Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028812811 Cornell University Library F 44A7 C66 History of thie town of Antrim. New Hamps olin 3 1924 028 812 811 ^^ L^c^- ^^^^L^ HISTORY TOWN OF ANTRIM NEW HAMPSHIRE, FROM ITS EAELIEST SETTLEMENT, TO JUNE 27, 1877, -wi: ;th a bkiep GENEALOGICAL HECORD OF ALL THE ANTRIM FAMILIES. BY KEY. W. R. COCHRANE, Faitoi of tie Fitsbjterian Cbarch, PUBLISHED BY THE TOWN. MANCHESTER, N. H.: MIEROR STEAM PRINTING PRESS, 1880. -r- r Hi ■id */TM^ J ^ /^74'^?7^ ^ E C. *^2 PREFACE. Peobably the idea of having a " History of Antrim " at the present time is due to George A. Cochran, Esq. In legal March meeting, the town voted to employ some one to write said history, and appropriated five hundred dollars to help meet the expenses. At the urgent request of the selectmen, I was induced to enter upon this undertaking, influenced, however, partly by my own tastes and pleasures in such work, and partly because, without any definite object in view, I had made some records of value in the same line. After more than five years, my labor now draws to a close. For these years, every hour that I could save from parish duties, I have devoted to this work; and the amount of labor I have spent upon it has been great and wearing. I have written an Introduc- tion touching matters long prior to our limits, knowing it would be of value to many among this people who have not books of history at hand. For this volume, I have searched the records of Londonderry, Bedford, and New Boston, with great care. The records of Antrim have been constantly under my eye. The town clerks of Hancock, Prancestown, Deering, and Hillsborough have gratuitously made patient investigations for me. The Antrim records concerning births, marriages, and deaths in the town, church records, and family records, I have found exceed- ingly meagre and irregular ; and I have been enabled to straighten them out only by comparison and patient study. Upon this part, as well as upon the Genealogies, I have written letters almost innumerable, and left no stone unturned to get at the facts. What is stated in these pages, is believed to be stated on the best evidence of its truth. The narrative is brought down to the day of the town's centennial cele- bration ; a few items being given of subsequent date as they came to hand, if judged important. This part of the work I could not possibly get time to rewrite; and hence some crude composition may be here observed. The work has been delayed beyond all expectation, disappointing myself and all others. The amount of labor involved, and time used up on matters of detail, is the only explanation. I would not have believed it myself, but for experience of it. I have endeavored to be absolutely impartial in all I have said. More space has been given to the history of my church than the others, because it was the church of the town during its critical and formative period, being the only one here for a long series of years, and its business being iV PREFACE. done in open town-meeting. I have made frequent use of Dr. Whiton's excellent History, and thankfully acknowledge my obligations thereto. In a few cases I have been obliged to dissent from him, because of indu- bitable documentary evidence, probably not under his eye when he wrote. I am also indebted to the diary of Dr. Whiton, and that of Mrs. Whiton, and that of Dea. Isaac Cochran. John A. Riddle, Esq., of Manchester, formerly of Bedford, has put valuable papers in my hand, and furnished me with matters concerning this town from the diary of Matthew Patten of Bedford. E. D. Boylston, Esq., editor of the " Amherst Cabinet," has furnished me with scores of advertisements and. deaths and accidents from the files of the Amherst papers back to 1796. Reed P. Saltmarsh, Clark Hopkins, Hon. G-eorge W. Nesmith, and Hon. "Charles Adams, Jr., have rendered me important aid in this part of the book. For various and constant helps, both of purse and hand, I am also indebted to Dr. Morris Christie. The town clerks during these five years, Almus Fair- field and Charles B. Dodge, have been most obliging andhelpful, the latter during two years past having been frequently called to suffer on my account. I have searched the records at Concord, both in person and by proxy. Am indebted to Hon. Mr. Hammond, deputy secretary of state. Rev. William Hurlin wrote most of the history of the Bap- tist Church; and Rev. J. L. Felt gave me the facts concerning the Methodist Church. The people of Antrim have shown me universal kindness and encour- agement in the slow progress of this undertaking. I have visited every family in the town, and sought all possible information. To keep the book within bounds, much material kindly given must be unused, or has been " boiled down." The officers of the town, and the centennial com- mittee, have also manifested such considerate and cordial interest as greatly to encourage me. To these, and to all, I put on record my hearty gratitude. The votes of the town and all its action concerning the his- tory have been highly creditable. My estimate of the fathers of Antrim, after this acquaintance with them, rises to a certain height akin to reverence. Their greatness of stat- ure, their outspokenness, their manly bearing, their bold, open honesty, their courage, endurance, and patience, and, most of all, their unshaken faith in God, have won my intensest admiration. I shall speak some- what of their faults; but their virtues stand out as being of the boldest and noblest kind. There was a certain type of dignity and greatness about them, which, to say the least, is not prevalent in the world now. The Scotch-Irish race were all intense lovers of liberty; and this spirit stands out, in every son and daughter of them. They were made of tough stuff for tyrants to manage. Bancroft, the historian of the United States, uses these just and significant words: " The first public voice in America for dissolving all connection with Great Britain came not from the Puri- tans of New England, the Dutch of New York, nor the planters of Vir- ginia, but from the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians." A large part of the volume, and by far the larger part of the time and labor, have been given to the Genealogies. This may seem amis- taken division now ; but in future years that will be the more valued part PREFACE. V of the work. Of this I have no doubt ; and this I have had constantly in mind. Of course it could not be expected that a history of this quiet town would be very romantic or great. We have had no Indian tragedies, no national battles, no men of extensive fame, no mines of wealth, and no very remarkable record in any way. Our town has little that is brilliant; much that is solid, honorable, and good. But to those born or bred here, these pages, I think, will be full of interest. The portraits are all steel engravings, chiefly from the hand of F. T. Stuart, 42 Court street, Boston, — an artist of high repute. The cost of all these has been borne by the parties or their friends. The several views and buildings appear in this book by the generosity of David M. Weston, Hon. Charles Adams, Jr., Mrs. Anna Woodbury, Mrs. Eliza (Weston) Williams, Benjamin P. Cheney, Mary Clark, and others. Other faces and views I earnestly desired and sought, but they could not be obtained. The engravings of N. W. C. Jameson, N. C. Jameson, and one or two others, go into other books from the same plate; other- wise they might not have appeared in this. Dea. A. H. Dunlap of Nashua gave one hundred dollars towards the engravings of Dr. and Mrs. Whiton. Hon. William B. Dinsmore of New York puts in the face of Anna Belle Jameson. This being unknown to the family, may be taken as a happy tribute to her beautiful character, and as a sample of the generous things that gentleman is in the habit of doing. It is believed the illustrations in this volume cannot be surpassed in neatness or style. The cost of all the illustrations is about two thousand dollars. It is worthy of remark that a state historian can say what he pleases, and squarely speak of the faults of public men ; but a town historian must be blind to many things. Nor is this to me altogether a dis'ad vantage. I have tried to avoid hurting the feelings of any one ; and the effort has done me good. And now these pages are respectfully submitted to the people of the town. That they might be better and more ably written, with fewer mistakes, and in neater form, I might well hope. That they will be charitably received, my knowledge of this people leads me to expect and believe. That they may be of some use and pleasure to the present gen- eration, and of substantial value to their children and children's children, is my ardent wish. This alone can repay my untold anxiety and pains. Better than present praise is the humblest, lowest place in the " thanks of millions yet to be." And I hardly need add that these studies have served to endear to me the very rocks of Antrim. On her mountains and valleys and streams and forests, her meadows and lakes, her comely villages and fruitful fields, I have come to look with a lover's eyes. Take the year through, this town cannot be surpassed for scenery. VI PREFACE. Far o'er the sea the fairest town Of all old Ulster thought hers, She christened " Antrim," — in renown " The land upon the waters." Such peaceful wavelets spread below, Such hills of green above them ; The little streams went laughing so She couldn't help but love them 1 And after years of flood and flame. To-day I find another, That has the look and bears the name Old Ulster gave her mother. And slopes of green and laughing streams That marked the ancient quarters, Are here more beautiful, it seems, — Our Antrim's hills and waters ! The spot life's hurry overlooks. The skies that we are under. The verdure by the laughing bropks, The heights on which I wonder; So sweet, so fair, — a jewel set With sparkling sons and (laughters ; — Oh ! nevermore shall I forget Our Antrim's hills and waters I On mountains towering to the skies. On streams of song and story, I've looked with long-enraptured eyes, And caught .their gleams of glory. And these may fade from memory yet, All, all she ever thought hers. But nevermore shall I forget Our Antrim's hills and waters I W. R. COCHEANE. CONTENTS. Page. Introdootokt ... . ix Chap. I. — The First Settlement of Antrim ; and Events prior to and including the In- corporation of the Town . . . 3 II. —An Outline of Events in Antrim for Fifty Years : 1777-1827 44 m. —An Outline of^vents in Antrim for Fifty YeSrs : 1827-1877 . 99 IV. — Proceedings in Connection with the Centennial Celebration, June 27, 1877 114 V. — Items of Ecclesiastical History 176 VI. — The Military Record of Antrim . 194 VII.— Schools . . 213 VIII. — Various Societies in Antrim 222 rX. — Koads and Bridges 226 X. — Cemeteries ... . . 233 XI. — List of Town Officers from the Year 1777 to the Year 1879, inclusive, as copied from the Town Records • • . . 237 XH. — Mills and Manufactures in Antrim 245 Xni. — Villages .... 257 XIV. — Old Customs and Habits . . 265 XV. — Inconveniences the Settlers had to contend with . . . 277 XVI. — Scotch-Irish Character and Influence .... . 288 XVII. — Various Descriptive Items of a Topographical Nature . . . 299 XVni. — Containing Various Scraps and Remnants worth Gathering up and Pre- serving ... . ...... 311 Genealogies . . .... 827 ILLTJSTRATIOISrS. Eet. Dr. John M. Whitojs Frontispiece. Mrs. John M. Whiton Trontispicce. Rev. W. E. Cochrane . Page 3 Old MEETiNG-HonsE on the Hill 71 Hon. Charles Adams, Jb. 135 Hon. a. H. Dunlap . 168 Presbyterian Church 184 Baptist Church 192 Maplewood Cemetery . 236 Nathan C. Jameson . 244 Hon. Daniel M. Christie 297 Map of Antrim . 305 Gregg's Pond from Holt's Hill 306 Hon. George W. Nesmith 321 Chandler B. Boutwell 367 Dea. James Boyd . 375 Benjamin P. Cheney, A. M. 412 Morris Christie, M. D. 416 Clark Hopkins 544 N. W. C. Jameson 554 AuNA Belle Jameson 660 Reed P. Saltmarsh . . 670 Steele Place, now William Cuetis's 688 Mark True, A. M. . 715 Edward L. Vose » . 727 David M. Weston . 740 Residence op Levi Woodbury 779 I NTRODUGTOR Y.* At our earliest knowledge of England, it was a land of swamps and; forests, rough, desolate, and of no account in the world. It was in the days when Rome was a republic, and civilization and learning were at their height in the neighborhoods of the Mediterra- nean. A race of savages then occupied the now thrifty, mighty little islands. They stained their faces something after the fashion of the Eed Men, dressed in the skins of wild beasts, and lived together in huts on the river-banks or in the rude clearings of the forest. Their huts were made by twisting long willow sticks together, basket-like, on sides and roof, and then covering the whole with mud. An opening answered for window and chimney. It is said that such mud huts are built and occupied by some of the Irish, even to the present day. These barbarians were warriors, and had trenches about their settlements, and low mud walls for fortifications. There were probably nearly forty clans or tribes. At the- time of discovery by Csesar, some tribes at least, both men and women, went for summer entirely naked. They had horses and cattle, but no agriculture. These tribes *ere polj'gamous, but, unlike th6 Mormons, every woman had eight or ten husbands, though we are left entirely in doubt as to how she managed her numerous superior half. These many uncivilized tribes were united by a common religion named Drjiidism. Their'priests were Druids. It took twenty years to learn and commit to memory their various forms and ballads and incantations. Everything was oral — no books, no sermons, no creeds ; but they had innumerable rites and superstitions. The Druids kept the mysteries of their faith in their haunts in the deep oak forests, and but little is really known of them. The ruins of their great temples, and stupendous altars of stone, yet remain. It was a terrible religion to which they held. Sometimes they offered human sacrifices, carrying round the victims in wicker cages and then with fearful ceremonies burning them alive ! It was the most authoritative false religion that ever existed. These barbarian tribes were subjugated by the Roman arms, and England was occupied by the authorities of Rome for more than five hundred years, — this period commencing with the conquest of Caesar, B. C. 55, and extending to 449 A. D., though, on account of many rebellions and the wild unrest of the people, the Romans had peaceful and entire possession but a small part of these five centuries. It is during this Roman possession, and especially in the last part of it, that our attention is called to the Scots. We are often told about the inroads of the "Picts and Scots." The Picts were painted men, and so called because the faces of their warriors were adorned, or made frightful, in this way. The Scots were native clans, and said by some to be so named from the Gaelic word sguit (like scout), a wanderer. Others derive the name from the Anglo-Saxon scot, an assessment of money, by violence or otherwise. Both of these would certainly apply, as they were without doubt often strolling down as robbers over the lowlands of England (or Briton) and making reprisals with high and fearless band. To this day there is a phrase in the English law, " Scot and lot," meaning a contribution laid upon all subjects according to their ability; and one who escapes a payment or tax is said to be "Scot-free." The origin of these old clans of Scotland is a matter much disputed, antf as yet unsettled. Nor is it within our plan to discuss the question. Our earliest reliable history finds them in the Highlands of * The f ollowiog historical items are designed to be of use to such people in town as have not; authorities at hand to refer to. b. X INTRODUCTORY. Scotia, the bold, independent, warlike, unconquerable race -which they are to-daj'. The Romans s'corned them and hated them, but they could not subdue them ; and as wealth increased in England under Roman management, the depredations of the Scotch rangers increased. They came down from the mountains, captured everything they wanted, and departed with such rapidity as to preclude pursuit and into such haunts as to render discovery impossible. Kind to the poor, helpful to the distressed, having in all their law- less depredations a certain haughty nobleness of character, they were, on the whole, an exceedingly uncomfortable race to the Romans. As a last resort, the Roman generals built walls and dug ditches across between England and Scotland. The last and most formidable of these was called the " "Wall of Severus," from the Emperor's name, was built A. D. 208, was made of stone, was eight feet thick and twelve feet high, and under the north side of the wall a ditch was dug the whole dis- tance, thirty-six feet wide and twelve feet deep. This, for a distance of about seventy miles, was certainly an enormous work. On this wall were hundreds. of castles and turrets, so arranged thatif a fire were lighted in one, it could be seen in the next, and in that way extended from tower to tower and shore to shore. Such an enormous barrier, guarded by armed men, would seem enough to keep back the few Scotch tribes of tlje northward mountains. Yet over this great barrier oft they broke, and, flying along the southward counties like the wind, escaped with their booty over the large wall and back to their fastnesses behind the impassable cliffs. Consequentl}', when the Roman forces were withdrawn from the island, the Britons, long used to being defended by their Roman con- querors, and unacquainted with arms, were in no condition to meet the intrepid clansmen from beyond the wall. The Romans seem to have taken their farewell in the spring of A. D. 449. Immediately the Scots poured in upon the defenseless counties. They went where they would. Only feeble resistance was offered them. Cattle and horses and fruit and treasure fell into their hands. They seemed to regard the land of the Britons as their proper prey. The latter in their extremity sent n deputation over the channel to the German tribes for help. And thus the Scotch, who would have controlled the whole island but for foreign interference, became the occasion of letting in the Saxons and Angles and Jutes, who afterwards governed England. Before the close of the year (449) some seven thousand warriors responded to the Britons' appeal, came across the channel, and soon put the Scots to flight. The rapidity with which they answered to this call for help has been explained bj' the statement that they were already meditating this very enter- prise by way of conquest, so that the petition of the Britons found them strangely will- ing, not only to reply in the affirmative, but to follow it up with immediate vigor. Yet no sooner had they driven back the Scotch invaders, than they began to manifest a spirit of conquest for themselves, and quietly, took possession of one important place after another. Being re-enforced by five thousand additional Saxons, they soon found occasion for a quarrel, and commenced open hostilities against those who had sought their help. After a varying struggle the Britons were mostly slain, or driven to Wales or Cornwall. A few escaped into France. The Saxons obtained full control. The country was divided into seven little kingdoms, — sometimes in conflict, but generally allied together, and in this way they held on their course for more than three centuries. But in 827, Egbert of Wessex succeeded, from various causes,- chiefly from conquest, in uniting these seven kingdoms into one, which received the name of England (Angles'-land), and was ilearK- identical in area with that which bears the name to-day. This government under the Anglo-Saxons continued unbroken until 1013, when the Danes succeeded in getting pos- session of the kingdom and held it for twenty-three years, after which the government returned to the Saxons and remained with them till the conquest and ascension to the throne of "William the Norman, in 1066. From this year the succession of the rulers of England were as follows : — THE NOBMAN MONAKCHS. William I. A. D. 1066-1087. William II. 1087-1100. Henry I. . 1100-1135. Stephen 1135-1154. INTRODUCTORY. XI HOUSE OF PLANTAGENET. Henry II. Richard I. John Henry III. Edward I. Edward II. Edward III. Richard II. 1154-1389. 1189-1199. 1199-1216. 1216-1272. 12T2-1307. 1307-1327. 1327-1377. 1377-1399. HOUSES OF LAXCASTER AND YORK. Henry IV. Henry V. Henry VI. Edward IV. Edward V. Richard III. 1399-1413. 1413-1422. 1422- about 1461. 1461-1483. 1483-1483 (murdered 'when a child). 1483-1485. HOUSE OF TUDOR. Hgnry VII. Henry VIH. Edward VI. Mary Elizabeth 1485-1509. 1509-1547. 1547-1553. 1553-1558. 1558-1603. James I. Charles I. HOUSE OF STUABT. 1603-1625. 1625-1649 (beheaded Jan. 30, 1649). COMMONWEALTH (sO Called). 1649-1660. This period includes the Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell from 1653 to 1658. HOUSE OF STUART RESTORED. Charles II. 1660-1685. James II. 1685-1688. HOUSES OF STUART AND NASSAU. William HI. 1689-1702. Anne 1702-1714. HOUSE OF BRUNSWICK. George I. . George II. George III. George IV. William IV. Victoria I. 1714-1727. 1727-1760. 1760-1820. 1820-1830. 1830-1837. 1837. It should be added before leaving this brief outline, that Christianity was introduced among the Saxons of England in A. D. 596. They had received, or if receiving they had retained, very little, if anything, as regards the Christian faith from the Britons who retreated before them; and their whole system of belief was a mere superstition, xn INTRODUCTORY. gross and savage in the extreme. Augustin, called the "Apostle to the English," landed in Kent that year, and preached with so much zeal and prudence, and was so favored by Providence, that in a short time the body of the people embraced Chris- tianity. Scotland, the land of our fathers, is a romantic little country of about twenty-six thou- sand square miles, a little more than twice the size of New Hampshire. It is dotted over with lakes, and curious creeks wind round among its mountains, greatly diminishing its habitable surface. The indentations of the sea about Scotland are so many and so exten- sive that this little country has a sea-coast of more than three thousand miles. The arms of the sea almost cut it in two again and again. In several places, but for a few miles one could sail across from the Atlantic to the North Sea. One arm of Argyleshire stretches into the North Channel till it reaches within about ten miles of the county of Antrim ia Ireland. When you add to all this the fact that Scotland is covered with mountains; traversed in every direction by deep and beautiful valleys; marked by many rapid rivers; has birds and flowers exceeding those of England in variety; and has a climate so softened by the ocean that the thermometer rarely, if ever, falls to zero in winter, while in summer 80° is the limit of heat, — you can hardly wonder that it is a most attractive land and dear to the fathers. Scotland was known to the Romans under the name of Caledonia, and was not called by its present title till nearly four hundred years after their departure, or about A. D. 840. The Romans speak of the inhabitants of Caledonia as consisting of many tribes, as the worst kind of idolaters, as robbers, as uncivilized and living in huts and nearly naked summer and winter, and as exceeding brave and warlike, and capable of boundless endurance. The Romans generally speak of them' under the name of Picts, or painted men. These seem to have inhabited the lowlands and the eastern coast, while the old Scotch clans inhabited the highlands; certain it is there has always been a diiference in language and manners between the two. Some authorities assert that Caledonia was invaded by the Scots, a Celtic tribe from Ireland, about A. I>. 500, Who established a kingdom on the western coast, — gradually overpowering the Picts and getting control of the whole couu- ■ try about 840. But this whole idea that the original Scotch were from Ireland seems to lack proof, and appears very much like the conjecture of some historian ambitious to have a theory. It is certain that the Saxons invaded the land about the time they invaded England, that they conquered and settled the lowlands next to the latter country, and that under their chieftain Edwin they founded Edwinsburg, now Edinburg, the capital, while the Picts were driven back west and north. Probably what is spoken of as the invasion from Ireland, in that mythical period, was simply an uprising of the highlanders on the west and north of Caledonia, in which they poured down upon the Saxons and obtained full possession of the country ; and as the principal clans in these victories were Scots, and the leader was a Scot, the land began to be caBed Scots' land, while the Picts and surviving Saxons were absorbed by the victorious tribes. The first king that thus governed all Scotland was Kenneth Macalpin; and the Scottish kingdom, with various changes and vicissitudes, maintained its integrity till James the Sixth, who was heir of the English kingdom, quietly ascended the throne of England as successor of Elizabeth in 1603, as James the Eirst, thus uniting the two countries under one sovereign. Previous to this event, Scotland had many excellent kings. There was a long war with the Danes, resulting in the entire expulsion of the invaders. Subse- quently there were wars with England, and the borderland between the two countries was a scene of blood and devastation for many a year, until this union in James. In the year 1290 there was a vacancy in the Scottish throne, John Baliol and Robert Bruce being aspirants therefor. The next year the question of succession was referred to Edward I. of England, and in 1292 he declared John Baliol entitled to the crown, — but not until he had exacted from the Scottish barons an oath of fealty to himself as feudal lord of Scotland. But Edward soon scraped a quarrel with this weak sovereign, overran his kingdom, and sent John as a prisoner to the Tower of London. He soon suc- ceeded in subduing most of the fortresses of Scotland; but soon a deliverer arose in the person of William Wallace, who descended from an ancient family in the west of Scot- land, and, though being of small fortune and few resources, he succeeded, by great courage INTRODUCTOET. xiii and endurance and wisdom, in freeing his country from foreigners. But at lengtli Wal- lace was betrayed into the hands of the king, who caused him to be executed with the cruelty and shame of a culprit. This is to the everlasting disgrace of Edward and of England. Few nobler spirits than Wallace ever lived. But his death (1305) only set tighter the teeth of every Scotchman ; and the struggle was continued by young Robert Bruce, grandson of that Robert who claimed the crown in 1290. The English had abun- dance of men and means, and often it looked dark for Scotland ; but the unconquerable spirit of her warriors was never broken, and they kept up the unequal contest in one way or another till their land was free. In the ppring of 1314 Edward II. collected an army of ope hundred thousand men for the purpose of iinishing up the Scottish conflict, marched into Scotland, and met little opposition till Bruce confronted him at Bannockburn. The battle of that name was June 25, 1314. The Scottish chieftain had but thirty thousand men, but they were heroes all, and were admirably managed. Full half the English army was either slain or captured. The young Scotch leader was covered with undying glor}^, and his land was free. He was succeeded by many sovereigns, until the crowns of England and Scorland were united in James, as named above. The latter had no further history as a separate nation, though it was more than a hundred years before the two Parliaments were united in o'ne as at the pi^sent time. This event occurred in the autumn of 1706, and since then the two countries have been more and more blended in interest and character. Having nowjiaken this brief view of the history of England and Scotland for the read- er's convenience, we will now, for similar reason, glance at the causes which led to the settlement of New England. Henry VIII., who ascended the throne of England in 1509, married Katherine of Arragon in the first year, of his reign. After the death of Henry in 1547, and the brief reign of Edward VI. who died at the age of nearly sixteen, Mary I., daughter of Henry VIII. and Katherine of Arragon, ascended the throne. This was in 1553. She was the most bloody and cruel and devilish of women. When her licentious father determined to get rid of Eiatherine, he divorced her (1532), and was set in bitter opposition to the -Pope for declining to sanction the act. He declared his opposition to Rome openly; and his passion led to what has been called the "Reformation" in Eng- land. He had previously written a book against Luther, for which the Pope gave him the title "Defender of the Faith," a title still retained by the sovereigns of England; but now he proceeded to persecute the Papists, and many met death at his hand. Perhaps, therefore, it was to be expected that Mary, the daughter of Katherine, and a zealous Catholic, should feel herself called upon to retaliate in blood, and establish the persecuted sect. And she did her worst. ,, f he leading Protestants were condenined to the flames; many were thus burned at the stake; and scarcely in the five years of her reign did the fires of martyrdom go out. Great numbers were tortured, and in the most cruel conceiv- able methods put to death. But " Bloody Mary " died 1558, and her memory is covered with the abhorrence and execration of mankind. , On her death, Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VIII. and the murdered Queen Anne Boleyn, succeeded to the throne ; and in the first year of her reign Protestantism was forever established as the religion of England. This was by act of Parliament. But for the object of putting down the Catholics, laws were passed requiring the abjuration of all foreign authority both in spiritual as well. as temporal things, and the acknowledgment of the sovereign of "England as the head of the church. It was made a crime to attend the religious services of any clergyman not belonging to the established church. This arbitrary enforcement of religion was the mistake and dishonor of Elizabeth's reign. It was only doing on the other side, and in a milder way, what the infamous Mary had done before her. Yet these wicked laws were in force for generations, and many suffered per- secution and death at the hands of so-called Protestants, in the reign of Elizabeth, and that of her successor, James I. But many of the Protestants themselves were not satisfied with the established religion, which, though freeing them from papal tyranny, gave them no real freedom of conscience. Soon parties called " Non-conformists " arose in the king- dom; and in subsequent years there was a very determined opposition, both in England and Scotland, to all these encroachments upon the rights of the people in religion. Those who professed to follow the "Pure word of God" were called Puritans. They grew up under the reign of Bloody Mary, but do not seem to be called Puritans till abbut 1564. XIV INTRODUCTORT. They desired a wider separation from tlie Roman Catholics than that allowed by the established church, and willingly accepted the appellation given them in reproach. As they were opposed and ridiculed and persecuted, none joined them except such as were conscientiously devoted to Christ, so that the name Puritan came to be significant of great self-denial and excellence in religion. They were both godly and intelligent people, and were exalted by the fires they passed through. The name Puritan has been differently used at times. In later days, every one that wanted to live a decent life was called a puritan by the irreligious multitude, even though he were conformed to the established church. Under Charles I., all people opposed to his arbitrary government were called puritans. The historian Hume applies the name to three classes; the political puritans, who advanced the most radical ideas of civil liberty; the puritans in polity, who opposed the government and forms of worship in the established church ; and puritans in doctrine, who strenuously insisted on the tenets of the reformers. The Puritans that set- tled New England certainly embraced all of these, and there never was a time when any such lines of distinction could be drawn this side the water. It will not be judged out of place to devote one page here to Macaulay's description of the Puritans, though familiar to many, for it is a surpassing sketch ; and as he was a mem- ber of the Church of England, he will not be accused of speaking too highly in favor of its opponents. " We would speak of the Puritans as the most remarkable body of men the world has ever produced. The odious parts of their character lie on the surface. Nor have there been wanting malicious observers to point them out. For many years after the Reforma- tion, they were the theme of unmeasured invective and derision. . . But the Puritans were men whose minds had derived a peculiar character from the daily contemplation of superior beings and eternal interests. Not content with acknowledging in general an overruling providence, they habitually ascribed every event to the will of that Great Being, for whose power nothing was too vast, for whose inspection nothing was too minute. To know him, to serve him, to enjoy him, was with them the great end of human existence. They rejected with contempt the ceremonious homage which other sects sub- stituted for the pure worship of the soul. Instead of catching obscure glimpses of the Deity through an obscuring veil, they aspired to gaze full on the intolerable brightness, and to commune with him face to face. Hence originated their contempt for terrestrial distinctions. They recognized no title to superiority but the divine favor ; and, confident of that favor, they despised all the accomplishments and all th? dignities of the world. If they were unacquainted with the works of philosophers and poets, they were deeply read in the oracles of God. On the rich and eloquent, on nobles and priests, they looked down with contempt; for they esteemed themselves rich in a more precious treasure, and eloquent in a more sublime language, — nobles by right of an earlier creation, and priests by the interposition of a mightier hand. Those had little reason to laugh at them who encountered them in the hall of debate or in the field of battle." These inimitable lines from the unprejudiced historian show what sort of stuff the early settlers of New England were made of. The first settlement permanently made by the Puritans in New England was in Salem, Mass., in 1628, by John Endicott and a few associates. June 29, 1629, five ships, one of them being the "Mayflower," came to Salem, bringing more than two hundred settlers. This was called the Massachusetts colony, and John Endicott was chosen gov- ernor. The next year (1630), Gov. John Winthrop came with eight hundred more. Thus this colony, seeking religious freedom, was strong and numerous at the start ; and though meeting many hardships, they grew in numbers, settled Boston and many surrounding towns, spread in every direction, and finally absorbed all the other colonies, the date of formal union being 1692. These Puritans, though persecuted for their opinions, held old England as very dear ; and it is said their minister. Rev. Francis Higginson, cried aloud as they parted from their native land: "Farewell, dear England! Farewell, all the Christian friends there ! " There was another colony that settled within the present limits of Massachusetts some years earlier than that of Endicott, named above. This was called the Plymouth colony. They were Puritans, — but they were more and better. By some they were called "Sep- INTRODUCTORY. XV aratists" ; but they were not strictly sucli, since they would admit to communion a godly member of the Church of England, or even hear a preacher of that church when they couldn't find better, on account of which extreme Separatists denounced them as sharing the "Harlotry of Episcopacy." Their religious ideas were far in advance of their time and more in accordance with the tolerant, evangelical principles that are held at the pres- ent day. These now bear the honored name of "The Pilgrim Fathers," Or "The Pilgrims," though the word is often used in a larger sense. Being more careful in doc- trine and more widely separated from the Church of England than many who wej-e substantially agreed with them, they were more intensely persecuted; and consequently , they fled to Holland, where there was tolerable religious liberty. But in Holland thev had a hard time, and were under some social disadvantages ; and, as they were greatly desirous of " advancing the gospel in the remote parts of the world," they determined to make a home in the wilds of America. There were upwards of a thousaud of these "Pilgrims" — on the way "to heaven, their dearest country" — then waiting in Hol- land; and about one hundred of them were selected as most fit to commence the new settle- ment. They sailed in July, 1620, in the "Mayflower," and steered for the Hudson river intending to begin there. But they were driven by storm onto the coast of IMassachu- setts. They sailed along with great care, exploring here and there for a favorable location. Having spent a mouth in this way, they came into Plymouth harbor (so called by a pre- vious explorer), and fixed on that as the most favorable location. They landed Dec. 21 1620. Before disembarking they formed a compact for government on the basis of equal rights among them ; chose John Carver for their first governor, and Miles Standish for their military captain. The first foot on Plymouth Eock was that of Marj' Chilton. But ■it was a wintry shore, and the prospect before them was dark enough. Winter had just begun. The land was supposed to be full of savages. There was neither house nor barn on all the shore. There was no help thej' could reasonably look for. But at once they resolutely went about building houses. They had log houses, with thatched roofs and paper windows. And these small, humble apartments, they afterwards said, " were as full of beds as they could lie, one by another." At once they built a church and put cannon upon it for defense. They subsisted largely by hunting and fishing. But their privations and hardships were so great that fifty-one, just one-half the entire number, died the first winter, their governor among them. It is said they planted corn over their graves in the spring to prevent the Indians from finding out how they were diminished in numbers ! At the same time the " Mayflower " returned to England, but not one of the colo- nists chose to return with her. They struggled on slowly and bravely for years. Gradually increasing and extending, they got firm ' hold of the soil, and the prospect had greatly brightened for them when their neighbors of the Massachusetts colony arrived. There had been some differences between the two ; but once on the shore of the New World, — with a common object in view, and a common dislike of the authority of the Church of England, and with need of mutual defense, the Pilgrims of Plymouth found allies in the Puritans of Salem, — graduallj'' they came together, and ultimately they became one, making the large and powerful State of Massachusetts at the time (1718) when our Scotch ancestors arrived at Boston. Having now followed Puritan and Pilgrim from persecution in England to a permanent and free condition in America, and left them united, and enlarging on every side, it will be expected of course that we look particularly at the causes and history of the " Scotch- Irish " emigration. Ireland had been invaded and conquered by the English in the reign of Henry II., A. D. 1172. But for four hundred years they really exercised but little authority in the island, and that in such a way as to exasperate the ignorant and suffer- ing Irish beyond endurance. They frequently rebelled against the English authority during the reign of Elizabeth, and it was not till near the close of her reign (1601) that her government could-very properly be said to be established there. To a great extent, the lands of the Catholic rebels were confiscated by the crown. These lands being attract- ive in soil and climate, and offered at a very low rate, many English and some Scotch settlers were induced to come over and settle upon them, — a course of things greatly encouraged by the government, in the hope that an intelligent Protestant population wou)d counteract the plots of the uneasy and troublesome Irish. James I., ascending the throne XTl INTRODUCTORY. in 1603, pursued tlie same course and offered increased inducements to any of his country- men who would settle on the vacant farms. Indeed, soon after his accession, a company was formed in London to colonize Ireland. Large parts of the eastern counties, and nearly the whole of the Province of Ulstei*, comprising nine counties in the north, or in all full one-fourth of the island, came hy attainder into the hands of James. Those parts next to England were slowly filled up and occupied by the British; but Ulster in the north, being a wild and lawless province, remained for the most part unoccupied except by lin- gering bands of the rebel Irish who had now no legal right to the soil. James, whose government of Ireland was about the only record of good to be found in his reign, own- ing now more than two millions of acres in Ulster, and being very desirous of a loyal population there, thought of the Scotch as the only ones likely to meet his wish. These Scotch were rigid and decided Presbyterians, and James hated them badly enough, as being set to the death against all his pet schemes for establishing Episcopacy in Scotland. But they were nearby, and exceedingly brave and industriousj and were people of' intel- ligence, reliable in every place. More still as the Scotch were .poor, and their land was rocky and hard, it was thought they could be induced to plant a colony over the channel, where cultivation was so much easier. This vacant territory was therefore divided up into small farms and offered to the Scotch on such favorable conditions, that, like our young men going West, a great number went over and settled earlj' in the year 1612. These settlers were young men from all parts of Scotland, but chiefly from the adjacent , county of Argj'le, — hardy, vigorous, independent Scotchmen. The Irish were removed from the hills and strong places, and put out into the open country ; and the Scotch, though by honest purchase, occupied all the best of the soil. They spread over the counties of Antrim, Down, and Londonderrj', and some of them settled still farther to the south and west. The Irish Catholic rebels, living among and around these Protestant Scotch, not only looked upon them as invaders supplanting them of their rights, but as heretics and foreigners; and they felt the keenest hatred towards them, though, being awed by the government and over-matched by the superiority of the Scotch, they remained quiet. The new settlers flourished, multiplied, built churches, formed presby- teries, and extended themselves largely over all Ulster. This happy state of things lasted neai-ly thirty years. But the Irish hate during these thirty years did not soften with time, and was only as a smothered fire, heating and burning unseen, and ready, to burst forth into .dissolving flame. They associated with the Scotch in treacherous kindness while they were waiting an opportunity to murder them. This favorable moment for the great murder came in 1641, when thej' thought, from the disturbances in England and Scot- land, the Protestant settlers could get no help from abroad. Perhaps they may have been roused to this bloody action by notice of the thrift and increase of the settlers, and the fact that respectable accessions were being made to them by new emigrants from Scotland about this time, — suggesting the thought that something must be done, or Ireland would speedily become a Protestant land. King James I. and Charles I. had, step b3' step, as they supposed and hoped, forced Episcopacy upon Scotland, — when in 1638 the whole people of that land rose in opposition and entered into what was called the " Solemn League and Covenant." This was a solemn agreement to maintain the reformed religion, and to put down Popery and Prelacy in Scotland ; and it was signed by almost the whole body, men, women, and children, high and low. Then followed the controversy with Charles, — the efforts at compromise on his part, — the preparations for war, — the trea- ties with that weak ,king, — the raising of new armies, — entirely engaging the attention of Scotland until the visit of Charles to that kingdom in the summer of 1641, and a set- tlement of their difficulties, — which doubtful negotiations-lasted into the autumn of that year. Thus the Papish intriguers in Ireland concluded that Scotland was out of their way. In England in 1640 and 1641 the arbitrary conduct of Charles was stirring the kingdom from border to border; the conflict between king and parliament was intense; people were looking forward to the threatened arbitrament of arms, which followed ere long; the gov- ernment had no sufficient force in Ireland; and the universal interest was in affairs at home. At this juncture, therefore, the long-quiet malcontents of Popery in Ireland thought the favorable moment to strike for supremacy and revenge had come. Some ftfTRODUCTORT. xvn eight thousand disciplined Catholic soldiers disbanded by Charles, and ready for any des- perate adventure, were at this time let loose. Help to the Catholics was promised from France. Priests excited the old Irish to revolt. All the English and Scotch in the island only amounted to one-sixth of the whole population. They were for the most part unarmed, and were entirely unaware of the storm that was ready to break upon them. The plan was to rise in all parts of the kingdom at once and wipe out the unsuspecting Protestants by death. The plot was discovered in Dublin, in season to save that place and the surrounding country to the Protestants and prevent an outbreak ; but in the north of Ireland it was carried out with all the cruelty which Popery and the devil could invent. The time fixed upon for this universal murder was Oct. 23, 164,1. On that morning (an exceedingly hard, cold day for that season of the year), the Catholics, being everywhere intermingled with the Protestants, fell upon them by surprise and commenced their contemplated butchery on every hand. The Protestants, outnumbered five to one unarmed, scattered, and surprised, had no chance at all. Their neighbors whom they had befriended and instructed, became their murderers. Entreaties and tears availed not. The young, and the old, the mother with her babe, the languishing invalid, the strong man, the fair and innocent child, were murdered together. Whole families were butchered, one after another, slowly, so that each living one might see the anguish of the dying before enduring the same cruel fate. Even the Irish women went further than their husbands in exquisite torture of young mothers and helpless children. Fugitives, fleeing naked from their burning homes, perished from hunger and cold. A few survivors were changed into maniacs by the awful scene, never to think of anything but murder and fiame, or know the quietudes of home again. By the hundred there were instances of lust and torture, the minute description of which would shock the most hardened heart. And this was done chiefly in the name of the Catholic religion. Priests were guilty of those murders. Those rivers of innocent blood flowed by Popery's accursed hand! Of this quiet and harmless people) who had not shown the least unkindness to the Catholics, nor been in any open way opposed to them, living in neighbor!}' love and peace, it has been estimated that two hundred thousand were thus butchered in a single day. The lowest estimate ever made was forty thousand. Probably the mean between them would be nearly correct. > It has been said by English authority that the victims were mostly English; and, without question, the English colonies in the northern counties were blotted out in this most inhu- man massacre. It may not be denied that the Irish pretended some friendship to the Scots, and murdered the English first ; and |so arranged things that the Scots to some extent had time to escape, or a chance to band together in defense, so that far fewer of , them were murdered. Yet it is certain that many , of the Scotch were murdered too, and that fire and robbery did not distinguish much between theirs and the English homes. Many fled back to Scotland. And there is little room to doubt that many ancestors and kindred of the Londonderry families, and therefore of those of our own town, perished on that bloody day. After this sad event those Scotch who remained in Ireland lived in alarm and on the lookout for defense, durmg seven or eight years, until in 1649, Cromwell, having leisure from affairs in England, came over the channel and subdued the Irish. Thence onward for several years the Protestants lived in comparative peace and prosperity, and slowly recovered their former condition. The Papists were disarmed, and the Protestants were supplied with means of defense. From this fact arose the habit which long prevailed of $ring guns at Scotch weddings, as being then the best way of expressing their triumph and their gladness. In Scotland during the last years of the reign of Charles II., the Protestants, or Presby- terians as they nearlj- all were, were growing less and less secure; and on the accession of James II., 1685, they began to be openly and terribly persecuted. The latter monarch was narrow-minded, small, and bigoted. Charles II. had been secretly a Papist ; James II. was openly Auch, and sought in the most bloody and arbitrary ways to enforce it upon the nation. To attend any meeting except that of the established order, was made pun- ishable with death. In the western lowlands of Scotland in particular, military bands were sent out everywhere to spy out the Covenanters and bring them to death. Some of these were commissioned to shoot on the spot any who would not renounce the Covenant, XVlll INTEODUCTOBY. or swear to the king, who was murdering Protestants. James 11., even when viceroy, is said to have "amused himself with hearing Covenanters shriek and seeing them writhe while their knees were beaten flat in the boots." Under him, subsequently, when he became king and had things his own way, James Graham, or Lord Graham of Claverhouse; was prominent as a leader, — a most ingenious and remorseless wretch. No pen can paint the cruelties which he enforced. His name is now spoken with abhorrence all over the earth. When his bloody and hardened soldiers shrunk from shedding innocent blood, he would plunge his own sword into the body of the poor victim whose only crime was non-confor- mity to the Episcopacy, or unwillingness to pray for King James as against God's will. These indignities, robberies, and murders were so numerous and constant as utterly to surpass all calculation. Two instances out of thousands are here given. One of the hunted Covenanters had found shelter in the house of a widow of good family and name, and had died there. The corpse being discovered in her house, the soldiers pulled the house down, carried off all her property, and turned her out with several little children to perish with cold and want. The oldest' child, a lad of about fifteen years, was brought out before the soldiers, the guns were loaded, and the fair, sweet boy, without trial o r delay, was told to pull his bonnet down over his face. But he refused, saying, "I can look you in the face," and in a moment they fired and the boy fell dead with his Bible in his hand. About the same time two women were put to death by drowning. An attempt has been made to disprove this ; but there is n0|t, in view of the evidence, the least room to doubt the fact. One was an aged lad}', and the other a sweet girl of eighteen, named Margaret "Wilson. Their only crime was that they would not abjure their Presbyterian faith. Thev werft taken to a place on the banks of the Solway where it rises and overflows with the tide. The feeble old lady was tied to a stake nearer the water, so that the terror of her death might frighten the young girl into.submission. But she " prayed and sung praises " till the advancing waters choked her voice. But when the struggle of death was over, they unbound the unconscious victim from the stake and restored her to consciousness. Then kindred and friends begged her to comply with the vile murderer's command, crying, "Dear Margaret, only say, 'God save the King! ' " The weak but heroic girl gasped out, " God save the King if it be God's will ! " " She has said it ! She has said it ! " shouted her friends to the cruel ofiicer. "Will" she take the abjuration?" he savagelv asked. "Never," she answered; "I am Christ's, let me go ! " And then the waters closed over her head slowly, and she was gone ! ' On her gravestone at Wigton, are these rude words : ' ' Within the sea, tied to a stake, She suffered for Christ Jesus' sake." "While, therefore, such persecutions were in progress in Scotland, quite a large number of the Covenanters, to escape misery at home, emigrated to Ireland and joined their coun- trymen there. From 1684 to 1688 these emigrations in small numbers took place. The McKeens, MacGregors, Cargils, and many others were among these exiles, and their blood flowed in the veins of some of the settlers of Antrim. But in Ir^and things soon began to gi-ow worse ; under Papal rule and surrounded by Papists, they were soon disarmed and in their defenseless condition began to suspect a repetition of the murders of 1641. And a desperate struggle was indeed awaiting them. Affairs had arrived at such a pitch of discontent in England, that the better part of the people looked for deliverance to Wil- liam, Prince of Orange, who had married Mary, eldest daughter of James II. According! v, being invited over from Holland, he came with five hundred vessels and fourteen thousand men, and landed in England late in the autumn of 1688. At once, the nobility, clergy, and military went over to William; even Anne, daughter of James, joined the party of the new king against her father : so that James was dethroned without a blow. Fleeing to France, whither Catholic renegades have been wont to flee, he was encouraged to attempt the recovery of his crown. As the Papists adhered to him, he had a small party of friends in England. In Scotland he had some strong Catholic clans. In Ireland he had great resources in the Irish Catholics, who constituted the great body of the people of that island. The military plan of James, therefore, was a good one : to pass over to Ire- land with what men and money the French king could give him ; to raise there an im- mense army of Irish; then to pass over to Scotland, and with the addition of the Catholic INTRODUCTORY. xix Highlanders, to bear down upon England from the north and sweep everything before hinv. With reason, this scheme loolsed encouraging to him. He started with great hopes, and landed in the south of Ireland, March 12, 1689. Thence he made his way as best he could to Cork, and thence to Dublin, expecting to go northward at once, and anticipating no serious resistance till he should reach England. But the Protestant population in the north of Ireland stood in the way; which, though small, was judged to be of such energy and valor that it must be overcome at the start. A large army had therefore been raised before the arrival of James, -and had began the attempt to subjugateihese Protest- ant colonies that stood in the face of the royal plans. The strongest of these Protestant positions was Londonderry, — a city that had held out successfully against the Irish in the murderous rebellion of 1641. As the army of Catholics swept northward to capture this city, which was supposed to be easily done, they pillaged and murdered without stint, till thousands of men, women, and children fled before them for life ; and many found refuge within the walls of Londonderry. The Protestants suffered more and lost more pos- sessions than in the massacre of 1641, though probably not so many lives were sacrificed as then. But the city of Londonderry refused to surrender; and the whole army of James, French and Irish, outnumbering the defenders of the city five to one, attempted the work of capture. They halted before the city April 15, 1689, and entered into nego- tiations with the treacherous Lundy to give up the city on some terms in spite of the known will of the people. This dalhang went on a day or two. King James arrived from Dublin with fifteen thousand additional soldiers, on the 17th, and was exceedingly anxious for the surrender on any terms (as the success of his whole undertaking seemed to depend on the immediate possession of this place), so that he might move on to Scot- land while his great army was in good spirits, and before too formidable preparations could be made against him there. Expecting the -surrender would be made more willingly to him, James advanced at once within three hundred feet of the southern gate to receive it, when he was answered with a shout of "No surrender ! ' ' and by a fire from that part of the wall, which struck dead an oiBcer by his side. The king fled like a frightened boy to get out of danger. Then the real struggle began, April 17, 1689. We cannot here detail all the circumstances of this remarkable siege. For Courage and endurance there'is noth- ing superior to this defense in human history. With weak defenses, scanty provisions, having but few soldiers against an immense army, and only a handful of that few inured to war; with a disadvantageous position, and twenty thousand women, children, and aged men to be fed; while, having themselves small hope of outside help, their enemies would be likely to increase, — it must be confessed that their situation was desperate enough ! But immense interests were at stake, and they determined to stand for their religion, come death, if it must. Lundy, the traitorous governor of the city, was in danger of being torn to pieces by the maddened people, and skulked oS in disguise, by night, to the foe. Maj. Henry Baker and Capt. Adam Murray called the people to arms and took the lead the first day. On the following day the people met, as Macanlay puts it, " with a gravity and prudence worthy of the most renowned senates, to provide for the order and defense of the city." They chose Rev. George Walker and Maj. Henry Baker, governors, the latter taking the military command. These men managed affairs with great wisdom and courage. The siege was pressed with cruel vigor; shells burst constantly over the defend- ers' heads ; chimneys were knocked down ; often the city was on fire ; night and day they were called to the most vigilant and desperate defense ; many sorties were made ; the walls were often assaulted by superior force; parties mining under the walls were con- stantly watched against, and by the fiercest struggle put to death ; threat and artifice were abundantly employed; they began to suffer for want of provisions, and for want of water; the long-hoped-for re-enforcement from England had come in sight, been frightened by the batteries on the river-side, and sailed away, leaving the brave defenders of the city to their fate; their enemies had been re-enforced; one-third .of their number had fallen; the force against them seemed overwhelming; and yet on the sixty-second day of the siege they determined that "no one should speak of surrender on pain of death," Thus matters went on day after day in heroic and painful detail which we have no . space for here. But before many days of July were gone, famine began to press harder than Papist foes. Not a few died of starvation. Cats and dogs and rats and mice and horse-flesh XX INTRODUCTORY. and old hides came to be luxuries. Tallow was mixed with pepper and meal to make a sort of pancake. Starch mixed with tallow became an article of food. A dog's head was sold for food for two shillings and sixpence; a quart of horse's blood, one shilling; a cat, four shillings and sixpence ; and so on. They expected to eat dead human bodies, — yet would not entertain the thought of surrender. So desperate was the case, that some fleshy people hid themselves for fear of being first chosen for food for the emaciate sol- diers ! , On the thirtieth of July, the garrison had become so far reduced that they reck- oned on only two days' more life — there being but one pint of meal left for each already starving man. But on this day deliverance came. It was the one hundred and fourth day of the siege. The commander of the English fleet received orders to relieve the city at whatever peril. Three ships, the "Mountjoy," of Londonderry, and the "Phenix," of Coleraine, both laden with provision, and the war-ship " Dartmouth," undertook this perilous adventure. Within the city the evening sermon in the cathedral had just closed, the sad audience had scattered, and it began to grow dusk, when the sentrymen on the tower saw the sails of these three ships coming up the Foj'le. The river was narrow and low, — the banks were Used with batteries, — and the great Irish army hurried to the spot to prevent the relief of the city. Rocks had been sunk by them in the channel, and an immense boom had been thrown across the river to prevent the approach of a ship, while formidable guns swept the spot. It was an hour of tremendous suspense — the besiegers straining every nerve to oppose, while the starving defenders looked on with an agony of interest seldom, if ever, equaled in this world. At length the little squadron came bravely to the critical point. The "Mountjoy" led the way and sailed with all force against the boom, — and the huge obstruction snapped and fell apart; but its strength was so great as to send the ship back by the shock, and she rebounded against the shallow bank and stuck partly over in the mud, exposed to a terrible fire. The Irish in great numbers rushed for their boats to board the defenseless ship. Just then the " Dartmouth " opened upon them so effectually as to destroy many of them and hold the rest in check, while the *' Phenix," left free by the struggle with the others, dashed under fearful fire, into the break made by the " Mountjoy," and, receiving no great injury, slowly passed all the barriers. When the "Mountjoy " was stopped in the mud the Irish gave a scream of fiendish joy, while the dying heroes within the walls looked at each other in hushed and awful agony ! All features grew black, and a feeble wail, like the prayer of death, ascended from the battered defenses ! Women and children wept, and men gazed with stern, dark faces whence hope had fled; but no yielding or fear was there. But the tide was rising rapidly; and just at the critical moment a broadside from the "Mountjoy " not only battered back the approaching enemy, but started her from the mud, and she sailed on up the stream. The "Dartmouth" followed, bravely answering the desperate firing from the shore; and under the curses of the whole Popish army and the rage of its officers, with considerable loss of life and injury to the brave little ships, they all made their way to the city. As the darkness closed in, and the firing went on, it was a time of unutterable suspense within the gates. But when they arrived, about ten o'clock, the whole popula- tion turned out to welcome them. Such ecstasies of joy, few lifetimes can ever know ! Men wept and thanked God! The bells of the city rang all night! There was no sleep within the walls that night for joy ! On the morrow the Irish fired tumultuously all day. But on the succeeding night, — that of Julj' 31, — silently that great army, mortified and enraged, with a loss of a hundred oflicers and about nine thousand men, retreated up the Foyle. Micaiah Browning, captain of the " Mountjoy, " was killed in the struggle at the boom; and afterwards a pension was conferred on his vi idow by King William, and that great monarch, in the presence of the court, put a chain of gold about her neck. The defense of Londonderry was the great check to King James and the Papists. Hu- manly speaking, it saved Protestantism in Ireland and England. Forty thousand men were thus kept back one hundred and five days. Bj' that time William was prepared to meet them there, and thus the forces intended for Scotland and England never went across the channel. On the banks of the Boyne, James was soon defeated (June 30, 1690); and after some less important struggles, he retreated into France. From these unconquerable soldiers who defended Londonderry, descended many of the settlers of Antrim, — among them the Dinsmores, the Cochrans, and McKeens, and INTRODUCTORY. Xxi others. It is a fadeless honor both to the dead and the living. The old city still holds a thousand memorials of the struggle. The battered old wall is carefully preserved. The old guns, the captured flags, are kept as treasures. The defenders' graves are annually decorated. The survivors were exempted from taxes thi-oughout the "British dominions. The farms of some of these in our Londonderry are called '^ exempt farms" to the pres- ent time, — over some of which I wandered in younger days. The king and parliament considered this defense so important and of such endurance and valor, that thej' made special grants to each hero, and bestowed the highest possible praise upon all who partici- pated in it. And to time's remotest bound, we will not cease to tak^ pride in this glorious achievement of our own ancestors ! After the subjugation of the Papists, the whole Protestant population of Ireland abode in peace and safety for many years. Further accessions from Scotland joined them, — among them the Nesmiths and others known to our local history. Still, though the heroes of Londonderry had many privileges, and though Protestants, as such, were in the' ascend- ant, yet the Dissenters, and especially the Presbyterians, were far from being satisfied with their condition. They had but little religious liberty, as we understand it. They had their own forms of worship, to be sure ; bat at the same time they were com- pelled to pay one-tenth of their increase to support the established religion of the state. They could not hold their land as proprietors, having inalienable homes, but only by lease from the crown. Then the Irish — bitter, ignorant, numerous, and bigoted Papists — were everywhere among them, of whom, though powerless now, they had had a most unhappy andcalamitous experience. Taxes were high. Titles, monarchy, aristoc- racy, were the order of the day. The Scotchmen, who had suffered so much for liberty, and cherished irrepressible longings to be free, could not be satisfied with such surround- ings and trammels. They looked into the future. They began to think of the New World. Some of them formed bright ideas of the community which they might found by themselves, free from Papists, ritualism, and all ecclesiastical oppression. At length, encouraged by reports of civil and religious liberty in America, four ministers, and a large part of their congregations with them, determined on removal hither. These ministers were Rev. Holmes, Rev. James MacGregor, Rev. William Cornwell, and Rev. William Boj'd. This seems to have been in 1717. In order to make sure of a place to settle, and also, it seems, to guard against any unfriendliness or opposition of the pre- vious settlers in New England, they sent Rev. William Boyd, early in the year 1718, to bring over a petition to Gov. Shute of Massachusetts, and make the needful arrangements for their coming. This petition, usually called the "Memorial to Gov. Shute," is so brief, peculiar, and to the point, as to-be worthy of a place here in its exact form, thus : — '* We whose names are underwritten. Inhabitants of ye North of Ireland, Doe in our own names, and in the names of many others our Neighbors, Gentlemen, Ministers, Farmers and Tradesmen Commissionate and appoint our trusty and well beloved Friend, the Reverend Mr. William Boyd of Macasky to His Excellency the Right Honourable Collonel Samuel Suite Governour of New England, and to assure His Excellency of our sincere and hearty Inclination to Transport our selves to that very excellent and renowned Plantation upon our obtaining from his Excellency suitable incouragement. And further to act and Doe in our Names as his Prudence shall direct. Given under our hands this 26th day of March, Annoq. Dom. 1718." To this document were appended the names of three hundred and nineteen men, indi- cating that they represented a population of twelve hundred or more. Among the number were nine ministers (V. D. M. ), and three others were college graduates. Most of the settlers of -intrim could find their ancestors' names among these signers. On receiving flattering encouragement from Gov. Shute, and being well pleased with the prospect here, Mr. Boyd at once conveyed the intelligence back to those who had sent him, and they sold their property and made arrangements to depart with such dispatch that they arrived in five ships in Boston harbor, Aug..4, 1718. Soon after arrival they separated into three parts. One part, quite large, chose to make their home in Boston, finding friends of their own faith and race already there. These together formed, July 14, 1730, what was at first called the "Presbyterian Church of Long Lane," — and was afterwards the celebrated "Federal-street Church." Rev. John Morehead became their pastor.' This church became Congregational in 1786. Dr. Jeremy XXll INTRODUCTORY. Belknap was pastor from 1787 to 1798, when he died. Over it the celebrated Dr. Channing was settled, June 1, 1803, and under him it went over to the Unitarians about 1819. Their land and church-building, "a rude and lowly edifice," was given to them by John Little, in 1735, but has been wickedly perverted from its intended use for nearly a hundred years. A just decision will yet restore this inheritance to its Presbyterian owners. Dr. Gannett, who was killed at Revere, was pastor of this church. Present pastor, John F. W. Ware. The second part of the settlers fixed upon Worcester, Mass., and vicinity, as their place of abode; and in that place they formed a church under pastoral charge of Rev. Edward Fitzgerald, in the early. part of the year 1719. They worshiped in the "Old Garrison House," so called. They were exceedingly hardy, vigorous, wide-awake, earnest, and devoted people. The historians of that section speak of them in the highest terms. And they prospered, and became attached to their homes. But in proportion as they flourished, their English Congregational neighbors became jealous of them — called them " Foreign- ers," "Irish," and so on. In this way things went on for years, till, with increase of population and means, the Presbyterians made plans to build a church-edifice. They put up the frame in 1740, and were greatly rejoiced in the prospect of a place of worship they could call their own. But at this juncture the Congregatiorialists in great numbers assaulted and tore the building down and carried it oil. The whole structure was swept away. And !t was all done between two days ! Nor was this the only persecution these peaceable, industrious, and godly Scotchmen endured. It seemed to them that the relig- ious liberty they sought was yet far away. The most of them left the place, some to Londonderry, some to Pelham, Palmer, and Coleraine, Mass. ; and a considerable number to Cherry Valley, N. Y. A few remained, however, — among them the names Clark, Dun- can, McFarland, eUf. A portion of this colony in central Massachusetts had settled in Pelham, that Statej ' under Rev. Mr. Ambercrombie, and these were greatly aided by the fugitives from Worcester. The other part of the emigrants at Boston, having been under the pastoral charge of Rev. James MacGregor in Ireland, were anxious to keep together and have him as their pastor. Others joined with them in this design. And this body were more slow and careful in selecting a home. The most of them scattered for a time in the vicinity of Boston, while sixteen families embarked for Casco Bay to select a section of land if thought best, as this land had been offered to them by Gov. Shute, and recommended as very desirable, having also the better chance to carry out unmolested their religious views and aims. Arriving late in the season, and the winter coming on very early, they could accomplish nothing till spring. Most of them passed the winter on shipboard, and the ship itself was frozen in. In the course of the winter they suifei-ed many privations, and great lack of food. On petition of the inhabitants of Falmouth (now Portland), the gen- eral court of Massachusetts sent them one hundred bushels of meal. It may be doubted whether these Scotchmen ever would have petitioned for food themselves ! The statement in Willis's History of Portland, that there were " about three hundred " of these explorers in that port, must be greatly exaggerated, as there is no reason to suppose that more than half that number were there. In the spring they explored the coast eastward, but, not being pleased, they decided to return ; and, sailing back, they ascended the Merri- mack river, arriving at Haverhill April 13, 1719. Immediately on their arrival they heard of a large tract of unappropriated land lying fifteen or twenty miles northwest of Ha- verhill, called the " Chestnut Country," because its forests were largely chestnut-trees. Afterwards this- tract, now embracing several towns, was called "Nutfield." Walnut- trees and butternut-trees were also abundant here, and it was truly an inviting place for settlement. Leaving their families at Haverhill, the men made all haste to examine this ground ; were pleased at sight; determined to locate here the grant of twelve miles square which previously the authorities of Massachusetts had given them in any lands of the government not before occupied; selected a spot; put up some rude cabins, and then divided, part carrying on the work, and part returning to bring on their wives and chil- dren, with what scanty tools and furniture thej' could collect. And so vigorous and alert were they that this distance of nearlj' twenty miles, almost without roads, and on foot, was traveled over three times by the men, and their families met on the spot of settle- ment April 22, 1719. From this date, New Style, the actual settlement is generally INTRODUCTORY. Xxiii reckoned. On the next day, April 23, Rev. James MacGregor preached the first sermon ever delivered in Londonderry. The settlers assembled under a large oak-tree on the east side of Beaver Pond; and the text was Isaiah xxxii. 2. Soon after a Presbyterian church was formed, and Mr. MacGregor, without installation, formally assumed the pastorate. This was in May, 1719. The original sixteen settlers of Londonderry were James McKeen, John Barnett, Archi- bald Clendenin, John Mitchell, James Sterrett, James Anderson, Randall Alexander James Gregg, James Clark, James Nesmith, Allen Anderson, Robert Weir, John Morri- son, Samuel Allison, Thomas Steel, and John Stuart. From these the McKeens, Cochrans Greggs, Nesmiths, Steels, Stuarts, and Wallaces, and others of the Antrim families descended. • So rapidly did new settlers of the Scotch, who had scattered here and there, now join the new settlement, that in September following, when they petitioned for incorporation there were seventy families against sixteen families in April. In October following, as ap- pears from the Wheelwright deed, there were one hundred and five men in the settlement. They early, therefore, sought to be set apart as a town by themselves. Having first applied to the general court of Massachusetts to get the old grant confirmed by a charter and being refused, they petitioned the general court of New Hampshire for incorporation September, 1719. The town was incorporated as Londonderry June 21, 1722. They at the start desired to get a title from the Indians as a matter of right, and sent their minister to John Wheelwright, whose ancestor had purchased the land from the native chieftains ; and from said Wheelwright they got a deed of the whole tract, dated Oct. 20, 1719. On account of this fair spirit toward the Indians, and also on account of the personal acquaint- ance of Rev. Mr. MacGregor with the French Governor of Canada, it is supposed that the Londonderry colony were so singularly exempted from assault by the red men. The ■ French and Indians were warned by the Catholic priests not to touch any of these Scotch- Irish ; so that, notwithstanding they were a frontier settlement, they were never molested, while fire and murder were every wherte else. Moreover, those who went out from them into other places to settle, were equally unmolested by the Indians when known to them, as is shown in case of the pioneers of Bedford, New Boston, Antrim, etc. No, depreda- tions of savages were ever committed in this town ; nor is there any certainty of hostile intent on their part toward Riley when he ran away from his claim here in fright. As an offset to this exemption from Indian warfare, the Scotch Presbyterians were quietly and indirectly persecuted by their English neighbors for half a century. We have already spoken of their troubles in Worcester. But everywhere else they were looked upon as foreigners. They were called Irish. They ^ere denounced as Roman Catholics. The Londonderry settlers were threatened with armed violence if they did not leave their settlements to various claimants. The sufferers who passed the winter in Casco Bay under lead of Justice McKeen were designated, in the order of the general court at-Boston, as "poor Irish people." The New Hampshire general court called them (Sept. 24, 1719) a "company of Irish at Nutfield." I find in various books and reports the remonstrance of Rev. Mr. MacGregor to Gov. Shute, saying (1720) " We are surprised to hear ourselves termed Irish people, when we so frequently ventured our all for the British crown against the Irish Papists ! " This charge of 'being Irish was a matter of painful and long-continued offense to our fathers, easy to be cast into their teeth, and sure to provoke their ire. They were obstructed in getting titles to their land and incorporation for their town, from this secret opposition. As soon as they struck ground in the " Chestnut Country " and got together, certain influential men attempted to supplant them by secretly getting a grant to the same land in advance of them. From the position and arguments of these men, they easily got their grant (Aug. 26, 1720), and supposed they would soon have the Scotchmen out of the way. But their ignorance of the country was such that their grant of ten miles square, taking in Chester, Auburn, and a part of Manchester, fell to the north of "Nutfield" and left untouched all the settlements which they wished to break up. And the shrewd Scotchmen, as we have seen, were on the lookout, while this was going on, and secured a title to their lands, before anything further could be done against them. After this various parties presented bogus claims to induce the settlers to leave; armed parties came to dispossess them; sometimes their property was carried off: but they XXIV INTRODUCTORY. quietly and fearlessly and industriously held their way, and in the course of one year they became so numerous as not to be trifled with. But the prejudice was strong against them : and those Scotch Presbyterians who had really saved Protestantism by their defeat of the Catholic James; who had left part of their blood on the banks of the Boyne ; who had made sacred the "billowy Shannon" by death and parting on its banks; who had been disappointed in their expectations from William and Mary; and who left all for lib- erty in the forests of America, were misunderstood and opposed this side the water, until their virtues and their power compelled respect. It should be said here, that the Presbyterians of Ireland formed a body which might be called a presbytery, as early as 1627, which was designated "The Antrim Monthly Meeting, " — showing that the name "Antrim" was familiar to all Scotchmen. Also that, as early as 1631, the Presbyterians of Ireland planned an emigration to New England, and sent an agent to London to procure a passage for them. But for some reason they did not succeed, — probably because advised not to proceed without first securing a tract on which to settle ; since very soon after " they sent over an agent, who pitched upon a tract of land near the mouth of the Merrimack river, whither they intended to transplant themselves:" Consequently a vessel called the "Eagle Wing" sailed from Loch Fergus, a port near Belfast, Sept. 9, 1636, for the " Merrymac." This ship was about the size of the " Ma3'flower," and started with many more emigrants on board than the Pilgrim ship had. But the " Eagle Wing " had a most tempestuous voi-age, encountered many gales, and was obliged to put back, reaching Loch Fergus Nov. 3, 1636, having sailed in all about twenty-five hundred miles. Four clergj'men were on board, and among the families were Stuarts, Campbells, and Browns, — names familiar, and probably ancestors or kindred of our early families. Long subsequent the emigrant? of 1718 had their minds on the " Mer- rymac ; " so that, though directed bj' Gov. Shute to Casco Bay, they afterwards sought that river and sailed up to Haverhill, locating on the nearest acceptable unoccupied land. It is owing to this early project, therefore, that the Scotch-Irish settlement was made in New Hampshire. There were two periods of special emigration of the Scotch from Ireland to America. The first commenced in 1718, as already shown, in real earnest, though efforts had been made and some had arrived in this country before. From 1718 for thirty years they left Ireland in great numbers. Everj' vessel that sailed was crowded with emigrants. Some settled in the Carolinas. Large numbers located in various parts of New England. So many joined the new settlement in Londonderry, that for a long time it was the second town in population in New Hampshire; and for vigor and resources, without question the first. But the great body of these emigrants went to Pennsylvania. Proud, in his his- tory of that State, says that before 1729 as many as six thousand of these Scotch people had arrived there. In September, 1736, one thousand families sailed from Belfast for Pennsyl- vania. For many subsequent years, ?is many as ten or twelve thousand annually sailed for America. From 1750 to 1771, there was a lull in emigration, only a few relatives and friends and adventurers joining their countrymen here from time to time, But in 1771 a new and remarkable impetus was given to this movement. The lands in Ireland having never been owned by the Scotch, but only rented, on long leases, chiefly for ninety-nine years, now on the expiration of the time fell back into the proprietors' hands. This especially in the county of Antrim. On application for new leases, the rent was greatly advanced, on the supposition that these Scotch, who had thrived so much better than the Irish around them, would be able and willing to pay the additional fee. But they, feeling that Ireland was not their home, and they must always be in a sort of sub- jection there, were stirred to resentment, and in great numbers determined on an imme- diate flight to New England. Large tracts of land were absolutely abandoned. In about two years twenty-five thousand, all Presbyterians, reached this country, a few finding homes in this vicinity, but most settling in western Pennsylvania with Pittsburg as a cen- ter, forming a community conspicuous in the annals of this country. Heavy colonies of these Scotchmen also settled in the CumTjerland Valley, Virginia, and in North Carolina, forming stock foremost in all good in those States. And these colonists, and multitudes that soon followed, leaving the old country on account of oppression, were just in the spirit to join the Americans in opposition to British tyranny, and rendered vigorous, import- ant, and willing service in the war for independence which broke out soon after their arrival. HISTORY OF ANTRIM. ^^^T^^^^^^t^...^ HISTORY OF ANTRIM. CHAPTER I. THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OP ANTRIM ; AND EVENTS PRIOR TO AND INCLUDING THE INCORPORATION OP THE TOWN. The settlement in Londonderry increased so rapidly by births and accessions from abroad that in a very short time it took a leading position in the State. The church formed May, 1719, the first Presbyterian church in New England, in two years had one hundred and sixty members, and at the spring communion of 1724 two hundred and 1;hirty members were present. As early as the incorporation, June 21, 1722, almost every lot in this large town had a family on it, some more than one. In the course, therefore, of a few years, this enterprising people, being crowded at home, began to look elsewhere, and put an eye on favorable localities for settlement. Individuals now and then went out very early into the towns of Chester, Derryfield, Hudson, Merrimack, and others. But the first considerable colony from Londonderry settled in Bedford in 1737. This town had been granted in 1733 to certain surviving soldiers of the Narragansett war, and was called " Narragansett No. 5," and afterwards " Sow-Hegan Bast." But the first actual settlement was made by the Scotch from Londonderry ; and so rapidly did they fill up the place that it was incorporated as Bedford, May 19, 1750. It is a prosperous and noble town, having sent out many men of mark, and retaining to this day the noble charac- teristics of its founders. The next colony from our old mother Londonderry was to Cherry Valley, N. Y., in 1741. This place is in Otsego county, about a dozen miles south of the Mohawk river and fifty miles west of Albany, — and thirteen hundred feet up on the hills above the river. This township had been granted to a Scotchman 4 CHERRY VALLEY. MASSACRE. named John Lindesay, and in 1740 he built a house in the forest and called it " Lindesay's Bush." Soon after, he fell in with Rev. Samuel Dunlap, a Presbyterian clergyman, who happened to be in New York, and persuaded him to " visit the Scotch-Irish colony in New Hampshire to get recruits for the new colony at the Bush." On his representation, about thirty persons left Londonderry and laid the foundation of the new town. It was then on the extreme frontier ; only an Indian path for many miles led to it. The great valley and the fair prairies to the west were then as an undiscovered country. David Ramsay, William Gault, James Campbell, and William Dickson were the leading parties in this emigration. From the last descended Rev. Dr. Cyrus Dickson, the able Secretary of our Home Missions. Judge W. W. Campbell of New York is a descendant of James Campbell. A few others followed out subsequently from Londonderry and joined this colony. At the opening of the revolutionary war, it numbered about sixty families. When Mr. Dunlap sat down in " Lindesay's Bush " to wi'ite his first letter, in 1740, he said to the owner, " What shall we name this new town ? " And then, looking out the window as he spoke, his eye rested on a stately wild-cherry tree ; and then' he answered his own question, by saying, " Let it be ' Cherry Valley.' " ' And so he wrote " Cherry Valley " at the head of his letter. And " Cherry Valley " it has been to this day. But this frontier colony was destined to a fearful ruin at tlie hands of Tories and Indians. It should be said, however, that the Indians took few lives, and were rather desirous to take hostages and destroy property, while the Tories, slaughtered without mercy. It was the morning of Nov. 11, 1778, that the enemy fell upon this unsuspecting people in great numbers. The ground was covered with snow. It was a dark, cold morn- ing. The early-rising settlers, many of them, were at morning prayer. The Tories, hating them for their loyalty to Washing- ton, crept into the town in true Indian fashion, and with their savage allies divided so as to attack all the houses at once. They made this general assault soon after break of day. On every hand the flames of burning homes soon arose, and every house in the settlement was consumed. Women and children were murdered, and no appeals for mercy were heard for a moment. Bodies were cut to pieces, and heads and arms thrown up into the branches of trees. About forty persons were mur- RESETTLEMENT. — NEW BOSTON. 5 dered ; a few escaped by hiding"; a few escaped by flight into the woods; some were saved by providential absence ; and the rest were carried into captivity Some of the Steeles and Sawyers of Antrim descended from those who by great exposure and suffering escaped with life only from that awful hour. The mother of the Dicksons named above escaped with three or four children into the thick woods behind her house. During the day she slipped back to the house to get food for the children ; but they never saw her again. She was remarkable for her beautiful, long red hair, and the children first learned the fate of their mother by seeing her gory scalp and beautiful hair hanging to the belt of an Indian who passed near their hiding- place. Cherry Valley was a total ruin. Church, school-house, dwelling, people, — all swept away. In 1784, six years after, a few survivors returned and built log houses. Rev. Mr. Dunlap, who, under charge of an Indian chief, was compelled to see the murder of his family and the burning of his home, being spared, as Brant said, because " he was a man of God," had survived his afflictions. but a little while. But the remnant assembled at the graveyard where their fathers and mothers wei-e buried, and re-organized the old church, April 5, 1785, which church remains in vigor to the present day. The last survivor of this colony was Col. Samuel Campbell, who was three years of age when he left Londonderry with his father in 1741, and died in 1824. He was a man of note in the revolutionary army, and did honor to the name he bore. The first minister of Cherry Valley after its restoration was Rev. Dr. Nott, so long time president of Union College. This colony did a great deal to lay the foundations of religion and good government in the center of New York. There is no honorable pursuit or profession in which its descendants have not been distinguished. The next colony from Londonderry was that at New Boston. This town was granted Jan. 14, 1736. It was called the Piscataquog township, but the name New Boston was given first in April, 1751. A claim has been advanced that a settlement was made there in 1733, but there is no reliable proof of it, and there was nothing permanent in the town until the Scotch from Londonderry began to locate there about 1742. In September, 1766, there were fifty-nine persons in the town ; in 1767, two hundred and ninety-six persons. New Boston was incorporated 6 PETERBOROUGH. Feb. 18, 1763. Probably more exclusively than any other town, it was of the Londonderry stoek. The Smiths, McNiels, McAl- listers, Cochrans, Christies, Clarks, and many others of that town, were ancestors of Antrim families, or intimately connected with them. Between this town and New Boston there was, for a long series of years, the" greatest intimacy and friendship. Being of the same race and religion, and being pioneers with the same difficulties to overcome, and being united by frequent intermarriage, they were greatly drawn together, and made frequent visits to and fro. The people of New Boston built their meeting-house' in 1767, and called Rev. Solomon Moor Aug. 25 of that year. He was settled Sept. 6, 1768, and died May 28, 180-3, aged sixty-seven years. His successor. Rev. Ephraim P. Bradford, was settled Feb. 26, 1806, and died Dec. 14, 1845, aged nearly seventy years. The next colony of Londonderry was that at Peterborough, beginning in the year 1749. During eight or ten succeeding years many went from Londonderry to Peterborough, and among them one of the " original sixteen " who began the former settle- ment in 1719, — John Morrison. He was the last survivor of the sixteen. He died in 1776, aged ninety-eight years. He moved to Peterborough about 1758. His son Jonathan was the first child born in Londonderry, that event taking place Sept. 8, 1719. The very earliest permanent settlers of Peterborough were from Lunenburg, Mass.; but they were all Scotch, having resided in that town but a short time, whither they had come from the north of Ireland. Peterborough was incorporated Jan. 17, 1760. Their first meeting-house was built in 1752. In the days of the revolution there was not a Tory in Peterborough. During the preceding war fourteen sons of Peterborough lost their lives. Their names were James Turner, Thomas Cunning- ham, Charles McCoy, David Wallace, William Wilson, John Stewart, Robert McNee, John Dinsmoor, and John Kelley. The seven named last were surrounded by Indians, by surprise, and fell dead at the first fire, March 18, 1758. The others of the fourteen were Jeremiah Swan, John Turner, John McCollum, John Hogg, and David' Scott. One hundred and forty-five persons from Peterborough were engaged more or less in the revolutionary war. The population of the town in 1767 was 443 ; in 1775 it was 645; and in 1870, 2,228. Peterborough is a town marked all the way by the Scotch-Irish traits of hardihood, TRURO. — AC WORTH. 7 perseverance, courage, and religious devotion, and its record will compare favorably with that of any town in New England. The next colony that went out from our Londonderry mother was that to Nova Scotia. The great victory of Wolfe over the French at Quebec, Sept. 13, 1759, had opened all the country to the English, and many of them had in the course of war made some acquaintance with its resources and location. In t;he following year, 1760, about thirty persons left Londonderry and settled in Truro, Colchester county. Nova Scotia. In the few succeeding years, quite a number of families followed them. Among their descendants, the Fishers and Archibalds and others have been in the highest positions of honor in that country. They maintain the church of their fathers unchanged to the present day. This colony, like the others, has done a noble work. The Scotch are by far the most enterprising people in Nova Scotia. Truro is situated at the head of one of the arms of the Bay of Fundy, is on the railroad to the St. Lawrence, and is a shire-town, — all which suggests the shrewdness and enter- prise of the early settlers of the place. About this time, many families of the Londonderry people, or their kinsmen who had located temporarily in several Massachu- setts towns, settled in Hillsborough, Prancestown, Deering, and Hancock, making the important and leading element ip these populations. Hillsborough was settled by a Scotchman, James McOoUey, in 1741 ; about ten families were driven off by Indians in 1744 ; resettled in 1762 ; incorporated Nov. 14, 1772. Prancestown was first settled by a Scotchman, John Carson, in 1760, and was incorporated June 8, 1772. Deering was incor- porated Jan. 17, 1774. Hancock was incorporated Nov. 5, 1779. But the next considerable colony from old Londonderry was that at Acworth, in 1768, though a beginning had been made earlier in Antrim. Quite a little company commenced in that town in the summer of 1768, and from that part of Londonderry now Windham probably as many more followed in the next year. Acworth was incorporated Sept. 19, 1766, but it was not permanently settled till the colony from Londonderry arrived on the ground. The conditions of their charter not being fulfilled, it was forfeited in September, 1771 ; but another was at once peti- tioned for, and it was granted May 30, 1772. At that date there were thirteen houses and twenty-five settlers (men) in the town. Acworth grew slowly, on account of the war and the disturbed 8 SETTLEMENT OP ANTRIM. condition of the country ; but it became a noble town, and retains in children's children the noble characteristics of its founders. It may be noticed here, that Londonderry, the seed- place of so many towns, has been itself divided into several. Windham, the southern part, was incorporated as a separate town Feb. 12, 1742. The east part of Londonderry, including the spot where the first settlement was made, was incorporated, together with a slice of the old town of Cheshire (Chester), as Derry, July 2, 1827. We come now to that other colony from our Londonderry mother, — dearer than all, — our own blessed Antrim. When we remember that hundreds from that old town of Londonderry went out into various places far and near, of whom we have taken no notice in these pages, and that since the commence- ment of the present century probably more than all before have emigrated therefrom, we see how prolific and vigorous was that ancient stock. In this town the first beginning was made by Philip Riley in 1744. At that time and for years previous it was a matter of great peril, on account of Indians, to venture far from the close settlements of the lower towns. The valley of the Contoocook was known to explorers, and was looked upon as valuable ground, but no settler had ventured to remain. When the forest was first broken in Antrim and in some of the adjacent parts of Hillsborough at the same time, in the early summer of 1744, there was not a white person in any other of the adjoining towns. Deering, Francestown, Greenfield, Bennington, Hancock, Stod- dard, and Henniker were all a trackless, unbroken wilderness. A very small beginning had been made, as we have seen, in Peterborough and in New Boston. This, therefore, was not only a frontier settlement, but, with no roads or even paths, it was fifteen miles from neighbors and from any help ; while to the north and west it was all a forest, deep and unknown, where the savages roamed and hunted, and planned their attacks upon the scattered whites. And the nearest neighbors, at Peterborough and New Boston, were themselves so few and weak as to need assistance instead of being able to impart it. The only settle- ment of any force in New Hampshire, west of the Merrimack, was Dunstable. This town of Dunstable, covering what is now about six towns, had been incorporated by Massachusetts Oct. 15, 1673 ; had thirty families in 1680 ; and was incorporated by New ALARM PROM INDIANS. 9 Hampshire April 1, 1746. (The name was changed to Nashua, by act of the legislature, Dec. 8, 1836.) But Dunstable had had a hard time with the Indians, having been for fifty years a frontier town, and having suffered many losses of property and life by the hands of the savages. They were in poor condition, therefore, to render any considerable immediate help to the obscure settlers on the Contoocook. And when we take into account, that, previous to the cession of Canada to the English, Feb. 16, 1763, there had been almost constant war for fifty years between the French and Indians on the one hand and the English on the other, and that the deadly, cruel savages were scouring the forests most of the time, with murderous intent, the imder- taking of a half-dozen settlers in the vicinity of Hillsborough Bridge seems hazardous enough ! The sense of danger that all felt at this time is shown by the fact, that, soon after, we find all the frontier settlements and some stronger and less exposed ones asking for soldiers to help defend against the Indians. The town of Monson, having fifteen families and considerable strength, claimed to be a frontier town and asked for a garrison, though twenty miles below us, and joining Dunstable. Part of their petition represents " That they are one of the Frontier towns west of Merrimac River & the qaost northerly One, already incor- porated, Lying Between HoUis & the New Plantation called Souhegan "West" (Amherst). This is a strong misrepresenta- tion of the facts, and shows the general alarm. (Monson was subsequently divided up between HoUis and Amherst.) June 12, 1744, at the very time Riley was striking' his first blows here? thirty-six men in Souhegan East (Bedford) sent a delegate and petition thus : — ""We the Inhabitants of Souhegan East Apprehending ourselves Exposed to Immenent Danger both from the French & Indian Enemys & being in no capacity to make a proper Stand in case of an assault from them do constitute & appoint Mr. John Chamberlain our Delegate requesting him in y' capacity with all possible speed to repair to Portsmouth & to represent our Deplorable case to his Excellency our Governor.'' But this state of unusual alarm followed the beginning of Riley here, as in the very stormiest* time no such venture would have been made. James McColley and Samuel Gibson, two Scotchmen born in Ireland, came from near Boston and put up cabins near Hillsborough Bridge in 1741 ; and they seem to have been joined in 1743 by three or four others, among them Philip 10 ATTACK ON HOPKINTON. Kiley, who began his farm in Antrim the next year. This little settlement (called that of 1744) was begun in a comparative quiet of the forces of war, while at the very same time the strife had begun anew on the other side of the water. But then news came slow. Prance had declared war in 1743. This was called in Europe " the war of the Austrian succession " ; in this coun- try, " King George's war " ; but perhaps New Bnglanders would better know it as the " Gape Breton war." It did not break out in America till 1744, nor have much progress till the expedition against Louisburg in 1745. (Louisburg surrendered June 17, 1745, and the same old drums used to beat the triumphal entry of the New Bnglanders were used to beat the call at Bunker Hill, June 17, 1775.) For the rest of that year, and for 1746 especially, the Indians swarmed on the frontier, and all sorts of horrors were perpetrated at their hands. In the spring and summer of 1746, no less than six attacks, in more or less force, were made upon Charlestown, some thirty-five miles northwest of us, on the Connecticut river, and a large proportion of the settlers killed or carried captive. The settlers of Rindge had abandoned their settlement the year before on account of alarm at the outbreak of war. The families of New Ipswich retired into a " block-house in Townsend, Mass." The settlers in Peterborough retired to a place of safety, and not a white family was left there. In Keene the Ipdians burned all buildings of every kind and killed several of the inhabitants, the others remaining some time in th& fort and finally abandoning the town. Hopkinton, then called New Hopkinton, and then having the largest population of the New Hampshire towns west of the Merrimack, was guarded by a strong fort or fortified house. The Indians, variously armed with knives, hatchets, bows, and guns, had been lurking about for some time watching for an opportunity to make an attack by surprise, which was always their favorite way. Very early in the dawn of April 22, 1746, one of the garrison rose and went out to hunt, thinking all was safe at that hour. He left the others asleep, and of course left the door unfastened behind him. The savages, with customary cunning, suffered this mau to go on his way unmolested ; but, as soon as he was out of the way, they slipped along and entered by the unguarded door. The slumberers awoke to see the armed savages with tomahawk ready to strike them dead. But they, like the real cowards they were, failed to make much of their FLIGHT OP RILEY FKOM ANTRIM. 11 opportunity, and .simply seized eight persons and hustled them oif ha,lf-naked to the woods. The report of this attack spread terror through the little settlements of Hillsborough and Antrim. They had no garrison-house. They had remained on their ground when many larger settlements had been entirely aban- doned. Perhaps their smallness had been the reason of their immunity thus far. But now they wei-e thoroughly alarmed. They had seen Indians lurking along the Gontoocook river, and had every reason to suppose themselves to be the next object of attack. It would be of no use for them to plant their crops under such circumstances, and therefore the sooner they were off the better. Nothing but their connection with the Scotch- Irish, who were almost undisturbed by the savages throughout New England, can account for this attack upon Hopkinton rather than upon them. And this would not be likely to stand them any longer. They determined to abandon their humble yet happy dwellings at once. Hurriedly they buried their few articles of heavy furniture and iro'n tools. Some things they hid under flat rocks and in hollow logs. A few things they carried with them ; their few cattle they drove in a flock before them ; and all started, Riley and every inhabitant of Hillsborough, for a place of safety. In all it seems probable there were from fifteen to twenty persons. TJiat roadless flight of many miles through the woods must have been sad indeed. They were poor and homeless, and in danger all the way. We know not the exact course they took. But,vas Peterborough had been abandoned and Hopkinton had just been a place of attack, and the Gontoo- cook was known to be a favorite lurking-place of the savages, it is probable they struck off from the river, and made their lonely way somewhat in the direction of the- turnpike over the hills through Prancestown and New Boston to Londonderry. After this flight Antrim had no inhabitant whatever for fifteen years. Occasionally, during this time, . hunters and scouting parties traversed the town ; and in alittle respite from war the proprie- tors made a survey of their grant, including Antrim, in the year 1753 : but, with these exceptions, the town was given over to the beast and the savage and the deep silence of the woods. This break of fifteen years in our history will give us chance to speak of some other matters a little out of the line, — among them the claim of Massachusetts to a large part of our State. During the reign of James I. (1603-1625) a council was estab- 12 MASONIAN CLAIM. lished by the king, having general control over all the territory of New England, and probably more. Capt. John Mason, one of this council, as early as 1621 obtained a grant from James of most of the southern part of New Hampshire east of the Merrimack. Under this grant he and certain associates took possession of the land, made settlements at Dover in 1623, and subsequently at Strawberry Bank (Portsmouth) and other places. After the death of James, Capt. Mason, being in the ring, secured a second grant (1629), defined as follows: "Prom the middle of Piscataqua river, and up the same to the farthest head thereof, and from thence northwestward until sixty miles from the mouth of the harbor are finished ; also through Merri- mack river to the farthest head thereof, and so forward up into the land westward, until sixty miles are finished ; and from thence to cross overland to the end of sixty miles accounted from the mouth of Piscataqua river." -This would make a triangular piece of territory, extending as far north as Conway and as far west as Rindge ; and the westward or long side of the triangle would be a straight line drawn from Conway to Rindge, which would leave Antrim on the west, and of course this town would not be included in the grant. This grant to Mason was called New Hampshire, and was the beginning of our State. But in 1635 Capt. Mason died, having realized but little from his grant, and having accomplished the settlement of only a few places, and to a small extent. Various disturbances arose in England, and the contest between Charles I. and his people grew so fierce as to absorb all attention, and the colonies in America were left for the most part to shift for themselves. Consequently the feeble colony of New Hampshire came under the protecti9n of the stronger colony of Massachu- setts. It is only fair to say that this protection was sought and was needed. But in subsequent years the stronger colony claimed to continue the government thus assumed. Erom time to time the heirs of Mason, or others under them, put in claims, but they were disregarded. As Massachusetts claimed a large slice of the southern part of the Masonian grant as her own by previous claim, she was not disinclined to the management of the whole, and was very willing to put the New Hampshire settlers under obligation, by generous assistance. So, by way of confirm- ing her claim and exercising her jurisdiction, Massachusetts made many grants of towns in this State. Thus New Boston CONTROVERSY ABOUT STATE LINE. 13 was granted Jan. 14, 1736 ; New Ipswich was granted Jan. 15, 1736 ; Peterborough, Jan.. 16, 1738 ; and several other towns in this vicinity about the same time, and for a year or two succeed- ing. But at this time the controversy about the boundary between Massachusetts and New Hampshire grew more and more bitter ; and, it being found impossible to settle it otherwise, the whole matter was referred to the king (George II.), who after some delay, decided (1740) against Massachusetts, and gave New Hampshire more than she had claimed. In 1737 the king had appointed a commission to hear the evidence of the parties, and they met for the purpose in the town of Hampton. In the adjoining town of Hampton Falls, close to the present State line, the New Hampshire legislature met, to enforce their claims ; while, only five miles off in the border town of Salisbury, the Massachusetts legislature met, to press in every possible way their own side of the question. So great was the excitement that a large and showy procession on horseback was formed in Boston, and this, led by a trained body of cavalry, escorted Gov. Belcher to the scene of controversy. A bit of satire on this very important performance is extant, and too good to be omitted : — '' Dear Paddy, you ne'er did behold such a sight, As yesterday morning was seen before night. You in all your born days saw, nor I didn't neither, So many fine horses and men ride together. At the head, the lower House trotted two in a row, Then all the higher House pranced after the low; Then the governor's coach gallop'd on like the wind, And the last that came foremost were the troopers behind ; But I fear it means no good, to your neck or mine, For they say 'tis to fix a right place for the line! " But this commission, backed by two legislatures and a great amount of talk and some threats, really amounted to nothing, or as near that as we are able to calculate at this day ; since they only fixed upon one thing, that the point of beginning should be three miles north of the "Black Rocks" situated in the channel of the Merrimack river near the sea. The final decision was, that, beginning at the point above mentioned on the Atlantic ocean, the line should run westward three miles north of the Merrimack, crooking and bending so as to correspond to the curves of the river, and so as always to be just three miles north of the same, until it should reach a " point due north of Paw- tucket Falls (Lowell), and a straight line drawn from thence due 14 MASON ESTABLISHES HIS CLAIM. west until it meets with His Majesty's other governments." Massachusetts had asked, after the point of beginning was set- tled, to have the line three miles north follow the bend of the Merrimack to its source near the White Mountains. But the " due west " line not only prevented this, but added to New Hampshire a strip about fifteen miles wide from the -Merrimack to the Connecticut. Otherwise, Greenfield and Hancock would have been border towns, and Peterborough would have been cut in two. The new line was run by Richard Hazen in 1741. Those towns whose charters had been granted by Massachusetts now found their charters invalid, and were obliged to seek incor- poration by the State of New Hampshire, which accounts for the " new charters " so often referred to in the old records. But no sooner was the State line fixed and these other matters brought into the process of adjusting themselves accordingly, than the old lingering " Mason claim " was revived and pressed with new vigor. John Tufton Mason, a native of Boston, great- grandson and heir of Capt. John Mason, succeeded in getting a final decision in his favor. This long-continued case was now at an end. It had been in litigation for more than a hundred years. Generation after generation of the contestants died ; but still the controversy revived and went on, and the magnates of two continents we.re in long struggle over a title to the rocks of New Hampshire. But the new settlement of the case stirred up more trouble than it settled, — ^•at least for a few years. Mason sold his title to twelve men of Portsmouth in 1746, for fifteen hundred pounds ; and they took the whole charge of this vast tract of land. They are known in the history of this section as the " Masonian Proprietors." Immediately on their accession there was new and universal alarm among the scattered inhabit- ants of all the frontier towns, lest they should be ejected from their lands and clearings by the new men 'in power. Petitions from the poor settlers poured in upon the " Proprietors." Others, like the committee of New Boston land-holders, tried to compro- mise with them. But the proprietors pursued a course both generous and noble. They immediately took measures to release their claims to all townships granted by Massachusetts east of the Merrimack river. And several west of said river being actually chartered and settled according thereto, were given up on very reasonable conditions and, for a very trifling consideration. But it was natural that the " Masonian Proprie- BOUNDARY OP MASON's CLAIM. . 15 tors," sometimes called in that day the "Lord Proprietors," should look after the western part of their grant at once, this part being chiefly ungranted and unclaimed by others. They therefore marked out a row of towns bordering on Massachu- setts and thence northward on what they claimed as their western boundary, as follows : South Monadnock (previously granted by Massachusetts as " Rowley Canada," now Rindge) ; Middle Monadnock (Jaffrey) ; North Monadnock (Dublin) ; Monadnock Number Pour (Pitzwilliam) ; Monadnock Number Five (Marlborough) ; Monadnock Number Six (Nelson) ; Monad- nock Number Seven (Stoddard or Limerick) ; and Monadnock Number Eight (Washington). It is pretty certain that these surveys were made as early as 1749, since in the spring of 1750 we find efforts made to determine whether this line of towns was within or beyond the Mason boundary. As these towns sur. rounded Anti'im, it will be seen that this town was claimed by the proprietors, but not surveyed till the line of towns on the outside of the claim were looked after. Several settlers in these places, finding their claims to laud originating in Massachusetts grants worthless, left their clearings in disgust and returned to that" State ; but the most of them repurchased of the " Maso- nians" at a low rate, and remained. The question of their western boundary was, however, agitated for several years. Massachusetts, as early as 1750, determined that some of this claim was beyond the " sixty miles from the sea." But the Masonians then very conveniently argued that their western bound must be a " curved" line corresponding to the bend of the sea; and they went to work on this "curved" line, and they cmwed it so as to take in the towns above named. Pending this dispute, the revolutionary war broke out. On return of peace the legislature of New Hampshire decided that the bound should be a " straight " line. This,- running from about the west line of Rindge to the northwest corner of Conway, would divide the town of Antrim, leaving the most of it on the west. At this juncture the " Masonian Proprietors " came out and purchased the land between the " straight " line and their " curved " line, of the State, for about forty thousand dollars, after which their title was no more disputed. In the charters they had from time to time granted, they had generally given the soil to actual settlers free, reserving a few lots in each for the ministry and for schools, and reserving about one-quarter of the lots for them. 16 CUMBERLAND. — SOCIETT LAND. — INDIANS. selves, — it being- their plan to encourage settlements and to advance education and religion, and get their return in the increased value of the reserved lots. It will be seen that there was in this county a large tract of territory ungranted, and bounded as follows : On the north by Hillsborough and Henniker (Number Six) ; on the east by Halestown (Weare), New Boston, and Salem Canada (Lynde- borough) ; south by " Peterborough Slip " (Temple) and Peter- borough ; and west by Monadnock Nos. Six and Seven (Nelson and Stoddard). This tract of land was for some years called " Cumberland," a name which has entirely disappeared. It included Antrim, Hancock, Bennington, Deering, the west half of Francestown, and most of Greenfield. Probably Windsor was in this tract, though no mention is made of it, it being a gore of land that escaped all grants and calculations for many years ; and when subsequently referred to, it was designated as " Camp- bell's Gore," till 1798. T*he large area called " Cumberland," being the last owned by the proprietors in this section of the State, soon came to be called "Company Land" or "Society Land " ; and this last became the common name until, part by part, it was incorporated under present names. It was surveyed and divided into shares in 1763 by Robert Fletcher, but I do not find the name "Society Land" applied to it till about 1770; while, as will be shown, a large part of it was called " Antrim " by the settlers themselves as early as 1771. Before resuming the thread of our annals, a brief notice of the Indians who hunted in Antrim will be in order. Explorers of New England, before the landing of the Pilgrims, found west of Cape Cod, covering Rhode Island and a large part of southern Massachusetts, the Narragansetts and Pequots. North of these and in the interior of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, were the Pennacooks, sometimes noticed as Merrimack-river Indians, or Nipmucks (fresh-water Indians), as the natives called them. The Pennacooks consisted of many tribes, a sort of confederation of all in the vicinity of the Merrimack. At the earliest knowl- edge of them, the Agawam^ occupied the country about the mouth of the Merrimack and as far south as Cape Ann. The Pawtuckets next west made headquarters at Pawtucket Falls (Lowell), reaching as far south as Concord, Mass., and occupy- ing a fine territory. Next west and north were the Nashuas, owning the lands on the Nashua river far into Massachusetts INDIAN TRIBES AND CHIEFS. 17 and the lands about the Merriniack for some ten miles. The Souhegans occupied the lands of the Merrimack north of the Nashuas, and all the country of the Souhegan river to its source. North of them the Namoskeags resided at the Palls (Manches- ter) and spread out upon the intervales, and up the Piscataquog to New Boston, and out eastward of Amoskeag to the Massa- besic. Then next north came the Pennacooks, centered at Concord, and occupying most of the present county of Merri- mack, and spreading southwestward along the Contoocook to the foot of Monadnock, and also over the land on streams eastward of Concord. Then the Winnipesaukees occupied the northern part of New Hampshire, with their villages about the sources of the Merrimack, chiefly at Lake Winnipesaukee. Eastward of these tribes there were several others in the State of Maine that were part of, or at least subject to, this confederation. Among all these tribes mentioned, the Pennacooks at Concord, through favorable situation and wise chiefs, gradually became the most powerful, and so far led the way in everything as eventually to absorb the power and bear the distinguishing name of the whole. Especially after the plague among the Indians which broke out in 1616 and lasted three years, and swept off" four-fifths of them, leaving.the land empty for the Pilgrims, these tribes were under the control of the Pennacooks. In subsequent years the English called them all by that name. Their chieftains, or sagamores, were truly noble men. The greatest was Passaconaway, who had supreme authority from 1623 to his death in 1669, was a fast friend to the English, and sent for the missionary Elliot and his " praying Indians " to come and teach them to " worship God and keep the Sabbath." His son, Wciiualancet, succeeded him, embraced Christianity in 1674, and died in 1689. Kancam- agus, grandson of Passaconaway, then succeeded. He was for a time hostile to the English, and made the celebrated attack upon Cocheco (Dover), June 27, 1689, in which the aged Major Waldron was tortured and then murdered. Soon after this event the chief retired into the State of Maine, and not long after died. Many of the Pennacooks withdrew northward and eastward, like their chief ; and the tribe was effectually broken up before the settlement of Londonderry in 1719. Yet a few of them lingered and hunted among the sacred haunts of their fathers for fifty or sixty years later. This tribe, proud of the name Pennacooks, had controlled the valley of the Contoocook 2 18 ^ MOOSE DRIVES. — INDIANS IN THIS TOWN. and vicinity for generations. Over the hills of Antrim they had hunted again and again. Mink and moose thrived here. Often they made what was called a " drive," — a large triangle shaped like the letter "Y," with an opening at the^ apex just wide enough to let the game through, the sides being constructed of brush and logs. This would cover about half an acre, in some favorite resort of the moose. Then parties were stationed at the apex to kill, while the tribe would scour the country and close up round the game, forcing it into the drive. Sometimes a " snare " was set at the apex, with ropes, mainly as boys set them now. It is said that late in the year 1620, soon after the landing of the Pilgrims, several of them, walking in the woods, came into one of those " drives." As William Bradford walked through the apex, looking over the contrivance, suddenly he was caught up by the legs, with his head hanging down in the air, — much to the amusement of his sedate associates. The relics of these " drives " were often found in New Hampshire in early days, and no doubt one or two were in this town. The Contoocook was very dear to the Indians. It is pretty certain that they had some residences on its banks within the present limits of Antrim. The first settlers found many evi- dences of this. Their place of burial was on the. Esquire Hopkins farm (Arthur Miller's), and not far from the beautiful Maplewood cemetery, where the bodies of the ^' pale faces " are borne to rest at the present day. It is not improbable that a great host of the " red men " sleep near by. There the dusky maidens wept, and the red warrior sat down silently on the mound and mused upon death. The Indians raised their corn mostly on the farm of Deacon Joseph Boyd (Mr. Goodell's), and on the lighter soils of that farm the hills were visible in 1768 just as the red harvesters had left them. The women or " squaws," did all the agricultural work, built the wigwams, gathered the wood, and performed all the hard labor that was done. When fish were plenty, the men helped catch fish enough to manure the corn with, and the squaws would put a dead fish or part of one, into each hill. When the " oak leaf was as big as a squirrel's ear," it was their rule to plant, and the dark maidens along the Contoocook began their task. Indians were often seen here by the first settlers, and came to trade with them, as is proved by the trafiBc of Thomas Nichols and others with them, which is noticed elsewhere. The Indians RELICS OP HUNTERS. 19 threatened the life of Capt. Nichols, but never really committed any depredations here. They were few and scattered, and their - power effectually broken before the settlement of Antrim. About 1789, Jacob Puffer, the first settler on the farm now George Brown's, plowed up the skeleton of a man near his house. This fact suggesting investigation at onqe, he found near by and close to the brook the remains of a camp, with relics of fire, and unmistakable evidences that white men had occupied the cabin. It was a sort of log house, and the decayed and fallen sticks showed its outline. Further search disclosed two graves close to the ruins of thp cabin, obviously not Indian graves, as each had its headstone and footstone like many graves in the old cemetery on the hill. But they might have been victims of the Indians, hurriedly buried, while a third was shot down in attempting to escape ; or they might have been left behind by some one of the many scouting parties and expedi- tions, who buried two and left a third as too lame or sick to go on, as in the case when Capt. Lovewell left Benjamin Kidder and others in a little log fort at Ossipee in May, 1725. Dr. Whiton says that " Puffer and others believed that the bones, graves, and camp were not the relics of Indians ; but that a party of three hunters had been attacked by some infectious disease ; that, as one died, the others buried him ; that when a second died, the survivor buried him ; that when he died, none being left to bury him, his body remained above ground, was gradually covered with leaves and dust, and the bones were at length turned up by the plow." On one of these graves grew a beech-tree of about forty years' growth ; and, as this would probably start up within a few years after the burial, it is proba- ble the camp was made not much later than Lovewell's fight (1725), in the years of special conflict with the Indians. It is possible that among the many little bands of captives carried from the borders of Massachusetts to Canada by the savages, in the war, three or four unable to proceed might have been left behind by the savage foe, and built a rude shelter for themselves in this obscure valley in the hope of rescue, in which they were finally disappointed. It seems to me, that, in view of the cir- cumstances of the country at that time, these persons must some way have been victims of Indian cruelty and violence. Philip Riley (or Raleigh), who fled with the Hillsborough settlers before the Indians in the spring of 1746, went directly 20 KILKY AND OTHER SETTLERS. to Sudbury, Mass., where his family were, and there he resided for fifteen years. The cajature of Canada from the French, in 1759 and 1760, relieving the borders from danger, the settlers on the frontier began to creep back to their deserted cabins. Riley was the first to return to this section, coming back in the spring of 1761. A thick growth of young wood had spread over his clearing, and it was a matter of difficulty to find the little cabin he had left. His cabin was 'the only one left in the vicinity. Every building in Hillsborough, even the church, was burned, excepting only the small house stfterwards called the " parsonage." Riley found his ax and other tools where he had concealed them, and soon prepared the way to bring on his family. Of his twelve children, several had^rown up, and some came with him here. It has been said that the refugees from Hillsborough returned with Riley ; but this is a mistake, as none of the first settlers of Hillsborough ever returned to reside there at all, though the children of some of them located where their parents had begun. Riley was in the wilderness one year alone ! The second settlement of Hillsborough was by Daniel McMurphy on Bible -Hill in 1762. After this Riley had near neighbors in Hillsborough, but for five years his was the only family of white persons within the present limits of Antrim. But in the first part of the year 1766 the Masonian proprietors sent far and wide an advertisement of their lands on the Oontoo- cook, announcing their beauty of situation and great fertility, and inviting an examination by any who thought of seeking a settlement. Some way this document conveyed the idea that these lands were free. Accordingly, Riley had companions in Antrim in the summer of 1766, in the persons of James Aiken, William Smith, James Duncan, James Hogg, George Otterson, James Otterson, and a young man by the name of Perry, who came here in the early summer of that year, ax in hand, and made their beginnings in the east and south parts of the town, chiefly in the neighborhood of South Village. They had come on the strength of the advertisement, were greatly pleased with the lands, each marked out his farm, and on the approach of autumn they all returned to Londonderry to spend the winter, expecting to come back in good earnest the next spring. At that time Aiken returned very early, and completed his cabin and prepared his ground. Then going after his wife and chil- dren, they arrived at their new home, here Aug. 12, 1767. But aiken's difficulties. 21 he was not joined by his comrades of the previous year. On heai'ing that the land was not given, but to be purchased, though at a mere trifle, they threw up their claims, or determined to wait till there was some change for the better. Only two of them, Smith and Duncan, ever settled in Antrim, and that after some years. But Aiken was not the man to give up anything that energy and perseverance could accomplish The place which he began, and on which he lived and died, is now the Whittum farm, South Yillage. He was obliged to pay to the Masonian proprietors about nine cpnts an acre for this land, or less than fifteen dollars for one hundred and sixty acres, — a very small sum, yet, for a poor man, for wild land, and in that day, it was considerable. Besides, he supposed he was to have the land free. But he resolved to hold his clearing alone, hoping that others would join him in time. Yet his position was a very hard one, and he and his family, submitting to many discomforts, not seldom also felt the pinch of actual want. Bears and wolves in great numbers prowled about them in the woods, and it was dangerous by day or night to venture out unprotected and unarmed. Within ten weeks of his removal here, his pigs running loose were killed and torn in pieces by bears. Provisions were very scanty.. Very little could be raised the first year. No help could be obtained from others. The nearest neighbor was B,iley, six miles through the woods to the north. On the east, William McKeen and two associates had planted themselves in the southerly part of Deering, six or eight miles away. About the same distance off, John Grimes and another- settler lived in Hancock. And the nearest settler to the west 'was in Walpole on the Connecticut river, in the person of Col. Benjamin Bellows, noted in the Indian war. But some of the settlements, like Peterborough, New Boston, and Hills- borough, were making good progress ; and there was a cheerful and determined spirit in the pioneers of the adjacent towns. A census taken in 1767 makes the population of Londonderry, ■ 2,389 ; of Bedford, 362 ; New Boston, 296; Lyndeborough (and Greenfield), 272 ; Peterborough, 443; Hillsborough, 64; Fran- cestown contained about twenty inhabitants, and Antrim (two families) about twelve. The whole State had a population of 52,700, and of slaves 633. In the fall of 1767, a boy, Thomas Nichols, who had run away from the man he was apprenticed to in Newburyport, and who 22 FIRST DEATH AND FIRST BIRTH. now sought some remote cabin for concealment, came to Dea. Aiken's, and, through an abode with him of some years, proved a very desirable addition to his family. This was the Capt. Thomas Nichols that afterwards settled the Dea. Shattuck -farm, and of him a notice will be found elsewhere. He was an adven- turous and smart boy, fearless, and roving, as witnessed by his descendants and proved by his removal to New York when ripe in years, and by his movements there. He bravely entered the forests alone, shot the bears that encroached upon the deacon's domain, killed a moose that fall near the Dea. Worthley place, and his keen, smart undertakings were such as would do credit to an experienced hunter. But soon winter, the first he had seen in the woods of Antrim, drew its cold arms about the deacon's cabin. It was a hard winter, with deep snows and little respite from the cold. Riley, who had spent the five previous winters in Antrim, and who had several neighbors within two or three miles, in Hillsbor- ough, got along very comfortably. But Aiken suffered many trials. His good wife, Molly, saw not a woman's face, save her own, through all that dreary winter, yet she was called to see one of her little ones die when thus alone. This occurred in February following their settlement in Antrim (February, 1768). The little child had come into the wilderness to die. This was the first death among the settlers of the town. There were no minister, and no mourners, and no coffin, and no burial- ground. No neighbors could come to help. No kindred could come to sympathize. No procession followed the little body away. Probably that burial-day of their child was the loneliest and darkest those parents ever knew. Dea. Aiken split out some boards of ash as well as he could from a log, and pinned these together, making a rude but strong casket for the dead child ; and then the parents covered the little form, and fastened down the heavy lid. The depth of snow was immense. There was no road, nor even a path ; but, assisted by the boy, Thomas Nichols, Dea. Aiken carried the body up over the hill northward from his cabin, and buried it near the spot now occupied by the house of Mrs. Anna Woodbury. There the "little dust" reposed till its removal to Meeting-House Hill in 1781. Two months later, April 15, 1768, Mrs. Aiken gave birth to a daugh- ter—the first American child born in this town. They called her Polly ; and she died Dec. 14, 186-2, aged nearly ninety-five. DANGER PROM STARVATION. 23 More may be learned of lier under the names Aiken and Kim- ball. She was a strong woman, and left a revered and noble name ; and was worthy to be the leader in the long and honora- ble line of Antrim's sons and daughters. The first male child born in Antrim was James Aiken, Jr., son of Dea. James, the event of his birth occurring in the spring of 1772. In the summer of 1768, Dea. Aiken was obliged to go to New Boston for corn, and was detained there by lameness four days. It was a serious undertaking to carry a bag of corn on one's back sixteen miles through the forest. Soon after the deacon's de- parture, the cows, apparently following him, crossed over the river and were lost on the other side in the woods. As the family depended on milk for their food, they were now absolutely destitute. Friday and Saturday they hunted for them in vain. ' Saturday night Mrs. Aiken put her children to bed crying with hunger ; and the starving mother knelt down beside them, and commended them all to God in prayer. Sabbath morning, early, a flock of pigeons alighted on a tree near the cabin. Very re- luctantly and only on the ground that they were starving, Mrs. Aiken consented to let the boy Thomas Nichols shoot them on the holy day. Only one was brought down, but this, being made into a broth, relieved the distress of hunger, and was all the family had through the day. By the middle of the afternoon, however, the cows were found a little beyond where the village of Greenfield now stands, — nine miles off in the woods, — and, being hurried home, the family were preserved from starvation. At this time the nearest grist-mill was at Hillsborough, but Dea. Aiken often went to Peterborough or New Boston instead ; probably being better accommodated in purchasing in those places. He used to speak in after years of this carrying to and fro as the severest of all the hardships he endured. He had no road, and no iorse, and no help except the boy Thomas. In the fall of 1768, he and the boy started for Bradford's mill, Hillsborough, with a bushel and a half of grain on their shoul- ders. They made their way through the woods six miles to Riley's cabin, where they learned that the mill was under repair which would require several days. Storing the grain at Riley's they immediately returned ; but being driven by necessity he hastened in another direction. To avoid the terrible task of carrying the grain on his back through the woods twelve miles to Peterborough, he tried to paddle his way there in a canoe. 24 FIRST FRAMED BUILDING. With great labor he towed his load nine or ten miles up stream before dark, when suddenly the heavily-loaded canoe capsized, and the grain went to the bottom and was spoiled before it could be recovered. The family were compelled to make the best turn they could, without bread of any kind, to quell hunger and sup- port life. What do the modern heroes of luxury and ease think of such endurance ? In the spring'of the next year (1769), the first framed build- ing in Antrim was erected, — it being Dea. Aiken's barn. It stood about half-way between the McKeen barn (Mr. Whittum's barn) and the old Aiken building-spot by the poplar-tree. The timber for this barn was all " got out by hand'" near by ; but the boards were sawed at Hillsborough Bridge, the nearest saw-mill being there, and drawn home on the ice of the river, there being no road whatever. (The people of Hillsborough petitioned the governor and provincial assembly, Feb. 15, 1770, to compel the " owners of Society's Land " to maintain a road, which, they say, '• We have maintained on our own Cost near seven years, being the only way we could come to our own Lands." This was therefore made, i. e., " cut and cleared, " as, early as 1764. But this road was through Deei-ing — possibly West Deering.) It would have been impossible for Dea. Aiken to get his plank and boards except upon the ice of the river. This made a good as well as an only way. Later in the same season he built a new log house, adjacent to the barn, only a few steps to the south and west of it, by the old poplar-tree. It was in a better position, larger, and other- wise an improvement upon the old log house hastily made at the foot of the hill over two years before. It was constructed of peeled logs, white and clean, and is said to have looked very neat. The family were happy in it as in a " brown stone front," and not a little proud of it. The children called it their " new white house," and cherished the memory of it, even to old age. Nothing further of importance is known of Dea. Aiken or of Riley during 1769. In this and the preceding year a few families of settlers were creeping into Hancock, Francestown, and Deering. Capt. Isaac Baldwin of Sudbury, Mass. (whence Riley came to Antrim), had moved into Hillsborough about two y^ars before this date, making the fifth family in that town, and being soon joined by others. In the fall of 1769, John Gordon came to Dea. Aiken's and seems to have remained a long time. GEORGE BEMAIN. 25 As he was a Scotch Highlander and soldier, and as he had been through the French war, it may be supposed, that, as in many other cases, he had slipped out of the service in his own way and preferred to winter on the frontier for obvious reasons. In the spring of 1770, the Gontoocook overflowed its bounds to greater extent than ever known by the settlers before, and effectually shut off Dea. Aiken from the rest of the world. For a large part of March it was impassable. The family were with- out bread of any kind for several weeks. While thus isolated by the freshet, Mrs. Aiken gave birth to her second child in Antrim, Nancy, who died in Antrim in 1814. When the waters subsided so that Mr. Aiken could wade the river, he went to New Boston for a nurse and for meal, leaving his wife and her infant and the baby Polly, two years old, under the care of John Gordon, the Highlander, and the little girls Jane, Kate, and Barbara, eleven, nine, and five years of age. In April of this year George Bemain came to Antrim, being another of those homeless ones whom Dea. Aiken sheltered. He seems to have been acquainted with the Scotch, probably having found them as comrades in the war. He was a deserter from, the British army in Boston, having grown tired of the ser- vice, being now in mature years, and had probably been directed to this obscure cabin as a place of concealment by friends in Londonderry. By means of marked trees and swimming the swollen streams, he found his way. and here he begged to stay and work for his board. There were already in that small house, the deacon, his wife, and five children, John Gordon, and probably the boy Thomas Nichols ; yet it was not in the dea- con's line of life to turn any one away, and the wanderer stayed. He proved to be a great blessing to the children. On his first morning here he took up the Bible, saying " he'd scarcely seen the Good Book for forty years." He was a good reader and a good scholar for those times, and was for a long time "a teacher in Dea. Aiken's family, working also part of the time on the land. More is said of him in another place. In the early summer of 1770, William Smith made a second visit to Antrim, four years after the first visit, and was so much pleased with the land that he purchased a lot with the deter- mination to come here and spend his days. The lot he pur- chased, probably the same he began on in 1766, joined that of Dea. Aiken's on the west, being that now Thomas Poor's, and 26 ARRIVAL OF WILLIAM SMITH. other land west and south. He paid nine cents per acre, — or " half a pistareen." With him came John Duncan, afterwards " Hon. John," and bought, at the same price, the lot on which he afterwards settled, being now the homestead of his great- grandson, John Moore Duncan, Esq. Smith was fifty-five years of age, and Duncan forty, when they thus planned to begin in the forest anew. In 1771 Dea. Aiken experienced great comfort in the removal to this place of his old friend, William Smith. Having pur- chased his land the previous year, and made a little beginning upon it, he now put up a small framed house and something that could be called a barn, on a spot southwest of Poor's mills, and south of the present road. Here he lived till 1800, and died in good old age. Notice of his family may be found heading the list of Smiths. He was a devoted aud good man, and though sixteen years older than Aiken, they were most intimate friends, and lived in great confidence and love together till death. An instance of their confiding in one another was told the writer almost the first thing on coming to Antrim for a Sabbath's preaching, and many times since, and, though told in Dr. Whiton's History, is too characteristic to be ornitted here. After they got rich enough to have oxen, long after Aiken's settle- ment, the latter bought a pair of Smith, and not having ready money wrote a note for the same. But Smith said to Aiken, " I hav'n't any desk to keep it in, so you keep it till I call for it." Consequently Aiken kept the note till he was ready to pay it, and then delivered it up, at the same time paying it in full. And then Smith took the note ! Smith brought with him four children, the oldest twenty-two years of age, the youngest ten, and made a decided addition to the settlement. Himself and son soon began a lot west and north of the first, on which the second son, John, afterwards settled and died. The descendants of William Smith stand high and well in the world. He was the oldest of all the pioneei's of Antrim, except Riley, and on this account, proba- bly, being a pious man, he was the one they chose to make the prayer when all the men in Antrim marched off to meet the British, on news of the battle of Lexington. Smith's was the third family in town, and the only one that came in 1771, though others who afterwards settled were here most of the year, like Gordon and Nichols, and though several young men VISITING NEIGHBORS. 27 from Londonderry visited the place and made plans to locate here at some future time. The fourth family in Antrim was that of Randall Alexander, who came in the spring of 1772, and began northeast of Dea. Aiken, on the farm now Arthur Miller's, his lot extending to the river. The fifth settlement was that of John Gordon, who, having been in town most of the time for two years and made a thorough examination of the town, determined to make a begin- ning in the north part, and struck the first blows in that section in the eavly spring of 1772, or perhaps in the fall of 1771. His log house, put up that spring, stood about on the site now occu- pied by the house of Oliver Swett in North Branch. To this he brought his young wife, Mary Boyce of Londonderry. In the course of his first summer in his new home, his only cow was killed by a bear. Gordon had no neighbor on' the west for nearly forty miles, and the nearest one in any direction was Dea. Aiken, or Philip Riley. The latter in midsummer attempted to visit Gordon, taHng the best course he could over the moun- tains ; but he had miscalculated the distance, darkness came on, he was lost in the woods, and was compelled to spend the night on the mountain. But nothing daunted, he found Gordon's cabin hid in the deep woods then skirting the banks of North Branch river, after a few hours' hunt in the morning, and Gordon declared the mountain Riley was the first man to sleep on should be called " Riley's Mountain." So it has been called to this day, and so may it be in all the future. At a festival of the sons of New Hampshire, in Boston in 1849, Samuel Gregg, son of Maj. Samuel Gregg of Peterborough, a near relative of the Greggs of Antrim, gave a narrative of a visit of his parents to Dea. Aiken, which 'he fixes at about March, 1772. Circumstances lead to the conclusion that he was right in fixing the time of the visit, but wrong in saying it was a matter of " distinct recollection," as the said Samuel Gregg was not born till Oct. 25, 1772. He probably told the story correctly from hearsay. As narrated by Dr. Whiton, it was as follows : Maj. Samuel Gregg, a companion in arms with Dea. Aiken, and an old friend, having been some years settled in Peterborough, and having never seen Antrim, together with his wife (Agnes Smiley of Londonderry) "determined to visit their nearest neighbor on the river, James Aiken of this town. On a cold winter's day his mother threw on her the scarlet cloak worn by 28 JOHN DUNCAN. the greatgraiidmothers of the present generation, and walked with her husband on the ice of the river twelve miles to Antrim. On their arrival they found their friends absent, they having gone on a visit to New Boston. Jane, the eldest daughter, about twelve years old, prepared for them the refreshment of a cup of tea and a short-cake, then considered a first-rate article, an almost indispensable accompaniment of tea for company, — an article truly excellent as baked by our great-grandmothers before a glowing bed of coals. After tea the disappointed visit- ants retraced their steps on the river ice, arriving at their home in the evening, wearied with the long and fruitless walk (twen- ty-four miles). Their return was none too soon. That very night brought a sudden change of weather, and a rain so power- ful as to break up the ice of the river, and there being a great depth of snow and no roads, their return home, had they lin- gered on their visit, had been for weeks impracticable." It was in 1772, also, that Maurice Lynch began the James Wallace or William Stacey farmj west of John Gordon. He built his log house a little west of the present house, and on the opposite side of where the house is now. The cellar is now nearly filled, yet the depression of ground made by it is plainly visible at the present day. Lynch was a native of Ireland, thirty-four years old, brought with him three children, was an educated man, and first town clerk of Antrim. But before his year as clerk was out, he went back to New Boston, to the general regret of the people, and there soon after died in the prime of his days. His was the sixth family in town ; but there were nearly thirty families here when he left after a sojourn of five and one-half years. The seventh family in town was that of John Duncan, — after- wards " Captain John," " Esquire John," " Deacon John," and " Hon. John." He had been here at work on his land somewhat in the summers of 1770, 1771, and 1772. His coming to town was the principal event among the few settlers which is put on record for the year 1773. He was a man of good connections and already had won some reputation. He had been very deliberate in his coming, having made more preparation than any that pre- ceded him, and having his goods brought here in a cart, — the first ever driven into Antrim, — whence we infer that he had more than others to bring. His log house was near the site of the present residence on that estate ; and he arrived at its hum- OTHER SETTLERS. 29 ble door with his family (wife and five children), Sept. 20, 1773. It must have been a tough and weary journey, — forty miles in an ox-cart, — and much of the way no road. They drove across the Contoocook in a shallow place, and reached their new home without any serious accident. Here John Duncan lived fifty years, dying at the age of eighty-nine. This farm, purchased in 1770, is now in possession of the family, after one hundred and ten years. The only other farm a Imndred years in the family of the pioneer settler, is that of Dea. James farr, who began his lot in 17^8. A census of New Hampshire was taken in the fall of 1773, making the population of Hillsborough county 13,514, and of the Stp,te, 72,092 ; but in the record of places no mention is made of Society Land. The year 1774 witnessed the arrival in Antrim of eight settlers and their families ; and others, if they did not move here that year, made preparations to do so at .no distant day. Probably ten or twelve log houses went up that year in different parts of the town. Joseph Boyd, afterwards " Dea. Joseph," settled on the Goodell farm ; James Duncan on the Saltmarsh farm ; Dan- iel McParland bought all between Aiken's lot and Boyd's, and located his dwelling about where N. W. 0. Jameson now lives ; James Dickey settled where Samuel M. Thompson now lives (the large brick house over east is about on the spot) ; John Warren settled at the Branch, on the south side of the stream a little be- low the present village ; James Moor settled on the same side of the stream somewhat above Warren ; while John Burns struck off alone into the High Range, locating near where for many years the High Range school-house subsequently stood ; and James Hutchinson reared his cabin half a mile to the west of Lynch, north of the river. The buildings on Hutchinson's lot are now gone. It was at the foot of the mountain west of the Webster or Daniel Swett place, and has been known as the " Old Reuben Boutwell farm." Before Hutchinson moved his family here, the war broke out, he went to the scene of strife with the others, and lost his life by reckless daring at Bunker Hill. This is all of the brief record for 1774. Counting Hutchinson, who was here alone, expecting to bring his wife from Amherst the next spring, there were in the autumn of 1774 fifteen fami- lies' in Antrim ; two in the east part of the town ; six at the Branch or vicinity ; and seven in the vicinity of South Village, making a population of^abbut sixty-two. Things now looked 30 OPPRESSION OP ENGLAND. very hopeful for this new settlement. All summer long the for- ests echoed the stroke of the woodman's ax, and the falling crash of old trees, monarchs of the wood. Clearings became larger and more numerous. Paths were cut out here and there. Walls began to appear. The grounds about the dwellings began to look like fields. Others desiring to make settlements visited the place, and promised to purchase and return the next year. ;. and there was a prospect of the rapid increase of this small community. But, in the spring of 1775, events occurred which tended very much to check and alarm the frontier towns. For at least a dozen years previous there had been a growing coolness between the British government and the American colonies. For a much longer period many of the more thoughtful men this side" the water had felt that the colonies had been treated by the king^ with great selfishness, as shown by the fact that if anything could be made out of the Americans he was ready to receive it, or confer it upon some of his favorites, while in wars with the French and Indians which his own folly had kindled he left these same loyal subjects to look out for themselves. Such as were accustomed to look ahead and think of the future, asked,, not infrequently, what shall the end of these things be ? In 176'0 George III. ascended the British throne, finding a difficulty with France on hand ; and soon after war with Spain was de- clared, and a long struggle ensued costing many lives and a vast sum of money. England, deeply in debt before, was now pressed for means, and began to think of taxing the struggling people in America to help pay their war debt. Under the most false and absurd plea that " the war had been waged chiefly on account of the colonies " and therefore they should share its burdens, they proceeded in a mild way to enact measures which would draw" money from Americli. As this was a very pleasant idea to them,, it soon took a more positive form in the Stamp Act in 1765. Other acts of " taxation without representation " soon followed ;. taxes were put upon almost every thing brought to America ;. a heavy duty was laid upon tea ; and when a storm of indigna- tion arose here, men-of-war heavily armed were sent into our ports by way of intimidation, and garrisons of soldiers from abroad were sent into our principal cities. But seeing they had gone too far, the British abandoned all their taxes except that upon tea, and on this the king determined " to try the question. PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 31 with America." Consequently, in 1773, shiploads of tea were sent to the chief American ports. In some ports it was landed, but they didn't dare to attempt the sale of it. From other ports it was sent immediately back to England. In Boston it was de- stroyed by the '• Boston Tea Party," Dec. 16,1773. In retaliation the British government passed the " Boston Port Bill," taking effect June 1, 1774, forbidding all commerce with that city by water, so that not even a " stick of wood or a barrel of flour could be brought in a row-boat from Cambridge." But this, only made the resistance of the colonies greater still. Contributions poured in from all parts of the country to feed the people of Boston. In some places people made that day (June 1, 1774) a day of mourning and public prayer. Excitement grew fearful all over the country. Men began to talk of war. Military sup- plies began to be collected and put in places of concealment. A congress was called as early as October, 1765, — and these assem- blies grew more' bold and frequent, and tended to unite the several colonies ; and it was agreed that Freedom in America should be confided to " the watchfulness of a united continent." It having been determined in this condition of affairs that Massa- chusetts, and particularly Boston, should suffer, large bodies of foreign troops were soon added to the garrison of that town. Barely was a collision .avoided in that place for several months. But the people talked resistance and prepared for war. " Min- ute-men " — men pledged to start for the scene of conflict at a minute's notice — were drilled in little companies, all over New England, the old soldiers of the French war performing this service. Arrangements were made by signals, fleet riders, firing guns, and so on, to convey immediate intelligence of an outbreak wherever it might occur. Early in April, 1775, Gen. Gage, the British commander in Boston, determined secretly to seize the military stores the patriots had collected in Concord, Mass. Consequently, on the evening of April 18, 1775, just after dark, eight hundred men under Major Pitcairn started for Concord. But the signals of the patriots were given promptly by the gleam of the lantern in the steeple of the old church, and otherwise ; the " minute-men " were started in every direction ; the military stores were for the most part saved by removal ; and this brave expedition terminated in utter defeat. Pitcairn reached Lex- ington about daylight in the morning of April 19, 1775, and there found a company of " minute-men " confronting him, and 32 PATRIOTISM OP ANTRIM. they hung upon the British in their advance and their retreat, until the fugitive red-coats fairly run for life, and would have been all shot down but for a re-enforcement by Lord Percy of more than a thousand men. When Percy met his comrades flying for life, it is said " their tongues were hanging out of their mouths, like dogs after a chase." By sunset of April 19, ' they got back into Boston, tired, ashamed, mad, and utterly defeated by the rude farmers, having lost two hundred and sev- enty-three men-, left dead or wounded in the road. Over this event the wonder and rage in England were very great, but in America a fearful wave of excitement swept from town to town and bound to bound. The tidings flew with incon- ceivable rapidity. The remotest corners of the frontier seemed to catch the word, as though it were borne by the lightnings or the wind. Thf scattered inhabitants of Society Land caught the tidings, and hurriedly met for departure to meet the foe. The men met at Dea. Aiken's, together with those of Deering, incorporated Jan. 17 of the previous year, at the shortest possible notice. As they came from Hancock, Greenfield, Bennington, Antrim, and Deering, with the difficulties of communication and travel then, it is surprising to see with what promptness they acted. They elected Isaac Butterfield of Greenfield to be theiu -captain, and marched immediately for Lexington, not even stop- ping to go to their homes to arrange for leaving. Every man in the town of Antrim old enough to carry a gun marched off on this sudden call to meet the foe, except two, — John Gordon, who had fought for the king, and who soon after enlisted and fought against the king till the close of the war, and William Smith, sixty years old, who followed with provisions the next morning. All night after the company marched, the women of Antrim sat up and worked, preparing articles needed to use, especially provisions, and promptly met in the morning with what they had prepared ; and this little company of wives and mothers, bowing in tears and supplication to God, were led in prayer by the " pious " William Smith, after which he set out with his horseload of supplies to overtake the men, while the women returned bravely and sadly to their homes. Only the man John Gordon was left in town. What an everlasting honor to this town ! More will be said of this under the mili- tary history of Antrim on another page, but this most remarka- ble event seemed to demand mention here, and is worthy of POPULATION. 33 being told over and over. For a shorter or longer period every man in Antrim capable of bearing arms was in the service ! Seventeen men from fourteen families went at the first call, so that there must have been some that were only boys among them. Of course, as said before, the breaking-out of the war tended to alarm the people and hinder all new projects. Nobody could calculate what would be in the near future. Indians from Canada and northern New Hampshire and Maine might again fall on the exposed towns. This was the frontier. It would be very discouraging for any to commence here at that time. And yet in 1775 some additional settlers came here, — probably such as had purchased their land and were determined to run the hazard of a. beginning rather than forfeit their claims. Alex- ander Jameson from Dunbarton certainly began the Temple place this year, though he may not have moved his family here till the following year. Matthew Templeton came from Wind- ham and began the Dea. Isaac Cochran place in 1775. Being an eccentric man, he soon after purchased a second lot in Peter- borough, and ultimately moved to that town. He brought three children with him, and two were born in this town. Richard McAllister also moved his family here from Bedford in 1775". He had worked on his land somewhat in previous summers. He was the first beginner on Meeting-House Hill, locating on the place first north of the fork of roads, afterwards the Abra- ham Smith farm. McAllister was on the first board of select- men. He left town about 1795, and but little is known of him. Also Thomas Stuart came here in 1775, settling where John G. Flint now lives, at the Branch. He brought no children, his first being born in 1777. John McClary, having done something in previous years on his land, moved here in 1775, his three grown-up children coming with him. The place he began has long been known as the Madison Tuttle farm. It is certain that these five men, and perhaps more, came here the spring the war broke out. In the fall of 1775 there were, therefore, at least twenty families in this town. The last five families numbered at the very lowest thirteen persons, making seventy-five persons here in the fall of 1775, This is on the supposition that there had been no births in town during the year previous, and that there were no transient persons here. Seventy-five is probably, therefore, somewhat under the actual number then resident here. 3 34 FIRST SAW-MILL. A census was taken in 1775 which made the population of Lon- donderry, second town in the State, 2,590 ; Bedford, 495 ; New Boston, 669 ; Hillsborough, about 150 ; while Society Land (Antrim, Hancock, Bennington, and the western and larger part of Greenfield) contained 177 inhabitants, — Hancock, Benning- ton, and western Greenfield having altogether not over 102 persons. Prancestown had 200, and Stoddard 224. In the next year, 1776, but little addition was made to the population of Antrim. Three of the Nichols brothers, Thomas, Daniel, and Adam, certainly lived in 1776 in the east part of the town. Thomas Nichols had been here several years most of the time, and seems to have picked out his farm (Dea. Shattuck place) and worked on it when a mere boy. Daniel Nichols on the Turner place, and Adam next south of him (McCoy place) , either moved here in 1776, or, what is almost certain, had begun earlier. But probably all these three brothers were single men in 1776, so that at the close of that year there were not more than eighty-five persons within the present limits of Antrim, and not less than eighty. James Dickey and George Bemaine, citi- zens of this town, lost their lives at the battle of White Plains, Oct. 28, 1776. This was, on the whole, much more discouraging than the previous year, to the people of this place. Three of their small number had- already lost their' lives in the war. Dickey was one of their smartest and most popular men. The public cause looked dark. But through it all these brave men and women worked on undismayed. More and more the forest faded before them, and the wilderness turned into the fruitful field. The women shared every hardship with marvelous strength and zeal. The amount of work done in farming, clear- ing, and fencing, was almost incredible. And at this time they began to talk over the project of being incorporated as a town. It was in this year, early in the season (1776), that John Warren put up the first saw-mill in town. It was the first mill of any kind ever run within our borders. It was a very modest and limited affair at first. It stood at the Branch, a few rods below the Wallace mills, now Parkhurst's, and was a very great convenience to the settlers. In the fall of the same year, James Aiken and Joseph Boyd together put up a saw-mill on the spot now occupied by Goodell's saw-mill in South Village. It was not of very permanent character, and after a few years was removed to give place to a more substan- ASSOCIATION TEST. 35 tial structure, but it auswered an excellent purpose at the time. With these two little mills began the lumber business in Antrim in the winter of 1776-77, which has gone on briskly for a century, till there is but little of the old forest left. About twenty thousand acres have thus been chopped over, many of which are -now covered with timber of subsequent growth. During this year (1776) the American colonies declared themselves independent of the mother country, and while the few sons of Antrim were battling with the forest and with the poverties and hardships of a new settlement, the great struggle for independence or death was going on without. But months before the declaration of independence (March 14, 1776) Con- gress had recommended to the several colonies to disarm all persons " disaffected to the cause of America " within their bounds. In accordance with this request, the colony of New Hampshire "in Committee of Safety" (April 12, 1776) drew up for signature the following paper : — "We the Subscribers, do hereby solemnly engage, and promise, that we will, to the utmost of our Power, at the Risque of our Lives and Fortunes, with Arms, oppose the Hostile Proceedings of the British Fleets and Armies against the United American Colonies. This was called the " Association Test," and was sent out into every town and corner of our State for signature and return. All males above twenty-one years of age " except Lunatics, idiots, and negroes " were asked "to sign to the Declaration on this paper." In the whole State eight thousand one hundred and ninety-nine persons subscribed to this, and seven hundred and seventy-three refused to sign.. Of these last, quite a portion were Friends, who were loyal, but opposed to bearing arms ; some were too timid to sign ; and some were aged and sick, so as to feel that if they signed they could not carry out their pledge. Probably, therefore, not one-third of the seven hundred and seventy-three were actually Tories. And really it was a pretty sweeping test to sign. It meant death and confiscation of property, to every man, if the cause failed ! It was treason against the most powerful government in the world. It places little New Hampshire three months ahead of the Declaration of Independence of the United States. 36 THE SIGNERS. The " signers in Society Land now Antrim " were as follows : John McClary. William Smith. Thomas Stuart. James Aiken. Nathan Taylor. Isaac Butterfield. John Green. Robert Rogers. John Warren. James Gregg. Samuel Moores. Alexander Parker. James Moores. James Hopkins. Philip Raley. James Duncan. Tristram Cheney. Matthew Templeton. John Cheney. Morish Lynch. Joseph Boyd. John Duncan. Daniel Miltimor. Robert Duncan. Alexander Jameson. There were none here that refused to sign. Some few were too young, and some were temporarily absent. Of the above names, Nathan Taylor and Daniel Miltimore had not yet brought families here, though no doubt here at work on their land. Tristram Cheney and his son John, not hitherto noticed, lived near the town line west of the Judge Whittemore place, where now there is neither road nor house, and their stay in Antrim was very brief, — not more than a half-dozen years. John Green, Isaac Butterfield, Robert Rogers, James Gregg, Alexan- der Parker, James Hopkins, and Robert Duncan lived in other parts of Society Land. In Londonderry, three hundred and sev- enty-five signed and fifteen refused ; in Bedford, eighty-seven signed and one refused ; in Deering, thirty-three signed. Having talked over the project of incorporation for several months in the early part of this year (1776), the conclusion was almost entire on the part of this little people, that, they would seek town privileges. This shows how courageous and hopeful they were even in the face of poverty and war, and what great plans they had for the future. About the middle of the summer of 1776 they held a meeting, and chose Maurice Lynch, John Duncan, and Samuel Moore a committee to draw up a petition and present the same to the legislature. No record of this meeting can be found, nor is it known in whose house it was held. But the petition, signed by this committee, was drawn up and duly presented. It is now on file in the office of our state secretary, in the bold, clear, old-fashioned, handsome handwrit- ing of Maurice Lynch. It seems to have been sent in by hand of Capt. Joseph Simonds of Hillsborough, who then represented PETITION FOB INCORPORATION. 37 Henniker, Hillsborough, Deering, and Society Land in the legis- lature. It was presented at the session which commenced at Exeter, Sept. 4, 1776. It was labeled by the clerk of the assem- bly, " A petition from the Society," and is given below with cap- itals, spelling, etc., unchanged : — To the Honorable Council and • House of Eepresentatives in the Colony of New Hampshire at Exeter Assembled The Humble petition of us the Subscribers, being a committee Chosen by the Inhabitants of a part of the Society land (So called) in the County of Hillsborough — Humbly Sheweth — That your honours petitioners has been these two years past waiting for a Reconciliation between Great Britain, Eather than to assume the boldness to trouble any person or persons' Invested with power or authority, to Grant our Request in Such Troublesome times, we your honours petitioners being Ready and willing, to pay our proportion of all the Reats Collected within this Colony these three years past ; yet being Destitute of the privileges laws or Customs Granted to other Towns by their Charters. Now as your honours hath wisely plan'ed a form of Government agreeable to any Good Meaning person or persons, we your petitioners do Request an Incorporation from your honours of a Township In Said Society, the bounds of which being as follows (viz.) Beginning at the North-East Corner of Said Township, which is the Northwest Corner of Diring and Running Southerly According to the course of Contacook river which River is the west line of Said Diring, so as to make five Miles 'pon a strait line. Thence westerly on the north line of No. three in the original plan of Said Society to the East line of pecker's-fleld thence Northerly on said pecker's field and Stodard to Camel's-gore Thence Easterly on Camel's-gore and Hillsborough to the bounds first Mentioned we your honours petitioners being destitute of the privileges before Mentioned Can't oblige a man to work one hour upon the High- ways which is a Great Damage to our-selfs and to the publick,, therefore do Desire, your honours Serious Consideration on the Contents of this petition and we will as in Duty bound for ever pray — MAURICE LYNCH ^ JOHN DUNCAN' [ Committee. SAM' MOORE > By hand of Capt.- Simonds they also sent the following letter : "Whereas we the Subscribers have been chosen as a committee to prefet a petition to your honours for an Incorporation of a District of Land in the Society (so called) Butted and bounded as in Said petition, which bounds is less than what is Granted to other Towns, and have Left more unincorporated land than what we have petitioned for, vvhich we can make appear, and whereas your honours have been Delegated to Redress our grievances, and we have just Reason to Complain of it as a 38 ACTION ON PETITION. Grievance, that we have Been Taxed to Support government and called upon for our quota of men to Defend our privileges, and yet Destitute of the privileges granted to other Towns by their Charters, therefore if the Request of this petition is not Granted, that we will take it very hard to pay any more Taxes till we have the same privileges of other Towns, but yet is Eeady and willing to Defend the privileges Expecting to Injoy them in the whole hereafter. MAURICE LYNCH JOHN DUlSrCAN SAMUEL MOORE Society Aug. 30th 1776. The petition is not dated, but undoubtedly was presented at the same time with the letter, and in the very first days of the session, as indicated by the following extract from the Journal of the House : — Sept. 13, 1776. Upon Reading the Petition of Sundry of the Inhab- itants of Society Land so called, Voted that the Petitioners Cause the Substance of said Petition and order thereon to be Published in the most PubUc places in the Society Land so called and in tlie New Hampshire State Gazette or Saturday Cirqulating Chronicle, that any Person Con- cerned may appear before the General Assembly of this State on the third day of their next Session To shew Cause if any they have why the Prayer thereof may not be Granted. Thus matters rested till the new year 1777 came in. What was left of Society Land west of the Contoocook, between Hills- borough and Peterborough, was judged to be enough for two towns. The above committee asked for the incorporation of the northern half, and asked for less than half. To show their fair- ness in the whole transaction the following paper is copied : — Society Jan'y 14, 1777. This may Certify the general Cort of this state of New Hampshire that the inhabitants of s'' Society Living on the South part are willing the North part should be incorporated the half being Left to us which is found upon inquiry to be the Line between Number 3 and 4 mentioned in their petition MOSES MORRISON GEORGE McCLOUET JONATHAN BARNET JOHN MOOR THOMAS MILLER. This whole tract of country first called Society Land, including Francestown and Deering, had long been called " Antrim" by many of the settlers, and they determined to have the name con- nected permanently with this tract. Many circumstances drew me to this conclusion, and it is confirmed by the positive evi- ANTRIM IN IRELAND. 39 dence of Samuel Downing, who lived in Deering from the age of ten to fifteen, and afterwards in this town, and bore witness over and over that the whole tract was called " Antrim " when he came here. He says that " Antrim was a wooded country- then," and speaks of his homesickness here, though he lived with Thomas Aiken near Francestown line in Deering. His acquaintance with the vicinity, his clear memory, and his accu- rate and circumstantial testimony, leave no chance to doubt that " Antrim " was once the name of the whole, even if there were no other evidence. The county of Antrim is in the northeast part of Ireland, being nearly two-thirds bounded by the northern ocean and the North channel. . On the southwest side of this county there is a lake called Lough Neagh (lok na), from which the broad and beautiful river Bann flows north into the ocean, forming the western boundary of the county. On the south the river Logan and Lough Belfast almost complete the boundary of water. Hence its ancient name " Bndruim," meaning " habitation upon the waters ; " and this name, as it came to be spoken by the earliest Scotch emigrants, was soon changed and shortened into Antrim. The old town of Antrim, a shire-town, though situated- on the northeast corner of Lough Neagh, is near the center of the county of Antrim and in its best part. It is a small town but most beautifully located, sloping toward the lake about as the south part of our own Antrim slopes toward the Contoocook. A round tower, ninety-three feet high and fifty-three feet in circum- ference at the base, is of unknown origin, but attests the ancient importance of the place. A small stream from the east, called the " Six-Mile- Water," flows into the lake at this point, — a short, winding, hurrying little river, with great fall, dotted with mills of various kinds, very like our Clinton stream. The whole scene is charming. Lough Neagh is at this point a marvel of beauty. A recent traveler says : " In the immediate neighbor- hood of Antrim town it may vie with the fairest of the southern lakes, while it possesses a grandeur exclusively its own." On the shore at this point stands the ruined castle of the " Niels," an ancient and honorable race of kings. This castle was burned in 1816, but enough remains to show its former glory and beauty. The old turrets still remain, and the little old cannon are still mounted on its walls. In the midst of 40 IRISH SUPERSTITIONS. great, venerable trees, near the water, near the great round tower, half-bounded by an ancient graveyard with slanting and crumbling stones, — the ruined, empty, falling old castle, with its secret vaults and threatening guns and romantic traditions, might well be taken for a haunted place. This was long said to be a favorite abode of the " banshee," a spirit in woman's form, in loose, white robes, plaintively wailing an admonition of mis- fortune and death. "The wail of the banshee" was said always to be heard* before a death in the family, so sad, tender, musical, and sweet, as never to be mistaken. Sometimes this pleading, plaintive strain was heard at the bridal scene, turning faces of gladness pale. Along the shore at " Old Antrim town " Lough Neagh was reputed to have the singular power of turning all substances into stone. Petrified wood lies all along under the water. An ancient canoe recently raised from the bottom was perfect in every part, but had turned into stone. An old writer said that if a pole near Antrim were stuck into the mud and left standing in and above the water, the parts in the mud and above the water would remain wood, while the part in the water would soon become stone. Of course this is exaggeration, but there is in fact something remarkable in the case. This probably accounts for frequent appearances, by moonlight, of what seem like towers and steeples and walls and curious carved work at the bottom, and for the discovery of dead cities under the water. A poet speaks of it thus : — " On Lough Neagh's banks as the fisherman strays, When the clear cold eve's declining, He sees the round towers of other days In the waves beneath him shining." As Prancestown and Deering were incorporated before this town, it may be supposed that one of these towns would- have taken the good name " Antrim," but for the interposition of Gov. Wentworth, who took the notion into his head, just at that time, to perpetuate in the designation of two adjoining towns the name of his wife. Prances Deering. The former was long writ- ten " Prances' Town." The name Antrim was very dear to the Scotch. It has not been found that there is any place or city in Scotland by this n9,me. Our ancestors found the name on their first arrival in Ireland. It was applied to that city and county which has been NAME AND SURVEY. 41 said to be more exclusively Scotch than any other in the island, and where our fathers enjoyed their rights' to the greatest extent. Like those who settled in Londonderry and kept that honored name', the settlers here clung to that which was next memorable and precious. Consequently, when incorporation was sought, there being then no royal governor, and therefore no royal governor's wife whose name they were compelled to respect, it was a matter of general consent among the people that the new town should be called " Antrim*," and this was the request presented in their behalf. Very early in 1777 the inhabitants of this place met and made provisions to defray the expenses of incorporation, and chose Capt. John Duncan to present and enforce their petition before the legislature, as appointed in the notification of that body, indicated above. This session commenced at Exeter, March 12, 1777. Mr. Whiton says there were then " about twenty families and twenty-three resident freeholders." But, as Jatnes Hutch- inson and James Dickey and George Bemaine were dead, to make this number it would be necessary to count in Dea. Tris- tram Cheney, who was part of the time in Hillsborough, and also Daniel Miltimore, and perhaps others, who, like him, were on the ground but had not yet brought their families here. The town had been twice surveyed, once by Robert Fletcher of Ports- mouth not far from 1753, and again not earlier than 1775, since John Duncan, James Aiken, and Daniel Nichols were chairmen, the last of whom had not long been here. This last survey was made, no doubt, by Col. Joseph Blanchard of Dunstable. That part falling south of the line thus fixed upon, and west of the Contoocook, was incorporated afterward as Hancock, the act being obtained Nov. 5, 1779. Mr. Duncan appeared ' before the assembly at Exeter as directed. No opposition was made. The records of the House for those days are exceedingly brief, and but little is known of what was said on the occasion. The first that appears in regard to it, copied by the kind permission of the secretary of state, is as follows : — Tuesday Mar, 18, 1777. Met according to adjournment A. M. Upon Reading and Considering the Petition of Sundry of the Inhab- itants of the Society Land, So called to be Incorporated with Town Privileges &c. Voted that the Prayer thereof be Granted and that the Petitioners have leave to bring in a bill accordingly. Sent up by Cap Symonds. 42 CHARTER OF ANTRIM. This indicates that some hearing was previously had. In accordance with this a bill was drawn up at once and presented. There is no record of its first or second reading, but its fate appears by the following entry on the House Journal : — Friday Mar. 21, 1777. An Act for Incorporating a Part of the Society Land So called into a Township by the Name of Antrim was read a third time and passed to be enacted. Sent up by Captn Symonds and Cap. Wilson. There were then 'no senate and no governor, but a body called " The Council " combined, to some extent, senatorial an-d execu- tive functions, Meshech Weare being its presiding officer, and sometimes being called " President of New Hampshire." The act of incorporation was brought before them the day of its passage in the House, and seems to have reached its second reading at that time. On the following day occurs this entry: — In Council ^ MAECH 22. 1777. This Act, having been read a third time. Voted, that the same be enacted. M. WEAEE, President. A true copy: Attest, E. Thompson Sec'y. The charter of the town is given below. The original act as delivered to the town is believed to be lost, but this is a copy of that in the State records : — In the year of our Lord one thousand Seven hundred & Seventy Seven — State of New Hampshire — An Act to incorporate Part of a place Called the Society Land in the County of Hillsborough in the said State of New Hampshire. /^.A,^\ Whereas a Petition has been preferred to the General Court C Loc. "i in behalf of the Inhabitants of a Part of that Tract of Land in 1 ?i|^ ■ C the County of Hillsborough Setting forth that for want of an ^^.^^ Incorporation they Were Exposed to many Difficulties & Inconveniences, and praying that they May be incorporated, of Which due Notice has-been Given and no Objection has Been made to it, and it appearing to be for the publick Good — BE IT THEREFORE ENACTED by the Council and House of Representatives and by the authority of the Same it is enacted, that there be and hereby is a Township erected & incorporated- by the Name of Antrim within the following bounds viz: beginning at the Northwesterly Corner of Deering and Thence Running Southerly by Said Deering according to the Course of Contoocook River which is ye Westerly Line of Deering till it Comes opposite to the East- BOUNDARIES. 43 erly End of the line between the Great Lots Number Three and four thence Eunning from the Said Eiver westerly To the Northwesterly Corner of Said Lot Number Three thence Eunning Still westerly on the Said Line between the Said Lots to the Easterly line of Packersfleld thence running Northerly by Said Packersfleld and by Stoddard to Campbell's Gore So Called thence Running Easterly by Said Campbell's Gore & by Hillsborough to the Bound Where it began — and the Inhab- itants of Said Tract of Land are erected into a body politic and Corpo- rate to have Continuance & Succession forever and are hereby invested with all the powers and Enfranchised with all the Eights Privileges & Immunities Which any Towns in this State hold & Enjoy To Hold to the Said Inhabitants of Said tract of Land & their Successors forever — And Cap. John Duncan of Said Antrim is hereby authorized & impow- ered to Call a meeting of said Inhabitants, To Choose all Necessary & Customary Town Officers Giving at Least fourteen Days Notice of the Time Place & Design of Such Meeting and Such Officers Shall Hereby be Invested With all the powers of the Like Officers in any other Town in This State and every other meeting Which Shall be annually held in Said Town for that purpose Shall be on the Second Tuesday of March annually forever. 44 FIRST TOWN MEETING. CHAPTER II. AN OUTLINE OP EVENTS IN ANTRIM FOR FIFTY TEARS. 1777-1827. We have just celebrated the 'one hundredth anniversary of Antrim's incorporation ; but probably we could realize but little of the pride and joy which our fathers felt when they were first blessed with town privileges and town honors. Only a handful, — twenty-three, — but they had great hearts and great hopes ! They did not, however, call a town meeting till May 1, probably on account of deep snows and the difficulty of assembling for lack of roads; There was nothing in town that could very properly be called a road. The first warrant posted in this town for a legal meeting was as follows (the contradiction of dates was probably a mistake of Lynch in making the record) : — State of New Hampshire ( Antrim And County of Hillsborough ss, j Apr. 16. 1777. By The authority of The afforsaid State I do hereby Warn all the- freeholders and other Inhabitants Quallified by Law to Vote in Town meetings belonging To Said Antrim, to meet on Thursday the first Day of May at 12 of the Clock at the house of Capt. John Duncan in Said. Town, To act on the following articles viz. — 1=' To Choose a Clerk To Keep the Records Allso Selectmen and Other Necessary Town Officers. — 2* To See if the Town Will agree to find a Center and Burying place. — 3diy To See if the Town Will agree to Eecord the most Leading- Boads. 4M7 To See What money they Will Rease to Get preaching the Present year and act on aney other thing Thought Needful When. met — . And This Shall be your Sufficient Warrant Given Under my hand and Seal at Antrim This 16* Day of March A: D: 1777. JOHN DUNCAN Agreeably to this warrant the few scattered yeomen assembled' at John Duncan's May 1, 1777. It had little resemblance to the crowded, noisy town meetings of recent date. No politics ! A kitchen-full of quiet, brave, noble, united men ! "What a treasure a picture of that town meeting would be ! No presiding officer is mentioned in the record ; but it is probable that John Duncan, ' TOWN OFFICERS. 45 ■Twho called the meeting to order, acted as moderator throughout. Maurice Lynch was chosen town clerk and began the record in excellent shape, but was not rechosen, as he moved back to New Boston before the close of the year 1777. Thomas Stuart, James Aiken, and Richard McAllister were chosen the first ijoard of selectmen. Maurice Lynch was chosen constable ; and James Duncan and John Warren were the first highway surveyors. The clause in the warrant to " act on any other thing Thought Needful When met " left the door open pretty wide, and they proceeded to make a pretty liberal construction of this most liberal phrase. They — Voted the Selectmen a Quarter a Dolar p' Day for their service in the Town Buisness. Voted To Take Some Meathod To find a Center. They then chose Maurice Lynch surveyor for this purpose. Voted James Aiken & Sam^ iloore To Be Cheanmen. And Capt. -John Duncan Tally man. Voted forty Dollars to be Worked out on the highways this year. Voted that the Selectmen Shall Be a Committee of Safety for this year. Voted that 23 Inhabitants or freeholders Those in the Town Will pay a. Shilling Each for the Charge of the Chartor. This shows that there were several besides " Those in the Town," — that is, some who had begun farms but had not yet moved here ; and also that the expense of incorporation was very slight. They also — Voted to hold Town Meetings at Ric* M^Allostor's house (Abram Smith place on Meeting-House Hill) Till Such Time as ther Will be a proper place to meet at the Centor and To post Warrants for the futter meetings at James Moor's Mills. This humble grist-mill was on the spot where are now Park- hurst's mills at the Branch, and the warrants were to be put up there because every settler would visit that place on business. The town also voted in regard to the " Meathod to find a Centor," that the " Surveyor and his Assistants.Shall go Round The Town and Take the proper Courses and Distances So as to Give Their Return of a proper Centor." .^The surveyor went about his work in the early summer, and fixed upon the top of Meeting-House Hill as the " Centor " of the town, though after the enlargement of the town the geographical center was nearly a n^ile west of that point. It is 46 MEETING-HOUSE AND CEMETERY. probable they varied some from the exact center for the sake of being on the top of a hill ! Then, after the hurry of summer ■work was passed, they called a meeting for Aug. 20, the warrant for which is curious enough to be inserted here entire. It was addressed to " Maurice Lynch Constable." In the ISTame of the Government and people of this State you are To Warn all the freeholders and other Inhabitants Quallifyd by Law to Vot in Town meetings Belonging To Said Antrim to meet at the Centor of Said Town on Wensday the 20"^ Day of this Instant at Eight of the Clock in the forenoon first to Chuse A moderator 2°^ To See if the Town Will be Satisfyd With the Choice of the Surveyor and his assestanc Maid of the Spot for a meeting house and Buyring place — 3iiiy for Every Man for to a ax fall the Trees off the Yalue of one Acer More or Less When Legualy agreed for the Spoot To Build upon. — 4"y To Chuse a Committee for to Regulate the Expense The Town has been at in Respect of the War and Act on aney Thing Thought Needful in the opinion of the Selectmen and this Shall be your Warrant It is to be concluded that they had a remarkably good set of selectmen ! But then it was a day of sudden emergencies and mutual confidence, and they did not stand for technical rules. On assembling, they made short work of voting on the several articles. It must be remembered that this town meeting was in the woods. There was no road ; and out of the thick forest there was no opening from which a human dwelling could be seen. The nearest human habitation was the log cabin of Benjamin Gregg, on the E. L. Vosie farm. I have heard old people say that the trees on the hill were very large, and I think of this town meeting under them with admiration of the men and the scene. It seems to have been held a few steps from the south- east corner of the old cemetery, under " A Read oak tree markd with the figur of Eight." Having chosen John Duncan modera- tor, they seem to have accepted the report of the surveyor by unanimous consent, as there is no record of any kind about it. In the same way they fixed upon a lot for burial. Then they passed the following votes : — Voted the Spot to Build the Meeting h6use to be Between A Read oak tree markd with the figur of Eight and the Deat of the year 1777 — and the Buring Place, — Voted to Chope one Acer more or less. Voted that the Delinqueant inhabitants Shall Pay one Dollar or Else work one Day at Choping a" falling at the Center. Then, after the transaction of some other business, they dis- GRIST-MILL. 47 solved the town meeting, and " immediately went to work at felling trees " on the " Acer more or less " which now constitutes the old cemetery. Every man. had been notified to bring his ax, and as they met at eight o'clock in the morning, and were eager to commence this public work, it is probable the town meeting did not last an hour ; and therefore they had time for a vigorous day's work. They had no debate about the " Spoot to Build upon " and no time to waste. It will be noticed that in this first transaction the idea of building a church was in every miiid ; also that the old and beautiful idea that church and cemetery must be together was prevalent here. No doubt they made rapid progress that day in laying the forest low ! It was simply cut down to dry for burning, — an immense pile, enriching with ashes the place of the dead. Alas ! now the " Read oak markd with the figur of Eight," and the meeting- house, the highest landmark in the vicinity for fifty years, and houses subsequently occupied there as dwellings,- and those voters themselves, are gone ; and only the stones placed at the graves of those noble men, remain to identify the spot ! May these be held sacred by future generations ; and may the town commenced by those strong arms do honor to the place where they rest ! No descendant of them — not the remotest son of Antrim — should fail to visit this solemn and commanding ground ! This year (1777), James Moor completed a grist-mill at the Branch on the site of Parkhurst's mill. Moor had been on the ground four years, and must have commenced his mill in 1776, as it was designated as " Moor's Mill " in the spring of 1777. This was only for corn, but it was more a matter of welcome and convenience to the settlers than a new railroad is to a town now. They rejoiced over it " as a great acquisition." Com- pelled to live 'largely on corn meal, they were obliged to go to mill to Hillsborough and Peterborough, and even to New Boston, till David Lewis built a grist-mill in the southeast part of Pran- cestown, 1774. This latter event was counted a public benefit ; but a grist-mill now in their own town seemed to meet a most urgent want, and was looked upon by them with pride, and satisfaction. In 1777, soon after the first town meeting, Antrim first had a public highway, though " barely passable for horses." The previous year they had put up the frame of the " Great Bridge," 48 CLEARING LAND. as the records long designate it, the same being where is now the Baldwin bridge over the Contoocook. It was a small, frail affair, and only called great as compared with any other they planned to have in town, and as measured by " the poverty and , fewness of the builders." In the course of 1777 a road was " cut and cleared " from this bridge up by the old Jonas White place, through the Center, over Meeting-House Hill to the new corn-mill at the Branch, and thence over the English hill to Hillsborough. This was the first road in town, and hardly worthy that name even for many succeeding years. More will be said of roads in another place. This year, also, Antrim, with all her struggles at home, did not forget her duty to the suffering cause of liberty. About one- fourth of the men in town were in the army more or less in 1777, and a still greater number of those who afterwards settled here wbre on the field. Under the military history of the town these items will have particular note. At this point it may be said, however, that the town nobly aided the families of absent soldiers ; they carried, forward the " clearings " of such as had no families, and occasionally voted to " clear up their fell wood" or " pieces of chopped wood." These were pieces of land on which the trees had been cut and left as they fell, and then burned over. After the fire these tracts were covered with charred logs in every direction. The town cut, piled, and burned these logs, and prepared the new land for a crop, in the absence of its young owner in the army. Many votes of this kind are found in the old records, during the period of the war. Also, year after year, they " Voted Miss Mary Dickey be freed of her Reats," — i. e., the widow of James Dickey was exempted 'from taxes, as her husband had lost his life in the service. In 1777 several new settlers located in town. Samuel Gregg certainly built this year, on the Paige or Dea. Newman place, at the present center of the town. His cousin Benjamin Gregg, also, as early as this year, began the Edward L. Vose farm at the Center. Most of the new settlers worked one summer, and sometimes two or three, on their lots, before moving on to them. Hence, it is sometimes-difficult to decide when they became res- idents here, as their names are found at the same time in other towns as well as this. In some instances this double residence continued four or five years, as with John Gordon, Matthew Templeton, Benjamin Gregg, the Cheneys, and others. Daniel INCREASE OP POPULATION. 49 Miltimore settled on the Whiteley place this year, to which he brought his young wife the year following. William Boyd, also, in 1777, settled on the Dea. Worthley farm. tlis first house stood on the old road several rods north of the present residence on that place. John McAllister, James McAllister, and Philip Coffin came this year or before. It seems also certain that as many as a half-dozen young men, not named heretofore in these pages, were chopping away all summer on their lots, so that the crash of falling trees was constantly heard, and clearing fires were most of the time burning. Some of the stone walls now standing are thought to have been built this year. It was, altogether, a lively year for Antrim, — the year of incorporation, healthy, toilsome, struggling, hopeful 1777 ! It may be added, that, of a State tax assessed June 1, 1777, Antrim's share was one pound, five shillings, and ten pence. The year 1778 made some valuable additions to the popula- tion of the town. In, the spring of this year Dea. Jonathan Nesmith, having worked on his land the four preceding seasons, moved on to the farm on which he died, now known as the Nesmith place, and was for a long life one of the foremost men in town affairs and church affairs. Dea. James Nesmith the same year moved on . to the Chandler Boutwell place. Dea. James Carr located on the place now that of his grandson, William R. Carr. John Gilmore settled this year on the farm long occupied by C. J. Whitney. Elias Cheney, who had been living here with his father, Dea. Tristram Cheney, for several years, moved in 1778 on to the Dimon Dodge place, near Cork' bridge. The Dinsmores, Samuel and James, came also this year. Samuel located where his son Samuel now lives, and James fixed on the Zadok Dodge place. Others made begin- nings the same year, and the town's population increased con- siderably. But, from pecuniary and various other embarrassments, this was one of the hardest years for the town. So many perplexing matters called for attention, that there were ofe town meetings within eight months. The first regular Mai'-ch meeting ever held here was at the house of Richard McAllister (Abram Smith place on Meeting-House Hill), March 10, 1778. At this they chose Hon. John Duncan town clerk, and Thomas Stuart, Daniel Miltimore, and Daniel Nichols, selectmen. James Dun- can was chosen constable. Maurice Lynch, though absent much 50 DEPRECIATION OP CURRENCY. in New Boston, and probably for that reason not continued in the ofifice of town clerk, was nevertheless chosen surveyor of highways in his part of the town. Their first vote, after electing town officers, was to raise " 32 dollars for Preaching this year." Then they " Voted five Hundred Dollars to be Reased to be worked out on the Highways — and Bach man to have three Dollars A Day for his weages and two Dollars P Day for Oxen." Mr. Whiton is mistaken in saying this was the rate for 1777, as the vote for that year was, " That the Inhabitants Shall Work at highways at the Rate of half a Dollar a Day &c find What Tools the Surveyor . Will order them to Bring." This large change from a half-dollar per day in 1777 to three dollars in 1778, shows that depreciation of paper currency was quite rapid early in the war, and shows a new hardship wliich our fathers had to struggle with. Prom the first, specie had been comparatively scarce in the country. The early settlers, buying tools and seeds, had nothing to return but coin, which had a tendency to draw the specie back to England. As a consequence, the colo- nies were driven to the issue of paper currency for circulation among themselves. . Coins of the small denominations, and of trifling intrinsic value, were issued by several States, but these were only convenient for small suras. Paper was issued long before the Revolution, of which Massachusetts paper generally stood highest. As compared with English money, this colonial paper was largely depreciated years before the rupture between this country and Great Britain.. In' 1767 it would take seven pounds in South Carolina to obtain one pound sterling, and in other colonies somewhat less. Hence, when the war of the Revo- lution broke out, the financial question was the most difficult one. Less than a month after the battle of Lexington Congress pro- ■ vided for the issue of what has since been known as " Continen- tal Pap,er." Of this money, 12,000,000 were put in circulation June 22, 1775. This was followed by other and larger issues, until 1300,000,000 were in circulation. Laws were passed, making this pape" 'legal tender for payment of debts, but, in spite of these arbitrary enactments, it depreciated every week until it became worthless. As indicated by the votes of Antrim, it took, March 10, 1778, three dollars of this currency to be worth as much as fifty cents of it was wortii ten months before. Coins, therefore, had become extremely scarce. Those who had silver were charged with concealing it, while the settlers of this town, ASSESSMENT OP TAXES. 51 being mostly poor, found it almost impossible to get specie enough to pay their taxes to the State. Samuel Gregg, who came here with considerable wealth, nobly aided the citizens of the town by giving specie for paper to a large extent, until its depreciation nearly swept his property away. No remuneration was subsequently made to him, and none of the paper he held ever redeemed. Under these circumstances of war and monetary embarrass- ment, trouble arose with the proprietors and non-resident land- owners. In the first place, there was difficulty in obtaining the land for public purposes at the established center of the town. It seems that the voters had been a little too fast the preceding year in clearing ground for a burial-place. Hence, perceiving their mistake, and putting the matter in, a mild form, they entered an article in the warrant for March 10, 1778, " to See if the town will be willing [to] Present a petition to the owners of that Right our Cantor falls into to get A Privilege for Building a meeting house." On this article they — Voted to Send a Petition to Mr. Jeffre (Geo. Jafl'rey of Portsmouth) and Mr. Parce. Voted Lieut Jno M°Cleary to Gary in the above Petition. No doubt he attended to this duty at once, and was Successful in getting the grant of land, as within three weeks another town meeting was called to finish up clearing the lot set apart for purposes of burial. Thus this disturbing element, which threat- ened to be serious, was happily and manfully put out of the way. The March meeting of 1778 was closed by choosing Daniel McFarland town treasurer. They also " Voted the Selectmen as a Cometee of Seafty. " In the next place, trouble arose with non-resident land-owners in regard to taxes assessed by the town on their land. The records are very scanty and obscure touching these points ; but enough is known to indicate what the trouble was. Very likely these unlettered men of the forest had not gone strictly accord- ing to law in everything. Two-thirds of the soil of the town was owned by outsiders ; and the people rightfully thought this property should be assessed as well as their own improvements. Several records of sales of such land for taxes are now in exist- ence. All the north part of South Village was thus sold in 1778. This action of the town the proprietors resisted, though the taxes thus assessed seem to have been chiefly, perhaps entirely. 52 TOWN MEETINGS AND PROCEEDINGS. on account of the war. This caused great and continued anxiety in town. Committees were appointed again and again, and legal counsel was obtained. It seems froni the subsequent action of the town, that there had been no record of the acceptance of the charter ; and probably on this ground they denied the right of the selectman to tax them. Hence a meeting was called for May 7, 1778, " To heare M"^ Cleggets Advise by Lieut. mcCleary," and " To See if the town will act acordiug to our Charter as Was Voted last Meeting." This gentleman was Hon. Wyseman Claggett of Litchfield, long Attorney-General of the State. It seems that he advised them to accept the charter in a formal manner by vote, put it on record, and then go ahead ; since they at once " Voted the Town on the Charter as Voted last meet- ing ; " and since we find them subsequently selling land for taxes, and hear no more of trouble with non-residents for a considerable time. And thus this difficulty was overcome, and the settlers as before had their own way, which was the right way. But it is not to be wondered at, that, at the meeting April 21, 1778, being in the midst of these troubles, the town felt too poor to send a man to Concord " As a Delegate to Lay a plan for Government," especially as they then had their first applica- tion for the poor, and " Voted Twenty Dollars out of the Town's Stock to the Suport of Miels Realys family." This meeting was at Richard McAllister's house, and the moderator was Dea. Tristram Cheney. July 9, 1778, that being the fourth town meeting of the year (Benj. Gregg, moderator), " Voted that there be 700 Dollars Raised for the Great Bridges being compealed in Said town." This being in depreciated currency, would be less than one hun- dred dollars in specie. " The Great Bridge " (Baldwin bridge) was then the only southward exit from the town by road of any kind, and hence of great importance. At the fifth town meeting of the year, Oct. 14, 1778, much was talked of, but nothing was done of much importance. " Voted that All meetings for the futer be held at Sa™ Greg's." Also, " Voted that the Warrants for the futer be posted at Jam' Moore's mill Likewise at James Aiken's house." The year 1779 was even harder than 1778. There was some increase of population, and improvement of lands ; but with many of the citizens in the army, with new roads to build, with fences everywhere to put up, with land to clear for absent TROUBLE WITH THE CURRENCY. 53 soldiers, and with the burial-ground to finish, it was a year of extreme toil and hardship for every son and daughter of Antrim. At the town meeting March 9, 1779, Samuel Moore first comes into notice. He seems to have made quite an impression, as he was chosen moderator, second selectman, and town clerk all at the same time. This shows that their method of voting and keeping records was different from what is followed at the present time. At this meeting, the north stream in town is first Called the " Branch." A bridge over the same in Branch village was put up this year. Mr. Whiton is mistaken in saying 1781, as the record Mai'ch 9, 1779, is, " Voted that Richard McAllestor & Thomas Stuart be a Committee To finish the Bridge on the Branch." The continued depreciation of the currency is shown by the following record of this meeting : — Voted 3000 Dollars To be "Worked out on the highways for the presaat year at Ten Dollars pe"^ Day. Silver passed entirely out of circulation. As this paper was legal tender, unprincipled men paid their debts with it ; and many creditors were crippled or ruined by being compelled to take it. The town paid Rev. James Miltimore seventy dollars per day for preaching, which was about /owr dollars in good money, as shown by this record : — Voted that the Minister Be Paid four Dollars per Day Equal to Coarn at three Shillings per Bushel. The embarrassment and trouble of the people on account of currency this year can hardly be calculated. By an interesting " Table of depreciation for this State," recorded on the Journal of the New Hampshire Assembly, July 3, 1781, it appears that Jan. 31, 1777, continental paper was at par with silver, while Dec. 31 of that year it took $3.10 in paper to equal one dollar in silver. At the close of 1778 it took $6.34 of papef to equal a dollar of silver. March 1, 1779, it took ten dollars of paper to equal one of silver ; and through the year depreciation was so constant and so rapid that on Dec. 31 it took $23.93 of paper to equal one dollar of silver. And thus the monetary unrest and uncertainty grew worse and worse. Hence but little was under- taken at the March meeting. They adjourned to April 20 ; and then, though paper had lost a tenth of its value in one month, they cut down the highway appropriation one-third ; and of that Voted Three Days Work of Each man to be Worked out at y« Centor for preparing for a meeting house. 54 REGULATING PRICES. At this meeting a vote was taken to lay out a certain road, which as a curious specimen is here given : — Voted that there be a Boad Laid out from a Rock in the River as it is Now Markt or as Near as the Ground Will allow To the West Branch To the most Convinent place for a Bridge Running out to the other Road. Of course that is plain to every one ! In 1779, there wei-e six town meetings, which shows the disturbed condition of affairs. The most important of these was called for Sept. 20. On assembling, they chose Samuel Gregg moderator, and adjourned to Oct. 4. The principal object of this meeting was to regulate the values of produce, or, as the warrant has it, " To See if the Town Will Ohuse a Committee To make a Regulation of prisses." They chose Benjamin Gregg, James McAllister, and Daniel McFarland a " Committee for to Set Upon the Vigitabels that is to be Sold in Said Town." " Yoted that Sam' Gregg be one to Assist s'^ Committee : " and surely if ever a difficult task was allotted to three men, this was such a case, especially as they " Voted that any person Taking any more for aney Article that the above committee has Stated forfits that Article or the price of Said Article and all charges arrising Thereon ; " and still more especially as they " Voted that sai'^ commit Shall Bring "Such offenders To punishment." Then after voting that the " Select- men Give Instruction " to our " Delegate to Represen us in Cort," they adjourned to the first Monday in November. It will be noticed that though our fathers were fighting for freedom, they ruled severely. Their intent was to prevent extortion and extravagant prices, but their steps were exceedingly arbitrary and futile. But little is known as to the details of the plan, only that it. proved a failure, and prices were soon left to regulate themselves. They were not the only men that have attempted to make a dollar's worth go for eighty-five cents, or eighty-five cents' worth go for a dollar ; but experience everywhere eventually enforces the conclusion that prices hinge upon demand and supply, not being subject to arbitrary decisions. In the fall of 1779 the proprietors and absentees again attempted resistance to the non-resident tax, and this time carried the matter into the legislature of the State. In that body, after some debate and delay, they got a decision in their favor this much : — Nov. 9, 1779, Voted to forbid the Selectmen of Antrim from Selling NON-RESIDENT TAXES. 55 land of non-residents for Taxes until further order of the General As- sembly. Soon after receiving this order a town meeti'.ig was called for Dec. 14, 1779, to " See What Meathod the Town will agree upon to obtain Redress of Their Grievances." As the times were then, and as the noh-residents were so many, their failure to pay would bring a greater burden on the settlers than it would be now to double our taxes. At the present time, our western pioneers for new roads and improvements issue bonds, or in some other way borrow money, but our fathers paid for every- thing when they got it, and did without until they could pay. Hence, as they were paying and doing all that men could already, the non-resident resistance brought serious ^trotible upon them. Therefore, when they met Dec. 14, they voted to send a petition to the general court setting forth their circumstances, and "Voted that Lieut. Tho^ Nichols Carries y^ ab° petition." Then they called a meeting for Jan. 24, 1780, " To her Cap'. Nichols Report from Court," and " To hear a petition Read With the order of Court thereon Which the proprietors have Laid into the General Court against the Town of Antrim." At this meeting they " Voted that John Duncan Esqr. go Down to Court To answer against the proprietors petition," and " Voted that Cap'. Nichols Go to Court to Assist Squir Duncan." This matter was pressed in the assembly the following March. Prob- ably other towns might have had the same interest there. But a compromise was at length decided upon by the legislature, and they voted, March 9, 1780, " That the unimproved lands of non-residents within this State shall be subject to be taxed to the State Taxes, Continental Taxes, War taxes. County Taxes & not otherwise." The question of taxing "located lands," — i. e., lands purchased, partly cleared, but on to which the owner had not yet moved, was referred on the above day to a " Committee of both houses." They reported an act, which was passed March 16, but the text of it I am not able to find. But, after this, non-residents were taxed for everything . except town expenses. But the proprietors were not pleased with this result. A few months after, an article was in the warrant to petition them for " one hundred Aicres of Land for a Settlement for a minister ; " but they seem to have concluded it was no use to ask for favors, and therefore they " Voted that Daniel Miltimore Shall Go to Portsmouth and Purchase a Lot of Land from Esqr. 56 TITHING-MEN. Jafre as Low as Possible." Or perhaps they were getting their backs up, in regular Scotch style, and did not wish for any favors from that source. There are but little data for further remarks on events in Antrim up to March meeting in 1780. By this meeting conti- nental paper had gone down so far that it took 137.36 of it to purchase a silver dollar, and silver could not be had in Antrim even at that rate. They "Yoted.that Wages at hieways the Instant year be Nine Pounds." They also " Voted that william Boyd have five hundred Dollars for his Sarvice at Road island." By vote of the assembly, June 23, 1779, a regiment of three hundred men was raised in this State to defend Rhode Island from threatened invajsion. It is believed that Boyd was the only man from Antrim in this particular service. This year the first " Tayithing man " was chosen in this town, in the person of Dea. James Aiken. This office was regularly filled for a long series of subsequent years. The badge of office was a stick a yard long tipped with brass or pewter. The busi- ness of the incumbent was to keep order in i-eligious meetings, and see that the Sabbath was strictly observed, and to stop travel on the Lord's day. This was a religious office, and often the best men in town were elected to it, though in after years the religious was not always the chief distinction about it. It is ^related that a man from Stoddard was going home one Sabbath afternoon, and, in passing by the Daniel Swett house, was arrested for traveling on the Lord's day. But the Stoddard man was short of corn, and the tithing-man had corn to sell ; so said tithing-man, after duly admonishing the guilty footman of the wickedness of traveling on the Sabbath, sold him a bushel of corn, gave him something to drink, and at sunset let him go on ! The year 1780, like the two preceding years, was liard for the new town of Antrim. There was a steady but slow increase of population, but scarcely any increase of wealth. War expenses weighed very heavily on the people. Men, women, and children had to struggle to get a living even of the plainest kind. No votes or town transactions of account to the present reader, are put on record. The year 1780 is noted rather for extreme cold, and for the " Dark Day," so far as it has any special importance in the traditions that have come down to us. The winter of 1779-80 has a place of note as the " Hard Winter." Dr. Whiton tells us that water did not drop from the eaves in any THE " HARD WINTER." 57 place for six weeks. For most of the winter snow was five feet deep on a level. The only communication was by means of snow-shoes. Roads were out of the question. Boston harbor was frozen hard enough for a sleigh-ride on it, according to report. People could not go to mill, and, after their stock of meal was used up, they lived for weeks on boiled corn and vari- ous broths. Wood was drawn on hand-sleds most of the winter, it being impossible to move a team. It is related that one lad and his little sister, their father being in the army, drew wood in this way for the family all winter. Having no boots, they sewed rags round their feet and saturated them with neat's-foot oil to keep from freezing, and then sallied forth into the woods. Old stockings, thus saturated, were called proof against frost. As evidence that the reports of cold and snow were not greatly exaggerated, the Journal of the New Hampshire Legislature, March 8, 1780, contains a " Resolve to enable the Court of Com- mon Pleas in the County of Hillsborough to take up and finish sundry matters pending at said Court at their next term, the last term being lost by reason of the stormy weather." In some of these deep snows arid blows ordinary log houses were entirely covered out of sight. In one place in New Hampshire, nearly a month after a great storm, a flock of one hundred sheep were dug out of a snow-bank that was sixteen feet deep above their ba;cks, most of them being dead, the few alive having subsisted by eating the wool off the dead ! In such a winter the privation and solitude of these few scat- tered' settlers must have been oppressive. It was a rare thing to see a neighbor's face. Bach family was shut up by itself. Even the larger places, like Boston and Portsmoutli, were thoroughly blockaded with snow. In those families where the husband and father was in the army, the long winter must have been desolate in the extreme ! With all our winter comforts and social enjoy- ments, we are in no condition to appreciate what was endured by the founders of our institutions. Following this severe and long winter came the celebrated " Dark Day," May 19, 1780. I take the liberty to copy such statements about it as have fallen under my eye. For several days previous the air was full of smoky vapors, as if fires had been' burning in the woods, the sun and moon appearing red and somewhat obscured. The early morning of May 19 was cloudy and showery and cool, with some thunder and lightning. But 58 THE DARK DAY. about ten o'clock, when the artisans were busy in the shop and mill, the women spinning and weaving, and the farmers hurrying with their spring work in the field, it began to grow dark. The wild birds screamed and flew to their nests, — the hens went to their roosts, — the cattle came up, uttering strange cries-, to their stalls, — the sheep, bleating Wofully, huddled under the fences, — the buds and small leaves on the trees were colored almost to an indigo blue, — robins and blue-birds flew into the houses as if they sought the protection of man, — the rain that soon fol- lowed was full of a substance like burnt vegetable matter, form- ing a scum, with smell of soot, over everything, collecting on the Merrimack river here and there to the depth of half a foot, — and this strange darkness increased until by noon people had to light candles to eat their dinners by ! Lights were seen in every window, and, out-of-doors, people carried torches to light their steps. Everything took a different color from what it had by sunlight, and consequently the strange reflections of the torch-lights were in keeping with the marvelous and changed appearance of everything. Hosts of people believed the end of the world had begun to come ; men dropped on their knees to pray in the field ; many ran to their neighbors to confess wrongs and ask forgiveness ; multitudes rushed into the meeting-houses in towns where they had such, where pious and aged ministers, pleading repentance, interceded with God in their behalf; and everywhere throughout this day of wonder and alarm, the once careless thought of their sins and of their Maker ! At this time the legislature of Connecticut was in session, and when the growing darkness became so deep that at mid-day they could not see each other, most of them were so alarmed as to be unfit for service. At this juncture Mr. Davenport arose and said : — Mr. Speaker, it is either the day of Judgment or it is not. If it is not, there is no need of adjourning. If it is, I desire to .be found doing my duty. I move that candles be brought, and that we proceed to business. The darkness somewhat increased all day, and before time of sunset was so intense that no object whatever could be dis- tinguished. Anxiously and tremblingly people waited for the full moon to rise at nine o'clock, and even little children with strained eyes sat silently watching for its beautiful beams to appear. But they were disappointed, the darkness being unaf- fected by the moon. The most feeling prayers ever prayed in FINANCIAL DISTRESS. 59 Antrim were at the family altars that night. Children never had more tender blessing than these mothers gave them that night. They slept soundly for the most part, but the parents chiefly sat up all night to wait and see if the glorious sun would rise again. Never dawned a lovelier morning than that 20th of May ! Never were hearts more thankful on the earth ! Even thought- less people praised God ! So much were the whole population affected by this event, that, at the succeeding March meeting, the town voted, March 9, 1781, to keep the next 19th of May as a day of fasting and prayer. The dgirkness was greatest in northern Massachusetts and southern New Hampshire. It covered New England more or less, was noticed on the Hudson river, but was not thought of farther south and west. As to causes and explanations of this event, a high authority says : — The Dark Day in North America was one of those wonderful phe- nomena of ilature which will always" be read of with interest, but which philosophy is at a loss to explain. The year 1781 finds the people in much financial distress. Paper had gone so low that it required seventy-five dollars of it to purchase one dollar of silver. In the border towns like Antrim, the people were distressed to pay their taxes. Tuesday, March 13, 1781, they " Voted Esqr. Duncan go to meet a Cometee from Hancock [and] Bearing and Draw a Demon- strance," and " Voted James Aiken and Thomas Stuart be a Commettee to give Capt. alcock instruction." So great were the war expenses, and so poor were the people, that even an article in the warrant to call a minister was " adjourned till the town Receive instruction from Coart." And yet in their great dis- tress they " Voted Mrs. Mary Dickey be freed of Reats," and that " Chopt Down wood Shall pay a tax equal to wild Land and no more." They would not tax the widow of the dead soldier, nor would they tax the scanty beginnings and improvements of soldiers then at the front. This financial pressure explains the action of the town at a subsequent meeting, Friday, June 1,1781. This was convened to " Chuse a man to Send to Concord to the Convention for forming a Plan of Government," and " To See if the town will agree upon aney method to provide their Supply of Beef for the army." Antrim then had " fifty famihes or more," as the order for election sent out by the assembly read as fol- lows : — 60 HOe-BEEVES. That such Towns & places as contain more than Fifty families be directed (if they see fit) to send one member for every fifty families, pro- vided that each Town, Parish or place so sending, shall pay their own members for their time & expense. This our townsmen were too poor to do, and they " Voted that we Send no man to Concord." This year (1781) the distinguished -office of hog-reeve was instituted in Antrim. The name is from the old English reve, and is as honorable as shire-reeve, or sheriff. The first holders of this office in town were Randall Alexander and Nathan Taylor. It was the custom, as now in many countries, to let hogs run loose. Little squads of these comely and interesting quadrupeds might be met with anywhere. They were not con- sidered very desirable guests in corn-fields and gardens. Now the duties of this officer were to go about town occasionally, or upon complaint, to catch all loose hogs, " yoke " them so they couldn't go through fences, and " ring " them so they couldn't " root," and collect fees for the same from the owner. We are left somewhat in the dark as to the -methods of procedure, the time required to " run down a hog," or the issue if the emaciate candidate for the pork-barrel took to the woods, and if it became the fortune of bruin to " hug the pig " instead of the honorable official of the town ; but certain it is that the office was judged important enough to be filled by serious and dignified election for a long series of years. But in process of time fences were completed, and swine were inclosed in pens as now. The office then had no duties connected with it, and the custom arose of electing newly-married people to this office, on the ground, prob- ably, that such persons were not capable of discharging any duty. Regularly, since about 1800, men who had just been entangled in the bondage of matrimony have been thus honored by their townsmen. And this promotion never has been opposed. And this is the only office a few ever had ! Sweet rescue from oblivion ! At a town meeting at Samuel Gregg's, Aug. 20, 1781, called among other things " To See what Instruction the town will give their Selectmen about assessing money to Purchase the Supply of Beef for the Army & to Pay the Remainder of the towns Depts as the Currancy failing will not Pay it," it was " Voted that beef and back rearagea occationed by the depretia- tion of our paper currency be Sessed in hard money." This BURIAL-GROUND. 61 shows their inflexible loyalty in hardship and trial. And as most of them had no money, it was " Voted that a bushel of Corn brought in Shall pay equal to a hard dollar." They also voted (though there was nothing about it in the warrant) that " Capt. Nichols and Ja^ Steele be a Committee to go to Dearing Selectmen and demand a road from Deering to this Town," — from which it appears that there was no commu- nication with that town except by way of Hillsborough. Adjourning till Saturday, Aug. 25, they " Voted that the town be classed in eight Divisions to clear up Samuel Densmores fell wood," thus showing their continued determination to share in the sacrifice those in the field were making. A curious vote is put on record in 1781, which was as follows: " Voted that the Comitee Chuse a man to assist Esqr. Beetiu, [perhaps Patten] with the Pillion." The pillion was a soft pad, or cushion, extending back from the saddle, on which it was customary for a woman to ride. To bounce the solid ladies on to this pillion was perhaps too much for the worthy captain alone ; or it may be that other's were more than willing to render him aid. It was not fair that one man should monop- olize this noble work. Having on petition (1778) been granted land for a burial- place, but failing to get land for a common, Samuel Gregg, then in good circumstances, came forward, bought the land known as ,the "Old Common," and presented it to the town. This seems to have taken place in 1779, and in that year and 1780 much was done to clear up this land. At the town meeting, Aug. 22, 1780, an article was in the warrant "To See what the Town will do with the improvement at the Center." As no record is made of any vote on this article, it is probable, as Dr. Whiton has it, that they all " volunteered " a day's work, and finished up the clearing of burial-ground and common. In 1782 this burial- ground was inclosed by a neat log fence, but 1781 was probably the year of the first burial on the hill. This being the first sum- mer after the ground was fixed upon and cleared and burned, they made haste to remove thither some of the bodies of the children previously buried on the Whitney place. The first death of a white adult in Antrim was that of Asa Merrill, who was kiiled by a fall in Dea. Aiken's mill, some time in the year 1781. He was from Hudson, and it is not known whether his body was buried on the hill, or removed to ttat town. 62 CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS. The year 1782 opens with a town meeting, which for a long time occurred almost as often, if not as regularly, as a club meet- ing, or that of brokers' board. The convention of 1781 having prepared a " Systim of laws or Plan of Government," it was sent down to the towns for acceptance. Jan. 8, 1782, the citizens of Antrim met at Samuel Gregg's, and having chosen Capt. Thomas Nichols moderator, they selected a committee of five, viz., James Aiken, Capt. Nichols, John Duncan, Thomas Stuart, and Daniel Nichols, " To inspect the Systim of laws or Plan of Government Proposed and to make proposals for some amendment," and then adjourned till Friday, Jan. 11. But at this adjourned meeting the record shows no action concerning the constitution, and after some talk about local matters, they " Voted this meeting is desolved." It may not be out of place here to say that there had been a previous convention, which met at Concord, June 10, 1778, to form a constitution. In this convention, Henniker, Hillsborough, Antrim, etc., were represented by Isaac Andrews, who was chosen representative also to the assembly near the close of the same year, although Antrim, by itself, " Voted that Wee Do Not Send a Deleaget." The constitution which they framed was voted upon in 1779, and was rejected by the people. The con- stitution of 1781 was framed by a small convention, many towns like Antrim not sending. And the House of Representatives voted, Jan. 10, 1782, to recommend to the convention to adjourn, and " in the mean tinie to issue precepts to the Towns & places not represented in said Convention to send Delegates thereto." But of this second call for delegates Antrim seems to have taken no notice. The constitution of 1781 was rejected by the people in January, 1782. The convention, having adjourned till August, sent out another constitution in the fall of 1782, which also was rejected. Then the convention adjourned till June, 1783, when they proceeded to draft a third constitution, and this last effort the people approved. Our town voted, March 11, 1783, " The present form of Government To Stand as it is Till June Eighty four." And when the constitution of 1783 was sent out for approval, they '• Voted to Not Act." But in the State at large it was adopted, and for several years was the supreme law in this commonwealth. By it, this territory, formerly caljed by various names, as colony, province, and so on, and in regard to which it had been voted, Sept. 10, 1776, "That this Colony CONSTABLE AND COLLECTOR. 63 Assume the Name & Style of New Hampshire," was forever to be known as the State op New Hampshire. In common remark this is known as the constitution of 1784, as it did not go into operation till June of that year. The convention which formed it was a remarkable one, having been in existence nearly two and one-half years, and having had seven sessions, some of them at great length. A town meeting was called on " the last monday of January" to choose a juryman, and James Steele has the honor of first rep- resenting Antrim in that position. For many years we have records of little town meetings to choose men for jury, — a very laborious and expensive way of selecting men for this duty. By it, however, they may have secured better men than by the present system. At the annual meeting, March 12, 1782, this being the third town meeting of the year, Randall Alexander was chosen con- stable. For many years the constable was one of the most important officers in town, it being his duty to keep the peace, and, within the town, to discharge those duties now usually per- formed by the sheriff. He was also collector of taxes ; but whether this was a part of his office, or was annually voted to him on accession to said office, does not appear by anything dis- coverable in the records of any town, so far as I know. This office had been filled successively by such men as James Duncan, Joseph Boyd, and Daniel Nichols. The first remuneration noticed for the work of a collector was the following, April 2, 1782 : " Voted Six Bushels of Corn to the Constable for y" present Years Service." Bach man was expected to perform this service when his lot came, as appears from the record : " Voted that Jam^ Nasmith Serving as Colector Shall Serve for him as his Turn for Constable." Randall Alexander having asked to be excused from serving, the town voted, at an adjourned meeting, April 2, 1782, to excuse him, "he giving the Town Secqurity for seven Dollars the old Way Equeal to Corn at Three Shillings p' Bushel." Then, having previously tried to have John Smith take the office, they chose Richard McAllister, but, apparently at the request of the latter, they " Voted Thom' English be Constable the Service Being for Richard Mcallestor Excepted by the Town." Thus this office that went a-begging was at last fixed in the hands of English. Perhaps, as the State had assessed a tax on " unimproved lands of non-residents," 64 ENGLISH'S RASCALITY. there was an unwillingness to discharge this extra and outside trust. The appointment of English, however, proved unhappy for the town. The State tax (penny an acre) brought too much money into his hands, and he absconded in the fall of 1782, taking two hundred dollars in silver. Probably, with their pov- erty and privation, that loss was as great as would be four, thousand. dollars to the town now. The people were struck with amazement and alarm. English was a smart young man, had been here three years, was well connected, and had the confi- dence of .the people. Immediately, the selectmen attached his land, the matter was carried into court, a town meeting was called for Nov. 25, 1782, and they " Voted Cap'^ Thorn'' Nichols be Agent To attend at Cort To Carrey on the action Comenced against Thom^ Englishes Estate By the Town." Nichols seems to have been put in possession of said estate soon after by the court, as we find the friends of English's much-respected wife and family coming forward to save her from ejectment. A town meeting was called for Jan. 23, 1783, to hear a proposition of Dea. William Moore of Bedford, father of Mrs. English, to .prevent execution of the order of court and " Take It out of the Law." Dea. Moore, now an old and venerable man (member of first board of elders, Bedford, in 1757), came to Antrim in midwin- ter for this purpose. His son, afterwards Dea. William, Jr., was then in the army, though a mere lad. The old man was known to most, or all, the people of Antrim, and held in great respect. This meeting was, therefore, a very sad one. They heard the old man through, and then " Voted The Town Has excepted of Deacon Mooer's Proposals in Setteling Thom" Englishes Affeairs as is mentioned in the Warrant S"^ Moore paying The "Debt." Prom this it would seem that Moore made up t"he deficit while the town paid the cost. At the following March meeting the town "Voted To Give a Deed to English s Wiffe and Childer." I find an old note made by me on this record when first seeing it years ago, which is thus: 1. Default- ers existed in those days. 2. Put 'em through as they did. But the trouble on account of English did not end here. The tax on wild lands, which, subsequent to the vote of March 9, 1780, had gone to the State, had not been paid, and was resisted, as before, by non-resident owners. English sold many of these lots for taxes. They went at a very low figure, were chiefly bought in by the citizens, and then quit-claimed by them to PAYING FOR LAND TWICE. 65 new settlers. In other towns, ^Iso, there was constant trouble on account of the non-resident tax, and sometimes the State gave relief, as appears by many votes on the House Journal like the following, March 16, 1780 : " Voted to pay the selectmen of Francestown ^83 : 12 : 4, for taxes on land of absentees." But in this town the non-residents recovered their land by technical illegalities in the proceedings of English in selling them. As a consequence, the settlers who received titles through the col- lector, after resisting by law and paying costs, had to purchase their land a second time. One of these, it is believed, was Robert Duncan in the east part of the town, who several years later was sued by owners by previous title, and ultimately had to pay for his land a second time and at a higher rate. Many and probably most of the settlers between 1782 and 1787 were somewhat embarrassed in this way, taking their land through English, or through parties to whom he had sold. Being chiefly poor, it was a heavy load for them, and some of them were old men before they completed payment the last time. Thus English was cause of untold trouble. He did not think it best in subsequent years to exhibit himself in Antrim ! The town, however, proceeded to fulfill their part of the arrangement with Dea. Moore, and March 25, 1783, " Voted John Duncan Esqr. Go to Amherst To Settel With the Lawyers in Regard of Englishs With y" Town." They also chose a com- mittee (Capt. Nichols, James Aiken, and James Dinsmore) " to prefer a petition to the General Court, " — which petition we cannot find, and of whose purport we know nothing. It was supposed to have reference to the troubles with English ; but it may be explained possibly by a vote at a subsequent town meet- ing, that the " Selectmen Signe the petition in Behalf of the Town for a Road to Hillshorough" as if this road were what these several votes were about. We must not leave the year 1782 without saying that the continental paper was nearly worthless, and transactions were mostly in silver and grain. It is said that Rev. Jonathan Barnes, of Hillsborough, paid the salary of a whole year for a pig four weeks old, though that town subsequen;tly made up the loss to him. Sailors sewed the bills together in jest, and made coats of them for parade. Barbers papered their shops with them. For months, a thousand paper dollars were given for one silver dollar. Two hundred millions thus lost their value. This money had 66 CLOSE OF THE WAR. done great service, caused great inconvenience, and then quietly passed away. The year 1783 was one of public more than local interest. After the surrender of Cornwallis, Oct. 19, 1781, it had been the general feeling tljat the war would soon end. There continued to be some severe fighting here and there, but peace was talked of, and after various negotiations a treaty was signed Sept. 3, 1783, between the English and American representatives, at Paris ; and the " United States of America " took its place as a new nation on the earth. This event was hailed on this side of the water with universal joy. The people of this little town had done wonders of sacrifice and hardship' in the public cause. As' they chiefly were making their settlements, building their roads, and meeting the sacrifices of pioneers, at the very time of the long public struggle, it came especially hard upon them ; and hardest of all upon the women of Antrim, wlio, being left with the care of the family, had few resources and many hardships. Their perils also were very great. The inhabitants of this little hamlet, therefore, entered into the general gladness with no lack of enthusiasm. All religious minds turned to God with praise. The " Second Thursday of December next " (1783) was set apart by Congress as a day of National Thanksgiving for Peace. The proclamation for this was issued Oct. 18, a few days after the reception of definite tidings of peace ; and the paper itself, drawn up by Elias Boudinot of New Jersey, president of Con- gress, is remarkable for force and beauty, and worthy a place in every reading-book and every school-boy's memory ! And now a bright era opened before the few settlers of Antrim. They had been extremely burdened by taxation for the war, as well as by service in the ranks, and hardships at home. Anxi- eties and perils which we cannot appreciate now, weighed upon them. But after the long struggle these were passed. They had ' met everything without flinching, their heroism was of the mar- velous and noble kind ; but none the less could (hey rejoice to be unburdened and to be free. Some citizens of this town were in camp, some were home on furlough, and some were expecting to march if cg:lled for, when the glad news came. At home they laid out many roads this year, and planned improve- ments, in the hope of peace ; but they stood to the ranks as though they meant war to the last, — and rejoiced like true heroes at its close. ELECTION OP REPRESENTATIVE. 67 The way was now open for the more rapid increase of this settlement. Soldiers returning purchased lots of land, and even in the winter worked more or less, clearing the same and pre- paring to put up their log houses in the spring. Others, seeing hope of being delivered from the perils and costs of war, had courage to start a home for themselves. Truly, this was a happy hamlet in a happy country ! Previous to 1783 this town had been classed, as will be seen in the list of town officers, with Henniker, Hillsborough, Deering, and Society Land, in the choice of representative to the general court. But this section having increased in population, and Hancock being now incorporated as a town, the assembly, Sept. 10, 1782, " Voted that the towns of Henniker and Hills- boro' be coupled together, and that the precept for a. member of the next Court be directed to the Selectmen of Henniker; and that Antrim, Deering, Hancock, and Society Land be formed into one District and the Precept be directed to the Selectmen of Antrim." In accordance with this order, an election was held near the close of 1782, or very early in 1783, but no record of the meeting can be found. The town clerks of Deering and Hancock very kindly searched their records for me, but no trace of this particular meeting could be discovered. But the Journal ' of the House renders it certain that John Duncan of Antrim was chosen to represent this district, and that he was in due season at his post. I suppose the election was held in Deering, as a courtesy to that older town, but that among so many town clerks the record was not entered in the book of either town, but kept on a loose paper by the clerk chosen for that special occa- sion. Such loose papers would readily be lost, as we have had more recent occasion to regret. In the Journal of the Assembly for this year the name John Duncan sometimes occurs twice on the same vote, and Dr. Bouton, the State historian, calls attention to this as a mistake. But probably Col. John Duncan of Acworth, cousin of " Hon. John " of Antrim, then represented Acworth and Unity, so that there were properly two of that name in the assembly. This Col. John Duncan represented Acworth and Lempster in the constitutional convention of 1792, and there Dr. Bouton wrongly applies to him some items in Dr. Whiton's biography of Hon. John of Antrim. As previously noticed, the old common and burial-ground on 68 " WARNING OUT OP TOWN." the hill had been " chopped " and " cleared " by voluntary labor, from time , to time, and had been burned over, but there yet remained a large amount of half-consumed logs. Sometime in 1782 Dea. Aiken agreed > with the town to pile and burn what remained on the whole tract, and " put it into rye " and grass. This tract of several acres was covered in 1783 with a heavy growth of I'ye, and Dr. Whiton tells us that in hot midsummer it was all reaped in one day by Dea. Aiken " with the aid of two hired men and three daughters." These afterwards noble women were not to be beaten by any reapers in the field ! This year (1783) we find the first 'record of what used to be called " warning out of town." This, as a sample of many, and as a curiosity at the present time, is here given verbatim : — State of New Hampshire { To John "Warran Hillsborough ss. J Constable of Antrim ( Greeting — "Whereas Samuel Steel & his Wife hath Latly Come into the Town of Antrim and Came last from Lyndsborough Whom the Selectmen of Antrim Kefuse to admit ass Inhabitants — This is Therefore in the Name of the Government and Peopel to Require you to Warn the above Named Persons to Depart out of the Town of antrim forthwith, and make Return of this Warrant to uss With your Doings hereon at or before the Twenty third Day of Ocf Nixt, and this Shall be your Warrant Given Under our hands and Seal at Antrim This Twenty Second Day of July A. D. 1783. DANIEL NICHOLS ^ o , , THOMAS STUART I '"^ f TYifn JAMES DINSMORE ) Ocf: 22: 1783 The Within Named persons haith Been Warned according To Law p': John Warron Constable. Persons thus " warned out of town" were not obliged to leave, and were not known to leave on that account. But it was only a legal precaution, according to the law of those days, to avoid the support of any comers that might fall upon the town. This formality having been carried out and put on record, the parties might remain, and generally were desired to remain ; but in case they became a public charge, the town where they previously resided was held for their support. This act, therefore, was simply one' of pecuniary lookout, while occasionally those warned off became valuable and wealthy citizens. " Warning off" was made the duty of the selectmen ; and it must have involved both TROUBLE PROM WoivES. 69 work and pain, to investigate every new comer, and inflict this warning on every man that had not money. Happily, this law has long since passed away. As the summer of 1783 wore away, it was found, as before, almost impossible for the people to pay their taxes in specie, and a town meeting was called for Sept. 19, to act on some State affairs, but specially " To See What the Town Will Do Concerning the Colector Taking Grain in pay of Reats." On assembling, their only action was upon this matter, and they " Voted to Take Rye at four Shillings p"' Bushel " and to " Take Corn at Three Shillings p"^ Bushel." Also " Voted Esqr. Dun- cans be a place to Take in y" Grain." (Not a bad idea for the Squire, some one says !) This of course involved cost of storage, receiving, and dealing out, and a sale had to be sought for much of it out of town, with chance for loss in many ways. But it was the best they could do, and they went on with this hard and inconvenient method, making no complaint. In 1784 we find the first vote for State officers, as follows: " Voted Thirty one Votes for M Ware for presedan of State." Another curious vote was this (March 15, 1784) : " Voted This Meeting Stand adjurned to there is a Nother Legal Meeting called." Also (Sept. 2, 1784) " Voted the Sixth Articl out of the Warrant." It was this: "To See Who the Town Will Think fit to free of Choping their proportion of the Wood." They made short work of it ! This year, the town, as well as the whole State, was greatly troubled with wolves. They came in about the settlements in vast numbers from the forests to the west and north, starving and ravenous, destroying sheep, and even attacking cattle. Children were in, constant danger, and it was perilous for armed men to travel at night. A bounty was paid by the State for killing wolves, but the urgency of the case was so great that the towns took it up, and Antrim " Voted five Dollars of a Dition to the Court Act For Killing of Woolves to be paid by this Town." It W9,s more than a year before this excitement died away, after which gradually these pests disappeared, never to be seen again here in any considerable numbers. But the annoyance and loss from them in the following winter (1784-85) was very great, that winter being very cold and long, and snow very deep. Often were the settlers awakened in the night by the howling of wolves at the door, or about the barns where their little flocks 70 INCREASE OP TERRITORY. were sheltered. Toward sunset, when men began to hear their yelping in the woods or on the hills, they left work and hurried home. Flocks were sheltered and doors closed at dark. But, happily, this state of things did not long continue. Early in 1784 a question arose as to taxing a tract of land between Antrim and Stoddard. Stoddard, then being the most populous town in this vicinity, and wishing for the best slices, discovered that there was a strip on her western border not pos- itively claimed by the new towns adjoining. Actuated by the idea that this land on the west was more desirable than that on their east line (though at this day it is hard to see much dif- ference) , the people of Stoddard laid claim to the former, and ceased to tax a corresponding area adjoining Antrim. This last step was taken to avoid exceeding their charter limits. It was a nice little game, though it is very much to be doubted whether it has been for the advantage of that town. The strip of land disclaimed by Stoddard remained untaxed a year or more. It was nearly a mile wide at the south line and came to a point at the north, and contained about fifteen hundred acres. I cannot discover that it was inhabited by any one at that time. Now the claim of Stoddard to the land west of that town not being refuted, and the charter limits of Antrim extending to Stoddard,, it became a question whether this town should accept and tax that enlargement of its bounds. In the fall of 1784 a meeting was called to decide this. The meeting was adjourned and the matter talked over, but it was finally (Nov. 3) " Voted to Tax the Land Dissclaimed by Stodder." And this has since remained a part of Antrim. Probably the income from the tax of this wild land was very much desired, as hereinafter explained ; but it involved large expenditures on the part of the town, in long subsequent years, for roads which were of no. advantage to us. It will be remembered that the tax on non-residents for wild land had been assessed by the town and resisted by the owners, though compelled to pay, or lose their land by non-payment, until, after three or four years, the State, to avoid controversy, took this away from the towns and assessed it as a State war tax. But when the war was over, the legislature was induced to allow this tax of a penny an acre, within the limits of Antrim, to be used to help build a meeting-house. A petition of the people seems to have been handed in for this purpose, and much was due to the energy and shrewdness of our representative, Bi H Z < 5 O X o z H BUILDING THE MEETING-HOUSE. 71 Hon. John Duncan, of which the town showed some apprecia- tion in that immediately, though there was nothing in the warrant to that effect, they met all extra charges, as appears from this record (March 15, 1784) : "Voted John Duncan Bsqr. Three Dollars he Paid out for the Town in Geting the Land Tax." This tax was thus allowed by the State for three years, 1784-85--86. Probably one-half the town was then owned by the Masonian proprietors at Portsmouth, and other non-residents held land purchased from them ; and they all paid this tax for the meeting-house with much reluctance and some scolding. But it brought in quite an amount of specie, without which the settlers could not have built for many years. This was kept separate from the town's money, and the first act upon it was this: " Voted Lent : Dan': Miltimor Oolect the Tax Laid on the Laud by the Court for one Year." And thus encouraged they at once proceeded to make preparations to build the following year, — of which a brief record may be found in the chapter on ecclesiastical history. The building was raised June 28, 1785. A drawing of it by F. L. Nay is herein given. The year 1785, beyond the fact that it was meeting-house year, and on that account memorable to the settlers, has but little to narrate, of interest to the present generation. Dr. Whiton says the spring opened with forty-three families in town, — his authority no doubt being the memory of some old person who recollected, or thought he recollected, that this was the number of families in town when they began to build the church. But this certainly could not include several who had made beginnings, nor any that came in 17s5. This year and the preceding year, or in some cases a little earlier, came Isaac Cochrari, William McDole, Nathan Austin, David McClure, Thomas Day, Thomas Jameson, Adam Dunlap, Reuben Bout- well, and others, so that there were constant accessions to the population. There was but one two-story house in t^wn, that of Isaac Cochran, raised July 12, 1785, a part of whicli is now in exist- ence, a few feet from the spot where, it was raised, though eclipsed and hidden by that which took its place in 1864. The other houses in town were almost entirely log houses, and small at that. The people were brave, hardy, hopeful, self-denying, ready for any good work, but poor. The house of worship which they set about making was, therefore, grand and rich, 72 CONDITION- OP SOCIETY. compared with the dwellings of the people. Though in respect to having neighbors and roads there had been great improve- ment in ten years, yet it was still a time of great inconveniences and many privations to our fathers. They had to get everything from their land and their flocks. Foreign goods and groceries were nearly unknown in most families. There was no store within many miles. Dr. Whiton thinks there was no store nearer than Amherst. But search into the records shows there was a store at that time (1785) in New Boston, doing a large business, and which had then been running more than twenty years. And it is scarcely credible that Peterborough, having then eight hundred people, had no store. But at best it was exceedingly difficult to get at a place of trade, and the people had no money to buy. Yet there was something delightful and beautiful in the society of this town's people at that day. If they had privations, they had them all alike. Dr. Whiton quotes the remark of a survivor that " Then was a time of brotherly love ; each family sat under its own vine, having none to molest ; no haughty looks or mincing steps ; no jealousy, tale-bearing, or envy, known in town : but as population and wealth increased, these evils crept in." This no doubt is spoken strongly, as old men are wont to speak of early scenes. Unquestionably, however, these pioneer families were very happy together, living in great sim- plicity, peace, and love. Their brotherliness and helpfulness to each other were deepened by their common and equal struggle for a living and a home. A curious and summary case of ousting a town officer occurs at this time. At the March meeting Samuel Moore was chosen town clerk and third selectman. But a dispute arose as to some money in his hands according to the " Counter's Reports," which money the new selectmen demanded, and he refused to pay over. Moore had been chairman of selectmen and town clerk the preceding year, and had managed affairs chiefly, it seems, himself, though it is not certain that he intended any fraud. But the people were so stirred up by the matter, that, at an adjourned meeting (May 5, 1785), they " Voted the Town reconsider the Choice of Samuel Moore for Town Clerk," and chose Daniel Miltimore to said office. Then " reconsidered " his choice as selectman and put Daniel Nichols in his place. They then "Voted that Lieut. Moor be CalP upon to Settle and Pay CLAMOR FOR PAPER MONEY. 73 up the Ballance or give Security," failing of which the select- men were instructed to " Prossecute for the Same." Just how this affair was settled I have found no data to determine. But Moore's name appears no more among the town officers, and in a few years he left town. At this time there was renewed uneasiness in the public mind, occasioned by the .dearth of coin. To say nothing of incon- venience, it continued extremely difficult to get enough to pay state and county taxes, or make indispensable settlement of debts. Old excitements and discontents burned higher than ever. There was a popular craze for paper money correspond- ing to the greenback clamor of the present day. They wanted the State to issue paper, lend it to New Hampshire land-owners on security, and make it legal tender for all debts within our own State. This would be the " Continental Paper" with certain conditions, and probably no improvement, — paper whose temporary relief would again be followed by depreciation and consequent trouble. But still large numbers clamored for relief by law, as if some arbitrary legal tenders could accomplish what economy and persevering labor only have been able to do. This excitement culminated the following year in the " Shay's Rebel- lion " in Massachusetts, in which several thousand men, some of them old soldiers of the Revolution, took up arms, demanding a reduction of salaries and an issue of paper money. But there were enough level heads in New Hampshire to keep the malcon- tents quiet from violence for the most part, and to defeat the inflation scheme. It is pleasant to know that in public town meeting the people of Antrim, with their usual good sense, " Voted ' to instruct our Representative not to have Paper Money." Stepping now into the next year, we find the town appropriat- ing its first money for school purposes, March 14, 1786, as fol- lows : " Voted to Raise fifteen pounds for the use of a Town Scool." The sparseuess and poverty of the people had hitherto prevented any public effort in this direction. A few children who came here at about the age of eight years, grew up with little or no schooling. But most had some privileges by way of private schools. Others, by earnest study, in spare hours at home, acquired a fair knowledge of tlie common branches. There was a certain strength of thinking power among the people. They wasted no time in trashy and frivolous reading. Having 74 CENSUS OF THE STATE. few books, they made the test use of them. By vigor of mind and strong application, they found compensation for lack of priv- ilege ; and were surely people of intelligence, as well as virtue and religion. In the chapter on schools more may be found upon this subject, showing the continued interest of the town in the education of its children. March 3, 1786, the legislature of the Stateordered a " return of all the inhabitants " to be made by the selectmen of each town, under penalty, if neglected, of the " sum of five pounds." Until recently, this census was unknown for half a century. The original returns were discovered in an old box of papers in the attic of the state-house, and first saw the light in a publication by Dr. Bouton,in 1877. The population of the State then was 95,801. There were five counties ; in order of population, Rock- ingham, Hillsborougli, Cheshire, Strafford, and Grafton. Con- cord, then returned as " Gunthwaite, " was in Grafton county, and had 152 inhabitants. The number of towns returned was 138, averaging 691 persons each for the whole State; while by the census of 1870, there were 239 towns, and an average popu- lation of 1,337 each. The, document for this town is as follows: A Eeturn of the iSTumber of Souls in the town of Antrim County of Hilsborough taken in April last and found to be two hundred and Eighty nine p'ns. ISAAC COCHRAN ) 289 Souls. JONATHAN J^ESMITH [■ Selectmen DANIEL NICHOLS ) Antrim June 5, 1786. It will be interesting to know that at that time the popu- lation of Hancock was 291; Society Land, returned by Alexan- der Parker and Isaac Butterfield, 157 ; Bedford, 785 ; Amherst, 1,912; Temple, 701; Peterborough, 824; and Stoddard, 563; while Nashua (Dunstable) had but 554. It will be noticed that several of these towns had a greater population in 1786 than in 1870. And it may be added, though anticipating, that the pop- ulation of Antrim by the census of 1790, four years later, was 528, with nearly 90 families ; showing for those four years a more rapid increase than in any other period of our town's exist- ence. There was also a corresponding increase of conveniences and of wealth. This year the town lost one of its most valuable citizens, by an accident in shingling the meeting-house. The staging gave way, REPRESENTATIVES IN THE LEGISLATURE. 75 and with it James and Samuel Dinsmore fell to the ground. The latter was but little injured ; but James Dinsmore's back was broken, and he lived but three or four hours. He never spoke after the fall. He was a carpenter, chairman of the select- men in 1783, at the age of twenty-nine, and only thirty-two at his death. This accident filled the whole settlement with uni- versal and unaffected gloom. No such occasion for mourning had been known in Antrim before. Very properly they engraved upon his burial-stone these lines : — " The rising morning can't assure Tiiat we shall end the Day; Eor Death stands ready at the Door To sieze our Lives away ! " Dr. Whiton advances some doubts as to the time when Antrim was first represented in the legislature, fixing, however, on the fact that John Duncan represented this town and others adjacent in 1787, and perhaps earlier. But, upon search of the Journal of the House and other documents, I find that John Duncan was chosen for this district in 1783, as will be seen on a preceding page, and also in the list of town officers ; T^hile Society Land, including Antrim, was represented as early as there were people here to represent. Capt. Joseph Symonds of Hillsborough repre- sented Henniker, Hillsborough, and Society Land, in 1776, the year before our incorporation. Prom 1788 to 1797, inclusive, John Duncan represented the district, it is believed. This was a new district, consisting of Deering, Antrim, and Hancock, which so remained till 1795, when Antrim and Windsor were classed to- gether. At a meeting of the voters of Antrim and Windsor (then called Campbell's Gore), at the house of James Wallace (now William Stacy's), March 21, 1797,. John Duncan was again chosen representative, as also in 1795, and probably in 1796. But being elected to the senate, he resigned ; and a second meeting was called at James Wallace's, which, Aug. 28, 1797, elected Dea. Jonathan Nesmith to represent the district. This union with Windsor lasted but one year, as Antrim had voters enough of her own in 1798, and always since that day has been entitled to one representative. As indicated by the census of this year (1786), slavery in New Hampshire was nearly extinct.. Subsequent law made it entirely so ; but it was in the nature of the constitution of 1784 to abolish slavery, as shown by its opening sentence : " All men 76 SLAVERY IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. are born equally free and independent." Slavery never had any legal establishment in this State. After the establishment of the above-named constitution, it was looked upon as dead. A few slaves were held subsequently, yet apparently not by force, but by the choice and for the good of these persons. It has been said that slavery was abolished in New Hampshire in 1810, at which time the census found no slaves in the State ; but it was certainly abol- ished so far as property in slaves was concerned, by the tax-law passed Feb. 8, 1789, which, in furtherance of the principles of the state constitution, " expunged male and female servants " from the lists of taxable property. The number of slaves in this State in 1775 was 657 ; in 1790, 158 ; in 1800, 8 ; in 1810, 0. Slavery was never recognized in any way by legislation in New Hampshire, subsequently to Feb. 8, 1789. Strictly speaking, therefore, there never was a slave in this town. Manly Ransom, named else- where, and often spoken of as a slave, coming to New Hampshire was really no longer property, — though the servant of Mr. Moore, and of Dr. Adams. These men were not taxed for him as for a horse or a yoke of oxen. The census of 1786 makes return of servants, for the most part, not as slaves, but as " those bound to service for a term of years." A severe tempest passed over the east 'part of Antrim in 1786, similar to one which swept through the valley of Bast Sullivan in 1875. The writer saw the path of the latter a few days after its occurrence. A swath some ten rods wide was cut through the woods, and every tree, small and great, uprooted. In An- trim, 1786, the ruin was not so great, but many trees were blown down. It passed with terrible force through the valley at the foot of the McCoy hill, north of the Robert Duncan place. Hugh. Jameson buried a babe that day, and the procession, following the then only road to the Center, by Hiram Comb's and George Turner's, had just got down the hill into the woods when the fierce wind struck them, and trees began to writhe and snap and fall. The mourners on horseback fled in terror back to McCoy's with all possible speed. The bearers, being on foot, ran with the corpse through storm and wind, and dared not stop till they reached Mr. Cochran's. There they waited till the tempest was over, when the frightened mourners followed, clearing the way ; and when they came up, the procession again moved on, and they buried the unnamed little one without further trouble ! Hun- dreds of trees were blown down in Antrim that day. In the ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH. 77 valley a few rods east of Mr. Gove's, and some distance south- ward of the present Center, half the timber was leveled with the ground ! Its force was greater in the valleys than on the hills. It seems pretty certain that the first store in Antrim was opened in the spring of 1788, or earlier, by Ebenezer Kimball, on the spot now occupied by the Carter house. Dr. Whi ton's History says it was in 1789; but in his Half-century Sermon, published in 1838, he says the store was opened in 1787. Kimball came here in- 1787, prepared his place, and opened his trade as soon as he could. The people of Antrim, in their first years here, went to Londonderry sometimes to trade, sometimes to Amherst, but generally to New Boston. It was no unusual thing for the women of this town to take the linen cloth they had manufactured, go to New Boston on horseback, exchange the same for goods or money, and return the same day, — and not much of a day's work it seemed to them ! Prancestown had a store about two years before Antrim. The following year (1789), James Wallace opened a store on the William Stacy farm on the hill west of Branch village, and this was the place where subsequently several town meetings were held in connec- tion with the Windsor people. These two stores accommodated the people several years, and until the population was greater, pj;obably, than at the present day. Merchants had but little competition in that day, and made large profits on their limited sales. The year 1788 was long cherished as the time of the organiza- tion of the church. Referring the reader to the chapter on churches, I will only say here that the town acted in legal meet- ing, March 11, and appointed a committee to apply to the pres- bytery for the establishment of a church here ; and that many church affairs were managed by the town in public and legal meeting. Rev. Walter Little was settled, as also was Dr. Whiton, on the call of the town; and the town chose committees to present the call in each case. The minister was paid out of the town treasury as regularly as any town officer, and he was called " the town's minister ! " This course made the burden come equally upon all. And it was satisfactory to all, inasmuch as they were all substantially of one opinion. The first town meeting held in the meeting-house was Sept. 16, 1786, though it was only a frame partly covered. They had met several years previous at Samuel Gregg's (Dea. 78 DISPOSING OP PAUPERS, Newman place at the Center), and there again, being cold weather, they held their March meeting in 1786. But, subse- quent to this, town meetings were held in the meeting-house on the hill for about fifty years. It is suggestive of the brogue of our fathers that they chose each year a " Town Clark." Most of the hard spelHng in the old records results from an obvious effort to put the brogue into English, rather than from igno- rance. The Cutious may find pleasure in tracing this. , In February of this year (1788), a convention was called to act upon the new constitution proposed for the United States. The small States being jealous of the large ones, and all of them unwjUing to delegate much power to the general government, it was a long time before the body which framed that great instru- ment could reach an agreement. But at length it was attained, and the constitution was sent to the several States to be ratified or rejected. Strong opposition was made to it in every State ; but ten States soon accepted it, and it went into force in 1788. New Hampshire was one of the States that were prompt to accept the constitution^ In our convention, Hancock, Antrim, and Deering were represented by Evan Dow, believed to be of Deering, who voted in the negative, as did also Cochrane of New Boston, Bixby of Prancestown, and most other representa- tives from this section of the State. The final vote to ratify was June 21, 1788, and stood fifty-seven yeas to forty-seven nays. At a town meeting Dec. 15, 1788, the first vote of this town was cast for member of Congress and presidential electors. Thirty-six was the highest number of votes cast, it being a small meeting and very quiet, — apparently all one way. This year we find on the record the first instance of " selling the poor," as it was called. It was customary to sell the support of paupers to the lowest bidder. Philip Riley, the first settler, was poor, and had been supported chiefly by his son-in-law, Michael Cochlan, the town freeing said Cochlan from taxes. At times Philip "boarded round," the people taking turns to keep him along. March 25, 1788, the town "Voted the Selectmen provide Sutable apperil for Phillip Reley." But in May follow- ing, pending the decision of referees as to the obligation of the town to support him, the town " Voted that mr. Raley be Struck of to the Lowest bider," and he was immediately " struck off" to Lt. Thomas Stuart " as Long as he Concludes to Stay." We have no means of knowing what the decision of the referees CONSTITUTION AMENDED. 79 was. The town subsequently " Voted Mr. Rely to be kept oyer the town when & as Proportioned," yet he soon went off among his relatives and died with them. There is a curious item in the record of 1788, thus : " Voted to give m"^ Anssworth 24 y'^^ of Linning Such as the Selectmen will approve." The writer is not able to reach any satisfactory explanation of this vote. There is another curious item at the meeting March 9, 1790. They met at the meeting-house, but it was a cold, rough day, there was no glass in the windows, and they " adjourn" on account of accommidetion to the house of Ensign Benj° Gregg immediatly." Arriving there, they continued Daniel Miltimore in his office of town clerk, but, as he was absent, they chose Arthur Nesmith '' Cle7-k Protemperary." At all these meetings a g'i-eat deal of business was transacted vital to them, but unimportant for history. The records indicate the dispatch of much such business. March 8, 1791, after a long session of several hours, they " adjourned to Mr. Caldwells for fifteen minutes." This being one-fourth of a mile off, fifteen minutes would not do for dinner, hut would answer tolerably well for a drink! Tliat this last was probably the object in view is further indicated by the effect on the town clerk, who makes this record when he gets back to the place of meeting : " Met according to adjournment and eeazssumbd the meeting ! " Aug. 8, 1791, the voters of Hancock, Bearing, and Antrim met at Ebenezer Kimball's (now Carter hpuse), and chose Daniel Nichols delegate to the •' Convention of 1792," as it has been called. This convention had several sessions, as. its first efforts were not all accepted by the people. The voters of Antrim, however, by two-thirds vote, accepted all the articles gave one, which concerned a court of equity. Other amend- ments were then sent out, which were adopted in the whole State by a small vote. On these, the vote in Antrim was eight for, and none against. Then the convention met Sept. 5, accord- ing to adjournment, and the new constitution, being adopted in all its parts, was declared to be " The Civil Constitution of the State," at Concord, Sept 6, 1792. In March, 1791, James Nesmith was chosen town clerk, which office he held for twenty-seven consecutive years, — until too old to discharge its duties. He was a good penman, and competent every way, but was specially kept in that position because of his 80 DOG-PELTERS. efficiency in the publication of marriages. He had a voice of tremendous power, and yelled out just as tliey heard the close of Mr. Whiton's gentle '■ amen," and his tones rolled high over the succeeding clatter of heavy feet and slamming' of falling seats. It was said, that, notwithstanding his age, they never would have consented to his leaving the office, but for a legal disqualification by loss of his real estate. A meeting was called for Nov. 5, 1793, to choose " one Person Duly Qualified to serve as a petit Juror at the next inferior court of common pleas to be holden at Hopkinton." We are not told exactly why this was an " inferior " court, but certainly, in the person of James Steel, Jr., Antrim sent no '■'■inferior" man to attend upon it. March 28, 1793, meeting of Hancock and Antrim was held at Bbenezer Kimball's, and John Duncan was again chosen repre- sentative. In 1793 the distinguished office of " Dog-Pelter " was insti- tuted in this town, Hon. John Duncan, Samuel Dinsmore, James McAllis'ter, and Dea. Joseph Boyd being elected to tliat respon- sible position. The dut^ of this officer was to sit near the door with a cudgel, and lay it on to every dog which attempted to enter the church. Sometimes these officers were armed with a long staff having an iron point, or hook, at the end, to be used in severe cases. It is related that one dog-pelter struck the hook into the back of a rebellious cur, and swung him, howling, over his shoulder. This would be very interesting to the audi- dence and helpful to religion, of course. An occasional wake-up in the process of a two-hour sermon would 'certainly have its uses. As a great many babies were then carried to church, it may be supposed that small noises were not noticed. Perhaps our modern looking round at the step of a slipper, or the rustle of silk, or the snore of some restful saint, may be taken as a mark of our too great fastidiousness as to silence in church. It will be observed that some of the most responsible men in town were promoted to this office. The salary is not mentioned. But these men were willing to remain in the office year after year, as the annual record is, " Voted to continue the old Dog pelters." The fact that these men's pews were near the doors, may account, in part, for tlieir annual election to this office of trust and honor. Dogs were plenty, every farmer having one or more. They made considerable disturbance in church, with a PROTEST AGAINST LAWSUITS. 81 dog-fight in the aisles at any time possible, and various uncleanly demonstrations at the corners of the pews. To prevent these insupportable trials, dog-pelters were first chosen. But the object of silence was scarcely attained, since often all business had to stop through a tremendous howling, till the officers cleared the aisles. One person remembers seeing Samuel Dins- more, who sat with a heavy cane leaning over his pew by the west porch, when a big dog came in and proposed to stop a minute at his pew-door, strike him a blow that sent him, with inconceivable yells and howls, clear up to the pulpit. The audi- ence were all waked up ! It was a custom, for many years, to sell at auction the collec- tion of taxes to the lowest bidder. This commenced in March, 1792, when they " Voted to vendue Constableship & Collector's together," these offices being then united. These were " struck off to David McClure at eleven Dollars." Of course the pur- chaser had to give " a bondsman whom the Selectmen will accept." As far back as 1786 there arose a dispute about a certain lot of land " Laid out for a School lot," and action is put on record in regard to it, as follows : Aug. 16, 1787, " Voted not to give up our former grant of the lot of Land Laid out East of the Meetinghouse for a town Privilege." ' Monday, June 22, 1789, "Voted Esqr. Duncan & Deacon Cochran be a Oomete to treat with Daniel Miltimor, James McGregor, John Hunter, John Miltimor in Respect to the Cen- ter Lot," these men being " Owners of the Jeffrey Right of Land by virtue of Jeffreys Deed." At a legal meeting held by the Inhabitants & freeholders of Antrim in the County of Hillsboro' State of New Hampshire on the 22'' Day of April Setting forth' in the forth Article of the Warrant Something to be Done Concerning the Center Lot, as there has been several Dissputes which has arisen betwixt Cap' Danl Miltimor & Some indiveduals in S* Antrim Bespecting S^ Lot who shall hold it & whereas Some persons of Late have proposed To Commence A Law Suit Against S'' Miltimor on account he purchessed it from the Mesonian Proprietors We therefore, the Subscribers Hereof Do Utterly protesst against all Such unneeces- sary sutts of Law which may rise from Such Disputes and May be hurt- full to the Town in General — Eitchard M^alisster Arthur Nesmith Michail George Tobias Butler John Mcalisster Semiou George Dan' Miltimor John Karr Kobt Gregg James Nesmith Alexander M"Doel John Stuart Thomas Patch William Holms Samuel Patten Alexander Jameson William Bodwell. 82 DESTRUCTIVE FROST. March 12, 1793, " Yoted Daniel Nichols be requested to survey the land which the town had from Samuel Gregg and Cap* Daniel Miltimore." It seems that a tract of land between Benjamin Gregg and Samuel Christie, and extending from the old road eastward one- quarter of a mile or more, had been granted to the town for school purposes, — but without deed. This the Masonians sub- sequently deeded to Daniel Miltimore and others for a consid- eration. Then followed the question of ownership ; and after several years, it seems to have been compromised, — the town taking part of the laud, and hiring it surveyed, as indicated by the above vote. The other land referred to was given by Samuel Gregg to the town, constituted the " old common," was known among the old people as the "parade," and when, on removal of the church, and town-house forty years later, this was sold by the town, the avails were returned to " Blind Lettice," the aged daughter of Samuel Gregg. In 1794 considerable was done by way of repairing the ceme- tery on the hill. The wooden fence which had been put round it at first was in a decayed and fallen state, and the town voted, at the March meeting, to " fence the grave yard with a good Stone wall four feet four inches high and a timber of eight inches on the top." At an adjourned meeting, March 25, they voted to dispense with the timber, and have simply a wall of stone five feet high, and proceeded to sell the building of it at once. The east side was built by Samuel Christie ; the south by William Brown ; the west by David McOlure ; and the north by " Lt. Macfarland." Most of this wall stands in good condi- tion after the lapse of eighty-five years. In May, 1794, there was a remarkable frost, killing almost every green thing. Dr. Whiton says it was June 17. But, as this was fourteen years before he came to town, and probably fifty years before he wrote, I think we must rely upoii the evidence which puts it a month earlier. The following entry -appears in the diary of Dea. Isaac Cochran : — 1794 May IS"" A Remarkable Hard frost on Saturday the 17* wass a very heavy gale of wind, from the norwest, and extreme Cold. On the morning of the Eighteenth, the water in tubs wass froze, one inch thick, and watter Emptied out of a tar kittle, on the ground, Condenced into ice, as fasst as it Struck the ground; and the wheat, Barley, oats,- and flax, wass intirely Cut oflf ; and Rye iu general wass very much dam- aged, and in many plaisse totaly Cut off. THREATENED TROUBLE WITH PRANCE. '83 Fruit that year was entirely destroyed. No mention is made of any damage to corn, which would have been very serious had such a frost occurred oji the 17th of June. March 26, 1795, a meeting was held at James Wallace's store (Stacy's) to choose a representative to the " General Court to be held at Hanover on the first Wednesday of June next ; " and John Duncan was chosen, as usual. He must have been in the legislature, one branch or the other, as much as twenty years. In 1795, there was again a call for military action. The rela- tion of America to England had never been very cordial, and the constant disturbances between Prance and England made trouble for us. In 1794 a treaty was made with England, which, though somewhat unfavorable to us, was on the whole beneficial for many years. But Prance was in such a state of violence and rashness as almost to involve the United States in war with their old ally. Ambassadors were sent over from this country, but they would not receive them. Some of them went so far as to intimate that if America would pay tribute money to France, it would be taken as a sufficient satisfaction by that country ; to which Charles C. Pinckney of South Carolina replied : " Millions for defense, not a cent for tribute." Things went on from worse to worse until Napoleon came into power. There were some dis- turbing elements in this country also. It was in the process of this excitement that a meeting was called in Antrim, April 9, 1795, " To See What Method the town Will take to raise their propor- tion of minute-men called for from this town." A trained army subject to call at any moment was the object of this plan. This town " Voted the term for which the minutemen are enlisted be two years ; " they voted to " make up the minutemen's wages to ten dollars per month " exclusive of clothing, and then pro- ceeded to enlist men for their quota. Further than this, the town records do not show. March 22, 1796, the town " Voted the Selectmen be empow- ered to appoint a Day, and to clean the parade and Set up Some horse blocks." There not being a carriage of any kind in town, and riding altogether on horseback, these blocks were needed to assist old men and boys and women in mounting the horse. These were set up in convenient places near the steps and round the common, and then the horses were led up to them. The mounting of matrons and fair damsels at the close of service was quite an affair. There was room for agility and politeness both. 84 METHODS OP VOTING. And then, slowly, the long procession of horses moved like a car- avan down the hill. I have heard old people say that the head of the procession, two or three horses abreast, reached Mr. Whiton's (Bass place) before the last horse started from the church. Sometimes the blocks for mounting had one or two steps up, for the special advantage of tlie aged. I well remem- ber the old chestnut horse-block at my father's door, an enormous thing that had lain there a hundred years, and after all that decay was large and heavy. The year 1797, like the preceding, has but little to chronicle in this place. March 21, a meeting of Antrim and Windsor was held at James Wallace's store (Stacy's now), to choose a representa- tive to the general court at Portsmouth, and John Duncan was chosen, as before. At the same place a meeting was called to assemble Aug. 28, to vote for congressmen ; and another separate meeting was called at the same place and on the same day, to elect a representative in place of John Duncan, who had been elected to the senate. Probably the laws i-equired that national and state elections should be separate, as they ought to be. The first meeting was called at two o'clock, p. m., the other at three. Woodbury Lang received all the votes for representative to Congress. Then adjourning, the other meeting was organized immediately, and they chose Dea. Jonathan Nesmith representa- tive to the state legislature. This was the last meeting of An- trim with any other town. In 1798 it was found that Antrim had voters eiiough for a representative of its own, the number required by the consti- tution of 1792 being one hundred and fifty. This indicates a constant increase of population in the preceding years. Dea. Jonathan Nesmith was chosen representative, the first the town had by itself ; and the subsequent list may be found in the chap- ter on town officers. At the annual meeting March 13, 1798, " Voted to choose the Selectmen by pricking-." This was probably to save time, as they had no printed votes In recent years it has been customary, in caucus aud elsewhere, to suggest several names, write them in one column, on pasteboard, and then pass the pasteboard for every man to mark against which name he preferred. It is supposed a sheet of paper, with eight or ten names on it, was passed for every man to prick with a pin against the name he preferred, the one having the most pin-holes to be first selectman, the one THE TURNPIKE. 85 having the next highest number to be second selectman, and the next the thii"d. Tliis certainly was a novel way to elect town officers ; but it is supposable that they voted fast and with free- dom from the party whip. At any rate, most of the old officers were thrown overboard. Perhaps this would not be a bad method of election at the present day — especially if the pin might be used occasionally upon the candidate himself ! In 179^, a company having been formed to build a turnpike from Claremont to Amherst, they asked permission to pass through this town ; and a meeting was called, Nov. 18 of that year, " To See if it is agreeable to the Inhabitants of the town to have a turnpike road established from Cornish to Amherst." Upon this, " Voted the town have no objection." This road was constructed chiefly the following year, cutting across the eastern edge of the town. It was called the '• Second New Hampshire turnpike." It was completed and stages were put upon it in 1801 (" the first that had visited Antrim ") ; and at once there was a great stream of travel over it to Boston. Business was thus drawn to the east part of the town, and travel diverted from the old line through the Center. In the following year William Barnes put up the great three-story tavern on the turnpike, and subsequently a store was opened near by. Thus it looked as if the extreme east of the town were to be the principal place of business. But the turnpike was built over hills and away from villages, as though it were more an object to go in a direct line than on an easy road ; it was calculated for the accommodation of interested parties, rather than the public, in some cases ; and" its tolls were so burdensome, that, in the process of time, other roads were built on better ground, which, being free, seriously affected the travel and income of the turnpike. For twenty-five years there was an enormous amount of travel over it, chiefly of the heavier sort, — teams of all kinds in long procession, laden with farm products and timber going to Boston, or loaded with store goods and rum in return. But as, by competition and expense of supporting it, the income of the turnpike dwindled down, the proprietors threw it upon the care of the towns through which it passed, and it became a free road. The gates were taken down, or were left to rot down. They were about eight miles apart. When the turnpike was in its prime, a toll-keeper was stationed at each. gate. There were two gates in Frances- town ; one where the New Boston road branched off, and one at 86 GREAT MORTALITY PROM DYSENTERY. the Gibson place. Another toll-gate was at Hillsborough Upper Village. The charge for passing a toll-gate was eight cents. At a proper bed-time, all the gates were closed ; the heavy bolts were locked ; and woe to the young gentleman that was out late with his father's team ! The year 1800 is memorable for the terrible scourge of dysen- tery that swept a great number of children into the grave. It was a summer terribly dry and hot, — spoken of as one of great physical suffering for every one, on account of heat. The first death by dysentery was July 23 ; and the last fatal case, it is believed, occurred on the 23d of September. The following item in the " Village Messenger" of Amherst, Sept. 30, 1800, gives sortie idea of this great fatality : — MOETALITT IKT ANTRIM. Funerals from the 23'i of July to 17* of Aug. 16 " " 17'" Aug. to 24* of Aug. 19 " 24"' of Aug. to 31=' of Aug. 9 " " 1 Sept. to 7''' of Sept. 7 " " 7"' to 10"" 4 " " 10*" to 23'i . 10 All but 3 of dysentery. 65 Prom this it will be seen there were nineteen funerals one week in August. For two months there was hardly a day with- out a funeral in town, and some days there were four or five. These were mostly children, but not all. The following appears in the " Village Messenger," Sept. 27, 1800 : — In Antrim, Sept. 20, of dysentery, Mrs. Mary Duncan, wife of the Hon. John Duncan. She was benevolent and friendly, and in particular useful amongst her own sex in the hour of distress. Quite a number of families lost all their children. It was a time of intense mourning among the motbers of Israel. Seven persons died in the year from other diseases, making four besides those numbered above, and sixty-nine in all, — nearly one fifteenth of the whole population. Other towns suffered at the same time with Antrim. Probably more than fifty of those little graves on the hill, in 1800, are now unmarked, and forgotten by the living. It was in the midst of this terrible sorrow that the town set- tled its first minister. The town^voted him a call more than a year previous ; but tliere was some opposition and no enthusiasm, POLITICAL PARTIES. 87 and much delay : but in the summer of this terrible year their need of a' minister was so great, and the work they required of Mr. Little put them under so much obligation to him, that they hurried up the work of ordination. Many cherished objections to him, but made no opposition. They may have thought there was a judgment upon them for failing of a pastor so long. The day of ordination was one of sadness, and under a baptism of tears, the like of which seldom has opened a minister's career. The census of 1800 gave Antrim a population of 1,059. Dr. Whiton thinks the census was taken in the fall of the year, and reached the above figure notwithstanding the loss of numbers by death. The inhabitants had doubled since 1790 ; and in all outward features the town had vastly improved. Let Dr. Whiton, who always speaks a little better than any other, add here : — This period was marked by a happy progress in relation to buildings, fences, roads, cultivation, and the increase of the comforts of life. Nearly all the log houses of former days gave place to more commodious framed buildings. The rude household furniture of the first settlers began to be succeeded by articles more convenient and ornamental. The bean por- ridge, the hasty-pudding, the brown-bread-and-milk, — the staple articles of former diet, — yielded the field quite generally to tea and cofiee. The year 1801 began with a small political tempest in town. There had been a terrible struggle between France and England ; and a terrible revolution in France, with an aim toward liberty, perhaps, but with fatal result. A strong party had grown up in this country, that sympathized with the aims of the French Revolution, and they were called Republicans, subsequently Dem- ocrats. These were opposed to a strong central government, talked about having the people rule, and advanced the doctrine of State Rights. Their opponents were called Federalists. These last had always prevailed without opposition in Antrim, hitherto. But after peace with France was restored (1800), removing the apprehension of war, the new party received additional strength. Some severe and offensive acts of the Adams administration, subsequently referred to as " the first Adamses reign of terror," had resulted in the election of Jefferson to the Presidency in the fall of 1800. These things were talked over during the winter, and at the following meeting, March 10, 1801, a large majority were of the new, or Democratic, party. The old officers were all removed ; and the new set, under the leadership of Hon. Jacob Tuttle, took possession of the town. From this time, for about 88 BALDWIN BRIDGE. half a century, the " Democratic party retained ascendency in this place by large and decisive majorities." As an example of the economy of the times, the following item may appear (March 16, 1801) : " Voted M"^ Pairbank take the care of the meeting house for one Dollar and Seventy five Cents." Yet at the same time they voted a " gallon of rum for the vendueing of the great bridge," and " three gallons of rum for the use of the men who work on the road near Stoddard." This year, the Baldwin bridge, which, never having been thor- oughly built, had always been a source of trouble, was so out of repair as to occasion much outcry and risk. The matter was delayed because of the unwillingness of this town to build the whole bridge. At length its condition became so serious that a special meeting was called, June 11, 1801, and the town " Voted Cap' Hopkins M"^ Balden and Lt. Sterrett be a committee To treat with the Society [now Bennington] respecting building the bridge." -And this committee were instructed " to Inform them if they refuse to build one hal-f of the bridge, that eyery thing in the power of the town will be done to compel them to it." It is supposed they quietly conceded to build their half, as nothing more appears concerning the matter. This would be inferred from the fact, that, soon after, the town, in good nature, " Voted to spend forty dollars to Causaway the Intervail between Mr. Baldwin's and the Bridge." Since then, one-half of said bridge has been maintained by Antrim, and often the town has had occasion to " causaway " that interval. In the year 1802 very little occurred, to be mentioned in this place. A vote was passed to repair the graveyard fence, and the work was intrusted to Samuel Christie. This was the third time within twenty-five years that this fence was set in order, — showing the deep interest of the fathers in that spot. All the surroundings were very humble, but kept neat and in good order. The previous year the depredations of crows had been so great, that, at the following March meeting, this town, like many others, offered a' bounty for their extinction, putting it at " one shilling for an old one and 6 pence for a young one." Under this rule the boys made rapid work with these black pests. In these early years the towns often assumed the matter of bounties ; but more recently the State has had control of such things, though it must be admitted that the town was ahead in knowing what was wanted, and in common sense in pursuit of it. .THE "BIG TAYERN." 89 This year (1802), William Barnes put up the "Great Three Story Tavern," on the turnpike. It attracted considerable attention, as being by far the largest building of the kind in this section, and probably destined to influence the direction of busi- ness for the whole town. The only village, then, being on Meet- ing-House Hill, and very small, there seemed to be nothing to prevent the drift of things eastward. Roads were soon called for from other parts of the town to the turnpike. Some short pieces were built. The " Big Tavern " had its day. Mr. Whiton occasionally went there to preach. But, after all, it does not appear that there was much money in it ; it changed hands occasionally, and at length was burned, JFeb. 1, 1818. Likewise, the turnpike store was not a good investment ; and, after the fire, .business no more drifted to that part of the town. In 1803, and for several successive years, John Duncan, Isaac Baldwin, Samuel Dinsmore, Joseph Boyd, Alexander Thompson, and Jacob Tuttle were chosen dog-pelters. -The annual eleva- tion of some of the best men in town to this office, indicates that it was a position of some importance. Or, possibly, it may have been deemed prudent to dignify the office by means of the men. At any rate, these men accepted the trust, and no doubt dis- charged its obligations faithfully, as before stated. Oct. 4, 1804, Eev. Walter (Little) Fullerton was dismissed from his pastorate. In the chapter on churches further notice of this event will appear, and it is barely stated here, inasmuch as the business was all done by the town in public town meet- ing. Some of these votes strike us as very peculiar now. For more than fifty years, the votes on church matters are as much a part of the town record, and about as frequent, as votes on highways, or on raising money. A remarkable snow-storm came Oct. 7, 1804, covering the ground, in this town, more than a foot deep with snow. People had only begun harvesting. Mr. Whiton says of it : " The greater part of the potatoes and apples were buried under the snow. In the open fields it gradually melted and disappeared, but in some cold spots, secluded from the sun, the drifts lay till the next spring." This indicates a very cold and early winter, compared with anything we have now. It seems certain that the removal of forests, and other causes, have produced a change of seasons, in a hundred years, very marked and favorable. In proof of the same, it may be said, that, April 19, 1807, at the 90 ORDINATION OP DR. WHITON., funeral of Dr. Cleaves, snow was so deep as to make it very diffi- cult to carry the body to the grave, and that the doctor got his death by traveling on snow-shoes, to see his patients, in the mid- dle of April. The years 1804-8 were prosperous ones for the town. They had preaching, but no pastor, until the" settlement of John M. Whiton, Sept. 28, 1808. It is proper to say here that the " town " took great pains to prepare for this day. Ministers being settled for life, such events occurred but once in a gen- eration. People came for many miles, and in great numbers, to witness the solemn and unusual scene. A legal town meeting was called more than two months beforehand, and in the middle of " haying-time," for the sole purpose of arranging for the ordination. Of this meeting, Mark Woodbury was moderator. Voted Dea. Isaac Cochran, Dea. Jonathan Nesmith, John Duncan Esqr., Capt. James Hopkins and Mr. Isaac Balden be a committee to make all necessary provisions for ordination day. Voted D" Arthur Nesmith, Ensign Asahel Cram and M'^ Abr"" M°Mel be a committee to regulate the music. Voted Col. M^Cluer be Marshal of the Day on Said ordination Day. Voted Capt. Jameson, Capt. Worthley, Lt. Tuttle, Lt. Nesmith, Ensign Bell and Ensign Gregg be a committee to keep regulation in and about the Meeting-house on Said ordination Day. Voted the Selectmen See to proping the Meeting-house and fixing the steps. In accordance with these faithful and earnest preparations, the vast gathering of people from this and the adjoining towns, and the "hundreds of strangers" from abroad, were provided for to an extent " far exceeding the demands." The great and free hospitality of the fathers has been kept up. Antrim always was generous, and always did love to feed and honor her guests. It was about this time that Mark Woodbury bought out the " Jeffi-ey Right." He had been collector, and had advertised the non-resident taxes, as appears by the Amherst paper of October, 1800, and subsequent dates, and it occurred to him that ho might make a good thing by buying up this advertised land. He advertised nine hundred and forty-four acres in one lot "on the west end of Great Right No. 6," which seems to have been near Stoddard line. The " Jeffrey Right " was what remained of the original wild lands of the Masonian proprietors, and con- sisted of thousands of acres of woodland in Antrim, Deering, Hancock, and Bennington, — i. e., the various tracts in the POUND-KEEPER. 91 original Society Land remaining unsold to settlers. This land was variously situated, and, in many cases, of uncertain bounds. Woodbury bought them out, and, it was said, at a low figure, as they did not realize that they had much left here, and he subse- quently sold to various parties as he could. Woodbury met Benjamin Bullard of Bennington* at Goodell's lower mill, and laid claim to all said Bullard's land, which he had occupied many years. It may be presumed that Woodbury did it by way of a joke ; but Bullard snatched up a sled-stake, in desperate earnest, and drove him out of the mill-yard. That claim was not prosecuted any further. From 1804 onward a number of years, there was but little political interest in town, if we may judge from the votes. As the families were large, the number of voters was less to the same population than now. But there must haye been 225 voters in town, or more. Yet, in 1806, there were only 36 votes cast for representative to Congress ; in 1808, only 121; for Presi- dent, 1808, only 127; in 1810 the votes for congressmen were 120; in 1812 the number increased to 213; and the next year the vote for governor was 241. Until 1811, collector and constable of the town were always united in the same person ; but, at the March meeting that year, John Taylor was chosen collector and Bzekiel Paige constable, and these offices have since been held separately. The audit- ors were then called " town counters." For many years the town " voted Dea. Jonathan Nesmith find a pound and be poundkeeper." It was very common then to " pound " cattle, a custom now gone to disuse. Dea. Nesmith used his barn for this purpose. At one time Samuel Fairbanks sued the town because they had no pound, and, after considera- ble litigation, he lost his case ; but the town, soon after, took measures to build a pound, which resulted in the erection of the now dilapidated structure above the Center. The law case was closed up in 1818. The present pound was built in 1817, and the office of pound-keeper, so long held by Dea. Nesmith, was passed over, in March, 1818, to Asahel Cram, living near the new structure. In the winter of '1811-12, the spotted fever broke out in Antrim, — the most fatal scourge that ever swept over the town. It had been a time of unusually cold winters and unhealthy sum- mers for about three years. The winter Of 1809-10 was very 92 SPOTTED FEVER. severe, Jan. 19, 1810, being the celebrated " Cold Friday." There was no snow that winter till Feb. 20 ; but the cold was almost intolerable, and many persons perished from cold in all parts of New England. Then followed a summer of much sick- ness among children, and there were many deaths in Antrim among the young. In the following year, 1811, there was con- siderable sickness, but few deaths. Again, the winter of 1811-12 was one of great length and severity. Dec. 25, 1811, William McClary was frozen to death. Snow was very deep. Dr. Whiton's diary says that "snow fell a foot deep in May, 1812." In the midst of this long and terrible winter came the spotted fever. The first case occurred Feb. 7, 1812, the first subject being a child of Samuel Weeks, then for a short time living on the Dea. Shattuck place. This child recovered. On the follow- ing day, Robert Nesmith, child of Dea. Jonathan, was taken, and lived but a few hours. This first victim died Feb. 9, 1812. Then cases followed rapidly in all parts of the town. Dea. Nes- mith's child died on Sunday, and was buried the following day. The next death was that of Mrs. Daniel Paige, sick only a little over half a day. Persons would be taken with a violent head- ache, or, as in the case of Mrs. Abraham McNiel, with a pain in the little finger, or in some other strange way, and, in severe cases, the victim usually died in less than twelve hours. There were two hundred cases and forty deaths, in two months. Everybody wore mourning till the deaths became so numerous it was impossible to provide mourning apparel. It was hard to find well persons enough to take care of the sick. At many times there were two or three funerals per day, and on one day there were four funerals and four processions up the hard, snowy road to the cemetery on the hill. Sometimes they threw a little snow and dirt over the coffin, and then left the grave unfilled till spring. All ages were taken, from sixty years down to the infant of days. Daniel Nichols, Esq., surveyor, deacon, and nine years selectman, fell a victim. None were attacked by it who were over sixty years of age. The "Cab- inet " at Amherst printed reports from Antrim mournful indeed, week after week. These reports bear the mark of Mr. Whiton's hand. For ten weeks all work was suspended except what was absolutely necessary, and people gave their attention to the care of the sick and the burial of the dead. As this was a new dis- ease, physicians did not know how to manage it, and most of SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 93 them adopted the roasting process. This they carried to such an extreme that many were actually roasted to (Jeath. Families held themselves ready to apply the roasting or sweating process, at a moment's warning, night or day. With hot bricks, hot stones, hot blocks of wood, hot rooms, hot drinks, and piles of clothes, the poor creature, burning with fever, was roasted out of the world. But, after many deaths, experience and the " sober second thought " .brought about a more merciful^ and successful treatment. Houses were kept lighted all night, and for more than a month there was one body, or more, awaiting burial all the time. But, as the spring- advanced, the disease took a milder form, and entirely ceased about the middle of April. In other towns this scourtie was felt. In Acworth there were fifty- three deaths, and many latal cases occurred far and near. In some towns the disease returned in milder form when cold weather came again, but not here ; and it is not known that there has been a case among us since that lamentable winter. June 18, 1812, Congress declared war against England. This was approved by a very large majority of the people of Antrim ; and many citizens of this town took part in the struggle, as will be seen in the chapter on military matters. The war lasted about three years ; all the way there was considerable opposition to it ; the celebrated " Hartford Convention " was called to oppose the prolongation of the war ; there was no little excite- ment in this town ; and when, therefore, tidings of peace came in February, 1815, the people here turned out, in disregard of party lines, for a meeting of mutual congratulation. The treaty of peace was signed Dec. 24, 1814. The last conflict of the war was the battle of New Orleans, when Jackson gained his great victory, Jan. 8, 1815, two weeks after peace was declared. But there were no telegraphs then ! It was in the course of the war that the Antrimites j'aised an enormous liberty-pole on the top of Meeting-House Hill. The day was July 4, 1813. It was cut on Dea.. Boyd's land just south of Clinton Village, was drawn up by eighteen yoke of oxen (one pair for each State in the Union), and raised with great ceremonies, speaking, and shouting, by a vast assembly. It was a great day for the men and boys. Alas ! but few remain tu tell the memories of tliat day. The big pole went down in the gale of 1818. March 9, 1813, a record is as follows : " Voted Alexander 94 FIRE AND WIND. Witherspoon, James Jameson, James Campbell, and all others of the newly-married men be hog-reeves." So far as the record goes, this is the first indication of tlie transfer of this office to this unfortmiate class of men, as a body. As a sample of votes on the subject for many years, the fol- lowing is given, under date of March 11, 1817 : " Thomas Day strack off to Charles Gates at 98 cts. per week, he to be fur- nished with suitable victuals, Drink, lodging and Tobacco." " Drink" and " tobacco " begin with capitals, it will be noticed. But this selling was not so hard as it might seem, inasmuch as the selectmen looked after the treatment of the poor, and they were kept in our own town, and looked upon by the people with kindness and pity. It may be of service to some to know that the capital of the State was fixed at Concord in 1816. The various legislatures had assembled at Portsmouth, Exeter, Hanover, Concord, and Hopkinton previous to this date. The latter place made a strug- gle, hard and long, for the honor, but in vain. The " Amherst Cabinet," August, 1816, has the following: — Fire! The barn, shed, and outhouses of Mr. James Dunlap of Antrim were consumed on the 26"^ of July last, together with all his farming utensils contained in them, with about three tons of hay, 80 pounds of wool and 100 pounds of flax. In consequence of his heavy loss the in- habitants met on the following Monday, and prepared timber for a frame and raised him a barn 40 by 50 feet, underpinned, and .boarded a third part of it in 30 laboring hours ! And on the 2* inst. it was completed for receiving and saving bis crops. Sept. 25, 1815, a terrible wind swept over the northern part of Massachusetts and southern part of New Hampshire, making great havoc of buildings and orchards The damage in Antrim was mostly to the timber, a great amount of it being blown down. East of South Village there was a second growth extending to the river, covering a large ti-act, over which were scattered per- haps a hundred old hemlocks rising above the new growth. Clark Hopkins, then a small lad, says he lay on his bed that afternoon and saw the old trees go down, one after another, till all were gone. The year 1816 used to be called by old people " Poverty Year," and sometimes " Mackerel Year." It was a cold, frosty season so that corn would not ripen, and farmers had little to fatten stock with, and hence were compelled to live largely on fish, there being then no great storehouse of corn in the West. Now, if a THUNDER-SHOWERS. 95 frost should cut off the whole corn crop of New Hampshire, it would not sensibly affect the price. Then, farmers lived on what they raised themselves. Their crops of English grain, however, were very good in 1816, and sufficient to prevent star- vation. I remember hearing my father tell about two inches of snow and great suffering from cold, on the eleventh of June. It was with difficulty that ripe corn enough was matured for seed on the following year. That also was a cold and unproductive season. March 10, 1818, the town " Voted that the Selectmen inlarge the Graveyard the present Season to the West as far as the towns Land runs." It seems, that, in accordance with this vote, about half an acre was added on the west, being that part which is not so full of graves. The old part is literally packed with the dead. The summer of 1819 was remarkable to the people of Antrim for the number of thunder-showers that passed, over the town. This fact is suggestive to those who think every season they live through to be the " strangest season they ever saw," and are always finding some fearful omens, as if remarkable seasons never occurred before ! Yet the world has stood through several such. I have heard travelers and boarders say that " showers generally went round Antrim." My observation for twelve years leads me to have some belief in this. But in 1819 show- ers were numerous and violent here. There were many weeks in the summer that had a violent shower every day. Mr. Whiton tells lis that " buildings were set on fire and many persons killed by lightning," throughout New England. The only building damaged in Antrim was the house of Dea. Josiah Duncan ; but crops were injured, and damaged hay-was plenty. It is believed to be in the course of this marvelous summer that the old church on the hill was struck by lightning. Mr. Whiton speaks of it thus : — It was a time of bright sunshine, after a sprinkle of rain, a little after noon; but a single cloud, and that small, being visible. The flash was vivid and the report violent, but soon over; no other thunder clap it is J)elieved wa^ heard that day. The electric fluid entered the roof directly over the pulpit, being attracted by the large bar of iron by which the canopy, that old-fashioned appendage of ancient meeting-houses, was suspended over the stand of the minister. It set the cauopy on flre, and, flames began to burst forth, when the people in the vicinity arrived in season to extinguish them. 96 SECTIONAL FEELING. Some parts-near the pulpit were much blackened and shat- tered, but the damage on the whole was not great. In 1820 the town's poor were ten in number in a population of thirteen hundred and thirty. The following year there were six only ; and the town voted the " Poor be sot up as last year." For a long time there had been a little sectional feeling in An- trim, as divided by Meeting-House Hill. Intercourse between the two parts of the towB was only by the road over the summit, and therefore was very limited. In winter it was difficult, and at times even perilous, to travel from the south to the north part of the town. The old church and the annual town meeting were all, except the memories of the past, that held the town's people together. Hence, after long talk, it was determined to build a road round the west side of the hill. This was laid out ' in 1820. Tlie vote, March 14 of that year, was as follows: " To have the Selectmen to Lay out the road from near the Pound to Nathan Pierces old place," — now Luther Campbell's. This was difficult to build, and was not finished till 1822. At that time there was no building of any kind from Lemuel Page's (New- man place at the Center) to Luther Campbell's. This road being completed, travel was almost entirely diverted from the hill. The location of the meeting-house, in a beautiful and sacred place, glorious in summer, favorable as being midway in point of distance, and hallowed with memories, was neverthe- less unfortunate in being on a high hill-top, hard of access, especially in the storms and drifts of winter. The subject of building a new meeting-house was talked over in earnest All were agreed that something must be done ; few could unite on any one thing. Nor was it strange, considering the geography of the town and the location of its inhabitants, that this embarrassment should arise. South Village was not large enough then to be of special promise, and nobody seems to have thought of building there. Meetings for consultation were held. Finally a town meeting was held, Feb. 4, 1823, to take action as to building a new house, or removing the old one to " some con- venient place near the Center of the Town." This seems to have been a full meeting. Jacob Tuttle was moderator. They voted not to remove the old house ; to take measures toward building a new house ; and the first question being that of location, they chose a committee of one from each school dis- trict in town to " point out a spot to set a meeting house." This LAST TOWN ACTION IN CHURCH MATTERS. 97 committee consisted of Eps Burnliam, Amos Parmenter, Jacob . Tuttle, Samuel Steel, Robert Carr, Boyd Hopkins, Dimoiid Dodge, John Worthley, Samuel Fletcher, John Symonds, and Josiah Duncan. No record is made of the meeting on " the first Tues- day of April," to which they adjourned. But the committee could not agree upon any location, and so reported to the town. So great was the diversity of interests and opinions, it was thought best to drop the subject for the time ; and it was never brought up \n legal meeting again. Yet this was not the last action of the town, in its corporate capacity, concerning religious matters. For, a society of individuals having been formed, and the pres- ent church built by them, as will be seen in the proper chapter, the town voted in legal meeting (Amos Parmenter, moderator), Nov. 27, 1826,— To have the Preaching discontinued at the old Meeting House, Yeas 149, nays 24. Voted to have the Bev. Jolm M. Whiten hereafter officiate in the New Central Meeting House by Yeas 128, nays, 15. Voted that Mr. Whiton Preach an Apropriate Farewell Sermon in the old Meeting House next Sunday in the forenoon, and take Possession of the New Central Meeting House in the afternoon. Also they refused to let Mr. Whiton " preach in the New East Meeting House" by yeas 34, nays 126. This was the last action of the town in church matters, except that they annually voted the salary of Mr. Whiton, so that he drew his pay like any servant of the town. This continued until the March meeting of 1836, when the article in the warrant being " To see how much money tlie Town will raise for Salary of Rev. John M. Whiton," the town voted to dismiss .the a,rticle. And with that vote terminated the long-continued connection between the town and the church. The year 1826 is spoken of by the old people as " Grasshopper Year." ,The summer was one of great and long-continued drought, and by August the grasshoppers were in hosts and almost covered the pastures, sweeping them clean of verdure. Hay-crop was at least half cut off. The fields looked brown and dead as November, I have heard some of the older farmers tell how they drove the grasshoppers in between the rows of potatoes or corn, and then scooped them up by the bushel to feed to their hogs ! This year of meeting-houses and grasshoppers was at this time very dark. The change is best expressed in the happy words of Dr. Whiton : — 7 98 , LIQUOR. LICENSES. On the afternoon of Aug. 28, a tremendous rain swelled the little brooks into raging torrents, so that by evening they were impassable, and the roar of foaming waters was heard in almost every direction. The autumn yielded an exuberant growth of grass, cold weather was late in coming, and the cattle found, till into December, ample supplies of food in the fields; happily disappointing gloomy apprehensions of distressing scarcity. But SO great was the damage done to roads and bridges, by this sudden flood of water, that a tovyn meeting was called for Sept. 11, 1826, to " see what measures the town will take " to make the extensive repairs needed. They voted (George Dun- can, moderator) to raise an extra tax on the highways of half the ordinary annual tax, and to leave the heavy expenses of bridges to the selectmen. The loss to the town has been esti- mated at more than two thousand dollars in money and a vast amount of work. The first appearance on the record of any action concerning the sale of liquor, is a permit given by the selectmen May 25, 1822, to Jacob Tuttle, " to sell wine, rum, gin and other spirits by retail, that is, in less quantities than one gallon." The agita- tion of the temperance question had then only begun, and the law was only carried to such an extent as to limit the amount of sale to one gallon, and prevent selling by other than licensed parties. These licenses were given by the selectmen, forming a sort of local license. This continued for several years. In 1826, the year of building the meeting-houses, Isaac Smith, Capt. Eob- ert Reed, Robert Burns, Jr., Isaac Barrett, Jacob Tuttle, Mark Woodbury, George Duncan, Amos Holt, and Ira Cochran (in com- pany with Hiram Bell) were all licensed to keep tavern and sell rum, — nine places in full blast in this town ! One would think they needed a few meeting-houses ! Surely, we have made some progress in fifty years ! THE QUESTION OF DIVISION. 99 CHAPTER III. AN OUTLINE OP EVENTS IN ANTRIM FOR FIFTY YEARS. 1827-1877. The year 1827 has always been distinguished as one of great religious interest in Antrim. This will be noticed in another place, but it is proper to say here, that, after the preceding year of controversy and doubt about the future, the revival was one of the most remarkable ever known. About one hundred and twenty persons became Christians, one hundred and three of whom united with Mr. Whiton's church. Oct. 26, 1827, seven- teen persons in the east part of the town were formed into a Congregational church. With these arose conflicting denomina- tional sentiments, where hitherto hardly a division had .been known. Immediately after March meeting of this year, ninety men protested against being taxed for Mr. Whiton ; but under the revival some of these returned. Some, also, were in the extremes of the town, and were justly exempted. The previous religious oneness of the town was, however, forever broken. Scarcely had the church been organized before ideas previously entertained began to be spoken out boldly, concerning a division of the town. The people in the east part, having a church and a costly church-building, a saw-mill, grist-mill, blacksmith-shop, tavern, and store, with favorable location, boldly struck out to make it the center of .a new town, taking Society Land, the western part of Deering, and the eastern part of Antrim. Their plan was to take in the Dustin Barrett farm, the contemplated line running southward so as to take into the new town all east of Meeting-House Hill, including the poor-farm, the Whiteley place, and all of South Village. This was first brought before the town in public meeting, Nov. 3, 1828, — George Duncan being moderator, and the article being, " to take the Sense of the Voters respecting a division of the town of Antrim, as petitioned for by Robert Duncan and others." The town voted to dismiss the article. But the matter being now hard pressed by the peti- tioners, another town meeting was immediately called. At this meeting, Nov. 19, 1828, Clark Hopkins was chosen moderator. They then by ballot elected Isaac Baldwin the town's agent to 100 STRENUOUS EFFORTS OP BOTH PARTIES. oppose the petition for division. They empowered him to employ counsel and use all available means to prevent the dismember- ment of the old town, and chose James Cochran, Amos Parmen- ter, and William Little, a committee to " advise with the Agent in Selecting the necessary Witnesses from this town." They also voted to raise six hundred dollars to defray expenses, and instructed the town clerk, Jacob Tuttle, who was understood to favor division, to " forthwith transmit an attested coppy of the proceedings of this meeting to the Agent." They also voted a survey of the town, so as to exhibit the position' of the town- house and the distances from the Center. The work of the town committee was so earnestly done, that, at the following session of the legislature, the " Committee on Incorporation of Towns " reported against the division, and it was lost. So persistent, how- ever, were the friends of the measure, that, at the same session, they subsequently obtained, on petition, the appointment by the legislature of a committee to visit the town and vicinity, exam- ine the country, take evidence, and report at the next session. This committee had, for its chairman, C. F. Gove, of Nashua, then of Goffstown. The other members of the committee were Alfred Gordon, of Washington, and Jesse Bowers of Dunstable. The next spring (May 27, 1830), this committee came here to perform its work. Antrim by its agent, Isaac Baldwin, backed by most of the leading men in the town, opposed the measure. The selectmen of Deering came to represent that town in oppo- sition to the petition. Society Land, by its agent, John Dodge, Esq., did all in its power against the scheme. Counsel appeared on both sides. But the committee reported in favor of estab- lishing the new town. No name seems to have been suggested for this new creation, as one of them said "they would not name the child till it was born." All now turned to the legis^ lature (June, 1830) for the final struggle. It should be added^ that, pending the hearing of this committee, an article had been introduced into the warrant for the annual meeting (March 10, 1829) to " See if the town will consent to a division of the town of Antrim, provided the line of division be so drawn through said town as to leave a sufficient number of voters on the west part to send a representative to General Court." But so strong and decisive was the feeling, that, as soon as they were organized (Sutheric Weston, Jr., moderator), they called up this article and dismissed it. A motion was made to allow the town ac- THE PLAN DEFEATED. 101 counts except what was raised to oppose division ; but the town quickly voted that the " account be adopted as it stands." Then they proceeded to the election of town officers. It should be added, also, that at a meeting May 17, 1830, the town chose " Amos Parmonter second Agent " to assist Mr. Baldwin ; and also chose a committee consisting of the selectmen (Samuel Fletcher and Thomas McCoy, besides Baldwin, the agent), Dea. Jonathan Nesmijth, and Capt. John Worthley, to assist in opposing the petition " at the Widow Woodbury's house on the 27th of this month." Before the legislature there was a sharp and final contest. On the one hand was the report of the committee in favor of the new town, backed by able counsel, and determined friends. Tliey did everything possible to force the thing through, and never was a plan more vigorously pursued. And they were confident of success. On the other hand, Antrim, Deering, and Society Land (now Bennington), by decisive and determined majorities, opposed the new town. Every man in Antrim signed a remon- strance against it except the few. interested petitioners. Within the proposed new town, many and influential men opposed it with all their might. And some of the older people begged the legislature, even with tears, not to dismember the old town. In the face of all this, to grant the petition of so few, to their no great advantage, against the wishes, the associations, the convic- tions, and the interests of so many in all these towns, was seen to, be preposterous! By an overwhelming majority the legisla- ture voted down the measure ! And it has stayed voted down to this day ! At the March meeting, 1829, an article was in the warrant to see if the town would move the " Town House," no longer called " meet- ing-house," to a more convenient place> Travel had mostly left the hill, most of the families had moved ofif, and the old building stood there, high, cold, and almost alone. But the town was then stirred up with the excitement about division, and simply dismissed the article. Thus the matter stood till March meeting, 1832, when the town "voted that the Selectmen be requested to insert an article in the warrant at the November meeting to see if the town will vote to build a town-house and appropriate the Old Meeting House to that use." But, meantime, a town meeting was called on petition, to take immediate action. This meeting was May 30, 1832, Oapt. Isaac, Baldwin, moderator (afterwards Dea. 102 MOVING THE TOWN-HOUSE. Isaac) . They voted to accept the plan proposed by the select- men, to rebuild the old meeting-house " by leaving out the mid- dle band and Cuting it Down to one Story in hight." They then chose John Worthley, Thomas Carr, Thomas McCoy, James Cochran, and Samuel Cummings, as a committee to nominate " a Disinterested Committee to locate." They reported " Rus- sell Tubbs, of Deering, Solomon McNeil, of Hillsboro', and Thacher Bradford of Hancock Bsqrs." These were immediately accepted, and met on June 13 following. They fixed on the spot now occupied by the town-house. The town meeting having been adjourned to June 16, the citizens, when met, accepted the report of the locating committee ; voted to pay Capt. Robert Reed, then owning the land, five dollars a rod for what was needed ; chose Isaac Baldwin, Benjamin Rollins, and James Wallace, Jr., as the building committee ; and instructing them to spend as little as possible, and " have it convenient," they dissolved the meeting. The contract for taking down, removing, and rebuild- ing, was given to Charles Gates. And thus this old landmark was removed, making a great change in the appearance of the hill, and leaving only the monuments of the dead to mark the spot ! It had been a place of meetings and partings, of joys and sorrows, for half a century ! The first town meeting at the new place was Nov. 5, 1832. Prom the unfinished state of the build- ing, the meeting was called at the Center school-house ; but im- mediately, on choice of moderator (Luke Woodbury), they adjourned to the town-house. There the town meetings have been since held. About this time, in addition to expenditures in opposing divis- ion, and on the town-house, the town was beset with petitions for roads. All the town meetings had petitions for roads ; and extra meetings were called over and over ; and after being voted down again and again, the petitioners would put in the same article again. At one time (Nov. 9, 1836), as though fairly worried into concession, the town voted to lay out three different roads. But these were not very burdensome compared with two larger ones, and the " Forest Road," across the southwest cor- ner of the town. The latter had been built in passable condition for many years, making a road from Stoddard to Hancock at our expense, the town voting quite a sum every year to repair it, not, however, without all the swearing and scolding needed on each occasion ! Nor is it strange that they should be unwilling to be BUILDING ROADS. 103 taxed to support a road for which no citizen of Antrim could derive any advantage, it being in an uninhabited part of the town, entirely separated from the rest. But about this time, under the name of " Forest Road," the whole thing had to be widened and straightened, at a heavy expense to the town. And it always has been a heavy and unfair tax upon us. To keep two miles of this road, remote from all the people of the town,- in good condi- tion for stages and heavy teams year after year, was felt to be a burden. Then, in 1831, the " Court's Committee," as they were called at that time, laid out a road from Stoddard line, near the Box tavern, to Hillsborough line, east of Miles Tuttle's, mostly on new ground, making more than six miles of new road, and in- volving a very large outlay. To this road the town made all possible opposition. Town meetings were called. Petitions were sent to court asking for discontinuance. Plans were made to improve the old route from Concord to Keene, through South Antrim, Hancock, and Dublin. Luke Woodbury, Esq., was chosen agent to fight this road. Other towns above also made vigorous opposition to said. road. At near the same time the " Court's. Committee " laid out a new road from Hancock Factory (Bennington) to Cork bridge. This and the " North Keene Roa,d," then so called, are first mentioned in the town warrants Nov. 5, 1832, and first appear together. The Cork-bridge road was laid chiefly on new ground, about three and one-half miles in Antrim. Both these roads were fought off for about two years, and considerable money was expended in the opposition ; but the town was compelled to build them in the end. Both were constructed in»the year 1834. The town chose Jacob Tuttle agent to build the " North Keene Road " ; and Thomas McMaster, Jr., agent to build the "South" road. The expense of the Keene road was over 14,000, and of the South road about f 2,000, — all of which was hired on the credit of the town. All the costs of these roads was about 18,000, from first to last. The road from Clinton Village to Mr. French's, built in 1886, was also quite expensive, and added to the town debt. Another heavy item for the town at this time was the support of the poor. There were nearly twenty paupers. They had been sold out year by year, but the expense was large for so many, and some more thoughtful people believed the poor would 104 CARING FOR THE POOR. be better off with a fixed home, and were not willing to see them " sold" at auction. As early as March 13, 1832, the town voted the " Selectmen be a committee to look out a farm, and report at a future meeting." They selected the Hutchinson Flint farm, now Henry D. Ohapin'.s residence, which was purchased the fol- lowing year. March 11, 1834, the town " voted The Selectmen to take charge of Paupers and the Town Farm " ; and this was the first year it was occupied by the town,. Its cost, with stock and some repairs,, was $2,500. Timothy Weston, a joking, jolly man, first took charge of the farm. Chandler Boutwell was the first man chosen to " superintend " the farm and the poor, and was annually chosen to that office for several years. The farm continued to be the comfortable home of our poor till 1869, when those dependent on the town being very few, and the tax for the county farm being heavy, it was sold. In November, 1868, the town chose J. W Perkins, Cyrus Saltmarsh, and William S. Foster, a committee to sell. This change was made inevitable by the county-farm system, as no town could support its own farm for two or three paupers. But the county system was hard and cruel to all but foreigners, and very distasteful to the people of Antrim. Many protests has the writer heard. Some poor have been kept away from the county farm, by gifts of money and board. If some one state institution, with plenty of work, could have taken the foreign element, and the system of town farms, so acceptable, and so general, been retained, it would have saved money and pleased the people, besides saving the poor from many home-sick and bitter years ! In view of all these expenditures, the town debt in 1835 went as high as $9,000. Population was decreasing slowly by emi- gration and death, — and taxes were very severe. For the first time in its history, the town paid a large amount of interest money ; and town notes, hardly before ever heard of in Antrim, were now very common. At this time the prospect of help from the surplus revenue of the United States arose, most agreeably to the people. Congress passed an act, June 23, 1836, the coun- try being out of debt, and a large sum having accumulated in the public treasury, to distribute a certain part of the surplus among the States. It seems that our state legislature was in session, and passed a law to distribute this sum to the towns on certain conditions, Jan. 13, 1837. On the 14th of February fol- lowing, a meeting was called in Antrim, of which Amos Par- COLLECTION OP TAXES. 105 menter^was moderator, at which they voted to receive the money and to " Execute a certificate of deposit therefor," according to the terms of the law. This is understood to be a bond of the town to pay back said sum on certain conditions. They chose Samuel Fletcher agent to receive the- money. He obtained $3,000. The town voted to invest the money on " undoubted security " ; but subsequently, as there was no probability that the money would be called for by the government, they appropriated the whole sum to the payment of town debts. At once the taxes were diminished, and the people were enabled readily to subdue the debt. And perhaps it would be well if, at the present day, town debts were viewed with the same abhorrence and alarm as then! For many years it ha,d been the custom to sell the collection of taxes to the lowest bidder, the town finding its security in the bondsmen. This selling at auction was in open town meet- ing, and the bondsmen were then and there proposed, and they were accepted or rejected by public vote. These were generally the most excited, and often the most amusing, scenes in the town meeting. All the taxes of the town were generally col- lected for five or six dollars per year ; and sometimes the salary of this dreaded ofiicial was run down to almost nothing. At the March meeting of 1832, excitement was so great that they bid the collectorship down to nothing, when Bartlett Wallace offered the town fifty cents for the privilege of collecting, and it was struck off to him on those terms. And amid shouts of triumph and laughter, Jacob Tuttle and John Worthley came forward to be his bondsmen and were accepted by the town. For the pleasure it may afford to the curious, the following resolution, passed in public town meeting March 12, 1839, is here given : — Eesolved that George Duncan has faithfully Served this Town in the Capacity of Clerk and that our only object, in Displacing him is that we hold rotation in office a fundamental principle of the Democratic Creed. Whether this was planned by way of letting-down easy some sensitive official, or to put a little Salve of compliment over a sore place, or to give deserved praise, does not appear on the record. Strange to say, Mr. Duncan did not live a year ! But, as he was a worthy man whom the town had many times honored, it is fair to presume that their object was to honor him also on retirement. 106 BENNINGTON INCORPORATED. • In 1840, the population being 1,225, the number of names on the check-list was 299, — of which 296 voted at the presidential election, Nov. 2, that year. Of this number twenty-seven did not pay a poll-tax, indicating that as the number of men then in town over seventy years of age ; whereas now, with a population of about eleven hundred, we have thirty-four men in town about that age. Life is not growing shorter in these days. In January, 1840, there was a great scare in Antrim on account of the small-pox, and a town meeting was called (Feb. 11, 1840) to take public action. Of this meeting, Rev. John M. Whiton was moderator. They chose two agents. Dr. Burnham and Dr. Stickney, " to See that all the Inhabitants that is in town are vaccinated." These agents made rapid work and all the people were frightened into readiness therefor. A man had died of that loathsome disease at Bennington, so near, and in such fearful way, as justly to produce alarm, especially when we remember that very few of the people had been vaccinated. Dr. Jenner's discovery of vaccination had been announced in London in 1796, but was a long time opposed, and even preaclied against in the pulpit as " diabolical " ; so that it was slow in finding general acceptance. Such a scare, probably, could not occur now. It seems to have filled the people with more alarm than any war ever did. But it soon died away, and only the curious mind will care to revert to it. Dec. 15, 1842, the last of Society Land was incorporated as the town of Bennington. With this Antrim had been connected in the early days. From the original tract called Society liand, a part of Francestown was taken off June 8, 1772, in the incor- poration of that'town. Another larger portion was set off as the town of Deering, June 17, 1774. Another slice was cut off for the town of Antrim, March 22, 1777. Still another was incor- porated as Hancock, Nov. 5, 1779. The south part of what was left, together with parts of Francestown and Lyndeborough, seem to have been made into the town of Greenfield, June 15, 1791. Both Antrim and Hancock were bounded on the east by the Contoocook river, and therefore what was left of the original Society Land was only a small strip between Francestown and the Contoocook, lying along the stream. Its old name gradually dropped out of use, and it was called " Hancock Factory " for many years. To this unincorporated tract, inhabited in 1830 by about one hundred and thirty persons, small portions of Hancock,, TEMPERANCE QUESTION. 107 Greenfield, Francestown, and Deering were added to form the little town of Bennington. On account of manufactures, its population had largely increased ; and the new town started with a population of about four hundred. This increased at the census of 1850 to 541. At the census of 1860, it was 450 ; at that of 1870, 40l. But for the past few years Bennington has evidently increased in population. It is almost a child of Antrim, and is a smart little town, with busy factories, and a wide-awake, ambitious people. Its church, formed in part by members from Antrim, was organized July 6, 1839. As noticed under the year 1822, the selectmen were authorized to license as many as they saw fit, to sell liquor in each town. This with little variation was the law for more than twenty- five years. There were plenty of these licenses in Antrim every year, aud rum was free and cheap. But misgivings began to arise in the minds of good men concerning this traffic. Our town records contain hints of the progress of the temperance sentiment among us. Public opinion changed very slowly. An article was in the warrant March 10, 1846, " To See if the town will vote to instruct the Selectmen not to License the Sale of ardent Spirits except for mechanical and medicinal purposes." This made quite an excitement in town, and the friends of free liquor were not a little angry. Almost immediately after the organization of the meeting they called up this (the twelfth) article and voted to dismiss it, one hundred and fifty-three to eighty-seven. Thus more than one-third of the voters favored a practical prohibition. But the selectmen went on with the license as before, though with greater care, and a less number of licenses. The question of temperance had been carried into the church, and had made great disturbance there, and had been agitated with considerable bitterness among Christian people ; but was settled among them by the following vote, whicli is in force to this day : — That when persons hereafter (1842) may offer themselves for admis- sion they be required to abstain from the use of intoxicating drinks, except as a medicine. In the town, however, the discussion went on, as appears by this article in the warrant for March 14, 1848 : — Is it expedient that a law be enacted by the Legislature, prohibiting the Sale of wines and other spirituous liquors, ex;cept for chemical, me- dicinal and mechanical purposes. 108 EOBB MOUNTAIN. It shows the intense feeling on the subject, that they passed all other articles and immediately called this up for action. The vote for this law was, in favor, ninety ; against, one hundred and two ; showing a steady advance of sentiment. In 1850 a convention was called to revise the constitution of this State. Previously, several tinies, the project to call a co|i- vention had been voted down. This town had gone steadily and strongly against it. But finally it had been decided to have a convention ; and a meeting was called Tuesday, Oct. 8, 1850, to choose a delegate. Of this meeting, John G. Flint was modera- tor. On the first ballot for delegate, John M. Whiton had fifty- six votes, and Hiram Griffin fifty-eight, besides scattering votes, and there was no election. On the next ballot, Mr. Griffin was elected by a very small majority. This convention met at Con- cord, Wednesday, Nov. 6, 1850. They worked faithfully, had a long session, suggested many excellent changes, and supposed* their work would stand. But it was voted down by a large ma- jority. Antrim voted against every article, generally by large majorities. The great labor and heavy cost of the " Convention of 1850 " were thrown away ! And the old constitution went on for a quarter of a century more. The first break in the town lines was in 1849, when the small farm of John Flint, in the southwest part of the town, was annexed to Hancock, by act of the legislature, he having no access to Antrim except by passing first through other towns. A petition for consent of Antrim had been inserted by him sev- eral times in the town warrant; and the town voted, Nov. 7, 1848, that " Our representative be instructed to favor the disan- nexing John Flint & joining him to Hancock." This, it is believed, was completed at the next session of the legislature, and was no doubt beneficial for a time ; but, on the whole, it is to be regretted, as breaking the continuity of the town lines, and beijig of no present use, since the farm is now deserted. About this time, began rapidly to disappear the whole popula- tion of a school-district of about a dozen families on Robb Mountain. More than sixty persons resided there at one time. About 1816, Andrew Robb, Moor Robb, Nathan Cram, Thomas Aucerton, Daniel Paige, Thomas Carleton, Luther Conant, Samp- son Reed, John Edwards, and others, were at one time living there near together. They all lived in log houses, had large families, had a school, were well off, were large raisers of stock. PLEURO-PNEUMONIA. 109 and were considered a prosperous community. But they began to leave for better accommodations, and in a few years all were gone. The log houses rotted' down. And as no road was ever built to these habitations, and fences have gone to decay, almost every relic of this community has disappeared. Cattle roam there ; trees have sprung up in the old fields ; and no one now passing there would think that within one hundred years that tract of land was cleared, turned into fruitful fields, inhabited till babes born there grew gray, was deserted, its buildings rotted down, and all gone back again to forest, or worn pasture, as if never inhabited! If all this may take place in ninety years, it becomes us to speak cautiously of what time may do ! Will not six thousand years answer someway for all known effects on the earth ? In 1852, Franklin Pierce was elected to the Presidency of the United States, — an event at that time of much interest and sat- isfaction to the people of Antrim, inasmuch as the farm of Gov. Pierce joined Antrim, and the family had long been intimately associated with our people. Before he entered upon the high of&ce to which he had been elected, his only son was killed by a railroad accident at Andover, Mass., Jan."6, 1853 ; and this, from sympathy, kindled a new interest in the honored and afflicted man. But many thoughtful minds here were slowly alienated from him, by his course favoring the propagandists of slavery. Especially the act of May 30, 1854, sometimes called a " Com- promise," but really opening Kansas and Nebraska to slavery, awakened a sullen, deep opposition at the North, and multiplied the strength of the anti-slavery party. Pierce's administration was that under which the great forces that clashed in 1861 were really setting themselves. The " Free Soil " vote in Antrim, before almost nothing, now steadily and silently increased, and ultimately made this town a unit in resistance to the armies of slavery. In the year 1860, the famous cattle-disease broke out, called pleuro-pneumonia. One Antrim man (not born here) refused to buy moat out of a butcher's cart, because the creature he feared had had the " B pluribus Unum ! " This cattle-disease had been immensely fatal in some sections of the country ; and on its appearance in New Hampshire, our legislature hastily passed an act giving great power to the towns over live-stock, for the purpose of suppressing the disease. Immediately, a town meet- 110 SECESSION. • ing was called in Antrim, and they chose William S. Poster, Gyrus Saltmarsh, and James Boyd a committee, with discretion- ary powers, to enforce the new act. This committee was con- tinued through 1861-62-63. They ordered cattle supposed to be infected, to be isolated. At great labor farmers made double fences, twenty feet apart, between their pastures, to prevent the communication of the disease. There was a certain Dr. Cutter who came here claiming to know all about the disease, and who ordered the killing of some creatures. The excitement among the people was universal, and among stock-raisers it was intense. Many were afraid to buy meat. Some of the more nervous ones said : " We shall come to bread and salt yet." The hills of An- trim were covered with herds of cattle, many of them from below ; and nobody could be sure his cattle were not infected. Men watched their stock constantly, and worried, and didn't always " remember the Sabbath Day to keep it holy," in their zeal for the safety of the brute ! At one time, two hundred and fifty men and a crowd of boys assembled on the mountain north of the pond to see the slaughter and examination of a heifer supposed to be under the disease. By loss of the animals killed, extra fences, and time -spent, the cost to the people was quite heavy. Yet not an animal died of the disease in this town. Less than a dozen were killed, all told. And I have heard cattle-men in town say that all of these would have lived to a fat old age, if the people had let them alone ! It was a great scare. No doubt there was some small temporary trouble with the stock ; but it wore away, and soon was unmentioned, save by way of jest ! How oft our fortunes are better than our fears ! The action of Antrim through the fearful civil war was loyal and vigorous. All through Buchanan's administration things were ripening for conflict. John Brown commenced his raid to deliver the negroes at Harper's Perry, Va., Oct. 16, 1859. He was soon captured, was tried for treason, and was executed on the gallows, Dec. 2 following. This event created great excite- ment North and South. Parties were broken up. The Presidential contest of 1860 was very severe. But Lincoln being elected by a decisive vote, the Southern States began to " secede," as they called it. South Carolina passed an " ordinance of secession," Dec. 20, 1860, but was not remarkably successful in the business in the end. Six other States along the Gulf went through the same formality, in so short a time that they formed the " Con- RAISING MONEY AND VOLUNTEERS. Ill federacy," and held an election of their own Feb. &, 1861, and thus had Davis and Stephens ready to be inaugurated as soon as Lincoln and Hamlin. The Southerners began the con- flict by firing on Fort Sumter, April 12, 1861. That cannon roar waked up the whole North like the sound of an earthquake ! There was a swell of holy indignation in every heart. Old political enemies to a great extent rose up together all over the North, saying, — " The Union — it must be preserved." There was a call to arms ! Many marched to the front ! Solemn, determined preparations were begun. April 16, the President called on New Hampshire for a regiment of infantry for three months, — which was at once filled by volunteers, and in a few days started for Washington. There was a town meeting in Antrim, as soon as legal notice could be given, May 3, 1861. John G. Flint was chosen moderator. The town expressed at once, by resolution, its deep interest in those who had volunteered to defend the flag, its determination to assist them, and do its part in whatever struggle might come. Then they appointed a committee, consist- ing of Cliarles McKeen, William S. Foster, D. H. Goodell, N. W. C. Jameson, and John G. Flint, to assist volunteers; and made an appropriation of money to carry it into effect. Surely, this was prompt and smart. The town meeting was called, the fourteen days' notice given, the committee was appointed and at work, all within less than three weeks of the hour when the first gun was fired on Sumter ! And the town was true to all the pledges then made, and more than true. At a meeting Sept. 5, 1861, J. H, Bates moderiator, the town voted to hire 1*8,000 to assist the families of volunteers. At the March meeting, 1862, they voted a continuance of aid to the families of volunteers. At a meeting Aug. 12, 1862, Harold Kelsea moderator, voted il25 bounty " till the quota be full," and to hire an additional §3,000. This was besides the help to the families. In September following, the same offer was made to nine-months men. March 10, 1868, the town voted 18,000 lor war purposes. At a meeting Aug. 15, 1863, M. B. Mcllvaine moderator, they voted to pay a drafted man, or liis substitute, 1300. Also, Dec. 9, 1863, in legal meeting, tlie town voted to hire $7,500, and appropriated the same " for the purpose of encouraging voluntary enhstments to fill the quota of this town." At the March meeting of 1-864, they appropriated |1,000 to aid families of volunteers. April 16, 1864, they voted a generous 112 WAR DEBT. bounty to soldiers who would re-enlist, and took efficient meas- ures to fill Antrim's quota. Aug. 10, 1864, they, voted a bounty of $1,000 to every soldier enlisting to fill Antrim's quota ; also $200 to any man who might be drafted and choose to serve. And they authoi-ized the selectmen to hire $15,000 to carry these votes into effect. At a meeting Nov. 25, 1864, James W Per- kins moderator, they authorized the selectmen to pay the highest bounty allowed by law to twenty volunteers to fill Antrim's quota in anticipation of a future call, and keep our number full and a little more. For this they voted to hire $15,000. And still further, at the meeting March 14, 1865, after four years of strug- gle, they instructed the selectmen, by volunteers, or otherwise, to fill any and all calls for, men, up to March 1, 1866, at any cost not exceeding $15,000. This was the last vote. Had the thing gone on, it is not known how much Antrim would have done ! Our quota was more than full when the war closed. Lee sur- rendered April 9, 1865 ; and soon all the other rebels did the same — and the terrible war was over. The selectmen of this town hired some substitutes and some volunteers from other towns ; but chiefly the quotas were filled from our own citizens. Some of the substitutes deserted ; but others of them were good soldiers, and stood by the flag to the last. And some of these substitutes were killed in battle, or retired from the service scarred with wounds. The number of our soldiers that lost their- lives in- the war of the rebellion, either by battle or dis- ease, was twenty-seven. Of these, ten were killed in battle. Others languished and died in hospitals or prisons. Three or four were fatally sick, but lived to reach Antrim and die at home. Further details will be given in the chapter on the mili- tary of Antrim. In the round of events since the war, little has occurred requiring notice in this connection. On return of peace, the town found itself fearfully in debt. Taxes had been very high through the war, large sums being raised at the time to meet the new obligations of the town. But above all this, the debt reached the great sum of $32,341.17, as by report of 1865-66, or about $33 for every man, woman, and child of our population. With this debt the town has been struggling ever since. In addition to ordinary expenses something has been paid on the debt every year. Town bonds were issued to the amount of $17,800, in the year 1870, bearing interest at six per cent, and covering most of CLOSING. 113 the then existing debt. These bonds have from time to time been called in, as they could be paid. The debt of the town, March 1, 1879, was 17,388.47. The question. Is it expedient to call a convention to revise the Constitution of this State ? having often been submitted to the people and decided in the negative, it was in March, 1876 (I think), decided in the affirmative, many thinking to diminish expenses by biennial elections, and other changes being demanded. Consequently, at the meeting for the presidential election, Nov. 7, 1876, Leander Smith moderator, the town elected Nathan C. Jameson, delegate to the convention. This body convened at Concord, soon after, and prudently and rapidly performed its work, so that the new constitution was printed and submitted to the people at the next March meeting. Every article was approved by the people of Antrim, though not all by a two-thirds vote. Being adopted by the whole State, it is now the supreme law of our C(5mmonwealth. The Baldwin road, so called,- was raised about five feet in the spring of 1878. This is later than the proposed limit of our History (June 27, 1877) ; but as this had been long talked over, and measures previously taken to accomplish it, it may be proper to say, that it was brought about at the above date, at a cost of about twelve hundred dollars, the opening of the railroad making it an immediate necessity. Thus I have gone over the events for one hundred years from the incorporation of the town. The narrative of the centennial celebration of that event will follow ; and then chapters of eccle- siastical and military history, and miscellaneous matters. I venture the hope that some abler hand may touch these threads in the future, and weave them into fabrics fair. Probably the facts here brought together will be of greater interest then than now. The only record of some of them is on these pages. God grant that those who may live here then, be worthy of the fathers of the town ! In Dr. Whiton's words, may " Antrim be inhabited by an industrious, well-educated, Christian population ; fearing God, honoring religion, seeking truth and righteousness. Long ere that day comes, time will have leveled the graves and oblite'rated the memory of the present actors on the stage of life ! " 114 PREPARATIONS FOR THE CENTENNIAL. CHAPTER IV. PROCEEDINGS IN CONNECTION WITH THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION, JUNE 27, 1877, At the annual March meeting, 1876, an article having been put in the warrant by George A. Cochran,. Esq., authorizing such action, the town voted to celebrate its centennial anniversary, voted to raise one thousand dollars to defray the expenses of said celebration, and chose a committee to take the whole charge and execution of it, and see that the will of the town be properly carried out. This committee was as follows : — Dr. Morris Christie, George A. Cochran, Esq., Rev. W R. Cochrane, Capt. Moody B. Mcllvaine, David H. Goodell, Esq., and Reed P. Whittemore, Esq. The committee held their first meeting soon after, and chose Dr. Morris Christie, president; D. H. Goodell, Esq., secretary, and George A. Cochran, treasurer. March 22, the day of incor- poration, being an unfavorable time for a celebration, the com- mittee fixed on June 27 following, as the most convenient. Met as often as occasion required — selected Prof. James E. Vose as the orator of the day — appointed sub-committees, and with untiring labor and care made ready for the day. One thousand invitations, in form as follows, were sent out by mail : — Antrim, N. H., Dec. 14, 1876. Dear Sir, — The town of Autrim was incorporated about one hun- dred years ago, and it is proposed to celebrate its Centennial Anni- versary in an appropriate manner. You are hereby invited, by the resident citizens of Antrim, to meet them " at home, " on "Wednesday, June 27, 1877. All natives of this town and their descendants are cordially invited to be present with us. Prof. James E. Vose, of Gushing Academy, Ashburnham, Mass., is expected to deliver an address, and such other exercises will be held as will be suitable to the occasion. Eespectfully yours, MORRIS CHRISTIE, W. R. COCHRANE, REED P. WHITTEMORE, GEO. A. COCHRAJST, M. B. McILVAINE, D. H. GOODELL, Executive Committee. The celebration was held at the Center of the town. The large brick church was elegantly decorated for the occasion ; a large THE DAY OP CELEBRATION, 115 platform was erected on the west, side of the church ; and a large tent, white as the snow, was located still farther west, and amply filled with provision of every kind. The vestry on the opposite side of the church was used as an antiquarian roovi, under the charge of Mrs. Anna Woodbury. It is simply just to say that she managed this department with admirable good taste, to say nothing of patience and work. Here the implements, keepsakes, weapons, and innumerable treasures of our fathers and mothers, were on exhibition, and this was one of the most attractive features of the occasion. Preparations were made, partly by food contributed, chiefly by purchase, to feed three thousand people. But the audience largely outnumbered this estimate, so that, though a considerable amount of provision was hastily purchased on that day, not over a bushel was left in good order, after the vast company were filled. Not a bite of poor meat or poor provision was on the ground ! Antrim had the honor of giving a dinner, excellent, bountiful, and free ! ^ The choirs of the town, under lead of Prof. Sylvester Little, rendered several pieces most powerfully and happily, so as to win praise from all hearers. Two brass bands, the New Boston Cornet Band and the Hills- borough Cornet Band, having been engaged for the day, music of that kind was abundant from sunrise far into the night, and of a quality not easily surpassed. The committee selected, as president of the day, Reed P. Whit- temore, Esq., of Antrim, with vice-presidents. Dr. Morris Chris- tie, Chandler B. Boutwell, James Boyd, George F. Parmenter, Samuel Dinsmore, James Wood, N. W C. Jameson, John M. Duncan, George A. Cochran, John B. Woodbury, Clark Hopkins, and William N. Tuttle. The weather was all that could be desired. In the early morn- ing it threatened rain, but soon broke away into a day of singular beauty. Soon after sunrise, people began to gather. The farm- er's humble turnout — the dainty phaeton —- the princely four- in-hand — pedestrians — young and old — the gaily decorated — the modest poor, — came pouring in from all the neighboring towns. In the morning at half-past seven a flag was presented to the Antrim Cadets. This ceremony was in South Village, the con- 116 EXERCISES IN THE CHURCH. course was large, and the presentation was beautifully done in an address from the balcony of Waverly Hall, by Miss Bessie, daughter of N. W. C. Jameson. Then the march was taken up for the Center, the multitude, especially at Clinton, falling in on the way. This division was led by the New Boston band, under direction of Capt. Moody B. Mcllvaine, chief marshal, and Col. S. I. Vose, assistant marshal. A procession also came in from the Branch, led by Hillsborough Band, under direction of Col. Silas Dinsmore, assistant marshal. These met on the common at nine o'clock, marched to the field on the north, — and then re-formint;-, in the order on the programme, marched into the church. The spacious edifice was filled to its utmost capacity in every part, and every staiiding-spot^ even to vestibule and outside platform, was full ; more than eleven hundred were thus accommodated ; and yet twice as many at the same time covered the common outside, and thronged the antiquarian room. Those outside were busy and happy as chil- dren let loose from school, talking over old niatters, and laugh- ing or weeping at the recall of the past, so that they did not seem to miss the literary exercises within. As soon as the house was packed full, the chief marshal announced the president of the day, Reed P. Whittemore, Esq., who, on taking the chair, made an able, address of welcome, and called on Rev. James M. Whiton (in absence of Rev. J L. Felt) to invoke the divine blessing. Then, after reading of Scripture, and singing by the choir, prayer was offered by Rev. William Clark, D. D., of Amherst (in absence of Rev. E. M. Shaw), which was followed by reading of the town charter by Charles B. Dodge, Esq., town clerk. Then, after music by the band. Prof. James E. Vose pronounced his admirable oration, which the audience followed intently to the close. It is herein subjoined entire. Again the choir sung, charmingly, one of the grand old pieces of the fathers ; and then came the poem, which will be found below, by Prof. J. W Barker, of Buffalo, N. Y.. It was impos- sible for Mr. Barker to get here, and hence the poem, which he had taken the precaution to send on beforehand, was read by Henry D. Ohapin, Esq. The exercises in the church were now closed with singing, and music by the band, after which all marched out to dinner. For three-quarters of an hour, forty persons Worked with all THE DINNER. 117 their might in distributing provisions and ice-water to the multi- tude. One cord solid of breads one-lialf a ton of meat, cakes and et cseteras innumerable, vanished like a dream. But thei-e was enough and to spare ! And after all were filled, and a half-hour of buzzing conversation stirred occasionally by martial music, the audience was called to order, and speakijig commenced on the platft)rm outside. These responses for the most part will be found below. They were given with vigor and life, and received with cheers and laughs, all of which is utterly beyond a description of the pen. And the bursts of music by either band were frequent, and of the most able and enjoyable kind. Some of the addresses and letters here given, it was impossi- ble then to hear for lack of time. The programme of the day, three thousand copies of which were printed and scattered in the assembly, is reproduced below. The hymn was written by the author of this book. 118 PEOGBAMME OP THE CELEBRATION. ITIOI ,— OF — WEDNESDAY, JUNE 27, 1877. PBOGBAMME. Einging of bells,