize and break up into fragments. In each state, the road to popularity was to laud and foster state pride and inspire a jealousy of the Continental Congress. Conservative whigs complained that the treatment of the tories by the radical whigs had been too severe, and obtained for the royalists, in some states, a modification of the most severe confiscation acts. Over the adoption of state consti- tutions there were differences of opinion, some framers advo- cating one thing and some another. The amendment of the constitution of Pennsylvania occasioned a violent political contest, the people arraying themselves in two opposing par- ties ; those seeking to amend the state constitution were styled " republicans ; " those opposing all change were styled "constitutionalists." No organization of national parties on ballot-box issues was known in America prior to the consti- tutional convention of 1787. The simplest mechanism of po- litical parties was but little known and appreciated. (Plate VI.) CONFEDERATION rOLITlCS. 51 PARTK-ULAlilSTS. The American whigs were composed of men holding oppo- site vie\\'s on national g(jvernment. The mass of the popu- lation held to the idea that the state government should be supreme. They were devoted to the worship of their native commonwealth, and inclined to look upon a central govern- ment very much as they had looked upon the sovereign of England. They were unwilling that a central authority should have power to coerce a state. They feared that a national government Avould deprive the states of their free- dom, and establish over them a sovereignty as objectionable as the one from which they had freed themselves by the force of arms. They believed in a central government, limited in powers, democratic in spirit, and republican in form ; but they were jealous of delegated authority, and looked with suspicion upon every effort tending toward centralization of government. They had been brought to these conclusions by their own experience and that of their forefathers, on " whose hearts the fires of persecution had burned a hatred of royalty too deep to be erased." Such was the belief of a large majority of the American whigs, and because of their devotion to their separate commonwealths, they are appro- priately styled " particularists." (Plate VI.) STRONG-GO VKRNJIENT MEN. Apart from the majority of whigs who constituted the par- ticularists, there were a few advanced thinkers, like Hamil- ton, who foresaw the evils that would arise without a modifi- cation of existing government among the states, and who believed that a government modeled after that of England should be established over the United States. They thought that the government of the states should be reduced in im- portance, and much of their authority conferred upon a cen- 52 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. tral government. Without such modifications, they did not believe the exigencies of the public service could be met. These partisans are called " strong-government men." The pressing matters of the Revolution prevented a discussion between the particularists and strong-government men ; but during the dnll seven years between the close of hostilities and the constitutional convention the weakness of the con- federation caused the latter to gain some adherents. (Plate VI.) FEDERAL PARTY. Notwithstanding the bad government which followed the Revolution, there was great material prosperity iu the United States. Commerce had developed a commercial class, capital a creditor class, and in the south, property, a property- owning class. These classes, being strong-government men, united for the control of the constitutional convention of 1787, and forming a new party, left the particularists to their prejudices. When the constitution was published for ratifi- cation, local issues were absorbed into the national one, " and in a brief space the whole country was studded with the camps of two great political parties." The friends of the constitution initiated the campaign, and put forth their efforts to secure the ratification of the new instrument. They as- sumed for themselves the name of " federal," and fixed upon their opponents the appellation of "anti-federal." The gov- ernment of the confederation was strictly federal, and it would seem natural that those Avho favored it should take the name of federal ; but the constitutionalists, or strong govern- ment men, for political effect, captured this name, though the government for which they contended was less federal than that supported by their opponents. The constitutionalists, in managing their cause, avoided putting stress upon the national feature of their new plan, and, boasting little of the merits of the constitution, they sought, most of all, to per- COXFEDERATIOX POLITICS. 53 s'uade the people that without its adoption disunion was inevitable. They entered the field prepared for the contest, hav- ing been organized for action by their efforts prior to and during the convention. Though at first in the minority, they possessed the advantages of tact, ability, organization, and a definite remedy for existing evils. They heard at the convention arguments for and against the constitution, and entered the political arena fully prepared for their task. When the anti-federalists stated their objections to the new constitution, they were met l)y a "complete exposition of the new plan, article by article, in the public prints." Dis- cussions upon the subject of ratification were carried on through the press, in local legislatures, and in public assem- blies. In a Xew York newspaper, there apijcared under the name of Publius, eighty -five short, pithy, and animated essays, favoring the adoption of the constitution. These essays, written by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, have been preserved in a book called the " Federalist," " which is a classic in American political literature." The Federalist was more influential than all other campaign documents, and it is re- garded this day as the best commentary ever written upon the national constitution. Jay, Wilson, Hamilton, and Mad- ison were especially consi^icuous as federal leaders. The laboi's of the federalists had the desired effect, and to them belongs the honor of creating a governmental machine which satisfies the American people, and meets the demands of our public service. (Plate VI.) THE AXTI-FEDEEAL PARTY. When the plan of union under the constitution was made public, the particularists arrayed themselves against it and supported the old government, which was strictly federal in its nature. Because of this support the name of federal would naturally belong to them ; but the efforts of Gerry and a few 64 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. other partlcularists to secure this party title and give their opponents that of anti-federal were not successful. Their opponents had assumed the title of federal because of its popularity, and because of their desire to form a new federal government, and thus they fastened upon the partlcularists the title of anti-federal, a name which they quickly accepted as indicating opposition to a strong federal government under the constitution. There belonged to this party all who consid- ered the constitution theoretical, and an attempt to imitate European monarchy ; all the local magnates who feared that the new central power would overshadow them ; and " all the small farmers who dreaded the addition of federal to state taxes." Their opposition to the new instrument was over- come in all the states except Rhode Island and North Car- olina. In objecting to the constitution the anti-federalists urged that its adoption would consolidate the states ; would endan- ger personal liberty, since the instrument furnished no secur- ity for freedom of speech and liberty of the press ; would place standing armies under too little restraint ; would force smaller states to sacrifice to the larger ; and would empower the federal judiciary to enforce the collection of British debts under the treaty of 1783. The friends of repudiation, stay- laws, state paper money, and the dismembering of old states belonged to the anti-federal party. Much of the anti-federal criticism was just, and especially that part which required a fuller bill of rights. The weakest parts of the constitution escaped notice, the federalists leaving their opponents to find them out as best they could. The anti-federal party "represented very fairly the ideas and feelings that prevailed with the masses during the Rev- olution." Patrick Henry, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, and George Clinton were most prominent among the anti- federal leaders. This party distrusted the motives of the op- CONFEDERATION POLITICS. 55 position and feared that the strong government which the federalists M'ished to establish would be disposed to grasp at power and become, eventually, oppressive and tyrannical. Their suspicions led them to antagonize measures which they otherwise would have supported. They appealed to the peace the country was enjoying as an evidence that the condition of the nation was not as deplorable as represented by their op- ponents. They regarded the confederation as sufficient to meet the wants of the Union. Nothing but necessity led them to a change of opinion. As by degrees the Union ap- proached dissolution, certain anti-federalists would accept the views of the opposition. In every state they fought the con- stitution, yielding only as compelled by necessity and the ar- guments and tactics of the federalists. The anti-federal party was in power till the beginning of the government under the constitution. The opposition of the anti-federals was not without fruits, since through them was obtained amendments to the new instrument, securing such provisions as ultimately reconciled all Americans and aided in engendering for the constitution an admiration in all sections of the Union. (Plate VI.) EEFEBENCES. CONFEDERATION. United States History Bancroft. United States History, Vol. Ill Hildreth. United States History, Vol. II Pitkin. History of the United States, Vol. I Schoiiler. Oovernmental History Sherman. History of the Constitution, Vol. 1 Von Hoist. Formation of the Confederacy Blunt. Else of the Kepublic Frothingham. History of the Constitution Curtis. Life of Madison Eives. Life of Washington Marshall. Life of Morris Sparks. Life of Hamilton Hamilton. 56 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. History of Shay's Insurrection Minot. Secret Journals of Congress (Confederacy) Public Journals of Congress (Confederacy) Elliot's Debates CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. Franklin's Works, Vol. VIII Sparks. History of the Revolution, Vol. I Gordon. Principles and Acts of the Eevolution Nile. Historical View of the Revolution Greene. Works of John Adams, Vol. II Adams. Public .Journals of Congress, Vol. I.-IV Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. I War Between the States, Vol. I Stephens. Political Register Poore. Authorities under Constitution CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. Journals of Congress, Vol. XII Constitutional Convention Jameson. Secret Proceedings of the Convention Yates. Commentai-ies Story. CONSTITUTION. The Body Politic Barnes. The Nation Mulford. The Federalist Hamilton, etc. Secret Proceedings and Debates of Convention of 1787 James. Political Science .' Woolsey. Commentaries Kent. Lectures on the Constitution Lieber. Thirty Years' View, Vol. I Benton. American Republic Brownson. Writings on the Constitution Marshall. Exposition of the Weakness of the Government Mercer. Government and Constitutional Law Tiffany. Constitutional Limitations Cooley. History of the Constitution Towle. Issues of American Politics Skinner. Lectures on the Constitution Miller. Constitutional History of the United States * Von Hoist. Original Nature of the Constitution Baldwin. Works of Calhoun Crall^. CONFEDERATION POLITICS. 57 Bibliography of the Constitution Foster. Authorities under Confederation, Continental Congress, and Constitutional Convention THE FEDERAL AND THE ANTI-FEDERAL PARTY. Constitutional History of the United States, Vol. I Von Hoist. Cyclopedia of Political Science, Vol. I Lalor. History of Political Parties Van Buren, Treatise on Party Questions Cutts. History of Democracy Capen. Administration of Washington and Adams Gibbs. Life of Gerry Austin. Life of Jefferson Bandall. Statistical View of American Commerce Pitkin. Authorities under democratic-republican party ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND PERPETUAL UNION BE- TWEEN THE STATES. To all to whom these presents shall come, we, the undersigned delegates of the states affixed to our names, send greeting: Whereas, The delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled, did, on the loth day of November, in the year of our Lord 1777, and in the second year of the independence of America, agree to cer- tain articles of confederation and perpetual union between the states of Xew Hampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plan- tation, Connecticut, Kew York, Xew Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in the words following, viz : "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plan- tation, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.'' Article I. The style of this confederacy shall be " The United States of America." Article II. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independ- ence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confed- eration expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. Article III. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to as- sist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever. 58 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different states in the Union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states ; and that the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same du- ties, impositions, and restrictions as the inliabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restriction shall not extend so far as to prevent the re- moval of property imported into any state^ to any other state of which the owner is an inhabitant ; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or re- striction shall be laid by any state, on the property of the United States, or either of them. If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the Governor or executive power, of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offense. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state. Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interest of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such man- ner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a, power reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. No state shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members ; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years ; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolu- ment of any kind. Each state shall maintain its own delegates in any meeting of the states, and while they act as members of the committee of the states. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each state shall have one vote. Freedom of speeeh and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress, and the members of Con- gress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and attendance in Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. CllNFEDEU.VTlON POLITICS. 59 Article VI. No state, without the consent of the Ihiited States in Con- svess assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any iinbassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person holding any office of prolil or trust under the states, or any of them, accept any iiresent, emoUiment, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. Xo two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alli- ance whatever between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. Xo state shall lay any imports or duties, which may interfere with any stipulation in treaties, entered into by the United States in Congress as- sembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties al- ready proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain. Xo vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any state, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled, for the defense of such state, or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any state, in time of peace, except such number only as in the judgment of the United States in Congress assem- bled, shall be deemed requisite to govern in the forts necessary for the de- fense of such state; but every state shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall pro- vide and have constantly ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper cjuantity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage. No state shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such state be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such state, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay, till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted ; nor shall any state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, excei't it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state and the subjects thereof against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as sliall be estab- lished by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which ca.se vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United Slates in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise. Article VII. When land forces are raised by any state for the common 60 HISTORY OF AMEEICAK POLITICS. defense, all officers of or under the rank of colonel shall be appointed b.v the legislature of each state respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made the appointment. Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defense or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion to the value of all land within each state, granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, according to such modes as the United States in Congress assem- bled shall from time to time direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and directions of the legislatures of the several stales, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. Article IX. The United States in Congress assembled shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, ex- cept in the cases mentioned in the sixth article ; of sending and receiving ambassadors; entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on for- eigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the ex- portation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatso- ever; of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appro- priated ; of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace; ap- pointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of capture, provided that no member of Congress shall be ap- pointed a judge of any of the said courts. The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following: Whenever the legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any state in controversy witli another, shall present a pe- tition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hear- ing, notice thereof shall be given, by order of Congress, to the legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy, and a day as- signed for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to COXFEDERATIOX TOUTICS. 61 constitute a court for hearing- and determining the matter in question; but if tliey can n d ^h Plate IK '^ Ql (S J D. O s a •!3 e> g" 3 _j i i3 c c3 1° c M "s ■g B (3 1 J i i J c o e O o :S a 5 TJ S J2 i c o (U Q. U O M «A e V ♦J CO > 'S 2 ^ 3 a !2 '■tt $ ^ «! « o u m o washikgton's administrations. 65 CHAPTER V. WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 1789—1797. FEDERAL PARTY IN POWER. March 4th, 1789, was the time fixed upon for the formal First Congress, 1 inauguration of the new government, but it Extra Session. / was not until April 6th that a sufficient number of Congressmen arrived in New York to constitute a quorum and count the electoral votes. Washington took the oath of office April 29th, the Vice-President having taken his place as president of the Senate a few days before. Thus, at the dissolution of the confederation, the Federal party passed into power and assumed control of the national legis- lature. The first duty of the party was that of organizing a government based upon the constitution — a task requiring time, patience, and deliberation. Washington, wishing to be a mediator between the political parties, and to show that the administration had only the best wishes of the country at heart, formed his cabinet of men holding opposite political views. In a democratic state like ours the executive cau not long hold the position of a mediator if he is not sustained by a compromise party among the people. Washington himself, so well fitted to play this part, was forced more and more to surrender his position in relation to parties. His first admin- istration was devoted to the establishment of an internal policy. The anti-federali.sts became the determined oppo- nents of this policy, as well as of his external policy developed during his second administration. 66 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. ANTI-PEDERALS ORGANIZE. At the beginning of Washington's administration the anti- federals did not constitute an organized opposition to the party in power; but as new measures of the government were advanced, they were taken as issues for drawing party lines, and for perfecting and strengthening the ranks of the minority. The antagonistic views held by Hamilton and Jefferson, members of Washington's cabinet, on the subject of government, aided greatly in establishing party lines. Their ideas made their way into Congress, thence among. the people, and formed, principally, the issues on which the polit- ical parties were divided for a number of succeeding adminis- trations. Hamilton was the leader of the federal party, and Jefferson of the opposition. TARIPP AND THE REGULATION OF COMMERCE. During the first session of Congress a law was passed, in which the principle of a protective tariff was ' recognized by declaring it to be " necessary for the support of government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported." In the passage of this measure the government recognized the principle of a pro- tective tariff, and the discussion which it called forth mainly shaped the issues on this question for all subsequent contro- versies. Hamilton's report on the subject, made after the law was passed, is regarded by free-traders as most cunningly devised, and by protectionists as containing arguments never yet answered. The policy of coercing foreign states by means of commercial restrictions had its beginning also in this measure, which, carried out by IVIr. Jefferson in the em- bargo and non-intercourse acts, resulted ultimately in war with Great Britain. Washington's admin i.stuations. 67 BILL OF EIGHTS. One of the serious objections to the constitution before its ratification was " the absence of a distinct bill of rights recog- nizing the fundamental principles of government ; the equal- ity of all men, and their rights to life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness." The objections to the constitution, which had been pointed out before its adoption, were condensed during the first session of Congress, and moulded into a bill of rights, " consisting of twelve articles, ten of which were afterward ratified and incorporated as amendments into the constitution." These expressly guarantee freedom of religion, speech, person, and property. They were urged by the more moderate anti-federalists and positively requested by several states, while two states constantly refused to enter the Union because of the defects of the constitution. These considerations determined their adoption. They were opposed by the ex- treme anti-federalists, who considered them "delusive and insufficient, and only calculated to create a fatal feeling of security against centralized government." After adopting measures for the organization of the differ- ent departments of government, and directing the secretary of the treasury to prepare a plan for the settlement of the public debt. Congress adjourned September 29th, until the following January. STATE SOVEREIGNTY. That the interests of the states should be guarded with jealous care was the most prominent political idea in the minds of anti-federals under the confederation. When the new government went into operation their views were not changed, and they continued to base their party upon the leading ideas that delegated authority should be regarded with distrust, and that the power of a state should be su- 68 HISTORY OF AMEEICAX POLITICS. preme. The burden of their speeches was the danger to the rights of the states, which were threatened on every side. Every question was discussed with direct reference to its bearing on state sovereignty. The new constitution seemed to them fanciful and experimental, and calculated only to wrest from the states the liberties they had gained by the sword. They were strengthened in their distrust by what appeared to be the monarchical tendencies of the federals and their broad construction of the constitution. FINANCIAL POLICY. Congress convened at Philadelphia, January 4, 1790. Leg- First Congress, \ islation upon finance began with this session First Session. J of Congress and was carried on in accord- ance with Hamilton's policy. The subject of debts, internal revenue, and a United States bank came under consideration. The situation of the country, financially speaking, Avas very embarrassing. European powers looked down upon the United States with unconcealed contempt, and their good opinion could be regained only on condition that the credit of the government be restored. Hamilton recognized that the government should first of all direct its attention to the adjustment of financial difficulties. On January 9th, in pursuance of the direction of the pre- vious session, he submitted his report on the settlement of the public debt. He recommended as follows : First, that tiie foreign debt of the confederacy be assumed aud paid in full ; second, that the domestic debt of the confederacy, which had fallen far below par, also be paid at its par value ; and third, that the debts incurred by the states during the Revolution, and still unpaid, be assumed and paid in full by the federal gov- ernment. The first recommendation was adopted unani- mously. The second encountered strong opposition, even from Madison and many moderate anti-federalists. They op- Washington's administrations. 69 posed it on the ground that the domestic debt was held by speculators who had bought it at a heavy discount, and would thus gain a too great interest on their investment. The sup- porters of the measure argued that for that very reason, if for no other, they should be paid, as it would greatly strengthen the national credit and teach the holders of United States se- curities not to dispose of them at such a discount. After a heated discussion, the recommendation was adopted. Ham- ilton's third recommendation involved the questions of state and federal supremacy. It therefore united all the anti-fed- eralists in a determined opposition. They feared that this would permanently attach the "money power" to the federal government and thus weaken the power and importance of the states. This recommendation was adopted by a vote of twenty-six to thirty-one. The anti-federalists, however, being reinforced l)y seven newly arrived members from North Car- olina, moved and carried a reconsideration of the third reso- lution, which they succeeded in voting down by a majority of two. Its final adoption was secured by the federalists agreeing to vote that the seat of government, after remaining ten years at Philadelphia, should be fixed upon the Potomac river. This secured two anti-federalist members from the Potomac, which carried the resolution. The immediate effect of adopting Hamilton's report was to appreciate the credit of the United States ; but it caused the anti-federals to complete their organization in opposition to the administration, and added to their ranks a number of federals, among whom was James Madison, who had done more than any other man, be- sides Hamilton, to effect the adoption of the constitution. THE DEBT. The debt, foreign and domestic, including also twenty -five millions of the state debts which the secretary of the treasury 70 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. proposed to assume, at this time amounted to over $75,000,- 000. The assumption by the federal government of the debts of the states and the funding of the national debt were the two principal pillars on which the new political structure was made to rest. The assumption bill elicited a memorial from the Virginia assembly, petitioning that the measure be re- pealed to prevent a change in the form of the national gov- ernment. NATIOXAL BANK. Congress met December 6, 1790. During this session Ham- First Congress, \ ilton proposed the establishment of a Na- Second Session. J tional Bank. The anti-federalists strongly opposed it, basing their opposition mainly on the question of constitutionality. They claimed that it was not authorized by the constitution ; that it was not necessary to the exercise of any powers expressly given by that instrument ; that it would prevent the states from maintaining banks ; and would give to the place where the bank was located an advantage over all others. The federalists claimed, on the other hand, that Congress having the power to pass laws necessary for the collection of revenue and taxes might constitutionally charter a bank to act as financial agefit of the government. The bill passed both houses of Congress, but before affixing his signa- ture to the bill the President required the written opinion of the members of his cabinet as to its constitutionality. Ham- ilton and Knox decided that it was constitutional and Jeffer- son and Randolph expressed a contrary opinion — the first in- stance of open disagreement of importance in the cabinet. In accordance with the opinion of the first two, the President signed the bill. IXTEEXAL EEVEXUE. This Congress passed also an excise law, imposing a tax on spirituous liquors distilled within the United States. The opposition to this measure was very wide-spread, and was Washington's administrations. 71 most violent in the western counties of Pennsylvania. The constitutionality of tlie law was not at first attacked, but it was not long before it eame to this. Four counties rose in insurrection, defied the authority of the government, tarred and feathered a tax collector, robbed him of his horse, and committed other acts of violence. Hamilton's object in recommending this law was at first jiurely a financial one, but seeing that the powers expressly conferred by the consti- tution would, in their exercise, meet with great opposition under all circumstances, he urged that the struggle be brought to an issue before the opposition had time to consolidate their forces. Congress adjourned March 3, 1791. MILITIA. After three years of disobedience to law, the administra- tion determined "to try whether the new constitution had really created a government." Accordingly fifteen thousand militia were called out (1794), and their appearance in the rebellious districts restored the insurgents to order. When the militia -were called for, " vials of gall " by the anti-feder- alists were poured out upon Hamilton, who had advised the measure. They called him a despot and a usurper ; prophesied that the militia would not obey orders ; that civil war would ensue; and that the insurgent counties would secede from the Union. SLAVERY. While the financial questions were before the country, a Pennsylvania society petitioned Congress to use its powers to stop the traffic in slaves. On the question of referring the petition to a committee, there ensued, sectional rather than political in character, a violent debate on the question of slavery,- the first in the history of the Union. "The com- plete independence of the state was the basis of argument on this subject, and judgment was passed on the whole ques- 72 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. tion of slavery from the standpoint of general ethics." Be- fore the discussion closed, the threat of civil war was heard. This agitation produced no immediate practical results, nor did Congress then recognize that it was the rock upon which the Union would be ultimately shattered. In 1793 a fugitive slave law was enacted. PARTY ORGAXIZATION, Congress met October 24, 1791. This Congress served tO' Second Congress, \ fairly initiate the work of party organiz- First Session. J ation. The federalists had now become fully committed to the line of policy initiated in the report of Secretary Hamilton. The anti-federalists, on the other hand, were united in opposition to it. Mr. Hamilton was. considered the leader of the federal party, and ISIr. Jeiferson of the opposition. The latter opposed the bills for an in- crease of the army and of the tariff, which were introduced this session, but both bills became law. An apportionment bill was passed this session, which increased the number of the House of Representatives to one hundred and five. Con- gress adjourned May 8, 1792. ELECTION OF 1792. Congress met November 5, 1792. The presidential elec- Second Congress, \ tion took place on November 6 ; Wash- Second Session. J ington being unanimously elected. Adams was again chosen Vice-President. It was Washington's wish to retire to private life at the close of his first term, but being- convinced that a majority of the people desired his continu- ance in office he consented to become a candidate. This session of Congress was mainly engaged in passing measures for the raising and expenditure of the revenue. The only party contest of the session was an attempt by the republicans to pass a vote of censure on Secretary Hamilton WA.SIIINGTON H ADMIMSTRATIO.NS. 73 for his management of the treasury, and his ^loniewhat dis- courteous language in a message to the House. Tlie attempt, however, was unsuccessful. Congress adjourned March 2, 1793. During Washington's first administration four states were admitted into the Union, as follows : North Carolina, No- vember, 1789; Rhode Island, May, 1790; Vermont, March 4, 1791, and Kentucky, June 1, 1792. FRANCE. " The French Revolution was at first hailed with delight by both parties in the United States ; " but as the revolution- ists grew bold in excess, sympathy was withdrawn from them by the federals, and increased for them by the anti-federals, whose favoritism in this direction continued more than two decades. FOREIGN POLICY. The condition of our foreign relations demanded the at- tention of the President at the beginning of his second ad- ministration. So popular did the course of the French rev- olutionists become in the United States that citizens were desirous to aid France in her war against England. The relations formerly existing between the United States and these two powers rendered it impossible to establish a line of policy at once just to those nations, and acceptable to the American people. After mature deliberation, Washington issued (April 22, 1793) his celebrated proclamation of neu- trality, by which the United States were enjoined to keep free from complications with foreign nations. This defined the foreign policy of the government and was attacked by the republican press with such unwonted vigor that Hamilton entered the lists for the administration. JeH'erson declared that the proclamation wounded popular feelings and national honor. The agitation closed at the recall of Genet, the 74 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. French minister, whose conduct was resented by the govern- ment; but France, in 1797, appeared a second time as a dis- turbing element in politics, in her efforts to draw the United States into a war with England. The difficulties which began at that time were not settled till the next administration. ENGLAND. Congress met December 2, 1793, with a small republican Third Congress, "I majority in the House. In November, First Session. J 1793,theEnglish"orderincouncil" forbade the commerce of foreign nations with the colonies of France. This was unfriendly to the United States, and serious thoughts of war began to be entertained. Congress voted an embargo of thirty days, and attempted legislation which would have rendered a war with England inevitable. To avert this ca- lamity Washington sent Chief-Justice Jay as minister extra- ordinary to England, in order to effect a treaty of reconcilia- tion between the two countries. The treaty was prepared and presented to the Senate for ratification. It was the signal for a political contest which Washington regarded as the most serious of his administration. The federals advocated the ratification of the treaty. The republicans branded the fed- eralists as the British party and charged them with sacrificing the sacred dictates of national honor. The contest closed Avhen the treaty was ratified. During this session the differences between the parties con- tinued to be more and more sharply defined. The federalists succeeded in passing a system of indirect taxation to provide for the increased expenses of the government. At this ses- sion also, an amendment was adopted securing states against suit in United States courts. This, after being ratified by the necessary number of states, became the XI amendment to the constitution. Congress adjourned June 9, 1794. 75 IXTEKXAL TAXATION. Congress met November 3, 1794. Hamilton submitted a Third Congress, l plan of internal taxation, which was dis- Second Session, j cussed throughout the session. It was finally adopted. This was Secretary Hamilton's last official act. He resigned his position in January, 1795, and resumed the practice of law in New York. Congress adjourned March 3, 1795. Congress met December 7, 1795, the federalists having a Fourth Congress, "l small majority in the Senate, and the re- First Session. j publicans in the House. On March 1, 1796, the President sent to Congress a copy of his proclama- tion, announcing that the treaty with England, having been ratified by the Senate and signed by the President, had become a law. In the House, this caused dissatisfaction, and a reso- lution declaring that provision ought to be made by law for carrying the treaty into effect, was debated until the 29th of April, when it was passed. An increase of duties upon im- ports was urged by the federalists this session, but successfully opposed by the republicans. Congress adjourned June 1, 1796. ELECTIOX OF 1796. Washington's farewell address, issued in August of this year, assured the people that he would now retii-e from public life. There was no other man on whom the whole people could unite. The presidential contest which followed excited an implacable party spirit, and was the first great struggle for ascendency between the parties. The fedei'alists nominated John Adams for President, and the republicans Thomas Jef- ferson. The result was a victory for each party. Mr. Adams was elected President, and Mr. Jefferson receiving the next highest number of votes was eliosen Vice-President. The elec- tion showed that the federalists were losing ground, and that 76 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. the republicans were gaining. The former were weakened by feuds among their leaders, and the latter were strengthening their organization and numbers as they advanced from a party of mere opposition to one with a positive policy. Congress met December 5, 1796, but there was very little Fourth Congress, "I partycontest during its proceedings. The Second Session. J session adjourned March 3, 1797, and on March 4, Adams and Jefferson were sworn into office. During Washington's second term Tennessee was admitted into the Union, June, 1796. RETIREMENT OF WASHINGTON. The President, while administering the government, had been violently assailed by partisans, but nothing could alien- ate him from the affections of the people. He retired, leaving to his successor a system of wise and sound policy successfully inaugurated. STRICT CONSTRTX-TIONISTS. The constitution may be changed, either by amendments or by a stricter or broader interpretation of its provisions. National political parties in the United States have always been based upon the fundamental question of a strict or broad construction of this instrument ; and all efforts at establish- ing national parties Avithout reference to this question have resulted in failure. Strict constructionists are those who be- lieve that the constitution should be construed according to the exact and literal language of the instrument, and that an ingenious construction of its provisions, so as to give the con- stitution a great amount of power, should be opposed. This position is the outcome of the particularist clement of Amer- ican politics. The principle lies in the unwillingness of the people to make changes. When the inertia of the masses had been sufficiently overcome to secure the adoption of the ■Washington's admimstkations. 77 constitution, it was natural that those who had opposed the instrument should wish to construe its terms so that the change in government would not be great. Close construc- tion has always been the fundamental principle of the demo- cratic republican party. BROAD COXSTRUCTIONISTS. Broad or loose constructionists are those who interpret the constitution so as to invest the federal government with a great amount of power. Alexander Hamilton was the founder of this school of politics. In his writings, and in the works of John Quincy Adams, Daniel Webster, Joseph Story, and Henry Clay are found all the essentials of broad construction, except those applied to the political influences of slavery. The federal, the national republican, the whig, and the republican party were organized on the principle of broad construction. As loose construction has advanced, strict construction has followed, so that a strict construction- ist in our day would have seemed a loose constructionist in the times of Hamilton. DEATH OF THE ANTI-FEDERAL PARTY. Throughout the first Congress, the anti-federalists made two attempts at party contests. They opposed Hamilton's plan of adjusting the public debt, and his scheme of a na- tional bank. Without concert and success, they opposed the imposition of any higher duties favoring manufacturing es- tablishments. In the second session, jiarty organization as- sumed a definite form. The operations of the government under the constitution proved so successful, and the new cen- tral authority so convenient that the anti-federals were soon anxious to drop their obnoxious name, and give in their ad- hesion to the new government. They wished their antag- onism to the constitution to ha forgotten. Though support- 78 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ing this instrument, they opposed the Hamiltonian policy, and constituted, in 1791, a new party, as yet without a name, " which was to maintain the binding force of the exact and literal language of the constitution, and to oppose any en- largement of the federal government's powers by interpreta- tion." r^This party began to coalesce with the temporary fed- eralists, headed by Jefferson, the combination forming a party to which Jefferson, in 1792, gave the name of "republican." The extreme anti-federalists were not entirely absorbed by this combination till Washington issued his proclamation of neutrality. This soon brought all opponents of federalism to a unity of action, under a new organization, sweeping from existence the remnants of the anti-federal party. (Plate VI.) EEPUBLICAX PARTY. Among the federalists who favored the constitution, there were men such as Madison, Jefferson, Randolph, and Living- ston, who aimed at a construction of its terms which should not give the new government extensive power. They wished to interpret the constitution as they believed it was understood at the time of its adoption. They had urged its ratification as an escape from pressing evils. They were only temporary federalists, and when legislation, headed by Hamilton, was seen tending to nationalize the government, they withdrew from the federal party,, declaring that it was aiming at mon- archy under the guise of broad constructioxi^Tjefferson was leader of the movement, and he gave to his party, in 1792, the name " republican," in contrast ' to the " monarchical " federalists. He at first excluded the anti-federalists from the republican party, regarding them only as allies ; btit Wash- ington's proclamation of neutrality brought the anti-federal- ists forward as friends of the French republic, occasioning a blending of the anti-fedei-als and republicans, and the conse- quent death of the anti-federal party. Jefferson's sympathies avashixgton'.s administrations. 79 were with the French republic, and the union of these two parties was consummated through the influence of this feel- jngjj The permanent and reliable basis of the republican party- was the doctrine of strict construction, which Jefferson and Madison labored assiduously to establish. This position in- volved the temporary phases of a " dislike to the control ex- ercised by any government not directly affected by the vote of the citizen on whom the laws operate;" a disposition to regard the national government as savoring too much of roy- alty ; an opposition to the Hamiltonian measures of a protec- tive tariff, a national bank, a national excise, a funding system for the debt ; and to all measures tending to benefit the cred- itor classes. .^^. — Tn ITjKjA^'ashington's neutrality proclamation caused the republicans to feel that they Avere the only anti-monarchical party in the country, and that the federalists were the ene- mies of liberty and the rights of man and of republican gov- ernment, either in America or France. This obscured, for a time, the other causes of political difference. The first success of this party in the national legislature was at the organiza- tion of the third Congress, when the republicans elected the speaker of the House by a majority jjf-teo- votcs.^ This suc- cess, and the reverse which soon followed, did nttich to unite the democrats and republicans in one party. This tendency was assisted by the whisky insurrection, a disturbance in western Pennsylvania, urged on by the democrats, who were co-operating with the republicans. These partisans united in 1793. (Plate VI.) DEMOCRATS. The aid rendered the United States by France in the Revo- lutionary war occasioned, among Americans, a strong feeling of sympathy for that country, and when the French were struggling for a republic, many persons in the United •80 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. States believed that our country should aid France. Wash- ington's proclamation of neutrality -was regarded antagonistic to this feeling and created a popular \vave of enthusiasm for the French republic, which proved a sore trial to the admin- istration. The proclamation brought to the surface a class of politicians, more French than American, who presumed that they would obtain power through the great sympathy for France without any reference whatever to other political issues. They would not accept the name republican, but assuming the name of democrat, they modeled their organ- ization after that of the jacobin clubs of Paris, of which some American clubs claimed to be a branch. le'cleinocratic^ubs branded every opponent as an enemy of the people, and, with a contempt for constituted authorities, elevated the whims of associations of private citizens to a rank higher than law. They were held in contempt by the federalists, and met with no sympathy from the republicans ; but the latter accepted them as allies, making careful distinc- tion among the opposing parties. The democrats denounced the first excise law, and those in western Pennsylvania and Kentucky were suspected of a de- sign to form a confederacy west of the Alleghanies. Their support of the insurgents who engaged in the whisky insur- rection, brought upon them the displeasure of President Washington, who referred to them in a message as "certain self-created societies who, careless of consequences, have dis- seminated from an ignorance or perversion of facts, supicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government." After this proclamation, the republicans ceased to countenance the democratic clubs, Avhich thereafter raj)idly disappeared. The clubs were absorbed by the republican party, whose policy thereby was colored with a French cast for several succeedingj j^rs^'The federals called every republican a democrat. and applied it as a term of contempt, equivalent to the fero- ■Washington's administkations. 81 cious jacobins, who had so lately filled France with " frenzy, terror, and bloodshed." The party in power regarded the minority in opposing the administration, as imitating the lawless jacobins or democrats of that country. (Plate VT.) DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY. In 1793, the republicaji party absorbed the French or dem- ocratic faction, and took the official title of democratic-repub- lican party, c name which it still claims. It is a strict con- struction party, and has alwaj-s operated as a check upon the nationalization of the United States. It aims at limiting the powers of United States government, conserving the powers reserved in the states, widening the right of suffrage, and in- creasing " direct popular control over the government." The official title of this party was generally abbreviated to " re- publican," to which the name "democratic," about 1810, was accepted as an equivalent. Some confusion has been occa- sioned by the similarity in title between the strict construction republican party formed in 1793, and the broad construction republican party that was organized for a national contest in 1 856. The broad construction wing of the democratic-repub- lican party, headed by Adams in 1828, broke oif and took the name of " national republican ; " the particularist wing headed by Jackson, assumed the name of " democratic," the common designation of the party till the present day. Jef- ferson was the founder of this party, and assumed the initia- tive in its management, as did Hamilton that of the federal party, to* an extent that would not be tolerated in later pe- riods. "The people" were not an original power in politics in a broad sense till after nominating conventions and other influences had produced among them a strong national feel- ing. The career of this party forms a part of the history of every administration, from Washington to that of Arthur. (Plate VI.) 6 82 HISTORY OF AJIEEICAN POLITICS. MECHANICAL EEPEESENTATION OP THE UNITED STATES. Plate V gives an idea of the United States and the work- ings of the government according to the constitution. The explanations of the diagram can be studied with profit. REFERENCES. PEDEKAL GOVERNMENT. The Federal Government Gillet. United States Government Lamphere. Footprints of Time Bancroft. BANK CONTKOVEESIES. History of the United States, Vol. Ill Hildreth. Life of Gouverneur Morris, Vol. I Sparks. Statutes at Large, Vol. I Bioren, etc. History of the Constitution, Vol. I Von Hoist. Debates of Congress, Vol. I Benton. Jefferson's Works. Vol. IV Ed. 1829. Hamilton's Works, Vol. I Hamilton. Commentaries Story. Constitutional Law Tiffany. The Federalist Hamilton, etc. Elliot's Debates Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. DEMOCEATIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY. History of Democracy Capen. Democracy in the United States Gillet. Origin of Political Parties Van Buren. Treatise on Party Questions Cutts. Political Conflict in America Harris. Origin of the Late War Lunt. Seven Decades Wise. Political Text-Book of 1860 Cluskey. Tribune Almanac (1838-'81) North American Review (Jan. 1876) The Civil War Draper. American Conflict Greeley. American Statesman History of American Politics Johnston. Debates of Congress (1789-1850) Benton. Washington's administrations. 83 Congressional Globe (1850-1861) History of the United States, Vol. I Schouler. History of ihe United States Holmes. Life of Madison, ^'oI. II Kives. Life of Gerry Austin. Life of Burr Parton. Authorities Under Bank Controversies, Anti-Federal Party, Federal Party ^ I^' GENERAL. Life of Washington Sparks. History of the United States Lossing. History of the United States Patton. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OP AVASHIKGTON'S ABMINISTEA- TIOXS. George AVashiugton President 1789-1797. John Adams Vice President 1789-1797. CABINET. Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State 1789-1794. Edmond Randolph " " 1794-1795. Timothy Piclcering " " 1795-1797. Alexander Hamilton Secretary of Treasury 1789-1795. Oliver Wolcott " " " 1795-1797. Henry Knox Secretary of War 1789-1794. Timothy Pickering " " 1794^1795. James McHenry " " 1796-1797. Samuel Osgood Post-Master General 1789-1791. Timothy Pickering " " 1791-1794. Joseph Habersham " " 1795-1797. Edmond Randolph Attorney General 1689-1794. William Bradford " " 1794-1795. Charles Lee " " 1795-1797. JUDICIAL OFFICERS. John Jay Chief Justice 1789-1795. John Rutledge " " 1795-1796. William Cushing " " 1796-1797. LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. John Muhlenburgh Speaker of the House 1789-1791. Jonathan Trumbull " " 1791-1793. John Muhlenburgh " " 1793-1795. Jonathan Dayton " " 1795-1797. 84 HISTORY OF AilEEICAX POLITICS. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. P B E A jSI B L E . We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, Objects. provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. SECTIOIf I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of Legislative Pow- the United States, which shall consist of a senate and ers. house of representatives. SECTION II. 1st Clause. — The House of Bepresentatives shall be composed of mem- bers chosen every second year by the people of the House of Repre- several states, and the electors in each state shall have sentatives. the qualifications requisite for electors of the most nu- merous branch of the state legislature. 2d Clause. — Ivo person shall be a representative who shall not have at- ,tained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven Qualification of years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, Representatives, when elected, be an inhabitant of the state in which he shall be chosen. 3d Clause. — Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Apportionment Union, according to their respective numbers, which of Represent- shall be determined by adding to the whole number of atives. free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three- fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one CONSTITUTION OF THE IGNITED STATES. 85 for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one represent- ative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hamp- shire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jer- sey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. ith Clmtse. — When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs Vacancies, llOW of election to fill such vacancies. filled. bth Clause. — The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole power of Speaker, how impeachment. appointed. SECTION III. 1st Clause. — The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature Number of Sen- thereof, for six years; and each senator shall have ators from one vote. each State. 2d Clause. — Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the firsit election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the senators of Classificatiou of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the Senators. second year, and of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies hap- pen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3d Clause. — No pei-son shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen Qualiflcation of of the United States, and who shall not, when elected. Senators. be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. 4 poiiitment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia accord- ing to the discipline jirescribed by Congress ; 17th Chntse. — To exercise exclusive legislation in all eases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of gov- ernment of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and all other needful buildings; and, IStli Clause. — To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any de- partment or officer thereof. SECTION IX. ls< Clause. — The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one ImilligTants, how thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty admitted. may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. '2d Clause. — The privilege of the writ of habeas coi-pus shall not be sus- pended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion Habeas Corpus. the- public safety may require it. Zd Clause. — -STo bill of attainder or ex post facto law Attainder. shall be passed. 4th Clause. — Xo capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumer- Taxes, ation hereinbefore directed to be taken. 5th Clause. — No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. &th Clause. — No preference shall be given by any regulation of com- merce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one Regulations re- state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in an- garding duties. other. ~th Clause. — No money shall be drawn. from the treasury, but in conse- quence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expendi- Money, llOW tures of all public money shall be published from time drawn. to time. 90 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 8th Clause. — No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust un- Titles of nobility der them shall, without the consent of the Congress, prohibited^ accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. SECTION X. \st Clause. — No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confedera- tion ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin Powers of states money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold defined. and silver coin a tender in payments of debt ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 2d Clause. — No state shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any impost or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all du- ties and imposts, laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be sub- ject to the revision and control of the Congress. 3d Clause. — No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships-of-war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or en- gage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. SECTION I. \st Clause. — The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office Executive power, during the term of four years, and, together with the in whom vested. Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : 2d Clause. — Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the Presidential whole number of senators and representatives to which electors. the state may be entitled in the Congress; but no sen- ator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 3d Claiise. — The Congress may determine the time of choosing the elec- tors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ; Time of choosing which day shall be the same throughout the United electors. States. CONSTITUTION OF THE UXITED STATEH. 91 4th Clause. — No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adojition of this con- stitution, shall he eligible to the otlice of I'resident; QlialiflcatiOllS of neither shall any pel-son be eligible to that offiee wlio the President. shall not have attained to the age of thirly-iive years, and been fourteen years resident within the United States. bth Clause. — In the case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to diseliarge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall de- Resort in case Of volve on the Vice-President, and tlie Congress may by his disability. law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and ^' ice-President, declaring what of- ficer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, un- til the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 6lh Cfou.se. — The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have Salary of the been elected, and he shall not receive within that pe- President. riod any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 7lh Ckmse. — Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation: "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the of- Oath of ofBce. fice of President of the United States, and will, to the best of ray ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." SECTION II. \st Clause. — The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of Duties of the the United States; he may require the opinion, in President. writing, of the principal officer in eacli of the execu- tive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective •offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for of- fenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 2d Clause. — He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, Hispo^ertomake and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, treaties, appoint shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and ambassadors, consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other judges, etc. officers of the United States, whose appointments are 92 HISTORY OP AMERICAX POLITICS. not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law ; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3d Clause. — The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by grant- May fill vacan- ing commissions, which shall expire at the end of their cies. next session. SECTION III. He shall, from time to time, give to Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such Power to convene measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; Congress. he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. SECTION IV. The President, Vice President, and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and How officers may conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes 1)6 removed. and misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. SECTION I. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as tlie Congress may Judiciill power, from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, how vested. both of the supreme and infel-ior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be dimin- ished during their continuance in office. SECTION II. lit Clause. — The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the To what cases it United States, the treaties made, or which shall be extends. made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting am- bassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controvei-sies to which the CONSTITUTION OF THE ITNITED STATES. 93 United States shall be a party ; to controversies lietween two or more states; between u state and citizens of anotlu'r state; between citizens of ■different states; between citizens of the same state claiminf; lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects, 2(/ CToKse. — In all cases aticcting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and tliose in which a state shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. Jurisdiction of In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme tlie Supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law Court. and fact, with such exceptions and under such regula- tions as the Congress shall make. od Clause. — The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed ; Rules respecting but when not committed within any state, the trial trials> shall b? at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. . SECTION III. l.s( Clause. — Treason against the United States shall consist only in levy- ing war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, Treason defined. giving them aid and comfort. 2t/ Clause. — No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testi- mony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 3c/ Clause. — The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work cor- ruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life How punislied. •of the person attainted. AETICLE IV. SECTION I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the Rigllts of States manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings to public faitll shall be proved, and the effect thereof. defined. SECTION II. 1st Clause.— The citizens of each state shall be enti- Privileges of cit- tied to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the izens. several states. 94 HISTORY OF AMEEICAX POLITICS. 2d Clause. — A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in an- Executive requl- other state, shall on demand of the executive authori- Sition. ity of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. 3d Clause. — No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- Law regrulating - quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged service or la- from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up bor. on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. SECTION m. 1st Clause. — New states may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new state shall be formed or erected New states, how within the jurisdiction of any other state; nor any formed aild ad- state be formed by the junction of two or more states, initted. or parts of states, without the consent of the legisla- tures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress. 2d Clause. — The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory Power of Con- or other property belonging to the United States ; and gress over public nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as lands. to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state. * SECTION IV. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this Union a repub- lican form of government, and shall protect each of Republican gov- them against invasion, and on application of the leg- ernment guar- islature, or of the executive (when the legislature can anteed. not be convened), against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it neces- sary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, Constitution, liow or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds to be amended, of the several states, shall call a convention for pro- posing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, when rat- ified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by con- ventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of rati- fication may be proposed by the Congress, provided that no amendment CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 95 ■which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight Imndred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suflfrage in the Senate. AETICLE VI. Isd Clause. — All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, Validity of doltts shall be as valid against the United Status under this recognized. constitution as under the confederation. 2d Clause. — This constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof ; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of Supreme law of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the the land defined. land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. 3d Clause. — The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all ex- ecutive and judicial oiBcere, both of the United States Oath, of whom re- and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or required, and affirmation to support this constitution ; but no relig- for what. ious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. AETICLE VII. The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the Ratification. states so ratifying the same. Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the states present, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the independence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. [Signed by the members of the con- vention.] AMENDMENTS. At the first session of the First Congress, held in the city of New York, and begun on Wednesday, the 4th of March, 178!t, many amendments to the national constitution were offered for consideration. The Congress proposed ten of them to the legislatures of the several states. These were ratified by the constitutional number of state legislatures by the middle '96 HISTORY OF AMEEICAN POLITICS. ■of December, 1791. Five other amendments have since been proposed and duly ratified, and have become with the other ten a part of the national ■constitution. The following are the amendments : ARTICLE I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the Treedoni in relig- freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the ion and speech, people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the gov- and of the press, ernment for redress of grievances. ARTICLE II. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state. Militia. the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. ARTICLE IIL No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without Soldiers. the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. ARTICLE IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, -Search warrsints. shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ARTICLE V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Capital crimes, grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war and public danger; nor shall any person be subject, for the same ofTense, to be twice put in jeopardy of lite or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor to be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 97 ARTICLE VI. In all criminal prosecntions, the aocuseil shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been Trial by jury. committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. ARTICLE VII. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be pre- served, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise Suits at common re-examined in any court of the United States than law. .according to the rules of common law. ARTICLE VIIL Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor •cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Bail. ARTICLE IX. The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights shall not be con- strued to deny or disparage others retained by the Certain rigllts people. defined. ARTICLE X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states are reserved to the states Rig'lits reserved. respectively, or to the people. ARTICLE XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of an- Judicial power other state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign limited. -state. 7 98 HISTORY OF AMEEICAN POLITICS. ARTICLE XII. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least. Amendment re- shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with them- specting the selves; they shall 'name in their ballots the person election of voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the per- President and son voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make Vice Pre si- distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and dent. of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Eepresentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall tlien be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of clioice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of elect- ors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then, from the two high- est numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quo- rum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no pei-son constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. ARTICLE XIII. SECTION 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly con- victed, shall exist within the United States, or any Slavery proMb- place subject to their jurisdiction. ited. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 99 SECTION It. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legisla- tion. ARTICLE XIV. SECTION I. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the Ignited States and of the state wherein the.Y reside. Xo state shall Citizeus and tlieir make or enforce any law which shall abridge the priv- rights. ileges or immunites of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. SECTION II. Representatives shall be appointed among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote, at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, representatives in Adjustment of Congress, the executive or judicial officers of a state, representation or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to to the elective any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty- franchise. one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state. SECTION III. No person shall be a senator or representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, un- der the United States, or under any state, who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or Disabling con- as an officer of the United States, or as a member of ditlonSi any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any state, to support the constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two- thirds of each house, remove such disability. SECTION IV. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, 100 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for ser- vices in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not Treatment of pub- be questioned. But neither the United States nor any lie debts. state shall assume to pay any debt or obligation in- curred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. SECTION V. Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. , ARTICLE XV. SECTION I. The right of the citizens of the United States shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any state, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. SECTION II. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. MeeJumiml Hepr^enMion aflhe lldf^fl Shies viidtv the (msHtntion. CONN^ N. Y. Vlate Y. g OHIO. iNO EXPLANATION OF "PLATE V. 101 EXPLANATION OF PLATE V. WHAT CONSTITUTES A STATE. A state is a community of persons living within certain limits of terri- tory, under a permanent organization, which aims to secure the prevalence of justice by self-imposed laws. Those peraons who directly exercise con- trol over the members of a state constitute the government thereof. Every state is divided into two classes — the voting and the non-voting — for the former there is political liberty and immediate connection with the gov- ernment; for the latter, the government is absolute. The departments of government are three : the legislative, which makes the laws ; the judicial, which interprets and applies them ; and the executive, which puts them into operation. HOW A STATE I? MECHANICALLY KEPRESENTED. A state is mechanically represented by the use of certain symbols. Since a collection of cogs on a cog-wheel operate, with absolute power, a number of cogs is taken to represent a number of laws. Since an officer of government operates within a certain sphere, a ring is taken to repre- sent one or more officers. For a like reason a round surface represents a department of government or an official duty. MECHANICAL EEPEESENTATION OF GEOEGIA. On the portion of the plate for Georgia the symbols, indicated by figures, represent the following : 1. The non-voting class ; 2. The voting class ; 3. The laws by which the people operate with the government ; 4. The laws controlling the legislative department ; 5. The laws controlling the judicial department; 6. The laws controlling the executive departm<;nt; 7. The constitution of the state ; 8. The senators ; 9. The representatives ; 10. The judges of the supreme court; 11. The judges of the circuit courts ; 12. The judges of the courts of ordinary ; 102 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 13. The judges of the county courts; 14. The judges of the justices' courts ; 15. The governor; 16. The secretary of state ; 17. The treasurer; 18. The auditor; 19. The attorney general ; 20. The superintendent of public instruction. The constitution is the fundamental law of the state — a formal expres- sion of the will of a state, granting authority to the government. All laws must accord with the constitution ; all departments must operate in accordance with it. If these symbols be regarded the wheels of govern- ment, and the whole combination the machinery of the state of Georgia ; and if the operations of the machine represent the operations of the gov- ernment, it will be seen that when the constitution of Georgia goes into operation (turns), the departments of the state government will be moved by it and in accordance with it. The senators and representatives will be operating according to the laws of the legislative department of the state; the judges according to the laws of the judicial department ; and the execu- tive officers according to the laws of the executive department. The three branches of government will be seen to operate with the voting class. The machinery shows how the laws of the state must operate according to the constitution; how one department of government checks the other depart- ments ; how all the departments check or control the voting class ; and how the voting class can restrain the departments or the entire govern- ment. The non-voting class are responsible for the government only on the ground of tacit consent. They have no voice in public affairs ; but they form a part of the community and owe allegiance to the government. These conditions are represented by that portion of the machine surround- ing the symbol for the voting class. UNION OF THE STATES. As Georgia is represented on the plate so is every other state of the Union. These representations are located so as to form a circle around a certain point. This circle represents the union of states, grouped accord- ing to their geographical positions. The cogs touching the states indicate the laws by which the states operate in accordance with the national gov- ernment. THE NATIONAL GOYERNMENT. The symbols for the national government are as follows : A. The laws controlling the legislative department ; B. The laws controlling the judicial department ; EXPLANATION OF PLATE V. 103 C. The laws controlling the executive department; D. The constitution of the United States. The constitution is the central autliority of the nation, the fundamental law of the land. All departments must operate according to its provi- sions. Any law which violates it is void. LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. The legislative department consists of the Senate and House of Eepre- sentatives. The upper ring of tliis department indicates the senators. They are controlled by laws represented by cogs surrounding the ring. The cogs within the ring show the laws by which the senators perform their duties. The duties or powers of the Senate are seven, represented by seven wheels, as follows : 1. Power of general legislation, coordinate with the same work in the House ; 2. Power of proposing or concurring with amendments to bills for raising revenue ; 3. Power of ratifying treaties ; 4. Power of confirming certain officers; ■ 6. Power of choosing their officers except their president ; 6. Power of electing a Vice-President when electors fail to make a choice ; 7. Power of trying impeachments. The cogs surrounding these wheels show the laws by which the senators perform their duties. The representatives are also indicated by a ring bounded by laws, as those described for the senators. The powers of the representatives are five, which are shown by five wheels, as follows; 1. Power of general legislation coordinate with the same work in the Senate; 2. Power of choosing their officers ; 3. Power of originating impeachments ; 4. Power of originating bills for raising revenue ; 5. Power of electing a President when one is not chosen by the electors. Outside of the Senate and House, but controlled by them, are two wheels representing the library of Congress and the government printing-office. The library (E) contains three hundred and sixty-five thousand volumes and one hundred and twenty thousand pamphlets. The copyright depart- ment is controlled by the library. The government printing-office (F) is the largest printing and binding establishment in the world. It employs one thousand five hundred persons at printing, binding, lithographing, mapping, and engraving, at an annual cost of about one million eight hun- dred thousand dollars. 104 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT. The judicial department consists of the United States supreme court, the United States circuit courts, the United States district courts, the court of claims, and the supreme court of the District of Columbia. SDPKEME COUET. The justices of the supreme court are represented by a ring bounded by laws irjdicating how these officers are controlled, and how they perform their duties. Tlie duties of judges consist in determining cases belonging to the jurisdiction of .their court. Suits tried by a court are classified; each classification represents a duty. The branches of jurisdiction of the supreme court are as follows : 1. Determining cases affecting ambassadors ; 2. Determining cases affecting other public ministers; 3. Determining controversies between two or more states ; 4. Between a state and citizens of another state ; 5. Betjveen a. state or citizens tllereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects ; 6. Cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; 7. Controversies in which the United States shall be a party ; 8. Between citizens of different states ; 9. Between citizens of the same state claiming land under grants of different states ; 10. Appeals from the circuit and district courts. Its jurisdiction of the first five classes is original, of the remainder appellate. The jurisdiction of this court extends to all cases of law and equity arising (1) under the constitution of the United States; (2) un- der the laws of the United States ; and (3) under treaties made, under their authority. The supreme court is the highest judicial authority in the United States,, and consists of the chief justice and eight associate justices. It must hold one regular terra a year, commencing on the second Monday in October,, and such special terms as may be necessary. UNITED STATES CIKCUIT COURTS. These courts have jurisdiction over suits under twenty heads, repre- sented by twenty wheels, as follows : 1. Of all suits of a civil nature where the matter in dispute exceeds the sum of $500, and an alien is a party, or between citizens of different states. 2. Of all suits in equity of $500, and the United States are petitioners. EXPLANATION OF PLATE V. 105 3. Of all suits at common law by United States officers. 4. Suits under import, internal revenue, and postal laws. 5. Suits for the enforcement of penalties as to laws regulating the carriage of passengers in merchant vessels. 6. Suits arising under laws relating to the slave trade. 7. Suits and proceedings for condemnation of property used for in- surrectionary purposes. 8. Suits on debenture, customs, duties. 9. Suits under the patent or copyright laws. 10. Suits by or against national banks. 11. Suits to enjoin the comptroller of the currency. 12. Suits for injuries on account of acts done under laws of the United States for protection or collection of the revenues, or to enforce the rights of citizens of the United States to vote in the several states. 13. Suits to recover offices where the question arises out of the right to vote on account of race, color, or previous condition of ser- vitude. 14. Suits for removal of officers holding contrary to the fourteenth amendment. 15. Suits for penalties under laws to enforce the elective franchise. 16. Suits to redress deprivation of rights secured by the constitution and laws. 17. Suits on account of injuries by conspirators in certain cases. 18. Suits against any person having knowledge of a conspiracy and neglects or refuses to prevent the same. 19. Suits against officers and owners of vessels. 20. Of all crimes and offenses cognizable under authority of the United States, except where otherwise provided by law, and concurrent jurisdiction with the district courts of crimes and ofl'enses cog- nizable therein. The chief justice and associate justices of the supreme court are allotted among the circuits by an order of the court. For each circuit a circuit judge is appointed. Circuit courts are held by the circuit justice or by the circuit judge, or by the district judge, sitting alone, or by any two of these judges sitting together. The judges are represented by a ring. Next in importance to the circuit courts are the DISTRICT COUETS, which have jurisdiction over suits under eighteen heads, as follows : 1. Of all crimes and offenses cognizable under the authority of the United States, committed within their respective districts, or upon the high seas, the punishment of which is not capital. 106 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 2. Of all cases arising under any act for the punishment of piracy, when no circuit court is held in the district. 3. Of all suits for penalties and forfeitures incurred under any law of the United States. 4. Of all suits brought at common law by the United States. 5. Of all suits in equity to enforce the lien of the United States upon any real estate for any internal revenue tax. 6. Of all suits for the recovery of any forfeiture or damages for frauds against the United States. 7. Of all causes of action arising under the postal laws. 8. Of all causes of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; and of all seizures on land and on waters not within admiralty jurisdic- tion, and of all prizes. 9. Of all proceedings for the condemnation of property taken as prize, except property used for insurrectionary purposes. 10. Of all suits by the assignee of any debenture for drawback of duties. 11. Of all suits on account of injuries by conspirators in certain cases. 12. Of all suits to redress deprivation of rights secured by the constitu- tion and laws. 13. Of all suits to recover offices, except of electors of President and Vice-President, representatives, or delegate in Congress, or member of a, state legislature. 14. Of all suits for the removal from office of any person, except a mem- ber of Congress, or of a state legislature, contrary to the four- teenth amendment of the constitution. 15. Of all suits by or against national banks. 16. Of all suits brought by any alien for a tort only in violation of the rights of nations, or of a treaty of the United States. 17. Of all suits against consuls. 18. Of all matters and proceedings in bankruptcy. The United States are divided into fifty-nine districts, over each of which a district judge is appointed, with but few exceptions. Third in importance to the supreme court, is the COURT or CLAIMS, which has jurisdiction as follows : 1. Of all claims founded upon any law of Congress; 2. Or upon any regulation of an executive department; 3. Or upon any contract, expressed or implied, with the government of the United States ; 4. And- of all claims which may be referred to it by either house of Congress. EXPLANATION' OF PLATE V. 107 Prior to 1855, those having claims against the government, which the departments declined to pay, had no remedy, except by petition to Con- gress. Accordingly the court of claims was established, consisting of a chief justice and four judges. THE SUPREME COURT OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA possesses the same powers and exercises the same jurisdiction as the cir- cuit courts of the United States, besides jurisdiction of cases classified vinder six other heads, all represented by wheels indicating; 1. Courts for trial of crimes and ofl'enses arising within the district. 2. Suits in equity and law arising under the copyright and patent laws. 3. Proceedings in all common law and chancery cases. 4. Suits for trial of divorces. 5. Suits for trial of bankruptcy. 6. Cases of appeal. 7. Same jurisdiction as the circuit courts. THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT consists of the President, represented by a large ring. The cogs bounding it indicate the laws by which the President is controlled, and by which he controls his under-officials. Within this ring are seven prominent rings, each indicating a cabinet officer, and the seven representing the cabinet. The cogs surrounding a ring indicate the laws by which the President controls the officer. STATE DEPARTMENT. The ring near the top represents the secretary of state, who directs the business of the state department. The business of this department com- prises the duties of twelve divisions, consisting of four bureaus and eight other divisions, represented by the wheels within the ring, which have cogs around them, indicating the laws by which the secretary manages the divisions. A "bureau" is a term applied to the transaction of business, in subordination to a superior branch of the government. Bureaus per- form as important services as the departments under which they act. The following are the divisions : 1. Diplomatic bureau. 7. Statistics. 2. Consular bureau. 8. Law bureau. 3. Bureau of archives. 9. Translations. 4. Bureau of accounts. 10. Passport clerk. 5. Statistical division. IL Pardons and commissions. 6. Librarian. 12. Chief clerk. These brandies are all conducted by efficient heads. The immediate work of the secretary is that of attending to business connected with for- 108 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. eign affairs ; of the use and keeping of the seal of the United States ; of preserving the original of bills, resolutions, and orders of Congress ; of preserving the statutes of the several states ; of promulgating laws; and of laying before Congress information relating to foreign affairs. TREASURY DEPARTMENT. The secretary of the treasury has charge of the treasury department. This department is divided into twenty-six offices and bureaus, indicated by twenty-six wheels. The names of the divisions are : 1. Chief clerk's office. 12. 2. Office of the custodian of the building. 13. 3. Special agents' division. 14. 4. The secret service. 15. 5. Division of captured and 16. abandoned property. 17. 6. Bureau of engraving and 18. printing. 19. 7. Bureau of the mint. 20. 8. Office of the supervising 21. architect. 22. 9. Supervising inspector gen- 23. eral of steam vessels. 24. 10. Office of the superintendent 25. of the life-saving service. 11. Office of the light-house 26. Supervising surgeon-general of marine hospital. First comptroller. Second comptroller. Commissioner of customs. First auditor. Second auditor. Third auditor. Fourth auditor. Fifth auditor. Sixth auditor. Treasurer. Kegister. Comptroller of the currency. Commissioner of internal rev- enue. Coast survey. board. Next in importance is the WAR DEPARTMENT, managed by the secretary of war. The duties of this department are classified under fourteen heads : 1. Kebel archive branch. 8. 2. Rebellion records. 9. 3. Adjutant-general's office. 10. 4. Office of inspector-general. 11. 5. Bureau of military justice. 12. 6. Signal service. 13. 7. Quartermaster-general's office. 14. Commissary-general. Paymaster-general. Surgeon-general. Chief of ordnance. Chief of engineers of the army. The U. S. army. Military academy. NAVY DEPARTMENT. The secretary of the navy has charge of the navy department, is embraced under fourteen divisions : 1 Bureau of yards and docks. Its work EXPLANATION- OF PLATE V. 109 2. Bureau of equipment and recruiting. 3. Bureau of navigntion. 4. Bureau of ordnance. 5. Bureau of construction and repairs. 6. Bureau of steam engineering. 7. Bureau of provisions and clotliing. 8. Bureau of medicine and surgery. 9. U. S. naval asylum at Philadelphia. 10. U. S. naval hospitals. 11. Naval academy at Annapolis. 12. U. S. navy. 13. U. S. marine corps. 14. Xavy-yards and shore stations. INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. The secretary of the interior is head of the interior department, the business of which can be inferred from the following nine divisions : 1. General land office. 6. Bureau of education. 2. U. S. pension office. 7. Auditor of railroad accounts. 3. Indian office. 8. Architect of the capital. 4. Patent office. 9. Geological survey. 5. Census office. This department controls the entomological commision, officers of D. C, under the interior department, government hospital for the insane, Colum- bia institution for the instruction of the deaf and dumb, freedraen's hos- pital and asylum, and Columbia hospital for women, and lying-in asylum. The Smithsonian institution and the agricultural department are gen- erally classified under the interior department, although they do not be- long to it. POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. The work of the post-office department, headed by the post-master gen- eral, is distributed among seven officers, besides the work performed in the office of the secretary, and constitutes what is done (1) in the office of the first assistant post-master-general ; (2) in the office of second assistant post- master-general ; (3) in the office of third assistant post-master-general ; (4) in the office of superintendent of the money-order system; (5) in the office of superintendent of the foreign mail; (6) in the office of superintendent of the railway mail service; (7) in the office of the assistant attorney- general for the post-office department. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. The attorney general is head oLthe department of justice. His business may be arranged under four heads: (1) that performed by the solicitor- 110 HISTORY OF AMEEICAX POLITICS. general ; (2) by the solicitor of the internal revenue service ; (3) by the solicitor of the treasury ; and (4) by the examiner of claims. DUTIES or THE PBESIDENT. Touching the ring for the President are fourteen small wheels, indi- cating fourteen duties of the President, as follows : 1. The duty of acting as commander-in-chief of the army and navy. 2. Making treaties, with the consent of two-thirds of the Senate. 3. Sending nominations to the Senate. 4. Granting reprieves and pardons. 5. Receiving ambassadors and other public ministers. 6. Giving, by message to Congress, information of the state of the Union, and recommending such measures as he deems necessary. 7. Vetoing bills passed by Congress. 8. Approving bills passed by Congress. 9. Making temporary appointments. 10. Convening both houses of Congress, or either of them. 11. Adjourning Congress in case of disagreement on adjournment. 12. Calling for the militia to suppress insurrection. 13. Issuing letters of marque and reprisal, and making all needful rules and regulations for the government and conduct of such vessels. 14. Duties without statute directions. HOW THE MACHINE OPERATES. The plate is supposed to be a picture of an actual machine at work. The gearing by which the machine runs is not all shown. Behind each state is supposed to be boxing, containing bearings that enable the wheels of state departments to operate when the ring composed of states moves. This is done by a weight hanging from that to which the state constitu- tion is attached. The machinery supporting and impelling the portions representing the general government is stationary, and is moved by any ordinary motor as clock-work. The constitution of the United States is the moving power of the nation. If clock-work operates upon the wheel which represents the constitution (central wheel of the plate), it will op- erate upon the three departments ; these will operate upon the states ; and the state governments, through the weight just described, will begin to op- erate in harmony with the national government. The machinery will then be in full operation. This weight can very appropriately be termed the clause in the constitution that requires all laws of the state to accord with the national constitution. The instant the national constitution operates, the state constitutions operate; the instant the former stops, the EXPLANATION OF PLATE V. Ill latter stops, thus showing the harmonious action between federal and state governments. The entire worljings of the machine illustrate the entire workings of government in the United States ; the relation of the people to government, of government to the people ; the restraining power of one department over another and over the people ; the restraining power of the people over government; the impelling power of laws; the positions and duties of officers; and the classification of duties and departments. 112 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. PLATFORM FOE THE PEOPLE, REGARDLESS OF PARTY. -FHeiufe and Felloiv- Citizens : The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not iar distant, and tlie time actu- ally arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the per- son who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, •especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to ■decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be as- sured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citi- zen to his country ; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation, might imply, I am influenced by no diminution •of zeal for your future interests; no deficiency of grateful respect of your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is com- patible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your ■desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 'The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to yOu ; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our afiairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my ■•confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. WASHINGTOX's FAEEWELI. ADDUERS. 113 I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external ns well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, wliatever partiality may be re- tained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that 1 have with good intentions contributed towards the organ- ization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes of otliers — has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weiglit of years admonishes me, more and more, that the abode of retirement is as necessary to me as it ■will be welcome. Satisfied that if anycircumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to be- lieve that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportu- nities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, hy services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our an- nals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which, not un- frequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the eflbrts, and a guar- antee of the plans, by which they were efil'ected. Profoundly penetrated by this new idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incite- ment to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that union and brotherly affection may be per- petual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its administration, in every department, may b^ stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made com- plete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as 8 114 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a solicitude for your welfare, which can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afibrded to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warning of a part- ing friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel ; nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with ever}' ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach- ment. The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence — the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices em- ployed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed — it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cor- dial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it ; accustoming yourself to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discoun- tenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfee- ble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to con- centrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt tlie just pride of patriotism, more than appellations derived from local discriminations. "With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and po- litical principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed FAEEWELT, ADDRESS. -115 together; the independence and liberty you possess are tlie work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully thoy address themselves to your sensibility, are generally outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest; here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government,, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agricul- ture grow, and its commerce expanded. Turning partly into its own chan- nels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigor- ated ; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the pro- tection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progress- ive improvement of interior communication, by land and by water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which each brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth or comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interests as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precariousi While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and par- ticular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, pro- portionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent inter- ruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalship alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, •attachments and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, like- wise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establish- ments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which arc to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican libarty; 116 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of one ought to endear to you the preser- vation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common govern- ment can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticabil- ity, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern — Atlantic and Western — whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular dis- tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburn- ings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by paternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country liave lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratSflcation by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interest in regard to the Mississippi — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire in re- spect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from their breth- ren and connect them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union a government of the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict between the parties, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the in- fractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all time, have experi- Washington's farewell address. 117 enced. Sensible of this raomentovis truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of government, better calcu- lated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious man- agement of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed — adopted upon full investiga- tion and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the dis- tribution of its powers — uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Kespect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the funda- mental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitution of government; but the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and right of the people to establish govern- ment, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstruction to the execution of laws, all combinations and associa- tions under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the con- stituted authorities, are destructive to this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community ; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different par- ties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of fashion, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of the government, destroying afterwards the very engines which had lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily dis- countenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the .spirit of innovation upon its principles, how- ever specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. In 118 HISTORY OF AMEEICAK POLITICS. all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, that for efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as n^uch vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispen- sable. Liberty itself will find, in such a government, with powers prop- erly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enter- prise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits described by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil en- joyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discrimina- tions. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party gen- erally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under differ- ent shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissensions, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and per- manent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually in- cline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which, neverthe- less, ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mis- chiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it tlxe interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 119 influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encour- aged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being con- stant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uni- form vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warm- ing, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to con- fine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the de- partments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as nec- «ssary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribu- tion or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Consti- tution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, re- ligion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to 120 HISTORY OF AJIEEICAN POLITICS. respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their con- nexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for propert}', for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. ^Vhatevermay be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience botli forbid us to expect that national morality can pre- vail in exclusion of religious principles. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government.. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifTerence upon at- tempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general difTusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a gov- ernment gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in- time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned ;■ not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we oureelves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co- operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essen- tial that you should practically bear in mind, that toward the payments of debts there must be revenues ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selec- tion of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive moment for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measure for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, to give to man- kind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course "washixgton's farewell address. 121 of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any tem- porary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence lias not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? Tlie experiment, at least, is recommended by every sen- timent which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that per- manent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachment for others, should be excluded ; and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The natioa which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fond- ness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its afl'ection ; either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and untractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, some- times impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propen- sity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hos- tility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious mo- tives. The [leace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation to another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illu- sion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common in- terest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the- former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to in- jure the nation making the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are- withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interest of their own country, without odium; sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation,^ a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, thebaseor foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments 122 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent pa- triot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to in- fluence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to ' be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive par- tiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odius ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in ex- tending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. There let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, there- fore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a •different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government) the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutral- ity we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, uader the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny ■with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any por- tion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do M'Asiiixgton's farewell adukess. 123 it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to ex- isting engagements. ] hold the maxim no less applicable to pnblic than to private afi'airs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, there- fore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural cause of things; difTusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, by forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so dispcsed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that jjresent circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but tem- porary, and liable to be. from time to time, abandoned or varied, as ex- perience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view; that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another that it must pay, with a portion of its independence, for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affec- tionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if 1 may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solici- tude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 124 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 23d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could ob- tain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a national position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity imposes on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the rela- tions of peace and unity towards other nations. Tlie inducements of intei-ests, for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and ma- ture its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am uncon- scious of intentional error; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. AVhat- ever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to wliich they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never come to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five yeai-s of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I antici- pate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. (iEORGE AVASHIXGTON. United States, 17th of September, 1796. JOHN ADAMS' ADJIINISTEATION. 125 CHAPTKR VI. JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 1797—1801. president's position. John Adams was inaugurated President in Congress Hall, Philadelphia, March 4, 1797. There was a vague feeling in the minds of all, that storms and difficulties would soon beset the ship of state, now that the one man whom all trusted and honored had left the helm. Hamilton, the recognized leader of the federal party, did not entertain the highest regard for Mr. Adams, and expressed decided fears as to the future, while Adams himself "was fully conscious that his lot had fallen on evil days." In his inaugural address he denied the charge of sympathy for England "which had been hurled against the administration." This somewhat softened the ardor of republican opposition ; but though greatly gratified with this, he still continued his attachment for those who had elevated him to the position of Chief Magistrate, and the cabinet of his predecessor was retained. FRANCE. At the opening of the ncAV administration our relations Fifth Congress, 1 with France were in a critical condition. Extra Session. J In his inaugural, the President had barely touched upon them, merely expressing his high regard for the French people, and wishing that the friendship of the two nations might continue. But affairs grew more and more complicated. C. C. Pinkney, the American minister at France, was ordered to quit the territory, and a decree 126 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. was issued authorizing the capture of neutral vessels having on board any productions of Great Britain or her possessions, ■while a number of American vessels had been actually seized. The French Directory were particularly incensed at Jay's treaty, and expressed in studied terms a contempt for the American government. This alarming situation of affairs induced the President to call an extra session of Congress, which assembled on the 15th of May, 1797. In his message to this Congress, he treated the question exclusively. He laid before them a statement of the aggressions of France, and in strong but temperate language recommended the adoption of "effectual measures of defense." It is necessary, he argues, "to convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be miserable instru- ments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest." He indicated his intention, at the same time, however, of making another effort at negotiation. Advances for reconciliation met the concurrence of the Sen- ate, in which body there was an administration majority. Pinkney, Marshall and Gerry were chosen to negotiate for a friendly settlement of the pending difficulties and the resump- tion of diplomatic relations with France. "stamp act." During the extra session an act was passed " laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper." This law resem- bled the stamp act of 1765, and was obnoxious to a large number of people. WAR AVITH FRANCE THREATENED. • Congress adjourned July 10, and the envoys soon after departed for France. Their efforts at negotiation were en- tirely fruitless. If they were not treated with open discour- JOHN ADAJIS' ADMINISTRATION. 127 « tesy, they were at least denied a treatment worthy the embas- sadors of a free peopk\ ^V bribe was demanded of them to the French Dircetory, and a loan to the French Rcpublio, as preliminaries to any negotiation. At last they received per- emptory orders to quit France. Their mission l)ccamc known as the X. Y. Z. jNIission, from the initials used by the agents who demanded the bribes. The publication of tliis corre- spondence greatly disconcerted Talleyrand, the foreign minis- ter of the French Directory, and as greatly strengthened the federal influence at home. During all this time the French continued their attacks on American commerce. PREPARATION FOR WAR. Congress met November 13, 1797. There was at first an Fifth Congress, \ indisposition on the part of the republicans First Session. J to resent the insults offered by France, so that early in 1798 the House voted down a proposition to arm American vessels. The war spirit began to prevail, however, and several acts were passed with a view to getting ready for war. A standing army (May, 1798), a naval arma- ment, and the capture of French vessels, were authorized. Washington was made lieutenant-general of the army. The treaties with France were declared no longer binding upon the United States, and the President was given authority to issue letters of marque and reprisal. Although neither coun- try declared war, hostilities were begun upon the ocean. France, seeing the hostile attitude of the United States, made overtures for the adjustment of difficulties. These were ac- cepted, and resulted in a treaty of peace (1800). The passage of those measures relating to the provision of a standing army and naval armament, though sustained for a time by the high current of war feeling, nevertheless were not pleas- ing to the republicans. They maintained that previous to actual hostilities, the militia and a small naval force were 128 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. sufficient for internal defense and the protection of our coasts and harbors. They looked upon the measure, therefore, as calculated to overawe public sentiment in time of peace. ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS. The federalists were faii-ly intoxicated with power. The bitter feeling for the time engendered against France swept the whole country, and annihilating opposition gave them un- restrained power. It was not considered sufficient to get merely ready for a foreign enemy ; it was necessary to over- awe the enemy at home. Impelled by their passion for a strong government they forced through Uvo measures which operated badly against them upon the popular feeling, and really constituted the " death warrant " of the federal party. These were the alien and sedition laws passed in the summer of 1798. The former authorized the President to " order any alien whom he should judge to be dangerous to the peace and liberties of America to depart from the United States," and made provisions for the fining and imprisonment of such aliens as should refuse to obey the President's order. The latter imposed a heavj- fine and imprisonment upon such as should combine or conspire together to oppose any measure of government, and such as should utter any false, scandalous or malicious writing against the government, Congress or President of the United States. This act was not repealed until March, 1801. It is apparent at once that such a stretch of power as this is incompatible with free republican govern- ment. The opposition party very naturally contended that these laws put too much power into the hands of the execu- tive, and also that they Avere unconstitutional, as the first amendment of the constitution expressly guaranteed the free- dom of speech and of the press. After the war feeling sub- sided, popular opinion inclined to the republican view. Con- gress adjourned July 16, 1798. > JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 129 THE NATURALIZATION LAW. A law was passed, providing, anumg other requirements, that an alien must reside in tlie United States fourteen years in order to become a eitizen thereof. This law was repugnant to the republicans, since it retarded immigration, allowed in the country too many persons owing no allegiance to the government, and assailed the idea that the rights of America are the rights of human nature. THE KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS. The high-handed measures of the federal party, especially the alien and sedition laws, gave birth to the doctrine of nulli- fication. Jefferson and his adherents thought that this was an auspicious time for formulating and officially declaring the ^'principles" with regard to the rights of states and the pre- rogatives of federal power. Seeing no hope of present suc- cess in Congress the republican leaders determined to enter their protests against federal measures through state legisla- tures. To this end a set of resolutions, drawn up by Jeffer- son, was adopted by the Kentucky legislature in 1798, and in the same year the Virginia legislature adopted a similar series drawn up by Madison. The Virginia resolutions did not go as far as the former, from the fact that Madison doubted some- what the constitutionality of the contemplated procedure, and, on that account, couched his meaning in more general terms. They, in substance, declared that the constitution Avas a compact by which the states had surrendered only a limited portion of their powers ; that the states, as such, had rights, in behalf of which it was their duty to interpose whenever the federal government transcended its delegated authority and trampled upon them ; that the alien and sedition laws were examples of such usurpation by the federal government of 9 130 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. powers not granted to it, since the abridgement of liberty of speech or of the press had been expressly forbidden by the constitution. The Kentucky resolutions were of the same general tenor, with the additional declaration that "the states were one party to the compact, and the federal government was the other, and that each party must be the judge of in- fractions of agreement and of the mode and measure of redress." Other states were urged to adopt similar resolu- tons, but they paid little attention to the matter. The next year (1799), Kentucky went further and resolved that a state might rightfully nullify and declare void any act of Congress which it might consider unconstitutional. Jefferson after- wards disowned these resolutions, though they were used by the south as a precedent for nullification in 1832, and for se- cession in 1860. Virginia went so far in her preparations to resist the encroachments of the federal government as to erect an armory at Richmond. Congress met December 30, 1798. The federalists were in Fifth Congress, 1 the majority. War with France, though Second Session. / not formally declared, continued to threaten the government, and the conflicts between American and French vessels on the ocean continued to aggravate ill-feel- ing matters. Both parties agreed to vote an increase of the navy, but the republicans opposed an increase of the army, because they looked upon the warlike measures of the feder- alists as emanating from a desire of party aggrandizement. The President, without consulting his cabinet, and contrary to his expressed determination to send no more ministers to France until assured of a friendly recognition, appointed three envoys to that country. RUPTURE OP THE CABINET. This arbitrary proceeding on the part of the President in- flicted a slight upon his cabinet, for he was aware that at JOHN ADAJIS' ADMIXISTKATION. 131 least three of them were opposed to the renewal of negotia- tions with France under existing cireumstanees. Two of the cabinet protested against this action of the President, and the leading federalists throughont the country sustained thrni. It was apparent tliat the President was losing to some extent the support of his own party. In May, 1800, a change was made in cabinet officers. Congress adjourned March 3, 1797. THE ELECTIOX OP 1800. Congress met December 2, 1799, with a decided federalist Sixth Congress, 1 majority. This is due to the fact that its First Session. J representatives had been chosen during the prevalence of the war spirit just after the return of the envoys from France, and before the irritation growing out of the en- forcement of the alien and sedition laws became prevalent. During this session members of Congress nominated presi- dential candidates. The federal candidates were John Adams, for President, and Charles C. Pinkney, for Vice-President. There was, at this time, a lack of harmony in the federal party owing to a difference of views between Hamilton, the recognized leader of the party, and John Adams, its official representative. Pending the nominations, Hamilton wrote a pamphlet, intended for private circulation only, set- ting forth the defects in the character of Mr. Adams and the "superior fitness of Mr. Pinkney" for the presidential office. This, added to the unpopularity of many of the measures of Adams' administration, greatly crippled the strength of the federal party. The President was personally weakened with his party by his pardon of Fries, the leader of the armed re- sistance in Pennsylvania to direct taxes, for Avhich he had been convicted of treason. The republicans were united upon Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr as candidates for the executive offices. The contest that followed was earnest and bitter. The republicans triumphed in the election of their 132 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. candidates, having seventy -three electors to sixty-five for the federalists. During the sittings of this Congress, the sad news was received of the death of General "Washington. He died at Mount Vernon, December 14, 1799. The session ad- journed May 14, 1800. Congress met November 17, 1800. This session was prin- Sixth Congress, \ cipally taken up with the undecided presi- Second Session. / dential election, caused by the defective pro- visions of the constitution. In February, 1801, the votes of the electors were counted, and resulted as follows : Jefferson, 73; Burr, 73; Adams, 65; Pinkney, 64; John Jay, 1. Jef- ferson and Burr receiving an equal number of votes, the elec- tion was thrown into the House of Representatives, by whom a choice was to be made between the two highest candidates, each state having one vote. Thomas Jefferson was chosen on the thirty-sixth ballot. During the excitement preceding the election the country was in peril. The federalists thought of casting the election on the Senate if the states could make no choice. To this the republicans threatened forcible re- sistance. The efforts of the federals in the House to defeat Jefferson, by forming a coalition with the friends of Burr, caused a great number to desert the federal ranks and join the republicans. Congi-ess adjourned March 3, 1801, and on March 4 Jefferson and Burr were sworn into office. Mr. Adams left Washington early in the morning without wait- ing to attend the inaugural ceremonies. DEMOCRATS. "Democratic-Republican," abbreviated to the second word, continued to be the name of the party of Jefferson. The unpopularity of Adams' administration was transferred to the federal party, and the name " democrat," by which this organization stigmatized the minority, was adopted by a good JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 133 portion of them, and became a synonym for the word repub- lican. DOWNFALL OF FEDERALISJI. Tlie election of 1800 broke the scepter of Federal power. The defeated factions charged each other with causing the downfall of the federal party. But for this political pros- tration there were other causes. The party, from the first, had to contend against a numerical majority, and only main- tained its supremacy through superior organization and skill- ful leaders ; it organized a government " novel in its charac- ter, and well calculated to create diversity of opinion relative to the details of administration ; " it adhered to the policy of non-interference with the affairs of foreign nations, a policy which, as regards England and France, ^vas not approved by large numbers of the people ; it increased the expenditures of the government to meet the rapid expansion and growing demand of the country, and this increase met with opposi- tion, the causes not being sought out and fullv understood. The federal party did not fall without honor. "To it be- longs the proud distinction of having laid the foundation of the government structure, and of having reared the ma- chinery for its operation. The principles of the party sur- vived its existence ; they were denounced by the opposition, but were generally re-established and maintained by the party that succeeded to power." (Plate VI.) POLITICAL PLATFORMS. The history of political platforms began in John Adams' administration, as a result of the severe laws passed by Con- gress. The first political platform to command general at- tention in our country, was drawn by Mr. Madison, whose object was to define the rights of the states and pronounce the alien and sedition laws unconstitutional. The thoughts which he set forth in this were accepted by the Virginia 134 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. legislature, and constitute "what is known as the Virginia resolutions of 1798. The Kentucky resolutions of this and the succeeding year enunciate the same views. The first platform adopted by a political party was prepared at Phila- delphia, by a caucus of democratic-republicans. It embod- ied the principles of that party, as understood by Thomas Jeiferson, who was author of its resolutions. EEFEEENCES. Life of Adams C. F. Adams. Statesman's Manual Williams. Debates Elliot. American State Papers, Vol. II., Ill Hamilton's AVorks v J. C. Hamilton. Memory of Wolcott Gibbs. Jefferson's Works Washington. History of the Eepublic J. C. Hamilton. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. History of the United States Schouler. History of the United States Hildreth. History of the Constitution, Vol. I Von Hoist. Life of Hamilton Morse. Life and Times of Hamilton Schmucker. Life of Jefferson Parton. Life of .Jefferson Randall. Life of Jefferson Tucker. Memoir Papers of Jefferson Randolph. Life and Times of Madison Rives. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. John Adams President 1797-1801 Tliomas Jefferson Vice-President 1797-1801 CABINET. Timothy Pickering Secretary of State 1795-1800 John Marshall " " 1800-1801 Oliver Wolcott Secretary of Treasury 1795-1801 Samuel Dexter " " " 1801-1801 James McHenry Secretary of War 1796-1800 Samuel Dexter " " 1800-1801 Roger Griswold " " 1801-1801 ADJLINISTEATION. 135 Benjamin Stoddart Secretary of Navy 1798-1801 Joseph Habersham Postmaster-General 1795-1801 Charles Lee Attorney-Creneral 1795-1801 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. John Mai-shall Chief Justices 1801-1835 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Jonathan Dayton Speaker of House 1797-1799 Theodore Sedgwick Speaker of House 1799-1801 136 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS OF 1798, PRONOUNCING THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS UNCONSTITUTIONAL, ■AND DEFINING THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES.— DRAWN BY MR. MADISON. In the Vikginia House of Delegates, Friday, December 21, 1798. Resolved, That the general assembly of ^'irginia doth unequivocally- express a firm resolution to maintain and defend the constitution of the United States, and the constitution of this state, against every aggression either foreign or domestic ; and that they will support the government of the United States in all measures warranted by the former. That this assembly most solemnly declares a warm attachment to the Union of the states, to maintain which it pledges its powers ; and, that for this end, it is their duty to watch over and oppose every infraction of those principles which constitute the only basis of that Union, because a faithful observance of them can alone secure its existence and the public happiness. That this assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as resulting from the com- pact to which the states are parties, as limited by the plain sense and in- tention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no farther valid than they are authorised by the grants enumerated in that compact ; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other pow- ers, not granted by the said compact, the states, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose, for arresting the pro- gress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. That the general assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has, in sundry instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them ; and, that indications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases (which, having been copied from the very limited grant of powers in the former articles of confederation, were the less liable to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and efiect of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains, and limits the general phrases, and so as to consolidate the states by degrees into one VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS. 137' sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable result of vvliich would l)c, to transform the present republican system of the United States into an absolutfi, or at best, a mixed monarchy. * That the general assembly doth particularly protest against the palpa- ble and alarming infractions of the constitution, in the two late cases of the "Alien and Sedition Acts,'' passed at the last session of Congress; the first of which exercises a power nowhere delegated to the, federal govern- ment, and which, by uniting legislative and judicial powers to those of executive, subverts the general principles of free government as well as the particular organization and positive provisions of the federal constitution ; and the other of which acts exercises; in like manner, a power not dele- gated by the constitution, but, on the contrary, expressly and positively forbidden by one of the amendments thereto ; LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Joseph B. Varnum Speaker of House 1807-1811 Henry Clay " " 1811-1814 Langdon Cheves " " 1814-1815' Henry Clay " " 1815-1820' RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE HARTFORD CONVENTION, JANUARY 4, 1815. Resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the legislatures of tlie several states represented in this convention, to adopt all such measures as. may be necessary effectually to protect the citizens of said states from the operation and effects of all acts which liave been or may be passed liy tlie Congress of the United States, which shall contain provisions subjecting^ the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or impress- ments not authorized by the constitution of the United States. Resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the said legislatures, to authorize an immediate and an earnest application to be made to the government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrange- ment whereby the said states may, separately or in concert,jDe empowered to assume upon themselves the defense of their territory against the enemy,. and a reasonable portion of the taxes collected within said states may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated to the balance due said states and to the future defense of the same. The amount so paid into said treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements made aa aforesaid to be charged to the United States. Resolved, That it be and liereby is recommended to the legislatures of the aforesaid states, to pass laws, where it has not already been done, au- thorizing the governors or commanders-in-chief of their militia to make- detachments from the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient and conformable to their constitution.s, and to cause the same to be well armed, equipped, and held in readiness for service, and upon request of the governor of either of the other states, to employ the whole of such detacliment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the state, or such part thereof as may be required, and can be spared consistently with the safety of the state, in assisting the state making such request to repel any invasion thereof which shall be made or attempted by the public enemy. Resolved, That the following amendments of the constitution of the United States be recommended to the states represented as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the state legislatures, and in such cases, as may be deemed expedient by a convention chosen by the people of eaclt 186 HISTORY OF AlIERICAX POLITICS. state; And it is further recommended tliat the said states shall persevere in their eftbrts to obtain such amendments, until the same shall be effected. First. Eepresentatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, and all otlier persons. Second. No new state shall be admitted into the Union by Congress, in virtue of the power granted in the constitution, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses. Third. Congress shall not have power to lay an embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in the ports or harbors thereof, for more than sixty days. Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the concurrence of two- thirds of both houses, to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation or the dependencies thereof. Fifth. Congress shall not make nor declare war, nor authorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, except such acts of hostility be in defense of the territories of the United States when actually invaded. Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized shall be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of Eepresentatives of the United Statesi or capable of holding any civil office under the authority of the United States. Seventh. The same person shall not be elected President of the United States a second time, nor shall the President be elected from the same state two terms in succession. Besolced, That if the application of these states to the government of the United States, recommended in a foregoing resolution, should be unsuc- cessful, and peace should not be concluded, and the defense of these states should be neglected, as it has been since the commencement of the war, it will, in the opinion of this convention, be expedient for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates to another convention, to meet at Boston, in tlie state of Massachusetts, on the third Monday of June nexti with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momen- tous may require. Resolved, That the Honorable George Cabot, the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich, the Honorable Daniel Lyman, or any two of them, be author- ized to call another meeting of this convention, to be holden in Boston at any time before new delegates shall be chosen as recommended in the above resolution, it in their judgment the situation of the country shall urgently require it. Monroe's administrations. 187 CHAPTER IX. MONROE'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 1817—1825. ERA OF GOOD FEELING. Monroe came into the Presidency npon a high tide of po- litical prosperity and nnitv. The old controvei'sies between the parties were no longer waged, and the country was evi- dently approaching an epoch marked by the absence of party and factional strifes. The President adopted the doctrine of the new school of republicans, led by Clay and Calhoun, which had the effect of allying more closely to him the old federal element. All other factions acquiesced in the result of the previous election, and from them all, the administra- tion drew many warm supporters. Party differences sub- sided, and a calm serenity seemed to pervade the whole coun- try. The summer after his inauguration the President made a tour of the states, and was everywhere received with hearty greetings. This visit tended to strengthen the new adminis- tration in the hearts of the people, and gave to the President great personal popularity. From these manifestations and the general prevalence of harmony everyAvhere, it was an- nounced that the Era of Good Feeling had begun; and while this designation is given to the whole of Monroe's adminis- tration, it more properly belongs to his second term. JACKSON's ADVICE. General Jackson, gratified at the auspicious circumstances attending Mr. Monroe, advised him as follows : " Now is the time to exterminate that monster called party 188 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. spirit. By selecting [for cabinet officers] characters most con- spicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings which, on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government. The chief magis-- trate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings. His conduct should be liberal and disinter- ested ; ahvays bearing in mind that he acts for the whole and not a part of the community." These suggestions accorded, in the main, with the feelings of the President. He believed that the government could exist without parties, and that circumstances were then very favorable for him to promote this idea. Nevertheless, he did not think it advisable to go outside of his party for cabinet officers, lest he might give oflPense to the republicans and encourage a reorganization of the federals. His idea was to bring them all into the republican fold. He selected all the members of his cabinet from the republicans. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. Congress met December 1, 1817. An act was immediately Fifteenth Congress, \ passed abolishing the internal taxes First Session. J which had been laid during the war. The President, in his message to Congress, had dwelt at great length upon the matter of internal improvements. This sub- ject, from the very first, had occupied an important place in the public mind. From time to time the executive veto of bills pertaining to this system of improvements had inter- rupted the continuity of the same ; but, as the people began to see the importance of developing the resources of the coun- try, they urged the more strongly upon Congress the pro- priety of going to the full extent of their powers in this di- rection. The President thought that the government should encourage the system, but seriously questioned whether Con- MONROE'8 ADJIINISTRATIOXS. 189 gress had the right, by the constitution, to pass measures sup- porting it. During this .session luany earnest discussions Nvere had upon the subject. Henry C'hiy headed a majority of the republicans in favor of Congress mailing internal im- provements, but, learning tliat the President would veto any bill in favor of such improvements, the .subject was dismissed without further consideration until tlic next session, when it was renewed under the pressure of petitions from several .states. A bill for the repair and preservation of the Cum- berland road was vetoed by the President for the reason above stated. During this session Henry Clay offered a res- olution looking to the reorganization of the South American republics, formed by colonies that had revolted from Spain, but it was rejected. Congress adjourned April 20, 1818. THE FLORIDA CESSION. Congress met November 16, 1818. During the summer Fifteenth Congress, \ previous, occurred what is called the Second Session. / Seminole war — a number of disturbances caused by Indians in Florida. Andrew Jackson in attempt- ing to quell them met with opposition from the Spanish au- thorities of Florida. " He therefore entered their territory, seized their principal towns, and captured and put to death, ' as outlaws and pirates,' Arbuthnot and Ambrister, two Brit- ish subjects, who had led the Seminoles to war." Much of the time of this session was taken up in the investigation of these Indian difficulties. The committee on military affairs offered a resolution censuring Jack,son for his execution of Arbuthnot and Ambri.ster, but it did not pass. In 1819, a treaty was concluded by which the United States bought Florida of Spain, paying $5,000,000 and releasing the fed- eral claim to Texas. Although there was no opposition to the purchase of Florida, it was claimed that in making this acquisition we had given away Texas and, by so doing, had 190 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. dismembered the Mississippi valley ; that the establishment of boundaries would be a constant source of controversy and - perhaps war. The treaty was ratified by the Senate, and met with the general approbation of the people. THE MISSOURI QUESTION. During this session a memorial from the legislature of Missouri was introduced by Mr. Scott, a delegate to Congress from that territory, to the effect that Missouri be allowed to form a state government, and be admitted into the Union. This, with a bill complying with the memorial, was referred to the committee of the whole on ihe state of the Union. When the bill came up before th e House, Gen. Tallmadge moved the following proviso : "And provided, that the fur- ther introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude be pro- hibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; and that all children born within the said state, after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free at the age of twenty-five years." This marks the beginning of the famous struggle between the free and slave states, and was ine of the most difficult constitutional questions the country has ever been called upon to settle. In the debate which followed, those opposing the proviso argued that Congress had no constitutional right to impose restric- tions as to slavery upon a state wishing admittance into the Union ; that the right to hold slaves was guaranteed to the original states by the constitution, and that the right applied to the new states as well as to the old. It was admitted that Congress had power to regulate or prohibit slavery from the territories as well as make all other needful rules and regula- tions respecting them ; but this right related to the territo- ries only as property; that when organized as states they stood on an equal footing with other states, and Congress had no power to impose restrictions on their local legislation. MONROE'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 191 Those opposed to slavery argued that the term " forever," ia the prohibitive clause of the Missouri bill, was not restricted to the territorial condition of the district to which it referred, but meant forever, and that the prohibition, " instead of ceas- ing with the territorial condition of the district, would ex- tend to any states that might be erected out of it ; and upon the question in general, it was maintained that to leave slavery in the old states was a violation of principle, and to permit it in new ones was a violation of the constitution." The bill, afe restricted, passed the House but failed in the Senate. Congress adjourned March 3, 1819. Congress met December 6, 1819. At this session Mis- Sixteenth Congress, \ souri renewed her application, and the First Session. ) question of slavery immediately stood in the foreground. This time the opponents of the proviso found themselves " materially aided by a new circumstance." Maine, hitherto a district of Massachusetts, made application for admission as a state. The Maine bill was passed by the House. The Senate, having previously united it to the Mis- souri bill, permitting slavery, passed them both. This was done for the purpose of forcing both bills to stand or fall to- gether. Upon their return to the House the combined bills were rejected. Failing then to agree, a joint committee was appointed from both Houses, which prepared a report to the effect that Missouri should be admitted as a slave state, and that slavery should be prohibited from all territory north of 36° 30', and west of the Mississippi. This report was accepted, and a measure embodying its suggestions passed both Houses in March, 1820, known ever since as the Missouri Compromise. Congress adjourned May 15, 1820. ELECTION OF 1820. As the time of another Presidential election approached, the usual call for a republican nominating caucus was pul)- 192 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. lished, but, owing to the meager attendance of representa- tives, and the general opposition to caucuses, the assembly adjourned siiie die. Such a convention was unnecessary, however, as " the people had preordained that Monroe and Tompkins were to be elected." Mr. Monroe I'eceived all the electoral votes but one, and Mr. Tompkins a very large ma- jority. The federals, owing to their disorganized condition, presented lio candidates. REPUBLICANS UXOPPOSED. With Monroe's first term closes the second era in our po- litical history. Old party distinctions were obliterated and opinions on new issues were in a formative condition. The federal party had ceased to be a national party or to advocate any distinct issues of its own, From this time forwai'd fed- eralism was not an element in politics. (Plate VI.) Congress met November 13, 1820. John W. Taylor, a Sixteenth Congress, \ loose constructionist, an advocate of a Second Session. J protective tariff.and an internal improve- ment system, and opposed to the extension of slavery, was selected as speaker. His election is a matter of interest as showing how far these ideas had gained an influence in the republican ranks, or at least a faction of them. His elec- tion gave gi'eat offense to the southern members. The last struggle on the Missouri question came up during this session, when the state submitted its constitution to Congress for approval. It was rejected because of a clause which it contained, forbidding " free negroes and mulattoes from com- ing to and settling in this state, under any pretext whatever.'' Congress required that this be so changed as to " guarantee to the citizens of every other state the same rights in Mis- souri that they enjoyed at home." In June, 1821, the legisla- ture of Missouri accepted the condition, and it became a state. Congress adjourned March 3, 1821, and on the next Monday, Monroe's administrations. 193 March 5, Monroe and Tompkins took the oath of office. During Monroe's first administration five states were admitted into the Union, as fi^llows: Mississippi, 1817; Illinois, 1818; Alabama, 1819; Maine, 1820; and Missouri, 1821. Congress met December 3, 1821. P. P. Barbour, a strict Seventeenth Congress, \ constructionist, was this time elected First Session. / Speaker of the House. A bill for the preservation of the Cumberland road was passed, but the President vetoed it, on the ground that, in his opinion. Con- gress had no constitutional right to pass such a law. In his message, though, he had urged Congress to pass an amend- ment to the constitution giving it the power to make inter- nal improvements. Efforts were made this session to increase the tariff", but failed. Congress adjourned May 8, 1822. Congress met December 2, 1822. A renewed attempt was Seventeenth Congress, \ made to increase the tariff" and create Second Session. / a national canal system, but both measures were defeated by the strict constructionists. Con- gress adjourned March 3, 1823. Congress met December 1, 1823. Henry Clay, now leader Eighteenth Congress, \ of the loose constructionists, was First Session. f chosen speaker. THE MONROE DOCTRINE. At this time Spain was waging a war against her revolted colonies, and the President, in his message to Congress, De- cember 2, 1823, affirmed as follows: "We owe it to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and the European powers to declare that we should con- sider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." This, with the accompanying reasons for the position taken, was a statement of the doctrine that "America is for 13 194 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Americans," and exemplified the policy of Washington — " No entangling alliances." The doctrine was called ont by an at- tempt of the holy alliance to check liberty on both sides of the Atlantic, and to extend a fostering care to the revolted Spanish provinces of Central and South America. When the protest of the United States was joined by England the at- tempt of the alliance was abandoned. PROTECTIVE TARIFF. Loose constructionist ideas were gradually spreading. Even the President, in his message to this Congress, advocated a more decided leaning toward protection and internal im- provements. In every Congress, from 1819 to 1824, bills were introduced for the increase of duties on imports. The tariif of 1816 protected nothing domestic worth speaking of, except coarse cottons. A tariif was now demanded on "such articles of merchandise as come most in competition with American industry." The southern states, though formerly favoring a protective tariif, now voted against it. The navi- gating and planting states did the same, thinking it would be injurious to their interests; but the grain growing states favored the tariif, in the belief that it would benefit agricul- ture. After a debate of more than two months Congress adopted the measure known as the Tariff of 1821. This was the all-absorbing question during the session. Clay was the champion of the protective system, and Webster of the op- position. A bill was also passed this session for surveys for a national canal system. Congress adjourned May 27, 1824. ELECTIOX OF 1824. The friends of William H. Crawford, of Georgia, made an attempt to revive the caucus system of nominating for the presidency, and announced a caucus for that purpose, which met and put Crawford in nomination. This really injured moxroe's administeations. 195 bis chances for election. There were in the field, besides him, three other candidates — Jackson, Adams, and Clay — nominated by state legis latures and other political machinery. Each candidate was a republican. The canvass was very ex- citing, but as republicanism was not at issue with any op- posing party, the considerations were local and personal rather than political. This quadrangular contest \\'as known as the "scrub race." " King caucus" was entirely overthrown, but the election did not decide the contest, hence it was thrown into the House. Congress met December 6, 1S24. The great question of the Eighteenth Congress, 1 session was the undecided presidential Second Session. J contest. The electoral vote, when counted, was found to be, for President, 99 for Andrew Jack- son, 84 for John Quiucy Adams, 41 for William H. Craw- ford, and 37 for Henry Clay. For Vice-President, Calhoun was elected, receiving 182 out of 260 votes. The three high- est were taken, from which a choice was to be made, leaving Mr. Clay and his friends with the power in their hands to make the decision. His position was a very trying one. With reference to it he said, in a private communication to the Hon. F. Brooke, under date of January 28, 1825 : " My position in regard to the presidential contest is highly critical,, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move with- out censure. I have pursued, in regard to it, the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my public duty. I have interrogated my conscience as to what I ought to do, and it tells me I ought to vote for Mr. Adams." So he did vote for Mr. Adams and elected him to the place. Clay objected to Mr. Crawford on the ground of ill health, and the circum- stances under which he was before the House, and to General Jackson on the ground that he was a military chieftain. Congress adjourned March 3, 1825, and on March 4, Adams and Calhoun were sworn into office. 196 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. There was a division among the republicans in the state of New York, at the fall election of 1823, upon the choice of electors. Some wished them to be chosen by the state legis- lature ; others, by the people. The latter portion formed a separate political organization, called the "People's Party." Monroe's retirement. The retiring President had the satisfaction of having ac- complished his cherished object, that of bringing all parties into the republican fold. His foreign policy had been skill- fully managed by John Q. Adams ; commerce had recovered from its prostration by war and the embargo ; the Missouri Compromise had quieted the slavery agitation for the time ; domestic industry had revived ; and partisan feuds had quieted into a condition of peace and harmony. ■ EEFERENCES. Debates of Congress Benton. Life of Randolph Garland. Jefferson's Works Randall. Niles' Register Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII Commentaries Story. Speeches of Henry Clay - Colton. Thirty Years' View Benton. Chittenden's Report Opinions of the Attorneys-General Law Dictionary, Vol. I Bouviere. Statesman's Manual, Vol. I 'VVilliaras. Federalist, No. XIV. Webster's Works .^ , History of the Constitution Von Hoist American Politics Cooper. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. History of the Republican Party Hall. American Statesman Youno-. Monroe's administeatioxs. 197 Life of John Quincy Adams Seward. Rise and Fall of the Slave Power Wilson. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF MONROE'S ADMINISTRATIONS. James Monroe President 1817-1825 Daniel D. Tompkins Vice-President 1817-1825 CABINET. John Quincy Adams Secretary of State 1817-1825 William H. Crawford Secretary of Treasury 1816-1825 George Graham Secretary of War 1817-1817 John C. Calhoun " " 1817-1825 Benjamin W. Crowninshield.Secretary of Navy 1814-1818 Smith Thompson " " 1818-1823 John Rogers " " 1823-1823 Samuel L. Southard " " 1823-1829 Return J. Meigs Postmaster-General.. 1814-1823 John McLean " " 1823-1829 Richard Rush Attorney-General 1814-1817 William Wirt " '' 1817-1829 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. John Marshall Chief Justice 1801-1835 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Henry Clay Speaker of House 1815-1820 John W.Taylor " " 1820-1821 Philip P. Barbour " " 1821-1823 Henry Clay " " 1823-1825 198 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTEE X. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 1825—1829. The President, in his inaugural, pledged himself to carry out the policy of his predecessor as indicated in his promises and acts. He stood on more advanced ground than Monroe with reference to internal improvements, not doubting at all that Congress had the right to authorize measures favoring such improvements. In the selection of his cabinet he was inclined to pursue a conciliatory course, oifering positions to those who had been his opponents in the last election. Clay and Crawford were offered cabinet positions, but the latter declined. OPPOSITION TO THE PRESIDENT. In this course the President did not meet Avith the general approval of the country, nor did he succeed in pacifying those on whom his generosity was bestowed. The appointment of Mr. Clay as secretary of state, then considered a stepping- stone to the presidency, was an unfortunate one, from the fact that it confirmed the suspicions of some that there was a bargain between him and the President, by which the latter had gained his high office. Mr. Clay most positively denied it, and there was not the slightest evidence brought forward that such was the case, yet it greatly promoted the interests of the opposition. The friends of Jackson and Crawford in Congress united to embarrass the measures of the President, and offered a most determined opposition to every question upon which the President relied for approval by the people. JOHN QUINOY ADAMS' ADMINSTRATION. 199 EEPUBLICAN TAETY DIVIDED. At the election of Adams began that disaffection in the re- publican ranks, \vhicli, in a few years, developed into two distinct political parties. In October, 1825, the legislature of Tennessee nominated Jackson for the Presidency in 1828, which he, in turn, accepted. Some of the other states did the same. The friends of Crawford coalesced with those of Jackson, and formed what was at first called the "Jackson party," but, as they became a distinct and national party, the name " democrats " was assumed, by which they have since been known. They wei'e strict constructionists, and the Crawford element even held to the doctrine expressed in the Virginia and Kentuclvv resolutions of 1798-9. This caused a union of the Clay and Adams factions, who took the party name of " national republicans," which, in a few years after- wards, was changed to whigs. They were loose construction- ists in principle, and advocated a protective tariff, and a sys- tem of national internal improvements at the government's expense. (Plate VI.) THE PANAMA MISSION. Congress met December 5, 1825. The administration men Nineteenth Congress, \ A\ere slightly in the majority in the First Session. ) House, and somewhat more so in the Senate ; but the opposition was very strong and determined. The session was partly taken up in discussing proposed changes in the manner of electing the President. In his message to this Congress Mr. Adams alluded to the Holy Alliance of the monarchies of Europe, made for the purpose of checking the progress of liberty on this si4e of the Atlan- tic as well as on the other, and the counter movement by the Spanish American republics, calling a Congress of American ministers at Panama, for the purpose of deliberating upon 200 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. measures of resistance. This project was supposed to have originated with Gen. Bolivar, at this time the head of the Columbia Republic. An iuvitation had been extended to the United States to send ambassadors, and the President recommended their appointment at once. The meeting wa^ to be held in June, 1826. A bill was introduced in Congress authorizing the mission, which gave rise to a great deal of intemperate discussion, and so long delayed the appointment of representatives that they failed to reach Panama in time. In this debate, as in almost every other, the slavery question was brought up, and its advocates made the startling claim that slavery in the states was an independent institution, and that its owners were invested with inherent rights. Congress adjourned May 22, 1826. Congress met December 4, 1826. The two factions were Nineteenth Congress, \ so evenly balanced in this Congress Second Session. i that few national measures were passed; the Jackson men were determined to defeat every measure suggested or favored by the President, and the friends of the administration were equally determined to sustain it. A bill for the increase of the tariff was defeated by the Vice-Presi- dent's casting vote. Congress adjourned March 3, 1827. THE CONTROVERSY WITH GEORGIA. About this time a controversy with the state of Georgia occurred, with reference to the removal of certain tribes of Creek Indians from that state, and from Alabama, Missis- sippi, and Tennessee. The principal chiefs had ceded to the United States their lands in Georgia, for which they were to receive in exchange other lands west of the Mississippi, and a money compensation besides ; most of that nation were un- willing to ratify the cession. The government of Georgia insisted that the treaty be carried out, if need be by forci- ble means ; and the state legislature Mas convened for the pur- JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 201 pose of surveying and appropriating the lands. The Presi- dent ordered the survey of the lands to be postponed, and communicated that fact to Gov. Troup, of Georgia. The governor replied that it was too late, as the laws of the state had already been extended over the ceded territory, and he would make it his duty to execute them. Thus the state and federal authorities came squarely in conflict with each other. The governor advocated resistance to the general government, and a committee of the state legislature made a report sug- gesting a Southern Confederacy. The doctrine of nullifica- tion thus embodied, had originated with Jefferson and Mon- roe, in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798-9 ; was proclaimed by the Massachusetts legislature in 1814, but it now appeared in a bolder form than ever before. The President laid the matter before Congress, but they failed to adopt any specific line of action, and left him to pursue hi& own course regarding the difficulty. A settlement of the question was not reached until the next administration. HIGH TARIFF OF 1828. Congress met December 3, 1827. The democrats had a Twentieth Congress, \ majority in both Houses. The discus- First Session. i sions of this session assumed a politi- cal character. The admirers of Jackson proposed to order a painting of the battle of New Orleans, and the opposite side made a counter proposition to investigate his action in hav- ing some insubordinate militiamen executed. The most important subject that came before this session was the revision of the tariif. The protectionists had called a convention, to meet at Harrisburg, Pa., on the 30th of July, 1827, for the purpose of discussing and formally de- manding a higher tariff. Many of the democratic congress- men from the north united with them in this demand, while the democrats in the south were for a tariff for revenue only. 202 HISTOEY OF AMEEICAN POLITICS. The duties, according to the tariff of 1824, were ad valorem. Importers would invoice their goods below their real value, and thus defraud the revenue. The debate on this question occupied about six weeks, during which great excitement pre- vailed, both in and out of Congress. The measure was stoutly denounced by the south, and especially by South Carolina. Her citizens petitioned the state legislature to "save them from the grasp of usurpation and poverty," which such a law would occasion. The measure, known as the Tariff of 1828, passed, and had the effect of strengthening very greatly the doctrine of nullification in the south. Many who had formerly opposed a protective tariff now favored it, conspicuous among whom was Daniel Webster, who assigned as a reason for his change, that the protective tariff had then become the established policy of the nation, and harmonized with the interests of the section which he represented. Con- gress adjourned May 26, 1828. ELECTION OF 1828. This political canvass may be said to have begun at the election of Mr. Adams by the House of Representatives, and continued during the four years of his administration. Jack- son had been nominated by the Tennessee legislature as early as 1825. By 1827, the opposition to President Adams was fully organized, for it was clear that the next presidential con- test would be between him and Andrew Jackson. The former had been nominated by the general assembly of Massachusetts. The caucus system had gone into disuse, and national con- ventions had not yet been invented. The contest was a very long and animated one. The public record of each candidate Avas overhauled to find, if possible, something derogatory to his character. The prominent charge against Adams was that of a bargain with Clay on the eve of the last election, by wliich Clay was to make him President and he make Clay JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 203 secretary of state. Though this charge was unfounded, yet many were sincere in believing it true. Jackson's mistakes were also brought up and greatly exaggerated before the country. The hero of New Orleans was elcctrd, however, with an overwhelming majority. The vote for President stood as follows : Jackson, 178 ; Adams, 83. For Vice-President, Calhoun was re-elected, receiving 171 out of 261 votes. The election marks the geographical division of parties; Jackson and Calhoun were from slave-holding states, while Adams and Rush were from free states. THE ANTI-^rASONIC PARTY. The party bearing this designation had its origin in a cir- cumstance which occurred in western New York. William Morgan, a Royal Arch ]Mason, of Genesee county, prepared and threatened to publish a work disclosing the secrets of Masonry. He was arrested for a debt of two dollars and thrown into jail, from which he was taken by night to Fort Niagara. He remained a short time at this place, and, on the 29th of September, 1826, disappeared, and was never seen afterwards. This created great excitement, for it was claimed that the Masons had put him to death clandestinely. The anti-Masonic party was organized by those who believed that the members of the Masonic fraternity held their civil obligations subordinate to their fraternal obligations, and they therefore deemed them unworthy to hold civil office. The new party found many adherents throughout the state of New York and other states, until, in 1831, they felt justified in making a nomination for President, which they did in the person of William Wirt. (Plate VI.) Congress met December 1, 1828. In his message the Pres- Twentieth Congress, \ ident earnestly advocated protection. Second Session. , / After a long debate a bill was passed making very large appropriations for internal improvements. 20-4 HISTORY OP AMEBICAN POLITICS. and received the President's sanction. Congress adjourned March 3, 1829, and March 4, Jackson and Calhoun were sworn into office. EEFEEENCES. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams C. F. Adams. Correspondence and Speeches of Clay Colton. Life of Clay Mallory Works of Calhoun Calhoun. Life of Webster Curtis. Webster's Works, Vol. Ill .F.Webster. Niles' Register American Diplomatic Code Elliot. Statutes at Large, Vol. IL. Debates of Congress Benton. Speeches of Clay Colton. Jefferson's Work Eandall. Opinions of the Attorneys-General Statesman's Manual, Vol. II Williams. Peters' Eeports, Vol. V Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. History of the Constitution Von Hoist. History of American Politics Johnston. American Politics Cooper. American Statesman Young. Constitutional History of the United States Cocke. Sectional Controversy Fowler. EXECUTIVE 0PFICEE8 OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINIS- TRATION. John Quincy Adams President 1825-1829 John C. Calhoun Vice-President 1825-1829 CABINET. Henry Clay Secretary of State 1825-1829 Richard Eush Secretary of Treasury 1825-1829 James Barbour Secretary of War 1825-1828 Peter B. Porter " " 1828-1829 Samuel Southard Secretary of Navy 1823-1829 John McLean Postmaster-General 1823-1829 William Wirt Attorney-General 1817-1829 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. 205 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. John Marshall Chief Justice 1801-1835 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. John W. Taylor Speaker of House 1825-1827 Andrew Stevenson " " 1827-1834 206 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER XI. JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 1829—1837. THE president's POLICY. General Jackson's administration was an eventful one, and marks an epoch in the political history of the country. The nation had known him as a fearless and successful general, but when the legislature of Tennessee nominated him for the presidency, it was looked upon in New England as a piece of absurdity. Though his state had sent him to the House of Representatives, and subsequently to the Senate, he had not impressed the country as a statesman. A man of the masses, and an idol of the people, he rode into power on the popular ciy that the tendencies of government had been undemocratic, and the will of the people had been disre- garded under the pretext of adhering to the constitution. The election of Jackson, therefore, was looked upon as a victory of the people, and a triumph of the democratic prin- ple. His inaugural address was highly republican, and indi- cated no radical departure from the policies of his predeces- sors. He promised to keep steadily in view the limitations, as well as the extent of the executive power; to preserve peace and cultivate friendship Avith foreign nations ; not to confound the powers that the states had reserved to them- selves with those they had granted to the federal government, in any measures he might be called upon to pursue in regard to their rights ; to give no inconsiderable share of his solici- tude to the management of the public revenue ; to lend aid to any measure looking to the strengthening of the national JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 207 militia ; to correct those abuses which had brought the pat- ronage of the federal government into conflict with the free- dom of elections ; and to counteract those causes which had disturbed the rightful course of appointment, and had placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands. In relation to the one important question of state versus federal authority, it will be observed, that he makes a statement so general as to leave his views in utter doubt. To "take care not to confound the reserved powers of the separate states with those which they had granted to the confederacy," without intimating any opinion whatever upon the point of real issue before the country — the threatening attitude of Georgia and South Carolina — was calculated to quiet both sides tempo- rarily, and enable the President to glide safely between the dangerous rocks. PARTY OPPOSITION. The "era of good feeling" that dawned upon Monroe's administration was not destined to last. Under the present administration the old party spirit and party names were re- vived with increased bitterness. The President encountered a constant struggle with his political opponents, the national republicans, the anti-Masons, the United States Bank, the nuUificationists, and the loose constructionists of his own party, who were in favor of protection and internal improve- ments. He was successful only because his opponents could not unite upon any single line of policy, and because he was a man of undoubted sincerity, to whom, contending, as he was, against great odds, there would come considerable sup- port through natural sympathy. BEIIOVALS PROM OFFICE. President Jackson inaugurated and carried out what is commonly called the "spoils system," from an expression ■208 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. •dropped by one William L. Marcy, a senator from New York, in a speech urging the Senate to confirm the nomination of Martin Van Buren as minister to England. In the course of his speech he said : " The people of New York preach what they practice ; when they are contending for victory, they avow their intention of enjoying the fruits of it. If they are defeated, they expect to retire from office. If they are successful, they claim, as a matter of right, the advantage of success. They see nothing wrong in the rule that to the vic- tors belong the spoils of the enemy." " To the victors be- long the spoils " from that hour to this has been the inviola- TdIc law of American politics. Though the President had, some twelve years before, counseled James Monroe, in a pri- vate letter, soon after his inauguration as President, " to ex- terminate that monster called party spirit ; " yet, in his own administration he established a precedent, which, more than anything else, is calculated to keep alive party spirit and degrade the public service. He removed officials, merely be- cause they differed from him in their political views, and re- placed them with his own political friends. The general alleged, in extenuation of his policy, that he could conduct ihe government better by the aid of his friends than by that of his opponents, remarking that he was "too old a soldier to leave his garrison in the hands of his enemies." Collect- ors and inspectors of customs, surveyors of ports, naval officers, district marshals and attorneys, receivers of public moneys, comptrollers, auditors, registers and clerks in the executive departments were removed indiscriminately, and democrats appointed in their places. During his entire ad- ministration the number of removals ran up to six hundred and ninety. In comparison with this. General Washington, in eight years, removed nine public officers, one for default ; John Adams, in four years, removed ten, one for default; Thomas Jefferson, in eight years, removed thirty-nine ; James 209 Madison, in eight years, removed five, three of them for de- fault; John Qnincy Adams, in four years, removed only two, and both of them for default. The national republicans op- posed this policy, and passed resolutions condemning it. Congress met December 7, 1829, the democrats having a Twenty-first Congress, \ majority in both branches. In his First Session. J message to this Congress the Presi- dent advised a change in the mode of electing the President and Vice-President, so as to have the people vote directly for these offices. As to the tariff he did not give a distinct enun- ciation of his views, but left the impression that he would be unfavorable to protection. With reference to the national bank he showed clearly that he doubted the constitutionality of it, by suggesting that an inquiry be made into the ques- tion, and also the advisability of renewing its charter. He advised retrenchment and. reform in various directions, but, upon the majority of things in the message. Congress was not disposed to act. To many of them they paid no atten- tion at all. This shows that the President, from the very start, did not have the entire co-operation of his own party. THE WEBSTER AND HAYNE DEB^T3. It was during this session that the " Great Debate in the Senate," between Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, occurred. The occasion of it was a resolution offered by Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, in the Sen- ate, " inquiring into the expediency of suspending the sales of public lands." From this apparently harmless resolution the debate branched off in every direction, embracing, within its range, the great fundamental principles of our govern- ment. Prominent among them was the relation of the states to the federal government. Upon this question Mr. Hayne delivered himself very fully, taking the position that the fed- 14 210 HISTOEY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. eral government was not superior in authority to an individ- ual state, and that his own state had the right to decide, on its own responsibility, a law of Congress to be unconstitu- tional. This doctrine now received the name of " nullifica- tion." Mr. Hayne declared the intention of South Carolina to interpose her protecting power against the federal govern- ment whenever the latter should attempt to enforce upon her a law which she deemed unconstitutional. Against the legal- ity of such proceedings upon the part of a state Mr. Webster argued at great length. The supremacy of the federal gov- ernment he demonstrated to be the one principle which must be unquestioned, if we would preserve our institutions and save the Union. The speeches were " brilliant, comprehen- sive, and eloquent." The part which Webster took in the discussions rendered him famous, and won for him the title of " Defender of the Constitution." POCKET VETO. Congress passed a bill at this session authorizing a govern- ment subscription to the stock of the Maysville Turnpike Road, in Kentucky. Believing that Congress had transcended her power in passing such a bill, the President vetoed it. Two days before adjournment Congress passed two other bills similar to this one. The President could retain them by law ten days before affixing his signature. This he did, Avhich virtually amounted to a veto, as the day for adjournment came before the ten days were up. This was afterward re- ferred to as the " pocket veto," and was more than once used by the President afterward. Congress adjourned May 31, 1830. JACKSON AND CALHOUN. At his inauguration President Jackson expressed himself Twenty -first Congress, \ in favor of the one-term principle. Second Session. J and afterward recommended a con- Jackson's admixisteations. 211 stitutional amendment to that effect. Upon this announce- ment Mr. Calhoun began to lay plans for the election of him- self to the Presidency, as General Jackson's successor. The two men were not in harmony upon all the prominent ques- tions of the day, and particularly upon the state rights question. Mr. Calhoun represented the southern idea, and the President the opposite. On April 13, 1830, some of the leading democrats, at Washington, gave a dinner in honor of Jefferson's birthday. After the regular toasts were given, which had been so arranged as to hint at least at nullifica- tion, the President offered a volunteer toast, " Our Federal Union ; it must be preserved." The Vice-President, Calhoun, in return, offered one to " Liberty, dearer than Union." This episode called the attention of the country to the extent in which the doctrine of nullification was held among the demo- cratic leaders, and disclosed the fact that the President and Vice- President were squarely arrayed on this question. Mr. Cal- houn had secured the support of the Telegraph, the administra- tion journal, and the friendship of three cabinet officers, and, in March, 1831, came out in an attack upon the President, which was re-echoed by various paj^ers throughout the coun- try, favorable to the Calhoun doctrine. This publication produced a rupture between the general and Calhoun, which was immediately followed by a reorganization of the cabinet, and the establishment of The Globe, a journal in the inter- ests of the administration. The breaking up of the cabinet was freely denounced by the opposition and the friends of j\Ir. Calhoun. In his message to this Congress the President again spoke unfavorably with reference to the bank, and argued that Congress had no right to vote appropriations for any inter- nal improvements, unless of such a character as to benefit the country at large. He, however, signed a harbor improve- 212 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ment bill, which had passed both Houses by very large ma- jorities. Congress adjourned March 3, 1831. THE NULLIFICATION OR CALHOUN PARTY. In 1831, after the rupture between Calhoun and the Presi- dent, the former proceeded with his work of organizing a party of his own in the south, which should elevate him to the presidency. He traveled through his own state and Georgia, harranguing the people, instigating the legislature to resistance of the tariff laws, and advised the election of Senator Hayne to the office of governor, in which he would be in a position to carry out the designs of Mr. Calhoun in the emergencies contemplated. The latter, in his speeches, continually inveighed against the President and Mr. Van Buren, of whom he continued to be jealous. Though he had a strong following in South Carolina, and throughout the south, on the question of state rights, and succeeded in get- ting his^iuUification ordinances passed in his own state, yet when it came to the election of 1832, he was offered only the electoral vote of South Carolina, which, of course, he dis- dained to accept. (Plate YI.) LAND PROCEEDS. In 1832, an attempt was made to pass a law requiring that the proceeds from the sale of "public lands be distributed among the states. It did not receive the signature of the ex- ecutive, but a bill providing for the distribution of the sur- plus revenue among the states originated in the Senate and became a law. The distribution of the land proceeds among the states was advocated by the national republican and the whig party. ATTEMPTED RECHARTER OF THE NATIONAL BANK. Congress met December 5, 1831. The democrats were 213 Twenty-secoud Cougress, 1 slightly in the minority in the First Session. / Senate, and had a majority of one in the House. In his message to tliis Cnngrcss the President, for the third time, attacked the national bank. Though the bank's charter had yet five years to run, it felt called upon to begin the fight and made application for a new charter. The President's adherents in the House demanded an investigation into the affairs of the bank. For this purpose a committee was appointed, which brought in two reports, a majority re- port approving its management, and a minority report con- demning it. After a lengthy discussion a bill to renew the charter passed both Houses, but was vetoed by the President July 10, 1832. As they did not have the requisite two-thirds majority to pass it over his veto the measure fell through. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. At this session Congress passed and the President signed a bill appropriating $1,200,000 for internal improvements. He refused, however, to sanction another measure of a similar nature, known as the " harbor bill." THE TARIFF OF 1832. The President had in his annual message recommended a reduction of the tariff on imports, and the subject was referred to the committee on manufactures, of which John Quincy Adams was chairman. The report of this committee on the subject repealed the tariff act of 1828 and reduced the duties on some leading articles, as iron and coarse woollens. It was expected by the friends of protection that this measure would suit the discontented element in the south, and partic- ularly in South Carolina. With this hope Congress passed the bill and the President signed it. It failed in this design, however, for on the day after the passage of the bill the rep- resentatives of South Carolina met at Washington and pub- 214 HISTOEY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. lished an address upon the subject of tariff in which they urged resistance. In that address they claimed that in the act just passed the duties upon protected articles were really increased, while the decrease was made only in duties upon unimported articles; that the burden of supporting the government was thus thrown upon the southern states, while the other states gained more than they lost by the operations of this system. The address closes thus : " They will not pretend to suggest the appropriate remedy, but after expressing their solemn and deliberate conviction that the protecting system must now be re- garded as the settled policy of the country, and that all hope of relief from Congress is irrecoverably gone, they leave it with you, the sovereign power of the state, to determine whether the rights and liberties which you received as a precious in- heritance from an illustrious ancestry, shall be tamely surren- dered without a struggle or transmitted undiminished to your posterity." The nomination of Martin Van Buren, of New York, as minister to England, came up in the Senate for confirmation. It was rejected, the vote being arranged so as to give the Vice-President the casting vote, which, with "vengeance," he cast in opposition to the nomination. Congress adjourned July 14, 1832. ELECTION OF 1832. The first national convention ever held in the United States was that of the anti-Masonic party, which assembled in Philadelphia, September, 1830. By the recommendation of this convention, the party met in convention at Baltimore, September, 1831, and nominated William Wirt for President, and Amos Ellmaker for Vice-President. Their mode of nominating by a general convention was followed by the other parties. The national republican party held a national convention in the same city December 12, 1831. Henry Clay and John Sergeant were nominated by a unanimous Jackson's administrations. 215 vote. They adojited no platform at this time, but in the fol- lowing May, at a ratification meeting held in Washington, resolutions were adopted favoring a protective tariff, internal improvements, and opposing the President's "remcjvals," his abuse of power, and the doctrine that "to the victors belong the spoils." In March, 1832, the democratic national con- vention met in the same city, and confirmed the nomination of Jackson, which had been made in 1830, by the New York legislature. They nominated Martin Van Buren, of Xew York, for Vice-President. Preceding the vote for the latter, it was resolved "that two-thirds of the whole number of votes in the convention shall be necessary to constitute a choice." This was the origin of the famous two-thirds rule. ~No platform of principles was adopted. The nullificationists' candidate was John C. Calhoun, nominated by the legislature of South Carolina. No one was nominated for Vice-Presi- dent, and no declaration of principles was made. General Jackson was re-elected, receiving two hundred and nineteen electoral votes out of three hundred and sixteen. ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. During the administration of Andrew Jackson, the slave power attained the zenith of its supremacy. The arrogant and threatening attitude it assumed aroused the abolition sentiment in the north, and brought out in organized form the power destined finally to overthrow it. Benjamin Lundy, a Quaker, born in New Jersey, and William Lloyd Garrison, born in Massachusetts, were two of the pioneers in this movement. By their publications and speeches they did in- calculable service to the cause of emancipation. So rapidly did the movement spread that in 1833 they were enabled to organize the American anti-slavery society. It gave to the country a declaration of principles, the essence of which was that " slavery is a crime," and no reasons of expediency 216 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. could justify its perpetuation. The free states share in the crime, and their population are therefore bound to take ac- tion. These opponents of slavery were called abolitionists. NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE. Congress met December 3, 1832. Immediately after the Twenty-second Congress, \ tariff measure of the first session Second Session. J of this Congress was passed, and the address of the South Carolina representatives at Wash- ington sent out, meetings were held all over that state de- nouncing the tariff and pledging persons attending, to support the state government in any measures of resistance it might adopt. The nullifiers gained a majority in both houses of the state legislature, which body Governor Hamilton con- vened in special session at Columbia, October 22, 1832. The first thing taken uj? was the tariff question, and a bill was passed authorizing a convention to meet in that city on the 19th of November following. This convention recommended the passage of an ordinance declaring all the acts of Congress imposing duties on imported goods, and more especially the laws of May 19, 1828, and July 14, 1832, to be null and void within the state of South Carolina. It further provided that no appeal should be permitted to the Supreme Court of the United States on any question concerning the validity of the ordinance, or of the laws passed to give effect thereto. It also prohibited the authorities from el^forcing the payment of duties within the state from and after the 1st of February, 1833. The legislature passed the laws required by this ordi- nance soon after the adjournment of the convention. This was followed by a proclamation from the President, in which he pronounced against the action of South Carolina, expounded the constitution according to the views of Webster, and ex- pressed his determination to execute the laws of the United States. As a specimen of the style and spirit of this procla- JACKSON'S AD.MIXISTRATIOXS. 217 mation, take the following : " I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one state, in- compatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted ex- pressly by the letter of the constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed." In South Carolina the proclamation was charac- terized as " the edict of a dictator." The Governor urged the people to protect the liberty of the state, and Congress em- powered the President to employ the forces necessary to in- sure the collection of the revenue. Accordingly he occupied Charleston harbor with a naval force and furnished guards for the protection of officials engaged in the collection of the revenue under the tariff of 1832. Virginia, at this juncture, offered her mediation. During this time there was going on in Congress a prolonged discussion on various modifications of the tariff, which ended in the passage of a bill known as the COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 1833, championed by Henry Clay. It provided for a gradual re- duction of duties till June, 1842, after which the duties on all goods were to be 20 per cent. This put to rest the spirit; of nullification. In his message to this congress the Presi- dent renewed his attack upon the United States bank, and startled Congress and the country by expressing doubts con- cerning its solvency. He recommended that United States revenue be no longer deposited in the bank, and that the stock belonging to the United States be sold. The friends of the bank, in Congress, easily defeated both these pi-oposi- tions. Congress adjourned MarcH 2, 1833, and, on March 4, Jackson and Van Buren took the oath of office. REMOVAL OF DEPOSITS. The law of 1816, creating the bank of the United States, 218 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ordered that the public moneys should be deposited in its vaults, giving the secretary of the treasury power to remove the funds when necessary, he being required to lay before Congress his reasons therefor immediately afterward. Deter- mined to act in harmony with his recommendation to the last Congress, he order the secretary of the treasury to remove the deposits. Upon his refusal to comply, the President re- moved him, and appointed William J. Duane, of Pennsyl- vania, in his place. He was quite as unwilling as his pred- ecessor to comply with the President's request, who, after many efforts to persuade him, announced to the cabinet his deter- mined purpose to have the deposits removed, and compelled Duane to resign. His successor was Roger B. Taney, of Maryland. He, in accordance with the President's decision, gave the necessary orders for removal. It was rather a ces- sation than removal, however, as the previous deposits were left in the bank to be drawn upon till exhausted. This act of the President was censured by the entire opposition and many of his political friends. Great financial distress fol- lowed the removal of the deposits, and great excitement was created throughout the country. STATE BANKS. When the national bank ceased to be the place for deposit- ing the public moneys, the democrats favored the use of state banks as depositories ; this the whigs opposed, and advocated the establishment of a " sub-treasUry," as it was afterwards designated, which was nothing more than a scheme to place the public moneys in the custody of certain faithful agents appointed by the secretary of the treasury. RESOLUTION OP CENSURE. Congress met December 2, 1833. In the message to this Twenty -third Congress, \ Congress, and in the report of the First Session. / secretary of the treasury, the removal Jackson's administeations. 219 of deposits was defended. In the Senate resolutions con- demning the action of the President were introduced by Mr. Clay, which, after being debated for three months, were passed. The second resolution declared that the President, in removing the deposits, "had assumed upon himself au- thority and power not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation 6f both." These resolution were, how- ever, tabled in the House. Congress adjourned June 30, 1834. Congress met December 1, 1834. There was very little Twenty-third Congress, \ of interest done this session. Some Second Session. J further appropriations were voted for internal improvements, and regulations were made to gov- ern the deposit of public moneys in state banks. At this session the sub-treasury plan was voted down. Congress ad- journed March 3, 1835. THE WHIG PAETY. In the reconstruction of parties, which grew out of the in- tense political excitement over the removal of the " deposits," there resulted the formation of the whig party, composed of the national republicans, the anti-Masons, some of the nulli- fiers, and many democrats who were displeased with the high-handed measures of the President. (Plate VI.) LOCOFOCOS. In 1835, in the city and county of New York, a portion of the democrats organized themselves into the " equal rights " party. At a meeting in Tammany Hall they at- tempted to embarrass the proceedings of the democratic noln- inating committee, by presenting a chairman in opposition to the one supported by the regular democrats. Both parti(;s came to a dead lock, and, in the midst of great confusion, the committee extinguished the lights. The equal rights men immediately relighted the room with candles and locofoco 220 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. matches, with which they had provided themselves. From this they received the name of locofocos, a designation which, for a time, was applied to the whole democratic party by the opposition. (Plate VI.) Congress met December 7, 1 835. The President announced. Twenty-fourth Congress, \ in his message, that the national First Session. J debt woiild soon be paid off. A long debate ensued as to the disposition of the surplus of revenue, which would arise after the extinction of the debt. An act was finally passed which provided that after January 1, 1837, all surplus revenue exceeding $5,000,000 should be divided among the states as a loan, subject to recall by direc- tion of Congress. Congress adjourned July 4, 1836. ELECTIOIv' OF 1836. The democrats met in national convention at Baltimore, in May, 1835, and nominated Martin Van Biiren and E-. M. Johnson. The whigs, in convention at Albany, New York^ at which only delegates from that state were present, nomi- nated William Henry Harrison and Francis Granger. Neither party adopted a platform. The nominations at Albany were indorsed by a great many whig state conventions throughout the country, but there were some exceptions. Daniel Web- ster, H. L. White, and William Smith were also candidates. This lack of unity injured the chances of success for the whig party. Van Buren was chosen by a mere popular majority. SPECIE CIRCULAR. *As a consequence of the fall of the United States bank, a great many state banks sprung up, often without sufficient capital to meet the expected need of paper money. Their notes were used very largely in the purchase, of lands from the United States. This paper currency was of doubtful worth, and to prevent the accumulation of it in the treasury Jackson's administkations. 221 the President issued his " specie circular," which required tlic treasurer to receive only gold and silver in return for lands sold. This produced a great revulsion in business, and cul- minated in the "panic of 1S37." TEXAS. Congress met December 5, 1836. A resolution was passed Twenty-fourth Congress, \ recognizing the independence of Second Session. i Texas, which had previously been a part of Mexico, notwithstanding the President in his mes- sage had advised Congress not to interfere in the struggle. AXTI-SLAVERA' MAIL. The war which the abolitionists were making upon slavery at this time was creating great excitement north and south. In 1835 the President recommended to Congress the passage of a law suppressing the circulation, by mail, of anti-slavery publications in the southern states. The whigs opposed the law on the- ground that it invaded the sanctity of private cor- respondence. The bill offered to this effect was rejected. THE EIGHT OF PETITION. The zeal of the abolitionists in offering petitions to Con- gress brought up the question of the right of petition. The pro-slavery men argued that petitions for the abolition of slavery should not be received. Before leaving office Presi- dent Jackson issued a farewell address to the American people. Congress adjourned March. 3, 1837, and on March 4, Van Buren and Johnson took the oath of office. During Jackson's second term two states were admitted into the Union, as follows : Arkansas, June, 1836, and Michigan, January, 1837. 222 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. f REFERENCES. THE BANK CONTROVERSY. Life and Letters of J. Story, Vol. II Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. Ill Parton. Calhoun's Works, Vol. II Cralle. Correspondence of Henry Clay Colton. Debates of Congress, Vol. XI THE VETO POWER. Webster's Works, Vol. Ill Curtis. Wheaton's Reports, Vol. IV Curtis' Reports, Vol. IV Authorities under Bank Controversy • THE BANK LAW. Clay's Speeches Mallory. Statutes at Large, Vol. Ill Crouch's Reports, Vol. IX Authorities under Bank Controversy ABOLITION AND THE SLAVERY QUESTION. Slavery and Anti-Slavery Goodell. Niles' Register, Vols. XXXVII-L Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, Vol. I Wilson. The American Slave Code Goodell. Writings of Jay (to Bishop Ives) Recollections of the Anti-Slavery Conflict. May. Constitutional Limitations Cooley. Commentaries Kent. Commentaries, Vol. IV Blackstone. Statesman's Manual, Vol. II .' , Williams. Thirty Years in the Senate Benton. IN GENERAL. History of the Constitution Von Hoist. American Politics Cooper. History of the Republican Party Hall. Speeches of Webster Webster. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams Adams. American Statesman Young. Life and Times of Clay Schmucker. Jackson's administrations. 223 Cyclopedia of United States History Lossing. Eise and Fall of the Confederate Government Davis. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATIONS. Andrew Jackson President 1829-1837 John C. Calhoun Vice-President 1829-1833 Martin Van Buren " " 1833-1837 Martin Van Buren Secretary of State ■. 1829-1831 EdwardLivingston " " 1831-1833 Louis McLane " " 1833-1834 John Forsyth " " 1834-1837 Samuel D.Ingham Secretary of the Treasury 1829-1831 Louis McLane " " " 1831-1833 William J. Duane " " " 1833-1833 Roger B.Taney " " " 1833-1834 Levi Woodbury " " " 1834-1841 John H. Eaton Secretary of War 1829-1831 Lewis Cass " " 1831-1837 John Branch Secretary of the Navy 1829-1831 Levi AVoodbury " " " 1831-1834 Mahlon Dickerson " " " 1834-1838 William T. Barry Postmaster-General ; 1829-1835 Amos Kendall " " 1835-1840 John McPherson Berrien Attorney-General 1829-1831 Roger B.Taney " " 1831-1833 Benjamin F. Butler " " 1833-1838 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. John Marshall Chief Justice 1801-1835 Roger B.Taney " " 1836-1864 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Andrew Stevenson Speaker of the House 1827-1834 Henry Hubbard " " " 1834-1834 John Bell " " " 1834-1835 James K. Polk " " " 1835-1839 .224 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. 1813-1829. — No Platforms by either Political Party, except that at Hartford by Federalists. 1830.— ANTI-MASONIC EESOLUTION, Philadelphia, September. Resolved, That it is recommended to the people of the United States, op- posed to secret societies, to meet in convention on Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, at the city of Baltimore, by delegates equal in number to their representatives in both houses of Congress, to make nominations of suitable candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, to be supported at the next election, and for the transaction of such other business as the cause of anti-Masonry may require. 1832.— NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFOEM, ADOPTED AT A EATIFICATION MEETING At Washington City, May 11. Resolved, That an adequate protection to American industry is indispens- able to the prosperity of the country ; and that an abandonment of the policy at this period would be attended with consequences ruinous to the best interests of the nation. Resolved, That a uniform system of internal improvements, sustained and supported by the general government, is calculated to secure, in the high- est degree, the harmony, the strength and permanency of the republic. Resolved, That the indiscriminate removal of public officers for a mere difference of political opinion, is a gross abuse of power; and that the doc- trine lately boldly preached in the United States Senate, that " to the vic- tors belong the spoils of the vanquished," is detrimental to the interests, corrupting to the morals, and dangerous to the liberties of the country. 1836.—" LOCOFOCO " PLATFOEM. Aao York, January. We hold these truths to be self-evident, tliat all men are created free and equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that the true foundation of republican government is the equal rights of every citizen in his person and property, and in their management; that the idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society we give up any nat- rural right ; that the riglitful power of all legislation is to declare and en- Jackson's adjiinistbations. 225 force only our natural rights and duties, and to take none of tliem from us ; that no man has the natural right to commit aggressions on tlie equal rights of another, and this is all from which the law ought to restrain him! that every man is under the natural duty of contributing to tlie necessities of society, and this all the law should enforce on him ; that wlien the laws have declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their functions. We declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and paper money as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the only safe and constitu- tional currency ; hostility to any and all monopolies by legislation, be- caiise they are violations of equal rights of the people; hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of vested rights or prerogatives by legislation, because they are usurpations of the people's sovereign rights ; no legislative or other authority, in the body politic, can right- fully, by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of men, in any case whatever, from trial by jury, and the jurisdiction or operation of the laws which govern the community. We hold that each and every law or act of incorporation, passed by preced- ing legislatures, can be rightfully altered and repealed by their successors ; and that they should be altered or repealed, when necessary for the public good, or when required by a majority of the people. 1836.— WHIG EESOLUTIO^fS, Albany, N. Y., February 3. Resolved, That in support of our cause, we invite all citizens opposed to Martin Van Buren and the Baltimore nominees. Resolved, That Martin Van Buren, by intriguing with the executive to obtain his influence to elect him to the Presidency, has set an example dangerous to our freedom and corrupting to our free institutions. Resolved, That the support we render to William H. Harrison is by no means given to him solely on account of his brilliant and successful ser- vices as leader of our armies during the last war, but that in him we view also the man of high intellect, the stern patriot, uncontaminated by the machinery of hackneyed politicians — a man of the school of Washington. Resolved, That in Francis Granger we recognize one of our most distin- guished fellow-citizens, whose talents we admire, whose patriotism we trust, and whose principles we sanction. 15 226 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER XII. VAN BUREN'S ADMINISTRATION. 1837-1841. Van Buren continued Jackson's cabinet, and promised "to follow in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor." The reduced democratic majority in the non-slaveholding states which he had received, made it apparent that a re-election must come, if at all, from the south. He improved the earl- iest opportunities of making advances in that direction, and declared that he " Avent into the Presidential chair the inflexi- ble and uncompromising opponent of every attempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Colum- bia, against the wishes of the slaveholding states ; and, with equal determination, he would resist the slightest interfer- ence with it in the states where it existed." PANIC OF '37. The circumstances attending the accession of the new President to power were very inauspicious. The doing away Avith the United States bank, and the making of gold and silver the medium of exchange, produced a money pressure, which culminated in May, 1837. During this month the banks of New York suspended specie payment. Their ex- ample was followed by other banks throughout the country. Commercial distress and business prostration followed imme- diately. Property depreciated, and the whole country was filled with distress and consternation. This condition of things was the more embarrassing to the new administration, VAN BUEEN's ADJtIXISTRATION. 227 because it had grown out of mca^iurcs enacted and sanctioned by the previous one, to the continuation of which Van Buren had pledged himself. He was urged to repeal the specie cir- cular, and call an extra session of Congress. Congress met September 4, 1837. The democrats were iu Twenty-fifth Congress, 1 the majority, but the whigs had made Extra Session. i great gains. James K. Polk, of Ten- nessee, was elected Speaker. The President, in his message, went into a lengthly discussion of the causes instrumental in bringing about such a condition of aifairs, and held that the government should not attempt to interfere directly with the panic, but let it right itself, which it would finally do more easily and satisfactorily than could be done in any other way. He held that the panic was due, in large part, to the over- stimulated condition of commerce and trade, engendered by an excessive issue of bank paper, previous to the issuing of the " specie circular," and that the country must look to the development of its resources as a means of bridging over the financial distress. He, therefore, refused to rescind the " specie circular," but proposed, instead, a SUB-TEEASUKY. This plan met with strong opposition from the whigs, and some of the democrats, the latter assuming the title of "con- servatives," and, as a rule, voting with the whigs on financial measures. The measure establishing the sub-treasury, though passed in the Senate, was lost in the House ; but an act was passed authorizing the issue of $10,000,000 in treasury notes, and giving merchants further time on their revenue bonds. Congress adjourned October 16. Congress met December 4, 1837. The bill for the estab- Twenty-fifth Congress, \ lishment of the independent treasury First Session. / was again recommended by the Pres- ident, and again passed in the Senate, but killed in the House. 228 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. As a measure of relief to business, a joint resolution was passed, authorizing the secretary of the treasury to receive the notes of specie-paying banks in payment for public lands. This annulled the specie circular. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. During this session a bill was offered by Senator Preston, of South Carolina, which proposed as follows : " Be it Re- solved, That with the consent of the said state previously had, and whenever it can be effected consistently with the faith and treaty stipulations of the United States, it is desirable and expedient to re-annex the said territory to the United States." This was the beginning of a great agitation, involving the ex- tension of slavery and the dangerous supremacy of the slave power. After some discussion the subject was laid on the table. Congress adjourned July 9,. 1838. STATE BANK DEPOSITORIES VS. SUB-TREASURY. In the course of the controversies upon the bank and financial matters generally, it will be observed that each party in time changed its position and involved itself in incon- sistency. The whigs, during Jackson's administration, op- posed the use of state banks as depositories for government moneys and favored a sub-treasury. When Van Buren recommended the latter scheme the whigs brought all their influence to bear against it, and advocated state banks as de- positories instead. In justification of this change of position they argued that frequent changes in the policy of the govern- ment were more injurious than the "intrinsic defects of any particular plan of finance." The democrats, who were sup- porting the administration, were involved in the same incon- sistency. Under Jackson's last term they had favored the state bank system, while now they were arrayed squarely against it. This change the people could not understand, VAN BUREN's admix ISTPvATION. 229 and, as a consequeace, their views upon the question were greatly confused. THE RIGHT OF PETITION. There was little of party interest occurred this session. Twenty-fifth Congress, \ Congress and the administration ap- Second Session. / peared disinclined to interfere in the financial troubles of the country, which tended to weaken the democratic party in its hold upon the people. During this session the question of the "right of petition," which was sprung in Jackson's administration, came up. Mr. Atherton reported a series of resolutions, which closed with the pro- vision "that every petition, or pajjer, in any way relating to slavery, as aforesaid, should, on presentation, without further action thereon, be laid on the table without being debated or referred." This was adopted by majorities ranging from forty-eight to fifty-eight. Since the question had begun to be agitated, similar resolutions had been passed at three other sessions. In 1840, one was passed by a majority of six, and in 1845 the rule was rescinded and Congress "consented to receive and treat respectfully all petitions on the subject of slavery." Congress adjourned March 3, 1839. THE ABOLITION PARTY. The passage of resolutions against the right of petition, and the strong pressure brought to bear to prohibit anti-slavery literature from being carried in the mails, aroused quit« an excitement in the north, and many who had never entertained any sympathy for the abolitionists now sided with them. By this means they grew in strength till, in November, 1839, they were enabled to organize ; which they did at Warsaw, New York, under the name of the abolition party. (Plate VI.) LIBERTY PARTY. The state convention of the New York abolitionists, which 230 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. met at Arcade, in January, 1840, issued a call for a national convention, to meet at Albany, to consider the advisability of forming a political party of their own. The anti-slavery leaders generally assumed an attitude of indifference or cool- ness towards the proposed movement, and the Massachusetts anti-slavery society issued an address, in which it took strong grounds against it. When the convention met there were found to be only seventeen delegates present, outside of New York. Notwithstanding, a new political party was formed, and the name " Liberty party " adopted. It drew strength from both democrats and whigs. (Plate VI.) Congress met December 2, 1839. The whigs had made Twenty-sixth Congress, \ great gains, and were quite hopeful First Session. i of having a majority in the House. A contest arose over the New Jersey delegation, there being five whig candidates with certificates of election, and five democrats, contesting their claim on the grounds of a mis- count in one county. The congressmen were at this time chosen on a general ticket by the whole state. The question was not settled until March, 1840, when the democratic dele- gation was admitted to their seats. This session is noted as being the one in which the independent treasury scheme finally succeeded. It was passed by both Houses, and signed by the President. This completely divorced the bank and state, a thing which the President had greatly desired. The policy of making appropriations for internal improvements was done away with under the strict constructionist influence of the President. Congress adjourned July 21, 1840. ELECTION OP 1840. In the campaign of 1840, the abolitionists appeared as a distinctive party. At their convention in 1839, they had nominated James G. Birney and Francis J. Lemoyne. These nominations were declined ; but the organization, the follow- VAN buren's administration. 231 ing year, under the name of "liberty party," nominated James G. Birnoy and Thomas Earle. The national conven- tion of the whig party met at Harrisburg, December 4, 1839, and nominated William Henry Harri.son and John Tyler. No platform wa.s adopted. These nominations were very popular. The democratic national convention met at Balti- more, on the 5th of May, 1840, and unanimously nominated Mr. Van Buren for a second term, leaving to the states the nomination of a Vice-President. They adopted a platform, setting forth their principles in plain terms. This campaign was one of unrivaled enthusiasm. The whigs made the de- feat of Van Buren and the overthrow of his policy their chief object. The President was held up before the people ; every defalcation on the part of government oiScials, all the evils that grew out of the unfortunate bank policy, together with alleged extravagance in the expenditure of public money, were charged upon j\Ir. Van Buren. The whigs had no plat- form to support, and made no attempts to defend accusations against their candidates, hence their fight was aggressive. They brought all their forces to bear against the President's financial policy, the sub-treasury scheme, the suspension of internal improvements, the extravagant expenditures of the Seminole war, and the re-election of a President for a second term. General Harrison had the advantage of a military reputation, which did for him what it did for General Jack- son. The friends of Van Buren found it difficult to arouse enthusiasm in his behalf. The result was the election of General Harrison by a large majority, receiving two hundi'ed and thirty-four electoral votes to sixty cast for Van Buren. This canvass was known as the " log cabin and hard cider campaign." The abolition party got no electoral votes, but polled a popular vote of seven thousand six hundred and nine. 232 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. Congress met December 7, 1840. There was little of party Twenty-sixth Congress, \ interest occurred at this session. Second Session. i Congress adjourned March 3, 1841, and on March 4 Harrison and Tyler took the oath of office. REFERENCES. VAN BUEEN's policy. Opinions of Butler and Hoyt Mackenzie. Niles' Register Reminiscences of J. A. Hamilton Life and Times of Van Buren Mackenzie. Correspondence of Henry Clay Colton. Life of Andrew Jackson Parton. Thirty Years' View Benton. THE BANK CONTROVERSY. Webster's Works, Vol. IV Curtis. Calhoun's Works, Vols. Ill, V Cralle. Statesman's Manual, Vol. II Williams. Statutes at Large, Vols. II, III, IV Speeches of Clay Mallory. North American Review, January, 1844 Writings of Legare, Vol. I Memoirs of John Quincy Adams Adams. SLAVERY. Rise and Fall of the Slave Power Wilson. Bronson's Review, January, 1851 -^nti-Slavery Manual Sunderland History of American Slavery , Matlacks. RIGHT OP PETITION. Debates of Congress. Elliot. Commentaries ^ Story. Letters of John Quincy Adams to his Constituents IN GENERAL. History of the Constitution Von Hoist. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. American Politics Cooper. Tribune Almanac History of American Politics Johnston. Slavery and Anti-Slavery .., Goodell. Seward's Works Baker. VAN buret's administration. 233^ EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF VAN BUEEN'S ADMINISTEATION ^Martin Van Buren President 1837-1841 Eichard M. Johnson Vice-President 1837-1841 CABINET. Jolin Forsyth Secretary of State 1834-1841 Levi Woodbury Secretary of Treasury 1834-1841 Joel K. Poinsett Secretary of War 1837-1841 Mahlon Dickerson Secretary of Navy 1834-1838 James K. Paulding •' " 1838-1841 Amos Kendall Postmaster-General 1835-1840 John M. Niles " " 1840-1841 Benjamin F. Butler Attorney-General 1833-1838- FelixGrundy " " 1838-1840 Henry D. Gilpin " " 1840-1841 JUDICIAL OFFICEES. Eoger B. Taney Chief Justice 1836-1864 LEGISLATIVE OFFICEES. James K. Polk Speaker of House ISSS-ISSO Eobert Hunter " " 1839-1841 1839.— ABOLITION EESOLUTION, Warsaw, N. Y., November 13. Resolved, That, in our judgment, every consideration of duty and expe- diency which ought to control the action of Christian freemen, requires of the abolitionists of the United States to organize a distinct and independ- ent political party, embracing all the necessary means for nominating can- didates for office and sustaining them by public suffrage. 1840— DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, Baltimore, May B. Eesoliied-, That the federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the govern- ment, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful con- stitutional powers. 234 HISTORY OF AMEKICAN POLITICS. 2. Resolved, That the constitution does not confer upon the general gov- ernment the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. 3. Besolved, That the constitution does not confer authority upon the federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the sev- eral states, contracted for local internal improvements or other state pur- poses; nor would such assumption be just or expedient. -- 4. Besolved, That justice and sound policy forbid the federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our com- mon country — that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of persons and property from domestic ■J violence or foreign aggression. 5. Besolved, That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting our public af- fairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to de- fray the necessary expenses of the government. 6. Besolved, That Congress has no power to charter a United States bank ; that we believe such an institution is one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will of the people. ,'7. Besolved, That Congress has no power, under the constitution, to inter- fere with or control the domestic institutions of the several states ; and that such states are the sole and proper judges of everything pertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the constitution; that all efforts, by abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the peo- ple, and endanger the stability and permanence of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions. 8. Besolved, That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the gov- ernment and the rights of the people. 9. Besolved; That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson, in the declaration of independence, and sanctioned in the constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the democratic faith; and every attempt to abridge the present privilege of becoming citizens, and VAN buren's administration. 235 the owners of the soil among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute book. Wlurcax, Several of the states which have nominated Martin Van Biiren as a candidate for the presidency, have [lut in nomination different indi- viduals as candidates for Vice-President, thus indicating a diversity of opinion as to the person best entitled to the nomination ; and whereas, some of the said states are not represented in this convention ; therefore, Hesolved, That the convention deem it expedient at tlie present time not to choose between the individuals in nomination, but to leave the decision to their republican fellow-citizens in the several states, trusting that be- fore the election shall take place, their opinions will become so concen- trated as to secure the choice of a Vice-President by the electoral college. 236 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTEE XIII. HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 1841-1845. president's POLICY. The whig party came into power without any well-defined principles, other than their opposition to the preceding ad- ministration and its measures. The party itself, in fact, was composed of heterogeneous elements, and the convention which nominated General Harrison wisely omitted the adop- tion of a platform. He himself, though for a long time in public life, as a -member of Congress, a senator, and governor of the territory of Indiana, had not played a conspicuous part in the discussion of political measures. During the campaign his friends paid no attention to charges brought against him by the opposition, but concentrated their forces in an offen- , sive warfare. They relied upon the brilliant military record and the "sublime personal honor" of their candidate, and in this they were not deceived. The cry of " Harrison and Re- form" spread to all sections of the Union, and swept away, as by a tide, the party in power. In his inaugural the Pres- ident set forth what he conceived to be the constitutional powers of the various branches of the government ; the nature and use of the veto power ; the necessity of preserving invio- late the freedom of the press, and of the impracticability of an exclusive metallic currency. He pronounced himself from the first as in favor of the one-term principle. THE president's DEATH. On March 17 the President, by proclamation, summoned HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 237 Congress to meet May 31, for the consideration of the finan- cial difficulties of the government. Before the time arrived Harrison's death occurred, April 4, 1841. This sad calamity made a very deep impression throughout the whole country. Being the first President to die in office, the provisions of the constitution, transferring, in such an emergency, the functions of the President to the Vice-President, were put to a practical test for the first time. Mr. Tyler was officially informed of the event by a letter from the cabinet, and at once started for Washington, where he arrived on the 6th, and took the usual oath of office. General Harrison's cabinet was retained. Tyler's inaugural address. The President's inaugural was an address of condolence to the country, in which he sanctioned the call, by his predeces- sor, of an extra session of Congress, and announced his inten- tion to carry out the will of the people in their election of General Harrison. REPEAL OF THE SUB-TREASURY ACT. Congress met May 31, 1841, the whigs having a majority Twenty-seventh Congress, \ in both branches. A bill for the Extra Session. i repeal of the sub-treasury passed both houses, and was signed by the President. It prohibited any officer having charge of public revenue from investing the fund or devoting it to his own use. In his message to Congress, the President set forth the embarrassed condition of the treasury and the urgent neces- sity for speedy relief; but he, at the same tijne, pointed to the fact that the people had successively condemned the bank of the United States, the state deposit system, and the sub- treasury law as schemes of national finance. He deferred to the judgment of the immediate representatives of the people on this question, and promised acquiescence in any action 238 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. they might decide upon. In compliance with the desire of Mr. Tyler, the secretary of the treasury submitted to Con- gress a plan of a bank, which specified that the institution should be called " The Fiscal Bank of the United States." A bill, in accordance with this plan, which was devoid of many of the objectionable features of the old United States bank, was passed by both houses. The bill was returned with a veto message. The President's objection was that the powers granted to the bank were such as he and a majority of the people believed to be unwise and- unconstitutional. This was surprising, and, under the circumstances, inexplicable, to the whigs. The party leaders, eager to avoid the disaster of a rupture with the President, asked from him an outline of such a bill as he would approve. This request was complied with, and Congress framed and passed a bill drawn according to his own suggestions ; but li was vetoed, September 9, six days after it passed the Senate. ETTPTUEE BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND THE WHIGS. This action of the President produced great indignation on the part of the whigs. All the members of the cabinet re- signed, except Mr. "Webster. Tyler was denounced every- where as a traitor to the party which elected him. In defense of his course it was answered that the bank question had not been a party question in the campaign, and he was not, there- fore, bound to any specific position Mnth regard to it. At the close of the session seventy whigs signed a manifesto, declar- ing that " from that day forth all political connection between them and John Tyler was at an end." This declaration, on the part of the whigs, threw him upon the tlemocrats for sup- port, but, from this source, no support came, only so far as party interests might be subserved thereby. Congress ad- journed September 13, 1841. HARRISON AND TYLER's ADMINISTRATIONS. 239 TARIFF OF 1842. Congress met December 6, 1841. The principal thing of Twenty-seventh Congress, \ this session was the passage of a First Session. j law imposing tariff on imports. The compromise act of 1833 reduced our manufactories to a languishing condition, while the government revenues were less than the expenses. Several bills were drafted, and the main question in them all — the increase of duties — elicited a violent discussion on both sides, Avhich revived many of the scenes of 1833. The whig majority, at length, passed a bill continning, for the present, the duties under the tariif law of '33, according to which protection was to cease after 1842, and providing for the distribution of any surplus revenue among the states. This was vetoed by the President. The bill, with the clause providing for the distribution of surplus revenue left out, was returned to him, and he signed it Au- gust 30, 1842. Congress adjourned August 31, 1842. Congress met December 5, 1842. The session was marked Twenty-seventh Congress, \ by nothing of party interest. The Second Session. / anti-slavery whigs were prepar- ing to meet the question of the annexation of Texas, by working up the people of the north against it. They de- clared, in an address issued to the public, that it would result in, and justify, a dissolution of the Union. Congress ad- journed March 3, 1843. THE NATIVE AMERICAN PARTY. This party was organized in 1843, and operated principally in large cities. The organization was occasioned by the great inflow of foreigners to the city of New York, and held up as its distinctive principles opposition to Catholicism and the election to office of men born in a foreign country. "240 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. HUNKERS AND BAEXBURNERS. In 1843, the democrats in the legislature of New York di- vided on minor questions, one faction receiving the name of " liberals." The breach thus begun widened till alienation between the factions became complete. Several years passed before a name was given to each division. In Polk's admin- istration the " liberals " were called " barnburners " and the other wing " hunkers." Congress met December 4, 1843. The House was demo- Twenty-eighth Congress, \ cratic, and the Senate whig. The First Session. J President, in his message to Con- gress, had recommended appropriations for internal improve- ments for the western states. Accordingly, two bills were passed, the eastern and the western harbor bill. The former was vetoed, but the latter was signed. The Senate rejected a treaty by a vote of thirty-five to sixteen, which the admin- istration had concluded with Texas, providing for annexation. Congress adjourned June 17, 1844. ELECTION OF 1844. The liberty party met in national convention at Bnffalo, New York, August, 1843, and nominated James G. Birney and Thomas Morris as their candidates. They adopted a lengthy platform, "denouncing slavery, and calling upon the free states for penal laws to stop the return of fugitive slaves." The whig convention was held in Baltimore, May 1, 1844. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New York, were nominated. They adopted a loose con- structionist platform, advocating a " national currency, a pro- tective tariff, and a distribution of surplus revenue among the states." The position of Mr. Clay on the question of annexation tended to alienate from his support some of the ultra whigs at the south, but the ticket was generally received "with enthusiasm. HAREISON AND TYLEr's ADMINISTRATIONS. 241 The democratic party held their national convention at Baltimore, also, May 27,. 1.S44. The ticket nominated was James K. Pollc, of Tennessee, and Silas Wright. Tlie latter declined, and George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was pnt in his place. They adopted a strict constructionist platform, advocating the re-occupation of Oregon and the annexation of Texas. The nomination of Mr. Polk united the demo- cratic party, so that it presented a strong front to its oppo- nents, among whom there was a lack of harmony. Many Avhigs at the north were hostile to the annexation of Texas and the system of slavery, while at the south they were in favor of both. Thus both the liberty and democratic parties •drew strength from this source. Mr. Tyler was nominated by a convention of office-holders, but finding that the move- ment did not meet with popular favor, he withdrew in favor of Polk. The latter was elected by a good majority, receiv- ing one hundred and seventy electoral votes to one hundred and five cast for the whigs. In many states, however, the vote was close and indecisive for several days after the elec- tion. The abolition or liberty party could have turned the scale in several states and chosen Clay electors ; but Clay had alienated them from him by trying to conciliate southern democrats on the annexation question. He expressed him- self as in favor of it on certain conditions ; but as Polk was the representative of immediate and unconditional annexa- tion, he carried the entire strength of his party, and many whig votes besides. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. Congress met December 2, 1844. A bill was introduced Twenty-eighth Congress, \ at this session providing for the Second Session. J establishment of a territorial gov- ernment in Oregon. The bill passed the House with an 16 242 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. amendment prohibiting slavery. It was lost in the Senate. The greater part of the time of this session was taken np in the discussion of the Texas question. The President, in his message, committed himself to its annexation, and expressed a determination to resort to coercive measures to stop the long-continued wars between that territory and Mexico. A treaty was consummated on the 12th of April between the sec- retary of state and Mr. Van Zandt, the representative at Washington of the Texan government. This, as we have seen, was rejected by the Senate at the last session. The measure was advocated by the democrats, and opposed by the whigs, though there were some on both sides that did not go with their party. The question involved was really the supremacy of the south and the slaveholding power in the Union. A number of propositions prohibiting slavery in Texas were voted down. A joint resolution to annex Texas was passed by both houses, and signed by the President on the last day of his official life. The resolution prohibited slavery in states formed from the territory of Texas, north of the Missouri Compromise line, 36° 30' north latitude, and left it to the people themselves whether slavery should exist in states formed south of it. Thus Texas became a state. Florida was admitted into the Union, also, March 3, 1845. On this day Congress adjourned, and on March 4, Polk and Dallas took the oath of office. EEFEEENCES. GREED FOR OFFICE. Life of Crittenden, Vol. I Coleman. Woodbury's Writings, Vol. I Public Men and Events, Vol. II Sargent. Clay's Private Correspondence Colton. Tyler's attitude. Mem. of J. Q. Adams, Vol. X Adams. vSpeeches of Clay, Vol. II Mallory. HAEEISOX AXD TYLEr's ADMINISTRATIONS. 243 Statesman's Manual, Vol. II Williams. Niles' Kegister THE BANK CONTI^OVEESY. Debates of Congress, Vol. XIV Benton. Thirty Years in the Senate, Vol. II Benton. TYLER AND THE WHIGS. Authorities on the three preceding subjects ANNEXATION OP TEXAS. Calhoun's Works, Vols. V.-VII Cralle. Eeview of the Mexican War, Vol. II Jay. Texas and the Texans, Vol. I Foote. Executive Doc. Twenty-fifth Congress, Second Session, Vol. XII. Political Sketches of Eight Years in Washington Mayo. Xorth American Review, July, 1836 Senate Doc. Twenty-fourth Congress, First Session, Vol. VI... '. History of Texas Yoakum. Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII The Fiscal History of Texas Gouge. Eecollections of Mexico Thompson. IN GENERAL. History of the Constitution Von Hoist. American Politics Cooper. American Conflict Greeley. Rise and Fall of the Slave Power Wilson. Seward's Works Baker. Speeches of Webster American Statesman Young. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF HARRISON AND TYLER'S ADMIN- ISTRATIONS. William Henry Harrison President 1841-1841 John Tyler Vice-President 1841-1841 John Tyler President 1841-1845 Samuel H. Southard Vice-President 1841-1842 W. P. Mangum " " 1841-1845 Daniel Webster Secretary of State 1841-1843 HughL. Legare " " 1843-1843 244 HISTORY OF AMERICAX POLITICS. Abel P. Upshur Secretary of State 1843-1844 John C. Calhoun " " .- 1844-1845 Thomas Ewing Secretary of Treasury 1841-1841 Walter Forward " " 1841-1843 John C. Spencer " " 1843-1844 George M.Bibb " " 1844-1845 John Bell Secretary of War 1841-1841 John C. Spencer " " 1841-1843 James M. Porter " " 1843-1844 AViUiam Wilkins " " 1844-1845 George E. Badger Secretary of the Navy ; 1841-1841 Abel P. Upshur " " " 1841-1843 David Henshaw " " « 1843-1844 Thomas W. Gilmer " " " 1844-1844 John Y.Mason " " " 1844-1845 Francis Granger Postmaster-General 1841-1841 Charles A. Wickliffe " " 1841-1845 John J. Crittenden Attorney-General 1841-1841 Hughs. Legare " " 1841-1843 John Nelson " " 1843-1845 JUDICIAL OFFICER. Koger B. Taney Chief Justice .1836-1864 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Robert M. T. Hunter Speaker of the House 1839-1841 John White " "' " 1841-1843 John W.Jones " " " 1843-1845 John W.Davis " " " 1845-1847 1843.— LIBERTY PLATFORM, Buffalo, Augmt 30. 1. Resolved, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle of true democracy, as well as of pure Christianity, which spurns all inconsistent limitations; and neither the political party which repudiates it, nor the political system which is not based upon it, can be truly democratic or permanent. 2. Resolved, That the liberty party, placing itself upon this broad prin- ciple, will demand the absolute and unqualified divorce of the general HARRISON AND TYLER's ADMINISTRATIONS. 245 government from slavery, and also the restoration of equality of rights among men, in every state where the party exists, or may exist. 3. Resolved, That the liberty party has not been organized for any tem- porary purpose by interested politicians, but has arisen from among the people, in consequence of a conviction, hourly gaining ground, that no other party in the country represents the true principles of American lib- erty, or the true spirit of the constitution of the United States. 4. BKSolved, That the liberty party has not been organized merely for the overthrow of slavery; its first decided effort must, indeed, be directed against slaveholding as the grossest and most revolting manifestation of despotism, but it will also carry out the principle of equal rights into all its practical consequences and applications, and support every just meas- ure conducive to individual and social freedom. 5. Resolved, That the liberty piirty is not a sectional party, but a na- tional party; was not originated in a desire to accomplish a single object, but in a comprehensive regard to the great interests of the whole country ; is not a new party, nor a third party, but it is the party of 1776, reviving the principles of that memorable era, and striving to carry them into prac- tical application. 6. Resok-ed, That it was understood in the times of the declaration and the constitution, that the existence of slavery in some of the states wa_s in derogation of the principles of American liberty, and a deep stain upon the character of the country, and the implied faith of the states and the nation was pledged that slavery should never be extended beyond its then existing limits, but should be gradually, and yet, at no distant day, wholly abolished by state authority. 7. Resolved, That the faith of the states and the nation thus pledged, was most nobly redeemed by the voluntary abolition of slavery in several of the states, and by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787, for the govern- ment of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, then the only territory in the United States, and, consequently, the only territory subject, in this respect, to the control of Congress, by which ordinance slavery was forever excluded from the vast regions which now compose the states of Ohio, In- diana, Illinois, Michigan, and the territory of Wisconsin, and an incapac- ity to bear up any other than freemen was impressed on the soil itself. 8. Resolved, That the faith of the states and nation thus pledged, has been shamefully violated by the omission, on the part of many of the states, to take any measures whatever for the abolition of slavery within their respective limits; by the continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the territories of Louisiana and Florida; by the legisla- tion of Congress ; by the protection afforded by national legislation and negotiation to slaveholding in American vessels, on the high seas, em- 246 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ployed in the coastwise slave traffic; and by the extension of slavery far beyond its original limits, by acts of Congress admitting new slave states into the Union. 9. Resolved, That the fundamental truths of the declaration of independ- ence, that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, was made the fundamental law of onr national government, by that amend- ment of the constitution which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. 10. Resolved, That we recognize as sound the doctrine maintained by slaveholding jurists, that slavery is against natural rights, and strictly local, and that its existence and continuance rests on no other support than state legislation, and not on any authority of Congress. 11. Resolved, That the general government has, under the constitution, no power to establish or continue slavery anywhere, and therefore that all treaties and acts of Congress establishing, continuing or favoring slavery in the District of Columbia, in the territory of Florida, or on the high Beas, are unconstitutional, and all attempts to hold men as property within the limits of exclusive national jurisdiction ought to be prohibited by law. 12. Resolved, That the provision of the constitution of the United States which confers extraordinary political powers on the owners of slaves, and thereby constituting the two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders in the slave states a privileged aristocracy ; and the provision for the reclamation of fugitive slaves from service, are anti-republican in their character, dangerous to the liberties of the people, and ought to be abro- gated. 13. Resolved, That the practical operation of the second of these provis- ions, is seen in the enactment of the act of Congress respecting persons es- caping from their masters, which act, if the construction given to it by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsyl- vania be correct, nullifies the habeas corpus acts of all the states, takes away the whole legal security of personal freedom, and ought, therefore, to be immediately repealed. 14. Resolved, That the peculiar patronage and support hitherto extended to slavery and slaveholding, by the general government, ought to be im- mediately withdrawn, and the example and influence of national author- ity ought to be arrayed on the side of liberty and free labor. 15. Resolved, That the practice of the general government, which pre- vails in the slave states, of employing slaves upon the public works, in- stead of free laborers, and paying aristocratic masters, with a view to secure or reward political services, is utterly indefepsible and ought to be abandoned. HARRISON AND TYLER's ADMINISTRATIONS. 247 16. Regolvfd, That freedom of speech and of the press, and tlie right of petition, and the right of trial by jury, are sacred and inviolable; and that all rules, regulations and laws, in dorDtjation of either, are oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be endured by a free people. 17. Resolved, That we royiird vutirg, in an eminent degree, as a moral and religious duty, which, when exercised, sliould be liy voting for those who will do all in their power for immediate emancipation. 18. Resolved, That this convention recommend to the friends of liberty in all those free states where any inequality of rights and privileges exists on account of color, to employ their utmost energies to remove all such remnants and effects of the slave system. Whereas, The constitution of these United vStates is a series of agree- ments, covenants or. contracts between the people of the United States, each with all, and all with each ; and, Whereas, It is a principle of univei-sal morality, that' the moral laws of the Creator are paramount to all human laws ; or, in the language of an Apostle, that " we ought to obey Uod rather tlian men ; " and, Wliereas, The principle of common law — that any contract, covenant, or agreement, to do an act derogatory to natural right, is vitiated and annul- led by its inherent immorality — has been recognized by one of the justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, who in a recent case expressly holds that "any contract that rests ujjon such a basis is void;" and, Whereas, The third clause of the second section of the fourth article of the constitution of the United States, when construed as providing for the surrender of a fugitive slave, does " rest upon such a basis," in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural right — namely, his natural right to his own liberty — and is therefore absolutely void. Therefore, 19. Resolved, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood by this nation and the world, that, as abolitionists, considering that the strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, and our hope for it in our conformity to the laws of God, and our respect for the rights of man, we owe it to the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, as a proof of our allegiance to iiim, in all our civil relations and offices, whether as private citizens, or public func- tionaries, sworn to support the constitution of the United States, to regard and to treat the third clause of the fourth article of that instrument, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and, consequently, as forming no part of the constitution of the United States, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it. 20. Resolved, That the power given to Congress by the constitution, to provide for calling out the militia to suppress insurrection, does not make U the duty of the government to maintain slavery by military force, much less does it make it the duty of the citizens to form a part of such military 248 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. force ; when freemen unsheathe the sword it should be to strike for lib- erty, not for despotism. 21. Resolved, That to preserve the peace of the citizens, and secure the blessings of freedom, the legislature of each of the free states ought to keep in force suitable statutes, rendering it penal for any of its inhabitants to transport, or aid in transporting from such state, any person sought to be thus transported, merely because subject to the slave laws of any other state ; this remnant of independence being accorded to the free states by the decision of tlie supreme court, in the case of Prigg v. The State of Pennsylvania. 1844.— WHIG PLATFOEM, Baltimore, May 1. I. Resolved, That these principles may be summed as comprising a well- regulated national currency ; a tariff for revenue to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country; the distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the public lands ; a single term for the PVesi- dency; a reform of executive usurpations; and generally such an admin- istration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to every branch of the public service the greatest practical efficiency, controlled by a well- regulated and wise economy. 1844.— DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, Baltimm-e, May S7. Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9, of the platform of 1840, were re- affirmed, to which were added the following: 10. Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the constitution, and that we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, and to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the states, as alike inexpedient in policy and repug- nant to the constitution. II. Resolved, That we are decidly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities, amply sufficient to guard the public interest, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits can not secure the approval of two- thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has thrice saved the Amer- ican people from the corrupt creased democratic majority in the House showed that the compromise measures of 1850 were well received by the country. There was little contest this session, and the democratic majority, generally, supported the measures recommended by the administration. During this. TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATIONS. 275 session the country known as the Platte Country, now Kan- sas, applied for a territorial organization, but the application was not acted upon. Congress adjourned August 31, 1852. THE AMERICAN PARTY. The American party was organized in 1852, with the pro- fessed object of purifying the ballot-box, excluding from office those of foreign birth, and opposing the effi^rts to reject the Bible from the public schools. It operated secretly and with astonishing success. Its members were sworn to support the candidates put in nomination by the order. At first it se- lected candidates from all political parties. The organization was generally called the know-nothing party, because, when questioned concerning their order, the members answered that they knew nothing. ELECTION OF 1852. The democratic national convention was held at Baltimore, June 1, 1852. The two-thirds rule was again adopted, and on the 49th ballot Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, was nominated for President. William R. King, of Alabama, re- ceived the second place on the ticket. The strict construc- tionist platforms of preceding conventions were renewed, the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798 were indorsed, and the candidates were pledged to support the compromise measures of 1850, including the fugitive slave law; and the further agitation of the slavery question was denounced. The whig national convention, also, met at Baltimore on the 16th of June. The candidates for nomination before this convention were President Fillmore, Daniel Webster, and General Scott. On the fifty-third ballot General Scott was nominated. William A. Graham, of North Carolina, was nomi- nated for Vice-President. A cautiously-worded, loose con- 276 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. structionist platform was adopted, and the compromises of 1850, fugitive slave law included, were indorsed. The free soil democratic convention met at Pittsburg^ August 11. John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, was nomi- nated for President, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, for Vice-President. The platform adopted declared slavery to be a sin against God, and a crime against man, and denounced the compromise of 1850, as well as those who supported it. Though they had little hope of securing any electoral votes, they thought that their principles might, in time, enter the other parties, and sever the connection between the govern- ment and slavery. The democrats were a unit upon their platform; most of those who had supported Van Buren in 1848 returned to the old party and voted for Pierce. Owing to the indifference with which their platform was supported, the whigs could not conduct a vigorous canvass. At the election they were badly beaten. Mr. Pierce received 254 electoral votes out of the 296 cast in the college of that year. DISSOLUTION OF THE WHIG PARTY. Before the canvass of 1852 the whigs had avoided making the question of slavery a political issue. The compromises contained many things offensive to the northern whigs, and when the party adopted these measures it became divided against itself, and hence lacked that cohesive power necessary for a vigorous campaign. This defeat proved its final over- thi*ow, and the members of the party began to look elsewhere for political affiliations. (Plate VI.) Congress met December 6, 1852. A bill was passed by Thirty-second Congress, \ the House to organize the territory Second Session. J of Nebraska, with the same bound- aries as those of the formerly proposed territory of the Platte. It failed to pass the Senate. This bill was opposed by south- ern members, who were preparing to make the claim that the TAYLOR AND FILLMOUE's ADMINISTRATIONS. 277 compromise of 1850 had supersctlod and rendered void that of 1820, abolishing the prohibition of slavery in the territory north of the Missouri compromise line of 36° 30' north lati- tude, and making it subject to the Operation of squatter sov- ereignty. Congress adjourned March 3, 1853, and March 4 Pierce and King were sworn into office. BEFERENCES. SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY. Congressional Globe, Thirtieth Congress, First Session... Life of J.imes AV. Grimes Salter. Letters and Speeches of Horace Mann GENERAL TAYLOR AS A CANDIDATE. Niles' Eegister, LXXIII Life of J. J. Crittenden, Vol. I Seward's Works, Vol. Ill Last Seven Years of Henry Clay Clay's Private Correspondence Colton. CALIFORNIA. Senate Documents, Thirty-first Congress, First Session... Debates in the Convention of California Brown. COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850. Congressional Globe, Thirty-first Congress, First Session Life of A. H. Stephens Johnston & Brown. Life of Webster, Vol. II Curtis. Webster's Private Correspondence, Vol. II IN GENERAL. The American Conflict Greeley. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. Tribune Almanac American Politics Cooper. Seward's Works Baker. Works of Sumner Sumner. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S AD- MINISTRATIONS. Zachary Taylor President 1849-1850 278 HISTOEY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. Millard Fillmore Vice-President 1849-1850 Millard Fillmore President 1850-1853 William E. King Vice-President 1850-1853 CABINET. John M. Clayton Secretary of State 1849-1850 Daniel Webster " " 1850-1852 Edward Everett " " 1852-1853 William M. Meredith Secretary of Treasury 1849-1850 ThomasCorwin " " " ' 1850-1853 George W. Crawford Secretary of War 1849-1850 Charles M. Conrad " " 1850-1853 William M. Preston Secretary of Navy 1849-1850 William A. Graham " " 1850-1852 John P. Kennedy " " 1852-1853 Thomas Ewing Secretary of the Interior 1849-1850 James A. Pearce " " " 1850-1850 T. McKennon " " " 1850-1850 Alex. H. H. Stuart " " " 1850-1853 Jacob Collamer Postmaster-General 1849-1850 Nathan K. Hall " " 1850-1852 Samuel D. Hubbard " " 1852-1853 E. Johnson I.... Attorney-General 1849-1850 J.J.Crittenden " " 1850-1853 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. Roger B. Taney Chief Justice 1836-1864 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Howell Cobb Speaker of the House 1849-1851 Linn Boyd " " 1851-1855 1852.-DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, BoMimore, June 1. Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, of the platform of 1848, were reaffirmed, to which were added the following : 8. Resolved, That it is the duty of every branch of the government to en- force and practice the most-rigid economy in conducting our public affairs. TAYLOR AND Fillmore's adminiktrations. 279 and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but certain ex- tinction of the public debt. 9. Resolced, That Congress has no power to charter a national bank; that ■we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests ■of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and that above the laws and the will of the people ; and that the results of democratic legislation, in this and all other financial measures, upon which issues have been made between' the two political parties of the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all parties, their soundness, safety, and utility, in all business pursuits. 10. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable foi the safety of the funds of the gov- ernment and the rights of the people. 11. Se^olved, That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the declaration of independence, and sanctioned in the constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of the soil among us, ought be resisted with the same spirit that swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute book. 12. Besolved, That Congress has no power, under the constitution, to in- terfere with, or control, the domestic institutions of the several states, and that such states are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the constitution ; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with ques- tions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calcu- lated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 13. Besolved, That the foregoing proposition covers, and is intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and there- fore the democratic party of the Union, standing on this national plat- form, will abide by, and adhere to, a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures, settled by the last Congress, " the act for re- claiming fugitives from service or labor " included ; which act, being de- signed to carry out an express provision of the constitution, can not, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 280 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 14. Eesolved, That the democratic party will resist all attempts at re- newing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made. [Here resolutions 13 and 14, of the platform of 1848, were inserted.] 17. Resolved, That the democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and ia the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia legis- lature in 1799; that it adopts those principles as. constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. 18. Resolved, That the war with Mexico, upon all the principles of pa- triotism and the law of nations, was a just and necessary war on our part, in which no American citizen should have shown himself opposed to his country, and neither morally nor physically, by word or deed, given aid and comfort to the enemy. 19. Resolved, That we rejoice at the restoration of friendly relations with our sister Eepublic of Mexico, and earnestly desire for her all the bless- ings and prosperity which we enjoy under republican institutions, and we congratulate the American people on the results of that war which have so manifestly justified the policy and conduct of the democratic party, and insured to the United States indemnity for the past and security for the future. 20. Resolved, That, in view of the condition of popular institutions in the old world, a high and sacred duty is devolved, with increased responsibility, upon the democracy of this country, as the party of the people, to uphold and maintain the rights of every state, and thereby the union of states, and to sustain and advance among them constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and compromises of the constitution, which are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it is, and the Union as it should be, in the full expansion of the energies and capacity of this great and progressive people. 1852.— WHIG PLATFORM, Baldmm'e, June 16. The whigs of the United States, in convention assembled, adhering to the great conservative principles by which they are controlled and gov- erned, and now as ever relying upon the intelligence of the American peo- ple, with an abiding confidence in their capacity for self-government and their devotion to the constitution and the Union, do proclaim the follow- TAYLOR AND FILLJIORE's ADMIMSTRATION.S. 281 ing as the political sentiments and determination for the establishment and maintenance of which their national organization as a party was. effected : 1. The government of the United States is of a limited character, and is confined to the exercise of powers expressly granted by the constitution, and such as may be necessary and proper for carrying the granted powers into full execution, and that powers not granted or necessarily implied are reserved to the states respectively and to the people. 2. The state governments should be held secure to their reserved rights, and the general government sustained in its constitutional powers, and that the Union should be revered and watched over as the palladium of our liberties. 3. That while struggling freedom everywhere enlists the warmest sym- pathy of the whig party, we still adhere to the doctrines of the father of his country, as announced in his farewell address, of keeping ourselves free from all entangling alliances with foreign countries, and of never quitting our own to stand upon foreign ground ; that our mission as a republic is not to propagate our opinions, or impose on other countries our forms of government, by artifice or force, but to teach by example, and show by our success, moderation, and justice, the blessings of self-government, and the advantages of free institutions. 4. That, as the people make and control the government, they should obey its constitution, laws, and treaties as they would retain their self-re- spect, and the respect which they claim and will enforce from foreign powers. 5. Governments should be conducted on the principles of the strictest economy ; and revenue sufficient for the expenses thereof, in time of peace,, ought to be derived mainly from a duty on imports, and not from direct taxes ; and on laying such duties sound policy requires a just discrimina- tion, and, when practicable; by specific duties, whereby suitable encourage- ment may be afforded to American industry, equally to all classes and to all portions of the country. 6. The constitution vests in Congress the power to open and repair har- bors, and remove obstructions from navigable rivers, whenever such im- provements are necessary for the common defense, and for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or among the states, said improvements being in every instance national and general in their char- acter. 7. The federal and state governments are parts of one system, alike nec- essary for the common prosperity, peace, and security, and ought to be re- garded alike with a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment. Ee- spect for the authority of each, and acquiescence in the just constitutional 282 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. measures of each, are duties required by the plainest considerations of na- tional, state, and individual welfare. 8. That the series of acts of the 32d Congress, the act known as the fugi- tive slave law included, are received and acquiesced in by the whig party of the United States as a settlement in principle and substance of the dan- gerous and exciting questions which they embrace ; and, so far as they are concerned, we will maintain them, and insist upon their strict enforce- ment, until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation, to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand and the abuse of their powers on the other — not impairing their present effi- oiency ; and we deprecate all further agitation of the question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, or however the attempt may be made; and we will maintain the system as essential to the nationality of the whig party, and the integrity of the Union. 1852.— FREE SOIL PLATFOEM, Pittsburg, Augiist 11. Having assembled in national convention as the democracy of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain right against wrong, and freedom against slavery ; confiding in the intelligence, patriotism, and dis- criminating justice of the American people ; putting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and invoking his guidance in our endeavors to advance it, we now submit to the candid judgment of all men, the follow- ing declaration of principles and measures : 1. That governments, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, are instituted among men to secure to all those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, with which they are endowed by their creator, and of which none can be deprived by valid legis- lation, except for crime. 2. That the true mission of American democracy is to maintain the lib- erties of the people, the sovereignty of the states, and the perpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application to public affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fundamental principles of human rights, strict jus- tice, and an economical administration. 3. That the federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 4. That the constitution of the United States, ordained to form a more perfect Union, to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty, TAYLOR AND FII.LMOEE's ADMINISTRATIONS. 283 expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; and, therefore, the government, having no more power to make a slave than to make a king, and no more power to establish slavery than to establish a monarchy, should at once proceed to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional power to legislate for its ex- tinction. 5. That, to the persevering and importunate demands of the slave power for more slave states, new slave territories, and the nationalization of slav- ery, our distinct and final answer is — no more slave states, no slave terri- tory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradi- tion of slaves. 6. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human enactment nor usage can make right; and that Christianity, humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition. 7. That the fugitive slave act of 1850 is repugnant to the constitution^ to the principles of the common law, to the spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world ; we, therefore, deny its binding force on the American people, and demand its immediate and total repeal. 8. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the found- ers of our government, and is dangerous to the liberties of the people. 9. That the acts of Congress, known as the compromise measures of 1850, by making the admission of a sovereign state contingent upon the adop- tion of other measures demanded by the special interests of slavery ; by their omission to guarantee freedom in the free territories ; by their at. tempt to impose unconstitutional limitations on the powers' of Congress and the people to admit new states ; by their provisions for the assumption of five millions of the state debt of Texas, and for the payment of five mil- lions more, and the cession of large territory to the same state under menace, as an inducement to the relinquishment of a groundless claim ; and by their invasion of the sovereignty of the states and the liberties of the people, through the enactment of an unjust, oppressive, and uncon- stitutional fugitive slave law, are proved to be inconsistent with all the principles and maxims of democracy, and wholly inadequate to the settle- ment of the questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment. 10. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for except in the practical recognition of the truth that slavery is sectional and freedom national ; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom ; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugitives from service. 284 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 11. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil; and that as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of all men to the ^oil is a s sacred as their right to life itself. 12. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals, nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted in limited quantities, free of cost, to landless settlers. 13. That due regard for the federal constitution, a sound administrative policy, demand that the funds of the general government be kept parate from banking institutions ; that inland and ocean postage shou^ be re- duced to the lowest possible point ; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessarj- expenses of the public ser- vice, and to pay off the public debt ; and .that the power and patronage of the government should be diminished by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, salaries, and privileges, and by the election by the people of all civil officers in the service of the United States, so far as may be consistent with the prompt and efficient transaction of the public business. 14. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide for the same. 15. That emigrants and exiles from the old world should find a cordial welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the new ; and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens and owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with inflexible determination. 16. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its own gov- ernment, and to administer its own concerns in such manner as may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of the people ; and foreign in- terference with that right is a dangerous violation of the law of nations, against which all independent governments should protest, imd endeavor by all proper means to prevent; and especially is it the duty of the American government, representing the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and by all proper means to prevent, the intervention of kings and emper- ors against nations seeking to establish for themselves republican or consti- tutional governments. 17. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognized by our gov- ernment, and our commercial relations with it placed on the footing of the most favored nations. 18. That as by the constitution, " the citizens of each state shall be enti- tled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other states, while the ves- sels to which they belong lie in port, and refusing the exercise of the right TAYLOR AND FILLMORE's ADMIiNISTRATIONS. 285 to bring such cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly incon- _ fiistent with the professions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the constitution faithfully observed by every state in the Union. 19. That we recommend the introduction into all treaties hereafter to be negotiated between the United States and foreign nations, of some provis- ion for the amicable settlement of difficulties by a resort to decisive arbi- trations. 20. That the free democratic party is not organized to aid either the ■whig or democratic wing of the great slave compromise party of the nation, but to defeat them both; and that repudiating and renouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and utterly unworthy of confidence, the purpose of the free democracy is to take possession of the federal government and admin- ister it for the better protection of the rights and interests of the whole people. 21. That we inscribe on our banner Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labori and Free Men, and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumph- ant victory shall reward our exertions. 22. That upon this platform, the convention presents to the American people, as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the office of Vice" President of the United States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and earnestly «ommend them to the support of all freemen and all parties. 286 HISTORY OF AMEEICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER XVI. PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. 1853—1857. THE PEESIBENT'S POLITICAL VIEWS. Mr. Pierce held that negro slavery, in those states where it existed, was recognized by the constitution ; that it stood on an equal footing with any other admitted right, and that the states wherein it existed were entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions which protected it. He also declared his opinion, that the compromise measures, in- cluding the fugitive slave law, were strictly constitutional, and should be unhesitatingly carried into eifect. Congress met December 5, 1853, with an increased demo- Thirty-third Congress, \ cratic majority in. both branches. In First Session. i his message to this Congress the President disclaimed any purpose, on his part, of giving prominence to any subject which might be properly re- garded as set at rest by the deliberate judgment of the peo- ple. He thought the present bright with promise, but the future demanded the exercise of active intelligence in order that the dangers hitherto encountered might not fail to ful- fill the objects of a wise design. He assured those who placed him in power, that the repose which the country was then enjoying should suffer no shock if he had power to avert it. Ajid yet, despite these assurances, the country was just entering upon an era of the deepest and most intense agita- tion of the vexed question of slavery she had ever yet ex- perienced. pieece's administration. 287 KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL. During the last session of Congress an attempt had been made to organize the territory of Nebraska, but the bill hav- ing passed the House, failed to be acted on in the Senate. This territory was a part of the Louisiana purchase. From this purchase there had already been admitted into the Union five states, Louisiana, Missouri, and Arkansas, slave; Iowa and INIiunesota, free. The question of slavery extension now received a new impetus. In January, 1851, Senator Douglas, of Illinois, reported a bill to organize the territory of Nebraska. By an amendment to this bill the territory was divided into two parts, the one directly west of Missouri, and between the parallels of 37° and 40°, to be called Kansas, the other, lying just north of this, and between the parallels of 40° and 43°, to be called Nebraska. The compromise of 1820 prohibited slavery in both of these territories, but the present bill was so amended as to declare the Missouri line annulled by the compromises of 1850. These measures were declared to "rest upon the great principles of self-government," that the people should be allowed to decide for themselves the questions of their do- mestic institutions. The Douglas bill was advocated by the democratic party, which, being in the ascendency in both houses, carried the measure without difficulty. The free-soil party and the anti-slavery whigs contested the movement at every step. This division in the whig party proved its final destruction. The name " whig " was repudiated by the northern section of the party, who, for a time, were denominated anti- Nebraska men. The southern section managed to exist a few years longer, but being so nearly like the southern democracy on the question of slavery they could hardly be called a dis- tinct party. The passage of this bill opened all the territo- "288 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ries to the introduction of slavery, if the citizens should so elect. Congress adjourned August 7, 1854. Congress met December 4, 1854. During this session, the Thii'ty-third Congress, \ question of internal improvements Second Session. I came up again, but aside from that there was little party contest. Certain public improvements ■were provided for, and among them was the construction of imilitary roads in the territories of Nebraska, Kansas, and Washington. This Congress also passed an act establishing a court for the investigation of claims against the United States; for the remodeling of the diplomatic and consular service of the United States; for granting bounty land to officers and soldiers for military service, and for the reduction of postage, fixing the rate on a single letter for three thousand miles, or less, at three cents ; over that distance, at ten cents. A river and harbor bill was also passed, but the President vetoed it. Congress adjourned March 3, 1855. TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE. The repeal of the Missouri compromise, and organization of Kansas, opened that territory to the influx of contending populations — those from the slave states desiring to occupy it, while the northern states determined that it should 'be colonized with those opposed to slavery. The slaveholders of western Missouri, which lay between Kansas and the free states, had early gone over the line and pre-empted lands, at the same time warning free immigrants not to pass Through Missouri. The election of a delegate to Congress came off on the 29th of November, 1854. Armed bands of men came over from Missouri, and voting for their favorite candidate procured his election. On the 30th of March, 1855, occurred the «lection for members of the first legislature. The' same tac- tics were repeated as in the previous election, and some four piebce's administration. 289 or five thousand Missouriaas entered the territory and con- trolled the vote. Owing to the illegality of this election, Governor Reeder called for another election in six of the dis- tricts. This time the citizens, with the exception of one pre- cinct, enjoyed their political rights. When the legislature assembled at Pawnee, July 2, 1855, the seats of the members chosen at the second election were contested, except those from the precinct at which fraudulent votes had been cast. Subsequently every contested member ■was rejected, the certificates of the Governor being disre- garded. The legislature thus organized, removed the seat of government to the Shawnee mission and began the work of enacting laws. They adopted the laws of the state of Mis- souri entire, adding some original laws which fixed the pen- alty of death for nearly fifty offenses against slavery. Gov- ernor Reeder, thinking that the administration would support him, refused to recognize the legislature. TOPEKA CONSTITUTION. At a meeting of the inhabitants of Kansas, held August 15, 1855, at Lawrence, for consultation in reference to their political and social condition, resolutions were adopted re- questing the bona fide citizens of the various districts to send delegates to a convention at Topeka, to consider the propriety of adopting a constitution and making application for admis- sion into the Union. On the 19th day of September the pro- posed convention assembled and appointed an election for the second Tuesday of the following October, at which delegates should be chosen to a constitutional convention. This con- vention assembled at Topeka, on the 25th of October, 1855, and prepared a free-state constitution, which was ratified by the people on the 15th day of the next December. Kansas applied for admission into the Union under the Topeka con- 19 290 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. stitution, but was refused. The election for state officers un- der this constitution was held Jan. 15, 1856. The state leg- islature, chosen at this election, met on the 4th of March, and, after organizing, adjourned till the 4th of July. There were now two legislatures in Kansas — one favoring, and the other opposing, slavery. Congress met December 3, 1855. The democrats had a Thirty-fourth Congress, \ majority in the Senate, but in the First Session. / House the anti-Nebraska men were in the lead. The Kansas troubles occupied the time during the greater part of this session. A committee was sent to Kansas " clothed with ample powers to make a thorough in- vestigation of the alleged frauds in that territory. This com- mittee, in an able and lengthy report, showed conclusively that no fair election had been held there at all. An army appropriation bill, with a proviso forbidding the use of the army in the interests of the pro-slavery legislature of Kan- sas, was passed by the House. The proviso was rejected by the Senate. Before the two Houses could come to an agree- ment the time for an adjournment (August 18, 1856) came, leaving the army bill unpassed. At an extra session of Con- gress, immediately called by the President, the army bill was passed without the proviso, and Congress again adjourned, August 30, 1856. KANSAS WAR. In a special message to Congress, sent January 24, 1856, the President recognized the pro-slavery legislature, and characterized the attempt to form a free-state government in the territories, without the consent of the federal authorities, as an act of rebellion. He then issued a proclamation advis- ing all persons engaged in disturbing the peace of Kansas to retire to their homes ; and United States troops were placed at the disposal of Governor Shannon to enforce the laws of the pro-slavery legislature. Forces were mustered on both sides^ PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. 291 and a civil war ensued, wliieh was kept up throughout the year. During its progress Lawrence and Ossawattouiie were sacked and a great deal of mischief done. By the end of the year Governor Geary, Avho had succeeded Governor Shannon, had about established peace. ASSAULT UPON CHARLES SUMNER. The Kansas trouble engendered great excitement through- out the country and in Congress. This feeling was intensi- fied by an assault upon Senator Sumner upon the floor of the Senate, which occurred IMay 22, 1856. While sitting in his seat, after the adjournment of the Senate, he was approached by one Preston S. Brooks, a member of the House of Repre- sentatives from South Carolina, who inflicted upon his head several stunning blows from the head of a cane which he had, causing Mr. Sumner to sink to the floor in exhaustion, cov- ered with blood. The assault was made in revenge for a speech which Senator Sumner had delivered a few days be- fore on the admission of Kansas. The injuries inflicted were so severe that seveial years' absence from the Senate and the country was necessary for his recovery. A resolution of censure, passed by the House, caused Brooks to resign, but he was unanimously re-elected by his constituents, who thus indorsed this act of brutal outrage. Massachusetts answered this insult by refusing to elect a successor to Mr. Sumner, thus leaving his chair vacant in the Senate. THE AMERICAN PARTY. The American party at first selected candidates from the other political parties, but finding their growth so rapid, and their eifect upon elections so telling, they were encouraged to nominate their own ticket, independent of the other parties. After the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill this organiza- tion received considerable strength from the southern whigs, 292 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. •who could not unite with the democratic party. In 1855 it triumphed in nine of the state elections. Emboldened by this success the Americans met in national convention at Philadelphia, February 22, 1856, and nominated a presiden- tial ticket, consisting of Millard Fillmore and A. J. Donald- son. (Plate VI.) THE EEPUBLICA3Sr PARTY. The proposed repeal of the Missouri compromise, which was provided for by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, produced a simultaneous uprising of the people of the free states in op- position to the measure, and caused an earnest discussion from the pulpit, the press, and the platform. Many anti- slavery men, belonging to the different parties, soon came to the conclusion that the triumph of their cause could be se- cured only "through the formation of a new party, which could act without the embarrassment of a pro-slavery wing." The first effort towards the formation of such a party was at Ripon, Wisconsin, Fond du Lac county, during the early months of 1854. At a meeting called by Mr. A. E. Bovey, and held on the last of February, a resolution was adopted that provided that, if the Kansas-Nebraska bill should pass, they would "throw old party organizations to the winds and organize a new party on the sole issue of the non-extension of slavery." Another meeting was held on the 20th of March, at which Mr. Bovey expressed the opinion that the new party would probably receive the name of "republican." At a convention held the following July, the organization of this party was perfected for the state of Wisconsin. The Detroit Tribune " took ground in favor of disbanding the ^^ hig and free-soil parties, and of the organization of a new party, composed of all the opponents of slavery extension." A mass convention met on the 6th of July and adopted a plat- form opposing the extension of slavery, and gave to the new Pierce's administration. 293 party the name of republican. This occurred in Michigan, and preceded the organization of this party in other sections of the Union. Throughout the year 1854, in those states that held elections, the new party was organized, or the anti- Nebraska partisans supported a fusion ticket that accorded with their sentiments. The republican party in several states was not organized till 1855. Meeting with encouraged success at state elections, the new party, from a small beginning, increased rapidly in numbers, and drew into its fold by degrees all those who op- posed the extension of slavery into the territories. Thus by the fusion of whigs, free-soilers, anti-Nebraska democrats, and anti-slavery Americans, the republican party was organ- ized. It will be seen that the new party was a loose construc- tionist party, inheriting the desire of the federalists and whigs for protective tariffs, internal improvements, and a system of national bank currency, and adding to them the further principle that the federal government had " power to control slaveiy in the territories." Its first national conven- tion was held in Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, at which time they nominated John C. Fremont, of California, for Presi- dent, and William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, for Vice-Pres- ident, and adopted a platform in line with the above princi- ples. (Plate VI.) DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS. The democratic national convention met at Cincinnati, on the 2d of June, and adopted the usual strict constructionist platform. In addition, they condemned know-nothingism, endorsed the Kansas-Nebraska bill and the repeal of the compromise of 1820. Its candidates were James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, and John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky. Congress met December 1, 1856. The union of the vari- 294 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Thirty-fourth Congress, \ ous elements into the republican Second Session. / party had somewhat altered the po- litical complexion of the House, no party having a majority. This session passed the Tariff of 1857, which was a reduction of " duties on imports to a lower rate than that of other tariffs since 1816." The time of this session was principally taken up with the troubles in Kansas. The free-state legislature attempted to have another meeting at Topeka, but were dis- persed by federal interference. The House passed a resolu- tion declaring the acts of the territorial legislature "cruel, oppressive, illegal, and void." The Senate refused to pass it. The counting of the electoral votes in February, 1857, showed the following result : Buchanan and Breckinridge, 174; Fremont and Dayton, 114; Fillmore and Donaldson, 8 — the electoral vote of Maryland only. Buchanan and Breckinridge were therefore elected. Congress adjourned March 3, 1857, and on March 4 the President-elect and Vice- President-elect took the oath of office. EEFEEENCES. History of the Republican Party Hall. Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government Jefferson Davis. Tribune Almanac, Vols. I, II Works of Sumner Sumner. Encyclopedia of United States History Lossing. History of the United States Lossing. History of American Politics Cooper. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. Rise and Fall of the Slave Power Wilson. History of the Civil War in America Draper. The American Statesman Young. The American Conflict Greeley. History of the Rebellion Victor. Seward's Works Baker. Political Historv of the Civil War McPherson. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. Franklin Pierce President 1853-1857 PIERCE'S ADMIXISTRATION. 295 William R. King Vice-President 1853-1853 David K. Atchison '' " 1853-1854 Jesse D. Bright " " 1854-1857 CABINET. William L. Marcy Secretary of State 1853-1857 James Guthrie Secretary of Treasury 1853-1857 Jefferson Davis Secretary of War 1853-1857 James C. Dobbin- Secretary of Navy 1853-1857 Eobert McClelland Sooretury of Interior 1853-1857 James Campbell Postmaster-General 1853-1857 Caleb Gushing Attorney -General 1853-1857 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. Roger B. Taney Chief Justice 1836-1864 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Lynn Boyd Speaker of the House 1851-1856 Nathaniel P. Banks " " " 1856-1857 David R. Atchison President of the Senate pro iempore..l853-1854 Jesse D. Bright President of the Senate pro . ballots to be endorsed " Constitution with slavery, or consti- tution without slavery." This prevented the free-state men in either case from voting against the constitution, and ac- cordingly they refused to participate in the election. The Lecompton constitution, with slavery, was consequently an- nounced as adopted, the vote being 6,143 in favor of slavery, and 589 against it. The election took place on December 21, 1857. An election for state officers, members of the legisla- ture, and a congressman, was appointed for the first Monday of the following January. The opponents of the constitu- tion desiring to obtain control of the legislature, did not refrain from voting at this election, and after a warm party contest, secured a large majority in that body. With this power the free-state men ordered an election at which the people could vote for or against the Lecompton constitution, and the result as returned, was 10,226 votes against the in- strument, 134 for it with slavery, and twenty-four for it against slavery. Governor J. W. Denver certified this re- turn, and Douglas, in his report from the Senate territorial committee, endorsed it. But this vote was considered worth- less by the supporters of the Lecompton eonstitution, "on the ground that the territorial legislature had no power ta order it;" and the president of that convention forwarded the document to President Buchanan, with the request that it be submitted to Congress. This was done by the President on February 2, 1858, with the recommendation that Kansas be admitted under the instrument. Congress passed a bill which submitted the Lecompton constitution to the people of Kansas, with the promise that large grants of public lands, for educational purposes, would be given to the state .if the constitution were adopted. At an election held in August, 1858, the Lecompton constitution was rejected a second time, by a majority of 9,513. Kansas^ therefore, still remained a territory. The following year the 314 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. territorial legislature called an election for delegates to meet and form a constitution This body assembled at ^Yyandot, July, 1859, and prepared a constitution prohibiting slavery. When submitted to the people it was adopted by a majority of 4,000. Under this constitution Kansas was admitted, 1861. Congress met December 7, 1857, with thirty-nine derao- Thirty-flfth Congress, ) crats, twenty republicans, and five First Session. / know-nothings in the Senate, and one hundred and thirty-one democrats, ninety-two republicans, and fourteen know-nothings in the House. Mr. Buchanan, in a message to Congress, argued in favor of admitting Kan- sas as a state under the Lecompton constitution with slavery, on the ground that its framers had been chosen to form a state constitution and were not required to submit the instru- ment to the people. Tliis view of the President was sup- ported by the pro-slavery members of Congress, and opposed by the republicans, and by the democrats who followed the lead of Senator Douglas, of Illinois. Mr. Douglas, in a speech in the Senate, said that they had no right to force an unacceptable constitution upon the people. On the first day of the session the republicans of Congress published a protest against any eifort to admit Kansas as a slave state against the will of her people. A bill to admit Kansas as a state was passed by the Senate and submitted to the House, which passed the bill, with the proviso that the constitution should once more be submitted to a popular vote. The Sen- ate did not acquiesce in the proviso ; but a conference com- mittee recommended that the bill, as passed by the House, should be adopted, with an additional provision that large grants of public lands be made to Kansas if the people of the new state should vote for the adoption of the Lecomp- ton constitution. The bill in this form, known as the Eng- lish bill, became a law; but the Lecompton constitution was Buchanan's administration. 315 rejected by 9,513 majority as has boon stated, and Kansas still remained out of the Union, under the territorial leg- islature. An unsueeessful attempt was made during this ses- -■^ion to appropriate public lands to the states for purposes of education. Congress adjourned June 1, 1858. INIinnesota was admitted into the Union on the eleventh of the preceding month. THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. In July, 1858, Senator Douglas returned from Washing- ton to enter upon the canvass for re-election. In the pre- ceding month the republican state convention of Illinois had nominated, at Springfield, Abraham Lincoln as candidate for United States Senator. Before the body which nominated him, Mr. Lincoln said : " If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has con- stantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself can not stand.' I believe this government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. 1 do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect" it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents f f slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new — north as well as south." Douglas arrived at Chicago on the 9th of July and met with an enthusiastic reception by his friends. He replied to 316 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Lincoln's speech at- Springfield, and on the 16th spoke at Bloomington, and the next day at Springfield. Lincoln hav- ing heard all three speeches, challenged Douglas to debate in the following words : " Hon. S. a. Dom^LAS : "My Dear Sir: Will it be agreeable to you to maiie an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audience, during the present canvass?" Douglas accepted the challenge, and arrangements were made for seven joint debates. The discussions were attended by great crowds, and leading newspapers gave full reports of their speeches. While Doug- las was inspired by hosts of friends, the enthusiasm of the north soon ran in favor of Lincoln. Both of the debaters were not entirely free in the contest. The administration manifested an attitude of jealousy toward Mr. Douglas, and watched the canvas's with great interest. It was charged upon Mr. Buchanan that the patronage of the administration was secretly employed to defeat Douglas, who was known as the " Little Giant." His standard was deserted by a few prominent democrats and tliey were rewarded by the admin- istration. In the heat of the canvass the friends of Douglas paid little attention to the views of the administration, which was overshadowed in Illinois by the influence of the "Little Giant." The warm friends of slavery could not see that his political views were altogether in their interests. But "his doctrine of popular sovereignty had all the attractions of nov- elty and apparent fairness." It divided the republicans for a period, and the JVew Yo7'k Tribune at one time showed in- dications of accepting the position of Douglas. He lacked neither friends nor money, and everything was abundantly supplied that was necessary for an enthusiastic and successful campaign. " Only the border states of the south, however, saw opportunity and glory in it, while the office-holders in BUCIIANAX'S AU.MINISTKATIOX. 317 other sections stood off and a\yaited results." Douglas was ambitious, and had more to lose than his opponent. If he should be defeated, he would lose his influence as a senator, and would be out of the field for the presidency, a position to which he might well aspire, for he represented at that time the majority of the democratic party in the whole coimtry, better than any other leader Lincoln's position was different. Though cramped at first by a class of republicans who thought that "popular sov- ereignty " was not a bad doctrine for his party, he entered the canvass with an earnestness of conviction that had a gi-eat influence upon those republicans who were inclining towards the doctrine of Douglas. Lincoln sought to impress the nation with the views which he held, and wished to do this with no other display than the power of their statement and publication. His chances for election were remote, for the state had been gerrymandered so as to elect his opponent, though a majority of twenty thousand should be against him. Mr. Lincoln "declared that he did not care for the local re- sult, and, in the light of what transpired, the position was wisely taken." His party was new, growing, and aggressive, and he wished to divert their attention from the doctrine of Douglas and impress upon them the sentiments which should ■control them during the "irrepressible conflict," which he declared was at hand. The debate obtained a world-wide celebrity, and was more potent in educating and training the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in connection with the growing excitement in Kansas, than any other thing that could have transpired. At the election which followed the canvass the vote for Lincoln was 126,084, to 121,940 for Douglas, but the apportionment of the state in 1850 gave Douglas a plain ma- jority of the general assembly. 318 ^ HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. THE HOMESTEAD BILL. Congress met December 6, 1858. There was no change iu Thirty-flfth Congress, \ party strength, save that eleven mem- Second Session. i bers of the House were now classed as anti-Lecompton democrats, while one hundred and sixteen supported the administration. Party contest during this ses- sion was directed toward legislation on the public lands. The immense public domain of the United States at that time un- entered was estimated at about one thousand millions of acres of land. What to do with this was a question which had oc- cupied for years the minds of thoughtful men. At length the proper disposition of these lands became a party question, stated as follows : " Shall the public domain be open to mo- nopoly by speculators, leading inevitably to a landed aristoc- racy, or shall it be reserved for actual occupants in small quantities at a nominal price, or without price ? " The slave- holding interests, of the country could not well exist where small freeholds prevailed, and consequently it opposed all homestead laws, knowing that if the new western lands were occupied in small sections it would be to the detriment of great planters who desired to operate under the slave sys- tem. The question was an old one, but it never commanded in Congress the attention to which it was entitled, till parties were organized in opposition to the extension of slavery. During this session of Congress a homestead bill was dis- cussed, which gave heads of families the right to buy 160 acres of western public lands, at one dollar and twenty-five cents an acre. The bill was passed by the House, but post- poned by the Senate. The President vetoed a bill which was passed for appropriating public lands in the interests of edu- cation. Oregon was admitted into the Union on the 14th of February, 1859. Congress adjourned on the 3d of March. Buchanan's administration. 319 JOHN brown's insurrection. John Brown, a native of Connecticut, went to Kansas in 1855, and settled in the town of Ossawattomie. He became a noted anti-slavery leader, and rewards were offered for his arrest by the governor of the territory and the President of the United States. Upon this, he left Kansas, and settled at Harper's Ferry, Virginia, in July, 1859, with the desperate design of causing a general insurrection of the slave race. He was attended by his family and some associates from Kan- sas. On the 17th of October they captured the town of Harper's Ferry, and the United States arsenal at that place, and proclaimed freedom to all the blacks in the vicinity. The news created intense excitement throughout the country, and especially in southern states. Militia from Maryland and Virginia rushed to the scene of action. John Brown made a spirited defense, but he and most of his associates were captured by Colonel Eobert E. Lee, of Virginia. Those captured were tried on a charge of treason, and John Brown and two colored men were hanged at Charleston, Vir- ginia, December 2, 1859. The execution took place under the authority of that state. Congress met December 5, 1859, with thirty-eight demo- Thirty-sixth Congress, 1 crats, twenty -five republicans, and two First Session. j know-nothings in the Senate, and one hundred and nine republicans, eighty-six democrats, thir- teen anti-Lecompton democrats, and twenty-two know-noth- ings in the House. There was no party majority in the House, though the republican vote was the largest. Eight weeks were occupied in balloting for a speaker, during which time angry discussions took place upon a book recently pub- lished called "The Impending Crisis in the South." This was an excellent advertisement of the work, and caused it, out of curiosity, to meet with an immense sale. The insurrection 320 ■ HISTOEY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. at Harper's Ferry was another source for angry debate. On the 1st of February, 1860, a republican of New Jersey, named William Pennington, was chosen speaker. Resolu- tions affirming that Congress and territorial legislatures were without power to prohibit slavery in the territories, Avere introduced in the Senate, debated at intervals for nearb^ four months, and passed by a party vote. THE COVODE INVESTIGATION. Mr Hickman and Mr. Adrain declared in the House that the administration had offered them inducements to vote for ±he Lecompton bill. Mr. Covode, of Pennsylvania, moved that a committee of five be appointed to investigate the charge. Against this the President protested. The investigation lasted three months, when the republican majority reported that editors of newspapers and members of Congress had been -bribed by the administration to favor the Lecompton bill. The democratic minority of the investigating committee made a report defending and exonerating the President. This un- pleasant feature of the session received no further action. THE HOMESTEAD BILL. The homestead bill passed by the House at the last session was again agreed to by that body. A substitute for this, giv- ing public lands to actual settlers at twenty-five cents per acre, was passed by the Senate and agreed to by the House. This substitute seemed to have been drawn so as to provoke, if possible, the opposition of the President. On being presented to him it was vetoed, with the objection that it was unjust to the older states to give away lands to the newer states ; for lands sold at such a low rate were regarded as almost given away. Under the Wyandot constitution, adopted in Kansas the preceding year, that territory applied for admission as a state. Buchanan's administratkjn. 321 The constitution was approved by the House, but rejected by the Senate, and Kansas still remained a territory. Congress adjourned June 18, 1860. THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION AT CHARLESTON. Tlie democratic national convention met at Charleston, South Carolina, on the 2M of April, 1860. Caleb Gushing, •of Massachusetts, \vas made chairman. Delegates from all the thirty-tlu'ee states of the Union were present, the whole number of votes being 303. The two-thirds rule was adopted, and 202 votes were required to make a choice for President and Vice-President. The members were divided on the question of slavery in the territories. Almost all the south- ern portion, and a minority of the northern portion, believing in the Dred Scott decision, held that property in slaves was as valid under the national constitution as any other kind of property. The Douglas wing adhered to the doctrine of popular sovereignty, indifferent as to whether or not it would lead to the protection of slave property in the territories. It was resolved unanimously " that this convention Avill not pro- ceed to ballot for a candidate for the presidency, until the platform shall have been adopted." The committee on res- olutions presented a majority and a minority report. After a long discussion on the reports they were both recommitted to the committee on resolutions, with the view of promoting harmony. On the sixth day of the convention two reports were a second time made by the committee, the difference be- tween them, as in the first case, being in regard to slavery in the territories. This question had divided the committee from the beginning. One portion of the committee was com- posed of the fifteen members from the slave-holding states, with those from Oregon and California ; the other portion ■embraced the members from all the free states east of the 21 322 ' HISTORY OF AMEEICAX POLITICS. Rocky Mountains. The two reports agreed on all questions except the one regarding slavery in the territories. Mr. Avery, of Korth Carolina, chairman of the committee, made the following report : "Resolved, That the platform adopted by the democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed with the following explana- tory resolutions : First, That the government of the terri- tory, organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and tem- porary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the territory without their rights, either of person or property, be- ing destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial leg- islation. Second, That it is the duty of the federal govern- ment, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the territories, and wher- ever else its constitutional authority extends. Third, That when the settlers in a territory, having an adequate popula- tion, form a state constitution, the right of sovereignty com- mences, and being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on equal footing with the people of other states^ and the state thus organized ought to be admitted into the federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recog- nizes the institution of slavery." The minority report, made by Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, after re-affirming the Cincinnati platform, continued as follows : "Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the demo- cratic party, as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Con- gress, under the constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the territories, "Resolved, That the democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States upon questions of constitutional law." Mr. Samuels moved that the minority report be adopted by Buchanan's admikisteation. 323 the convention. An exciting debate followed, the diiFerence between the parties being irreconcilable. The south claimed that the Cincinnati platform should be explained so as to recognize slavery in the territories, according to the princi- ple decided by the Supreme Court, referring to the Dred Scott decision. But the northern wing refused to recognize this decision, and continued to maintain that the power to deal with the question of slavery according to their own will Avas inherent in the people of a territory. The vote was taken, and the minority report, instead of the majority, was adopted by a vote of 165 to 138. The next question which came before the convention was the adoption of the resolution referring to slavery in the ter- ritories. It was negatived by a vote of 238 to 21. "Thus the majority and minority resolutions on the territorial ques- tion were rejected, and nothing remained before the conven- tion except the Cincinnati platform." It was now the 30th of April, and the delegates from Lou- isiana, Alabama, South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas withdrew from the convention, having assigned reasons for so doing. An effort was made to restore harmony, and the convention adjourned for consultation till the follow- ing day. May 1. Upon re-assembling, the delegation from Georgia, thus making the eighth state, withdrew from the convention. After re-affirming the two-thirds rule, balloting began May 1, the eighth day of the session. Voting con- tinued till the 3d of May, when, after fifty-five ballotings, it became manifest that a nomination at Charleston could not be made. The friends of Mr. Douglas would vote for no other man, and his opponents were determined to vote against him. Hoping that a compromise might be effected, Mr. Rus- sell, of Virginia, moved that the convention adjourn to meet in Baltimore, the 1 8th of June. The convention " respectfully recommended to the democratic party of the several states to 324 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this convention when it shall re-assemble." On re-assembling in Baltimore, at the appointed time, with Caleb Gushing in the chair, Mr. Howard, of Tennessee, oifered a resolution "that the president of the convention direct the sergeant-at-arms to issue tickets of admission to the delegates of the convention, as originally constituted and organized at Charleston." The friends of Douglas, in the absence of those who had withdrawn at Charleston, constituted a controlling majority, and they resisted the admission of those who had withdrawn, and maintained that they had irrevocably resigned their seats. After a long debate, the question was referred to the committee on credentials, which made a majority report, de- claring that the seats of those who had resigned at Charles- ton were still vacant, and a minority report, maintaining that those delegates had a right to resume their seats in the con- vention. On June 22, the majority report was adopted, whereupon the delegations from Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland, California, Oregon, and Ar- kansas withdrew, refusing to participate longer in the delib- erations. The next day Mr. Gushing resigned his seat as president, and Mr. Todd, of Ohio, took the vacant chair. Balloting then began, and resulted in the nomination of Ste- phen A. Douglas for President of the United States. The second place on the ticket was given to Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama. After adjournment he resigned, and the execu- tive committee selected as candidate for Vice-President, Mr. Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia. On June 23, the delegates who had withdrawn from the Douglas convention, and the original delegates from Louisiana and Alabama, met in Baltimore, calling themselves the na- tional democratic convention. For the first place on the ticket they nominated Mr. John C. Breckinridge, of Ken- Buchanan's administbation. 325 tucky ; and fcr the second place, General Joseph Lane, of Oregon. The delegates seceding from the Charleston convention im- mediately organized a convention in that city, adopted their platform, and adjourned to meet at Richmond, Virginia, on June 11. Here they adjourned again, met in Baltimore, June 28, and nominated Breckinridge and Lane, the ticket formed by the delegates who had seceded from the Douglas convention. Thus was the democratic party divided, and the election of a republican made possible. (Plate VI.) constitutional union convention. The constitutional union party, represented by twenty states, met in national convention at Baltimore, May 9, 1860, and adopted an evasive platform declaring, as its political principles, " The constitution of the country, the union of the states, and the enforcement of the laws." John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of iSIassachusetts, were nom- inated for the presidency and vice-presidency. This organ- ization was a continuation of the American or know-nothing party. (Plate VI.) REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. The national convention of the republican party was held at Chicago, May 16, 1860. All the northern states were fully represented, and there were partial delegations from all other states except those on the Gulf. David Wilmot, author of the Wilmot proviso, became temporary chairman, and George Ashman, of Massachusetts, was made permanent president. Prominent among the candidates were : William H. Seward, of New York ; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio ; lAbraham Lin- coln, of Illinois ; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and Ed- ward Bates, of Missouri. On the third ballot Mr. Lincoln received 354 out of 446 votes, and was declared to be the 326 HISTORY OP AMBEICAN POLITICS. nominee. Mr. Seward led the vote at first, but prominent republicans thought his nomination inexpedient, and enthu- siasm ran in favor of Mr. Lincoln, whose talented debate ■with Douglas was still fresh in the minds of the delegates. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was nominated for Vice-Presi- dent. The proceedings were characterized throughout by great harmony, and the convention closed its work in one day. (Plate VI.) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1860. The constitutional unionists, or Americans, were not so numerous as the democrats or republicans, but they made a vigorous canvass, with the design of throwing the election into the House, in the hope that there a compromise would be effected in favor of their candidates. The Americans had abandoned, in most of the states, the know-nothing features pertaining to oaths and secrecy ; but they held to their ori- ginal doctrines on naturalization and immigration, and were non-committal on the slavery question. Their object was to evade this altogether. The Douglas democrats proclaimed the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and in its application were indifferent whether slavery in the territories was voted up or voted down. They aimed to throw the responsibility of a decision of the slavery question upon the Supreme Court, or upon the people of the territories, or anywhere, in short, except upon the democratic party. The Breckinridge democrats adhered to the position that to hold slaves or to carry them into the ter- ritories was a moral and legal right, and that no power, save the constitution of the United States, could prohibit or inter- fere with the institution outside of state lines. Their purpose was to carry slavery into the territories at any cost. On other questions the two wings were together. The republicans adopted " loose constructionist platform, BUCHANAIv's ADMIKISTEATION. 327 ■^vhich declared that all men are free and eqnal ; that slavery should not be extended to the territories ; that it could exist -only by virtue of local and positive laws ; that slavery was morally wrong; that freedom was the normal condition of the territories, which Congress .should defend and preserve; and that the nation should anticipate the gradual extinction of slavery. It denounced the democratic administration in Washington and Kansas, and threats of disunion by demo- <;rats; and favored protection to home industry, a Pacific railway, the homestead bill, and internal improvements. The avowed purpose of the platform was to exclude slavery from the territories at any cost. Thus there were three discordant parties whose eiforts en- abled the republicans to succeed. Large majorities were cast for Lincoln in nearly all the free states, each one, except New Jersey, having chosen republican electors. Most of the southern states voted for Breckinridge. No candidate re- ceived a majority of the popular vote. For Lincoln the pop- ular vote was 1,866,452; the electoral vote, 180. Douglas received 1,375,157 popular votes, and the votes of 12 electors. Breckinridge had 847,953 votes, and 76 from electors. The latter vote for Bell was 39, while the former was 570,631. SECESSION. The legislature of South Carolina having met to choose electors, remained in session till the election of Lincoln was assured. It then called a convention of the state to consider the mode and measure of redress. The convention passed, unanimously, the following : "An ordinance to dissolve the union between the state of South Carolina and other states united with her under the compact entitled, 'the constitution of the United States of America.' " Copies of tliis ordinance were forwarded to the other slaveholding states, and Gov- ernor Pickens issued, December 24, a proclamation embody- 328 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ing the substance of the ordinance. South Carolina was re- lied upon by disunionists to take the initiative in the work of secession and to fire the southern heart. Other slave states, unwilling "to abandon their smaller sister," rapidly followed her example. The legislature of Georgia met November 8, 1860, and on the 18th called a convention and appropriated $1,000,000 to arm the state. On the 3d of December the legislature adopted resolutions proposing a conference of the southern states at Atlanta on the 20th of the following February. The conven- tion met January 17, 1861, and received commissioners from South Carolina and Alabama. Resolutions were adopted de- claring it the right and duty of Georgia to secede. On the 19th the ordinance of secession was passed — ayes 208, nays 89. Two days afterwards senators and representatives from Georgia withdrew from the Congress of the United States. On the 24th delegates were elected to a southern congress at Montgomery, Alabama, and on the 28th commissioners to other slave-holding states were elected. The following day the con- vention adopted an address to the south and the world, after which it adjourned. It re-assembled in March and ratified the " confederate constitution " — ayes 96, nays 5. On the 20th of the month an ordinance was passed authorizing the confederate government to occupy, use, and possess the forts^ navy yards, arsenals, and custom houses within the limits of said state. April 26, Govei-nor Brown issued a proclamationi ordering the repudiation, by the citizens of Georgia, of all debts due northern men. Such, with slight modifications,, were the steps taken by every state that seceded before the close of March, 1861. Having completed these acts, the se- ceded states began operations under the confederate constitu- tion. Mississippi passed the ordinance of secession January 9, 1861; Florida, January 10; Alabama, January 11; Lou- isiana, January 25; Texas, February 1, and Arkansas, INIareh Buchanan's administration. ;]'2!) « 18. No other state seceded till after the boginniiiii; of hostili- ties in Lincoln's administration. When a state seceded it appointed commissioners to visit other slaveholing states to confer regarding the most efficient measures for the cause of secession. South Carolina appointed eight commissioners, Alabama eight, Georgia two, and Mississippi fourteen. THE CONFEDERATE STATES OP AMERICA. Between the election of Lincoln and his inauguration, a portion of the cabinet were aiding the cause of secession in every practical way. They were not molested by the Presi- dent, for he stated that the executive had no authority to de- cide what should be the relations between the federal govern- ment and a seceded state. During the year preceding the election of Lincoln the transfer of United States arms to the south had been quietly going on under the direction of Mr. Floyd, secretary of war. The Mobile Advertiser upon the subject, says : "During the past year 135,430 muskets have been quietly transferred from the northern arsenal at Springfield alone, to those in the southern states. We are much obliged to Sec- retary Floyd for the foresight he has thus displayed in dis- arming the north and equipping the south for this emergency. There is no telling the quantity of arms and munitions which were sent south from other northern arsenals. There is no doubt but that every man in the south who can carry a gun can now be supplied from private or public sources. The Springfield contribution alone would arm all the militia men of Alabama and Mississippi." The transfer of arms was conducted quietly from the last of 1859 till the last of I860; but when Lincoln was elected all measures connected with secession were pushed with un- common vigor. The senators from the states farthest south controlled the movements of secession, and aided by the tele- 330 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. graph they accomplished their purpose with a rapidity to which history affords no parallel. Their leading object was to organize a new national government through which they could rally the outright secessionists, obtain the allegiance of the doubtful, and coerce those who should refuse com- pliance. Jeffei'son Davis, senator from Mississippi, was head of the senatorial group conducting the work of secession. The legislature of his state January 19, 1861, adopted resolu- tions inviting a congress of delegates from the seceding states to provide for a southern confederacy, and to establish a pro- visional government therefor. The proposal was at once ac- cepted, and delegates appointed through the state conventions. The provisional congress thus constituted met at Montgom- ery, Alabama, on the 4th of February, with delegates from South Carolina, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Louisiana, and Mississippi. Texas delegates were not chosen until February 14. A provisional constitution Avas adopted on the 8th of February, and the next day Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, and Alexander H. Stevens, of Georgia, were chosen provi- sional President and Vice-President. They were inaugurated on the 18th. Executive departments were established, a con- federate regular army was organized, and provisions for bor- rowing money were made. The permanent constitution was adopted March 11. The provisional congress consisted of but one House, and legislated mainly for the regulation of civil service under the new government. Postmasters were instructed to make their final accounting to the federal government May 31, "there- after accounting to the confederate states." Civil and military officers in the service of the United States, on joining the confederacy, received offices in the confederate service equal in rank to those they had left, or else higher positions. The provisional congress adjourned on the 16th of March, hut re-assembled at Montgomery at the call of President Davis, buoiiaxan's administration. 331 in consequenoe of the efforts which the federal government was malving to enforce its authority in the south. In the mean time Congress had met, December 3, 1860, Thirty-sixth Congress, \ and the opinion of the President on Second Session. /the question of secession was made known to the country. In liis message to Congress he stated his inability to iind officers in the south to execute process against offenders, and expressed the opinion that it was im- possible, legally, under such circumstances, to coerce the obe- dience of a state ; such, he said, was also the opinion of the attorney-general. The President appealed to Congress to in- stitute a constitutional amendment recognizing the rights of the southern states in regard to slavery in the territories ; but he argued against secession and revolution, and expressed a determination "to collect the revenue in the ports of South Carolina by means of a naval force, and to defend the public property. The closing portion of the message is to the effect that secession is wrong, but he knew not what to do, for he did not believe that Congress could constitutionally coerce a ^tate. THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. Congress was occupied chiefly in considering propositions for conciliation. The request in the President's message to amend the constitution in the interest of slavery in the terri- tories was referred to a committee of thirteen. Mr. Critten- den, of Kentucky, submitted a joint resolution proposing certain amendments to the constitution, but the committee rejected the compromise, and reported that " they were unable to agree upon any general plan of adjustment." Mr. Critten- den seeing that the requisite two-thirds vote of Congress on his amendment could not be obtained, submitted to the Senate a joint resolution which might be passed by a majority of both houses. It was to the effect that his rejected amendment he referred, by an ordinary act of Congress, to a direct vote of 332 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. the people of the several states. This proposition, with its modified form, was before Congress till the last day of the session, when it was defeated in the Senate by a votp of nine- teen in the affirmative and twenty in the negative. The leading provisions of the Crittenden compromise were that north of the parallel of 36° and 30', slavery should be pro- hibited ; that south of this line it should be recognized and never interfered with by Congress, and that slaves rescued from officers after arrest should be paid for by the federal government. The provisions were to be incorporated in the constitution and never altered or amended during the exis- tence of the Union. The compromise was one of conflicting^ claims, and could not receive the support of either party. Other propositions were presented, but none received the sanction of both houses except a constitutional amendment, prohibiting Congress from interfering with slavery in the states. This amendment was adopted by the legislatures of Ohio and Maryland, but the attention of other states was drawn from it by the rapid occurrence of exciting and im- portant events. THE PEACE COXVENTIOX. At the invitation of the general assembly of Virginia, com- missioners from thirteen free and seven border states assembled in a peace convention,' February 4, 1861. The 133 delegates composing the convention endeavored to present to Congress such recommendations as would prevent the border states from seceding, and bring back to the Union the cotton states that had withdrawn. The committee to which the matters under consideration were referred, reported that the constitu- tion should be amended so as to include the following : " In all the present territory of the United States north of the par- allel of 36° and 30' of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held BUCHAXAN'S ADMIXISTRATIOX. 333 to involuntary sprvice or labor, as it now exists, sliall not be clianged; nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the territori»l legislature to liinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the states of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation ; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the federal courts, according to the course of the common law. When any territory north or south of said line, within such bound- ary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states, with or without involuntary servitude, as the constitution of such state may provide." On the 27th of Februaiy the proposed amendment was adopted by the convention and communicated to the Senate and House of Representatives by Mr. Tyler, chairman of the convention and ex-President of the United States. Mr. Crit- tenden, an earnest ad%'ocate of the amendment, endeavored to bring the Senate to a vote upon the question, but in this he Avas unsuccessful. The recommendation • of the convention met with less favor in the House than in the Senate. Leave to present it was not even allowed to the speaker. The refusal to pass any compromise heightened the excite- ment in the south and enabled earnest secessionists to wield an influence for disunion in places where there was a reluc- tance to secede. The following telegraphic manifesto was sent from Washington, Dec. 22, 1860, by Robert Toombs: "Fellow Citizens of Georgia: " I came here to secure your constitutional rights, or to demonstrate to you that you can get no guarantee for these rights from your northern confederates. The whole subject was referred to a committee of thirteen in the Senate yester- 334 HISTORY OP AMEEICAN POLITICS. day. I was appointed on the committee and accepted the trust. I submitted propositions, which, so far from receiving- decided support from a single member of the republican party on the committee, were all treated with either derision or con- tempt. The vote was then taken in committee on the amend- ments to the constitution, proposed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, and each and all of them were voted against, unanimously, by the black republican members of the com- mittee. In addition to these facts a majority of the black republican members of the committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other members. " The black republicans members of this committee of thir- teen are representative men of their party and section, and, to the extent of my information, truly represent the committee of thirty -three in the house, which, on Tuesday adjourned for a week, without coming to any vote, after solemnly pledging themselves to vote on all propositions then before them on that date. That committee is controlled by black republicans, your enemies, who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope until your election, in order that you may defeat the friends of secession. If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is decisive against you ; and now I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the north for security for your constitutional rights in the Union ought to be in- stantly abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but ruin ta yourselves and your posterity. " Secession by the 4th of March next should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia on the 2d day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guar- antee for liberty, security, tranquility, and glory. "Egbert Toombs." While compromise measures were being uselessly debated. Buchanan's administeation. 335 disunionists were pi'essing the work of secession with energy and ability. " Time, which should have been spent in making the federal government ready to assert its supremacy, was wasted in dallying with theoretical cures for incurable evils." Senators and representatives from the south, while debates on compromises were in progress, would occasionally with- draw from Congress, thus announcing that another state had seceded without waiting for conciliation. When a sufficient number of Congressmen had withdrawn to leave a republican majority in both houses, Kansas was admitted into the Union under the Wyandot free-state constitution, and Nevada, Col- orado, and Dakota were erected into territories, "even giving the south the benefit of the Dred Scott decision therein." A tariff for the protection of manufactures became a law in 1861 ; this is known as the Morrill tariff. The electoral votes were counted in February, and were found to be 180 for Lincoln and Hamlin, 72 for Breckinridge and Lane, 39 for Bell and Everett, and 12 for Douglas and Johnston. Lincoln and Hamlin were therefore declared, elected. After the electoral vote was counted, Congress authorized a loan and an issue of treasury notes, and adjourned March 3, 1861. The following day Lincoln and Hamlin took the oath of office. EEFERENCES. History of the Eepublican Party Hall. Else and Fall of the Confederate Government Jefferson Davis. Tribune Almanac, Vols. I, II Works of Sumner Sumner. Cyclopedia of United States History Lossing. History of the United States Lossing. History of American Politics Cooper. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. Else and Fall of the Slave Power Wilson. History of the Civil War in America Draper. The Ameriiian Statesman Young. The American Conflict Greeley. History of the Eebellion Victor. 336 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ■Seward's Works Baker. Political History of the Civil War McPherson. EXECUTIVE OFFICEES OF BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. James Buchanan President 1857-1861 John C. Breckinridge Vice-President 1857-1861 CABINET. Lewis Cass Secretary of State 1857-1860 Jeremiah S. Black " " 1860-1861 Howell Cobb Secr&tary of Treasury 1857-1860 Philip P. Thomas " " " 1860-1861 JohnA. Dix " " " 1861-1861 John B. Floyd Secretary of War 1857-1861 Joseph Holt " " 1861-1861 Isaac Tousey Secretary of Navy 1857-1861 Jacob Thompson Secretary of Interior 1857-1861 Aaron V. Brown Postmaster-General 1857-1859 Joseph Holt " " : 1859-1861 Horatio King " " 1861-1861 Jeremiah S. Black Attorney-General 1857-1860 Edwin M. Stanton " " 1860-1861 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. Eoger B. Taney Chief Justice 1836-1864 LEGISLATIVE OFFICEES. Benjamin Fitzpatrick President of the Senate ^m'o tempore..l859-1860 Jesse D. Bright " " " 1860-1860 Benjamin Fitzpatrick " " " 1860-1861 ■Solomon Foot " " " 1861-1861 James L. Orr Speaker of the House 1858-1859 William Pennington " " " 1860-1861 EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF JEFFERSON DAVIS' ADMINIS- TRATION. * Jefferson Davis President 1861-1865 Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President 1861-1865 CABINET. Bobert Toombs Secretary of State 1861-1861 BUCHANAN'S ADMIXISTEATIOX. ;j;37 E. M. T. Hunter Secretary of State 1861-1862 Judah P. Benjamin " " 1862-1865 Charles G. Meaiminger Secretary of Treasury 1861-1864 James L. Trenholm " " 1864-1865 L. Pope Walker Secretary of War 1861-1861 Judah P. Benjamin " " 1861-1862 James A. Seddon " " 1862-1865 John C. Breckinridge " " 1865-1865 Stephen E. Mallory Secretary of Navy 1861-1865 Judah P. Benjamin Attorney-General 1861-1861 Thomas H. Watts , " " 1861-1862 George Davis " " 1862-1865 John H, Eeagan -Postmaster-General 1861-1862 Henry J. Elliot « " 1862-1865 THE SOUTH C'AEOLIXA DECLAEATION OF INDEPENDENCE. The state of South Carolina, having determined to resume her separate and equal place among nations, deems it due to herself, to the remaining United States of America, and to the nations of the world, that she should declare the causes which have led to this act. In the jear 1765, that portion of the British empire embracing Great Britain, undertook to make laws for the government of that portion com- posed of the thirteen American colonies. A struggle for the right of self- government ensued, which resulted, on the 4th of July, 1776, in a declara- tion by the colonies, " that they are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, to conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com- merce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do." They further solemnly declared, that whenever any " form of govern- ment becomes destructive of the ends for which it was established, it is the right of that people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government." Deeming the government of Great Britain to have become destructive of these ends, they declared that the colonies " are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the states of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved." In pursuance of this declaration of independence, each of the thirteen states proceeded to exercise its separate sovereignty ; adopted for itself a. <;onstitution, and appointed officers for the administration of government 22 338 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. in all its departments — legislative, executive, and judicial. For purposes of defense, they united their arms and their counsels ; and, in 1778, they united in a league, known as the articles of confederation, whereby they agreed'to intrust the administration of their external relations to a com- mon agent, known as the Congrf ss of the United States, expressly declar- ing, in the first article, " that each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right which is not, by this confederation, expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled." Under this consideration the war of the Eevolution was carried on, and on the 3d of September, 1783, the contest ended, and a definite treaty was signed by Great Britain, in which she acknowledged the independence of the colonies in the following terms : Article 1. — His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantation, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsyltania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent states; that he treats them as such ; and for himself, his heirs, and successors, relinquishes all claims to the govern- ment, proprietary and territorial rights of the same, and every part thereof. Thus was established the two great principles asserted by the colonies, namely, the right of a state to govern itself, and the right of a people ta abolish a government when it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted. And concurrent with the establishment of these princi- ples was the fact, that each colony became and was recognized by the mother country as a free, sovereign, and independent state. In 1787, deputies were appointed by the states to revise the articles of confederation, and on September 17th, 1787, the deputies recommended for the adoption of the states the articles of union known as the constitution of the United States. The parties to whom the constitution was submitted were the several sovereign states ; they were to agree or disagree, and when nine of them^ agreed, the compact was to take effect among those concurring ; and the general government, as the common agent, was then to be invested with their authority. If only nine of the thirteen states had concurred, the other four would have remained as they then were — separate, sovereign states, independent of any of the provisions of the constitution. In fact, two of the states did not accede to the constitution until long after it had gone into operation among the other eleven; and during that interval, they exercised the functions of an independent nation. By this constitution, certain duties were charged on the several states,. Buchanan's administration. 339 and the exercise of certain of their powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. On the 23d of May, 1788, South Carolina, by a convention of her people, passed an ordinance assent- ing to this constitution, and afterwards altering her own constitution, to conform herself to the obligations she had undertaken. Thus was established, by compact between the states, a government, with defined objects and powers, limited to the express words of the grant, and to so much more only as was necessary to execute the power granted. The limitation left the whole remaining mass of power subject to the clause reserving it to the state or to the people, and rendered unnecessary any specification of reserved rights. We hold that the government thus established is subject to the two great principles asserted in the declaration of independence, and we hold further that the mode of its formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, namely — the law of compact. AVe maintain that in every compact be- tween two or more parties, the obligation is mutual — that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement entirely released the obligation of the other, and that, where no arbiter is appointed, each party is remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of failure with all its consequences. In the present case that fact is established with certainty. We assert that fifteen of the states have deliberately refused for years past to fulfill their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. The constitution of the United States, in its 4th article, provides as fol- lows: "No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from any service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." This stipulation was so material to the compact that without it that compact would not have been made. The greater number of the contract- ing parties held slaves, and the state of Virginia had previously declared her estimate of its value by making it the condition of cession of the ter- ritory which now compose the states north of the Ohio river. The same article of the constitution stipulates also for the rendition by the several states of fugitives from justice from the other states. The general government, as the common agent, passed laws to carry into effect these stipulations of the states. For many years these laws were ex- ecuted. But an increasing hostility on the part of the northern states to the institution of slavery, has led to a disregard of their obligations, and 340 HISTORY OP AMERICAX POLITICS. the laws of the general government have ceased to effect the objects of the constitution. The states of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachu- setts, Connecticut, Ehode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indi- ana, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these states the fugitive is dischai-ged from the service of la- bor claimed, and in none of them has the state government complied with the stipulation made in the constitution. The state of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law for the rendition of fugitive slaves in conformity with her constitutional undertaking; but the current of anti-slavery feel- ing has led her more recently to enact laws which render inoperative the remedies provided by her own law and by the laws of Congress. In the state of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tribunals, and the states of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder and inciting servile insurrection, in the state of Virginia. Thus the constitutional compact has been delib- erately broken and disregarded by the non-slaveholding states, and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released from its obligations. The ends for which this constitution was framed are declared by itself to be "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- quility, provide for the common defense, protect the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity." These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a. federal government, in which each state was recognized as an equal, and had separate control over its own institutions. The right of property in slaves was recognized by giving to free persons distinct political rights ; by giving them the right to represent, and burdening them with direct taxes for three-fifths of their slaves; by authorizing the importation of slaves for twenty years, and by stipulating for the rendition of fugitives from labor. We affirm that these ends for which this government was instituted have been defeated, and the government itself has been made destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding states. These states have assumed the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions, and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the states and recognized by the constitution; they have denounced as sinful the institu- tion of slavery ; they have permitted the open establishment among them of societies whose avowed object is to disturb the peace and to eloin the property of the citizens of other states. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes, and those who remain have been incited by emissaries, books, and pictures to servile insurrection- For twenty-five years, this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common government. Ob- buciiaxan's administration. 341 serving the forms of the constitution, a sectional party has found within that article establishing the executive department the means of subverting the constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the states north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the ad- ministration of the common government, because he has declared that that "government can not endure permanently half slave, half free,'' and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ul- timate extinction. This sectional combination for the subversion of the'constitution has been aided in some of the states by elevating to citizenship persons, who,* by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens, and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy hostile to the southj and destructive of its peace and safety. ■ On the 4th of March next, this party will take possession of the govern- ment. It has announced that the south shall be excluded from the com- mon territory ; that the judicial tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States. ' The guarantees of the constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the states will be lost. The slaveholding states will no longer have the power of self-government or self-protection, and the federal gov- ernment will have become their enemies. Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain by the fact that public opinion at the north has invested a great political error with the sanctions of a more erroneous religious belief. We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates in con- vention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the union hereto- fore existing between this state and the other states of North America is dissolved, and that the state of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world as a free, sovereign, and independent state> with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a, firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 342 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. I860.— CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PLATFORM, Saltimore, May 9. Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and de- ceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sec- tional parties ; therefore, Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principles other than The Constitution of the Countby, 'the Union op the States, and the Enpoecement op the Laws ; and that as representatives of the constitutional union men of the country, in national convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and defend, separately and "unitedly, these great principles of pub- lic liberty and national safety against all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the people and of the states re-established, and the government again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under the example and constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, estab- lish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our- selves and our posterity. I860.— REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, Chicago, May 17. Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the republican elect- ors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declar- ations : 1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetu- ation of the republican party, and that the causes which called it into ex- istence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the federal constitution, " That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among Buchanan's administuation. 343 men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essen- tial to the preservation of onr republican institutions; and that the federal constitution, the rights of the states, and the union of the states, must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the states this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from •whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no re- publican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by democratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contem- plated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and espe- cially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institu- tions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that bal- ance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends ; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 5. That the -present democratic administration has far exceeded our •worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton constitution upon the protesting people of Kan- sas ; in construing the personal relations between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a, pu'-ely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a ■confiding people. 6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the federal government ; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the system- atic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at the federal metropolis, show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new dogma, that the constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States, is a danger- jjus political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instru- 344 HISTORY OF AJIEEICAX POLITICS. ment itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent — is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that '' no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it be- comes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a, territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and eflicient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. 10. That in the receut vetoes, by their federal governors, of the acts of the legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those ter- ritories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted democratic princi- ple of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas- Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admritted as a state under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. 12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the general govern- ment by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remuner- ative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence. 13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory home- stead measure which has already passed the House. 14. That the republican party is opposed to any change in our natural- ization laws, or any state legislation by which. the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or Buchanan's admixihtuation. 3-15' impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements, of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the constitution and justified by the obligations of government to protect the lives and property of its citi- zens. 16. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is imperatively demanded by the interest of the whole country ; that the federal government ought t& render immediate and efficient aid in its construction ; and that as pre- liminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established. 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views,, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other ques- tions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support. I860.— DEMOCRATIC (DOUGLAS) PLATFORM, Charleston, April 23, and Baltimore, June 18, 1. Resolved, That we, the democracy of the Union, in convention as- sembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the democratic con- vention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that democratic princi- ples are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the same subject- matters ; and we recommend, as the only further resolutions, the following : Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the democratic party as to- the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as to- the powers and duties of Congress, under the constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the territories : 2. Resolved, That the democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of constitutional law. 3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. 4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, com- mercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific states; and the democratic party pledge such con- stitutional government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. 5. Resolved, That the democratic party are in favor of the acquisition 346 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain. 6. Resolved, That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the faith- ful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. 7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the territorial govern- ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the federal constitution on the power of the territorial legislature over the subject of domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be re- spected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general government. I860.— DEMOCRATIC (BRECKINRIDGE) PLATFORM, Charleston and Baltimore. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the democratic party at Cincin- nati be affirmed, with following explanatory resolutions : 1. That the government of a territor}', organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary ; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle, with their property, in the ter- ritory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial legislation. 2. That it is the duty of the federal government, in all its departments to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the terri- tories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a territory having an adequate population, form a, state constitution in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consumnjated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other states, and the state thus organized ought to be admitted into the federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. 4. That the democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. 5. That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the faithful execu- tion of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. 6. That the democracy of the United States recognize it as the impera- tive duty of this government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his Buchanan's admini.stkation. 347 rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its na- tive-born citizens. Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, com- mercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communication be- tween the Pacific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it Resolved, That the democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific railroad from the Jlississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. 348 HISTOEY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER XVIII. LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 1861—1865. INAUGURATION. The administration of Lincoln, as foreseen by all, was to be a stormy period in American politics. However, the far- reaching sweep of events, soon to transpire, was scarcely within the vision of the most prophetic eye. The country everywhere felt a sense of insecurity. In Washington the friends of the President-elect, apprehensive of danger, took steps to provide for his personal safety. It was believed they had discovered a conspiracy to assas-sinate ]\Ir. Lincoln while going through Baltimore. Reposing implicit confidence in the people, it was difficult for him to understand, after his triumphal passage through three great states, that such a purpose to thwart the decision of the ballot-box should exist anywhere in the Union. But evidence thickened and he passed Baltimore, in disguise, arriving at ^yashington about the time he was expected to leave Harrisburg. From Februry 23d till March 4th was spent in the capi- tal. He was cordially received by Mr. Buchanan and intro- duced to his cabinet, then in session. The members of the peace congress visited him, and distinguished citizens and official bodies welcomed him. Monday morning, the 4th of March, 1861, a vast concourse, of every party and shade of political opinion, thronged the city. And although a spark would have kindled the passion of the hour into a flame, the inauguration was accomplished deliberately and without bloodshed. LrXCOLX's ADMIXISTRATIOX. 349 The ceremonies of inauguration, always impressive, were surrounded with painful solicitude. The vast crowd wit- nessed the unprecedented spectacle of a number of vacant places among the members of the Senate and House, occa- sioned by resignations to join the rising southern confederacy. The judges of the Supreme Court were there. Chief Justice Taney attracting attention because of his known pro-slavery principles. Many officers of the army and navy, ministers from foreign courts, and distinguished party leaders, noted with critical eye every movement in the historic scene. Mr. Lincoln appeared, accompanied by the retiring Presi- dent, Mr. Buchanan, and by ^Ir. Douglas, whose friendship at that time could not be too highly appreciated. The oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Taney, Hannibal Hamlin having already received the oath of office as Vice- President, and the newly elected senators having been sworn in. IXAUaURAL ADDRESS. Xo man had ever approached so great an occasion with more ability. Firmness, prudence, and humility were so equallv blended in the address that, for a time, it disarmed his enemies, and his friends were not quite sure of the strength of his purpose till they had given his words a calm consideration. Its influence was pacific. For a moment all parties were stilled. The abolition element, at the north, felt that it was too conciliatory; the secessionists were in- censed by the very calmness which pervaded it ; the masses throughout the northern and western states approved, and the "border states" were satisfied. But few comprehended its grasp on the possibilities that lay in the nation's pathway. He re-affirmed the distinguishing feature of the platform on which he was nominated, which declared the " right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions ac- cording to its own judgment cxchisivelv," but construed the 350 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. articles of association of 1774, the Declaration of Independ- ence of 1776, the articles of confederation of 1778, with the constitution of 1787, so as to make it " impossible " for a state " lawfully," " upon its own mere motion to get out of the Union;" and promised that the Union of all the states, would, under the constitution, " defend and maintain itself," while all the power confided to him should be used "to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government." Lincoln's cabinet. In the selection of his cabinet Mr. Lincoln manifested rare judgment. It was thoroughly republican, and left no section or state, where there was a pronounced Union senti- ment, without representation. William H. Seward, of New York, secretary of state, and Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, sec- retary of the treasury, were thoroughly in accord with the anti-slavery element of the country ; General Simon Cam- eron, of Pennsylvania, who believed a prolonged war inevi- table, secretary of war ; Gideon Wells, of Connecticut, sec- retary of the navy, and Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, secretary of the interior, were both popular men ; while Edward Bates, of Missouri, attorney-general, and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, postmaster-general, were selected from states as far south as the administration could go. ATTEMPTED ADJUSTMENT OF DIFFICULTIES. Mr. Seward, secretary of state, received, as early as the 11th of March, "through the kind offices of a distinguished senator," a request from Mr. John Forsyth, of Alabama, and Mr. Martin J. Crawford, of Georgia, for an unofficial inter- view ; but the nature of the proposed interview was such that, from "considerations of public policy," it was respect- fully declined. This was followed by a written communica- tion from these gentlemen, then in Washington, under date of Lincoln's administration. 351 March 12, sealed, and delivered on the 13th to Mr. Sew- ard's assistant. This was intended as an official document. In it Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford claim to be " accredited commissioners of the Confederate States of America, to the gov- ernment of the United States." They re])rcsented that seven states had " withdrawn from the United States, and formed a government of their own." They said the " Confederate States constituted an independent nation, de facto and dejure, possessing a government perfect in all its parts, and endowed with all means of self-support;" and closed by requesting a speedy interview, that they might present their credentials to the President of the United states, and lay before him the mission with which they had been entrusted, for the " future welfare of the two nations." To this bold declaration Secretary Seward replied, stating that he had the honor to submit to them a copy of Mr. Lin- coln's inaugural address, a simple reference to which would satisfy those gentlemen that, guided by the principles therein laid down, the secretary was altogether prevented from ad- mitting or assuming that the states referred to by them had, in law or in fact, withdrawn from the federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner assumed. He also refused to appoint a day on which they might present their credentials, and refused to " recognize them as diplomatic agents," or to "hold correspondence with them." He closed by assuring them that the President had been consulted, and that he de- clined any official intercourse with them. This correspondence seems sufficiently explicit, and shows the determined purpose on both sides that no concessions were to be made. But there were yet at Washington, and high in civil and political circles, some who entertained hopes of some kind of amicable adjustment, whether through com- promise or by disunion does not clearly appear. Prominent among these was John A. Campbell, a citizen of Alabama, 352 HISTOKY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. and member of the Supreme Court. Judge Campbell inter- posed his friendly offices in behalf of the claims of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, and seems to have thought, at one time, he would be successful. He addressed Secretary Sew- ard, under date of April 13, complaining that certain con- versations with reference to sending supplies to Fort Sum- ter had led him to expect a different result in the action of the government. His impression was that Fort Sumter would have been peaceably evacuated, and he had assured the aforesaid confederate commissioners that no measure *'prejudieious" to the southern confederate states was con- templated on the 15th of March. He claimed that the south- ern leaders were acting under the impression that " systematic duplicity" had been exercised toward them, in which impres- sion he seemed to fully share ; and concluded by demanding an explanation. To this no reply was made, since it would have been, indi- rectly, giving an account of the government for its actions to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. In the meantime, these gentlemen having failed to obtain an audience as the representatives of a distinct nation, ad- dressed another letter to Secretary Seward, April 9, in which they claimed for the confederacy the rights springing from a "manifest and accomplished revolution;" and accept- ing for their government and people, as they expressed it, "the gauge of battle," which they claimed had been thrown down by the United States when it refused them official recognition. Whatever misunderstanding existed in regard to negoti- ations for peace, or in regard to possessing and holding the United States forts on the southern coast, is easily explained by the fact that the parties were working at cross purposes. One was demanding peace and the Union ; the other asked peace with disunion. And if, as claimed, the President wa- Lincoln's admixistratiox. 353 vercd as to the propriety of maintaining the garrison in Fort Sumter, it could have been but a question of policy as to that particular place, as no word or act of Mr. Lincoln, which has come to us through history, contradicts his avowed pur- pose that the Union should " maintain itself." During this period, and for some time after, many officers of the regular army, following the example of seceding states and resigning congressmen, dropped their uniforms and ob- ligations, and assumed commands in the fastly foi'ming con- federate army. They justified their action on their claim to state citizenship, through the doctrine of state sovereignty. Everywhere in the south the idea prevailed that allegiance to a state was paramount to any obligation to the national gov- ernment. On this plea, officers of the army, to the number of about two hundred, with General Robert E. Lee at their head, wheeled into line with the southern battalions. General David E. Twiggs, second in rank among the officers of the United States army, and commandant of the department of Texas, during Buchanan's administration, was notably influ- ential in his active co-operation with the secession cause. THE BOEDER STATE?. While a majority of the people in the border states of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, together with those of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, were in sympathy with the south, they did not believe in secession. One obvious reason for this was the fact that in the event of a war for the restoration of the Union, their territory would evidently be the battlefield. Besides, there were large sec- tions of these states where slaves were few, and the people, consequently, did not feel the interest, pecuniarily, in making slavery the corner-stone of a new empire that was elsewhere expressed. But there were enough secessionists, wealthy and 23 354 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. influential, to contribute men and money in answer to the calls of President Davis, and to keep their demand for dis- union constantly and imperiously before the public. This pervading sentiment of sympathy with and preference for the south, at the same time hesitating to join the rebellion, was nowhere better expressed than in the language of Governor Hicks, of Maryland. He had been memorialized by a large number of citizens, among them ex-Governor Pratt, demand- ing a call of the legislature to express the views and position of Maryland on the situation. He answered, November 27, 1860, refusing to convene the legislature, and January 3, fol- lowing, in an address to his people," said : " I have been told that the position of Maryland should be defined, so that both sections could understand it. Do any really misunderstand her position ? Who that wishes to understand it can fail to do so ? If the action of the legislature would be simply to declare that Maryland is with the south in sympathy and feeling ; that she demands from the north the repeal of offen- sive, unconstitutional statutes, and appeals to it for new guar- antees ; that she will wait a reasonable time for the north to purge her statute books, so as to do justice to her southern brethren, and, if appeals are vain, will make her common cause with her sister border states in resistance to tyranny, if need be, it would only be saying what the whole country well knows, and what may be said much more effectually by her people themselves, in their meetings, than by the legisla- ture, chosen eighteen months since, when none of these ques- tions were raised before them. That Maryland is a conserva- tive southern state all know who know anything of her people or her history." But the Maryland legislature was at last convened by Governor Hicks, meeting at Fredericksburg. By a unani- mous vote in the Senate, and a majority of 53 to 13, it refused to secede. But a state board of safety, with consid- LINCOLN S ADMINISTRATION. 355 erable powers, was appointed. Its mtMnbers, with one ex- tion, were in sympathy with the south. On the 10th of May, 1861, tlie legislature passed resolutions declaring that Mary- land desired and consented to the recognition of the inde- pendence of the confederate states ; that the war on the part of the United States was uueonstitutional ; but recognizing the obligations of Alaryland to the Union, and praying the President, in the name of God, to stop the unholy war. Maryland never seceded, and her course, however viewed, was a consistent state sovereignty example. The legislature of Delaware convened January 2, 1861. Governor Burton, in his mes>age, held the abolitionists re- sponsible for all the trouble, and asserted that the north should retire from her untenable position immediately. Mr. Dickenson, a commissioner from Mississippi, addi'essed the Senate and House jointly in favor of secession. But they passed a resolution, unanimously, disapproving of Mr. Dick- enson's " remedy " for existing difficulties. The Missouri legislature passed a law, January 16, 1861, calling a state convention, which met, and on the 9th of March resolved that there was no adequate cause to impel Missouri to dissolve her connection with the federal Union. But the legislature took active steps to provide against dan- ger by appointing a strong military police force for the city of St. Louis; and Governor Jackson issued a call, June 11th, for 50,000 volunteers to drive out the federal troops as in- vaders of the soil of Missouri. In the meantime Captain Lyon and Colonel Blair had taken control of St. Louis and vicinity at the head of 6,000 troops. Governor Jackson, General Price, and thousands of Missourians retired south- ward, fighting as they retreated. Governor Magoffin called the legislature of Kentucky to- gether. They met January 17, 1861, but refused to issue a call for a convention. It was decidedly a Union legislature, 356 HISTORY OF AinSRICAN POLITICS. a majority' of whom were in favor of a peace congress at Washington. The election for delegates to a peace conven- tion, held May 4, gave 50,000 Union majority. A states- rights convention was called to meet at Frankfort, March 22, but accomplished nothing. Finally, on the election of congressmen to the extra session, called by President Lincoln, nine unionists and one secessionist were elected. The vote was 92,365 for the Union, and but 36,995 against it. The Arkansas convention was visited, March 16, 1861, by W. S. Oldham, bearing a letter from President Davis. Said letter, of March the 9th, was an argument in favor of seces- sion. , A vote resulted in thirty-ni^ne against secession to thirty-five in favor of it ; but as a compromise it was agreed to submit the question of secession to the people for ratifica- tion or rejection on the first Monday in August. But before the time came, the- convention re-assembled and voted sixty- nine to one in favor of secession. The fact that South Caro- lina had fired on Sumter, and war was imminent, explains the swift change that came over that convention. MILITARY LEAGUES. Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, took possession of the federal forts near Beaufort and Wilmington, January 2, 1861. He then called an extra session of the legislature, which met and called a convention, submitting the call to a vote of the people. At the election there were 46,672 votes for, and 47,323 against holding the convention. The aggressive spirit of secession, however, undaunted by defeat, called a states- rights convention at Raleigh, on the 22d of March, which was largely attended. Eminent counselors were there from South Carolina and Virginia, but no decided step was taken. Immediately after the storming of Fort Sumter, however. Governor Ellis took possession of the United States arsenal at Fayetteville, and of the branch mint at Charlotte. This Lincoln's administration. 357 occurred April 20, and was followed immediately by the as- sembling of the legislature, which passed a resolution tender- ing all the state troops, not needed for home defense, to Vir- ginia, or to the Southern Confederacy, to be controlled by it. Thus early was North Carolina arrayed in battle against the federal government. But the precise character of what was known as a "Mili- tary League " is best seen in the action of the secessionists in Tennessee. The legislature had met on the 7th of January, 1861, at Nashville. Eastern Tennessee, under the leadership of Governor Brownlow and Andrew Johnson, was intensely loyal. Consequently the call for a convention had to be modified by submitting the call to a vote of the people for instruction. The vote resulted in a majority of more than 60,000 for the Union. It was evident to all that Tennessee could not be voted out of the Union. But this did not dis- courage the true friends of the confederacy. One of their most remarkable efforts to secure by political intrigue what could not otherwise be accomplished, was seen in the action of the legislature of Tennessee. In secret session they passed a resolution authorizing the governor to " appoint three com- missioners on the part of Tennessee, to enter into a military league with the authorities of such slave-holding states as might wish to enter it, having in view the defense and pro- tection of the entire south against the war which is now being carried on against it." These commissioners were instantly appointed, and at once entered into a conventional agreement with the Confederate States, whose agent, Henry W. Hilliard, was present for that purpose, by which it was provided that " the whole military force and military oper- ations, offensive and defensive, of said state, in the impend- ing conflict with the United States, shall be under the chief control and direction of the Confederate States." This agree- ment was immediately reported to the legislature, yet in 358 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. secret session, aud ratified by a vote of 14 to 6 in the Senate, and 43 to 15 in the House. And this same legislature also passed an ordinance of secession to be submitted to the peo- ple for approval ; but the times were becoming too tumultu- ous for elections, and the military league stood solely on the authority of the legislature. Virginia called a convention, the majority of whom were elected as unionists. On the 17th of April, 1861, they passed an ordinance of secession, providing for its submission to the popular vote. But the leaders could not wait. A. H. Ste- phens, Vice-President of the confederacy, visited them, and the convention entered into an agreement whereby the whole military power of Virginia was transferred to the control of the confederate states, " upon the same footing as if the said commonwealth were now (May 3d) a member of said con- federacy." These leagues made with the confederacy by the legisla- tures of states reluctant to secede, allowed confederate troops to swarm over their territory, thus influencing the people in favor of disunion. WEST VIRGINIA. The proceedings of the Virginia convention were highly displeasing to all that portion of the state lying north of the Alleghany Mountains. Many of their delegates returned home to participate in meetings enthusiastic for the Union. A convention was called, which met at Wheeling on the 13th of May, and represented thirty-five counties. They called a provisional convention to meet on the 11th of June, the dele- gates to be elected on the 26th of May. In that convention resolutions were passed declaring all state offices vacant where the incumbents were in rebellion against the general government. A proposition to divide the state passed unani- mously. On the same day, June 20, Francis H. Pierpoint, an active unionist, was chosen Governor, and an executive conn- Lincoln's administration. 359 cil was appointed. This action was yet in the name of Vir- ginia, and proceeded on the assumption that the loyal element constituted the state. This view was substantially approved by the United States Congress. A legislature was convened at "Wheeling, to which all the counties of the state had op- portunity to send representatives, if they desired, as it was chosen on the usual day of election, and met by virtue of the constitution of the state of Virginia. This legislature agreed with the convention, and the new state of West Virginia was formed. BOMBARDMENT OF FORT SUMTER. It was necessary that sectional feeling should be excited to its highest pitch in order to consolidate the south. This fact was foreseen by many of the southern leaders, but the re- action which it occasioned at the north was far greater than they anticipated. It is possible that the south lost more than she gained by firing on Fort Sumter. President Lincoln notified Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, that supplies would be sent to Fort Sumter peace- ably, or otherwise if necessary. This fact was at once re- ported to the authorities at Montgomery, and on the 10th of April, 1861, the confederate secretary of war authorized Gen- eral Beauregard to demand the evacuation of the fort, with liberty to proceed according to his own judgment in case of refusal. At 2 o'clock p. m.. General Beauregard demanded the evacuation of the fort, on the ground that the confeder- ate states could no longer permit a fortification beyond its control within reach of one of its harbors. Major Anderson, commanding Fort Sumter, declined to evacuate it; and in reply to a demand as to when he would be willing to evacu- ate, replied that he would do so at noon on the 1 5th, provid- ing he did not receive controlling instructions from his gov- ernment or additional supplies. This answer is explained by the fact that "the garrison would soon have to succumb on 360 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. account of starvation, a fact known to the southern au- thorities, and to the public generally. The reason for the immediate attack on the fort, then, lies in the fact that there was probability of help for the little garrison. At 3 : 20 A. M., on the 12th of April, General Beauregard,-acting under or- ders from Montgomery, opened fire for the reduction of the fort. The southern leaders were pleased to regard the President's determination to supply a garrison of the United States, in one of its own forts, at all hazards, as virtually an act of offensive war against the south; but the fact remains that the active bombardment of a United States fort, for hours^ by authority of the confederate secretary of war, before a shot was fired in defense, was understood by the masses of the people as a demonstration of the purpose of the south to- initiate war. This conviction was so deep that no amount of argument could ever change the opinion of the country in, regard to it. Roger A. Pryor had said at Richmond, Virginia, in a no- table speech, " I will tell you, gentlemen, what will put Vir- ginia into the Southern Confederacy in less than an hour by Shrewsbury clock — strike a blow ! The very moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will make common cause with her sister states of the south." Mr. Gilchrist, a member of the Alabama legislature, said,, in conversation with Jefferson Davis and other notables^ " Unless you sprinkle blood in the faces of the people, Alabama will be back in the Union in ten days." This was uttered the day before the batteries were opened on Fort Sumter. This willingness for the " gauge of battle " was now satis- fied. A " blow " had been struck ! Blood had been " sprink- led in the faces of the people!" It was hailed with delight throughout the south. It flashed through the north, arous- Lincoln's administration. 361 ing the people everywhere to face the reality of intcrnecme war. Lincoln's call for 75,000 troops. Fort Sumter had surrendered to the disunion forcps on the 13th of April, 1861. The proclamation of the President calling for 75,000 volunteer troops, to suppress "combina- tions " that obstructed the execution of the laws of the United States in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis- sippi, Louisiana, and Texas, was issued Monday, the 13th, and was received throughout the north and west as a most righteous measure. The President ordered the lawless combinations, alluded to in his proclamation, to disperse Avithin twenty days, and called an extra session of Congress to convene on the 4th of July. His secretary of war issued to each state, except Cali- fornia and Oregon, a circular stating the quota of men each was required to furnish. The governors of the free states, except those on the Pacific coast, were all republicans, except Governor Sprague, of Rhode Island, who was a conservative. He quickly furnished the men asked for by the President, and volunteered to go with them to Washington. The gov- ernors, the press, and the people of the north, as a rule, were satisfied that the national honor required vindication, and the 75,000 troops were furnished with alacrity. REPLY OP southern GOVERNORS. The governors of the border states responded in terms haughty and defiant. Governor Letcher, of Virginia, accused the President of inaugurating civil war for the purpose of subjugating the south, saying "the militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such purpose as they have in view." Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, characterized the call for troops as a "violation of 362 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. the constitution and a usurpation of power," and closed by saying : " You can get no troops from North Carolina." Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, replied: "Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister southern states." Governor Harris, of Tennessee, said: "Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, but 50,000, if need be, for the defense of our rights or of our southern brethren." Governor Jackson, of Missouri, in emphatic language, re- sponded : " Your requisition is illegal, unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical, and can not be complied with." Governor Rector, of Arkansas, curtly said : " None will be furnished. The demand is only adding insult to injury." Governor Burton, of Delaware, in his proclamation of April 26, recommended the formation of volunteer companies for the protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against danger from any source. His idea was that they should not be subject to the President, but were at lib- erty to tender him their services "for the defense of the cap- ital, and to support the constitution and laws." In the same line of policy. Governor Hicks, of Maryland, issued a call for troops, May 14, stating that the four regiments would be detailed to serve within the limits of Maryland, or for the protection of Washington. PARTY ADJUSTMENTS. The condition of aflfairs was unprecedented. No such state of political interesis had been anticipated, certainly not pro- vided for, by the constitution. The interpretation of our organic law had always varied according to the school of politics or immediate interests with which statesmen and jurists had been identified. This administration was to be sustained by a republican majority; and for the first time in Lincoln's administration. 363 the history of the country, we were in a war, with a loose constructionist party in power. The facts indicated many and startling; chans;os. The constitutional union party dissolved soon after the election of Lincoln. Some of its members entered the demo- cratic party, others the republican ; but a large portion of them became confederates. Tlie Breckinridge democrats of the south entered the confederacy ; those of the north joined the Douglas wing. Some from each division of the party be- came republicans. The democratic party had usually been in accord with the south upon national issues, but had never gone with them to the extent of admitting the right of secession. Individuals like C. L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, had done much, however, to encourage a feeling of security at the south, and possibly of a hope that northern democrats would assist them. But if such ideas were entertained they were soon dispelled by the logic of. events. " War democrats " became a term to designate a large element of that j)arty who were determined to support the republican administration in putting down the rebellion, ^^'hile a great many democrats, feeling that all minor issues were swallowed up in the one great question of how to save the country, at once made common cause with the republicans. And in this way the latter party, already dominant, controlled all national legislation. Among democrats of a national reputation, Senator Doug- las was pre-eminent. He said, at Chicago, on the 1st of May, "There are only two sides to this question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neu- trals in this war ; only patriots or traitors." He declared it to be the "duty of every American citizen to rally around the flag of his country." The fusion of democrats with the republicans led to the style and title of the -" Union party ; " and this was, for a 364 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. time, very popular. The strict construction theories of the democratic party, which had been detrimental in former times, were abandoned. The tide set in favor of changes and interpretations new to a war regime; and the peace deifiocrats, as a curb, were but the necessary conservative element to steady the work of human progress. The constitution came through the war unimpaired. Had it not been for the con- stant opposition to a liberal construction of its terms, the necessity of consistency might have dropped out of sight. UNION PARTY IN POWER. Congress met July 4, 1861, in compliance with the call of Thirty-seventh Congress, 1 the President the preceding April. Extra Session. i The republicans were in a majority in both houses. The House of Representatives organized by electing Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, speaker, and Emerson Etheridge, a supporter of Bell for President, but an avowed unionist, for clerk. On the next day the President delivered his message. He claimed to have yielded all that could have been done without relinquishing the government. He said "the states have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status; if they break from this, they can only do so against law and by revolution.'' The policy of the border states, he said, would soon give the disunionists a disunion of their own. He expressed the profoundest sorrow that necessity compelled him to use the war power to defend the government. He asked Congress for "at least four hun- dred thousand men and four hundred million dollars." The message was a compliment to the President's fast grow- ing reputation. The friends of the Union were entirely sat- isfied with it. In the Senate ten of its members, having vacated their seats, were formally expelled July the 11th. The House at once began the work of the session by a resolution to con- Lincoln's administration. 365 sider no measures except those relating to the military, naval, and financial proceedings of the government. Notice was given on the first day of the session, by Mr. Wilson, chairman of the committee on military affairs, in the Senate, that at the earliest convenience he would introduce four bills and a joint resolution. They were accordingly in- troduced. The first was a bill authorizing the President to call out five hundred thousand volunteers, and appropriating five hundred million dollars to the support of the war. It was reported back from the committee on military affairs, July 6, and passed the Senate ; Powell, of Kentucky, and Polk and John- son, of Missouri, voting against it. The bill reported from the house military committee by ]Mr. Blair, came up in the committee of the whole, on. the 13th, and brought out a repetition of all the arguments else- where referred to, and gave full notice to the country of the complexion of legislation to be expected. An amendment by McClernand, of Illinois, reducing the appropriation to one hundred million dollars was rejected, and an amendment by Vallandigham, of Ohio, proposing a cessation of hostilities, and the appointment of peace commissioners, was also lost. But with a proviso, introduced by Burnett, of Kentucky, that the army should not be used in holding, after subjuga- tion, as a conquered foe, any " sovereign state now or lately one of the United States," the bill passed the House. The Senate bill, with the House bill as an amendment, was agreed to by the House on the 16th ; but the Senate not con- curring, a conference of committees resulted in the House receding, and the Senate bill became a law by the President's signature, July 22. Thus the Senate prevailed in this first legislation of this memorable Congress ; but the divergence of temper in the two branches became more apparent, when, on the 13th, Mr. 366 HISTOEY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. Wilson's bill, adding eleven new regiments to the regular army, and increasing the strength of the old regiments, passed the Senate. Mr. Blair reported it, substantially, to the House, but creating a volunteer instead of a regular force out of the recruits. He stated that the House military committee were unanimously opposed to an increase of the regular army. On the 22d' the Senate refused to concur with the House, on the ground that the change destroyed the purpose of the bill. A committee of concurrence from each branch took the matter under advisement, the House receded, and the bill became a law. On the 10th Mr. Wilson's third bill was reported to the Senate, providing for the better organization of the army. Before its passage, Mr. Powell, from Kentucky, moved to amend by adding that " no part of the army and navy of the United States should be used to subject sovereign states, or to abolish or to interfere with slavery." Mr. Lane, of Kan- sas, offered to amend by adding the words, " unless a military necessity shall exist for the purpose of maintaining the consti- tution ; " which, together with all other amendments, failed, and the bill passed. The House amended it, the Senate refused to concur, and the bill became a law August 3. Thus provisions on a gigantic scale were made for the prosecution of the war. But the resolution of Mr. Wilson, brought forward in the Senate as early as July 10, "to give the same legality and validity to the President's proclama- tions and orders as if they had been issued under the previ- ous and express authority of Congress," was not quite so suc- cessful. This resolution referred to and recited the official acts of the President " since the adjournment of Congress on the 4th day of March last." Among them were the proclamation, April 15, calling for 75,000 men ; the proclamation, April 19, blockading the southern ports ; and one on the 27th, block- Lincoln's An>[iNisTRATioisr. 367 ading the ports of Virginia and North Carolina ; the order for suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in Maryland, addressed to the commanding general of the U. S. Army, April 27 ; the calling out of additional forces to the volunteers, and increas- ing the regular army and navy, INlay 3 ; and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in Florida, May 10. Considerable debate followed, but the bill was not pressed to a final issue ; the chief objection lying in the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus at Baltimore, Md., and in Flor- . ida. But the occasion brought out many strong declarations of endorsement, notably that of Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. And he further distinguished himself by introducing a bill, which became a law, making provision for arming loyal men in disloyal states. Two millions of dollars were appropriated for that purpose, but Secretary Stanton assumed the respon- sibility of a loan from that fund to Gov. Morton, of Indiana, to aid him in equipping troops at a time when the willing dis- persion of his legislature had left him without money. August the 5th a bill was introduced into the Senate, from the committee on military affairs, increasing the pay of non-commissioned ofiScers and privates from eleven to fifteen dollars per month. Mr. Wilson offered an amendment whereby all the acts of the President with reference to the army and navy were made legal and valid. ISIr. Stevens, in the House, succeeded with an amendment by which the pay of the sol- diers was reduced from fifteen to thirteen dollars per month. Mr. Vallandigham moved to strike out that portion of the bill referring to the orders and proclamations of the Presi- dent, but was signally defeated. This bill, as amended by the House was laid on the table in the Senate. A new bill fixing the wages of the soldiers at thirteen dollars per month was at once introduced in the Senate by Mr. Wil- son, and amended, on his own motion, so as to legalize and make valid all the acts of the President regarding the army and 368 HISTOEY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. navy, and In calling out the volunteers. This became a law, and practically accomplished all that INIr. Wilson's original resolution intended. It marked, as opjjosition members noted, a great change in the feelings of many members of ■Congress. All who were determined to preserve the Union and assert the supremacy of the national government over every foot of its soil saw that, without the vigorous and timely steps of the administration in using the war power, there would have been nothing left to legislate about except the fragments of a once glorious country. On the same date the tariff act, increasing the duties on imports, was passed. Bills authorizing a loan of two hun- dred and fifty millions of dollars, and many minor matters connected with the regulation of the army and navy, were but the details in carrying out the great purpose declared in the war measures already recited. The House, by a vote of 121 to 5, pledged itself to vote any amount of men and money necessary to put down the rebellion ; and by a vote of 121 to 2, it adopted the following : " Resolved, by the House of Representatives of the United States, That the present deplorable war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the southern states, now in revolt against the constitutional government, and in arms around the capital." It was also resolved, July 22 : " That in this national emergency, Congress, banishing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole coun- try ; that this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, or- for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of interfering with or overthrowing the rights or established institutions of those states, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the constitution, and to preserve the Union with all its dignity, equality and rights of the LIXOOLX'S ADMIX ISTRATIOX. 369 several states unimpaired ; and that as soon as these objects are aeeomplished the war ought to cease." In these resokitions ('ougress but voieed the sentiments of the majority of the peopk% and were in full aceord with the inaugural address of the President, and of the platform on •whieh he was elected. TWO ERRORS. Two mistakes that were made in the commonly accepted reasoning were soon discovered. First, that slavery was not a source of weakness, but of strength, to the south. They fed the disimii mists and built their breastworks. Second, that the claim, always made by the slave-holder, that the ne- groes were property, was the key to their emancipation, and not the death of their hopes of liberty. The first discovery was an inspiration to the south ; the latter was a source of terror. It came home to their friends at the north as the answer to a thousand debates. Of the fact that they were in rebellion there was not a dispute ; and of the forfeiture of property thereby, none could have a doubt. And when the Senate bill for the "COXFISCATIOX OF PROPERTY used for insurrectionary purposes " came to be considered, the far-seeing Mr. Breckinridge said he saw in it the " begin- ning of a series of measures that would eventually loosen all bonds." It was, indeed, the "beginning of the end." With a slight modification, the bill became a law. Congress ad- journed August 6, 1861. During the intervening months events justified the great preparations for war made at the extra session. The govern- ment had been embarrassed by the eagerness with which the people enlisted in the ranks of the army. The only question was how to provide for them. 24 370 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. CONTRABAND OF WAR. The question of fugitive slaves had troubled the federal government from the beginning of the war. General Benja- min F. Butler, who had given employment and protection to negroes at Fortress Monroe as early as July the 8th, an- nounced that they were "contraband of war" and liable to confiscation by the laws of war. General John C. Fremont had issued his proclamation freeing the slaves of all citizens of Missouri who should take up arms against the government, but his action was annulled by President Lincoln. On the contrary. General W. T. Sherman, and many others, had re- fused protection to slaves, exgept as the rightful property of their masters. The disposition of the north, at first, was to- suppress the rebellion without interfering with the institution of slavery, but as the war continued a sentiment rapidly grew in the free states favoring any action, regarding the slaves, that would weaken the rebellion. Congress met December 2, 1861, in the midst of startling Thirty-seventh Congress, 1 and momentous events. In the First Session. J Senate there were thirty-one repub- licans, seven unionists, ten democrats, and two vacancies ; in the House, one hundred and six republicans, twenty-eight unionists, forty-two democrats, and two vacancies. president's message. In the President's message, he congratulated the country on the fact that notwithstanding the efforts of the enemies of the government to stir up strife abroad, we were on terms of amity with all nations. Alluding to the operations of the "act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," passed at the last session of Congress, he recommended " some plan of valuation," by which the government might intro- duce a system of compensated emancipation. He declared Lincoln's administration. 371 but one idea as his policy, " To preserve the integrity of the Union." Referring to military operations, he said, "The cause of the Union is advancing steadily and certainly south- ward ; " and declared that the insurrection continued to de- velop as a "war on the first principle of popular govern- ment — the rights of the people." LEGISLATION. At this session bills were passed by both Houses to punish treason, to free slaves employed by their masters against the government, to furnish aid to a Pacific railway and telegraph, and to donate public lands to the various states, for the ben- efit of agricultural colleges. A homestead bill, granting to actual settlers homes from the public domain, was brought up and passed. A bill declaring it to be unlawful for any officer in the military or naval service of the United States to deliver up any person of African descent to any person claiming him as a slave, after occupying a great deal of de- bate in both Houses, finally became a law on the 13th of March, 1862. The homestead bill, together with the Pacific railroad and telegraph, was calculated to stimulate and develop the great west. The red tide of war did not stop the westward march of empire. " COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION." Agreeably to the President's suggestion, made a second time, and the subject of a special message, March 2, 1862, Mr. Conkling introduced into the House a resolution, drafted by Mr. Lincoln, and advocating compensated emancipation. Under the suspension of the rules, it passed by a vote of 97 to 36. It passed the Senate April 2, by 32 to 10, the repub- licans as a rule voting for and the democrats against it ; and this was true even of those in the border states. Noting the fact, and desirous to please those in his judg- 372 HISTORY OF AMERICAX POLITICS. ment most interested, the President invited the senators and representatives of the border slave-holding states to the ex- ecutive mansion, and read to them a carefully prepared argu- ment on "gradual emancipation" as (he means of "breaking the lever of the disunion power." REPLY TO THE PRESIDENT. In a well written response the border state members of Congress, to the number (tf twenty, after assuring him that they would never falter in their devotion to the Union while they had a constitution to defend and a government that pro- tected them, stated that "the right to hold slaves is a right appertaining to all the states of the Union." They estimated the value of slaves in the six border states at nearly five hundred million of dollars, and thought the scheme impracticable; yet ■were willing to submit to it. This reply was dated July 14th, three days before the adjournment; and it is but due to say that the radical republican element of Congress was bitterly opposed to this scheme of the President as visionary and un- statesmanlike. Consuls were appointed to the negro states of Haytiand Liberia ; a stringent form of oath, commonly called the iron- clad oath, was prescribed to be taken as a test of official qualifications in the seceding and border states, and a tariff act increasing the duties on imports had passed as early in the session as December 24, 1861. Party feeling ran high, and nearly all legislation during this session was by a party vote — the republican party, now known distinctively as the ■war party, being in power. Congress adjourned July 17, 1862. NOTED AXD RISING MEN. In the Senate Henry AVilson and Charles Sumner stood deservedly in the front rank. Fessenden, of Maine, was bril- liant in debate. Andrew Johnson was the "rising man" Lincoln's administration. 373 from the border states. A supporter of BrGckinridge, a man of the people, vehement in address, with the advantages of locality, and the prcstiije of unionism, he was deservedly in- fluential. In the House none surpassed Bingham, of Ohio, in aptness of debate, yet Thaddcus Stevens, the " Great Com- moner," was the Ajax of the day. It is doubtful whether he had a peer in the House or out of it. Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, was rising gracefully into national prominence. The debates of the thirty-seventh Congress were varied and stormy. Feeling was so intense that discussion was not left to champions, as in former times, but the whole Senate and House glowed like a furnace. Every man had a conviction, and every tongue a voice. Even Breckinridge stood in his ])lace to plead, without fear or molestation, the right of seces- sion. EMANCTPATKJN A WAR NECESSITY. Having failed in his effort to introduce "compensated emancipation," the President, during the summer of 1862, decided to try the virtue of a proclamation. It declared, September 22, 1862, "That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, all persons held as slaves within any state, or desig- nated part of a state, the people whereof, shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thencefor- ward, and forever free." This recognized the riglit of property still in slaves in all states and parts of states not in rebellion. But a great many "non-party" and Union men were not prepared for it; as was evinced by the decrease of the republican vote in the fall elections, and democratic gains in the northern states. ADDRESS OF LOYAL GOVERNORS. On equal date with the President's proclamation, he re- ceived an address from the governors of thirteen of the loyal 374 HISTORY OF AMEEICAN POLITICS. states, in which they " hail with heartfelt gratitude and en- couraged hope" the emancipation of slaves in the states in rebellion. Congress met December 1, 1862. The political complexion Thirty -seventh Congress, \ of all legislation was changing by Second Session. i the force of circumstances. A looser construction of the constitution became a necessity, and the public mind was being rapidly educated to it, if it did not demand it. Impelled by necessity to preserve the Union, a plan, pro- posed by Secretary Chase, suggesting the celebrated national paper currency, commonly called " greenbacks," was adopted. CONSCEIPTION ACT. The opposition to the " draft " or conscription act, which passed this session, was, like all the opposition to the admin- istration policy, based on its supposed unconstitutionality. But it prevailed and became a law. The necessity for it lay largely in the fact that in many places the volunteer enlist- ments were full, while in other localities the quota had not been furnished. Its operation, therefore, was to equalize the burden of the war by compulsory legislation. COLORED TROOPS. In the conscription act no exception was made on account of color, except as to slaves in loyal states ; and from this time forward all able-bodied male citizens of lawful age were subject to military duty. HABEAS CORPUS. It was maintained, especially by Mr. Stevens, of Pennsyl- vania, that the President had, under the constitution, and in the exercise of the " war power," a right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus; but to put it beyond all power of dispute, Lincoln's administration. 375 a bill indemnifying the President from all the consequences of the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus was passed. It was now clear that "for the safety of the country, acts not contemplated in the constitution," the responsibility of which had been assumed by the executive, were justifiable. The suspension did much, in certain states, to increase the vote in opposition to the administration. WEST VIRGINIA ADMITTED. The legislature of Virginia, meeting at Wheeling, had passed an act consenting to the formation of the state of West Virginia, and her senators had been received into the Senate of the United States without their seats being contested. JBut the bill for the admission of the state, when brought for- ward in the House, met with strong opposition, on the ground of unconstitutionality ; but as Congress had already estab- lished the precedent regarding, the loyal people of a state as the state, it was quickly admitted. The legislature of Vir- ginia, elected by her loyal population, being recognized, there could be no question of their right to assent to the formation of a new state out of part of their territory. The bill passed the House by a vote of 96 to 55, and the Senate without de- bate. The capture of New Orleans by Commodore Farragut was followed by the enrollment of 60,000 citizens of Louisiana as loyal citizens of the United States. Mr. Lincoln there- upon appointed for the entire state a military governor, who ordered an election for congressmen under the old state con- stitution. At an election held December 3, 1862, Messrs. Hahn and Flanders were returned, neither receiving 3,000 votes. Their presentation of certificates opened up a new political question, and elicited a debate that attracted much attention. The democrats opposed their admission to Con- gress ; but the vote stood " 92 for to 44 against, almost a 376 HISTORY OF AMERICAX POLITICS. strict party test." Thus began discussion on the question of reconstruction that puzzled the minds of statesmen for sev- eral succeeding years. Congress adjourned March 3, 1863. EMANCIPATIOX PROCLAMATION. The proclamation of the Chief Magistrate, issued Septem- ber 22, 1862, made no impression upon the confederates, who- compared the proclamation to the " Pope's edict against a comet." Following this, January the 1st, 1863, Mr. Lin- coln, performing the great act of his life, issued his eman- cipation proclamation for all the slaves in the country. The measure was quite unanimously supported by the republicans, but more or less censured by the democrats. The proclama- tion liberated three millions of slaves, and from the date of its issue the power of the confederacy began to wane. The act touched a chord of sympathy among the lovers of free- dom in the old world, and was regarded as a moral aid to the success of the Union arms. DRAFT RIOT IX XEW YORK. Resistance to the enforcement of the conscription act gave trouble to sections of almost every state. Enrolling officers were frequently killed during the summer of 1863; but in no place did resistance reach such jjrojjortions as in New York city, nor did the state authorities elsewhere have any difficulty with the government. Here again the question was the constitutional right of the government to enforce the draft in a sovereign state, aggravated by complaints of un- fairness in the enrollment. During the months of July and August the rioters successfully resisted, until General Dix, aided by a force of forty-four regiments and batteries, ap- peared on the scene. These, together with the police force, were entirely sufficient. The draft proceeded peaceably. lixcoln's .VDiiixisT!;Ar;')N. 'Ml Congress met December 7, 1S63, with a large republican Thirty-eighth Congress, ) majority in both brandies. In the First Session. J House, Schuyler Colfax, of Indi- ana, was elected speaker. The internal revenue law for the- collection of revenue from domestic manufactures was passed by both houses. An income tax bill, by which a tax of five per cent, was levied on incomes over six hundred dollars, be- came a law during this session. THE XATIONAL BANK LAW. In his report for December, 1861, Secretary Chase recom- mended the gradual issue of national bank notes, secured by United States bonds, similar to the system operating in New York, in preference to the i,ssue of states notes. The ad- vantages which he claimed for the S3'stem influenced the preparation of a bill in accordance with his views ; but its consideration was deferred. In his report for 1 862, the sec- retary earnestly advocated the passage of the national bank bill, and presented at length the arguments for and against the law. President Lincoln advocated the bill in his annual message of this and the succeeding year. The bill became a law in February, 1863. It encountered earnest opposition^ and the secretary said that a majority of both the House and Senate finance committees were incredulous or hostile. In June, 1864, the bill was thoroughly revised, and re-passed, many voting in favor of it, who had opposed it the pre- ceding year. THE THIRTEENTH AMENDJIENT. The emancipation proclamation announced that all persons held as slaves should be free, and that the executive govern- ment of the United States would recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. The first was but the work of a moment and of a single person, while the latter was the work 378 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. of years and of the nation. Competent and skillful legisla- tion was seen to be necessary to insure freedom to those that had been liberated by emancipation. It was felt that en- actments in their behalf should culminate in an amendment to the constitution. On the 14th of December, 1863, a bill providing for the submission to the states of an amendment to the constitution was presented to the House by Mr. Ashley, of Ohio. This measure, and others similar to it, were intro- duced and amended so as to read as follows : "Article 13, Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. " Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." The consideration of the subject began March 28th, Sena- tor Trumbull opening the discussion in favor of the amend- ment. Reverdy Johnson, an independent democratic senator from Maryland, among other things, said : " I think history will bear me out in the statement, that if the men by whom that constitution was framed, and the people by whom it was adopted, had anticipated the times in which we live, they would have provided by constitutional enactment that that evil and that sin should, in some comparatively unremote day, be removed. Without recurring to authority, the writings, public or private, of the men of that day, it is suffi- cient for my purpose to state what the facts will justify me in sa}-ing, that every man of them who largely participated in the deliberations of the convention by which the constitution was adopted, earnestly desired, not only upon grounds of po- litical economy, not only upon reasons material in their char- acter, but upon grounds of morality and religion, that sooner or later the institution should terminate." The bill was adopted by the Senate April 8th, but failing Lincoln's administration. 379 to receive a two-thirds majority in the House its considera- tion was deferred till the next session. The first session of the thirty-eighth Congress abolished the fugitive slave law of 1850, and amended and strengthened the draft and homestead laws. RECONSTRUCTION. In December, 1861, ^Mr. Harlan, of Iowa, introduced into the Senate a bill for the establishment of provisional govern- ments for the territory of seven seceded states. It was refer- red to the committee on territories, but never reported. Resolutions looking to the establishment of provisional gov- ernments for the territory in rebellion were introduced in the House during the early months of 1862, but no action was taken upon them. December 8, 1863, in connection with his annual message, President Lincoln sent in a proclamation providing that when the people of any rebellious state should lay down their arms, swear allegiance to the general government, and organize a free state constitution, their state should be enti- tled to its former position in the Union. No states were ad- mitted to representation in Congress in accordance with this proclamation. May, 1864, Congress passed the first reconstruction act. The bill authorized the President to appoint in each rebel- lious state a provisional governor, with the pay of a briga- dier, who should be charged with the civil administration until a state government therein should be recognized. After the suppression of military resistance to the United States and the return of the people of the state to their obedience to the constitution, the provisional governor should direct the United States marshal to enroll all the white male citi- zens of the United States, resident in the state, in their re- spective counties; and whenever a majority of them take the 380 HISTORY OF AJIERICAN POLITICS. oath oi" allegiance, the loyal people of the state shall be au- thorized to choose delegates to a convention to act upon the establishment of a new state government. The bill gave specific directions for carrying out this congressional plan of reconstruction ; but it was not signed by the President, be- cause it reached him too late for consideration before adjourn- ment. He, however, gave the act publication by a proclama- tion, in which he said : "That, while I am unprepared by a formal approval of this bill to be inflexibly committed to any single plan of restoration ; and, while I am also unpre- pared to declare that the free state constitutions and govern- ments, already adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louis- iana, shall be set aside and held for naught, thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set up the same, as to further effort, or to declare a constitutional competency in Congress to abolish slavery in states; but am at the same time sincerely hoping and expecting that a consti- tutional amendment, abolishing slavery throughout the na- tion, may be adopted ; nevertheless I am fully satisfied with the system for restoration contained in the bill as one very proper plan for the loyal people of any state choosing to adopt it, and that I am, and at all times shall be, prepared to give the executive aid and assistance to any such people, so soon as the military resistance to the United States shall have been suppressed in any such state, and the jjeople thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience to the constitution and the laws of the United States, in which case military governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed according to the bill." The President's refusal to sign the bill, together with the refusal of certain senators to admit representatives to Con- gress from Arkansas, raised an issue among the republicans which partially divided the party in both houses, some favor- ing forcible reconstruction through the aid of military gov- Lincoln's admin istkatiox. 381 ernors and new ytatt' governments, and others opposinji; it. The views of those who opposed the poliey of tlie President are stated in a paper signed by Benjamin Wade and Ilcnrv AVinter Davis, published in the Xvir York Tribune, August 5, 1864, from the following extracts of which tlie difference b(>tween the President and certain republicans can be ascer- tained : The President, by preventing tliis bill from becoming a law, holds the electoral votes of the rebel states at the dicta- tion of his personal ambition. If those votes turn the balance in his favor, is it to be supposed that his competitor, defeated by such means, will acquiesce? If the rebel majority assert their supremacy in those states, and send votes which elect an enemy of the government, will we not repel his claims ? And is not civil war for the presidency inaugurated by the votes of the rebel states ? Seriously impressed with these dangers, Congress, "the proper conMitutional authority " formally declared that there are no state governments in the rebel states, and provided for their erection at a proper time ; and both the Senate and the House of Representatives rejected the senators and representa- tives chosen under the authority of what the President calls the free constitution and government of Arkansas. The President's proclamation '' holds for naught" this judg- ment, and discards the authority of the Hnpreme Court, and strides headlong toward the anarchy his proclamation of the 8th of December inaugurated. If electors for President be allowed to be chosen in either •of those states, a sinister light will be east on the motives which induced the President to "hold for naught" the will of Congress rather than his government in Louisiana and Arkansas. That judgment of Congress which the President defies was the exercise of an authority exclusively vested in Congress by the constitution to determine what is the established gov- ernment in a state, and in its own nature and by the highest 382 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. judicial authority binding on all other departments of the government. ****** A more studied outrage on the legislative authority of the people has never been perpetrated. Congress passed a bill ; the President refused to approve it, and then by proclamation puts as much of it in force as he sees fit, and proposes to execute those parts by officers un- known to the laws of the United States and not subject to the confirmation of the Senate ! The bill directed the appointment of provisional governors by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The President, after defeating the law, proposed to appoint without laAv, and without the advice and consent of the Sen- ate, military governors for the rebel states ! He had already exercised this dictatorial usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated the bill to prevent its limita- ■fiz-v-i-j ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ SP ^ The President has greatly presumed on the forbearance which the supporters of his administration have so long prac- ticed, in view of the arduous conflict in which we are engaged, and the reckless ferocity of our political opponents. But he must understand that our support is of a cause, and not of a man ; that the authority of Congress is paramount and must be respected; that the whole body of the Union men of Congress will not submit to be impeached by him of rash and unconstitutional legislation ; and if he wishes our support, he must confine himself to his executive duties — to obey and execute, not make the laws — to suppress by arms armed rebellion, and leave political reorganization to Con- gress. If the supporters of the government fail to insist on this, they become responsible for the usurpations which they fail to rebuke, and are justly liable to the indignation of the peo- ple, whose rights and security, committed to their keeping, they sacrifice. Let them consider the remedy for these usurpations, and, having found it, fearlessly execute it. The presidential election and the closing events of the war caused the question of reconstruction, as presented in LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 383 1864, to pass temporarily from public consideration. It was renewed the succeeding administration, and was an exciting political issue for several years. Congress adjourned July 2, 1864. CONVENTION OF RADICAL MEN. At Cleveland, Ohio, ilay 31, 1864, the radical men of the nation met in convention for the purpose of protesting against the hesitating policy of the administration and what was represented as the selfish and personal ends of the President. The convention nominated General Fremont and General Cochrane for President and Vice-President, and adopted a platform consisting of thirteen resolutions which enunciated the general republican principles, endorsed the " Monroe doc- trine," and the one-term policy, asserted that reconstruction belonged to Congress, and not to the President, and demanded the confiscation of the lands of confederates, and their dis- tribution among soldiers and settlers. General Fremont's let- ter of acceptance spoke of President Lincoln's " incapacity and selfishness," his disregard of constitutional rights, his violation of personal liberty and liberty of the press, his feebleness and want of principle, and how his unfaithfulness had created a schism in the republican party. This impru- dent language was not deemed creditable to the general, and it lost him many friends. An effort was made this year to bring General Grant before the people as a candidate for the presidency, but after some efforts in favor of the movement, the project fell through. REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. The republican, or the Union, national convention assem- bled at Baltimore, on the 7th of June. It adopted a plat- form containing eleven resolutions, whicli were unanimously adopted. They declared in favor of the integrity of the Union, and of the paramount authority of the constitution ; 384 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. of the President and his administration ; of the prosecution of the war without compromise ; of an amendment to the constitution prohibiting slavery; of the emancipation procla- mation ; of the protection of ex-slaves, and their employ- ment as soldiers ; of the payment of the national debt, and of the "Monroe doctrine." On the first ballot for a presidential candidate Mr. Lincoln received the votes of all the states, except Missouri, which voted for General Grant. Thereupon, on motion of a mem- ber from that state, the nomination was made unanimous. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, on account of his devotion to the Union, his condemnation of treason, and his represent- ation of the southern states and the war democrats, was nom- inated for the second place on the ticket. THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COXVENTION. The democrats met in national convention at Chicago, Au- gust 29, 1864. The convention passed under the control of the peace democracy, called by the Union party "copperheads," from a well known northern snake. The resolutions of the platform charged the government with usurpations ; the sup- pression of the freedom of speech ; unauthorized interference with elections; pronounced the war a failure; and declared that the public welfare demanded immediate efForts for a ces- sation of hostilities. General MeC'lellan, of Xew Jersey, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, were nominated for the posi- tions of President and Vice-President. The convention then adjourned, having provided that it might be reconvened if necessary. The declaration that the war was a failure, as enunciated by the democratic platform, drove the doubtful voters to the support of the republican candidates and assured their success. General Fremont, noting the position taken by the demo- crats in national convention, withdrew from the canvass in Lincoln's administration. 385 favor of Lincoln and Johnson. In giving his reasons for witlidrawing, he said : " Tho union of tlie r('i)ul)lican party lias become a paramount necessity. The policy of the democratic party signifies either separation or re-t'stahlishmcnt with slavery. The republican candidate, on the contrary, is pledged to the re-establishment of the Union without slavery. Between these issues, I think, no man of the liberal party can remain in doubt." General Fremont's withdrawal left but two tickets in the field. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1864. The canvass -was prosecuted with great vigor and earnest- ness, and resulted in the choice of republican electors by all the states not in rebellion, except New Jersey, Kentucky, and Delaware. The members elected to the thirty-ninth Congress were also overwhelmingly republican. Congress met December 6, 1864. The thirteenth amend- Thirty-eighth Congress, \ ment, which had failed in the House Second Session. J the preceding session, was passed in February, 1865, by the requisite two-thirds vote. It received every republican and sixteen democratic votes. That the bill might surely pass, eight democrats purposely refrained from voting. The first freedmen's bureau bill was passed this session. It organized a bureau for the protection of ex-slaves and refugees from the south. Both Houses passed a joint resolu- tion declaring "that the rebellious states were in such a con- dition that no valid election had been held in them for elec- tors, and that no electoral votes from them should be counted." The electoral votes, having been counted, were found to be 212 for Lincoln and Johnson, and 21 for McClellan and Pen- d7 and activity that many became alarmed and began to doubt the sincerity of his declarations, made soon after his inau- guration. The ex-slaves were excluded from participation in reconstruction, and a large number were pardoned, of those who had taken an active part in the rebellion, and would €xercise a controlling influence in the states when recon- structed. The tendency of his conduct led the people of the country to conclude that he was more friendly to those who had aided the rebellion than a consistent support of those Avho had elevated him to power would allow. Though state republican conventions, during the summer of 1865, had gen- erally indorsed the actions of the President, it soon became apparent that he was willing to take issue, upon certain im- portant questions, with the party that had elected him. An unfriendly disposition was manifested in August, about four months after his accession. On the 15th of the month, he recommended to the provisional governor of Mississippi the extension of the elective franchise to all persons of color in that state who could read the national constitution or pos- sessed property valued at two hundred and fifty dollars, and continued: "Do this, and, as a consequence, the radicals, who are wild upon negro franchise, will be completely foiled in their attempt to keep the southern states from renewing their relations to the Union." Before Congress met, in December, 1865, the provisional governors had been diligent in carrying out the policy of the President. Five states had formed new constitutions, and elected state officers and representatives to Congress. Some of these had participated in the rebellion. The republicans ^\'ere not satisfied with what the President had done, and looked to Congress for some modification of his action. Congressional action on reconstruction did not affect the ■seceded states with rapidity, and the state governments, as 398 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. established under Lincoln and Johnson, continued in oper- ation for a considerable time. THE BLACK CODES. When Mr. Johnson's reconstruction policy caused those who had engaged in the rebellion to dispel fears of punish- ment, and had admitted them to the rights of citizenship and power, they attempted, by skillful politics, to thwart certain features of federal legislation. Laws were enacted in the eleven seceded states that were detrimental to the interests of the freedmen. These received in the north the appellation of the "black codes." Mississippi enacted a law denying the ex-slave "the right to acquire and dispose of public property." In Louisiana it was made a criminal offense to enter upon a plantation without the permission of the owner or agent. In several states it was made a criminal offense, " punishable with fine and imprisonment, for a freedman to leave his employer before the expiration of a term of service prescribed in a written contract." In one state it was made a criminal "offense for a negro to intrude himself into any religious or other public assembly of white persons, into any railroad car or other public vehicle set apart for the exclusive accommodation of white people, upon conviction of which, he should be sentenced to stand in the pillory for one hour, or be whipped not exceeding thirty-nine stripes, or both, at the discretion of the jury." Such were some of the enactments known as the " black codes," which were more or less severe, according to the views of the legislatures. Congressional reconstruction re- quired that the " codes " be abandoned. THE RECONSTRUCTION COMMITTEE. Congress met December 4, 1865, with a republican major- Thirty-ninth Congress, 1 ity in both Houses. There were First Session. j 40 republicans, and 11 democrats in 399 the Senate; and 145 republicans, and 40 democrats in the House. The republican majority was sufficient to i)ass any bill over the veto of the Pi-esident. On the first day of the session, the Plouse, by a vote of 133 against 36, agreed to a a joint resolution to appoint a joint committee, to be com- posed of nine representatives and six senators, to "inquire into the condition of the states which formed the so-called confederate states of America, and report whether they, or any of them, are entitled to be represented in either House of Congress, ^Yith leave to report at any time, by bill or oth- erwise ; and until such report shall have been fully made and finally acted upon by Congress, no member shall be received in either House from any of the so-called confederate states of Anierica ; and all papers relating to the representatives of the said states shall be referred to the said committee." The Senate adopted the resolution on the 14th of December, and appointed on the committee Messrs. Fessenden, Grimes, Har- ris, Howland, Johnson, and Williams ; the House had already appointed Messrs. Stevens, Washburn, Morrill, Grider, Bing- ham, Conkling, Boutwell, Blow, and Rogers. These mem- bers constituted what was known as the " reconstruction com- mittee," and their report was looked for by Congress and the entire people with the utmost anxiety. They did not report till the following summer of 1866. In the meantime the position of Congress on reconstruction was not fully defined. Enough was known, however, to show that Mr. Johnson's policy was not in accord with that body. The states which he and Mr. Lincoln had reconstructed were not allowed rep- resentation in Congress, and aside from appointing the recon- struction committee, no action was taken upon the subject till after the break with the President. Johnson's break with the republicans. This disregard of what had been done at reconstruction 400 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. offended the President, and he soon manifested an attitude of hostility toward Congress. He vetoed the freedmen's bu- reau bill February 19, and on the 22d of the month, while .addressing the populace in front of the presidential mansion, he denounced the republican party and certain leading mem- bers of Congress. He thus made known, in a positive and public manner, his hostility to the party that had given him their confidence. Thenceforth he made uncompromising war upon the legislative branch of government, and caused such cabinet members to resign as could not agree with him. He became openly affiliated with the democrats, who uniformly •opposed such bills of Congress as met with the President's veto. THE SECOND FREEDMEN's BUREAU BILL. The day before Lincoln's second inaugural, a bureau was ■established by the general government for the protection and relief of freedmen in the north. This measure having proved ^somewhat inadequate. Congress passed an amendment thereto in February, 1866, and submitted it for executive approval. It provided for the "reservation of three millions of acres of public land in the south, from the operation of the homestead and pre-emption laws, for occupation by former slaves, at a rental to be approved by designated authorities." Agents and officials of the bureau were to constitute tribunals for the pun- ishment of those who should violate the rights of its desig- nated beneficiaries. The President, " chafing under the non-admission to their representation in Congress of the southern states, which, un- ■der his policy, had been restored," returned the bill unap- proved, February 19, on various grounds, which he stated at length in his veto message. This declared that the law would provide for an unlimited distribution of lands to the freed- men, that it would violate constitutioual guarantees, that it -would impose taxation without representation, and that it Lincoln's and Johnson's ADjriNisTRATioN. 401 would tend to keep the minds of the negroes uneasy and restless. The bill, February 21, was put upon its passage a second time, but failing to obtain a two-thirds majority, it could not become a law. Congress retaliated upon the President by adopting the folloAving resolution : "Resolved, That in order to close agitation upon a question which seems likely to disturb the action of the government, as well as to quiet the uncertainty which is agitating the minds of the people of the eleven states which have been de- clared to be in insurrection, no senator or representative shall be admitted into either branch of Congress from any of said states until congress shall have declared such states entitled to such representation." The war between the opposing theories of reorganization and reconstruction was now fully inaugurated, and the long and bitter struggle was protracted throughout the adminis- tration. THE CIVIL EIGHTS BILL. The measure popularly known as the civil rights bill was the second cause of variance between Congress and the Ex- ecutive. The bill was designed to confer the right of citizen- ship upon the freedmen, and to provide means for protecting them in the right. It was submitted to the President for his approval, but was vetoed March 27, 1866. The reasons given were, that the bill was unconstitutional as to the be- stowal of citizenship and its privileges, and the means pro- vided for the enforcement thereof. On the 9th of April the bill received a two-thirds vote of Congress, and was duly de- clared a law. THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. The thirteenth amendment abolished chattel slavery, and rendered oppression in that form impossible, but the law did not carry with it the right of citizenship and the right to 26 402 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. vote. To accomplish these, additional legislation was neces- sary. Discussion on the subject began in Congress April, 1866, and in June resulted in the passage of the fourteenth amendment, the full text of which is as follows : Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United Stales and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Sec. 2. Eepresentatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to thpir respective numbers, counting the whole number of per- sons in each state, including Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-Pres- ident of the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the members of the legislature thereof, is de- nied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state. Sec. 3. No person shall be a senator or representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or mili- tary, under the United States, or under 'any state, who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judi- cial officer of any state, to support the constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two- thirds of each House, remove such a disability. Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection and rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States, nor any state, shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slaves ; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legis- lation, the provisions of this article. Lincoln's and Johnson's administration. 403. After the ameudment " had passed the fiery ordeal of con- gressional debate," it was subjected to the hostile criticism of the President. On the 22d of June he sent to Congress his veto message ; but it was of no avail, for Congress passed th^ bill by a two-thirds majority, and submitted the amendment to the states for ratification. A homestead bill was passed by this Congress, which ap- plied to public lauds in the south, the features of previous homestead bills. THIRD FREEDMEN's BUREAU BILL. The first freednien's bureau bill, which received the ap- proval of Lincoln, aimed simply to give the freedmen food and clothing, and to locate them upon the abandoned and confiscated lands of the states that had seceded. It was de- fective in that it provided no tribunal for bringing violators of the law to justice. The second freedmen's bureau bill, on which the President clogged legislation, March 27, was de- signed to heal the defect of the first bill. In July, 1866, a third freedmen's bureau bill was passed by Congress with the purpose of amending the original bill as to judicial measures for the enforcement of the law and the distribution among the blacks of the confiscated and abandoned lands of the south'. It was milder than the one thwarted by the Executive in February, but notwithstanding this the President, on the 16th of July, vetoed the bill, and Congress, on the same day, passed it over the disapproval of that official, thereby making it a law of the land. During this session the army and the revenue tax were reduced, and the grade of the general of the army was revived. Congress adjourned July 28, 1866. REPUBLICAN ADDRESS. The angry conflict between the President and the republi- can majority caused the republican national committee to 404 HISTORY OF AMERICAX POLITICS. issue an address to the party defining the difference between Congress and President Johnson. It claimed that the repub- lican plan of reconstruction was wise and honest, and that the plan of the President would enable the whites lately in rebellion to seize the reiias of power and reduce the blacks to slavery under some plausible name. Three members of the committee were expelled because they had sided with the President. State elections, held in autumn of 1866, indicated the ap- proval of the congressional measures of reconstruction, and thus strengthened the efforts of the majority in perfecting their measures for the restoration of the Union. Congress met December 3, 1866, and renewed, at once, the Thirty-ninth Congress, \ conflict with the Executive. A bill Second Session: / was passed, December 14, giving the right to vote in the District of Columbia to persons without any distinction on account of color or race. It was vetoed by the President, on the 7th of January, 1867, but it became a law the same day, having been re-enacted by the proper constitutional majority. On the same day, Mr. Ashley, in the House, charged the President with high crimes and mis- demeanors, and offered a resolution to impeach him. A com- mittee appointed to take testimony made a report to the House ; but the resolution was finally lost for want of suffi- cient grounds of action. LIMITING THE PRESIDENT'S POWER. The majority of Congress, unwilling to trust the President, and fearing that he designed some attack upon the legislative branch of the government, aimed persistently, during this session, to limit the powers of the Executive. A bill was passed in January, which took from the President the power to proclaim general amnesty. The right of Congress to do this was denied by Mr. Johnson, who proceeded to issue addi- i.in'coi.n'.s and Johnson's adjiinistuation. 405 tional proclamations of amnesty, claimliij;- tliat the constitu- tion gave him the right. " Provision was made for the assembling of the fortieth Congress, and all succeeding Con- gresses, immediately after the adjournment of the preceding Congress." The clerk of the House was authorized, before the meeting of that body, to make out a roll of members regularly elected, " who alone should take part in the organization of the House." This was done to prevent the organization of any pseudo-Congress by southern claimants for admission in connection with northern democrats. A " rider " attached to the army appropriation bill, topk from the President the command of the army, by providing that executive orders to it should be given only through the general of the army, who should not be removed from office, save by previous act of the Senate. The same en- actment disbanded all the militia of the states which had recently seceded. The President stated to Congress that he approved the bill as to the appropriation ; he protested, how- ever, against the " rider," claiming that it violated guaran- tees of the constitution, in depriving eleven states of their militia, and the Executive of the command of the army. A bill for the admission of Nebraska became a law in Feb- ruary, having been passed over the President's veto.- It stipulated that Xel^raska should never deny the right of voting to any person on account of his race or color. Con- gress, by appi'opriate legislation, authorized federal courts to issue writs of habeas corpus when any person was dejjrived of liberty. THE RECONSTRUCTION BILL. On the 6th of February, 1867, Mr. Stephens reported to the House a bill to provide efficient governments for the states lately in insurrection. The states of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas were divided into 406 HISTOEY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. five military districts, each under the government of a mili- tary officer, who should govern them by civil tribunals whenever he should decide these more appropriate than mili- tary commissions. Provisions, in detail, were given for the establishment of government according to the wish of Con- gress. The bill provided that when the states mentioned should have ratified the proposed fourteenth amendment, and established free constitutions, satisfactory to Congress, and not conflicting with the constitution of the United States, they should be entitled to resume their original status with the' federal government as before the war, and their repre- sentatives and senators should be admitted to their seats in the national legislature. Nearly two years had now elapsed since the surrender of Lee before Congress adopted any plan of reconstruction. It is probable that had the ten states mentioned, ratified the pro- posed fourteenth amendment, which had been submitted the preceding June, the reconstruction bill of March 2, 1867, would never have been devised. This seems apparent, for Tennessee had ratified this amendment on the 26th of July, 1866, and had been admitted to her representation in Con- gress as a reconstructed state. The bill was incomplete, but this defect was removed by subsequent legislation. The plan of reconstruction thus set forth by Congress was an entire reversal of the President's policy, igrfOring the governments formed thereby, and restoring them in such a May as to se- cure the results of the war as understood by the republicans. It became the signal of an earnest debate, showing great di- versity on the republican side, and meeting in the strongest terms condemnation by the democrats. Mr. McDougall pro- nounced it "black as night and hideous as black;" while another democrat regarded it as the death-knell to the worst enemy of his country, and that was the republican partv. It passed both houses, and was vetoed by the Executive on the Lincoln's and Johnson's administeation. 407 2d of March, 1867. His message was an elaborate paper, in which he inveighed against the unconstitutionality and parti- sanship of the measure, and the hardship of keeping ten states without representation in Congress. He warned the national legislature "to pause in the course of legislation which, looking solely to the attainment of political ends, fails to consider the rights it transgresses, the law which it violates or the institutions which it imperils." Notwithstand- ing this warning. Congress immediately passed the bill over the veto, and thus one of the first measures of what was termed " congressional reconstruction " became the law of the land. TENUEE-OF-OFFICE ACT. The same day on which Mr. Johnson vetoed the "recon- struction bill" Congress passed the " tenure- of-office act" over the President's objections. It had been held from the time of Washington that the consent of the Senate was necessary in making an appointment, but the power of removal was en- tirely with the President. According to this interpretation it was thought that after the adjournment of Congress the Executive would engage in a wholesale removal of public of- oials. To prevent this, the "tenure-of-ofBce bill" was passed. It provided that civil officers should remain in their positions until their successors should be qualified; that the cabinet should hold over the President's term of office, and should be removable only with the Senate's approval ; that the Presi- dent might suspend any civil officer while Congress was not in session, but he could not remove such official ; that in case of removal, if the Senate, at its next session, did not concur in the suspension, the officer should resume his official duties ; and that any vacancy by death or resignation might be filled by the President while Congress was not in session. Any ex- ercise of office contrary to this act was declared to be a high misdemeanor, punishable by fine and imprisonment, or both. 408 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. This provision was apparently with a view to future impeach- ment. Nebraslta became a state of the Union on the first of March. Congress adjourned March 3, 1867. Congress met in extra session March 4, 1867, with a repub- Fortieth Congress, \ lican majority in both branches. Schuy- First Extra Session, f ler Colfax was re-elected speaker of the House. This session, following immediately the preceding session, was held mainly for the purpose of restraining the President in carrying out his southern policy. The main feature of this session was the passage of a reconstructiou act, supplemental to the one passed on the 2d of March, which was confessedly incomplete. The new act contained nine sections, carrying out more minutely the provisions of the first. It was passed by both houses of Congress, March 19, vetoed March 2-3, and on the same day repassed by a vote of 114 to 25 in the House, and in the Senate by a vote of 40 to 7. All those who voted nay were democrats ; all those who voted yea were republicans, except Mr. Johnson, a dem- ocratic senator from Marj'land, who favored the bill. The bill provided that the commanding general of each military district should order a registration of all the male citizens in his district who were qualified to vote, according to the pro- visions of the act, and who should take the oath of fealty prescribed ; that he should order an election of delegates by those thus registered, to a convention for framing a new con- stitution, with all the necessary ordinances for putting the constitution and government into operation ; that for making the registration, holding the election, counting the votes, and making returns he should appoint the proper officers ; that he should convene the delegates thus chosen, and submit the new constitution to be accepted or rejected by the registered voters ; and that he should transmit the constitution, if rati- fied, to the President for Congress ; and if Congress should decide that the provisions of the act were fully complied LINCOLN'S AND JOHNSON's AD.M INISTItATION. 409 with, any such state should be admitted into the Lhiiou in the persons of tiie senators and rej)resentutives tiierefrom. After passing- the bill, the two houses took a recess till the od of July. Their presiding oflieers were authorized to ad- journ them till the meeting of the next regular session, if a quorum should be wanting on the first mentioned day. Con- gress adjourned March 30, ISIJT. Congress met July o, 1867. Each house had a quorum. Fortieth Congress, 1 This was caused by the construction Second Extra Session, i which Attorney -General Stanbcry had^ put upon the new reconstruction acts. This meeting was at an unusual time, and was well understood to be an undisguised expression of distrust of the President, and of a determination to check, if possible, any acts of the Executive which the legislative branch would condemn. AVith this object in view, several bills were at once introduced. On the 8th of July, Mr. Stevens reported a bill supplemental to the acts of March 2 and 23, explaining their intent and meaning, and providing that no district commander should be relieved without the consent of the Senate. The time of registration was also extended. It passed both houses of Congress, July 13, and was vetoed by the President, July 19 ; but on the same day both houses repassed it over the veto. It was favored by 30 republican senators, and opposed by 6 democratic. In the House the yeas were 100, all repub- lican, and the nays 22, all democratic. Congress adjourned July 20, 1867. ATTE^rPTED REMOVAL OF SECRETARY STANTOX. On the 5th of August, 1867, INIr. Johnson, having a dislike for Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, notified him that "public considerations of a high character" compelled the Executive to ask the secretary to resign. Mr. Stanton re- plied: "I have the honor to say that public considerations 410 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. of a high character, which alone have induced me to continue at the head of this department, constrain me not to resign the office of secretary of war before the next meeting of Con- gress." Seven, days after this ho was suspended by Mr. Johnson under the pi-ovisions of the " tenure-of-office bill," and General Grant was appointed secretary of war ad interim. When the General accepted the position, INIr. Stanton wrote to the President, " I have no alternative but to submit to su- perior force." Congress met November 21, 1867, but nothing of especial Fortieth Congress, \ political importance occurred drfring Third Extra Session. J the session, owing to the short time which elapsed before the opening of the regular session. Con- gress adjourned December 2, 1867, with the opening of the first regular session. Congress met December 2, 1867. The impeachment of Fortieth Congress, \ President Johnson was the leading topic First Session. / of interest at this session. On the 14th of January, 1868, the Senate refused to concur in the removal of Mr. Stanton, and the latter again resumed his office, which General Grant had promptly abandoned. The President now determined to force an issue with Congress by disobeying the "tenure-of-office bill." On the 21st of February he issued an order to Mr. Stanton, which reads as follows : "By virtue of the power and authority vested in me as President by the constitution and laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from office as secretary for the de- partment of war, and your functions as such will terminate upon the receipt of this communication. You will transfer to Brevet Major-General Ivorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general of the army, who has this day been authorized and empow- ered to act as secretary of war ad interim, all records, books, papers, and other public property now in your custody and charo-e." lincoln'8 and Johnson's administijation. 411 The order to General Thomas reads : "The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, liavinu; h;'cn this day re- moved from offici' as seeretarv for the department of war, you are hereby authorized and empowered to act as secretary of war ad interim, and will immediately enter upon the discharge of the duties pertaining tt) that office. Mr. Stanton has been instructed to transfer to you all the records, books, and other public property now in his custody and charge." These orders having been officially communicated to the Senate, that body, after an earnest debate, passed the follow- ing resolution : "Resolved by the Scmdeofthe United Stcdes, That under the constitution and laws of the United States, the President has no power to remove the secretary of war and designate any other officer to perform the duties of tliat office." The President, in a message to the Senate, argued that he had the right of removing ^Ir. Stanton and appointing an- other to fill his place, not only under the constitution, but also under existing laws. The point of his argument is, that by a special proviso in teuure-of-office bill the various secretaries of departments " shall hold their offices respect- ively for and during the term of the President bv whom they may have been appointed, and for one month tliereafter, sub- ject to removal by and with the advice of the Senate." The President affirmed that Mr. Stanton was appointed not by him, but by his predecessor, Mr. Lincoln, and held office only by the sufferance, not the appointment, of the present Executive; and that therefore his tenure vras, by the express reading of the law, excepted from the general provision, that every person duly appointed to office, " by and with the ad- vice and consent of the Senate," should be "entitled to h(dd office until a successor sliould have been in like manner aj)pointed and duly qualified, except as herein otherwise pro- vided." The essential point of the President's argument, 412 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. therefore, was that, as Mr. Stanton was not appointed by him, he had, under the tenure-of-office bill, the right at any time to remove him; the same right which his own successor would have, no matter whether the incumbent had, by suifer- ance, not by appointment of the existing Executive, held the office for weeks or even years. " If," says the President, " my successor would have the power to remove Mr. Stanton, after permitting him to remain a period of two weeks, because he was not appointed by him, I, who have tolerated Mr. Stanton for more than two years, certainly have the same right to remove him, upon the same ground, namely, that he was not appointed by me, but by my predecessor." In the meantime General Thomas presented himself at the war department and demanded to be placed in the position to which he had been assigned by the President. Mr. Stanton refused to surrender his 2>ost, and ordered General Thomas to proceed to the apartment which belonged to him as adju- tant-general. This order was not obeyed, and so the two claimants to the secretarj'ship of war held their ground. A sort of legal by-play then ensued. Mr. Stanton entered a formal complaint before Judge Carter, chief justice of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, charging that General Thomas had illegally exercised and attempted to exercise the duties of secretary of war ; and had threatened to " forcibly remove the complainant from the buildings and apartments of the secretary of war in the war department, and forcibly take possession and control thereof under his pretended appointment by the President of the United States as secretary of war ad interim;" and praying that he might be arrested and held to answer this charge. General Thomas was accordingly arrested, and held to bail in the sum of $15,000 to appear before the court on the 24th. Appearing on that day, he was discharged from custody and bail ; where- Lincoln's and Johnson's administration. 4l;l upon he entered an action against Mr. Stanton for false im- prisonment, laying his damages at $150,000. IMPEACHMENT TRIAF,. On the 22d of February the House committee on recon- struction, through its chairman, Mr. Stevens, presented a brief report, merely stating the fact of the attempted removal by the President of Mr. Stanton, and closing as follows : "Upon the evidence collected by the committee, which is hereafter presented, and in virtue of the powers with which they have been invested by the House, they are of the opinion that Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, should be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors. They therefore recommend to the House the adoption of the fol- lowing resolution : "Resolved, That Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." Nine articles of impeachment were prepared by a commit- tee of seven, consisting of Boutwell, Stevens, Bingham, Wil- son, Logan, Julian, and Ward. The first article charges the President of violating the " tenure-of-office act" in the re- moval of Secretary Stanton, and the second article, in the ap- pointment of Lorenzo Thomas as secretary of war ad interim. The third article is nearly the same as the second, but the fourth article charges him with " conspiring with one Lorenzo Thomas, and other parties, to the House of Representatives unknown," to prevent, by intimidations and threats, ]\Ir. Stanton, the legally appointed secretary of war, from holding that office. Article five charges that the President hindered the execution of the "tenure-of-officc act," and article six, that he conspired with General Thomas and others to take forcible possession of the war department. Article seven re- peats the charge in other terms, and article eight again charges him with conspiring to take possession of the prop- 414 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. erty in the war department. The ninth article charges him with an attempt to induce General Emory to violate the law and to obey orders issued directly from the President. These articles were adopted, and managers on the part of the House to conduct the impeachment before the Senate were chosen, after some discussion. The managers consisted of Stevens, Butler, Bingham, Boutwell, Wilson, Williams, and Logan. Most of the democratic representatives entered a formal protest against the whole course of proceedings involved in the impeachment of the President. This protest was signed by forty-five democratic members of the House, who claimed that they represented, directly or in principle, more than one- half of the people in the United States. On the 3d of March, the board of managers presented two additional articles of impeachment, Avhich the House adopted. The first one is, in substance, as follows : "The President, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of the harmony and courtesies which ought to be main- tained between the executive and legislative branches of the government of the United States, designing to set aside the rightful authority and powers of Congress, did attempt to bring into disgrace the Congress of the United States and the several branches thereof, to impair and destroy the regard and respect of all the good people of the United States for the Congress and legislative power thereof, and to excite the odium and resentment of all the good people of the United States against Congress and the laws by it enacted ; and in pursuance of his said design openly and publicly, and before divers assemblages convened in divers parts thereof to meet and receive said Andrew Johnson as the chief magistrate of the United States, did on the 18th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1866, and on divers other days and times, as well before as afterward, make and deliver with a loud voice certain intemperate, inflammatory, and scandalous harangues, Lincoln's and Johnson's administration. 415 and did therein ntter loud threats and bitter menaces as well against Congress as the laws of the United States duly enacted thereby." To this article are appended copious extracts from speeches of Mr. Johnson. The second article is substantially as fol- lows : "The President did, on the 18th day of August, 1866, at the city of Washington, by public speech, declare and affirm in substance that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United States was not a Congress of the United States, authorized by the constitution to exercise legislative power under the same, but, on the contrary, was a Congress of only a part of the states, thereby denying and intending to deny that the legis- lation of said Congress was valid or obligatory upon him, except in so far as he saw fit to approve the same, and did devise and contrive means by which he might prevent Edwin M. Stanton from forthwith resuming the functions of the office of secretary for the department of war ; and, also, by farther unlawfully devising and contriving means to prevent the ex- ecution of an act entitled 'An act making appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, and other purposes,' approved March 2, 1867; and also to prevent the execution of an act entitled 'An act to pro- vide for the more efficient government of the rebel states,' passed March 2, 1867, did commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office." On the 4th of March the Senate informed the House that they were ready to receive the managers of the impeachment. The next day the Senate was formally organized as a court, presided over by Chief Justice Chase. On the 13th of the month the President appeared by his counsel, Hon. Henry Stanbery, Hon. William M. Evarts, Hon. William S. Groes- beck, Hon. Benjamin R. Curtis, and Hon. Thomas A. E,. Xelson. The prosecution began on the 30th of March, and 416 HISTORY OF AJEEEICAN POLITICS. the whole day was occupied by the opening speech of Mr. Butler. The opening speech for the defense was made by Mr. Curtis, and occupied the whole of Thursday, April 9, and a part of the following day. The trial lasted until May 16, when three of the main ar- ticles were voted on. The vote for conviction was 35, and for acquittal 19, five republican senators voted with fourteen democrats for acquittal. It thus became evident that two- thirds of the senators would not vote for conviction. With- out waiting to vote on the remaining articles, the Senate abandoned the trial, and as a court adjourned sine die. Chief Justice Chase ordered a verdict of acquittal to be entered on the record, and Mr. Stanton resigned his office as secretary of war. The impeachment trial did not soften the political differ- ences between the President and the republicans, nor did the failure weaken the ranks of the party. Mr. Johnson pursued his policy till the end, except where checked by Congress, and retired to Tennessee, " apparently having gained the love of early political associates in his native state." Congress adjourned July 27, 1868. EErUBLICAX NATIONAL CONVENTION. The I'epublican national convention met at Chicago, May 20, 1868, and nominated Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. The platform adopted held that the southern states could be readmitted only on condi- tions satisfactory to Congress, since they, by seceding, aban- doned and lost their position in the Union. The reconstruc- tion measures of Congress were approved, and the protection of equal suffrage in the south A\'as declared to be a business of the national legislature. The declaration of principles consisted of fourteen planks. Benjamin F. Wade and Eob- ert E. Fenton were chief competitors of Mr. Colfax. Lincoln's and Johnson's administration. 417 THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. The democratic party held its national convention in Tam- tnanv Hall, New York city, on the 4th of July, and after repeated ballots, finally compromised on its presiding officer, Horatio Seymour, of New York, notwithstanding declara- tions on his part that such a selection would be against his -will. Francis P. Blair, jr., of Missouri, was nominated for "Vice-President. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1868. An active canvass followed these nominations, the repub- licans making much out of the brief expression, " let us have peace," which was uttered by Grant in his letter of ac- ceptance. The expression was employed to tone down race and sectional differences, which were regarded as greatly injuring the peace of the country. Democratic electors were chosen by five southern states, and by New York, New Jer- sey and Oregon. It was alleged that New York was carried by frauds in New York city. All the other states chose republican elec- tors save Texas, Georgia, Virginia, and Mississippi, which had not yet complied with the congressional plan of recon- struction, and consequently were not re-admitted. The result of the election would seem to settle the rule that Congress has the right to fill a gap in the constitution and lay down rules for the re-admission of any state which formally casts off allegiance to the general government and is reduced to submission. It was for this right of Congress that the repub- licans contended, while the democrats, aided by the President, maintained that the right belonged to the Executive. 27 418 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Congress met December 7, 1 868, but the session was not Fortieth Congress, \ distinguished for party contest, save {hat Second Se^ion. J pertaining to THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. On the 11th of January, 1869, Representative Boutwell re- ported a joint resolution proposing an amendment to the con- stitution, which proposed that a citizen's right to vote should not be abridged by reason of race, color, or previous condi-. tion of slavery. An animated discussion of the subject began on the 22d of the month, and called forth elaborate speeches thereon. Quite a number of amendments were offered by the republicans before that wording was reached, which met the approbation of the party. On the 25th of February the resolution had been so amended and pruned as to require no further modification, and read as follows : 1 . " The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be abridged by the United States, or by any state, on ac- count of race, color, or j^revious condition of servitude. 2. " The Congress shall have power to enforce this article- by appropriate legislation." In this form the resolution, as amended, was carried by the necessary two-thirds vote, and became the fifteenth amend- ment to the constitution. It was opposed by the democrats and a few republicans. The leading ground of opposition was, that the amendment did not accord with the constitution. On being ratified by three-fourths of the states the fifteenth amendment was declared to be in force March 30, 1870, and thus became a part of the fundamental law of the land. The electoral votes were counted in February, 1869, and were found to be 214 for Grant and Colfax, and 80 for Sey- mour and Blair, provided the vote of Georgia were allowed^ and 71 without it; but the vote of Georgia, not affecting the result, "was not taken into consideration, and the question con- Lincoln's and joi-inson's administration. 419 cerning it was left undecided. The candidates receiving the greatest number of votes were declared elected. Congress adjourned March 3, 1869, and March 4, Grant and Colfax were sworn into office. Thus closed the bitter political struggles of Johnson's administration. EEFEEENCES. Rise and Fall of the Slave Power Wilson. Eise and Fall of the Confederate Government Jefferson Davis. The Issues of American Politics Skinner. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. The American Conflict Greeley. Tribune Almanac History of the United States Lossing. Cyclopedia of American History Lossing. The Nation, 1861-1881 Bibliography of the Eebellion Bartlett. The Civil War Draper. The Eebellion Guernsey. War Between the States Stephens. Republicanism in America McClellan. History of the Eebellion McPherson. History of Eeconstructiou McPherson. Eight Years in Congress S. S. Cox. Social Science Review Delmar, Stern. Fears for Democracy Ingersoll. History of the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses Barnes. Life of T. F. Bayard Spencer. Speeches of Andrew Johnson Moore. Destruction and Reconstruction . Taylor. Life of Chase Schuckera. Life of Lincoln Raymond. Life of Lincoln Arnold. Federal and State Constitutions Poore. Life of Seward Baker. Life of Sumner Sumner. Life of General Grant Badeau. American Politics Johnson. 420 • HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF LINCOLN'S AND JOHNSON'S ADMINISTRATION. Abraham Lincoln President 1865-1865 Andrew Johnson " 1865-1869 Andrew Johnson Vice-President 1865-1865 CABINET. "William H. Seward Secretary of State 1865-1865 E.B.Washburn " " 1865-1869 Hugh McCulloch Secretary of Treasury 1865-1865 Edwin M. Stanton Secretary of War 1865-1867 "Ulysses S. Grant " " 1867-1868 Lorenzo Thomas (not confirmed) " " 1868-1868 J. M.Schofield... " " " " 1868-1869 Sideon Welles Secretary of Navy 1865-1869 James Harlan Secretary of Interior 1865-1866 O.H.Browning " " " 1866-1869 William Denison Postmaster-General 1865-1866 Alex. W. Randall " " 1866-1869 James J. Speed Attorney-General 1865-1866 Henry Stanbery " " 1866-1868 William M. Evarts " " 1868-1869 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. Salmon P. Chase Chief Justice 1864-1873 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. L. S. Foster Presidentof the Senate ;)ro cided that the republican majority in that state was 926 ; a 462 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. subsequent count of the face of the returns before the state Supreme Court gave Florida to the republicans a second time, but the majority was reduced to 206. The Packard returning board in Louisiana refused to per- mit the democrats a representation thereon. It was in session three weeks, at the end of which time it made the following returns : Republican electors, 74,436 ; democratic, 70,505 ; republican majority, 3,931. McEnery, who claimed to be governor, reported a democratic majority of 7,876, and gave the democratic electors a certificate, based on an average vote of 83,635, against 75,759. So conflicting were the claims, that the result of the election was left to Congress, which would soon convene. Congress met December 4, 1876. S. J. Randall, a dem- Forty-fonrth Congress, \ ocrat, was chosen speaker of the Second Session. J House. The paramount duty of Congress was that of making a choice between the democratic and republican returns from Florida and Louisiana. The constitution makes no provision as to who shall count the electoral votes; it only directs that "the president of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted." A joint authority over the counting had been exercised by the two houses according to a joint rule regulat- ing the count, and votes on several accounts had been re- jected ; but now the House was democratic and the Senate Avas republican, and neither house would consent to a revi- sion of the joint rule for the purpose of meeting the emer- gency. It was evident that each house would support the electors of its own party. The x-epublicans claimed that to the president of the Senate belonged the sole authority of opening and announcing the returns in the presence of the two houses. The democrats disputed this right, and claimed; that the joint body could legally control the count. It was. grant's administrations. 463 said by some democrats that the house could decide for itself, when the emergency had come in which it was to elect a chief magistrate. The great dangers approaching the electoral count were known to all. It is stated that democrats, fearing the presi- dent of the Senate would exercise the authority of announc- ing the result, were preparing , to swear in and inaugurate Tilden by secrecy, if possible, and by force, if necessary. ]Mr. Watterson, a representative from Kentucky, stated that he had completed arrangements to have 100,000 men at Wash- ington on inauguration day to see that Tilden was installed. The condition of affairs was thought by the President and secretary of war sufficiently critical to justify active prepara- tions to secure the safe inauguration of Hayes. President Grant said that he " would have peace if he had to fight for it." Accordingly he sent to Governor Hartranft, of Pennsylva- nia, to ascertain if he could stop any movement of New York troops to the capital, " as he had information that the purpose was to forcibly install Tilden." The governor having replied that he could carry out the wish of President with the Grand Army of the Republic and the National Guards, returned to Harrisburg and prepared for such an emergency. The legis- lature was in session, and the republicans in caucus resolved, "without knowing exactly why, to sustain any action of the Governor with the resources of the state." The secretary of war, having sent for General Sherman, went on with compre- hensive preparations which, if there had been a need for com- pletion, would in a short time have put a check upon the madness of any mob. The time has not yet come for all this story to be told. "There is a most interesting unwritten history of events then transpiring, which no one now living can fully relate without unjustifiable violations of political and personal confidences." But the approaching danger was over- come by patriotic leaders of both great political parties. 464 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. These neld several private conferences and agreed in substance upon a result several days before the introduction of the bill which decided the question. The leaders in these conferences on the part of the democrats were, Bayard, Gordon, Randall, and Hewitt ; on the part of the republicans, Conkling, Ed- munds, and Frelinghuysen. Mr. Hewitt was a representa- tive, and a chairman of the national democratic committee. ELECTORAL COMMISSION ACT The solution of the difficulty was through the electoral t3ommission act, which was passed by both houses. The act was a democratic measure, if judged from the votes cast for or against it. In the Senate it was opposed by sixteen repub- licans, and only one democrat. The bill passed this body by a vote of 47 to 17, and the House by 181 to 86. The act created an electoral commission, consisting of five senators, iive representatives, and five justices of the Supreme Court. •Of the Supreme Court, there were Judges Clifford, Field, Miller, and Strong, who selected Judge Bradley for the fifth ; of the Senate there were Edmunds, Morton, and Frelinghuy- sen, republicans, and Bayard and Thurman were democrats. Senator Thurman subsequently retired on account of illness, and was succeeded by Kernan, of New York ,* of the House there were representatives Abbott, Hunton, and Payne, dem- ocrats, and Garfield and Hoar, republicans. All the votes upon which the two houses could not agree were to be refer- red to this commission, and its decision, unless overruled by' both houses, was to be final. The electoral commission met February 1, and decided all objections to the electoral votes of Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon, in favor of the republicans; In other words, it took the position that the returns sent by the constituted authorities of a state must be accepted as final and conclusive, and could not be exam- ined by any other state, or by all the states together. The grant's adkimsteatioxs. 4G5 •decision as to South Carolina and Oregon was a confirmation of what had previously been agreed upon. The two parties disagreed by a strict party vote on nearly all the points at issue. The electoral votes having been counted according to the provisions of the act, were found to be 185 for Hayes and AVheeler, and 184 for Tilden and Hen- dricks. For a few weeks after this decision, which closed the greatest crisis that ever attended the election of a Presi- dent in this country, there was a feeling of satisfaction and a willingness to acquiesce in the result, but in a short time many northern democrats, believing that their party had been d(>prived of its rightful President, manifested considerable partisan bitterness, and disputed the title of President Hayes, till the question was settled, June 14, 1878, by the House judiciary committee. The conclusion of the electoral count was not reached till two -days before the close of the session. Congress adjourned March 4, 1 877, and March 5, Hayes and Wheeler were sworn into oflBce. The democratic party, in submitting to a decision, which "they deemed inconclusive, gave proof of moderation and pa- triotism. EEFBRENCES. Hise and Fall of the Slave Power Wilson. "The American Conflict Greeley. Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. The Issues of American Politics Skinner. History of the Eebellion McPherson. The American Statesman Young. Jlistory of Reconstruction McPherson. Eight Years in Congress S. S. Cox. Destruction and Reconstruction .Taylor. Life of S. P. Chase Schuckers. Congressional Record Appleton's Cyclopedia, 1869-1877 Life of Grant "Works of Sumner 30 466 HISTOEY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF GRANT'S ADMINISTRATIONS. Ulysses S. Grant President ISeg-lSTV Schuyler Colfax Vice-President 1869-1873 Henry Wilson " " 1873-1875 Thomas W. Ferry " " 187&-1877 CABINET. E. B. Washburne Secretary of State 1869-1869 Hamilton Fish ' " " 1869-1877 George S. Boutwell Secretary of Treasury 1869-1875 William A. Richardson " " 1873-1874 Benjamin H. Bristow " " 1874-187& Lot M.Morrill " " 1876-1877 John A. Rawlins Secretary of War 1869-1869 William W. Belknap " " 1869-1876 AlphonsoTaft " " 1876-1876 James D. Cameron " " 1876-1877 Adolph E. Borie ...Secretary of Navy 1869-1869 George M. Robeson " " 1869-1877 Jacob D. Cox Secretary of Interior 1869-187(>- Columbus Delano " " " 1870-1875- Zachariah Chandler " " " 1875-1877 John A. J. Creswell Postmaster-General 1869-1874 Marshall Jewell " " 1874-1876- James N.Tyner " " 1876-1877 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. Salmon P. Chase Chief Justice 1864-1873: Morrison R. Waite " 1874 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. James G. Blaine Speaker of the House..l869-1875 Michael C. Kerr " " " ..1875-1876- Samuel J. Randall " " " ..1876-1877 1872.— LABOR REFORM PLATFORM, Columbus, February SI. We hold that all political power is inherent in the people, and free gov- ernment founded on their authority, and established for their benefit; that all citizens are equal in political rights, entitled to the largest religious, and political liberty compatible with the good order of society, and also the use and enjoyment of the fruits of their labor and talents; and no man or set of men is entitled to exclusive separable endowments and privileges- or immunities from the government, but in consideration of public ser- vices ; and any laws destructive of these fundamental principles are with- out moral binding force, and should be repealed. And believing that all the evils resulting from unjust legislation, now affecting the industrial grant's admimsteations. 467 classes, can be removed by the adoption of the principles contained in the following declaration ; therefore, Resolved, That it is the duty of the government to establish a just stand- ard of distribution of capital and labor, by providing a purely national circulating medium, based on the faith and resources of the nation, issued directly to the people without the intervention of any system of banking corporations, which monpy shall be legal tender in the payment of all debts, public and private, and interchangeable, at the option of the holder, for government bonds bearing a rate of interest not to exceed 3.65 per cent., subject to future legislation by Congress. 2. That the national debt should be paid in good faith, according to the original contract, at the earliest option of the government, without mort- gaging the property of the people or the future exigencies of labor to en- rich a few capitalists at home and abroad. 3. That justice demands that the burdens of government should be so adjusted as to bear equally on all classes, and that the exemption from taxation of government bonds, bearing extravagant rates of interest, is a violation of all just principles of revenue laws. 4. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted to landless settlers only, in amounts not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres of land. 5. That Congress should modify the tariff so as to admit free such arti- cles of common use as we can neither produce nor grow, and lay duties for revenue mainly upon articles of luxury, and upon such articles of manu- facture as will, we having the raw materials, assist in further developing the resources of the country. 6. That the presence in our country of Chinese laborers, imported by capitalists in large numbers for servile use, is an evil entailing want and its attendant train of misery and crime on all classes of the American peo- ple, and should be prohibited by legislation. 7. That we ask for the enactment of a law by which all mechanics and day-laborers employed by or on behalf of the government, whether directly or indirectly, through persons, firms, or corporations, contracting with the state, shall conform to the reduced standard of eight hours a day, recently adpoted by Congress for national employes; and also for an amendment to the acts of incorporation for cities and towns, by which all laborers and mechanics employed at their expense shall conform to the same number of hours. 8. That the enlightened spirit of the age demands the abolition of the system of contract labor in our prisons and other reformatory institutions. 468 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 9. That the protection of life, liberty, and property are the three cardi- nal principles of government, and the first two are more sacred than the latter; therefore, money needed for prosecuting wars should, as it is required, he assessed and collected from the wealthy of the country, and not entailed as a burden on posterity. 10. That it is the duty of tlie government to exercise its power over rail- roads and telegraph corporations, that they shall not in any case he priv- ileged to exact such rates of freight, transportation, or charges, by what- ever name, as may bear unduly or unequally upon the producer or con- sumer. 11. That there should be such a reform in the civil service of the national government as will remove it beyond all partisan influence, and place it in the charge and under the direction of intelligent and competent business men. 12. That as both history and experience teach us that power ever seeks to perpetuate itself by every and all means, and that its prolonged possession in hands of one person is always dangerous to the interests of a free people, and believing that the spirit of our organic laws and the stability and safety of our free institutions are best obeyed on the one hand, and secured on the other, by a regular constitutional change in the chief of the country at each election ; therefore, we are in favor of limiting the occupancy of the presidential chair to one term. 13. That we are in favor of granting general amnesty and restoring the Union at once on the basis of equality of rights and privileges to all, the impartial administration of justice being the only true bond of union to bind the states together, and restore the government of the people. 14. That we demand the subjection of the military to the civil authori- ties, and the confinement of its operations to national purposes alone. 15. That we deem it expedient for Congress to supervise the patent laws, so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own ideas and inventions. 16. That fitness, and not political or personal considerations, should he the only recommendation to public office, either appointive or elective: and any and all laws looking to the establishment of this principle are heartily approved. 1872.— PEOHIBITION PLATFORM, Columbus, Ohio, Febrvary 22. The preamble recites that protection and allegiance are reciprocal du- ties; and every citizen who yields obediently to the- full commands of gov- ernment should be protected in all enjoyment of personal security, personal liberty, and private property. That the traffic in intoxicating drinks grant's adjunisteations. 469 greatly impairs the personal security and personal liberty of a great mass of citizens, and renders private property insecure. That all political parties are hopelessly unwilling to adopt an adequate policy on this question: Therefore, as a national convention, we adopt the following declaration of principles : That while we acknowledge the pure patriotism and profound statesman- ship of those patriots who laid the foundation of this government, secur- ing at once the rights of the states severally and their inseparable union by the federal constitution, we would not merely garnish the sepulchres of our republican fathers, but we do hereby renew our pledges of solemn fealty to the imperishable principles of civil and religious liberty embodied in the Declaration of Independence and our federal constitution. That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is a dishonor to Christian civ- ilization, a political wrong of unequaled enormity, subversive of ordinary objects of government, not capable of being regulated or restrained by any system of license whatever, and imperatively demands, for its suppression, effective legal prohibition, both by state and national legislation. That there can be no greater peril to a nation than existing party com- petition for the liquor vote. That any party not opposed to the traffic, ex- perience shows, will engage in this competition — will court the favor of criminal classes — will barter away the public morals, the purity of the ballot, and every object of good government, for party success. That, as prohibitionists, we will individually use all efforts to persuade men from the use of intoxicating liquors; and we invite all persons to as- sist in this movement. That competence, honesty, and sobriety are indispensable qualifications for holding office. That removals from public office for mere political differences of opinion are wrong. That fixed and moderate salaries of public officers should take the places of fees and perquisites; and that all means should be taken to prevent corruption and encourage economy. That the President and Vice-President should be elected directly by the people. That we are in favor of a sound national currency, adequate to the de- mands of business, and convertible into gold and silver at the will of the holder, and the adoption of every measure compatible with justice and public safety to appreciate our present currency to the gold standard. That the rates of ocean and inland postage, and railroad and telegraph lines and water transportation, should be made as low as possible by law That we are opposed to all discrimination in favor of capital against la bor, as well as all monopoly and class legislation. 470 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. That the removal of the burdens imposed in the traffic in intoxicating drinks will emancipate labor, and practically promote labor reform. That suflrage should be granted to all persons, without regard to sex. That the fostering and extension of common schools is a primary duty of the government. That a liberal policy should be pursued to promote foreign immigration. 1872.— LIBEEAL REPUBLICAN PLATFOEM, Cincinnati, May 1. We, the liberal republicans of the United States, in national convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following principles as essential to just government : 1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, re- ligious or political. 2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these states, emancipa- tion, and enfranchisement, and to oppose any re-opening of the questions settled by the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments of the con- stitution. 3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the rebellion, which was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in complete pacification in all sections of the country. 4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. The public wel- fare requires the supremacy of the civil over the military authority, and the freedom of person under the protection of the liabeas corpus. We de- mand for the individual the largest liberty consistent with public order, for the state self-government, and for the nation a return to the methods of peace and the constitutional limitations of power. 5. The civil service of the government has become a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions, and breeds a demoraliza- tion dangerous to the perpetuity of republican government. We, there- fore, regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pres- sing necessities of the hour; that honesty, capacity, and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public employment; that the offices of the govern- ment cease to be a matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public station shall become again a post of honor. To this end, it is im- 471 ^eratively required that no President shall be a candidate for re-election. 6. We demand a system of federal taxation which shall not unnecessa- rily interfere with the industry of the people, and which shall )>rovide the means necessary to pay the expenses of the government, economically ad- ministered, the pensions, the interest on the public debt, and a, moderate Teduction annually of the principal thereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but irreconcilable difl'erences of opinion with re- gard to the respective systems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the people in their congressional districts and the decision of Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation. 7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we denounce re- pudiation in every form and guise. 8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by the highest ■considerations of commercial morality and honest government. 9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors of the republic ; and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame or the full rewards of their patriotism. 10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or other ■corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to actual settlers. 11. We hold that it is the duty of the government, in its intercourse with foreign nations, to cultivate the friendships of peace, by treating with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonorable either to demand •what is not right or submit to what is wrong. 12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles and the sup- port of the candidates nominated by this convention, we invite and cor- for the sake alike of civil and religious freedom ; in the equality of all citizens before just laws of theii own enactment; in the liberty of individual conduct, unvexed by sumptu- grant's administrations. 483 ary laws; in the faithful education of the rising generation, that they may preserve, enjoy, and transmit these host conditions of human liappiness and hope — we behold the noblest products of a hundred years of changeful history; but while upholding the bond ot our Union and great charter of these our rights, it behooves a free people to practice aiuo that eternal vigi- lance which is the price of liberty. Keform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the whole people the Union, eleven yeare ago happily rescued from the danger of a secession of states, but now to be saved from a corrupt centralism which, after inflicting upon ten states the rapacity of carpet-bag tyranny, has honey-combed the offices of the federal government itself with incapacity, waste, and fraud ; infected states and municipalities with the contagion of misrule ; and locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of "hard times." Keform is necessary to establish a sound currency, restore the public credit, and maintain the national honor. We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of peace, to make good the promise of the legal-tender notes, which are a changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and the non-payment of which is a disregard of the plighted faith of the nation. We denounce the improvidence which, in eleven years of peace, has taken from the people, in federal taxes, thirteen times the whole amount of the legal-tender notes, and squandered four times their sum in useless expense without accumulating any reserve for their redemption. We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party which, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward resump- tion, no preparation for resumption, but, instead, has obstructed resump- tion, by wasting our resources and exhausting all our surplus income; and, while annually professing to intend a speedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hindrances thereto. As such hindrance we de- nounce the resumption clause of 1875, and we here demand its repeal. We demand a judicious system of preparation, by public economies, by official retrenchments, and by wise finance, which shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect ability and of its perfect read- iness to meet any of its promises at the call of the creditor entitled to pay- ment. We believe such a system, well devised, and, above all, intrusted to competent hands for execution, creating, at no time, an artificial scarc- ity of currency, and at no time alarming the public mind into a with- drawal of that vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-fiye per cent, of all business transactions are performed. A system open, public, and in- spiring general confidence, would, from the day of its adoption, bring heal- ing on its wings to all our harassed industries — set in motion the wheels 484 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. of commerce, manufactures, and the meclianic arts — restore employment to labor — and renew, in all its natural sources, the prosperity of the people. Reform is necessary in the sum and modes of federal taxation, to the end that capital- may be set free from distrust and labor lightly burdened. We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four thousand arti- cles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false pretense. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising, revenue. It has impoverished many in- dustries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might purchase the products of American labor. It has degraded American commerce from the first to an inferior rank on the high seas. It has cut down the sales of American manufactures at home and abroad, and depleted the returns of American agriculture — an industry followed by half our people. It costs the people five times more than it produces to the treasury, obstructs the processes of production, and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and bankrupts honest mer- chants. We demand that all custom-house taxation shall be only for revenue. Reform is necessary in the scale of public expense — federal, state, and municipal. Our federal taxation has swollen from sixty millions gold, in 1860, to four hundred and fifty millions currency, in 1870 ; our aggregate taxation from one hundred and fifty-four millions gold, in 1860, to seven .hundred and thirty millions currency, in 1870— or, in one decade, from less than five dollars per head to more than eighteen dollars per head. Since the peace, the people have paid to their tax-gatherers more than thrice the sum of the national debt, and more than twice that sum for the . federal government alone. AVe demand a rigorous frugality in every de- partment and from every officer of the government. Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of public lands, and their diversion from actual settlers, by the party in power, which has squandered 200,000,000 of acres upon railroads alone, and, out of more than thrice that aggregate, has disposed of less than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil. Reform is necessary to correct the omission of a republican Congress, and the errors of our treaties and our diplomacy which have stripped our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race, recrossing the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and have exposed Qur brethren on the Pacific coast to the incursions of a race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and in fact now, by law, denied citizenship through natural- ization, as being neither accustomed to the traditions of a progressive civ- ilization nor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which thus discards the liberty-loving German and tolerates a re- vival of the coolie trade in Mongolian women, imported for immoral pur- GRANT'S ADMINISTRATION. 485 poses, and Mongolian men, held to perform servile labor contracts, and demand such modification of the tioaty with the Chinese empire, or such legislation within constitutional limitations, as sliall prevent further im- portation or immigration of the Mongolian race. Reform is necessary, and can never be efTected but by making it the con- trolling issue of the elections, and lifting it above the two false issues with which the office-holding class and the party in power seek to smother it ; 1. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support be- longs exclusively to the several states, and which the democratic party has cherished from their foundation, and is resolved to maintain, without jirejudice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and without largesses from the treasury to any. 2. The false issue liy which they seek to light anew the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged, but now reunited in one indivisible republic and a common destiny. Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that effi- cient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public employ ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men, nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, promises, falsified in the performance, attest that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary reform. Reform is necessary, even more, in the higher grades of the public ser- vice. President, Vice-President, judges, senators, representatives, cabinet officers — these, and all others in authority — are the people's servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite; they are a public trust. When the annals of this republic show the disgrace and censure of a Vice-Presi- dent ; a late speaker of the House of Representatives marketing his rul- ings as a presiding officer ; three senators profiting secretly by their votes as law-makers ; five chairmen of the leading committees of the late House of Representatives exposed in jobbery ; a late secretary of the treasury forcing balances in the public accounts ; a late attorney-general misappro- priating public funds; a secretary of the navy enriched, or enriching friends, by percentages levied off the profits of contractors with his depart- ment ; an ani.bassador to England concerned in a dishonorable speculation > the President's private secretary barely escaping conviction upon trial for guilty complicity in frauds upon the revenue ; a secretary of war im- peached for high crimes and misdemeanors— the demonstration is com- plete, that the first step in reform must be the people's choice of honest 486 HISTORY OF AJIEEICAN POLITICS. men from another party, lest the disease of one political organization in- fect the body politic, and lest by making no change of men or parties we get no change of measures and no real reform. All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes — the product of sixteen years' as- cendency of the republican party — create a necessity for reform, confessed by the republicans themselves ; but their reformers are voted down in con- vention and displaced from the cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the eighty thousand office-holders, its leaders and guides. Eeform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties, that we may have a change of measures and of men. Besolved, That this convention, representing the democratic party of the United States, do cordially indoree the action of the present House of Representatives, in reducing and curtailing the expenses of the federal government, in cutting down salaries and extravagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and places not required by the public necessi- ties; and we shall trust to the firmness of the democratic members of the House that no committee of conference and no misinterpretation of the rules will be allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of economy de- manded by the country. Metolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the republic, and the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have a just claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude o£ their fellow-citizens. HAYKS'S ADJIINISTRATION. 487 CHAPTER XXI. HAYES'S ADMINISTRATION. 1877—1881. THE president's CONCILIATORY POLICY. The inaugural address of President Hayes indicated his desire for a more cordial union and a better state of feeling among the sections of the country. He had foreshadowed his views on reconciliation in his letter accepting the nomi- nation. The most prominent feature of the opening of the administration was the President's disposition to conciliate the disaffected feeling in the south, and accomplish by mild means what force and coercive legislation had failed to do. He selected as postmaster-general a former confederate officer, David M. Key, of Tennessee, and made Carl Schurz, a leader of the liberal republicans in 1872, secretary of the interior. Very early in his administration he removed the government troops from Louisiana and the other states, and left those commonwealths to govern themselves without federal inter- ference. He made a tour of the southern states soon after- wards, during which he made several conciliatory speeches, ■calling those who had engaged in the rebellion "gallant sol- diers" and "'brothers." The speeches attracted much atten- tion, but they did not accomplish the results that many had reason to expect. The hostility of the democratic party to the count of the electoral commission was not allayed, and the feeling in the south was not restored to a condition much more desirable to the republicans than that which it had been during the exciting days of the electoral count. But the democracy of the south, under the leadership of men like 488 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Hill, Gordon, and Stephens, declaring that there had beeiis enough of civil war, showed an earnest desire for a peaceful settlement sooner than the democrats of the border and north- ern states. The early conservative policy of Mr. Hayes did not extend throughout his administration. In his message to Congress, December, 1878, he recommended measures- which showed that his mind had undergone a change on the question of conciliation. THE STALWARTS. The moderation of Mr. Hayes's administration prevented him at first from receiving the cordial support of the repub- licans and from meeting the solid opposition of the democrats.. His early withdrawal of the federal troops from the south, at the suggestion of the "visiting statesmen," and the conse- quent overthrow of the Packard, or republican, government in Louisiana, increased the opposition of many radical repub- licans, who accused the President of " slopping over." Those- republicans who believed the executive had carried reconcili- ation too far, called themselves "stalwarts." The supporters, of the administration constituted one wing of the republican party, and the " stalwarts " the other. Conspicuous among^ the opponents of the President's conciliatory policy were Senators Conkling, Logan, and the younger Cameron. These- leaders, because of the conservative tendencies of the admin- istration, formed the design of bringing General Grant again to the presidency. This purpose -was follo\ved till its defeat, at the Chicago convention, in 1880. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. An attempt was early made to revive and extend some of the- regulations of the civil service reform, partially established in the pi-evious administration. Several orders were issued, and strict obedience claimed, and, by them, considerable flut- HAYES'S ADMINKTRATIOX. 48& tering among office-holders Nvas caused ; but they were, after a time, construed into nothing of any force, and were gradu- ally relaxed, if not abandoned. Congi-ess met in extra session, October 15, 1877, in pursu- Forty-flfth Congress, "I ance of a proclamation of the Presi- Extra Session. J dent, issued on the 5th of the preceding May. The forty-fourth Congress had adjourned without making the usual appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1878. With the object of urging these appropriations, the extra session was called. Bills and resolutions were offered in each house, but no im- portant public act was passed, each measure of national inter- est being continued into the regular session. Congress ad- journed December 3, 1877. Congress met December 3, 1877, the day on which the Forty-fifth Congress, \ extra session closed. The republicans First Session. J had a majority in the Senate, and the democrats in the House. Information had reached the Pres- ident that " rifle clubs," an advance on the " white league " and the " ku-klux," were intimidating negro voters in the south. He made this subject a leading feature of his message to Con- gress, and took a position thereon that showed an abandon- ment of his earlier policy. The change in his attitude on this and succeeding occasions brought together the fast sepa- rating wings of the republican party. SILVER REMONETIZATION. Mr. Bland, in the House, November 5, introduced a bill for the free coinage of the standard silver dollar, and to re- store its legal -tender character. It was passed by both houses, after being amended so as to invite European nations in a conference to adopt a common ratio of legal-tender as between gold and silver, for the purpose of establishing in- ternationally the use of bi-metallic money. The bill was 490 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. vetoed by the President, February 28, 1878, but was passed over his objections by the requisite two-thirds vote of Con- gress. PROPOSED REPEAL OF THE RESUMPTION ACT. At the extra session, Mr. Ewing, of Ohio, October 31, re- ported in the House, from the committee on banking and currency, a bill to repeal the third section of the act to pro- vide for the resumption of specie payment. The discussion of the bill commenced on the 6th of JS^ovember, and con- tinued at intervals into the regular session. It passed the House, but did not meet with a favorable reception in the Senate. RETTREMENT OF LEGAL TENDERS FORBIDDEN. In the House, on the 29th of April, Mr. Fort, of Illinois, moved to suspend the I'ules and pass a bill to forbid the fur- ther retirement of the United States legal tender notes. It provides that from and after the passage of the act " it shall not be lawful for the secretary of the treasury, or other offi- cers under him, to cancel or retire anj- more of the United States legal tender notes, and when any of said notes may be redeemed or received into the treasury under any law from any source whatever, and shall belong to the United States, they shall not be retired, canceled, or destroyed, but they shall be re-issued and paid out again and kept in circulation, provided that nothing therein shall prohibit the cancellation and destruction of mutilated notes and the issue of other notes of like denominations in their stead, as now provided by law, and that all acts and parts of acts in conflict with the act are hereby repealed." The bill passed both branches of Congress by handsome majorities, the vote in the Senate being taken on the 28th of May. THE POTTER RESOLUTION. I\Ir. Potter, of New York, brought before the House, May Hayes's admixisteation. 491 13, a "resolution for the investigation of alleged fraud in the late presidential election in the states of Limisiana and Florida." The title of Mr. liay(\s to the position of Presi- •dent was to be the leading ohjeet of the investigation, and for this reason the republicans resisted the passage' of tiie resolu- tion through filibustering many days. After a long delay through want of a quorum, the main (|uestion was ordered on the 17th day of May, and the resolution was adopted, the re- publicans withholding tlicir votes. THE CIPHER DISPATCHES. The republicans endeavored to amend the Potter resolution by requiring the select committee to inquire fully into all the facts connected with the election in the state of Florida, in November, 1876, and especially into the circumstances at- tending the transmission and receiving of certain telegraphic ■dispatches sent in that year between Tallahassee and New York City. These communications were the cipher dispatches made known to the public by the Nevj York Tribune. The amendment contained the dispatches, of which the following are specimens : Portland, November 28, 1876. To W. T. Pelkm, No. 15 Gramercy Park, New York : By vizier association.innocuous negligence cunning minutely previously readmit doltish to purchase afar act with cunning afar sachristy unweighed afar pointer tigress cattle superannuated syllabus dilatoriness misappre- hension contraband kountz bisulcuous top usher spiniterous answer. J. H. N. Patrick. I fully endorse this. James K. Kelly. Of which, when the key was discovered, the following was found to be the true intent and meaning : Portland, November 28, 1876. To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramerq/ Park, New York: Certificate will be issued to one democrat. Must purchase a republican elector to recognize and act with democrats and secure the vote and pre- vent trouble. Deposit $10,000 to my credit with KnuHtz Brothers, Wall street. Answer. J. H. N. Patrick. I fully endorse this. James K. Kelly. 492 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. Also the following : New York, November 25, 1876. A. Bush, Salem: Use all means to prevent certificate. Very important. C. E. TiLTON. Also the following : December 1, 1876. To Hon. Sam. J. Titden, No. 15 Oramerq; Park, New York : I shall decide every point in the case of postofEce elector in favor of the highest democratic elector, and grant certificate accordingly, on morning, of the 6th instant. Confidential. Governor. The amendment was defeated by the democrats. Though the dispatches were traced to Gramercy Park, Mr. Tildeu denied having any knowledge of them. THE TITLE OP PRESIDENT HAYES. On all important votes considered by the electoral commis- sion, there was the uniform vote 8 to 7. This showed a par- tisan spirit, the existence of which it was difficult to deny, and in connection with the action of the "visiting states- men," who practically overthrew the republican government in Louisiana, but gave the state to Hayes, created a feeling of distrust and dissatisfaction that found expression in all parts of the country, and instituted in Congress investigations, to inquire into the title of President Hayes. On the 14th of June, Mr. Hartridge, of Georgia, said : " Some time since,, the House referred to the committee on the judiciary a bill introduced by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Kimmel), numbered 4-315, to provide a mode for trying and determin- ing by the Supreme Court of the United States, the title of the President and Vice-President of the United States to their respective offices when their election to such offices is denied by one or more states of the Union. On the same day the House, referred to the same committee a resolution of the legislature of the state of Maryland, instructing its attor- ney-general, as soon as Congress had passed a law like that Hayes's administration. 493 offered by the gentleman from Maryland, to cause proceed- ings to be taken to test the validity and legality of the title of the present incumbents to the offices of the President and Vice-President. The committee on the judiciary have con- sidered those measures, considered them together, both the bill and the resolution, and the committee have instructed me to make a report to this House, and accompanying that report a resolution." These were then read by the clerk, and constituted the EEPOET OF THE HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE. " The committee on the judiciary, to whom were referred the bill (H. E. No. 4315) and the resolutions of the legislature of the state of Maryland directing judicial proceedings to give effect to the electoral vote of that state in the last election of President and Vice-President of the United States, report back said bill and resolutions, with a recommendation that the bill do not pass. " Your committee are of the opinion that Congress has no power, under the constitution, to confer upon the Supreme Court of the United States the original jurisdiction sought for it by this bill. The only clause of the constitution which could be plausibly invoked to enable Congress to provide the legal machinery for the litigation proposed, is that which gives the Supreme Court original jurisdiction in ' cases ' or 'controversies' between a state and the citizens of another state. The committee are of the opinion that this expression ' cases ' and ' controversies ' was not intended by the framers of the constitution to embrace an original proceeding by a state in the Supreme Court of the United States to oust any incumbent from a political office filled by the declaration and decision of the two houses of Congress clothed with the con- stitutional power to count the electoral votes and decide as a final tribunal upon the election for President and Vice-Pres- 494 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ident. The Forty-fourth Congress selected a commission to count the votes for President aud Vice-President, reserving to itself the right to ratify or reject such count, in the way prescribed in the act creating such commission. By the joint action of the two houses it ratified the count made by the commission, and thus made it the expression of its own judg- ment." This report was agreed to by a vote of 235 to 14, and finally settled the question of the title of Mr. Hayes to the office of President. A bill making appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1879, received considera- tion this session. The two houses disagreeing, a conference committee was appointed to effect a compromise. After ad- justing the points of difference a report was made, in which both the Senate and House concurred. Bills were introduced providing a " reissue of fractional currency ; " " greenbacks for customs duties," and " suspension of payments to the sinking fund," but they failed in both branches. Congress adjourned June 20, 1878. Congress met December 2, 1878, the Vice-President, Forty-fifth Congress, 1 William A. Wheeler, presiding in the Second Session. i Senate, and Samuel J. Randall iu the House. The latter body was democratic, while the other was still republican. At the opening of the session there was some discussion on a resolution offered by Mr. Blaine, in rela- tion to the violation of the rights of American citizens "at the recent elections." This was followed by the consideration of a bill from the judiciary committee to regulate the counting of the votes for President and Vice-President. It contained twelve sections, and was especially advocated by Mr. Ed- munds, of Vermont. It passed the Senate without creating much excitement, but no decisive action was taken on the bill in the House of Representatives. Hayes's admi.msteation. 495 restricting chinese imjiigration. A bill to restrict the immigration of Chinese to the United States was agitated during January and February. Mr. Page, of California, submitted in the House a memorial, signed by 17,000 of the workingmen of his state, and peti- tioning that Congress give support to the measure. The bill passed both branches, but was vetoed by the President on the 1st of March, and not securing the constitutional majority in Congress it failed to become a law. APPROPRIATIONS. In the House, February 26, the bill making appropriations for the legislative, executive, and judicial dejJartments of the government was considered in committee of the Avhole. The question that elicited warm political discussion was the amend- ment offered by Mr. Southard, of Ohio, as follows : " That the several sections of the revised statutes of the United States, from and including section 2011 to and includ- ing 2031, and all other provisions of law authorizing the ap- pointment of or the performance of any duty by any chief or other supervisor of elections, or any special deputy marshal of elections, or the payment of any money to any such super- visor or deputy marshal of elections, for any services per- formed as such, be, and the same are hereby repealed." Mr. Hayes, of Illinois, while discussing the amendment, said that he hoped to see it voted down by an overwhelming majority, because he thought it bad policy to legislate in re- gard to general matters in an appropriation bill, and because he heartily approved those portions of our law which the amendment proposed to repeal. This measure absorbed the attention of Congress till the close of the session, the demo- crats ardently favoring the idea involved in the amendment. 496 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. and the republicans opposing it with firmness and tenacity. Congress adjourned March 4, 1879. Congress met March 18, 1879, in compliance with the J'orty-sixth Congress, \ proclamation of the President, issued Extra Session. i March 4, as follows : " Whereas, The final adjournment of the Forty-fifth Con- gress without making the usual and necessary appropriations for the legislative, executive, and judicial expenses of the gov- ernment for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and with- out making the usual and necessary appropriations for the support of the army for the same fiscal year, presents an ex- traordinary occasion, requiring the President to exercise the power vested in him by the constitution to convene the houses of Congress in anticipation of the day fixed by the law for their next meeting : Now, therefore, I, Rutherford B. Hayes, President of the United States, do, by virtue. of the power to this end in me vested by the constitution, convene both houses of Congress to assemble at their respective chambers at 12 o'clock noon, Tuesday, the 18th of March instant, then and there to con- sider and determine such measures as in their wisdom, their duty, and the welfare of the people may seem to demand." Both branches were democratic for the first time since the last Congress chosen in Buchanan's administration. In the Senate there were forty-two democrats, thirty-three republi- cans, and one independent. In the House there were 149 democrats, 130 republicans, and fourteen "nationals." THE ARMY APPROPRIATION BILL. In his message the President urged the legislation for which the session was called. Accordingly, March 27, a bill making appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for other purposes, was introduced. On this bill riders were added by the democrats, for the purpose of destroying federal supervision at the elec- Hayes's administration. 497 tions. This proposed act and other similar measures were urged by the democrats iu liighly exciting discussions, and resisted by tlie republicans with such earnestness as to cement the factions and cause all to act in harmony with the admin- istration. The "nationals" were not so "solid" on the ques- tion, some of them voting with the democrats and others with the republicans. The bitter partisan character of the debates on this and similar measures can be learned by the following from Mr. Garfield, spoken in the House, March 29, 1879 : "The last act of democratic domination in this capitol, eighteen years ago, was striking and dramatic, perhaps heroic. Then the democratic party said to the republicans, 'If you elect the man of your choice as President of the United States we will shoot your government to death;' and the people of this country, refusing to be coerced by threats or violence, voted as they pleased, and lawfully elected Abraham Lincoln President of the United States. "Then your leaders, though holding a majority in the other branch of Congress, were heroic enough to withdraw from their seats and fling down the gage of mortal battle. "We called it rebellion; but we recognized it as courageous and manly to avow your purpose, take all the risks, and fight" it out on the open field. Notwithstanding your utmost efforts to destroy it, the government was saved. Year by year since the war ended, those who resisted you have come to believe that you have finally renounced your purpose to destroy, and are willing to maintain the government. In that belief you have been permitted to return to power in the two Houses. "To-day, after eighteen years of defeat, the book of your domination is again opened, and your first act awakens every unhappy memory and threatens to destroy the confidence which your professions of patriotism inspired. You turned down a leaf of the history that recorded your last act of power in 1861, and you have now signalized your return to power by beginning a second chapter at the same page ; not this time by a heroic act that declares war on the battle-field, but you 32 498 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. say if all the legislative powers of the government do not con- sent to let you tear certain laws out of the statute-book, you will shoot our government to death as you tried to do in the first chapter ; but you declare that if we do not consent against our will, if you can not coerce an independent branch of this government against its will, to allow you to tear from the statute-books some laws put there by the will of the people, you will starve the government to death. [Great applause on the republican side.] "Between death on the field and death by starvation, I do not know that the American people will see any great differ- ence. The end, if successfully reached, would be death in either case. Gentl'emen, you have it in your power to kill this government; you have it in your power, by withholding these two bills, to smite the nerve-centers of our constitution with the paralysis of death ; and you have declared your pur- pose to do this, if you can not break down that fundamental element of free consent which up to this hour has always ruled in the legislation of this government." The democratic view of the same question was ably given by Representative Tucker, of Virginia, April 3 : " I tell you, gentlemen of the House of Representatives, the army dies on the 30th day of June, unless we resuscitate it by legislation. And what is the question here on this bill ? Will you resuscitate the army after the 30th of June, with the power to use it as keepers of the polls ? That is the question. It is not a question of repeal. It is a question of re-enact- ment. If you do not appropriate this money, there Mill be no army after the 30th of June to be used at the polls. The only way to secure an army at the polls is to appropriate the money. Will you appropriate the money for the army in order that they may be used at the polls ? We say no, a thousand times jio. * * * The gentlemen on the other side say there must be no coercion. Of whom? Of the President? But what right has the President to coerce us ? There may be coercion one way or the other. He demands an uncondi- tional supply. We say ice will give him no supply but upon conditions. * * * When, therefore, vicious laws have fastened themselves upon the statute-book which imperil the HAYES'S ADMIXISTRATION. 499 liberty of the people, this House is bound to say it will ap- propriate no money to give effect to such laws until and ex- cept upon condition that they are repealed. * * AVe will . give him the army on a single condition that it shall never be used or be present at the polls when an election is held for members of this House, or in any Presidential election, or in any state or municipal election. * * * Clothed thus with unquestioned power, bound by clear duty, to ex- punge these vicious laws from the statute-book, following a constitutional method sanctioned by venerable precedents ia English history, we feel that we have the undoubted right, and are beyond cavil in the right, in declaring that with our grant of supply there mitst be a cessation of these grievances, and we make these appropriations conditioned on securing a free ballot and fair juries for our citizens." After a month's consideration, the bill having passed both branches, was vetoed by the Executive on the 30th of April, and lacking the necessary two-thirds majority in its favor, the measure failed to become a law. Other appropriation bills, to which political riders were added, suffered the same fate. On the 6th of June, another bill, making appropriations for the army, and omitting the objectionable feature of the previous bills, passed both houses, and met with the approval of President Hayes. Efforts were made to pass a bill prohibiting military inter- ference at elections, but the President interposed his veto, and the measure ceased to receive consideration. Congress adjourned July 1, 1879. POLITICAL EFrECTS OP THE EXTEA SESSION. At the close of the session the republicans were more firmly united than at the beginning of the administration. The political "riders," which the democrats attempted to pass, and their attitude during the discussions, awakened all the partisan animosities which the administration up to that 500 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. time had allayed. The veto messages of the Executive plainly manifested the spirit of his party, and indicated that he had been influenced by the political strife. The union, was a disadvantage to the democrats, for, to a certain extent, they had abandoned their position regarding appi-opriations, and the " temporary demoralization which followed bridged over the questions pertaining to the title of President Hayes, overshadowed the claims of Tilden, and caused the north to look again with grave concern on the establishment of demo- cratic power." The rapidity with Avhich the republicans regained control of the House, is attributed by many to the work of the extra session. RESUMPTION. On the 1st of January, 1879, specie payments were resumed, after about eighteen years of suspension. The certainty that resumption would take place at the appointed time, without any difficulty or derangement of business, set it in operation, practically, some months before the time. The premium on gold was very small, and many private business houses were paying specie when desired. All apprehensions and prophe- cies of evil proved chimerical. THE NEGRO EXODUS. During the summer of 1879 there was a great exodus of negroes from the south to the states of the northwest. This excited political comment, the democrats ascribing the exodus to railroad agents, and the republicans to ill-treatment. The negroes were received kindly in Kansas and Indiana, but the tardy manifestations of hospitality in other states soon caused the exodus to cease for a time. It was resumed in South Carolina in the winter of 1881-2 by an attempt of the colored people to reach Arkansas, but this action was not viewed as a matter of political significance. HAYKWS ADMIXISTltATION. 501 TAMMANY AND THE INDEPEXDEXT REPUBLICANS. There were threatening divisions in both parties at the New York election of 1879. The Tammany society of New Yorlv City, which had long led the democracy of the city, ex- cept for a few years after the exposure of Tweed's peculations, oppo,sed Mr. Eobinson, the democratic nominee for governor, and thus defeated him. A large number of republicans were opposed to Senator Conkling's control of the party in that state, and refused to support the nominee for governor whom he favored, Mr. Cornell, and very nearly defeated him in spite of the help of Tammany. These were independent re- publicans, called, by the regulars, "scratchers." Congress met December 1, 1879, the democrats having a Forty-sixth Congress, \ majority in both branches. The Presi- First Session. J dent favored the retirement of the legal tenders, and advised against additional legislation in reference to coinage. ARMY AT THE POLLS. The passage of the bill to prevent the use of the &rray at the polls was the most important political action during this session. It was a democratic measure, but after the addition of the Garfield proviso the bill was free from material parti- san objections and secured the support of the republicans. The proviso stipulated that the law should not be construed to prevent the constitutional use of the army to suppress do- mestic violence in a state. To the deficiency and appropriation bills the "political riders" were again added, but they were met, as on former occasions, by the objections of the President, and failed, with- out modification, to become laws. The Supreme Court, having decided that the general elec- 502 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. tion law was constitutional, the democratic opposition to it was somewhat modified. Congress adjourned June 16, 1880. REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. On the 2d of June, 1880, the republican national conven- tion met at Chicago. The prominent candidates before the convention were Grant, Blaine, Sherman, Edmunds, Wash- burne, Windom, and Garfield. Excitement ran high, owing to the candidacy of General Grant, for what was popularly called a " third term," though not regarded by his supporters as improper, because it was not a third consecutive term. The General was supported by Conkling, of New York ; Cameron, of Pennsylvania ; and Logan, of Illinois, who had secured for him, in the face of bitter protests, the instructions of their respective state conventions ; but in the delegations of these states there was a large minority opposed to the nomination of the General, and these could not be controlled, save by the enforcement of the unit rule. For this the Gen- eral's three principal senatorial friends contended with all their influence. The president of the convention, however, decided against its enforcement, and the delegates- were free to represent the opinions of their districts, irrespective of the instructions of state conventions. On the thirty-sixth ballot, General James A. Garfield, of Ohio, was nominated, as the result of a sudden union of the forces of Blaine and Sher- man. The object was to defeat the nomination of Grant. General Chester A. Arthur, of New York, was selected for Vice-President, with the view of carrying New York, since that state M'as regarded as holding the key to the presidential position. The convention is regarded as overthrowing the attempts at changing the traditional policy of the country, which prohibits one man from serving as President more than two terms. HAYES'S ADMINISTRATION. 503 THE NATIONAL (GREENBACK) LABOR CONVENTION. The national convention of the national party met at Chi- cago, June 9, 1880, and selected as candidates for the two highest execii,tive offices, James B. Weaver, of Iowa, and Benjamin Chambers, of Texas. This ticket was acquiesced in by most of the element that constituted the labor reform party. PROHIBITION NATIONAL CONVENTION. " The prohibitionists held their national convention at Cleve- land, Ohio, June 17, and nominated by acclammation Ne9,I Dow, of'Maine, for the position of President, and A. H. Thom-'son, of Ohio, for that of Vice-President. DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. On the 22d of June the national convention of the demo- cratic party met at Cincinnati, Ohio. Prominent among the candidates were Hancock, Bayard, Payne, Thurman, Field, Morrison, Hendricks, Tilden, Ewing, Seymour, Randall, Loveland, McDonald, and McClellan. John Kelley, the Tammany leader of New York, was at the convention to op- pose Tilden, but the latter sent a letter declining the nomina- tion, and Mr. Kelley acquiesced in the choice of his party. On the first ballot votes were cast for nineteen candidates, but on the second the competitors were reduced to four, Han- cock, Tilden, Bayard, and Hendricks. Of the 738 votes for these, Hancock received 705, and was declared the nominee for President. William H. English, of Indiana, was nomi- nated for Vice-President. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1880. The canvass following the nominations of 1880 brought before the people the leading men of all the parties. The democrats were aided by Eandall, Bayard, Voorhees, Wallace, 504 HISTORY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. Hill, Hampton, Lamar, and hosts of their best public speaivcrs. Among the republican orators were Blaine, Logan, Conkliug, Grant, Boutwcll, and the Camerons. Since Maine, in Sep- tember, went democratic by a small majority, strenuous efforts were made to counteract its influence in the October states of Ohio and Indiana. During the first weeks of the canvass much was done towards defaming the candidates ; but after a time this partially subsided, and the republicans of the west, for the first time in their history, accepted the tariff issue, and made the plank in the democratic platform — "a tariff for revenue only" — the chief point of attack in their political warfare. The republican success in Ohio and Indiana did not discourage the democrats ; on the contrary, their victory in West Virginia, and the popularity of their leading candidate,, influenced them to persist to the end with high hopes of suc- cess. In November, California, Nevada, New Jersey, and all the southern states Avent democratic, while the remaining states were republican. The republican popular vote was 4,442,950; the democratic, 4,442,635; national, 306,867; scattering, 12,576. The elections for Congress, in the same canvass, gave the republicans 147 members ; the democrats, 136; nationals, 9; independents, 1. Governors of fifteen states were elected ; seven were republican, and eight demo- cratic. Congress met December 6, 1880, the Senate and House Forty-sixth Congress, 1 being democratic. Among the bills Second Session. J considered this term and not disposed of were the funding bill ; the electoral count joint rule ; the Chinese indemnity bill ; the Irish relief bill ; bills to restrict Chinese immigration, to regulate the pay and number of supervisors of elections and special deputy-marshals, to amend the constitution as to the election of President, to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, to prohibit military in- terfei-ence at elections, to define the teniis of office of tjie Hayes's admimstkation. 505 chief supervisors of cloctions, to appoint ;i tariff commission, the political assessment bill, the Fitz-John Porter bill, and the Kcllogg-Spoiford case. In the Senate, a committee of five was appointed, of which j\Ir. Voorhecs was chairman, to investigate the causes of the negro exodus from the south. It ascertained that in some cases the causes were political, and in others pecuniary. A three per cent, funding bill was vetoed by the President on the 3d of March, 1881, on the ground " that it was unjust to the national banks in compelling them to accept and em- ploy this security for their circulation in lieu of the old bonds. The republicans opposed the measure, but advocated a 3J per cent, funding bill. After the veto the democrats consented to the 3 J per cent., and a bill funding at that rate was passed. The republican view was a mistake, as was afterwards shown by the ease with which the loan was floated. The electoral votes were counted by the Vice-President in the presence of both Houses, on the 9th of February, 1881, and were found to be 214 for Garfield and Arthur, and 155 for Hancock and English. Garfield and Arthur were, ac- cordingly, declared elected President and Vice-President of the United States. The count occasioned no agitation that could be called a political trouble. Congress adjourned March 4, and on the same day Garfield and Arthur took the oath of office. The conservatism of Hayes's administration was an advan- tage to the country. During his term there was a growing of independent sentiment among the republicans that gained strength each year. The administration had the effect of softening party asperities, and did much to restore a better political feeling between the north and the south. 506 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. EEFEEENCES. Annual Cyclopedia, 1877, '78, 79, '80, '81 Appleton. The Nation, 1.877-1881 The American, 1879, '80, '81 Congressional Record, 45th and 46th Congresses Tribune Almanac Cyclopedia of Political Science Lalor. American Politics Cooper. Hand-book of Politics, 1878 McPherson. Life of Bayard Spencer. Life of O. P. Morton EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF HAYES'S ADMINISTRATION. Rutherford B. Hayes President 1877-1881 William A. Wheeler Vice-President 1877-1881 William M. Evarts Secretary of State .1877-1881 John Sherman Secretary of Treasury 1877-1881 George W. McCrary Secretary of War 1877-1879 Alexander Ramsey " " 1879-1881 Richard W. Thompson Secretary of Navy 1877-1881 Nathan Goff, jr " " 1881-1881 Carl Schurz Secretary of Interior 1877-1881 David McK. Key Postmaster-General 1877-1880 Horace Maynard.. ,... " " 1880-1881 Charles Devens Attorney-General 1877-1881 JUDICIAL OFFICERS. Morrison R. Waite Chief Justice 1874 LEGISLATIVE OFFICERS. Samuel J. Randall Speaker of the House 1877-1881 1878.— NATIONAL PLATFORM, Toledo, Ohio, February SS. Wheeeas, Throughout our entire country t'he value of real estate is ■depreciated, industry paralyzed, trade depressed, business incomes and ■wages reduced, unparalleled distress inflicted upon the poorer'and middle ranks of our people, the land filled with fraud, embezzlement, bankruptcy, crime, suffering, pauperism, and starvation ; and Hayes's administijatiox. 507 Wheeeas, This state of things has been brought about by legislation in the intei-est of, and dictated by, money-lenders, bankers, and bondhold- ers ; and, Whereas, "While we recognize the fact that the men in Congress con- nected with the old political parties have stood up manfully for the rights of the people, and met the threats of the money power, and the ridicule of an ignorant and subsidized press, yet neither the republican nor the dem- ocratic party, in their policies, propose remedies for the existing evils; and Whereas, The independent greenback party, and other associations, more or less efTective, have been unable, hitherto, to make a formidable opposition to old party organizations; and Whereas, The limiting of the legal-tender quality of the greenbacks, the changing of currency bonds into coin bonds, the demonetization of the silver dollar, the exempting of bonds from taxation, the contraction of the circulating medium, the proposed forced resumption of specie pay- ments, and the prodigal waste of the public lands, were crimes against the people; and, as far as possible, the results of these criminal acts must be counteracted by judicious legislation : therefore. We assemble in national convention and make a declaration i-i our principles, and invite all patriotic citizens to unite in an effort to secure financial reform and industrial emancipation. The organization shall be known as the "naticmal party," and under this name we will perfect, without delay, national, state, and local associations, to secure the, elec- tion to office of such men only as will pledge themselves to do all in their power to establish these principles : 1. It is the exclusive function of the general government to coin and create money and regulate its value. All bank issues designed to circu- late as money should be suppressed. The circulating medium, whether of metal or paper, shall be issued by the government, and made a full legal- tender for all debts, duties, and taxes in the United States, at its stamped value. 2. There shall be no privileged class of creditors. Official salaries, pen- sions, bonds, and all other debts and obligations, public and private, shall be discharged in the legal-tender money of the United States, strictly ac- cording to the stipulations of the laws under which they were contracted. 3. The coinage of silver shall be placed on the same footing as that of gold. 4. Congress shall provide said money adequate to the full employment of labor, the equitable distribution of its products, and the requirements of business, fixing a minimum amount per capita of the population, as near as may be, and otherwise regulating its value by wise and equitable pro- 508 ' HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. visions of law, so that the rate of interest will secure to labor its just re- ward. 5. It is inconsistent with the genius of popular government that any species of private property should be exempt from bearing its proper share of the public burdens. Government bonds and money should be taxed precisely as other property, and a graduated income tax should be levied for the support of the government and the payment of its debts. 6. Public lands are the common property of the whole people, and should not be sold to speculators nor granted to railroads or other corpo- rations, but should be donated to actual settlers, in limited quantities. 7. The government should, by general enactments, encourage the devel- opment of our agricultural, mineral, mechanical, manufacturing, and commercial resources, to the end that labor may be fully and profitably employed; but no monopolies should be legalized. 8. All useless offices should be abolished, the most rigid economy favored in every branch of the public service, and severe punishment inflicted upon public oflScers who betray the trusts imposed in them. 9. As educated labor has devised means for multiplying production by inventions and discoveries, and as their use requires the exercise of mind as well as body, sucli legislation should be had that the number of hours of daily toil will be reduced, giving to the working classes more leisure for mental improvement and their several enjoyments, and saving them from premature decay and death. 10. The adoption of an American monetary system, as proposed herein, will harmonize all differences in regard to tarifTand federal taxation, re- duce and equalize the cost of transportation by land and water, distribute equitably the joint earnings of capital and labor, secure to the producers of wealth the results of their labor and skill, and muster out of service the vast army of idlers, who, under the existing system, grow rich upon the earnings of others, that every man and woman may, by his own efTorts, secure a competency, so that overgrown fortunes and extreme poverty will be seldom found within the limits of our republic. 11. Both national and state governments should establish bureaus of labor and industrial statistics, clothed with the power of gathering and publishing the same. 12. That the contract system of employing labor in our prisons and re- formatory institutions works great injustice to our mechanics and artisans, and should be prohibited. 13. The importation of servile labor into the United States from China is a problem of the most serious importance, and we recommend legisla- tion looking to its suppression. 14. AVe believe in the supremacy of law over and above all perishable Hayes's admimstratiox. 609 material, and in the necessity of a party of united people that will rise above old party lines and prejudices. We will not affiliate in any degree with any of the old parties, but, in all cases and localitlos, will organize anew, as united national men — nominate for office and official positions only such persons as are clearly believers in and identified with this our sacred cause; and, irrespective of creed, color, place of birth, or past con- dition of political or other servitude, vote only for men who entirely abandon old party lines and organizations. 1879.— NATIONAL LIBERAL PLATFOEM, Cincinnati, Ohio, September 14- 1. Total separation of church and state, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution ; including the equitable taxation of church property, secularization of the public schools, abrogation of Sab- batarian laws, abolition of chaplaincies, prohibitions of public appropria- tions for religious purposes, and all measures necessary to the same gen- eral end. 2. Xational protection for national citizens in their equal, civil, political, and religious rights, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution and aflTorded through the United States courts. 3. Universal education, the basis of universal suiFrage in this secular republic, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitu- tion, requiring every state to maintain a, thoroughly secularized public school system, and to permit no child within its limits to grow up without a good elementary education. 1880.— INDEPENDENT REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES. Independent republicans adhere to the republican principles of national supremacy, sound finances, and civil service reform, expressed in the re- publican platform of 1876, in the letter of acceptance of President Hayes, and in his message of 1879; and they seek the realization of those princi- ples in practical laws and their efficient administration. This requires, 1. The continuance on the statute book of laws protecting the rights of voters at national elections. But national supremacy aflfords no pretext lor interference with the local rights of communities; and the develop- ment of the south from its present defective civilization can be secured only under constitutional methods, such as those of President Hayes. 510 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 2. The passage of laws which shall deprive greenbacks of their legal- tender quality, as a first step toward their ultimate withdrawal and can- cellation, and shall maintain all coins made legal-tender at such weight and fineness as will enable them to be used without discount in the com- mercial transactions of the world. 3. The repeal of the acts which limit the terms of office of certain gov- ernment officials to four years; the repeal of the tenure-of -office acts, which limit the power of the executive to remove for cause ; the establish- ment of a permanent civil service commission, or equivalent measures to ascertain, by open competition, and certify to the President or other ap- pointing power the fitness of applicants for nomination or appointment to all non-political offices. II. Independent republicans believe that local issues should be inde- pendent of party. The words republican and democrat should have no weight in determining whether a school or city shall be administered on business principles by capable men. With a view to this, legislation is asked which shall prescribe for the voting for local and for state officers upon separate ballots. III. Independent republicans assert that a political party is a co-oper- ation of voters to^ecu,re the practical enactment into legislation of politi- cal convictions set forth as its platform. Every voter accepting that plat- form is a member of that party ; any representative of that party opposing the principles or evading the promises of its platform forfeits the support of its voters. No voter sliould be held by the action or nomination of any caucus or convention of his party against his private judgment. It is his duty to vote against bad measures and unfit men, as the only means of obtaining good ones; and if his party no longer represents its professed principles in its practical workings, it is his duty to vote against it. IV. Independent republicans seek good nominations through participa- tion in the primaries and through the defeat of bad nominees ; they will labor for the defeat of any local republican candidate, and, in co-oper- ation with those holding like views elsewhere, for the defeat of any gen- eral republican candidate whom they do not deem fit. 1880.— EEPUBLICAN PLATFORM, Chicago, HI,, June Z. The republican party, in national convention assembled, at the end of twenty years since the federal government was first committed to its charge, submits to the people of the Unifed States its brief report of its administration ; Hayes's admi2>'isteation. 511 It suppressed a rebellion which bad armed nearly a million of men to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the Union of the states with freedom, instead of slavery, as its corner-stone. It transformed fodr million of human beings from the likeness of things to the rank of citi- zens. It relieved Congress from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not exist. It has raised the value of our paper currency from thirty-eight per cent, to the par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid basis, payment in coin for all the national obligations, and has given us a currency absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended country. It has lifted the credit of the nation from the point where six percent, bonds sold at eighty- six to that where four per cent, bonds are eagerly sought at a premium; Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000 miles in 1860, to more than 82,000 miles in 1879. Our foreign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the same time ; and our exports, which were $20,000,000 less than our im- ports in 1860, were $264,000,000 more than our imports in 1879. "Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary expenses of government, besides the accruing interest on the public debt, and disbursed, annually, over $30,000,000 for soldiers' pen- sions. It has paid SSS8,000,000 of the public debt, and, by refunding the balance at lower rates,-has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 to less than $89,000,000. All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire country there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed. Upon this record, the republican party asks for the continued confidence and support of the people ; and this convention submits for their approval the following statement of the principles and purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its efTorts: 1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty years has been such as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved, through immense difficulties, should be preserved ; that the peace regained should be cherished ; that the dissev- ered Union, now happily restored, should be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation should be transmitted, undiminished, to future generations; that the order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired ; that the pensions promised should be paid ; that the debt so much reduced should be extinguished by the full payment of every dollar thereof; that the reviving industries should be further promoted; and that the commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged. 512 HISTORY OF AMEEICAX POLITICS. 2. The constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a mere contract; out of confederate states it made a sovereign nation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to states; but tlie boundary between the powers delegated and those reserved is to be deter- mined b_v the national and not by the state tribunals. 3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several states, but it is the duty of the national government to aid that work to the extent of its constitutional ability. The intelligence of the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence of the several states; and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one state, but by the average genius of all. 4. The constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law respecting an establishment of religion; but it is idle to hope that the nation can be protected against the influences of sectarianism while each state is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend that the constitu- tion be so amended as to lay the same prohibition upon the legislature of each state, to forbid the appropriation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools. 5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American labor ; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to any rail- way or other corporation ; that slavery having perished in the states, its twin barbarity — -polygamy — must die in the territories ; that everywhere -the protection accorded to citizens of Aiherican birth must be secured to . •citizens of American adoption ; that we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our water-courses and harbors, but insist that fur- ther subsidies to private persons or corporations must cease ; that the ob- ligations of the republic to the men who preserved its integrity in the day of battle are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final vic- tory — to do them perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful privilege and sacred duty of the American people. 6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse between the United States and foreign nations rests with the Congress of the Uni- ted States and its treaty-making powers, the republican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of thot power to restrain and limit that immigration by the enactment of such just, humane, and reasonable provisions as will produce that result. 7. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the early career of Eutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the thoughts of ^ur immediate predecessors to select him for a presidential candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as chief executive, and that HAYES'S ADMINISTRATION. 513 history will accord to his administration the honors which are due to an ■efficient, just, and courteous discharge of the public business, and will honor his interposition between the people and jiroposed partisan laws. 8. We charge upon the democratic party the habitual sacrifice of patri- otism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office and patronage. That to obtain possession of the national and state governments, and tlie control of place and position, they have obstructed all eflforts to promote the purity and to conserve the freedom of suffrage; have devised fraudu- lent certifications and returns; have labored to unseat lawfully-elected members of Congress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a majority of the states in the House of Representatives; have endeavored to occupy, by force and fraud the places of trust given to otliers by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courageous action of Maine's patriotic sons; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose passage the very movements of governments depend ; have crushed the rights of the indi- vidual; have advocated the principle and sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, and individual equality. Equal, steady, and complete enforcement of the laws, and protection of all our citizens in the enjoy- ment of all privileges and immunities guaranteed by the constitution, are the first duties of the nation. The danger of a, solid soutli can only be averted by the faitliful performance of every promise which the nation made to the citizen. Tlie execution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who violate them, are the only safe methods by which an endur- ing peace can be secured, and genuine prosperity established throughout the south. Whatever promises the nation makes, the nation must per- form; and the nation can not with safety relegate this duty the states. The solid south must be divided by the peaceful agencies of tlie ballot, and all opinions must there find free expression; and to this end honest voters must be protected against terrorism, violence, or fraud. And we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the republican party to use all legitimate means to restore all the states of this Union to the most perfect harmony which may be practicable; and we submit to the practical, sen- sible people of the United States to say whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests of our country, at this time to surrender the ad- ministration of the national government to a party which seeks to over- throw the existing policy, under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there is now order, confidence; and hope. 33 514 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. 9. The republican party, adhering to a principle affirmed by its last national convention, of respect for the constitutional rule covering ap- pointments to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes, that the reform of the civil service should be thorough, radical, and complete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the legislative with the executive department of the government, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper practical tests, shall admit to the public service; and that the power of removal for cause, with due responsibility for the good conduct of subordinates, shall accompany the power of ap- pointment. 1880.— NATIONAL (GREENBACK) PLATFORM, Chicago, III., June 9. The civil government should guarantee the divine right of every laborer to the results of his toil, thus enabling the producers of wealth to provide themselves with the means for physical comfort, and facilities for mental, social, and moral culture ; and we condemn, as unworthy of our civiliza- tion, the barbarism which imposes upon wealth-producers a state of drudgery as the price of a bare animal existence. Notwithstanding the enormous increase of productive power by the universal introduction of labor-saving machinery and the discovery of new agents for the increase of wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened, and few producers are lifted from poverty into comfort and pecuniary independence. The associated monopolies, the in- ternational syndicates, and other income classes demand dear money, cheap labor, and a strong government, and, hence, a weak people. Cor- porate control of the volume of money has been the means of dividing society into hostile classes, of an unjust distribution of the products of labor, and of building up monopolies of associated capital, endowed with power to confiscate private property. It has kept money scarce; and the scarcity of money enforces debt-trade, and public and corporate loans ; debt engenders usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of the borrower. Other results are — deranged markets, uncertainty in manufacturing enter- prises and agriculture, precarious and intermittent employment for the laborer, industrial war, increaeing pauperism and crime, and the conse- quent intimidation and disfranchisement of the producer, and a rapid declension into corporate feudalism. Therefore, we declare — 1. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power, to be maintained by the people for their common benefit. The delegation of this right to corporations is a surrender of the central attribute of sover- IIAYES'S ADMIXISTEATION. 515 eignty, void of constitutional sanction, and conferring upon a subordinate and irresponsible power an absolute dominion over industry and com- merce. All money, whether metallic or paper, should be issued, and its volume controlled, by the government, and not by or through banking corporations ; and, when so issued, should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private. i 2. That the bonds of the United States should not be refunded, but paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract. To enable the 'govern- ment to meet these obligations, legal-tender currency should be substituted for the notes of the national banks, the national banking system abol- ished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, as well as gold, established by law. 3. That labor should be so protected by national and state authority as to equalize its burdens and insure a just distribution of its results. The eight hour law of Congress should be enforced, the sanitary condition of industrial establishments placed under rigid control, the competition of contract convict labor abolished, a bureau of labor statistics established, factories, mines, and workshops inspected, the employment of children under fourteen years of age forbidden, and wages paid in cash. 4. Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap labor being simply sla- very, the importation and presence of Chinese serfs necessarily tends to brutalize and degrade American labor; therefore, immediate steps should be taken to abrogate the Burlingame treaty. 5. Eailroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-fulfillment of con- tract should be immediately reclaimed by the government, and, hence- forth, the public domain reserved exclusively as homes for actual settlers. 6. It is the duty of Congress to regulate inter-state commerce. All lines of communication and transportation should be brought under such legislative control as shall secure moderate, fair, and uniform rates for passenger and freight traffic. 7. AVe denounce as destructive to property and dangerous to liberty the action of the old pai'ties in fostering and sustaining gigantic land, rail- road, and money corporations, and monopolies invested with and exercis- ing powers belonging to the government, and yet not responsible to it for the manner of their exercise. 8. That the constitution, in giving Congress the power to borrow money, to declare war, to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, never intended that the men who loaned their money for an interest- consideration should be preferred to the soldiers and sailors who periled their lives and shed their blood on land and sea in defense of their coun- try ; and we condemn the cruel class legislation of the republican party, 516 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. which, while professing great gratitude to the soldier, has most unjustly discriminated against him and in favor of the bondholder. 9. All property should bear its just proportion of taxation, and we de- mand a graduated income tax. 10. We denounce as dangerous the efforts everywhere manifest to re- strict the right of suffrage. 11. We are opposed to an increase of the standing army in time of peace, and the insidious scheme to establish an enormous military power under the guise of militia laws. 12. We demand absolute democratic rules for the government of Con- .gress, placing all representatives of the people upon an equal footing, and taking away from committees a veto power greater than that of the Pres- ident. 13. We demand a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, instead of a government of the bondholder, by the bondholder, and for the bondholder ; and we denounce every attempt to stir up sectional strife as an effort to conceal monstrous crimes against the people. 14. In the furtherance of these ends we ask the co-operation of all fair- minded people. We have no quarrel with individuals, wage no war on classes, but only against vicious institutions. We are not content to en- dure further discipline from our present actual rulers, who, having do- minion over money, over transportation, over land and labor, over tlie press and machinery of government, wield unwarrantable power over our institutions and over life and property. 1880.— PKOHIBITION EEFOEM PLATFORM, Cleveland, Ohio, June 17. The prohibition reform party of the United States, organized, in the name of the people, to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in the government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, submit, for the suffrage of all good citizens, the following platform of national reforms and meas- ures: In the examination and discussion of the temperance question, it has been proven, and is an accepted truth, that alcoholic drinks, whether fer- mented, brewed, or distilled, are poisonous to flie healthy human body, the drinking of which is not only needless and hurtful, necessarily tend- ing to form intemperate habits, increasing greatly the number, severity, and fatal termination of diseases, weakening and deranging the intellect, polluting the affections, hardening the heart and corrupting the morals. Hayes's administration. 517 depriving many of reason and still more of its healtliful exercise, and an- nually bringing down large numbers to untimely graves, producing, in the children of many who drink, a predisposition to intemperance, insan- ity, and various bodily and mental diseases, causing diminution of strength, feebleness of vision, iickleness of purpose, and premature old age, and in- ducing, in all future generations, deterioration of moral and pliysical character. Alcoholic drinks are thus the implacable foe of man as an in- dividual. 1. The legalized importation, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating drinks ministers to their use, and teaches the erroneous and destructive sentiment that such use is right, thus tending to produce and perpetuate the above hientioned evils. 2. To the liome it is an enemy — proving itself to be a disturber and de- stroyer of its peace, prosperity, and happiness ; taking from it the earn- ings of the husband ; depriving the dependent wife and children of essential food, clothing and education ; bringing into it profanity, abuse, and vio- lence; setting at naught the vows of the marriage altar; breaking up the family and sundering the children from the parents, and thus destroying one of the most beneficient institutions of our creator, and removing the sure foundation of good government, national prosperity, and welfare. 3. To the community it is equally an enemy— producing vice, demoral- ization, and wickedness ; its places of sale being resorts of gaming, lewd- ness, and debauchery, and tlie hiding-places of those who prey upon soci- ety; counteracting the efficacy of religious effort, and of all means of intellectual elevation, moral purity, social happiness, and the eternal good of mankind, without rendering any counteracting or compensating bene- fits; being in its influence and effect evil and only evil, and that contin- ually. 4. To the state it is equally an enemy — legislative inquiries, judicial investigations, and official reports of all penal, reformatory, and dependent institutions showing that the manufacture and sale of such beverages is the promoting cause of intemperance, crime, and pauperism, and of de- mands upon public and private charity, imposing the larger part of taxa- tion, paralyzing thrift, industry, manufactures and commercial life, which, but for it, would be unnecessary ; disturbing the peace of streets and highways; filling prisons and poor-houses; corrupting politics, legis- lation, and the execution of the laws; shortening lives; diminishing health, industry, and productive power in manufactures and art; and i» manifestly unjust as well as injurious to the community upon which it is imposed, and is contrary to all just views of civil liberty, as well as a vio- lation of the fundamental maxim of our common law, to use your own property or liberty so as not to injure others. 518 HISTORY OF ^^MERICAN POLITICS. 5. It is neither right nor politic for the state to aiford legal protection to any traffic or any system which tends to waste the resources, to corrupt the social habits, and to destroy the health and lives of the people ; that the importation, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating beverages is proven to be inimical to the true interests of the individual, home, community, and state, and destructive to the order and welfare of society, and ought, therefore, to be classed among crimes to be prohibited. 6. In this time of profound peace at home and abroad, the entire sepa- ration of the genera:l government from the drink-traffic, and its prohibition in the District of Columbia, territories, and in all places and ways over which, under the constitution, Congress has control and power, is a polit- ical issue of the first importance to the peace and prosperity of the nation. There can be no stable peace and protection to personal liberty, life, or property, until secured by national or state constitutional provisions, en- forced by adequate laws. 7. All legitimate industries require deliverance from the taxation and loss which the liquor traffic imposes upon them; and financial or other legislation could not accomplish so much to increase production and cause a demand for labor, and, as a result, for the comforts of living, as the suppression of this traffic would bring to thousands of homes as one of its blessings. 8. The administration of the government and the execution of the laws are through political parties; and we arraign the republican party, which has been in continuous power in the nation for twenty years, as being false to duty, as false to loudly-proclaimed principles of equal justice to all and special favors to none, and of protection to the weak and depend- ent, insensible to the mischief which the trade in liquor has constantly inflicted upon industry, trade, commerce, and the social happiness of the people; that 5,652 distilleries, 3,8,30 breweries, and 175,266 places for the sale of these poisonous liquors, involving an annual waste to the nation of one million five hundred thousand dollars, and the sacrifice of one hundred thousand lives, 'have, under its legislation, grown up and been fostered as a legitimate source of revenue; that during its history, six territories . have been organized and five states have been admitted into the Union, with constitutions provided and approved by Congress, but the prohibition of this debasing and destructive traffic has not been provided, nor even the people given, at the time of admission, power to forbid it in any one one of them. Its history further shows, that not in a single instance has an original prohibitory law been passed by any state that was controlled by it, while in four states, so governed, the laws found on its advent to power have been repealed. At its national convention in 1872, it declared, as a part of its party faith, that " it disapproves o{ the resort to unconsti- Hayes's administration. 519 tutional laws for the purpose of removing evils, by interference with rights not surrendered by the people to either the state or national government," which, the author of this plank says, was adopted by the platform com- mittee with the full and implicit understanding tliat its purpose was the discountenancing of all so-called temperance, prohibitory, and Sunday laws. 9. We arraign, also, the democratic party as unfaithful and unworthy of reliance on this question; for, although not clothed with power, but occu- pying the relation of an opposition party during twenty years past, strong in numbers and organization, it has allied itself with liquor-traffickers, and become, in all of the states in the Union, their special political defenders, and in its national convention in 1876, as an article of its political faith, declared against prohibition and just laws in restraint of the trade in drink, by saying it was opposed to what it was pleased to call " all sump- tuary laws.'' The national party has been dumb on this question. 10. Drink-traffickers, having the history and experience of all ages, climes, and conditions of men, declaring their business destructive of all good — finding no support in the Bible, morals, or reason — appeal to mis- applied law for their justification, and intrench themselves behind the evil elements of political party for defense, party tactics and party inertia be- come battling forces, protecting this evil. 11. In view of the foregoing facts and history, we cordially invite all votere, without regard to former party affiliations, to unite with us in the use of the ballot for the abolition of the drinking system, under the authority of our national and state governments. We also demand, as a right, that women, having the privileges of citizens in other respects, be ■clothed with the ballot for their protection, and as a rightful means for the proper settlement of the liquor question. 12. To remove the apprehension of some who allege that a loss of public revenue would follow the suppression of the direct trade, we confidently point to the experience of governments abroad and at home, which shows that thrift and revenue from the consumption of legitimate manufactures and commerce have so largely followed the abolition of drink as to fully supply all loss of liquor taxes. 13. We recognize the good providence of Almighty God, who has pre- served and prospered us as a nation ; and, asking for His Spirit to guide us to ultimate success, we all look for it, relying upon His omnipotent arm. 1880.— DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, Cincinnati, Ohio, June 23. The democrats erf the United States, in convention assembled, declare : 1. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and tradi- 520 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. tions of the democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line of democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in the platform of the last national convention of the party. 2. Opposition to centralization, and to that dangerous spirit of encroach- ment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism ; no sumptuary laws ; separation of the church and state for the good of each ; common schools fostered and protected. 3. Home rule; honest money, consisting of gold and silver, and paper, convertible into coin on demand ; the strict maintenance of the public faith, state and national; and a tariff for revenue only; the subordination of the military to the civil power ; and a general and thorough reform of the civil service. 4. The right to a free ballot is a right preservative of all rights ; and must and shall be maintained iu every part of the United States. 5. The existing administration is the representative of a conspiracy only ; and its claim of right to surround the ballot-boxes with troops and deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the elections, and the unprecedented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and despotic power, insults the peo- ple and imperils their institutions. We execrate the course of this admin- istration in making places in the civil service a I'eward for political crime; and demand a reform, by statute, which shall make it forever impossible for a defeated candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billet- ing villains upon the people. 6. The great fraud of 1876-7, by which, upon a false count of the electoral votes of two states, the candidate defeated at the polls was de- clared to be President, and, for the first time in American history, the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representative government. The democratic party, to preserve the country from the horrors of a civil war, submitted for the time, in the firm and patriotic belief that the people would punish the crime in 1880. This issue precedes and dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Union than ever addressed the consciences of a nation of freemen. 7. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden, not again to be a candidata for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his country- men, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of the republican party, is received by the democrats of the United States with deep sensi- bility ; and they declare their confidence in his wisdom, patriotism, and integrity unshaken by the assaults of the common enemy ; and they fur. ther assure him that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and respect of his fellow citizens, who regard him HAYES'S ADMINISTRATION. 521 as one who, by elevating the standard of the public morality, and adorning^ and purifying the public service, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and his party. 8. Free ships, and a living chance for American commerce upon the seas ; and on the land, no discrimination in favor of transportation lines, corporations, or monopolies. 9. Amendments of the Burlingame treaty; no more Chinese immigra- tion, except for travel, education, and foreign commerce, and, therein, care- fully guarded. 10. Public money and public credit for public purposes solely, and pub- lic land for actual settlers. 11. The democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man,, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cormorants and the- commune. 12. We congratulate the country upon the honesty and thrift of a demo- cratic Congress, which has reduced the public expenditure $10,000,000 a year; upon the continuation of prosperity at home and the national honor abroad; and, above all, upon the promise of such a change in the admin- istration of the government as shall insure a genuine and lasting reform in every department of the public service. 522 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. CHAPTER XXII. GARFIELD'S AND ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. 1881— 188-. Garfield's inaugural address. The inauguration of James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur, as President and Vice-President of the United States, took place on the 4th of March, 1881. In his inaugural address the President advocated the regu- lation of the civil service by law, universal education as a safeguard of suffrage, the refunding of the national debt at a lower rate of interest, without compelling the withdrawal of the national bank notes, and the adjustment of our monetary system, so that the purchasing power of every coined dollar will be exactly equal to its debt-paying power, in all the markets in the world. He advocated the prohibition of po- ligamy, and promised equal protection of the laws for all citizens, without distinction of race or color. His cabinet nominations were made and confirmed the day following the inauguration. He selected James G. Blaine, secretary of state ; William Windom, of Minnesota, secre- tary of treasury ; William H. Hunt, of Louisiana, secretary of the navy; Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois, secretary of war; Wayne McVeagh, of Pennsylvania, attorney-general; Thomas L. James, of New York, postmaster-general; and Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa, secretary of the interior. EXTRA session OF THE SENATE. The necessity for an extra session of the Senate was made known by President Hayes, in a proclamation, preceding the Garfield's and authur's adjiixistration. 523 close of his term of service. In accordance witli this call, the Senate met in extra session on the 4th of March, 1881. The parties were so evenly divided that bnsiness involving political questions could not be rapidly transacted. This evenness of the parties resulted in a dead-lock that was not broken M'ithoiit weeks of bitter partisan discussion. That which clogged the work of the Senate was the question of organization. The republicans desired new officers, chosen from their own party ; the democrats wished to retain the old officers, who were members of their party. Senator David Davis, of lUino-is, was classed as an independent. When he voted with the republicans they were enabled to carry their measures by the casting vote of the Vice-President, their presiding officer. When Mr. Davis voted with the democrats, the vote of the Vice-President was of no avail to the repub- licans. On the question of organization the view of Mr. Davis accorded with that of the democrats. The dead-lock was not broken until a sufficient number of recently chosen republicans entered the Senate to overcome the slight advan- tage of the democrats. During this session much was said by the senators and the press on "senatorial courtesy," a privilege of the Senate, which, according to courtesy and custom, leaves to the sen- ators of a state the right to say who shall be appointed from their respective states, provided the senators are of the same party as the President. One wing of the republican party, headed by Senator Conkling, put great stress upon this cus- tom, while the other wing, supporting the administration, set it at naught. President Garfield sent in the names of five persons whom he had nominated for important positions in New York. This had been done at the suggestion of Senator Conkling, who had been invited by the President to name his friends. While this was satisfactory to the senator and his adherents, •524 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. it called forth loud protests from those who did not believe that so many nominations should be selected from the friends of Mr. Conkling. For the collector of customs at New York no nomination was at first made, General Edwin H. Merritt being the incumbent. To allay the dissatisfaction occasioned by the five nomina- tions, and, perhaps, to quiet the rapidly developing spirit of faction in New York between the Grant and the anti-Grant partisans. President Garfield, on the 23d of March, sent in the name of Judge William H. Robertson for the New York collectorship. The Judge had opposed the unit rule at Chi- cago, disavowed the instructions of the New York conven- tion to vote for General Grant, and headed the Blaine dele- gates from that state, and on the withdrawal of the latter, used his influence for the nomination of Garfield. He was not, therefore, in political accord with Senator Conkling. The latter now endeavored to secure the confirmation of his friends, and defeat that of the Judge, who was his political enemy. This effort influenced the President to withdraw the nominations that had been suggested by the Senator, thus leaving for confirmation before the Senate, for a time, the name of Judge Robertson alone. Against this withdrawal the New York senator and the Vice-President remonstrated in a letter to the Executive, but he did not recede from his position. Whereupon Senator Conkling endeavored to de- feat the nomination of Robertson under the plea of the "privilege of the Senate," as to senatorial courtesy. There were arrayed against him the influence of Mr. Blaine, the secretary of state, and a sufficient number of senators to counteract the influence of Conkling. Seeing that the con- firmation of the Judge could not be prevented. Senators Conkling and Piatt sent in their resignations, which were read to the Senate. These were prepared without consulta- tion with intimate friends, and created great excitement GARFIELD'S AND ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. 525 throughout the country. Governor Cornell, of New York, to whom the resignations were sent, used in vain his influence to have them reconsidered and withdrawn. After this act President Garfield returned to the Senate the list of appointees that he had withdrawn, most of whom, under the changed condition of affairs, declined the nomination. The extra session of the Senate was brought to a close on Friday, May 20. "stalwarts" and "half-breeds." The resignation of the New York Senators gave the dem- ocrats control of the national Senate, but they did not think it wise to take advantage of their unexpected and tempo- rary opportunity. The New York legislature was in session, and elections for filling the vacancies soon followed. Over these there was a contest which widened the breach in the republican party more than ever. One wing being called '* stalwarts," and the other " half-breeds," the name given by Conkling to independents. Balloting began in the New York legislature for successors to Senators Conkling and Piatt on the 31st of May. The majority of the republicans were independents or "half-breeds," and supported Chauncey M. Depew as the successor of Piatt, and William A. Wheeler as the successor of Conkling. The former for the long term, the latter for the short term. A few of the independents supported Cornell. The " stalwarts " were in the minority and they renominated the Senators who had resigned, with a view of vindicating their action. The nominee of the democrats for the long terra was Francis Kernan, and for the short term, John C. Jacobs. The latter having withdrawn, Clark- son N. Potter was nominated in his stead. The contest was brought to a close on the 22d of July by a compromise which secured the election of Warren A. Miller and Elbridge G. Lapham as successors to Piatt and Conkling. This heated 526 HISTORY OF AJIERICAN POLITICS. political struggle attracted the attention of the entire coun- try. The weakening influence of these factions would have caused the democratic state ticket in the fall of 1881 to have been succe^ful had not the warring factions been united by the interposition of President Arthur. So well did he ac- complish this work that there was only one democrat on the state ticket who succeeded. "regulars" and "independents." The spirit of political faction was manifested in Pennsyl- vania among the republicans even before it appeared in New York. In the winter of 1881, a successor to United States Senator William A. Wallace, of Pennsylvania, was to be' chosen. The republican caucus nominated Henry W. Oliver, Junior, but the friends of Galusha A. Grow refused to participate in the caucus and declared in a written paper that they would inde- pendently manifest their choice in the legislature. On the 17th of January, 1881, the two factions issued opposing addresses by which they defined their positions to the people of the state. Those who participated in the caucus and nominated Mr. Oliver, were called "regulars," and those who opposed the caucus and its nomination were called " independents." After a long struggle the leading candidates of the factions withdrew ; whereupon new standard bearers were chosen on whose names the dead-lock continued till the 17th of February, when each republican faction agreed that a conference committee should be appointed consisting of twelve from each division, to whom the selection of a candidate should be referred. After a ses- sion of several days the joint convention on the 22d of Feb- ruary agreed upon John J. Mitchell, of Tioga, as a compro^ mised candidate. The following morning he was nominated by a full republican caucus and elected, on the first ballot, in joint convention the same day. GARFIELD'S AND ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. 527 « THE "continentals" AND THE " WOLFE MEN." In the fall of 1881, General Sylus Bailey received the nom- ination for state treasurer. Charles S. Wolfe announced himself as an independent candidate for the same position. The independents who supported General Bailey were called " continentals ; " and those of the same faction who supported his opponent were called " Wolfe men." The continentals, after the election, proclaimed themselves willing to abide by all republican nominations fairly made, and to support reforms within the party lines; thus it is seen that in Pennsylvania the republicans were divided into two factions, and one of these factions was subdivided into two wings. THE RE- ADJUSTERS. General Mahone, in 1878, divided the democratic party of Virginia on the question of the state debt. He was charged by his enemies with seeking to repudiate this debt, but he denied the charge and said the bourbons were repudiating it by making no provision for its payment. It is doubtless true that the views first taken by Mahone underwent some modification; for he and his friends afterwards advocated full payment, less the proportion equitably assigned to West Virginia. That state on separating from old Virginia during the war declared in her constitution that the state should never contract a debt save one for resisting invasion or sup- porting a war for the government, and in this way evaded assuming her proportion of the old Virginia debt. General Mahone advocated the funding of the state debt at three per cent, rate on the ground that Virginia could pay no more. The regular democrats advocated full payment. By uniting his wing with the republican party, General Mahone won the legislature for his organization, and was elected to the United States Senate in December, 1880. The partisans whom he ^28 HISTOBY OP AMERICAN POLITICS. headed were called " re-adjusters," while the regular demo- crats of the state received from their opponents the name of " bourbons." He entered the extra session of the Senate in 1881, and became allied with the republicans in an attempt to break the "solid south." The General was quite prominent during the session and caused more excitement in the chamber than had the contest in his state between himself and the regular democrats. The struggle of the re-adjusters became known as the anti-bourbon movement, and efforts were made to extend it to other states wherein the democratic vote was solid, and it had some influ- ence in Georgia, South Carolina, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Xentucky. THE ASSASSINATION OP PRESIDENT GARFIELD. On the 2d of July, 1881, President Garfield, in company with Secretary Blaine, left the executive mansion at 9 o'clock A. M. and proceeded to the depot of the Baltimore and Po- tomac railway, where the President designed to take a special train to visit, in New England, a college from which he had graduated. Having entered the main waiting room, and walk- ing arm in arm with the secretary, Charles J. Guiteau, a per- sistent ai)plicant for office, advanced toward the President and fired at him two shots, one of which was harmless, but the ■other entered the body of the President about four inches to the right of the spinal column and struck the tenth and the eleventh rib. The wounded President sank to the floor, and was conveyed at once to a room where he could receive n'ec- essary attention. Dr. Bliss made an effort to find the ball but was not successful. The system of the President was severely shocked, and at first it was supposed that death would soon ensue. He was removed to the executive man- sion two hours after the shooting. Vomiting set in soon af- ter this, without symptoms indicative of recovery, until past Garfield's and abtiiur's administration, 529 ■midnight. The following morning, which was Sunday, Dr. Bliss was designated to take charge of the case, and he called ■to his aid Surgeon-General Barnes, Assistant Surgeon-Gen- eral AVoodward, and Dr. Raymond. By telegraph Dr. Agnew, of Philadelphia, and Dr. Ham- ilton, of New York, were summoned for consultation, to sat- isfy the demand of the coVintry. They reached Washington on Sunday afternoon. But little hope of recovery was en- tertained till the night of July 4, when a favorable turn was ■obs(?rved, and on the following morning there was a vague hope that the result would be favorable. Drs. Agnew and Hamilton then returned to their homes, having published to the country that they approved the treatment inaugurated by Dr. Bliss. Improvement continued till the 7th of July, when Dr. Bliss became very confident of ultimate triumph over the disease. From this time till the 16th there was gradual im- provement, and the country began to entertain hopes that the patient would recover. On the 8th of August, Drs. Agnew and Hamilton performed a surgical operation that lasted an hour, and for a time seemed to weaken the President, but hav- ing taken nourishment, he soon revived, and the operation was pronounced successful. On the 9th he wrote his name for the first time, and on the next day he signed an important extradition paper. On the 11th he wrote a letter to his aged mother, at jNIentor, in which he used words of a hopeful tendency. Hopes and fears alternated from day to day, amid the most painful excitement and the niost watchful attention, till on the 6th of September, when he was removed to Long Branch, in a car prepared for the purpose. When placed in a -cottage at Elberon, indications justified sanguine hopes of a return to vigor. The country watched with feverish anxiety the news of the patient's condition, which was first for the tetter and then for the worse. On Tuesday, the 13th of Sep- 34 530 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. tember, the improvement was such that th.e patient was placed in a chair at the window, where he could see the waters of the ocean. Though from this till the closing mo- ment there were frequent hopes of recovery, the wasted and suffering form was sinking day by day. President Garfield died on the night of September 19, 1881, at 10 o'clock and 35 minutes ; and the nation mourned his loss by a sympa- thy unparalleled, and only approximated by that which was occasioned by the assassination of President Lincoln. After a lengthy trial, the assassin was tried, convicted, and hung. Arthur's accession. At midnight, on the 19th of September, the cabinet, at Long Branch, telegraphed Vice-President Arthur to take promptly the oath of office. This he did before a local judge in New York. He then went to Washington and took the oath of office in the marble room of the Capitol in the presence of the members of the cabinet, the justices of the Supreme Court, a few senators, and members of the House of Repre- sentatives. President Arthur arose, and, standing upon one side of the centre table. Chief Justice Waite on the other side, heard the oath administered. The President's manner was calm and composed, and his response, " So help me God,"' was in a firm tone, without a tremor. The "President then read, from manuscript notes, a brief inaugural address. On the same day, September 22, the cabinet, through Secretary Blaine, tendered their resignations. The President said that he did not desire to accept them, and would esteem it a per- sonal favor if the cabinet would continue in the discharge of their duties. The emergency being great, the cabinet mani- fested a desire to aid the President in the management of public duties till he should see fit to form a cabinet of his own selection. gakfield's and Arthur's administration. 531 BOSS RULE. "Boss rule" is a political epithet, of M-hich Wayne McVeagh is the author, and is a term used to designate party domination by a few political leaders who have obtained such influence and power as to control the workings of their party. In Grant's administration, especially, this kind of rule be- came prominent and created much dissatisfaction. During the presidential term of Hayes it met with resistance, and, after the death of Garfield, systematic efforts to suppress it were instituted in some sections of the country. With this object in view a body of merchants in Philadel- phia organized themselves under the name of "the committee of one hundred," and operated with influence in the municipal elections. The citizens' republican association of Philadel- phia adopted a declaration of principles, which, among other things, declared, " That the only practical method of restoring purity to administration is through the adoption of a system of civil service, under which public officials shall not be the tools of any man or of any clique, subject to dismissal at their behest, or to assessment in their service ; nor appointment to office be " patronage " at the disposal of any man to consoli- date his power within the party. " It is the abuse of this appointing power which has led to the formation of the "machine," and the subjection of the party to "bosses." Our chosen leader, the late President Garfield, fell a martyr in his contest with the " bosses." We take up the struggle where he left it, and we hereby declare that we will owe no allegiance to any "boss," nor be subser- vient to any "machine;" but that we will do our utmost to liberate the party from the "boss" domination under which it has fallen. " Recognizing that political parties are simply instrumental- ities for the enforcement of certain recognized principles, we 532 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. shall endeavor to promote the principles of the reiiublicah party by means of that party, disenthralled and released from the domination of its " bosses." But should we fail in this, we shall have no hesitation in seeking to advance the princi- ples of the party through movements and organizations out- side of the party lines. The general defeat of the republican party at the state elec- tions in the fall of 1882 is regarded as a national blow at "bossism" and the defeat of machine politics in the same party. THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. Those postal routes that are not along the regular high- ways, such as railroads and rivers, are designated in the records of the postoffice department by stars. For this rea- son they have received the appellation of the star routes, concerning which there is a scandal, the origin of which is traced to the operations of the department in Hayes's admin- istration. When Mr. James became postmaster-general in President Garfield's cabinet, he discovered irregularities in the conduct of the mail service, in connection with the star routes. These routes had been authorized by Congress, to promote the more rapid carriage of mails, and to extend further the mail facilities. These routes, in the west and south, were unpopular, and the demand for mail facilities in those sections would, even in a legitimate way, unless watched with vigilance, result in great cost and extravagance ; but it is alleged that General Brady, an assistant postmaster-general under General Key, headed the formation of a ring, by which routes were established with the view of defrauding the gov- ernment; and that false bonds were given, and large and fraudulent sums were paid for no service, or for but a meager amount. When President Garfield was assassinated this scan- dal was at its height. The determination of the President to have the scandal thoroughly investigated was carried out by Garfield's and authuu'.s administeation. 533 Mr. Arthur, after his accession. Formidable indictments were presented in Washington, on the 24th of March, 1882, against persons who were su])posed to be implicated in the frauds. The trial continued till the following fiUl, without the results wan-anted by the indictments. Congress met December 4, with the republicans slightly Forty-seventh Congress, \ dominant in both branches. The First Session. ) democrats were well equipped with eminent leaders. In the Senate were Hill, Bayard, Pendleton, Brown, Yoorhees, Lamar, and Garland ; and in the House, Stephens, Randall, Hewitt, Cox, and Johnson. Though a great amount of business was transacted during the session, only a small number of the measures was of such a political nature as to attract the attention of the public. Among these was the ANTI-POLYGAMY BILL, enacted for the purpose of suppressing polygamy in Utah and other territories. It was resisted by the democrats who questioned the propriety of assaulting the liberty of conscience. Their opposition, however, did not put them on record as de- fenders of polygamy. THE TARIFF COMMISSION. For the last six years legislation has demonstrated that Congress can not deal successfully with the tariff question. The position of the democratic party on protection was not so hostile as it had been on former occasions, but the party op- posed the bill passed this session for creating a tariff commis- sion whose duty it should be to deal with the subject by the most efficient efforts and report at the next session of Congress. THE BANK BILL. The republicans advocated a bill to enable national bank- ing institutions to extend their corporate existence and pro- 534 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. vide security for the system. Owing to the resistance of the democrats, the republicans passed the bill only through pa- tient and resolute efforts. THE ANTI-CHINESE BILL. One of the exciting questions debated was the immigration of Chinese to the Pacific slope. The democrats supported the bill, which was introduced to restrict Chinese immigration until the expiration of twenty years after the passage of the act. In their support they were generally aided by republican senators from the west. This measure was vetoed by the President, but a new bill embracing his views was introduced and passed. It provided that for ten years after the act should go into effect, the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States should be suspended, and that during the sus- pension it should not be lawful for any Chinese laborer to come, and if he should come he should not remain in the country. This act became a law in April, 1882, and took out of politics the consideration of the Chinese question. THE RIVER AND HARBOR BILL. A measure known as "the river and harbor bill," passed both branches of Congress, having received support from democrats and republicans. While the bill was pending it received severe criticism from the press of the country irre- spective of party. The support of this measure by the re- publicans was remembered to their detriment at the following fall elections. This bill having been vetoed by the President became a law by a two-thirds vote of Congress. This session, of the 47th Congress, was the longest single session since 1876, when two hundred and fifty-four days were devoted chiefly to partisan investigations. This Congress has been commended for the amount of work accomplished at legislation, and by the leading committees. Of the measures GARFIELD'S AND ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. 535 considered there were but fow that clieited political contest. It must be said that it considered many measures of national importance and interest, as well as of local consequence. A bill making a re-apportionment of the representatives became a law; a tribunal for the adjudication of the remain- der of the Alabama claims was created; a three per cent, refunding act was passed ; a law designed for the comfort and protection of immigrants during the voyage to America was ■enacted ; a bill to regulate immigration, and to prevent the landing of foreign paupers and convicts became a law ; the efficiency of the life-saving service was promoted by the passage of a bill in its favor; a reform in the system of pub- lic land surveys was initiated, and the future cost of such surveys was reduced one-third ; provisions for the reorganiza- tion of the navy, and for the building of ships of war were properly made ; the compulsory retirement system for the army was adopted; necessary amendments to the law regu- lating extradition of criminals received the approval of both branches; more efficient provisions for the education of In- dian youth were made ; the right of eminent domain in the Indian territory was asserted by the gos^ernment; the rail- way mail service was placed on a better basis ; a law relating to the tonnage measurement of American vessels, and placing them on equal footing with the vessels of otlier countries in foreign ports, and other measures looking to the revival of American commerce were adopted; and a joint select com- mittee was appointed to inquire into and report upon the condition and wants of American ship-building and ship- owning interest. Seven thousand one hundred and eighty- two bills and joint resolutions were introduced in the House. Of this number 803 were reported favorably, 245 unfavor- bly, while about 6,134 were left in the hands of the various -committees. The House passed 383 bills and joint resolutions, 287 of 536 HISTORY OP AMERICAX POLITICS. which became laws, and 41 awaited the President's approvaL In the Senate 2,283 bills and joint resolutions were intro- duced, 466 of which were passed. The following were among- the bills and joint resolutions of general interest that re- mained on the Senate calendar: To establish a uniform system of bankruptcy; to provide for ocean mail service between the United States and foreign ports; to regulate and improve the civil service; to incorporate the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua ; to incorporate the Inter-ocean Ship Railway Company, known as the Eads bill ; to consti- tute the department of agriculture, an executive department,, and to enlarge its powers and duties; to provide for the performance of the duties of the office of President, in case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the Pres- ident and Vice-President. The amount appropriated this- session for various purposes was $214,243,097.36. After ap- propriate remarks from the presiding officers of both branches^ Congress adjourned on the 8th of August. Garfield's foreign policy. It is now known that had the life of President Garfield been preserved he would have made his administration espe- cially brilliant abroad. Secretary Blaine conceived a policy which looked to a closer relation with all the republixjs on the western hemisphere. The secretary desired a congress of the republics of America at Washington and under the patronage of the United States government, with the object of pro- moting trade and of settling all difficulties by arbitration. This cabinet officer sent a letter to the United States' minis- ters in Central and South America, which proposed the con- ference, explained its mission, and gave instruction to the ministers. The question was complicated by the war between Chili and Peru, and a scandal resulted, the import of whick was to implicate officers of the United States government in. GARFIELD'S AND AR'PIIUE'S ADMINISTRATION'. 537 improper speculations on mines in Peru. The scandal at- tracted the attention of Congress, and a resolution was offered instructing the committee on foreign affairs to give the mat- ter ample investigation. The resolution was adopted and its directions carried out, but nothing was found that would im- plicate any officer of the government, as was recited in the resolution of Congress. The information obtained by this investigation, and from other sources, would indicate that the foreign policy, as conceived by Secretary Blaine, though abandoned by his successor, was brilliant beyond any ex- ample in our history. STATE ELECTIONS, NOVEMBER, 1882. On the 7th of November there were elections in thirty-two states of the Union. Republican losses were unexpectedly severe, and the victory of the democrats was overwhelming. The result of the elections was construed by many, aside from accidental considerations, as a protest against the methods of machine politics, as represented by machine politicians, the whole import of which was a demand, on the part of the re- public, for civil service reform. Congress met December 5, 1882. The democrats entered Forty-seventh Congress, T upon the work of legislation en- Second Session. i couraged by the success of their or- ganization at the elections the preceding month, while the republicans felt that only through prudent action could they overcome the recent defeat of their party. REFERENCES. The Nation, 1881-2 The American, 1881-82 The New York Herald, 1881-82. The New York Tribune, 1881-82 Other leading journals, 1881-82 . Congressional Record, 1881-82 ... 638 HISTORY OF AJIEEICAX POLITICS. American Politics Cooper. American Almanac, 1881-82 Spofford. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF GAEFIELD'S AND AETHUE'S AD- MINISTEATION. James A. Garfield President 1881-1881 Chester A. Arthur Vice-President 1881-1881 Chester A. Arthur President 1881 CABINET. James G. Blaine Secretary of State 1881-1881 Theodore Frelinghuysen " " .....1881 William Windom Secretary of the Treasury 1881-1881 Charles J. Folger " " " 1881 William H. Hunt Secretary of the Navy 1881-1881 , William E. Chandler '• " " 1881 Eobert T. Lincoln Secretary of War 1881 Thomas L. James Postmaster-General 1881-1881 Timothy O. Howe " " 1881 Samuel J. Kirkwood Secretary of the Interior 1881-1882 N.M.Teller " " " 1882 Wayne McVeagh Attorney-General 1881-1881 Benjamin Brewster " " 1881 JUDICIAL OFFICEES. Appointed Date of from. Commission. Salary. Chief Justice Morrison E. Waite...Ohio Jan. 21, 1874 .$10,500 Justice Nathan Clifibrd Maine Jan. 12, 1858 10,000 Jvistice Noah H. Swayne Ohio Jan. 24, 1862 10,000 Justice Samuel F. Miller Iowa July 16, 1862 10,000 Justice Stephen J. Field California.. ..Mar. 10, 1868. 10,000 Justice Joseph P. Bradley New Jersey...Mar. 21, 1870 10,000 Justice Ward Hunt New York ...Dec. 11, 1872 10,000 Justice John M.Harlan Kentucky Nov. 29, 1877 10,000 Justice William B.Woods..". Georgia Dec. 21, 1880 10,000 Justice Stanley Mathews Ohio 1880 10,000 LEGISLATIVE OFFICEES. Chester A. Arthur President of the Senate pro tempore 1881-1881 Thomas F. Bayard " " " " 1881-1881 David Davis " " " 1881 J. Warren Keifer Speaker of the House 1881-1882 Garfield's and artiiuu's administration. 539 1881.— VIRGINIA READJUSTER PLATFORM. [Adopted June 2.'] 1. We recognize our obligation to support tlie institution for tlie deaf, dumb and blind, the lunatic asylum, the public free schools and the gov- ernment out of the revi'uues of tlie state; and we deprecate and denounce that policy of ring rule and subordinated sovereignty which for years bor- rowed money out of banks at high rates of interest for the discharge of these paramount trusts, while our revenues were left the prey of commer- cial exchanges, available to the state only at the option of speculators and syndicates. 2. AVe reassert our purpose to settle and adjust our state obligations on the principles of the " Bill to re-establish public credit," known as the " Riddleberger bill," passed by the last general assembly and vetoed by the Governor. We maintain that this measure recognizes the just debt of Virginia, in this, that it assumes two-thirds of all the money Virginia borrowed, and sets aside the otlier third to West Virginia to be dealt witli by her in her own way and at lier own pleasure; that it places those of her creditors wlio have received bat six per cent, instalments of interest in nine years upon an exact C'luality with those who by corrupt agencies were enabled to absorb and monopolize our means of payment; that it agrees to pay such rate of interest on our securities as can witli certainty be met out of the revenues of the state, and that it contains all the essen- tial features of finality. 3. AVe reassert our adherence to the constitutional requirements for the "equal and uniform" taxation of property, exempting none except that specified by the constitution and used exclusively for " religious, charita- ble and educational purposes." 4. We reassert that the paramount obligation of the various works of internal improvement is to the people of the state, by whose authority they were created, by whose money they were constructed, and by whose grace they live; and it is enjoined upon our representative and executive oflScers to enforce the discharge of that duty ; to insure to our people such rates, facilities and connections as will proteot every industry and interest against discrimination, tend to the development of our agricultural and mineral resources, encourage the investment of active capital in manufac- tures, and the profitable employment of labor in industrial enterprises, grasp for our city and our whole state those advantages to which by their geoo^raphical position they are entitled, and fulfill all the great public «nds for which they were designed. .5. The readjusters hold the right to a free ballot to be the right preserv- 540 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS. ative of all rights, and that it should be maintained in every state in the- Union. We believe the capitation tax restriction upon the suffrage in Virginia to be in conflict with the fourteenth amendment to the constitu- tion of the United States. We believe that it is a violation of that condi- tion of reconstruction wherein the pledge was given not so to amend our state constitution as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of a right to- vote, except as punishment for such crimes as are felony at common law. We believe such a prerequisite to voting to be contrary to the genius of our institutions, the very foundation of which is representation as antece- dent to taxation. We know that it has been a failure as a measure for the collection of revenue, the pretended reason for its invention in 1876, and we know the base, demoralizing and dangerous uses tn which it has been prostituted. We know it contributes to the increase of monopoly power, and to corrupting the voter. For these and other reasons we ad- here to the purpose hitherto expressed to provide more effectual legislation for the collection of this tax, dedicated by the constitution to the public free schools, and to abolish it as a qualification for and restriction upon 6. The readjusters congratulate the whole people of Virginia on the pro- gress of the last few years in developing mineral resources and promoting manufacturing enterprises in the state, and they declare their purpose to aid these great and growing industries by all proper and essential legisla- tion, state and federal. To this end they will continue their efforts in be- half of more cordial and fraternal relations between the sections and states, and especiallj' for that concord and harmony which will make the country to know how earnestly and sincerely Virginia invites all men into her borders as visitors or to become citizens without fear of social or political ostracism; that every man, from whatever section of country, shall enjoy the fullest freedom of thought, speech, politics, and religion, and that the state which first formulated these principles as fundamental in free government is yet the citadel for their exercise and protection. 1881.— VIEGINIA DEMOCRATIC PLATFOEM, [Adopted August 4-} The conservative democratic party of Virginia — democratic in its fed- eral relations and conservative in its state policy — assembled in conven- tion, in view of the present condition of the Union and of this common- wealth, for the clear and distinct assertion of its political principles, doth declare that we adopt the following articles of political faith : 1. Equality of right and exact justice to all men, special privileges to- GARFIET.D'S and ARTHUIt's ADMINISTEATION. 541 ■none ; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of the person under the protection of the Imbeas corpus; of trial by juries impartially •selected, and of a pure, upright and non-partisan judiciary; elections by the people, free from force or fraud of citizens or of the military and civil officers of government; and the selection for public offices of those who are honest and best fitted to fill them ; the support of the state govern- ments in all their rights as the most competent administrations of our ■domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tenden- •cies ; and the preservation of the general government in its whole consti- tutional vigor as the best sheet-anchor of onr peace at home and our safety abroad. 2. That the maintenance of the public credit of Virginia is an essential means to the promotion of her prosperity. We condemn repudiation in every shape and form as a blot upon her honor, a blow at her permanent •welfare, and an obstacle to her progress in wealth, influence and power ; and that we will make every effort to secure a settlement of the public John Rutledge C^ George Clinton •^ John Milton o James Armstrong 1 Edward Telfair T Federalist Federalist Republican 4 13L ^ "1792 John Adams . 77 <1 Aaron Burr 1 Federalist Republican Feneralist Republican 3 71 S. Johnson 9 Charles C Pinckney .. . 1 « Previous to the election of 1804 each elector voted for two candidates for President; the one receiving the highest number of votes, if a majority, was declared elected President ; and the next highest Vice-President, t Three states out of thirteen did not vote, viz.: New York, which had not passed an electoral law ; and North Carolina and Rhode Island, which had not adopted the con- :ltitution. (544) EI^ECTORAT. AND POPULAR VOTES. 545 SUMMARY OF POPULAR AND ELECTORAL YOTES-Contimud. .2 1 o Political Party. Presidknts. Vice-Presidents . S S Candidates. Vote. Candidates. ^ 1 Popu- lar. 1 1800 16 17 17 18 19 24 24 24 138 176 176 218 221 235 261 201 Republican Republican Federalist Federalist Thomas Jefferson <'73 John Adams.... 65 Charles C. Pinckney... M 1 1S04 Republican Federalist Republican Federalist Thomas Jefferson Charles C. Pincliney... 15 2 12 5 162 14 122 47 6 George Clinton 1808 George Clinton Rufus King John Langdon .Tames Madison James Monroe Charles C. Pinckney... George Clinton 47 9 3 Republican Federalist 1 128 89 1 183 34 ISl'' James Madison De Witt Clinton 11 7 Elbridge Gerry Jared IngersoU 131 sn Vacancy T 181R Republican Federalist James Monroe 16 3 D. D. Tompkins JohnE. Howard IS? John Marshall Robert G. Harper... <\ Republican Opposition 4 231 1 vfm James Monroe 24 D. D. Tompkins Richard Stockton... Daniel Rodney Robert G. Harper .. Richard Rush oin s 1 1 Republican Vacancies 3 t99 84 41 37 ^ ],s24 Andrew Jackson 10 8 3 3 1.55,872 105.321 44.282 46.587 John C. Calhoun... Nathan Sanford Nathaniel Macon... Andrew Jackson... M. Van Buren Henry Clav 182 30 Republican Republican William H. Crawford.. Henry Clay 24 Q Democratic Nat'l Repub 1 1828 Andrew Jackson 15 9 647,2.31 509,097 178 83 John C. Calhoun... Richard Rush William Smith 171 88 7 * There having been a tie vote, the choice devolved upon the House of Representa- tives. A choice was made on tlie,36th ballot, which was as follows : Jefferson— Geor- gia, Kentucky, Maryland. New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Vermont, and Virginia— 10 states ; Burr— Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hamp.shire, and Rhode Island— 4 st;Ues; Blank— Delaware and Sou th Carolina— 2 states. tNo choice having been made liy the electoral college, the choice devnlN'cd upon the House of Representatives. A choice was made on the first ballot, which was as follows: Adams— Connecticut, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Missouri, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Rhode Island, and Ver- mont— 13 states ; Jackson— Alabama, Indiana, Mississippi, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 35 546 History of American politics. SUMMARY OP POPULAR AND ELECTORAL YOTES— Continued. Political Pakty. Peesidents. Candidates. Vote. Popu- lar. Vice-Presidents. Candidates. 1832 1836 1840 1844 1848 1852 1856 1860 Democratic..., Nat'l Eepub.. Anti-Mason.. 26 26 294 294 Democratic. Whig Whig Whig Whig Whig Democratic. Liberty Martin Van Buren..... Wm. H. Harrison....! Hugh L. White Daniel Webster W. P. Mangum J Wm. H. Harrison.... Martin Van Buren .. James G. Birney 26 30 275 290 296 296 Democratic. Whig Liberty Whig Democratic Free Soil Democratic. Whig. FreeDem Democratic. Republican.. American 33 1864 t36 Republican Democratic Cons. Union Ind. Dem Republican.., Democratic.. 1868 Republican.. Democratic.. Andrew Jackson Henry Clay. John Floyd ) William Wirt j Vacancies . James K. Polk Henry Clay James G. Birney Zachary Taylor Lewis Cass Martin Van Buren ., Franklin Pierce.. Winfleld Scott John P. Hale James Buchanan... John C. Fremont... Millard Fillmore.... Abraham Lincoln.. J. C. Breckinridge.. John Bell S. A. Douglas Abraham Lincoln.. Geo. B. McClellan.. Vacancies Ulysses S. Grant.... Horatio Seymour.. Vacancies 687,502 530,189 33,108 M. Van Buren John Sergeant , Henry Lee.. Amos EUmaker..., William Wilkins... 761,549 736,656 1,275,017 1,128,702 7,059 R. M. Johnson. . Francis Granger,. John Tyler William Smith.... 189 49 11 7 30 2 147 77 47 23 John Tyler R. M. Johnson.. 234 48 L. W. Tazewell.. James K. Polk.. 1,337,243 1,299,068 62,300 1,360,101 1,220,544 291,263 1,601,474 1,386,578 156,149 1,838,169 1,341,264 874,534 1,866,352 845,763 589,581 1,375,157 2,216,067 1,808,725 Geo. M. Dallas T. Frelinghuysen., 170 105 Millard FiUmore... Wm. O. Butler.. Charles F. Adams.. Wm. R. King. Wm. A. Graham.., Geo. W. Julian 163 127 254 42 J. C. Breckinridge. Wm. L. Dayton A. J. Donelson 3,015,071 2,709,613 Hannibal Hamlin Joseph Lane Edward Everett.... H. V. Johnson .. Andrew Johnson... G. H. Pendleton ... Schuyler Colfax.... F. P. Blair, Jr 174 114 S 180 72 39 12 212 21 81 214 80 23 South Carolina, and Tennessee — 7 states ; Crawford— Delaware, Georgia, North Caro- lina, and Virginia — 4 states. *No candidate having received a majority of the votes of the electoral college, the Senate elected R. M. Johnson Vice-President, who received 33 votes; Francis Granger received 16. j- Eleven states did not vote, viz.: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. X Three states did not vote, viz.: Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia. ELECTORAL AND POPULAR VOTES. 547 SUMMARY OF POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTES— Cmfa'nued. § 1 CO o 6 6 I s a Political Party. Pkesidents. Vice-Presidents. Candidates. Vote. Candidates. S *o 1 a m Popu- lar. o 1^ 1 1R7'> 37 38 38 366 369 369 Republican Dem. & Lib Democratic Temperance... . Ulysses S. Grant 31 6 1 3,597 070 'Slfi Henry Wilson B. Gratz Brown Geo. W. Julian A.H.Colquitt John M. Palmer.... T. E. Bramlette W. S. Groesbeck.... Willis B. Machen... N. P.Banks ?Rfi Horace Greeley 2,834,079 29,408 6,608 42 18 2 1 47 .5 a Thomas A. Hendricks R R 1 1 1 Republican Democratic Greenback Prohibition 17 185 184 14 1876 Rutherford B. Hayes. 21 17 4,033,950 4,284,885 81,740 9,522 2,636 4,442,950 4,442,835 306,867 12^576 Wm. A. Wheeler... T. A. Hendricks. ... 185 184 Green Clay Smith 1880 Republican Democratic Greenback James A. Garfield Winfield S. Hancock. James B. Weaver. Scatteriner 19 19 214 155 Chester A. Arthur. Wm. H. English.... B. J. Chambers 214 155 • Three electoral votes of Georgia cast for Horace Greeley, and the votes of Arkan- sas 6 and Louisiana, 8, cast for U. S. Grant, were rejected. If all had been included in the count, the electoral vote would have been 300 for U. S. Grant, and 66 for oppos- ing candidates. DESCRIPTION OF THE DIAGRAM V or THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL PAETIES-PLATE VI. In this plate the outline history of the parties is shown by colored streams, represented as flowing from the left to the right. The name of a political organization appears upon the color which designates the party. When the history of a party begins, the color begins ; when its history closes, the color disappears. After each name the word iparty is under- stood. The dates at the extremities of a color mark the beginning and the close of the history of a party ; for instance, the old whig party began in 1773, and closed in 1787 (p. 28) ; it was a continuation of the popular rights party (p. 5), while the tory party (p. 30) was a continuation of the court party (p. 5). That out of which a party was organized and that into which it merged are readily seen by inspection. Take, for exam- ple, the nullification party, which sprang from the democratic party, and merged into two organizations. The origin of the federal and anti-federal parties is prominently shown (pp. 52, 53); having been formed out of the particularist and strong-government elements (p. 51). The words pro- ceeding from the stream for a party represent the issues of that party. The issue is located at the date when the party began advocating it ; for instance, the constitution in 1787 was advocated by the federal party. In 1791 a part of the anti-federal (p. 77) united with the republicans (p. 78), and this, in 1793, joined by the democrats (p. 79), formed the democratic-' republican party (p. 81). When a party is in power, its stream appears above the streams for the other parties. The federal party was in power from the beginning of Washington's administration till the beginning of Jefferson's. In 1801, the democratic-republican party obtained control of the govern- ment. In Monroe's administration, the federal party, having been over- borne and conquered in several presidential campaigns, ceased to maintain itself as a separate political organization, and merged into the democratic- republican party ; then occurred the " era of good feeling." The peace party (p. 178) and the Clintonians (p. 177) existed from 1811 to 1815. The mysterious disappearance of William Morgan, a. New York state Freemason, in September, 1826, and the excitement arising therefrom, (548) DESCRIPTION OF PLATE VI. 549 resulted, in 1827, in the formation of a political organization, known in liistory r.s the anti-masonic party (p. 203). In 1828, the supporters of John Quincy Adams separated themselves from the democratic-republican party, and styled themselves the national republican party. The supporters of Andrew Jackson, the same year, dropped the latter part of their former party title, and became then and afterwards known as the democratic party (p. 199). In 1831, a schism occurred in the democratic party, under the leader- ship of John C. Calhoun, the representative and champion of the " state- rights " sentiment; this faction received the name of the nullification party (p. 212). The locofoco party lasted from 1835 to 1837 (p. 216). The opponents of President Jackson and his administration combined, in the year 1834, as a political organization, to which was given the name of the whig party ; the national republican party was, naturally the main constituent of this new organization, but it received large accessions from the anti-masonic and nullification parties, and many adherents from the democratic party itself (p. 216). In 1833, the national anti-slavery society was formed (p. 215) ; in 1839, a portion of the membership of that society gave the organization a polit- ical form, and became distinguished as the " Garrisonians," or abolition party (p. 229). The following year (1840), a constitutional anti-slavery party, styled the liberty party (p. 229), was formed, into which most of the abolitionists entered. From this party there was an offshoot in 1845, called the liberty league (p. 256). In 1848, the free-soil democrats of New York, styled " barn-burners " (pp. 240-257), and the liberty party formed what was called the free-soil party (p. 257). In 1848, also, the New York division of the democratic party, which had borne the name of " hunkers," dropped that distinguishing title, and became as one with the old association (pp. 240-257). The native American party was organized in 1843 (p. 139), and the sil- ver grays in 1850 (p. 275). In 1854, a combination of anti-Nebraska democrats, whigs, Americans (pp. 291, 275), and free-soilers opposed Pierce's administration, under the designation of "anti-Nebraska " or the " fusion " ticket. At this time tlie republican party was organized in some of the states ; it became a national party in 1856 (p. 292). The same year, a part of the Americans, calling themselves North Americans, joined the republican party. This party gained the ascendency in 1860, and the following year was joined by a portion of the constitutional unionists, who had formed a party the pre- ceding year out of the disbanded American party (pp. 325, 363). The democratic pajty was in power from 1829 till 1841 ; from 1845 to 1849 ■ and from 1853 till the inauguration of Lincoln. The whig party 550 HISTORY OF AMERICAN POLITICS, was in power from 1841 till 1845, and from 1849 till 1853 (p. 276). The democratic party was dismembered in 1860. The Breckinridge wing, of the south, entered the confederacy (p. 221) ; the Douglas wing supported the Union ; a portion from each section joined the republican party (p. 362). The democrats who entered the confederacy (pp. 327, 329) returned to the democratic party after the war. The liberal republicans, in 1872, united with the democracy, and nomi- nated Horace Greeley (p. 436). This ticket was not satisfactory to a num- ber of democrats. These, calling themselves " straight-outs," met at Lou- isville, Ky., and nominated O'Conor (p. 437). The temperance party, organized in 1872, was called the prohibition party in 1876 (p. 438). The labor reform party, originating in trade unions, was formed in 1872 (p. 438). Out of the granger organization (p. 451) grew, in part, the national (greenback) party (pp. 451, 452). The Tammany democrats, and independent republicans, or " scratchers," of New York, are represented (p. 501); and below is seen the national lib- eral party, organized at Cincinnati, in September, 1879, under the lead of Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll. The issues that a party has advocated are presented prominently to the eye. The issues of a platform appear in groups. Take, for instance, the platform of the free-soil party in 1848, and note the leading thoughts therein. An issue is attached to a party only once. Along the upper edge of the " Political Diagram " will be found the names of the Presidents who were from time to time at the head of the federal gov- ernment. Vertical lines, extending across the plate from top to bottom, divide the party history into administration epochs, five-sixteenths of an inch from left to right being taken for a year. The dates for the begin- ning and close of each administration are placed at the bottom of the plate, where the lines terminate that set off the history of the administra- tion. Thus it is seen that Plate VL presents at one view the entire out- line history of political parties in the United States. The history of the issues attached to the colored streams is given in the body of the work. THE REPRESEMTATION AND TAXES ACCORDING TO POPULATION. NO EMBARGO FOR MORE THAN SIXTY DAYS. INTERDICTION OF COM- MERCE BY A TWO-THIRDS VOTE. NATURALIZED PERSONS SHOULD NOT HOLD OFFICE. DECLARATION OF WAR BY A TWO- THIRDS VOTE. ADMISSION OF STATES BY A TWO-THIRDS VOTE. STATES SHOULD DEFEND THEIR OWN TERRITORY. STATE MIU- TIA LAWS. AGAINST UNAUTHORIZED CONSCRIPTICN. ANOTHER CONVENTION. i^^ .^ AGAINST STATE REBELLION AND FED- ERAL USURPATION. LAND PROCEEDS GO TO THE STATES. NON-INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY WHERE IT IS. FREEDOM OF RELIGION, SPEECH AND THE PRESS. UNIVERSAL EDUCATION AND SUFFRAGE. AGAINST SPECIE PAYMENT OF GOVERNMENT DUES. RE-CHARTERING OF U. S. BANK. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. PROTECTIVE TARIFF. SUB-TREASURY. VAN BUREN HARRISON TYLER POLK '^T '5v '^p O ■** ft? TAYLOR FILLMORE FULL RIGHTS OF CITIZt:NSHIP. ASAINSir LIMITING THE VETO POWERS. CCi^GRESS SHOULD NOT INTER- FERE WITH RESERVED RIGHTS OF STATES. ALL OF OREGON. LAND PRiCEEDS FOR NATIONAL j" PURPOSES. J ^1?> ■^40. *< PIERCE BUCHANAN LINCOLN /?,-J' Voniga Born. thohcism. »3>. ^/* /? *'^> ^y. "^j- / JOHNSON vDUTY IS OURS, RESULTS ARE GOO'S./ EQUAL RIGHTS; ABOLITION OF SLAVERV. GENERAL GOVERNMENT CAN NOT ESTABLISH SUVERY. AGAINST FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE OF THE CON- STITUTION. HUMAN BROTHERHOOD. /' - ^-t 6t0«*^ .pwxcmA 65 FREE SOIL, FREE SPEECH, FREE LABOR AMD FREEMEN. FREE GRANTS TO ACTUAL SETTLEIIS. PROHIBI- TION OF SLAVERY, IN TERRITORIES, BY CONGRESS. HON-INTERFER- ENCE BY CONGRESS WITH SLAVERY IN STATES. CONiiRESS CAN NOT ESTABLISH SLAVERY. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. TARIFF. ^f4 45 ^ZkS^e. CONSTITUTIONAUNION AND PRESERVATION OF THE LAWS. Preservation of the Union under' the Federal Constitution. j AGAINST UNQUALIFIED PROPERTY IN PERSONS.^ AGAINST AFRICAN SUVE TRADE. TARIFF. AGAINST CHANGE IN NATURALIZATION FREEDOM THE NORMAL CONDITION OF TERRI- TORY EQUALITY OF MEN. HOMESTEAD LAW. LAWS. AGAINST LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION. PEACE BY A CONVEN> TION OF THE STATES. CIVIL LAW AGAINST^ THE MILITARY. . 9 .^11 ax UNIVERSAL AMNESTY. TAXATION OF BONDS. SUFFRAGE CONTROLLED BY THE STATES. / REDUCTION OF ARMY. AGAINST FREEOMEN'S BUREAU. 65 6 A UNIVQ .rARIFf 9 .N JOHNSON GRANT <««• ^ ^^^«*: CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. SAVTO DOMINGO. PUBLIC UNOS FREE FOR HOMES. VOLUNTARY IMMI- GRATION. SPECIE PAYMENT. SHIP BUILDING ENCOURAGED BY CONGRESS. ABOLITION CF THE FRANKING PHIVILE6E. Kl^^ \ tlei Dot OppoMd \ Traaio. GARFIELD ARTHUR AGAINST PUBLIC FUNDS FOR SEC- TARIAN SCHOOLS. SPECIE PAY- MENT OF BONOS. CONGRESS OVER TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. /- — - , NATIONAL AID TO POPULAR EDUCATION. CONGRESS De< FINES STATE AND FEDERAL ' ^ POWERS. REGULATION OP | CHINESE IMMIGRATION. N 80. :^M PLRAN CT I .^^' ^^ ^TS^StHSPZ^^'^ ^ Dlraot Vot«. Sabbi , LawB. EeduotloQ^~ ■'<« Postage. Teleeraphio and B ' aatea. Oom imlaory Bdnoation. Interaational iibitratlo?' " r ', . _^ .universal Battrase. /- ♦ ^^WtoaT^ — ■ — ' ' ^■ CE BY A CONVENA, I OF THE STATES. L LAW AGAINST^ MILITARY., 68- / UNIVERSAL AMNESTY. TAXATION OF BONDS. I SUFFRAGE CONTROLLED BY THE STATES. / REDUCTION OF ARMY. 1 AGAINST FREEDMEN'S BUREAUJ 65 6 So»o»a ?"ao"9 affo-S lN«&l 76 I 76. mother 'rafflo. I -^ Against Centralized Power. UNIVERSAL AMNESTY. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. PUBLIC DOMAIN FOR SETTLERS. AGAINST REPUDIATION. TARIFF LEFT TO CONGRESS. ONE TERM. vl ^ SPECIE PAYMENT. .