HE SPARKS LIBRARY. [AMERICA.] Collected by JARED SPARKS, LL. D., President of Harvard College. Purchased by the Cornell University, 1872. Cornell University Library BX9815.C45 D6 Discourses, f^jafiliiiilHIIIlillS^^ ' 3 1924 029 477 191 olln The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924029477191 DISCOURSES, REVIEWS, AND MISCELLANIES, BY WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY GRAY AND BQWEN. M OCCC XXX. ^ORNELlX- DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT : ■^ District ClerJc^s Office. Be it remembered, that ontbe si^eenth day of April, A. D. 1830, in the fifty-fourth year of the Independence of the United'^tates of America, Jomit Baker of the aaid district, has deposited in this office the title of a.book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit : " Discourses, Reviews, and Miscellanies, by William Ellery Channing.'* In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, *\Aji Act for the en- couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books^ to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned :" and also to an act, entitled, "An Act supplementary to an act, entitled, An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books^ to the authors and proprietors of such copies, 'during the times therein mentioned; j.nd extendmg the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and etching historical and other prints." JOHN W. DAVIS, Clerk of the District of Massachusetts STEREOTYPED BY LYMAN THURSTON AND Co- BOSTON. CONTENTS. Preface. ..... v Remarks on the Character and Writingsof John Milton. From the Christian Examiner for 1826. . 1 « Remarks on the Life and Character of Napoleon Bona- parte. From the. Christian Examiner for 1827-8. . . Part I. 67 Part II. 135 Remarks on the Character and Writings of Fenelon. From the Christian Examiner for 1829. . 165 The moral Argument against Calvinism, illustrated in a Review of a Work entitled, 'A General View of the Doctrines of Christianity,' &c. From the Christian Disciple for 1820. . . 216 Discourse at the Ordination of the Rev. John Emery Abbot.— Salem, 20 April, 1816. . . 239 Discourse before the Congregational Ministers of Massa- chusetts.— Boston, 30 May, 1816. . . 259 Discourse at the Ordination of the Rev. Jared Sparks. — Baltimore, 5 May, 1819. . . .289 Discourse on thfe Evidences of Revealed Religion, deliv- ered before the University in Cambridge, at the Dudleian Lecture.— 14 March, 1821. . 333 Discourse at the Ordination of the Rev. E. S. Gannett. — Boston, 30 June, 1824. . . .366 1* IV CONTENTS. Discourse at the Dedication of the Second Congregation- al Unitarian Church in New York. 7 Decem- ber, 1826. . . . .391 Discourse at the Installation of the Rev. M. I. Motte. — Boston,21 May, 1828. . . .435 Discourse at the Ordination of the Rev. F. A. Farley. — Providence, R. I.- 10 September, 1828. . 455 Discourse at the Dedication of Divinity Hall. — Cam- bridge, 1826. . . 483 MISCELLANIES. Daily Prayer. ..... 513 Means of Promoting Christianity. . . .621 Importance of Religion to Society. . . 529 Memoir of John Gallison, Esq. Published, 1821. . 532 APPENDIX. Extracts from Observations on the Proposition for Increas- ing the Means of Theological Education at the University in Cambridge. Published, 1816. 551 The System of Exclusion and Denimciation in Religion considered. Published, 1815. . . 557 Objections to Unitarian Christianity. Published, 1819. 671 Extracts from Sermons preached on days of Humiliation and Prayer appointed in consequence of the De- claration of War against Great Britain, 1812. 583 Extracts from a Sermon delivered 18 September, 1814, when an Invasion by the British Forces was ap- prehended at Boston. ~ . . . 591 Notice of the Rev. S. C. Thacher. . . 698' PREFACE. The present volume, is, with the exception of one discourse, a republication of various tracts, which were called forth by particu- lar occasions, and which were never intended to appear in their present form. — The reader cannot be more aware than I am, that they need many and great changes; but they would probably have never been republished, had I waited for leisure to conform them to my ideas of what they should be, or to make them more worthy of the unexpected favor which they have received. The articles, in general, were intended to meet the wants of the times when they were written, and to place what I deem great truths, within reach of the multitude of men. If the reader will bear in mind this design, some defects will more readily be excused. The second review, in particular, should be referred to the date of its original publi,cation. Certain tracts, which drew a degree of attention on their first appearance, have been excluded from this volume. My reasons for so doing are various. Some have been omitted, because they seem to me of little or no worth; some, because they do not ex- press sufficiently my present views; and some, because they owed their interest to events, which have faded more or less from the pub- lic- mind. In their present form, I wish none of them to be found in a collection of my writings. I esteem it a privilege, that my writings have called forth many strictures, and been subjected to an unsparing criticism. I know that in some things I must have erred. I cannot hope, that even in my most successful efforts, I have done full justice to any great truth. Deeply conscious of my fallibleness, I wish none of my opin- VI PREFACE. ions to be taken on trust, nor would I screen any from the most rigorous examination. If my opponents have exposed my errors, I owe them a great debt; and should I fail, through the force of prejudice, to see and acknowledge my obligation to them in this life, I hope to do so in the future world. I have declined answering the attacks made on my writings, not from contempt of my opponents, among whom are men of dis- tinguished ability and acknowledged virtue, but because I believed that I should do myself and others more good, by seeking higher and wider views, than by defending what I had already offered. I feared that my mind might become stationary by lingering round my own writings. I never doubted, that if anything in these were worthy to live, it woulS survive all assaults, and I was not anxious to uphold for a moment, what was doomed, by its want of vital energy, to pass away. •• * There is one charge, to which, it may be thought, that I ought to have replied, — the charge of misrepresenting the opinions of my opponents: When I considered, however, that in so doing, I should involve myself in personal controversy, the worst of all con- troversies, I thought myself bound to refrain. Had I entered on this discussion, I must have spoken with great freedom, and should have caused great exasperation. I must have set down as a grave moral offence, the disingenuousness so common at the present day, which, under pretence of maintaining old opinions, so disguises and discolors them, thai they can with difficulty be recognised. I must have thrown back the charge of misrepresentation, and shown how unfairly I was reproached with ascribing to my adversaries opinions, which I supposed them to reject, and which I only af- firmed to be necessarily involved in their acknowledged doctrines. I must have met the quotations from their standard authors, which were arrayed against me, by showing, that these were examples of the self-contradiction, or inconsistency, which is inseparable from error. What kind of a controversy would have grown out of such a reply, can easily be conjectured. I certainly did not think, that, by provoking it, I should aid the cause of good morals or good man- ners, of piety or peace. That I have never been unjust to those who differ from me, I dare not say; for in this particular, better men than myself often err. Perhaps, too, I ought to apprehend, that I have .sometimes wanted due deference to the feelings of those, whose opinions I have called in question; for I have been loudly PREFACE. VU reproached with the want of christian tenderness. I can only say, and here I speak confidently, that I have written nothing in anger, or unkindness; and that I now retain the strong language which has given offence', only because it seems to me to be demanded by the greatness of the truths which I defend, and of the errors which I oppose. It is due to myself to say, that the controversial character of a part of this volume, is to be ascribed, not to the love of disputation, but to the circumstances in which I was called to write. It was my lot to enter on public life at a time when this part of the country was visited, by what I esteem one of its sorest scourges; I mean, by a revival of the spirit of intolerance and persecution. I saw the commencement of those systematic efforts, which have been since developed, for fastening on the community a particular creed. Opinions, which I thought true and purifying, were not only assail- ed as errors, but branded as crimes. Then began, what seems to me one of the gross immoralities of our times, the practice of aspersing the characters of exemplary men, on the ground of differ- ences of opinion as to the most mysterious articles of faith. Then began those assaults on freedom of thought and speech, which, had they succeeded, would have left us only the name of religious liberty. Then it grew perilous to search the scriptures for ourselves, and to speak freely according to the convictions of our own minds. I saw that penalties, as serious in this country as fine and imprisonment, were, if possible, to be attached to the profession of liberal views of Christianity, the penalties of general hatred and scorn; and that a degrading uniformity of opinion was to be imposed by the severest persecution, which the spirit of the age would allow. At such a period, I dared not be silent. To oppose what I deemed error was to me a secondary consideration. My first duty, as I believed, was, to maintain practically and resolutely the rights of the human mind; to live and to suffer, if to suffer' were necessary, for that intellect- ual and religious liberty, which I prize incomparably more than my , civil rights. I felt myself called, not merely to plead in general for freedom of thought and speech, but, what was more important and tryingj to assert this freedom by action. I should have felt myself disloyal to truth and freedom, had I confined myself to vague com- monplaces about our rights, and forborne to bear my testimony expressly and specially to proscribed and persecuted opinions. The times required that a voice of strength and courage should be hfted VIU PREFACE. up, and I rejoice, that I was found among those by whom it was uttered and sent far and wide. The timid, sensitive, diffident and doubting, needed this voice; and without it, would have been over- borne by the clamor of intolerance. If in any respect I have rendered a service to humanity and religion, which may deserve to be remembered, when I shall be taken away, it is in this. I be- lieve, that had not the spirit of religious tyranny been met, as it was, by unyieldiang opposition in this region, it would have fastened an iron yoke on the necks of this people. The cause of religious freedom owes its present strength to nothing so much, as to the con- stancy and resolution of its friends in this quarter. Here its chief battle has been fought, and not fought in vain. The spirit of intol- erance is not indeed crushed; but its tones are subdued, and its menaces impotent, compared with what they would have been, had it prospered in its efforts here. The remarks, now offered, have been intended to meet the objection whijh may be made to this volume, of being too contro- versial. Other objections may be urged against it. Very possibly it may seem to want perfect consistency. I have long been con- scious, that we are more in danger of being enslaved to our own opinions, especially to such as we have expressed and defended, than to those of any other person; and I have accordingly desired to write without any reference to my previous publications, or without any anxiety to accommodate my present to my past views. In treatises, prepared in this spirit and at distant intervals, some in- congruity of thought or feeling can hardly fail to occur. By some, an opposite objection may be urged, that the volume has too much repetition. This could not well be avoided in arti- cles written on similar topics or occasions; written, too, without any reference to each other, and in the expectation that each would be read by many, into whose hands the others would not probably fall. I must add, that my interest in certain great truths, has made me anxious to avail myself of every opportunity to enforce them; nor do I feel as if they were urged more frequently, than their impor- tance demands. I ought not to close this Preface, without expressing my obliga- tion to two of my most valued friends, the Rev. Dr. Tuckermanof Boston, and Professor Norton, of Cambridge, without whose solio- PREFACE. IX itations and encouragements, I might have wanted confidence, un- der the lassitude of feeble health, to attempt the little which I have done for the cause of religion and freedom. I will only add, that whilst I attach no great value to these articles, I still shguld not have submitted to the labor of partially revising them, did I not believe, that they set forth some great truths, which, if carried out and enforced by more gifted minds, may do much for human improvement. If, by anything which I have written, I may be an instrument of directing such minds more seriously to the claims and true greatness of our nature, I shall be most grateful to God. This subject deserves and will sooner or later engage the profoundest meditations of wise and good men. I have done for it what I could; but when I think of its grandeur and importance, I earnestly desire and anticipate for it more worthy advocates. In truth, I shall see with no emotion but joy these fugitive productions forgotten and lost in the superior brightness of writings consecrated to the work of awakening in the human soul a consciousness of its divine and immortal powers. W. E, C. Boston, April, 1830. REMARKS ON THB CHARACTER AND WRITINGS JOHN MILTON 1826. JOHN MILTON. A Treatise on Christian Doctrine, implied from the Holy Scriptures alone. By John Milton. Translated from the Original by Charles R. Sum- ner, M. A. Librarian and Historiographer to His Majesty, and Preben- dary of Canterbury. From the London Edition. Boston. 1825. 2 vols. Svo. m- , The di'scovery of a work of Milton, unknown to his own times, is an important event in literary history. The consideration, that we of this age are the first read- ers of this Treatise, naturally heightens our interest in it ; for we seem in this way to be brought nearer to the author, and to sustain the same relation which his co- temporaries bore to his writings. The work opens with a salutation, which, from any other man, rnight be chargeable with inflation ; but which we feel to be the natural and appropriate expression of the spirit of Mil- ton. Endowed with faculties, which have been imparted to few of our race, and conscious of having consecrated them through life to God and mankind, he rose without effort or affectation to the style of an Apostle. — ' John Milton, to all the Churches of Christ, and to all who profess the Christian Faith throughout the world, peace, and the re- COGNITION OF THE TRUTH, AND ETERNAL SALVATION IN Goi> THE Father, and in our Lord Jesus Christ.' Our ears are the first to hear this benediction, and it seems not so much to be borne to us from a dis- tant age, as to come immediately from the sainted spirit, by which it was indited. Without meaning to disparage the 'Treatise on Christian Doctrine,' we may say that it owes very much of the attention, which it has excited, to the fame of its author. We value it chiefly as showing us the mind of Milton on that subject, which, above all others, pres- ses upon men of thought and sensibility. We want to know in what conclusions such a man rested after a life of extensive and profound research, of magnanimous efforts for freedom and his country, and of communion with the most gifted minds of his own and former times. The book derives its chief interest from its author, and accordingly there seems to be a propriety in introducing our remarks upon it with some notice of the character of Milton. We are not sure that we could have ab- stained from this subject, even if we had not been able to offer so good an apology for attempting it. The in- tellectual and moral qualities of a great man are attrac- tions not easily withstood, and we can hardly serve others or ourselves more, than by recalling to him the attention which is scattered among inferior topics. In speaking of the intellectual qualities of Milton, we may begin with observing, that the very splendor of his poetic fame has tended to conceal or obscure the extent of his mind, and the variety of its energies and attainments. To many he seems only ^ poet, when in truth he was a profound scholar, a man of vast compass of thought, imbued thoroughly with all ancient and mod- ern learning, and able to master, to mould, to impreg- nate with his own intellectual power, his great and va- rious acquisitions. He had not learned the superficial doctrine of a later day, that poetry flourishes most in ai) uncultivated soil, and that imagination shapes its brightest visions from the mists of a superstitious age ; and he had no dread of accumulating knowledge, lest it should oppress and smother his genius. He was con- scious of that within him, which could quicken all knowledge, and wield it with ease and might; which could give freshness to old truths and harmony to dis- cordant thoughts ; which could bind together, by living ties and mysterious affinities, the most remote discov- eries, and rear fabrics of glory and beauty from the rude materials, which other minds had collected. Milton had that universality which marks the highest order of intel- lect. Though accustomed almost from infancy to drink at the fountains of classical literature, he had nothing of the pedantry and fastidiousness, which disdain all other draughts. His healthy mind delighted in genius, on whatever soil, or in whatever age, it burst forth and poured out its fulness. He understood too well the rights, and dignity, and pride of creative imagination, to lay on it the laws of the Greek or Roman school. Parnassus was not to him the only holy ground of ge- nius. He felt that poetry was as a universal presence. Great minds were everywhere his kindred. He felt the enchantment of Oriental fiction, surrendered him- self to the strange creations of ' Araby the Blest,' and delighted still more in the romantic spirit of chivalry, and in the tales of wonder in which it was embodied. Accordingly his poetry reminds us of the ocean, which adds to its own boundlessness contributions from all regions under heaven. Nor was it only in the depart- 1* ment of imagination, that his acquisitions were vast. He travelled over the whole field of knowledge, as far as it had then been explored. His various philological attainments were used to put him in possession of the wisdom stored in all countries, where the intellect had beem cultivated. The natural philosophy, metaphysics, ethics, history, theology, and political science of his own and former times, were familiar to him. Never was there a more unconfined mind, and we would cite Milton as a practical example of the benefits of that universal culture of intellect, which forms one distinc- tion of our times, but which soiiie dread as unfriendly to original thought. Let such remember, that mind is in its own nature diffusive. Its object is the universe, which is strictly one, or bound together by infinite con- nexions find correspondences ; and accordingly its natu- ral progress is from one to another field of thought ; and wherever original power, creative genius exists, the mind, far from being distracted or oppressed by the va- riety of its acquisitions, will see more and more common bearings and hidden and beautiful analogies in all the objects of knowledge, will see mutual light shed from truth to truth, and will compel, as with a kingly power, whatever it understands, to yield some tribute of proof, or illustration, or splendor, to whatever topic it would unfold. Miltori's faine rests chiefly on his poetry, and to this we naturally give our first atteiition. By those who are accustomed to speak of poetry as light reading, Mil- ton's eminence in this sphere may be considered only as giving him a high rank among the contributors to public amusement. Not so thought Milton. Of all God's gifts of intellect, he esteemed poetical genius the most transcendent. He esteemed it in himself as a kind of inspiration, and wrote his great works with something of the conscious dignity of a prophet. We agree with Milton in his estimate of poetry. It seems to us the divinest of all arts ; for it is the breathing or expression of that principle or sentiment, which is deepest and sub- limest in human nature ; we mean, of that thirst or aspiration, to which no mind is wholly a stranger, for something purer and lovelier, something more powerful, lofty, and thrilling than ordinary and real life affords. No doctrine is more common among Christians than that of man's immortality ; but it is not so generally understood, that the germs or principles of his whole future being are now wrapped up in his soul, as the rudi- ments of the future plant in the seed. As a necessary result of this constitution, the soul, possessed and moved by these mighty though infant energies, is perpetually stretching beyond what is present and visible, struggling against the bounds of its earthly prison-house, and seeking relief and joy in imaginings of unseen and ideal being. This view" of our nature, which has never been fully developed, and which goes farther towards explain- ing the contradictions of human life than all others, car- ries us to the very foundation and sources of poetry. He who cannot interpret by his own consciousness what we now have said, wants the true key to works of genius. He has not penetrated those sacred recesses of the soul, where poetry is born and nourished, and inhales immortal vigor, and wings herself for her heaven- ward flight. In an intellectual nature, framed for pro- gress and for higher modes of being, there must be creative energies, powers of original and ever growing thought ; and poetry is the form in which these energies are chiefly manifested. It is the glorious prerogative of this art, that it ' makes all things new ' for the gratifi- 8 cation of a divine instinct. It indeed finds its elements in what it actually sees and experiences, in the worlds of matter and mind ; but it combines and blends these into new forms and according to new affinities ; breaks down, if we may so say, the distinctions and bounds of nature; imparts to material objects life, and sentiment, and emotion, and invests the mind with the powers and splendors of the outward creation ; describes the sur- rounding universe in the colors which the passions throw over it, and depicts the soul in those modes of repose or agitation, of tenderness or sublime emotion, which manifest its thirst for a more powerful and joyful exist- ence. To a man of a literal and prosaic character, the mind may seem lawless in these workings ; but it ob- serves higher laws than it transgresses, the laws of the immortal intellect ; it is trying and developing its best faculties; and in the objects which it describes, or in the emotions which it awakens, anticipates those states of progressive power, splendor, beauty, and happiness, for which it was created. We accordingly believe that poetry, far from injur- ing society, is one of the great instruments of its refine- ment and exaltation. It lifts the mind above ordinary life, gives it a respite from depressing cares, and awak- ens the consciousness of its affinity with what is pure and noble. In its legitimate and highest eiforts, it has the same tendency and aim with Christianity ; that is, to spiritualize our nature. True, poetry has been made the instrument of vice, the pander of bad passions ; but when genius thus stoops, it dims its fires, and parts with much of its power ; and even when poetry is en- slaved to licentiousness or misanthropy, she cannot wholly forget her true vocation. Strains of pure feel- ing, touches of tenderness, images of innocent happi- ness, sympathies with suffering virtue, bursts of scorn or indignation at the hollowness of the world, passages true to our moral nature, often escape in an immoral work, and show us how hard it is for a gifted spirit to divorce itself wholly from what is good. Poetry has a natural alliance with our best affections. It delights in the beauty and ' sublimity of the outward creation and of the soul. It indeed portrays, with terrible energy, the excesses of the passions ; but they are passions which show a mighty nature, which are full of power, which command awe, and excite a deep though shud- dering sympathy. Its -great tendency and purpose is, to carry the mind beyond and above the beaten, dusty, weary walks of ordinary life ; to lift it into a purer ele- ment ; and to breathe into it more profound and gene- rous emotion. It reveals to us the loveliness of nature, brings back the freshness of early feeling, revives the relish of simple pleasures, keeps unquenched the en- thusiasm which warmed the spring-time of our being, refines youthful love, strengthens our interest in human nature by vivid delineations of its tenderest and loftiest feelings, spreads our sympathies over all classes of so- ciety, knits us by new ties with universal being, and, through the brightness of its prophetic visions, helps faith to lay hold on the future life. We are aware, that it is objected to poetry, that it gives wrong views and excites false expectations of life, peoples the mind with shadows and illusions, and builds up imagination on the ruins of wisdom. That there is a wisdom, against which poetry wars, the wisdom of the senses, which makes physical comfort and gratifica- tion the supreme good, and wealth the chief interest of life,' we do not deny; nor do we deem it the least ser- vice which poetry renders to mankind, that it redeems 10 them from the thraldom of this earthborn prudence. But, passing over this topic, we would observe, that the complaint against poetry as abounding in illusion and deception, is in the main groundless. In many poems there is more of trutli than in many histories and philo- sophic theories. The fictions of genius are; often the vehicles of the sublimest verities, and its flashes often open new regions of thought, and throw new light on the mysteries of our being. In poet^, when the letter is falsehood, the spirit is often profoundest wisdom. And if truth thus dwells in the boldest fictions of the poet, much more may it be expected in his delineations of life ; for the present life, which is the first stage of the immortal mind, abounds in the materials of poetry, and it is the high office of the bard to detect this divine element among the grosser labors and pleasures of our earthly being. The present life is not wholly prosaic, precise, tame, and finite. To the gifted eye, it abounds in the poetic. The affections which spread beyond ourselves and stretch far into futurity; the workings of mighty passions, which seem to arm the soul with an almost superhuman energy ; the innocent and irrepressi- ble joy of infancy; the bloom, and buoyancy, and daz- zling hopes of youth ; the throbbings of the heart, when it first wakes to love, and dreams of a happiness too vast for earth ; woman, with her beauty, and grace, and gen- tleness, and fulness of feeling, and depth of affection, and blushes of purity, and the tones and looks which only a mother's heart can inspire ; — these are all poeti- cal. It is not true that the poet paints a life which does not exist. He only extracts and concentrates, as it were, life's ethereal essence, arrests and condenses its volatile fragrance, brings together its scattered beauties, and prolongs its more refined but evanescent joys. n And in this he does well; for it is good to ieel that life is not wholly usurped by cares for subsistence, and phy- sical gratifications, but admits, in measures which may be indefinitely enlarged, sentiments and delights worthy of a higher being. This power of poetry to refine our views of life and happiness, is more and more needed as society advances. It is needed to withstand the en- croachments of heartless and artificial manners, which make civilisation so tame and uninteresting. It is need- ed to counteract the tendency of physical science, which being now sought, not, as formerly, for intellectual grati- fication, but for multiplying bodily comforts, requires a new developement of imagination, taste, and poetry, to preserve men from sinking into an earthly, material. Epicurean life. — Our remarks in vindication of poetry have extended beyond our original design. They have had a higher aim than to assert the dignity of Milton as a poet, and that is, to endear and recommend this divine art to all who reverence and would cultivate and refine their nature. In delineating Milton's character as a poet, we are saved the necessity of looking far for its distinguishing attributes. His name is almost identified with sublimi- ty. He is in truth the sublimest of men. He rises, not by effort or discipline, but by a native tendency and a godlike instinct, to the contemplation of objects of grandeur and awfulness. He always moves with a conscious energy. There is no subject so vast or ter- rific, as to repel or intimidate him. The overpowering grandeur of a theme kindles and attracts him. He en- ters on the description of the infernal regions with a fearless tread, as if he felt within himself a power to erect the prison-house of fallen spirits, to encircle them 12 with flames and horrors worthy of their crimes, to call forth from them shouts which should 'tear hell's con- cave,' and to embody in their Chief an Archangel's energies, and a Demon's pride and hate. Even the stupendous conception of Satan seems never to oppress his faculties. This character of power runs through all Milton's works. His descriptions of nature show a free and bold hand. He has no need of the minute, graphic skill, which we prize in Cowper or Crabbe. With a few strong or delicate touches, he impresses, as it were, his own mind on the scenes which he would describe, and kindles the imagination of the gifted reader to clothe them with the same radiant hues un- der which they appeared to his own. This attribute of power is universally felt to charac- terize Milton. His sublimity is in every man's mouth. Is it felt that his poetry breathes a sensibility and ten- derness hardly surpassed by its sublimity? We appre- hend that the grandeur of Milton's mind has thrown some shade over his milder beauties ; and this it has done, not only by being more striking and imposing, but by the tendency of vast mental energy to give a certain calmness to the expression of tenderness and deep feeling. A great mind is the master of its own enthusiasm, and does not often break out into those tu- mults, which pass with many for the signs of profound emotion. Its sensibility, though more intense and en- during, is more self-possfessed, and less perturbed than that of other men, and is therefore less observed and felt, except by those who understand, through their own consciousness, the workings and utterance of genuine feeling. We might quote pages in illustration of the qualities here ascribed to Milton. Turn to Comus, one of his earliest productions. What sensibility breathes 13 in the descriptions of the benighted Lady's singing, by Comus and the Spirit ! '■Comus. — Can any mortal mixture of earth's mould Breathe such divine enchanting ravishment ? Sure something holy lodges in that breast, And with these raptures moves the vocal air To testify his hidden residence: How sweetly did they float upon the wings Of silence, through the empty-vaulted night, At every fall smoothing the raven down Of darkness till it smiled ! I have oft heard My mother Circe with the Sirens three, Amidst the flowery-kirtled Naiades, Culling their potent herbs, and baleful drugs, Who, as they sung, would take the prisoned soul And lap it in Elysium ; ScJ'Ua wept, And chid her barking waves into attention. And fell Charybdis murmured soft applause: Yet they in pleasing slumber lulled the sense. And in sweet madness robbed it of itself; But such a sacred and home-felt delight. Such sober certainty of waking bliss, I never heard till now.' Uines 244 — 264. 'Spirit. — At last a soft and solemn breathing sound Rose like a steam of rich distilled perfumes. And stole upon the air, that even Silence Was took ere she was ware, and wished she might Deny her nature, and be never more, Still to be so displaced. I was all ear. And took in strains that might create a soul Under the ribs of death.' Lines 555 — 563. In illustration of Milton's tenderness, we will open almost at a venture. ' Now Morn, her rosy steps in th' eastern clime Advancing, sowed the earth with orient pearl. When Adam waked, so customed, for his sleep Was aery-light, from pure digestion bred, 2 14 And temperate vapors bland, which th' only sound Of leaves and fuming rills, Aurora's fan, Lightly dispersed, and the shrill matin song Of birds on every bough, ; so much the more His wonder was to find unwakened Eve With tresses discomposed, and glowing cheek. As through unquiet rest : He on his side Leaning half raised, with looks of cordial love Hung over her enamoured, and beheld Beauty, which, whether waking or asleep. Shot forth peculiar graces ; then with voice Mild, as when Zephyrus on Flora breathes, Her hand soft touching, whispered thus. Awake, My fairest, my espoused, my latest found, Heaven's last best gift, my ever new delight, Awake ! the morning shines, and the fresh field Calls us : we lose the prime, to mark how spring Our tender plants, how blows the citron grove. What drops the myrrh, and what the balmy reed, How nature paints her colors, how the bee Sits on the bloom extracting liquid sweet.' Par. Lost, B. V. lines 1 — ^25 ' So cheered he his fair spouse, and she was cheered, But silently a gentle tear let fall From either eye, and wiped them with her hair ; Two other precious drops that ready stood. Each in their crystal sluice, he ere they fell Kissed, as the gracious signs of sweet remorse And pious awe, that feared to have offended.' Par. Lost, B. V. lines 129—135. From this very imperfect view of the qualities of "Milton's poetry, we hasten to his great work, ' Paradise Lost,' perhaps the noblest monument of human genius. The two first books, by universal consent, stand pre- eminent in sublimity. Hell and hell's king have a ter- rible harmony, and dilate into new grandeur and awful- ness, the longer we contemplate them. From one ele- ment, ' solid and liquid fire,' the poet has framed a 15 world of horror and suffering, such as imagination had never traversed. But fiercer flames than those vt'hicii encompass Satan, burn in his ovi^n soul. Revenge, ex- asperated pride, consuming wrath, ambition, though fal- len, yet unconquered by the thunders of the Omnipotent, and grasping still at the empire of the universe, — these form a picture more sublime and terrible than hell. Hell yields to the spirit which it imprisons. The inten- sity of its fires reveals the intenser passions and more vehement will of Satan ; and the ruined archangel gath- ers into himself the sublimity of the scene which sur- rounds him. This forms the treihepdous interest of these wonderful books. We see mind triumphant over the most terrible powers of nature. We see unuttera- ble agony subdued by energy of soul. We have not indeed in Satan those bursts of passion, which rive the soul, as well as shatter the outward frame of Lear. But we have a depth of passion which only an arch- angel could manifest. The all-enduring, all-defying pride of Satan, assuming so majestically hell's burning throne, and coveting the diadem which scorches his thunder-blasted brow, is a creation requiring in its au- thor almost the spiritual energy with which he invests the fallen seraph. Some have doubted whether the moral effect of such delineations of the storms and ter- rible workings of the soul is good ; whether the interest felt in a spirit so trariscendently evil as Satan, favors our sympathies with virtue. But our interest fastens, m this and like cases, on what is not eviL We gaze on Satan with an awe not unmixed with mysterious pleasure, as on a miraculous manifestation of the poiver of mind. What chains us, as with a resistless spell, in such a character, is spiritual might made visible by the racking pains which it overpowers. There is some- 16 thing kindling and ennobling in the consciousness, how- ever awakened, of the energy which resides in mind ; and many a virtuous man has borrowed new strength from the force, constancy, and dauntless courage of evil agents. Milton's description of Satan attests in various ways the power of his genius. Critics have often observed, that the great difficulty of his work v/as to reconcile the spiritual properties of his supernatural beings with the human modes of existence which he is obliged to ascribe to them. The difficulty is too great for any genius wholly to overcome, and we must acknowledge that our enthusiasm is in some parts of the poem check- ed by a feeling of incongruity between the spiritual agent, and his sphere and mode of agency. But we are visited with no such chilling doubts and misgivings in the description of Satan in hell. Imagination has here achieved its highest triumph, in imparting a char- acter of reality and truth to its most daring creations. That world of horrors, thoug^h material, is yet so re- mote from our ordinary nature, that a spiritual being, exiled from heaven, finds there an appropriate home. There is, too, an indefiniteness in the description of Satan's person, which excites without shocking the im- agination, and aids us to reconcile in our conception of him, a human form with his superhuman attributes. To the production of this effect, much depends on the first impression given by the poet ; for this is apt to follow us through the whole work ; and here we think Milton eminently successful. The first glimpse of Satan is given us in the following lines, which, whilst too in- definite to provoke, and too sublime to allow, the scru- tiny of the reason, fill the imagination of the reader with a form which can hardly be effaced. 17 ' Thus Satan, talking to his nearest mate With head uplift above the wave, and eyes That sparkling blazed, his other parts besides Prone on the flood, extended long andiarge, Lay floating many a rood.' Par. Lost, B. I. lines 192—196. ' Forthwith upright he rears from ofli" the pool His mighty stature ; on each hand the flames. Driven backward, slope their pointing spires, and rolled In billows, leave i' th' midst a horrid vale.' Lines 22)— 224. We have more which we would gladly say of the delineation of Satan ; especially of the glimpses which are now and then given of his deep anguish and des- pair, and of the touches of better feelings which are skilfully thrown into the dark picture, both suited and designed to blend with our admiration, dread, and abhorrence, a pleasure of that sympathy and interest, with which every living, thinking being ought to be regarded, and without which all other feelings tend to sin and pain. But there is another topic which we cannot leave untouched. From hell we flee to Paradise, a region as lovely as hell is terrible, and which to those who do not know the universality of true genius, will appear doubly wonderful, when considered as the crea- tion of the same mind, which had painted the infernal world. Paradise and its inhabitants are in sweet accordance, and together form a scene of tranquil bliss, which calms and soothes, whilst it delights the imagination. Adam and Eve, just moulded by the hand, and quickened by the breath of God, reflect in their countenances and fornis, as well as minds, the intelligence, benignity, and happiness of their Author. Their , new existence has the freshness and peacefulness of the dewy morn- 2* 18 ing. Their souls, unsated and untainted, find an inno- cent joy in the youthful creation, which spreads and smiles around them. Their mutual love is deep, for it is the love of young, unworn, unexhausted hearts, which meet in each other the only human objects on whom to pour forth their fulness of atfection ; and still it is serene, for it is the love of happy beings, who know not suffering even by name, whose innocence excludes not only the -tumults but the thought of jealousy and shame, who, ' imparadised in one another's arms, ' scarce dream of futurity, so blessed is their present being. We will not say that we envy our first parents ; for we feel that there may be higher happiness than theirs, a happiness won through struggle with inward and out- ward foes, the happiness of power and moral victory, the happiness of disinterested sacrifices and wide-spread love, the happiness of boundless hope, and of ' thoughts which wander through eternity.' Still there are times, when the spirit, oppressed with pain, worn with toil, tired of tumiilt, sick at the sight of guilt, wounded in its love, baffled in its hope, and trembling in its faith, almost longs for the ' wings of a dove, that it might fly away ' and take refuge amidst the ' shady bowers,' the ' vernal airs,' the 'roses without thorns,' the quiet, the beauty, the loveliness of Eden. It is the contrast of this deep peace of Paradise with the storms of life, which gives to the fourth and fifth books of this poem a charm so irresistible, that not a few would sooner relinquish the two first books, with all their sublimity, than part with these. It has sometimes been said, that the English language has no good pastoral poetry. We would ask, in what age or country has the pastoral reed breathed such sweet strains as are borne to us on ' the odorife- rous wings of gentle gales ' from Milton's Paradise ? 19 We should not fulfil our duty, were we not to say one word on what hiis been justly celebrated, the har- mony of Milton's versification. His numbers have the prime charm of expressiveness. They vary with, and answer to the depth, or tenderness, or sublimity of his conceptions, and hold intimate alliance with the soul. Like Michael Angelo, in whose hands the marble was said to be flexible, he bends ou,r language, which for- eigners reproach with hardness, into whatever forms the subject demands. All the treasures of sweet and solemn sound are at his command. Words, harsh and discordant in the writings of less gifted men, flow through his poetry in a full stream of harmony. This power over language is not to be ascribed to Milton's musical ear. It belongs to the soul. It is a gift or exercise of genius, which has power to impress itself on whatever it touches, and finds or frames in sounds, motions, and material forms, correspondences and har- monies with its own fervid thoughts and feelings. We close our remarks on Milton's poetry with ob- serving, that it is characterized by seriousness. Great ahd various as are its merits, it does not discover all the variety of genius, which we find in Shakspeare, whose imagination revelled equally in regions of mirth, beauty, and terror, now evoking spectres, now sporting with fairies, and now ' ascending the highest heaven of invention.' Milton was cast on times too solemn and eventful, was called to take pari in transactions too perilous, and had too perpetual need of the presence of high thoughts and motives, to indulge himself in light and gay creations, even had his genius been more flexi- ble and sportive. But Milton's poetry, though habit- ually serious, is always healthful, and bright, and vigor- ous. It has no gloom. He took no pleasure in draw- 20 ing dark pictures of life ; for he knew by experience, that there is a power in the soul to transmute calamity into an occasion and nutriment of moral power and tri- umphant virtue. We find ri'owhere in his writings that whining sensibility and exaggeration of morbid feeling, which makes so much of modern poetry effeminating. If he is not gay, he is not spirit-broken. His U Allegro proves, that he understood thoroughly the bright and joyous aspects of nature ; and in his Penseioso, where he was tempted to accumulate images of gloom, we learn that the saddest views which he took of creation, are such as inspire only pensive musing or lofty con- templation. From Milton's poetry, we turn to his prose. We rejoice that the dust is beginning to be wiped from his prose writings, and that the public are now learning, what the initiated have long known, that these contain passages hardly inferior to his best poetry, and that they are throughout marked with the same vigorous mind which gave us Paradise Lost. The attention to these works has been discouraged by some objections, on which we shall bestow a few remarks. And first, it is objected to his prose writings, that the style is difficult and obscure, abounding in involu- tions, transpositions, and Latinisms ; that his protracted sentences exhaust and weary the mind, and too often yield it no better recompense than confused and indis- tinct perceptions. We mean not to deny that these charges have some grounds ; but they seem to us much exaggerated ; and when we consider that the difficul- ties of Milton's style have almost sealed up his prose writings, we cannot but lament the fastidiousness and effeminacy of modern readers. We know that simpli- 21 city and perspicuity are important qualities of style ; but there are vastly nobler and more important ones ; such as energy and richness, and in these Milton is not surpassed. The best style is not that which puts the reader most easily and in the shortest time in posses- sion of a writer's naked thoughts ; but that which is the truest image of a great intellect, which conveys fully and carries farthest into other souls the conceptions and feelings of a profound and lofty spirit. To be uni- versally intelligible is not the highest merit. A great mind cannot, without injurious constraint, shrink itself to the grasp of common passive readers. Its natural movement is free, bold, and majestic, and it ought not to be required to part with these attributes, that the mul- titude may keep pace with it. A full mind will natu- rally overflow in long sentences, and in the moment of inspiration, when thick-coming thoughts and images crowd upon it, will often pour them forth in a splendid confusion, dazzling to common Readers, but kindling to congenial spirits. There are writings which are clear through their shallowness. We must not expect in the ocean the transparency of the calm inland stream. For ourselves, we love what is called easy reading perhaps too well, especially in our hours of relaxation ; but we love too to have our faculties tasked by master spirits. We delight in long sentences, in which a great truth, instead of being broken up into numerous periods, is spread out in its full proportioBS, is irradiated with va- riety of illustration and imagery, is set forth in a splendid affluence of language, and flows, like a full stream, with a majestic harmony which fills at once the ear and the souL Such sentences are worthy and noble mani- festations of a great and far' looking mind, which grasps at once vast fields of thought, just as the natural eye ,22 takes in at a moment wide prospects of grandeur and beautji We would not indeed have all compositions of this character. Let abundant provision be made for the common intellect. Let such writers as Addison, an honored name, ' briiig down philosophy from heav- en to earth.' But let inspired genius fulfil its higher function of lifting the prepared mind from earth to heaven. Impose upon it no strict laws, for it is its own best law. Let it speak in its own language, in tones which suit its, own ear. Let it not lay aside its natur- al port, or dwarf itself that it may be comprehended by the surrounding multitude. If not understood and relished now, let it place a generous confidence in other ages, and utter oracles which futurity will expound. We are led to these remarks^ not merely for Milton's justification, but because our times seem to demand them. Literature, we fear, is becoming too popular. The whole community is now turned into readers, and in this we heartily rejoice ; and we rejoice too that so much talent is employed in making knowledge accessi- ble to all. We hail the general diifusion of intelligence as the brightest feature of the present age. But good and evil are never disjoined ; and one bad consequence of the multitude of readers, is, that men of genius are too anxious to please the multitude, and prefer a pre- sent shout of popularity to that less tumultuous, but deeper, more thrilling note of the trump of Fame, which resQunds and grows clearer and louder through all future ages. We now come to a much more serious objection to Milton's prose writings, and that is, that they are dis- figured by party spirit, coarse invective, and controver- sial asperity,; and here we are prepared to say, that there are passages in these works which every admirer of his 23 character must earnestly desire to expunge. Milton's alleged virulence was manifested towards private and public foes. The first, such as Salmasius and Morus, deserved no mercy. They poured out on his spotless character torrents of calumny, charging him with the blackest vices of the heart and the ibulest' endrmities of the life. It ought to be added, that the manners and spirit of Milton's age justified a retaliation on such of- fenders, which the more courteous, and, we will hope, more christian spirit of the present times will not toler- ate. Still we mean not to be his apologists. Milton, raised as he was above his age, and fortified with the consciousness of high virtue, ought to have been, both to his own and future times, an example of christian equa- nimity. In regard to the public enemies whom he assail- ed, we mean the despots in church and state, and the corrupt institutions which had stirred up a civil war, the general strain of his writings, though strong and stern, must exalt him, notwithstanding his occasional violence, among the friends of civil and religious liberty. That liberty was in peril. Great evils were struggling for per- petuity, and could only be broken down by great power. Milton felt that interests of infinite moment were at stake ; and who will blame him for binding himself to them with the whole energy of his great mind, and for defending them with fervor and vehemence ? We must not mistake christian benevolence, as if it had but one voice, that of soft eiltreaty. It can speak in piercing and awful tones. There is constantly going on in our world a conflict between good and evil. The cause of human nature has always to wrestle with foes. All improvement is a victory won by struggles. It is espe- cially true of those great periods which have been dis- tinguished by revolutions in government and religion, 24 and from \lvhich we date the most rapid movements of the hupian mind, that they have been signalized by con- flict. Thus Christianity convulsed the world and grew up amidst storms ; and the Reformation of Luther was a signal to universal war ; and Liberty in both worlds has encountered opposition, over which she has triumph- ed only through her own immortaL energies. At such periods, men, gifted with great power of thought and loftiness of sentiment, are especially summoned to the conflict with evil. They hear, as it were, in their own magnanimity and generous aspirations, the voice of a divinity ; and thus commissioned, and burning with a passionate devotion to truth and freedom, they must and will speak with an indignant energy, and they ought liot to be measured by the standard of ordinary minds in ordinary times. Men of natural softness and timidi- ty, of a sincere, but effeminate virtue, will be apt to look on these bolder, hardier spirits, as violent, perturb- ed, and uncharitable ; and the charge will not be whol- ly groundless. But that deep feeling of evils, which is necessary to effectual conflict with them, and which marks God's most powerful messengers to mankind, cannot breathe itself in soft and tender accents. The deeply moved soul will speak strongly, and ought to speak so as to move and shake nations. We have offered these remarks as strongly applicable to Milton. He reverenced and loved human nature, and attached himself to its great interests with a fervor of which only such a mind was capable. He lived in one of those solemn periods which determine the cha- racter of ages to come. His spirit was stirred to its very centre by the presence of danger. He lived in the midst of the battle. That the ardor of his spirit some- times passed the bounds of wisdom and charity, and 25 poured forth unwarrantable invective, we see and la- ment. But the purity and loftiness of his mind break forth amidst his bitterest invectives. We see a noble nature still. We see that no feigned love of truth and freedom was a covering for selfishness and malignity. He did indeed love and adore uncorrupted religion, and intellectual liberty, and let his name be enrolled among their truest champions. Milton has told us, in his own noble style, that he entered on his principal controversy with episcopacy, reluctantly and only through a deep conviction of duty. The introduction to the second book of his ' Reason of Church Government,' shows us the workings of his mind on this subject, and is his best vindication from the charge we are now repelling. He says — ' Surely to every good and peaceable man, it must in nature needs be a hateful thing, to be the displeaser and molester of thou- sands; much better would it like him, doubtless, to be the messen- ger of gladness and contentment, which is his chief intended busi- ness to all mankind, but that they resist and oppose their own true happiness. But when God commands to take the trumpet, and blow a dolorous or a jarring blast, it lies not in man's will what he shall say, or what he shall conceal. *** This I foresee, that should the church be brought under heavy oppression, and God have given me ability the while to reason against that man that should be the author of so foul a deed, or should she, by blessing from above on the industry and courage of faithful men, change this her dis- tracted estate into better days, without the least furtherance or con- tribution of those few talents which God at that present had lent me ; I foresee what stories I should hear within myself, all my life after, of discourage and reproach. " Timorous and ungrateful, the church of God is now again at the foot of her insulting enemies, and thou bewailest ; what matters it for the.3 or thy bewailing? When time was, thou couldst not find a syllable of all that thpu hast read or studied, to utter in her behalf Yet ease and leisure was given thee for thy retired thoughts, out of the sweat of other men. Thou hadst the diligence, the parts, the language of a man, if a vain subject were to be adorned or beautified ; but when the 3 26 cause of God and his church was to be pleaded, for which purpose that tongue was given thee which thou hast, God listene4 if he could hear thy voice among his zealous servants, but thou wert dumb as a beast ; from henceforward be that which thine own brut- ish silence hath made thee." *** But now by this little diligence, mark \yhat a privilege I have gained with good men and saints, to claim my right of lamenting the tribulations of the church, if she should suffer, when others that have ventured nothing for her sake, have not the honor to be admitted mourners. But, if she lift up. her drooping head and prosper, among those that have something more than wished her welfare, I have my charter and freehold of rejoic- ing to me and my heirs. ' Concerning therefore this wayward subject against prelaty, the touching whereof is so distasteful and disquietous to a number of men, as by what hath been said I may deserve of charitable readers to be credited, that neither envy nor gall hath entered me upon this controversy, but the enforcement of conscience only, and a preven- tive fear lest the omitting of this duty should be against me, when I would store up to myself the good provision of peaceful hours.' Vol. I. pp. 139 — 41.* He then goes on to speak of his consciousness of possessing great poetical powers, which he was most anxious to cultivate. Of these he speaks thus magnifi- cently ' These abilities, wheresoever they be found, are the inspired gift of God rarely bestowed, but yet to some, though most abuse, in every nation ; and are of power, — to inbreed and cherish in a great people the seeds of virtue, and public civility, to allay the per- turbations of the mind, and set the affections in right tune ; to cele- brate in glorious and lofty hymns the throne and equipage of God's almightiness, and what he works, and what he suffers to be wrought with high providence in his church ; to sing victorious agonies of martyrs and saiiits, tbe deeds and triumphs of just and pious nations, doing valiantly throiigh faith against the enemies of Christ ; to de- plore the general relapses of kingdoms and states from justice and * From the introduction to the second book of ' The Reason of Church Govern- ment, &o.' Vol. I. p. 137, &c. of ' A Selection from the English Prose Worlis of John Milton, Boston, 1826,' to which all our references are made. 27 God's true worship ; lastly, whatsoever in religion is holy and sub- lime, in virtue amiable or grave, whatsoever hath passion or ad- miration in all the changes of that which is called fortune from without, or the wily subtleties and refluxes of man's thoughts from within ; all these things with a solid and treatable smoothness to paint out and describe.' Vol. I. pp. 145, 6. He then gives intimations of his having proposed to himself a great poetical work, ' a work,' he says — ' Not to be raised from the heat of youth, or the vapors of wine, like that which flows at waste from the pen of some vulgar amourist, or the trencher fury of a rhyming parasite, nor to be obtained by the invocation of dame Memory and her siren daughters, but by devout prayer to that eternal Spirit, who can enrich with all utter- ance and knowledge, and sends out his seraphim, with the hallowed fire of his altar, to touch and purify the lips of whom he pleases.' Vol. I. p. 148. He then closes with a passage, showing from what principles he forsook these delightful studies for contro- versy. ' I trust hereby to make it manifest with what small willingnesa I endure to interrupt the pursuit of no less hopes than these, and leave a calm and pleasing solitariness, fed with cheerful and con- fident thoughts, to embark in a troubled sea of noises and hoarse disputes, put from beholding the bright countenance of truth in the quiet and still air of delightful studies. * * * But were it the meanest underservice, if God by his secretary conscience enjoin it, it were sad for me if I should draw back ; for me especially, now when all men offer their aid to help, ease, and lighten the difficult labors of the church, to whose service, by the intentions of my parents and friends I was destined of a child, and in mine own resolutions, till coming to some maturity of years, and perceiving what tyranny had invaded the church, that he who would take orders must sub- scribe slave, and take an oath withal, which unless he took with a conscience that would retch, he must either strait perjure, or split his faith, I thought it better to prefer a blameless silence before the sacred office of spealiing, bought and begun with servitude and forswearing.' Vol. I. p. 149. 28 These passages, replete with Milton's genius and greatness of soul, show us the influences and motives under which his prose works were written, and help us to interpret passages, which, if taken separately, might justify us in ascribing to him a character of exces- sive indignation and scorn. Milton's most celebrated prose work is his ' Areopagi- tica, or a Speech for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing,' a noble work indeed, a precious manual of freedom, an arsenal of immortal weapons for the defence of man's highest prerogative, intellectual liberty. His ' Refor- mation in England ' and ' Reason of Church Govern- ment,' are the most important theological treatises pub- lished during his life., They were his earliest prose compositions, and thrown off with much haste, and on these accounts are more chargeable with defects of style than any other of hiis writings. But these, with all their defects, abound in strong and elevated thought, and in power and felicity of expression. Their great blemish is an inequality of style, often springing from the conflict and opposition of the impulses under which he wrote. It is not uncommon to find in the same sen- tence his affluent genius pouring forth magnificent ima- ges and expressions, and suddenly his deep scorn for his opponents, suggesting and throwing into the midst of this splendor, sarcasms and degrading comparisons alto- gether at variance with the general strain. From this cause, and from negligence, many powerful passages in his prose writings are marred by an incongruous mix- ture of unworthy allusions and phrases. — In the close of his first work, that on ' Reformation in England,' he breaks out into an invocation and prayer to the Supreme Being, from, which we extract a passage containing a remarkable intimation of his having meditated some 29 great poetical enterprise from his earliest years, and giving full promise of that grandeur of thought and lan- guage, which characterizes 'Paradise Lost.' Having 'lifted up his hands to that eternal and propitious Throne, vehere nothing is readier than grace and refuge to the distresses of mortal suppliants,' and besought God to perfect the work of civil and religious deliverance begun in England, he proceeds thus; — ' Then, amidst the hymns and hallelujahs of saints, some one may perhaps be heard offering at high strains in new and lofty measures, to sing and celebrate thy divine mercies, and marvellous judgments in this land throughout all ages, whereby this great and warlike nation,' instructed and inured to the fervent and continual practice of truth and righteousness, and casting far from her the rags of her old vices, may press on hard to that high and happy emulation to be found the soberest, wisest and most christian people at that day, when Thou, the eternal and shortly expected King, shalt open the clouds to judge the several kingdoms of the world, and distributing national honors and rewards to religious and just commonwealths, shalt put an end to all earthly tyrannies, proclaiming thy universal and mild monarchy through heaven and earth ; where they undoubt- edly, that by their labors, counsels and prayers, have been earnest for the common good of religion and their country, shall receive above the inferior orders of the blessed, the regal addition of princi- palities, legions, and thrones into their glorious titles, and, in su- pereminence of beatific vision, progressing the dateless and irrevo- luble circle of eternity, shall clasp inseparable hands with joy and bliss, in overmeasure for ever.' Vol. I. pp. 69,70. We have not time to speak of Milton's political treatises. We close our brief remarks on his prose writings, with recommending them to all who can en- joy great beauties in the neighbourhood of great faults, and who would learn the compass, energy, and richness of our language ; and still more do we recommend them to those, who desire to noijrish in their breasts magna- nimity of sentiment and an unquenchable love of free- 3* 30 dom. They bear the impress of that seal by which ge- nius distinguishes its productions from works of learn- ing and taste. The great and decisive test of genius, is, that it calls forth Power in the souls of others. ■ It not merely gives knowledge, but breathes energy. There are authors, and among these Milton holds the highest rank, in approaching whom we are conscious of an access of intellectual strength. A ' virtue goes out ' from them. We discern more clearly, not merely be- cause a new light is thrown over objects, but because our own vision is strengthened. Sometimes a single word, spoken by the voice of genius, goes far into the heart. A hint, a suggestion, an undefined delicacy of expression, teaches more than we gather from volumes of less gifted men. The works which we should chief- ly study, are not those which contain the greatest fund of knowledge, but which raise us into sympathy with the intellectual energy of the author, and through which a great mind multiplies itself, as it were, in the reader. Milton's prose works are imbued as really, if not as thoroughly, as his poetry, with this quickening power, and they will richly reward those who are receptive of this influence. We now leave the writings of Milton to offer a few remarks on his Moral qualities. His moral character was as strongly marked as his intellectual, and it may be expressed in one word. Magnanimity. It was in har- mony with his poetry. He had a passionate love of the higher, more commanding, and majestic virtues, and fed his youthful mind with meditations on the perfection of a human being. In a letter written to an Italian friend before his thirtieth year, and translated by Hayley, we have this vivid picture of his aspirations after virtue. 31 * As to other points, what God may have determined for mo I know not ; but this I know, that if he ever instilled an intense love of moral beauty into the breast of any man, he has instilled it into mine. Ceres in the fable pursued not her daughter with a greater keenness of inquiry, than I day and night the idea of peri'ection. Hence, wherever I find a man despising the false estimates of the vulgar, and daring to aspire in sentiment, language, and conduct, to what the highest wisdom, through every age, has taught us as most excellent, to him I unite myself by a sort of necessary attach- ment ; and if I am so influenced by nature or destiiiy, that by no exertion or labors of my own I may exalt myself to this summit of worth and honor, yet no powers of heaven or earth will hinder me from looking with reverence and affection upon those, who have thoroughly attained this glory, or appeared engaged in the success- ful pursuit of it.' His Comus was written in his twenty-sixth year, and on reading this exquisite work our admiration is awak- ened, not so much by observing how the whole spirit of poetry had descended on him at that early age, as by witnessing how his whole youthful soul was penetrated, awed, and lifted up by the austere charms, ' the radiant light,' the invincible power, the celestial peace of saint- ly virtue. He reverenced moral purity and elevation, not only for its own sake, but as the inspirer of intellect, and especially of the higher efforts of poetry. ' I was confirmed,' he says in his usual noble style — ' I was confirmed in this opinion ; that he who would not be frus- trate of his hope to write well hereafter in la,udable things, ought himself to be a true poem; that is, a composition and pattern of the best and honorablest things ; not presuming to sing of high praises of heroic men or famous cities, unless he have in himself the expe- rience and the practice of all that which is praiseworthy.' Vol. I. pp. 237, 8. We learn from his works, that he used his multifa- rious reading^ to build up within himself this reverence for virtue. Ancient history, the sublime musings of 32 Plato, and the heroic self-a;bandonment of chivalry, join- ed their influences with prophets and apostles, in bind- ing him ' everlastingly in willing homage ' to the great, the honorable, and the Ipvely in character. A remark- able passage to this effect we quote from his account of his youth. ' I betook me among those lofty fables and romances, which re- count in solemn cantos, the deeds of knighthood founded by our victorious kings, and from hence had in renown over all Christen- dom. There I read it in the oath of every knight, that he should defend to the expense of his best blood or of his life, if it so befell him, the honor and chastity of virgin or matron; from whence even then I learned what a noble virtue chastity sure must be, to the defence of which so many worthies by such a dear adventure of themselves, had sworn. *** So that even these, books which to many others have been the fuel of wantonness and loose living, I cannot think how, unless by. divine indulgence, proved to me so many incitements, a!s you have heard, to the love and steadfast ob- servation of virtue.' Vol. I. pp. 238,9. All Milton's habits were expressive of a refined and self-denying character. When charged by his unprin- cipled slanderers with licentious habits, he thus gives an account of his morning hours. 'Those morning haunts are where they should be, at home; not sleeping, or concocting the surfeits of an irregular feast, but up and stirring, in winter often ere the sound of any bell awake men to labor, or devotion; in summer as oft with the bird that first rouses, or not much tardier, to read good authors, or cause them to be read, till the attention be weary, or memory have its full fraught; then with useful and generous labors preserving the body's health and hardiness, to render lightsome, clear, and not lumpish obedi- ence to the mind, to the cause of religion, and our country's liberty, when it shall require firm hearts in sound bodies to stand and cover their stations, rather than to see the ruin of our protestation, and the enforcement of a slavish life.' Vol. I. p. 233. 33 We have enlarged on the strictness and loftiness of Milton's virtue, not only from our interest in the sub- ject, but that we may put to shame and silence, those men who make genius an apology for vice, and take the sacred fire, kindled by God within them, to inflame men's passions, and to minister to a vile sensuality. We see Milton's greatness of mind in his fervent and constant attachment to liberty. Freedom, in all its forms and branches, was dear to him, but especially freedom of thought and speech, of conscience and wor- ship, freedom to seek, profess, and propagate truth. The liberty of ordinary politicians, which protects men's outward rights, and removes restraints from the pursuit of property and outward good, fell very short of that for which Milton lived, and was ready to die. The ty- ranny which he hated most, was that which broke the intellectual and moral power of the community. The worst feature of the institutions which he assailed, was, that they fettered the mind. He felt within himself that the human mind had a principle of perpetual growth, that it was essentially diffusive and made for progress, and he wished every chain broken, that it might run the race of truth and virtue with increasing ardor and success. This attachment to a spiritual and refined freedom, which never forsook him in the hottest controversies, contributed greatly to protect his genius, imagination, taste, and sensibility from the withering and polluting influences of public station, and of the rage of parties. It threw a hue of poetry over politics, and gave a sublime reference to his service of the com- monwealth. The fact that Milton, in that stormy day, and amidst the trials of public office, kept his high fac- ulties undepraved, was a proof of no common greatness. Politics, ho\vever they make the intellect active, saga- 34 cious, and inventive, within a certain sphere, generally extinguish its thirst for universal truth, paralyse senti- ment and imagination, corrupt the simplicity of the mind, de&troy that confidence^ in human virtue, vi^hich lies at the foundation of philanthropy and generous sacri- fices, and end in cold and prudent selfishvjess. Milton passed through a revolution, which, in its last stages and issue, was peculiarly fitted to damp enthusiasm, to scat- ter the visions of hope, and to infuse doubts of the real- ity of virtuous principle ; and yet the ardor, and moral feeling, and enthusiasm of his youth, came forth unhurt, and even exalted from the trial. Before quitting the subject of Milton's devotion to liberty, it ought to be recorded, that he wrote his cele- brated ' Defence of the People of England ' after being distinctly forewarned by his physici'ans, that the effect of this exertion would be the utter loss of sight. Hi? reference to this part of his history, in a short poetical effusion, is too characteristic to be withheld. It is in-" scribed to Cyriac Skinner, the friend to whom he ap- pears to have confided his lately discovered ' Treatise on Christian Doctrine.' ' Cyriac, this three years day these eyes, though clear To outward view, of blemish or of spot, Bereft of light, their seeing have forgot, Nor to their idle orbs doth sight appear Of sun, or moon, or star throughout the year, Or man, or woman. Yet I argue not Against Heaven's hand or will, nor bate a jot Of heart or hope, but still bear up and steer Right onward. What supports me, dost thou ask? The conscience, Friend, to have lost them overplied In Liberty's defence, my noble task. Of which all Europe rings from side to side. This thought might lead me through the world's vain mask, Content though blind, had I no better guide.' Sormet XXII. 35 We see Milton's magnanimity in the circumstances under which ' Paradise Lost ' was written. It was not in prosperity, in honor, and amidst triumphs, but in dis- appointment, desertion, and in what the world calls disgrace, that he composed that work. The cause with which he had identified himself, had failed. His friends were scattered ; liberty was trodden under foot ; and her devoted champion was a by-word among the triumph- ant royalists. But it is the prerogative of true great- ness to glorify itself in adversity, and to meditate and execute vast enterprises in defeat. Milton, fallen in outward condition, afflicted with blindness, disappointed in his best hopes, applied himself with characteristic energy to the sublimest achievement of intellect, solac- ing himself with great thoughts, with splendid creations, and with a prophetic confidence, that however neglect- ed in his own age, he was framing in his works a bond of union and fellowship with the illustrious spirits of a brighter day. We delight to contemplate him in his retreat and last years. To the passing spectator, he seemed fallen and forsaken, and his blindness was re- proached as a judgment from God. But though sight- less, he lived in light. His inward eye ranged through universal nature, and his imagination shed on it bright- er beams than the sun. Heaven, and hell, and paradise were open to him. He. visited past ages, and gathered round him ancient sages and heroes, prophets and apos- tles, brave knights and gifted bards. As he looked for- ward, ages of liberty dawned and rose to his view, and he felt that he was about to bequeath to them an in- heritance of genius, ' which would not fade away,' and was to live in the memory, reverence, and love, of re- motest generations. 36 We have enlarged on Milton's character, not only from the pleasure of paying that sacred debt which the mind owes to him who has quickened and delighted it, but from an apprehension that Milton has not yet reaped his due harvest of esteem and veneration. The mists, which the prejudices and bigotry of Johnson spread over his bright name, are not yet vvholly scatter- ed, though fast passing away. We wish not to dispar- age Johnson. We could find no pleasure in sacrificing one great man to the manes of another. ' But "we owe it to Milton and to other illustrious names, to say, that Johnson has failed of the highest end of biography, which is to give immortality to virtue, and to call forth fervent admiration towards those who have shed splen- dor on past ages. We acquit Johnson, however, of intentional misrepresentation. He did not, and could not, appreciate Milton. We doubt Avhether two other minds, having so little in common as those of which we are now speaking, can be found in the higher walks of literature. Johnson was great in his own sphere, but that sphere was comparatively 'of the earth,' whilst Milton's was only inferior to that of angels. It was customary, in the day of Johnson's glory, to call him a giant, to class him with a mighty, but still an earth- born race. ^Milton we should rank among seraphs. Johnson's mind acted chiefly on man's actual condition, on the realities of life, bn the springs of human action, on the passions which now agitate society, and he seems hardly to have dreamed of a higher state of the human mind than was then exhibited. Milton, on the other hand, burned with a deep, yet calm love of moral gran- deur and celestial purity. He thought, not so much of what man is, as of what he might become. His own 'tnhid was a revelation to him of a higher condition of humanity, and to promote this he thirsted and toiled for 'freedom, as the element for the growth and improve- liieiit of his nature. — In religion Johnson was gloomy aid inclined to superstition, and on the subject of gov- Tilmment leaned towards absolute power ; and the idea of reforming either, never entered his mind but to dis- turb aiid provoke it. The church and the civil polity tinder which he lived, seemed to him perfect, unless he may have thought that the former would be improved by a larger infusion of Romish rites and doctrines, and the latter by an enlargement of the royal prerogative. Hence a tame acquiescence in the present forms of re- ligion and government, marks his works. Hence we find so little in his writings which is electric and soul- kindling, and which gives the reader a consciousness of being made for a state of loftier thought and feeling than the present. Milton's whole soul, on the contrary, revolted against the maxims of legitimacy, hereditary faith, and servile reverence for established power. He Could not brook the bondage to which men had bowed for jjges. ' Reformation ' was the first word of public warning which broke from his youthful lips, and the hope of it was the solace of his declining years. The difference between Milton and Johnson, may be traced, not only in these great features of mind, but in their whole characters. Milton was refined and spiritual in his habits, teihperate almost to abstemiousness, and re- freshed himself after intellectual effort by music. John- son inclined to more sensual delights. Milton was exquisitely alive to the outward creation, to sounds, mo- tions, and forms, to natural beauty and grandeur. John- son, through defect of physical organization, if not through deeper deficiency, had little susceptibility of 4 38 these pure and delicate pleasures, and would not have exchanged the Strand for the vale of Tempe or the gardens of the Hesperides. How could Johnson be just to Milton ! The comparison which we have in- stituted, has compelled us to notice Johnson's defects. But we trust we are not blind to his merits. His state- ly march, his pomp and power of language, his strength of thought, his reverence for virtue and religion, his vigorous logic, his practical wisdom, his insight into the springs of human action, and the solemn pathos which occasionally pervades his descriptions of life and his referefnces to his own history, command our willing ad- miration. That he wanted enthusiasm and creative imagination and lofty sentiment, was not his fault. We do not blame him for not being Milton. We love intellectual power in all its forms, and delight in the variety of mind. We blame him only that his passions, prejudices, and bigotry engaged him in the unworthy task of obscuring the brighter glory of one of the most gifted and virtuous men. We would even treat what we deem the faults of Johnson with a tenderness ap- proaching respect ; for they were results, to a degree which man cannot estimate, of a diseased, irritable, nervous, unhappy physical temperament, and belonged to the body more than to the mind. We only ask the friends of genius not to put their faith in Johnson's de- lineations of it. His biographical works are tinged with his notoriously strong prejudices, and of all his ' Lives,' we hold that of Milton to be the most apocry- phal. We here close our general remarks on Milton's in- tellectual and moral qualities. We venerate him as a man of genius, but still more as a man of magnanimity and christian virtue, who regarded genius and poetry 39 as sacred gifts, imparted to him, not to amuse men or to build up a reputation, but that he might quicken and call forth what was great and divine in his fellow creatures, and might secure the only true fame, the admiration of minds which his writings were to kindle and exalt. We come now to the examination of the newly dis- covered 'Treatise on Christian Doctrine.' This work, we have said, owes its chief interest to the character of its author. From its very nature, it cannot engage and fix general attention. It consists very much of collections of texts of scripture, which, however exci- ting in their proper places, are read with little thought or emotion when taken from their ordinary connexion, and marshalled under systematic heads. Milton aims to give us the doctrines of revelation in its own words. We have them in a phraseology long familiar to us, and we are disappointed; for we expected to see them, not in the language of the bible, but as existing in the mind of Milton, modified by his peculiar intellect and sensibility, combined and embodied with his various knowledge, illustrated by the analogies, brightened by the new lights, and clothed with the associations, with which they were surrounded by this gifted man. We hoped to see these doctrines as they were viewed by Milton in his moments of solemn feeling and deep con- templation, when they pervaded and moved his whole soul. Still there are passages, in which Milton's mind is laid open to us. We refer to the parts of the work, where the peculiarity of his opinions obliges him to state his reasons for adopting them; and these we val-' ue highly for the vigor and independence of intellect with which they are impressed. The work is plain and unambitious in style. Its characteristics are a calm 40 earnestness, and that profound veneration for scripture, which certain denominations of Christians, who have little congeniality with Milton, seem to claim as a mo4 nopoly. His introduction is worthy every man's attention, as a deliberate, mild assertion of the dearest right of hu- man nature, that of free inquiry. ' If I communicate the result of my inquiries to the \yorld at large ; if, as God is my witness, it be vfith a friendly and benignant feeling towards mankind, that I readily give as wide a circulation as possi- ble to what I esteem my be^t and richest possession, I hope^ to meet with a candid reception from all parties, and that none at least will take unjust offence, even though many things should be brought to light, which will at once be seen to differ from certain received opinions. I earnestly beseech^ all lovers of truth, not to cj-y out that the church is thrown into confusion by that freedom of discus- sion and inquiry, which is granted to the schools, and ought cer- tainly to be refused to no believer, since we are ordered to prove all things, and since the daily progress of the light of truth is produc- tive, far less of disturbance to the church, than of illumination and edification.' Vol. 1. pp. 5 — 6. ' It has also been my object to make it appear from the opinions 1 shall be found to have advanced, whether new or old, of how much consequence to the christian religion is the liberty, not only of win- nowing and sifting every doctrine, but also of thinking and even writing respecting it, according to our individual faith and persua- sion; an inference which will be stronger in proportion to the weight and importance of those opinions, or rather in proportion to the au- ' thority of scripture, on the abundant testimony of which they rest. Without this liberty there is neither religion nor gospel — force alone prevails, by which it is disgraceful for the christian religion to be supported. Without this liberty we are still enslaved, not indeed, as formerly, under the divine law, but, what is worst of all,- under the law of man, or to speak more truly, under a barbarous tyranny.' Vol. I. pp. 7—8. On that great subject, the character of God, Milton hias given nothing particularly worthy of notice, except that he is more disposed than Christians in general, to 41 conceive of the Supreme Being under the forms and affections of human nature. ' If God habitually assign to himself the members and form of man, why should we be afraid of attributing to him what he attri- butes to himself, so long as what is imperfection and weakness, when viewed in reference to ourselves,, be considered as most complete and excellent whenever it is imputed to God? ' Vol. I. p. 23. Milton is not the first Christian, who has thought to render the Supreme, Being more interesting by giving him human shape. We doubt the wisdom of this ex- pedient. To spiritualize our conceptions of him, seems to us the true process for strengthening our intimacy with him ; for in this way only can we think of him as immediately present to our minds. As far as we give him a material form, we must assign to him a place, and that place will almost necessarily be a distant one, and thus we shall remove him from the soul, which is his true temple. Besides, a definite form clashes with God's infinity, which is his supreme distinction and on no account to be obscured ; for strange as it may seem to those who know not their own nature, this incompre- hensible attribute is that which above all things consti- tutes the correspondence or adaptation, if we may so speak, of God to the human mind. In treating of God's efficiency, Milton strenuously maintains human freedom, in opposition to the Calvinis- tic doctrine of predestination. He maintains that God's decrees do not encroach on moral liberty; for our free agency is the very object decreed and predestined by the Creator. He maintains that some of the passages of scripture which speak of election, are to be under- stood of an election to outward privileges, not to ever- lasting life ; and that in other texts, which relate to the 4* 42 future state, the election spoken of, is not an arbitrar}' choice of individuals, but of that class or description of persons, be it large or small, who shall comply with the prescribed terms of salvation ; in other words, it is a conditional, not an absolute election, and such that every individual, if he will, may be included in it. Milton has so far told us truth. We wish that we could add, that he had thrown new light on free agency. This great subject has indeed baffled as yet the deep- est thinkers, and seems now to be consigned, with oth- er sublime topics,' under the sweeping denomination of ' metaphysics,' to general neglect. But let it not be given up in despair. The time is coming, when the hu- man intellect is to strike into new fields, and to view itself and its Creator and the universe, from new posi- tions, and we trust that the darkness which has so long hung over our moral nature will be gradually dispersed. This attribute of free agency, through which an intelli- gent being is strictly and properly a cause, an agent, an originator of moral good or moral evil, and not a mere machine, determined by outward influences, or by a secret, yet resistless efficiency of God, which virtual- ly makes Him the author and sole author of all human actions — this moral freedom, which is the best image of the creative energy of the Deity, seems to us the noblest object of philosophical investigation. However questioned and darkened by a host of metaphysicians, it is recognised in the common consciousness of every human being. It is the ground of responsibility, the fountain of moral feeling. It is involved in all moral judgments and affections, and thus gives to social life its whole interest ; whilst it is the chief tie between the soul and its Creator. The fact that philosophers have attempted to discard free agency from their explanations 43 of moral phenomena, and to subject all human action to necessity, to mechanical causes, or other extraneous influences, is proof enough, that the science of the mind has as yet penetrated little beneath the surface, that the depths of the soul are still unexplored. Milton naturally passes from his chapter on the Su- preme Being, to the consideration of those topics which have always been connected with this part of theology ; we mean, the character of Jesus Christ, and the nature of the Holy Spirit. All our readers are probably aware that Milton has here declared himself an Anti-trinita- rian, and strenuously asserted the strict and proper unity of God. His chapter on ' The Son of God,' is the most elaborate one in the work. His ' prefatory remarks ' are highly interesting, as joining with a man- ly assertion of his right, an affectionate desire to con- ciliate the Christians from whom he differed. ' I cannot enter upon subjects of so much difficulty as the Son of God and the Holy Spirit, without again premising a few introductory words. If indefed I were a member of the Church of Rome, which requires implicit obedience to its creed on all points of faith, I should have acquiesced from education or habit in its simple decree and authority, even though it denies that the doctrine of the trinity, as now received, is capable of being proved from any passage of scripture. But since! enrol myself among the number of those who acknowledge the word of God alone as the rule of faith, and freely advance what appears to me much more clearly deducible from the holy scriptures than the commonly received opinion, I see no reason why any one who belongs to the same Protestant or Re- formed Church, and professes to acknowledge the same rule of faith as myself, should take offence at my freedom, particularly as I im- pose my authority on no one, but merely propose what I think more worthy of belief than the creed in general acceptation. I only en- treat that my readers will ponder and examine my statements in a spirit which desires to discover nothing ' but the truth, and with a mind free from prejudice. For without intending to oppose the au- thority of scripture, which I consider inviolably sacred, I only take 44 upon myself to refute human interpretations as often as the occasion requires, conformably to my right, or rather to my duty, as a man. If indeed those with whom I have to contend, were able to produce direct attestation from Heaven to the truth of the doctrine which they espouse, it would be "nothing less than impiety to venture to raise, I do not say a clamor, but so much as a murmur against it. But inasmuch as they can lay claim to nothing more than human powers, assisted by that spiritual illumination which is common to all, it is not unreasonable that they should on their part allow the privileges of diligent research and free discussion' to another inquir- er, who is seeking truth tlirough, the same means and in the same way as themselves, and whose desire of benefiting mankind is equal to their own.' Tol. I. pp. 1,03 — 105. Milton teaches, that the Son of God is a distinct being from God, and inferior to him, that he existed before the world was made, that he is the first of the creation of God, and that afterwards all other things were made by him, as the instrument or minister of his Father. He maintains, in agreement with Dr. Clarke, that the Holy Spirit is a person, an intelligent agent, but created and inferior to God. This opinion of Mil- ton is the more remarkable, because he admits that, before the time of Christ, the Jews, though accustomed to the phrase. Holy Spirit, never attached to it the idea of personality, and that both in the Old and the New Testament, it is often used to express God himself, or his power and agency. It is strange, that after these concessions, he could have found a difficulty in giving a figurative interpretation to the few passages in the New Testament, which speak of the Holy Spirit as a person. We are unable within our limits to give a sketch of Milton's strong reasoning against the supreme divinity of Jesus Christ. We must, however, pause a moment to thank God that he has raised up this illustrious advo- cate of the long obscured doctrine of the Divine Unity. 46 We can now bring forward the three greatest and noblest minds of modern times, and, we may add, of the christian era^ as witnesses to that Great Truth, of which, in an humbler and narrower sphere, we desire to be the defenders. Our Trinitarian adversaries are perpetually ringing in our ears the names of Fathers and Reformers. We take Milton, Locke, and Newton, and place them in our front, and want no others to op- pose to the whole array of great names on the opposite side. Before these intellectual suns, the stars of self- named Orthodoxy, ' hide their diminished heads. ' To these eminent men God communicated such unusual measures of light and mental energy, that their names spring up spontaneously, when we think or would speak of the greatness of our nature. Their theological opin- ions were the fruits of patient, profound, reverent study of the scriptures. They came to this work, with minds not narrowed by a technical, professional education, but accustomed to broad views, to the widest range of thought. They were shackled by no party connexions. They were warped by no clerical ambition, and subdued by no clerical timidity. They came to this subject in the fulness of their strength, with free minds open to truth, and with unstained purity of life. They came tp it in an age, when the doctrine of the trinity was. instilled by education, and upheld by the authority of the church, and by penal laws. And what did these great and good men, whose intellectual energy and love of truth have , made them the chie,f benefactors of the hpipan, mind, what, we ask, did they discover in the^ scriptures? a triple divinity? three infinite agents? three infinite, objects of worship ? three persons, each of whom possesses his own distinct pfSce,s, and yet shares equally in the godhead with the rest ? Nq.! Scripture , 46 jbiiied repetition. Comparisons are accumulated to excess, and whilst many Are exqui- sitie, perhaps as many are trite and unworthy of history; 70 The remarks are generally just, but obvious. We state these defects plainly, that we may express the more freely our admiration of the talents, which have executed so rapidly, a work so extensive and various, so rich in information, so fresh and vivid in descrip- tion, and furnishing such abundant specimens of a free, graceful, arid ^vigorous style. : ''".., /i The work has the great merit of impartiality. It is probably inaccurate in many of its details, but singular- ly free from prejudice an^ passion. Not a few, who considered that the author was both a Briton and a friend of the principles and policy of Pitt, were expect- ing from his pen a discolored delineation of the impla- cable foe of England and of that great minister. But the rectitude of his mind, and his reverence for histori- cal truth, have effectually preserved him from abusing the great power, conferred on him by his talents, over public opinion. We think that his laudable fear of wronging the enemy of his country, joined to kn admi- ration of the dazzling qualities of Napoleon, has led hirri to soften unduly the crimes of his hero, and to give more favorable impressions than truth will warrant. But enough of the author, who needs not our praise, and can suffer little by our censure. Our concern is with his subject. A just estimate of the late emperor of Franfce seems to us important. That extraordinary man, having operated on the world with unprecedented power during his life, is now influencing it by his char- acter. That character, we apprehend, is not viewied as it should be. The kind of admiration which it in- spires, even in free countries, is a bad omen. The greatest crime against society, that of spoiling it of its rights and loading it with chains, still fails to move that deep abhorrence, which is its due ; and which, if really 71 felt, woijld fix on the usurper a brand of indelible in- famy. Regarding freedom as the chief interest of human nature, as essential to its intellectual, moral, and religious progress, we look on men, who have signaliz- ed themselves by their hostility to it, with an indigna- tion at once stern and sorrowful^ which no glare of successful war, ahd no admiration of the crowd, can indupe us to suppress. We mean then to speak freely of Napoleon. But if we know ourselves, we could on no account utter one unjust reproach. We speak the more freely, because conscious of exemption from every feeUng like animosity. We war not with the dead. We would resist only what we deem the pernicious influence of the dead. W^ would devote ourselves to the cause of freedom and humanity, a cause perpetually betrayed by the admiration lavished on prosperous crime and all-grasping ambition. Our great topic will be the Character of Napoleon; and with this we shall naturally intersperse reflections on thp great interests which he perpetually irifluencedr We begin with observing, that it is an act of justice to Bonaparte to remember, that he grew up under dis- astrous influences, .in a troubled day, when men's minds were, convulsed, old institutions overthrown, old opinions shaken, old restraints snapped asunder; when the authority of religion was spurned, and youth aban- doned to unwonted license ; when the imagination was made feverish by visions of indistinct good, and the passions swelled by the sympathy of millions to a re- sistless torrent. A more dangerous school for the character cannot well be conceived. That all-seeing Being, who knows the trials of his creatures and the secrets of the heart, can alone judge to what degree crimes are extenuated by circumstances so inauspicious. 72 This we must remember in reviewing the history of men, who were exposed to trials unknown to ourselves. But because the turpitude of an evil agent is diminished by infelicities of education or condition, we must not therefore confound the immutable distinctions of right and wrong, and withhold our reprobation from atrocities which have spread misery and slavery far and wide. It is also due to Napoleon to observe, that there has always existed, and still exists, a mournful obtuseness of moral feeling in regard to the crimes of military and political life. The wrong-doing of public men on a large scale, has never drawn upon them that sincere, hearty abhorrence which visits private vice. Nations have seemed to court aggression and bondage, by their stu- pid, insane admiration of successful tyrants. The wrongs, from which men have suffered most, in body and mind, are yet unpunished. True ; Christianity has put into our lips censures on the aspiring and the usurp- ing. But these reproaches are as yet little more than sounds, and unmeaning commonplaces. They are re- peated for form's sake. When we read or hear them, we feel that they want depth and strength. They are not inward, solemn, burning convictions, breaking from the. indignant soul with a tone of reality, before which guilt would cower. The tiue moral feeling in regard to the crimes of public men is almost to be created. We believe, then, that such a character as Bonaparte's, is formed with very little consciousness of its turpitude ; and society, which contributes so much to its growth, is responsible for its. existence, and merits in part the misery which it spreads. Of the early influences, under which Bonaparte was formed, we know little. He was educated in a miii- 73 tary school, and this, we apprehend, is not an institu- tion to form much delicacy, or independence of moral feeling ; for the young soldier is taught, as his first duty, to obey his superior without consulting his con- science ; to take human life at another's bidding; to perform that deed, which above all others requires de- liberate conviction, without a moment's inquiry as to its justice ; and to place himself a passive instrument in hands, which, as all history teaches, often reek with blood causelessly shed. His first political association was with the Jacobins, the most sanguinary of all the factions which raged in France^ and whose sway is emphatically called 'the reign of terror.' The service which secured his com- mand in Italy, was the turning of his artillery on the people, who, however dangerous when acting as a mob, happened in the present case to understand their rights, and were directing their violence against manifest usurpation. His first campaign was in Italy, and we have still a vivid recollection of the almost rapturous admiration, with which we followed his first triumphs ; for then we were simple enough to regard him as the chosen guar- dian of liberty. His peculiar tactics were not then understood; the secret of his success had not reached us ; and his rapid victories stimulated the imagination to invest him with the mysterious powers of a hero of romance. We confess that we cannot now read the history of his Italian wars without a quickened move- ment in the veins. The rapidity of his conceptions ; the inexhaustibleness of his invention ; the energy of his will ; the decision which suffered not a moment's pause between the purpose and its execution ; the pre- sence of mind, which, amidst sudden reverses and on 7 74 the brink of ruin, devised the means of safety and suc- cess ; these commanding attributes, added to a courage, which, however suspected afterwards, never faltered then, compel us to bestow, what indeed we have no desire to withhold, the admiration which is due to su- perior power. Let not the friends of peace be offended. We have said, and we repeat it, that we have no desire to with- hold our admiration from the energies, which war often awakens. Great powers, even in their perversion, at- test a glorious nature, and we may feel their grandeur, whilst we condemn, with our whole strength of moral feeling, the evil passions by which they are depraved. We are willing to grant that war, abhor it as we may, often developes and places in strong light, a force of intellect and purpose, which raises our conceptions of the human soul. There is perhaps no moment in life, in which the mind is brought into such intense action, in which the will is so strenuous, and in which irrepres- sible excitement is so tempered with self-possession, as in the hour of battle. Still the greatness of the war- rior is poor and low compared with the magnanimity of virtue. It vanishes before the greatness of principle. The martyr to humanity, to freedom, or religion ; the unshrinking adherent of despised and deserted truth, who, alone, unsupported, and scorned, with no crowd to infuse into him courage, no variety of objects to draw his thoughts from himself, no opportunity of effort or resistance to rouse and nourish energy, still yields him- self calmly, resolutely, with invincible philanthropy, to bear prolonged and exquisite Suffering, which one re- tracting word might remove — such a man is as superior to the warrior, as the tranquil and boundless heavens above us, to the low earth we tread beneath our feet. 75 We have spoken of the energies of mind called forth by war. If we may be allowed a short digression, which however bears directly on our main subject, the merits of Napoleon, we would observe, that military talent, even of the highest order, is far from holding the first place among intellectual endowments. It is one of the lower forms of genius ; for it is not conver- sant with the highest and richest objects of thought. We grant that a mind, which takes in a wide country at a glance, and understands, almost by intuition, the positions it affords for a successful campaign, is a com- prehensive and vigorous one. The general, who dispo- ses his forces so as to counteract a greater force ; who supplies by skill, science, and invention, the want of iiumbers ; who dives into the counsels of his enemy, and who gives unity, energy, and success to a vast variety of operations, in the midst of casualties and ob- structions which no wisdom could foresee, manifests great power. But still the chief work of a general is to apply physical force ; to remove physical obstruc- tions ; to avail himself of physical aids and advantages ; to act on matter ; to overcome rivers, ramparts, moun- tains, and human muscles ; and these are not the high- est objects of mind, nor do they demand intelligence of the highest order ; and accordingly nothing is more common than to find men, eminent in this department, who are wanting in interlectual enlargement ; in habits of profound and liberal thinking, in imagination and taste, in the capacity of enjoying works of genius, and in broad and original views of human nature and society. The office of a great general does not differ widely from that of a great mechanician, whose busi- ness it is to frame new combinations of physical forces, to adapt them to new circumstances, and to remove 76 new obstructions. Not a few great generals, awajrfrom the camp, have been no greater men than the mechani- cian taken from his workshop. In conversation they have been dull. Deep and refined reasonings they have been unable to comprehend. We know that there are splendid exceptions. Such was Cesar, at once the greatest soldier and the most sagacious statesman of his age, whilst, in eloquence and literature, he left behind him almost all, who had devoted themselves exclusively to these pursuits. But such cases are rare. The con- queror of Napoleon, the hero of Waterloo, possesses un- doubtedly great military talents ; but we do not under- stand, that his most partial admirers claim for him a place in the highest class of minds. We will not go down for illustration to such men as Nelson, a man great on the deck, but debased by gross vices, and who never pretended to enlargement of intellect. To insti- tute a comparison in point of talent and genius between such men and Milton, Bacon, and Shakspeare, is almost an insult on these illustrious names. Who can think of these truly great intelligences ; of the range of their minds through heaven and earth ; of their deep intuition into the soul ; of their new and glowing combinations of thought ; of the energy with which they grasped and subjected to their main purpose, the infinite materials of illustration which nature and life afford— who can think of the forms of transcendent beauty and grandeur which they created, or which were rather emanations of their own minds ; of the calm wisdom and fer- vid imagination which they conjoined ; of the voice of power, in which, ' though dead, they still speak,' and awaken intellect, sensibility, and genius in both hemispheres — who can think of such men, and not feel the immense inferiority of the most gifted warrior, 77 whose elements of^ thought are physical forces and physical obstructions, and whose employment is the combination of a comparatively low and narrow class of objects, on which a powerful mind can be employed. We return to Napoleon. His splendid victories in Italy spread his name like lightning through the civil- ized world. Unhappily they emboldened him to those unprincipled and open aggressions, to the indulgence of that lawless, imperious spirit, which marked his fu- ture course, and kept pace with his growing power. In his victorious career, he soon came in contact with states, some of which, as Tuscany and Venice, had acknowledged tho French Republic, whilst others, as Parma and Modena, • had observed a strict neutrality. The old-fashioned laws of nations, iinder which such states would have found shelter, seemed never to have crossed the mind of the young victor. Not satisfied with violating the neutrality of all, he seized the port of Leghorn, and ruined the once flourishing commerce of Tuscany ; and having exacted heavy tribute from Parma and Modena, he compelled these powers to sur- render, what had hitherto been held sacred in the utmost extremities of war, some of their choicest pictures, the chief ornaments of their capitals. We are sometimes told of the good done by Napoleon to Italy. But we have heard his name pronounced as indignantly there as here. An Italian cannot forgive him for robbing that country of its noblest works of art, its dearest treasures and glories, which had made it a land of pilgrimage to men of taste and genius from the whole civilized world, and which had upheld and solaced its pride under con- quest and humiliation. From this use of power in the very dawn of his fortunes, it might easily have been foretold, w hat part he would act in the stormy day 7* 78 which was approaching, When the sceptre of France and Europe was to be offered to any strong hand, which should be daring enough to grasp it. Next to Italy, Egypt became the stage for the display of Napoleon ; Egypt, a province of the Grand Signior, with whom France was in profound peace, aiid who, according to the long established relations of Europe, was her natural ally. It wduld seem, that this expedi- tion was Bonaparte's own project. His motives are not very distinctly stated by his biographer. We doubt not that his great aim was conspicuousness. He chose a theatre where all eyes could be turned upon him. He saw that the time for usurpation had not yet come in France. To use his own language, ' the fruit was not yet ripe.' He wanted a field of action which would draw upon him the gaze of the world, and from which he might return at the favorable moment for the prosecution of his enterprises at home. At the same time he undoubtedly admitted into his mind, which success had already intoxicated, some vague wild hope of making an impression on the Eastern world, which might place its destinies at his command, and give him a throne more enviable than Europe could bestow. His course in the East exhibited the same lawlessness, the same contempt of all restraints on his power, which we have already noted. \ No means, which promised success, were thought the worse for their guilt. It was not enough for him to boast of his triumphs over the cross, or to profess Mahometanism. He claimed inspiration, and a commission from God, and was anx- ious to join the character of prophet to that of hero. This was the beginning of the great weaknesses and errors into which he was betrayed by that spirit of self- exaggeration, which, under the influence of past success 79 and of unbounded flattery, was already growing into a kind of insanity. In his own view he was fit to be a compeer Avith Mahomet. His greatness in his own eyes made him blind to the folly of urging his super- natural claims on the Turk, who contemned, even more than he abhorred, a Frank ; and who would sooner have sold himself a slave to Christians, than have acknow- ledged a renegade Christian as a sharer of the glories of Mahomet. It was not enough for Bonaparte, on this expedition, to insult God, to show an impiety as foolish as it was daring. He proceeded to trample on the sentiments and dictates of humanity with equal hardi' hood. The massacre of Jaffa is universally known. Twelve hundred prisoners, and probably more, who had surrendered themselves to Napoleon, and were appar- ently admitted to quarter, were two days afterwards marched out of the fort, divided into small bodies, and then deliberately shot, and, in case the musket was not effectual, were despatched by bayonets. This was an outrage, which cannot be sheltered by the laws and usages of war, barbarous as they are. It was the deed of a bandit and savage, and ought to be execrated by good men, who value and would preserve the mitiga- tions which Christianity has infused into the conduct of national hostilities. The next great event in Bonaparte's history was the usurpation of the supreme power of the state, and the establishment of military despotism over France. On the particulars of this criminal act we have no desire to enlarge, nor are we anxious to ascertain, whether our hero, on this occasion, lost his courage and self-posses- sion, as he is reported to have done. We are more anxious to express our convictions of the turpitude of this outrage on liberty and justice. For this crime but 80 one apology can be oiFered. Napoleon, it is said, seized the reins, when, had he let them slip, they would have fallen into other hands. He enslaved France at a mo- ment, when, had he spared her, she would have found another tyrant. Admitting the truth of the plea, what is it but the reasoning of the highwayman, who robs and murders the traveller, because the booty was about to be seized by another hand, or because another dagger was ready to do the bloody deed ? We are aware that the indignation, with which we regard this crime of Napoleon, will find a response in few breasts ; for to the multitude a throne is a temptation which no virtue can be expected to withstand. But moral truth is immovable amidst the sophistry, ridicule, and abject reasonings of men, and the time will come, when it will find a meet voice to give it utterance. Of all crimes against society, usurpation is the blackest. He who lifts a parricidal hand against his country's rights and freedom ; who plants his foot on the necks of thirty millions of his fellow creatures ; who concentrates in his single hand the powers of a mighty empire ; and who wields its powers, squanders its treasures, and pours forth its blood like water, .to make other nations slaves and the world his prey^^this man, as he unites all crimes in his sanguinary career, so he should be set apart by the human race for their unmingled and un- measured abhorrence, and should bear on his guilty head a mark as opprobrious as that which the first murderer wore. We cannot think with patience of one man fastening chains on a whole people, and sub- jecting millions to his single will ; of whole regions overshadowed by the tyraimy of a frail being like our- selves. In anguish of spirit we exclaim. How long will an abject world kiss the foot which tramples it ? 81 How. long shall crime find shelter in its very aggrava- tions and excess ? Perhaps it may be said, that our indignation seems to light on Napoleon, not so much because he was a despot, as because he became a despot by usurpation ; that we seem not to hate tyranny itself, so much as a particular mode of gaining it. We do indeed regard usurpation as a crime of peculiar blackness, especiaslly when committed, as in the case of Napoleon, in the name of liberty. All despotism, however, whether usurped or hereditary, is our abhorrence. We regard it as the most grievous wrong and insult to the human race. But towards the hereditary despot we have more of compassion than indignation. Nursed and brought up in delusion, worshipped from his cradle, nev- er spoken to in the tone of fearless truth, taught to look on the great mass of his fellow brings as an infe- rior race, and to regard despotism as a law of nature and a necessary element of social life ; such a prince, whose education and condition almost deny him the possibility of acquiring healthy moral feeling and manly virtue, must not be judgetl severely. Still, in absolv- ing the despot from much of the guilt which seems at first to attach to his unlawful and abused power, we do not the less account despotism a wrong and a curse. The time for its fall, we trust, is coming. It cannot fall too soon. It has long enough wrung from the la- borer his hard earnings ; long enough squandered a na- tion's wealth on its parasites and minions ; long enough warred against the freedom of the mind,' and arrested the progress of truth. It has filled dungeoiis enough with the brave and good, and shed eilough of the blood of patriots. Let its end come. It cannot come too soon, i 82 We have now followed Bonaparte to the moment of possessing himself of the supreme power. Those who were associated with him in subverting the govermttent of the Directory, essayed to lay restraints on the First Consul, wha was to take their place. But he indig- nantly repelled tlie'm. He held the sword,, and with this, not only intimidated the selfish, but awed and si- lenced the patriotic, who saw too plainly, that it could only be wrested from him by renewing the horrors of the revolution. — We now proceed to consider some of the means, by which he consolidated his power, and raised it into the imperial dignity. We consider these as much more important illustrations of his character than his successive campaigns, to which accordingly we shall give little attention. One of his first measures for giving stability to his power, was certainly a wise one, and was obviously dictated by his situation and character. Having seized the first dignity in the state by military force, and lean- ing on a devoted soldiery, he was under no necessity of binding himself to any of the parties which had distracted the country, a vassalage to which his domineering spirit could ill have stooped. Policy and his love of mastery pointed out to him an indiscriminate employment of the leading men of all parties ; and not a few of these had become so selfish and desperate in the disastrous pro- gress of the revolution, that they were ready to break up old connexions, and to divide the spoils of the Re- public with a master. Accordingly he adopted a sys- tem of comprehension and lenity, from which even the emigrants were not excluded, and had the satisfaction of seeing almost the whole talent which the revolution had quickened, leagued in the execution of his plans. Under the able men, whom he called to his aid, the 83 finances and the war department, which had fallen into a confusion that threatened ruin to the state, were soon restored to order, and means and forces provided for retrieving the recent defeats and disgraces of the French armies. This leads us to mention another and most important and effectual means by which Napoleon secured and enlarged his power. We refer to the brilliant campaign immediately following his elevation to the Consulate, and which restored to France the ascendency which she had lost during his absence. On his success at this juncture his future fortunes wholly depended. It was in this campaign that he proved himself the worthy rival of Hannibal. The enejrgy which conducted an army with its cavalry, artillery, and supplies, across the Alps, by untried paths, which only the chamois hunter, born and bred amidst glaciers and everlasting snows, had trodden, gave the impression, which of all others he most desired to spread, of his superiority to nature, as well as to human opposition. This enterprise was in one view a fearful omen to Europe. It showed a power over the minds of his soldiers, the effects of which were not to be calculated. The conquest of St. Bernard by a French army was the boast of the nation; but a still more wonderful thing was, the capacity of the general to inspire into that army the intense force, confidence, resolution, and patience, by which alone the work could be accomplished. The victory of Marengo, gained by one of the accidents of war in the moment of apparent defeat and ruin, secured to Bonaparte the dominion which he coveted. France, who, in her madness and folly, had placed her happiness in conquest, now felt that the glory of her arms was safe only in the hands of the First Consul ; whilst the soldiery, who 84 held the sceptre in their gift, became more thoroughly satisfied, that triumph and spoils waited on his stand- ard. Another important and essential means of securing and building up his power, was the system of espionage, called the Police, which, under the Directory, had received a developement worthy of those friends of freedom, but which was destined to be perfected by the wisdom of Napoleon. It would seem as if despotism, profiting by the experience of ages, had put forth her whole skill and resources in forming the French police, and had framed an engine, never to be surpassed, for stifl- ing the faintest breathings of disaffection, and chaining every free thought. This system of espionage, (we are proud that we have no English word for the infernal machine,) had indeed been used under all tyrannies. But it wanted the craft of Fouche, and the energy of Bonaparte, to disclose all its powers. In the language of our author, ' it spread through all the ramifications of society ; ' that is, every man, of the least importance in the community, had the eye of a spy upon him. He was watched at home as well as abroad, in the boudoir and. theatre, in the brothel and gaming house; and these last named haunts furnished not a few ministers of the Argus-eyed Police. There was an ear open through all France to catch the whispers of discontent ; a power of evil, which aimed to rival, in omnipresence and invisibleness, the benignant agency of the Deity. Of all instruments of tyranny, this is the most detesta- ble. It chills social intercourse ; locks up the heart ; infects and darkens men's minds with mutual jealousies and fears ; and reduces to system a wary dissimulation, subversive of force and manliness of character. We find, however, some consolation in learning that tyrants Missing Page b6 ^ We pass to another means of removing obstructions to his power and ambition, still worse than the last. We refer to the terror which he spread by his severi- ties, just before assuming the imperial power. The murder of the Duke d'Enghien was justified by Napo- leon as a method of striking fear into the Bourbons, who, as he said, were plotting his death. This may have been one iaaotive ; for we have reason to think that he was^bout that time threatened with assassina- tion. But we believe stiU more, that he intended to awe into acquiescence the opposition, which, he knew, would be awakened in many breasts, by the prostration of the forms of the republic, and the open assumption of the imperial dignity. There were times when Bona- parte disclaimed the origination of the murder of the Duke d'Enghien. But no other could have originated it. It bears internal marks of its author. The bold- ness, decision, and overpowering rapidity of the crime, point unerringly to the soul where it was conceived. We believe that one great recommendation of this mur- der, was, that it would strike amazement and terror into France and Europe, and show that he was prepar- ed to shed any blood, and to sweep before him every obstruction, in his way to absolute power. Certain it is, that the open murder of the Duke d'Enghien, and the justly suspected assassinations of Pichegru and Wright, did create a dread, such as had not been felt before ; and whilst on previous occasions some faint breathings of liberty were to be heard in the legislative bodies, only one voice, that of Carnot, was raised against investing Bonaparte with the imperial crown, and laying France, an unprotected victim, at his feet. There remain for our consideration other means em- ployed by Bonaparte for building up and establishing 87 his power, of a different character from those we have named, and which on this account we cannot pass with- out notice. One of these was the Concordat which he extorted from the Pope, and which professed to re- establish the Catholic religion in France. Our religious prejudices have no influence on our judgment of this measure. We make no objections to it, as the restor- ation of a worship which on many accounts we con- demn. We view it now simply as an instrument of policy, and in this light, it seems to us no proof of the sagacity of Bonaparte. It helps to confirm in us an impression, which other parts of his history give us, that he did not understand the peculiar character of his age, and the peculiar and original policy which it de- manded. He always used commonplace means of power, although the unprecedented times in which he lived, required a system, which should combine untried resources, and touch new springs of action. Because old governments had found a convenient prop in reli'- gion, Napoleon imagined that it was a necessary ap- pendage and support of his sway, and resolved to re- store it. But at this moment there were no founda- tions in France for a religious establishment, which could give strength and a character of sacredness to the supreme power. There was comparatively no faith, no devout feeling, and still more, no superstition to supply the place of these. The time for the reac- tion of the religious principle had not yet arrived ; and a more likely means of retarding it could hardly have been devised, than the nursing care extended to the church by Bonaparte, the recent Mussulman, the known despiser of the ancient faith, who had no worship at heart but the worship of himself. Instead of bringing religion to the aid of the state, it was impossiblfe that 88 such a man should touch it, without loosening the faint hold which it yet retained on the people. There were none so ignorant as to be the dupes of the First Consul in this particular. Every man, woman, and child knew that he was playing the part of a juggler. Not one re- ligious association could be formed with his character or government. It was a striking proof of the self- exaggerating vanity of Bonaparte, and of his ignorance of the higher principles of human nature, that he not only hoped to revive and turn to his account the old religion, but imagined, that he could, af necessary, have created a new one. ' Had the Pope never existed be- fore, he should have been made for the occasion,' was the speech of this political charlatan ; as if religious opinion and feeling were things to be manufactured by a consular decree. Ancient legislators, by adopting and sympathizing with popular and rooted superstitions, were able to press them into the service of their insti- tutions. They were wise enough to build on a pre^ existing faith, and studiously to conform to it. Bona- parte, in a country of infidelity and atheism, and whilst unable to refrain from sarcasms on the system which he patronised, was weak enough to believe that he might make it a substantial support of his government. He undoubtedly congratulated himself on the terms, which he exacted from the Pope, and which had never been conceded to the most powerful monarchs ; for- getting that his apparent success was the defeat of his plans ; for just as far as he severed the church from the supreme pontiff, and placed himself conspicuously at its head, he destroyed the only connexion which could give it influence. Just so far its power over opinion and conscience ceased. It became a coarse instrument of state, contemned by the people, and serv- 89 ing only to demonstrate the aspiring views of its mas- ter. Accordingly the French bishops in general refus- ed to hold their dignities under this new head, prefer- red exile to the sacrifice of the rights of the church, and left behind them a hearty abhorrence of the Concordat among the more zealous members of their communion. Happy would it have been for Napoleon, had he left the Pope and the church to themselves. By occasion- ally recognising and employing, and then insulting and degrading the Roman pontiff, he exasperated a large part of Christendom, fastened on himself the brand of impiety, and awakened a religious hatred which con- tributed its full measure to his fall. As another means employed by Bonaparte for giving strength and honor to his government, we may name the grandeur of his public works, which he began in his consulate and continued after his accession to the impe- rial dignity. These dazzled France, and still impress travellers with admiration. Could we separate these from his history, and did no other indication of his character survive, we should undoubtedly honor him with the title of a beneficent sovereign ; but connected as they are, they do little or nothing to change our con- ceptions of him as an all-grasping, unprincipled usurper. Paris was the chief object of these labors ; and surely we cannot wonder, that he who aimed at universal do- minion, should strive to improve and adorn the metropo- lis of his empire. It is the practice of despots to be lavish of expense on the royal residence and the seat of government. Travellers in France, as in other coun- tries of the continent, are struck and pained by the contrast between the magnificent capital and the mud- walled village and uninteresting province. Bonaparte had a special motive for decorating Paris, for ' Paris is 8* 90 5"rance,' as has often been observed ; and in conciliating the vanity of the great city, he secured the obedience of the whole country. The boasted internal improve- ments of Napoleon scarcely deserve to be named, if w^e compare their influence with the operation of his public measures. The conscription, which drew from agricul- ture its most effective laborers, and his continental system, which sealed up every port and annihilated the commerce of his empire, drained and exhausted France to a degree, for which his artificial stimulants of indus- try, and his splendid projects afforded no compensation. Perhaps the most admired of all his public works, is the road over the Simplon, to which all travellers concur in giving the epithet, stupendous. But it ought not to amaze us, that he, who was aspiring at unlimited do- minion, should establish communications between the different provinces of his empire. It ought not to amaze us, that he, who had scaled the glaciers of St. Bernard, should covet some easier passage for pouring his troops into Italy ; nor is it very wonderful, that a sovereign, who commanded the revenues of Europe, and who lived in an age when civil engineering had been advanced to a perfection before unknown, should accomplish a bolder enterprise than his predecessors. We would add, that Napoleon must divide with Fab- broni the glory of the road over the Simplon ; for the genius, which contrived and constructed, is more prop- erly its author, than the will which commanded it. There is however one great work, which gives Bona- parte a fair claim on the gratitude of posterity, and entitles him to an honorable renown. We refer to the new code of laws, which was given to France under his auspices. His participation in this work has indeed been unwarrantably and ridiculously magnified. Be- 91 cause he attended the meetings of the commissioners to whom it was assigned, and made some useful and sagacious suggestions, he has been fraised, as if he had struck out, by the miraculous force of his genius, a new code of laws. The truth is, that he employed for this work, as he should have done, the most eminent civil- ians of the empire ; and it is also true that these learned men have little claim to originality ; for, as our author observes, the code ' has few peculiarities making a dif- ference between its principles and those of the Roman law.' In other words, they preferred wisdom to nov- elty. Still Bonaparte deserves great praise for his in- terest in the work, for the impulse he gave to those to whom it was committed, and for the time and thought, which, amidst the cares of a vast empire, he bestowed upon it. That his ambition incited him to this labor, we doubt not. He meant to entwine the laurels of Justinian with those of Alexander. But we will not quarrel with ambition, when it is wise enough to devote itself to the happiness of mankind. In the present case, he showed that he understood something of true glory ; and we prize the instance more, because it stands almost alone in his history. We look on the conqueror, the usurper, the spoiler of kingdoms, the in- satiable despot, with disgust, and see in all these char- acters an essential vulgarness of mind. But when we regard him as a Fountain of Justice to a vast empire, we recognise in him a resemblance to the just and be- nignant Deity, and cheerfully accord to him the praise of bestowing on a nation one of the greatest gifts, which it is permitted to man to confer. It was however the misery of Bonaparte, a curse brought on him by his crimes, that he could touch nothing without leaving on it the polluting mark of despotism. His usurpation 92 took from him the power of legislating with magnanim- ity, where his own interest was concerned. He could provide for the administration of justice between man and man, but not between the citizen and the ruler. Political offences, the very class which ought to be sub- mitted to a jury, were denied that mode of trial. Ju- ries might decide on other criminal questions ; but they were not to be permitted to interpose between the des- pot and the ill fated subjects, who might fall under his suspicion. These were arraigned before ' special tribu- nals, invested with a half military character,' the ready ministers of nefarious prosecutions, and only intended to cloak by legal forms the murderous purpose of the tyrant. We have thus considered some of the means by which Bonaparte consolidated and extended'his power. We now see him advanced to that imperial throne, on which he had long fixed his eager eye. We see France alternately awed and dazzled by the influences we have described, and at last surrendering, by public, deliberate acts, without a struggle or a show of opposition, her rights, liberties, interests, and power to an absolute master and to his posterity forever. Thus perished the name and forms of the Republic. Thus perished the hopes of philanthropy. The air, which a few years ago resounded with the shouts of a great people casting away their chains, and claiming their birthright of free- dom, now rung with the servile cries of long life to a blood-stained usurper. There were indeed generous spirits, true patriots, like our own La Fayette, still left in France. But few and scattered, they were left to shed in secret the tears of sorrowful and indignant des- pair. By this base and disastrous issue of their revo- 93 lution, the French nation not only renounced their own rights, but brought reproach on the cause of freedom, which years cannot wash away. This is to us a more painful recollection, than all the desolations which France spread through Europe, and than her own bit- ter sufferings, when the hour of retribution came upon her. The fields which she laid waste are again waving with harvest ; and the groans which broke forth through her cities and villages, when her bravest sons perished by thousands and ten thousands on the snows of Russia, have died away, and her wasted population is renewed. But the wounds which she inflicted on freedom by the crimes perpetrated in that sacred name, and by the ab- ject spirit with which that sacred cause was deserted, are still fresh and bleeding. France not only subjected herself to a tyrant, but what is worse, she has given tyranny everywhere new pleas and arguments, and emboldened it to preach openly, in the face of heaven, the impious doctrines of absolute power and uncondi- tional submission. Napoleon was now Emperor of France ; and a man unacquainted with human nature, would think that such an empire, whose bounds now extended to the Rhine, might have satisfied even an ambitious man. But Bo- naparte obeyed that law of progress,' to which the high- est minds are peculiarly subjected ; and acquisition in- flamed, instead of appeasing, the spirit of dominion. He had long proposed to himself the conquest of Eu- rope, of the world ; and the title of Emperor added in- tenseness to this purpose. Did we not fear, that by repetition we might impair the conviction which we are most anxious to iinpress, we would enlarge on the enor- mity of the guilt involved in the project 'of i universal empire. Napoleon knev*^ distinctly the :pice', which he 94 must pay for the eminence which he coveted. He knew that the path to it lay over wounded and slaugh- tered millioBs, over putrefying heaps of his fellow crea- tures, over ravaged fields, smoking ruins, pillaged cities. He knew that his steps would be followed by the groans of widowed mothers and famished orphans ; of bereaved friendship and despairing love ; and that in addition to this amount of misery, he would create an equal amount of crime, by multiplying indefinitely the instruments and participators of his rapine and fraud. He knew the price and resolved to pay it. But we do not insist on a topic, which few, very few as yet, imderstand or feel. Turning then for the present from the moral aspect of this enterprise, we will view it in another light, which is of great importance to a just estimate of his claims on admiration. We will inquire into the nature and fitness of the measures and policy which he adopted, for compassing the subjugation of Europe and the world. We are aware, that this discussion may expose us to the charge of great presumption. It may. be said that men, having no access to the secrets of cabinets, and no participation in public affairs, are not the best judges of the policy of sudi a man as Napoleon. This we are not anxious to disprove. We do not deny the disad- vantages of our position, nor shall we quarrel with our readers for questioning the soundness of our opinions. But we will say, that though distant, we have not been indifferent observers of the great events of our age, and that though conscious of exposure to many errors, we have a strong persuasion of the substantial correctness of our views. We express then, without reserve, our belief, that the policy of Napoleon was wanting in sa- gacity, and that he proved himself incapable, as we 96 before suggested, of understanding the character and answering the demands of his age. His system was a repetition of old means, when the state of the world was new. The sword and the police, which had suf- ficed him for enslaving France, were not the only pow- ers required for his, designs against the human race. Other resources were to be discovered or created ; and the genius for calling them forth did not, we conceive, belong to Napoleon. The circumstances under which Napoleon aspired to universal empire, differed in many respects from those under which former conquerors were placed. It was easy for Rome, when she had subdued kingdoms, to reduce them to provinces and to govern them by force; for nations at that period were bound together by no tie. They had little communication with each other. Dif- ferences of origin, of religion, of manners, of language, of modes of warfare ; differences aggravated by long and ferocious wars, and by the general want of civilisa- tion, prevented joint action, and almost all concern for one another's fate. Modern Europe, on the other hand, was an assemblage of civilized states, closely connect- ed by commerce, by litetature, by a common faith, by interchange of thoughts and improvements, and by a policy which had for ages proposed, as its chief object, the establishment of such a balance of power as would secure national independence. Under these influences the human mind had made great progress ; and in truth the French revolution had resulted from an unpreceden- ted excitement and developement of men's faculties, and from the extension of power and intelligence through a vastly wider class, than had participated in them at any former period. The very power, which Napoleon was wielding, might be traced to an enthusiasm essentially 96 generous, and manifesting a tendency of the civilized world to better institutions. It is plain that the old plans of conquest, and the maxims of comparatively bar- barous ages, did not suit such a state of society. An ambitious man was to make his way, by allying himself with the new movements and excitements of the world. The existence of a vast maritime power like England, which, by its command of the ocean and its extensive commerce, was brought into contact with every com- munity, and which at the same time enjoyed the envia- ble preeminence of possessing the freest institutions in Europe, was of itself a sufficient motive for a great modification of the policy, by which one state was now to be placed at the head of the nations. The peculiar character and influence of England, Bonaparte seemed indeed never able to comprehend ; and the- violent measures, by which he essayed to tear asunder the old connexions of that country with the continent, only gave them strength, by adding to the ties of interest those of sympathy, of common suffering, and common danger. Force and corruption were the great engines of Na- poleon, and he plied them without disguise or reserve, not caring how far he insulted and armed against him- self, the moral and national feelings of Eurojpe. His great reliance was on the military spirit and energy of the French people. To make France a nation of sol- diers was the first and main instrument of his policy ; and here he was successful. The revolution indeed had in no small degree done this work to his hands. To complete it, h'e introduced a national system of ed- ucation, having for its plain end to train the whole youth of France to a military life, to familiarize the mind to this destination from its earliest years, and 97 to associate the idea of glory almost exclusively with arms. Th.e conscription gave full efficacy to this sys- tem ; for as every young man in the empire had reason to anticipate a summons to the army, the first object in education, naturally was, to fit him for the field. The public honors bestowed on rhilitary talent, and a rigorous impartiality in awarding promotion to merit, so that no origin, however obscure, was a bar to what were deemed the highest honors of Europe, kindled the ambition of the whole people into a flame^ and directed it exclusively to the camp. It is true, the conscription, which thinned So terribly the ranks of her youth, and spread anxiety and bereavement through all her dwel- lings, was severely felt in France. But Napoleon knew the race whom it was his business to manage ; and by the glare of victory, and the title of the Grand Empire, he succeeded in reconciling them for a time to the most painful domestic privations, and to an unex- ampled waste of life. Thus he secured, what he ac- counted the most important instrument of dominion, a great military force. But, on the other hand, the stim- ulants, which, for this purpose, he was forced to apply perpetually to French vanity, the ostentation with which the invincible power of France was trumpeted to the world, and the haughty vaunting style which be- came the most striking characteristic of that intoxicated people, were perpetual irritations of the national spirit and pride of Europe, and implanted a deep hatred to- wards the new and insulting empire, which waited but for a favorable moment to repay with interest the debt of humiliation. The condition of Europe forbade, as we believe, the establishment of universal monarchy by mere physical force. The sword, however importaint, was now to 9 98 play but a secondary part. The true course for Napo- leon seems to us to have been indicated, not only by the state of Europe, but by the means which France in the beginning of her revolution had found most effectu- al. He should have identified himself w^ith some great interests, opinion, or institutions, by wrhich he might have bound to himself a large party in -every nation. He should have contrived to make at least a specious cause against all old establishments. To contrast him- self most strikingly and most advantageously with for- mer governments, should have been the key of his policy. He should have placed himself at the head of a new order of things, which should have worn the face of an improvement of the social state. -Nor did the subversion of republican forms prevent his adoption of this course, or of some other which would have secured to him the sympathy of multitudes. He might still have drawn some broad lines between his own administra- tion and that of other states, tending to throw the old dynasties into the shade. He might have cast away the ancient pageantry and forms, distinguished himself by the simplicity of his establishments, and exaggerated the relief which he gave to his people, by saving them the burdens of a wasteful and luxurious court. He might have insisted on the great benefits that had accrued to France from the establishment of uniform laws, which protected alike all classes of men ; and he might have virtually pledged himself to the subversion of the feudal inequalities A'shich still disfigured Europe. He might have insisted oil the favorable changes to be introduced into property, by abolishing the entails which fettered it, the rights of primogeniture, and the exclusive privi- leges of a haughty aristocracy.. He might have found abuses enough against which to array himself as a 99 champion. By becoming the head of new institutions, which would have involved the transfer of power into new hands, and would have offered to the people a real improvement, he might everywhere have summoned to his standard the bold and entetprising, and might have disarmed the national prejudices to which he fell a prey. Revolution was still the true instrument of power. In a word, Napoleon lived at a period, when he could only establish a durable afid universal control, through prin- ciples and institutions of some kind or other, to which he would seem to be devoted. It was impossible, however, for such a man as Napo- leon, to adopt, perhaps to conceive, a system such as has now been traced ; for it was wholly at yvar with that egotistical, self-relying, self-exaggerating principle, which was the most striking feature of his mind. He imagined himself able, not only to conquer nations, but to hold them together by the awe and admiration which his own character would inspire ; and this bond he pre- ferred to every other. An indirect sway, a control of nations by means of institutions, principles, or prejudi- ces, of which he was to be only the apostle and defen- der, was utterly inconsisterit with that vehemence of will, that passion for astonishing mankind, and that persuasion of his own invincibleness, which were his master feelings, and which made force : his darling in- strument of dominion. He chose to be the great, pal- pable, and sole bond of his empire ; to have his image reflected from every establishment ; to be the centre, in which every ray of glory should meet, and from which every impulse should be propagated. In conse- quence of this egotism, he never dreamed of adapting himself to the moral condition of the world. The sword was his chosen weapon, and he used it without 100 disguise. He insulted nations as well as sovereigns. He did not attempt to gild their chains, or to fit the yoke gently to their necks. The excess of his extor- tions, the audacity of his claims, and the insolent lan- guage in which Europe was spoken of as the vassal of the great empire, discovered, that he expected to reign, not only without linking himself with the interests, pre- judices, and national feelings of men, but by setting all at defiance. It would be easy to point put a multitude of instan- ces in which he sacrificed the only policy by which he could prevail, to the persuasion, that his own greatness could more than balance whatever opposition his vio- lence might awaken. In an age in which Christianity was exerting some power, there was certainly a degree of deference due to the moral convictions of society. But Napoleon thought himself more than a match for the moral instincts and sentiments of our nature. He thought himself able to cover the most atrocious deeds by the splendor of his name, and even to extort applause for crimes by the brilliancy of his success. He took no pains to conciliate esteem. In his own eyes he was mightier than conscience ; and thus he turned against himself the power and resentment of virtue, in every breast where that divine principle yet found a home. Through the same blinding egotism, he was anxious to fill the thrones of Europe with men bearing his own name, and to multiply everywhere images of himself. Instead of placing over conquered countries efficient men, taken from themselves, who, by upholding better institutions, would carry with them large masses of the people, and who would still, by their hostility to the old dynasties, link their fortunes with his own, he placed over nations such men as Jerome and Murat. 101 He thus spread a jealousy of his power, whilst he ren- dered it insecure ; for as none of the princes of his creation, however well disposed, were allowed to iden- tify themselves with their subjects, and to take root in the public heart, but were compelled to act, openly and without disguise, as satellites and prefects of the French emperor ; they gained no hold on their subjects, and could bring no strength to their master in his hour of peril. In none of his arrangements did Napoleon think of securing to his cause the attachment of nations. Astonishment, awe, and force, were his weapons, and his own great name the chosen pillar of his throne- So far was Bonaparte from magnifying the contrast and distinctions between himself and the old dynasties of Europe, and from attaching men to himself by new principles and institutions, that he h|id the great weak- ness, for so we view it, to revive the old forms of mon- archy, and to ape the manners of the old court, and thus to connect himself with the herd of legitimate sove- reigns. This was not only to rob his government of that imposing character which might have been given to it, and of that interest which it might have inspired as an improvement on former institutions, but was to become competitor in a race in .which he could not but be distanced. He could indeed pluck crowns from the heads of monarchs ; but he could not by any means infuse their blood into his veins, associate with himself the ideas which are attached to a long line of ancestry, or give to his court the grace of manners, which belongs to older establishments. His true policy was, to throw contempt on^distinctions, which he could not rival ; and had he possessed the genius and spirit of the founder of a new era, he would have substituted for a crown, and for other long worn badges of power, a new and simple 102 style of grandeur, and new insignia of dignity, more consonant with an enlightened age, and worthy of one who disdained t^ be a vulgar king. By the policy which he adopted, if it be worthy of that name, he be- came a vulgar king, and showed a mind incapable of answering the wants and demands of his age. It is well known, that the progress of intelligence had done much in Europe, to weaken men's reverence for pa- geantry and show. Nobles had learned to lay aside their trappings in ordinary life, and to appear as gentle- men. Even royalty had begun to retrench its pomp ; and in the face of all this improvement, Bonaparte stooped from his height, to study costumes, to legislate about court dresses and court manners, and to outshine his brother monarchs in their own line. He desired to add the glory of master of ceremonies to that of con- queror of nations. In his anxiety to belong to the cast of kings, he exacted scrupulously the observance and etiquette with which they are approached. Not satis- fied with this approximation to the old sovereigns, with whom he had no common interest, and from whom he could^not have removed himself too far, he sought to ally himself by marriage with the royal families in Eu- rope, to ingraft himself and his posterity on an old im- perial tree. This was the very way to turn back opinion into its old channels ; to carry back Europe to its old prejudices ; to facilitate the restoration of its old order; to preach up legitimacy ; to crush every hope that he was to work a beneficent change among nations. It may seem strange that his egotism did not preserve him from the imitation of antiquated monarchy. But his egotism, though excessive, was not lofty, nor was it seconded by a genius, rich and inventive, except in war. 103 We have now followed Napoleon to the height of his power, and given our views of the policy bj which he hoped to make that power perpetual and unbounded. His fall is easily explained. It had its origin in that spirit of self-reliance and self-exaggeration, of which we have seen so many proofs. It began in Spain. That country was a province in reality. He wanted to make it one in name ; to place over it a Bonaparte ; to make it a more striking manifestation of his power. For this purpose, he ' kidnapped ' its royal family, stir- red up the unconquerable spirit of its people, and, after shedding on its plains and mountains the best blood of France, lost it forever. Next came his expedition against Russia, an expedition against which his wisest counsellors remonstrated, but which had every recom- mendation to a man who regarded hiniself as an excep- tion to his race, and able to triumph over the laws of nature. So insane were his self-confidence and impa- tience of opposition, that he drove by his outrages Swe- den, the old ally of France, into the arms of Russia, at the very moment that he was about to throw himself into the heart of that mighty empire. On his Russian campaign we have no desire to enlarge. Of all the mournful pages of history, none are more sad than that which records the retreat of the French army from Moscow. We remember, that when the intelligence of Napoleon's discomfiture in Russia first reached this country, we were aniong those who exulted in it, think- ing only of the results. But when subsequent and minuter accounts brought distinctly before our eyes that unequalled ' army of France, broken, famished, slaughtered, seeking shelter under snowdrifts, and per- ishing by intense cold, we looked back on our joy with almost a consciousness of guilt, and expiated by a sin^ i04 cere grief our insensibility to the suflferings of our fel- low creatures. We understand that many interesting notices of Napoleon, as he appeared in this disastrous campaign, are given in the Memoirs of Count Segur, a book, from which we have been repelled by the sor- rows and miseries which it^ietails. We can conceive few subjects more worthy of Shakspeare than the mind of Napoleon, at the moment, when his fate was sealed; when the tide of his victories was suddenly stopped and rolled backwards ; when his dreams of in- vincibleness were broken ' as by a peal of thunder ; when the word, which had awed nations, died away, on the bleak waste, a powerless sound ; and when he, whose spirit Europe could not bound, fled in fear from a captive's doom. The shock must have been tremen- dous to a mind so, imperious, scornful, and unschooled to humiliation.' The intense , agony of that moment when he gave the unusual orders, to retreat ; the deso- lateness of his soul, when he saw his brave soldiers, and his chosen guards sinking in the snows, and perish- ing in crowds around him ; his unwillingness to receive the details of his losses, lest self-possession should fail him ; the levity and badinage of his interview with the Abbe de Pradt at Warsaw, discovering a mind laboring to throw off an insupportable weight, wrestling with itself, struggling against misery ; , and. though last not least, his unconquerable purpose, still clinging to lost empire as the only good of life ; these workings of such a spirit would have furnished to the great dramatist a theme, worthy of his transcendent powers. By the irretrievable disasters of the Russian cam- paign, the empire of the world was effectually placed beyond the grasp of Napoleon. The tide of conquest had ebbed, never to return. The spell which had 105 bound the nations was dissolved;^ He was no longer the Invincible. The weight of military power, which had kept down the spirit of nations, was removed, and their long smothered sense of wrong and insult broke forth like the fires of a volcano. Bonaparte might still, perhaps, have secured the throne of France ; but that of Europe was gone. This, however, he did not, could not, would nbt understand. He had connected with himself too obstinately the character of the world's master, to be able to relinquish it. Amidst the dark omens which gathered round him, he still saw in his past wonderful escapes, and in his own exaggerated energies, the means of rebuilding his fallen power. Accordingly the thought of abandoning his pretensions does not seem to have crossed his mind, and his irre- parable defeat was only a summons to new exertion. — We doubt, indeed, whether Napoleon, if he could have understood fully his condition, would have adopted a dif- ferent course. Though despairing, he would probably have raised new armies, and fought to the last. To a mind, which has placed its whole happiness in having no equal, the thought of descending to the level even of kings is intolerable. Napoleon's mind had been stretched by such ideas of universal empire, that France, though reaching from the Rhine to the Pyrenes, seemed narrow to him. He could not be shut up in it. Ac- cordingly, as his fortunes darkened, we see no signs of relenting. He could riot wear, he said, ' a tarnished crown,' that is, a crown no brighter than those of Aus- tria and Russia. He continued to use a master's tone. He showed no change, but sUch as opposition works in the obstinate ; he lost his temper and grew sour. He heaped reproaches on his marshals, and the legislative body. He insulted Metternich, the statesman, on whom, 106 above all others, his fate depeiided. He irritated Mu- rat by sarcasms, which rankled within hiih, and accel- eratedi if they did not determine, his desertion of his master. It is a, striking example of retribution, that tlie very vehemence and sternness of his will, which had borne him onward to dominion, now drove him to the rejection of terms which might have left him a for- midable power, and thus made his ruin entire. Refus- ing to take counsel of events, he persevered in fighting with a stubbornness,' which reminds us of a spoiled child, who sullenly grasps what he knows he must re- linquish, struggles without hope, and does not give over resistance, until his little fingfers are one by one un- clenched from the object on which he has set his heart. Thus fell Napoleon. We shall follow his history no farther. His retreat to Elba, his irruption into France, his signal overthrow, and his banishment to St. Helena, though they add to the romance of his history, throw no new light on his character, and would of course contribute nothing to our present object. There are indeed incidents in this portion of his life which are somewhat inconsistent with the firmness and conscious superiority which belonged to him. But a man, into whose character so much impulse, and so little princi- ple entered, must not be expected to preserve unblem- ished, in such hard reverses, the dignity and self-respect of an emperor and a hero. In the course of these remarks, our views of the Conqueror, of the First Consul^ and of the Emperor, have been given plainly and freely. The subject, how- ever, is so important and interesting, that we have thought it worth our while^ though at the hazard of some repetition, to bring together, in a narrower com- 107 pass, wha.t seem to us the great leading features of the .intellectual and moral character of Nc(poleon Bonaparte. His intellect was distinguished by rapidity of thought. He understood by a glance wliat most men, and supe- rior men, could learn only by study. He darted to a conclusion rather by intuition than reasoning. In war, ■yvhich was the only subject of which he was master, he seized in an instant on the great points of his own and his enemy's positions ; and combined at once the movements, by which an overpowering force might be thrown with unexpected fury on a vulnerable part of the hostile line, and the fate of an army be decided in a day. He understood war as a science ; but his mind was too bold, rapid, and irrepressible, to be enslaved by the technics of his profession. He found the old armies fighting by rule, and he discovered the true characteris- tic of .geniup, which, without despising rules, knows when and how to break them. He understood tho- roughly the immense moral povver, which is gained by originality and rapidity of operation. He astonished and paralysed his enemies by his unforeseen and impet- uous assaults, by the suddeimess with which the storm of battle burst upon them ; and, whilst giving to his soldiers the advantages of modern discipline, breathed into them, by his quick and decisive movements, the enthusiasm of ruder ages. This power of disheartening the foe, and of spreading through his own ranks a con- fidence, and exhilarating courage, which made war a pastime, and seemed to make victory sure, distinguished . Napoleon in an age of uncommon military talent,, and was one main instrument of his future power. The wonderful effects of that rapidity of thought by which Bonaparte was marked, the signal supcess of his new mode of warfare, and the almost incredible speed 108 with which his fame was spread through nations, had no small agency in fixing his character and determining for a period the fate of empires. These stirring influ- ences infused a new consciousness of his own might. They gave intensity and audacity to his ambition ; gave form and substance - to his indefinite visions of glory, and raised his fiery hopes to empire. The burst of ad- miration, vrhich his early career called forth, must in particular have had an influence, in imparting to his ambition that niodification by which it was character- ized, and which contributed alike to its success and to its fall. He began with astonishing, the world, with producing a sudden and universal sensation, such as modern times had not witnessed. To astonish as well as to sway by his energies, became the great aim, of his life. Henceforth to rule was not enough for Bona- parte. He wanted to amaze, to dazzle, to overpower men^s souls, by striking, bold, magnificent, and unantici- pated results. To govern ever so absolutely would not have satisfied him, if he must have governed silently. He wanted to reign through wonder and awe, by the ■ grandeur and terror of his name, by displays of power which would rivet on him every eye, and make him the theme of every tongue. Power was his supreme object, but a power which should be gazed at as M^ell as felt, which should strike men as a prodigy, which should shake old thrones as an earthquake, and by the sudden- ness of its new, creations should a.waken something of . the submissive wonder which miraculous agency in- spires. Such seems to us to have heen the . distinction, or characteristic modification of his love of fame. It was a diseased passion for a kind of admiration, which, from the principles of our nature, cannot be enduring, and 109 which demands for its support perpetual and more stim- ulating novelty. Mere esteem he would have scorn- ed. Calm admiration, though universal, and enduring, would have been insipid. He wanted to electrify and overwJielm. He lived for effect. The world was his theatre, and he cared little what part he played, if he might walk the sole hero on the stage, and call forth bursts of applause, which would silence all other fame. In war the triumphs which he coveted were those, in which he seemed to sweep away his foes like a whirl- wind ; and the immense and unparalleled sacrifice of his own soldiers, in the rapid marches and daring as- saults to which he owed his victories, in no degree diminished their worth to the victor. In peace, he de- lighted to hurry through his dominions ; to multiply himself by his rapid movements ; to gather at a glance the capacities of improvement which every important place possessed ; to suggest plails which would startle by their originality and vastness ; to project in an in- stant, works which a life could not accomplish, and to leave behind the impression of, a superhuman energy. Our sketch of Bonaparte would be imperfect indeed, if we did not add, that he was characterized by nothing more strongly than by the spirit of Self-exaggeration. The singular energy« of his intellect and will, through which he had mastered so many rivals and foes, and overcome what seemed insuperable obstacles, inspired a consciousness of being something more than man. His strong original tendencies to pride and self-exalta- tion, fed and pampered by strange success and unbound- ed applause, swelled into an almost insane conviction of superhuman greatness. In his own view, he stood apart from other men. He was not to be measured by the standard of humanity. He was not to be retarded 10 no by difficulties to which all others yielded. He was not to be subjected to laws and obligations which all others were expected to obey. Nature and the human will v/ere to bend to his power. He was the child and fa- vorite of fortune, and if not the lord, the chief object of destiny. His history shows a spirit of self-exaggera- tion, unrivalled in enlightened ages, and which reminds us of an Oriental king to whom incense had been burnt from his birth as to a deity. This was the chief source of his crimes. He wanted the sentiment of a common nature with his fellow beings. He had no sympathies with his race. That feeling of brotherhood, which is developed in truly great souls with peculiar energy, and through which they give up themselves willing victims, joyful sacrifices, to the interests of mankind, was wholly unknown to him. His heart, amidst its wild beatings, never had a throb of disinterested love. - The ties which bind man to man he broke asunder. The proper hap- piness of a man, which consists in the victory of moral energy and social affection over the selfish passions, he cast away for the lonely joy of a despot. With powers, which might have made him a glorious representative and minister of the beneficent Divinity, and with natu- ral sensibilities which might have been exalted into sublime virtues, he chose to separate himself from his kind, to forego their love, esteem, and gratitude, that he might become their gaze, their fear, their wonder ; and for this selfish, solitary good, parted with peace and imperishable renown. This insolent exaltation of himself above the race to which he belonged, broke out in the beginning of his career. His first success in Italy gave him the tone of a master, and he never laid it aside to his last hour. One can hardly help being struck with the natural man- in ner with which he arrogates supremacy in his conversa- tion and proclamations. We never feel as if he were putting on a lordly air. In his proudest claims, he speaks from his own mind, and in native language. His style is swollen, but never strained, as if he were con- scious of playing a part above his real claims. Even when he was foolish and impious enough to arrogate mi- raculous powers and a mission from God, his language showed that he thought there was something in his cha- racter and exploits to give a color to his blasphemous pretensions. The empire of the world seemed to him to be in a measure his due, for nothing short of it cor- responded with his conceptions of himself; and he did not use mere verbiage, but spoke a language to which he gave some credit, when he called his successive con- quests ' the fulfilment of his destiny.' This spirit of self-exaggeration wrought its own mis- ery, and drew down upon him terrible punishments ; and this it did by vitiating and perverting his high pow- ers. First, it diseased his fine intellect, gave imagina- tion the ascendency over judgment, turned the inven- tiveness and fruitfulness of his mind into rash, impa- tient, restless energies, and thus precipitated him into projects, which, as the wisdom of his counsellors pro- nounced, were fraught with ruin. To a man whose vanity took him out of the rank of human beings, no foundation for reasoning was left. All things seemed possible. His genius and his fortune were not to be bounded by the barriers, which experience had assigned to human powers. Ordinary rules did not apply to him. He even found excitement and motives in obsta- cles, before which other men would have wavered ; for these would enhance the glory of triumph, and give a new thrill to the admiration of the world. According- 112 \y he again and again plunged into the depths of an enemy's country, and staked his whole fortune and power on a single battle. To be rash was indeed the necessary result of his self-exalting and self-relying spir- it ; for to dare what no other man would dare, to ac- complish what no other man would attempt, was the very way to display himself as a superior being in his own and others' eyes. — To be impatient and restless was another necessary issue of the attributes we have described. The calmness of wisdom was denied him. He, who was next to omnipotent in his own eyes, and who delighted to strike and astonish by sudden and conspicuous operations, could not brook delay or wait for the slow operations of time. A work, which was to be gradually matured by the joint agency of various causes, could not suit a man, v/ho wanted to be felt as the great, perhaps only, cause ; who^ wished to stamp his own agency in the most glaring characters on what- ever he performed ; and who hoped to rival by a sud- den energy the steady and progressive works of nature. Hence so many of his projects were never completed, or only announced. They swelled however the tide of flattery, which ascribed to him the completion of what was not yet begun, whilst his restless spirit, rushing to new enterprises, forgot its pledges, and left the prom- ised prodigies of his creative genius to exist only in the records of adulation. — Thus the rapid and inventive in- tellect of Bonaparte was depraved, and failed to achieve a growing and durable greatness. It reared indeed a vast and imposing structure, but disproportioned, dis- jointed, without strength, without foundations. One strong blast was enough to shake and shatter it, nor could his genius uphold it. Happy would it have been for his fame, had he been buried in its ruins ! 113 One of the striking properties of Bonaparte's charac- ter was decision, and this, as we have already seen, was perverted, by the spirit of self-exaggeration, into an in- flexible stubbornness, which counsel could not enlight- en, nor circumstances bend. Having taken the first step, he pressed onward. His purpose he wished oth- ers to regard as a law of nature, or a decree of destiny. It must be accomplished. Resistance but strengthened it ; and so often had resistance been overborne, that he felt as if his unconquerable will, joined to his matchless intellect, could vanquish all things. On such a mind the warnings of human wisdom and of Providence were spent in vain ; and the Man of Destiny lived to teach others, if not himself, the weakness and folly of that all- defying decision, which arrays the purposes of a mortal with the immutableness of the counsels of the Most High. A still more fatal influence of the spirit of self-exag- geration which characterized Bonaparte, remains to be named. It depraved to an extraordinary degree his moral sense. It did not obliterate altogether the ideas of duty, but, l)y a singular perversion, it impelled him to apply them exclusively to others. It never seemed to enter his thought, that he was subject to the great obligations of morality, which all others are called to respect. He was an exempted being. Whatever stood in his way to empire, he was privileged to remove. Treaties only bound his enemies. No nation had rights but his own France. He claimed a monopoly in perfidy and violence. He was not naturally cruel ; but when human life obstructed his progress, it was a lawful prey, and murder and assassination occasioned as little com- punction as war. The most luminous exposition of his moral code was given in his counsels to the king of 10* 114 Holland. ' Never forget, that in the situation to which my political system and the interests of my empire have called you, your first duty is towards ME, your second towards France. All your other duties, even those to- wards the people whom I have called you to govern, rank after these.' To his own mind he was the source and centre of duty. He was too peculiar and exalted, to be touched by that vulgar stain, called guilt. Crimes ceased to be such, when perpetrated by himself. Ac- cordingly he always speaks of his transgressions as of indifferent acts. He never imagined that they tarnish- ed his glory, or diminished his claim on the homage of the world. In St. Helena, though talking perpetually of himself, and often reviewing his guilty career, we are not aware that a single compunction escapes him. He speaks of his life as calmly as if it had been conse- crated to duty and beneficence, whilst in the same breath he has the audacity to reproach unsparingly the faith- lessness of almost every individual and nation, with whom he had been connected. We doubt whether history furnishes so striking an example of the moral blindness and obduracy to which an unbounded egotism exposes and abandons the mind. ' His spirit of self-exaggeration was seen in his open- ness to adulation. Policy indeed prompted him to put his praises into the mouths of the venal slaves, who ad- ministered his despotism. But flattery would not have been permitted to swell into exaggerations, now nau- seous, now ludicrous, and now impious, if, in the bosom of the chief, there had not lodged a flatterer who sound- ed a louder note of praise than all around him. He was remarkably sensitive to opinion, and resented as a wrong the suppression of his praises. The press of all countries was watched, and free states were called upon 116 to curb it for daring to take liberties with his name. Even in books published in France on general topics, he expected a recognition of his authority. Works of talent were suppressed, when their authors refused to offer incense at the new shrine. He resolved indeed to stamp his name on the literature, as on the legisla- tion, policy, warfare of his age, and to compel genius, whose pages survive statues, columns, and empires, to talj.e a place among his tributaries. We. close our view of Bonaparte's character, by say- ing, that his original propensities, released from re- straint, and pampered by indulgence, to a degree seldom allowed to mortals, grew up into a spirit of despotism as stern and absolute as ever usurped the human heart. The love of power and supremacy absorbed, consumed him. No other passion, no domestic attachment, no private friendship, no love of pleasure, no relish for let- ters or the arts, no human sympathy, no human weak- ness, divided his mind with the passion for dominion and for dazzling manifestations of his power. Before this, duty, honor, love, humanity fell prostrate. Jose- phine, we are told,, was dear to him; but the devoted wife, who had stood firm and faithful in the day of his doubtful fortunes, was cast off in his prosperity, to make room for a stranger, who might be more subser- vient to his power. He was affectionate, we are told, to his brothers and mother ; but his brothers, the mo- ment they ceased to be his tools, were disgraced ; and his mother, it is said, was not allowed to sit in the presence of her imperial son.* He was sometimes softened, we are told, by the sight of the field of battle strown with the wounded and dead. But if the Moloch • See 'America,' page 57. "We should not give this very vmamiable trait of Napoleon's domestic character, but on authority which we cannot question. 116 of his ambition claimed new heaps of slain to-morrow", it was never denied. With all his sensibility, he gave millions to the sword, with as little coihpunction as he would have brushed avvay so many insects, which had- infested his march. To him, all human will, desire, power, were to bend. His superiority, none might question. He insulted the fallen, who had contracted the guilt of opposing his progress ; and not even woman's loveliness, and the dignity of a queen, could give shel- ter from his contumely. His allies were his vassals, nor was their, vassalage concealed. Too lofty to use the arts of conciliation, preferring command to persua- sion, overbearing, and all-grasping, he spread distrust, exasperation, fear, and revenge through Europe ; and when the day of retribution came, the old antipathies and mutual jealousies of nations were swallowed up in one burning purpose to prostrate the common tyrant, the universal foe. Such was Napoleon Bonaparte. But some will say, he Avas still a great man. This we mean not to deny. But we would have it understood, that there are various kinds or orders of greatness, and that the highest did not belong to Bonaparte. There are different orders of greatness. Among these the first rank is unques- tionably due to Moral greatness, or magnanimity ; to that sublime energy, by which the soul, smitten with the love of virtue, binds itself indissolubly, for life and for death, to truth and duty ; espouses as its own the interests of human nature ; scorns all meanness and de- fies all peril ; hears in its own conscience a voice louder than threatenings and thunders ; withstands all the powers of the universe, which would sever it from the cause of freedom, and religion ; reposes an unfaltering trust in God in the darkest hour, and is ever ' ready to 117 be offered up ' on the altar of its country or of mankind. Of this moral greatness, which throws all other forms of greatness into obscurity, we see not a trace in Na- poleon. Though clothed with the power of a god, the thought of consecrating himself to the introduction of a new and higher era, to the exaltation of the charac- ter and condition of his race, seems never to have dawned on his mind. The spirit of disinterestedness and self-sacrifice seems not to have waged a moment's war with self-will and ambition. His ruling passions, indeed, were singularly at variance with magnanimity. Moral greatness has too much simplicity, is too unos- tentatious, too self-subsistent, and enters into others' interests with too much heartiness, to live an hour for what Napoleon always lived, to make itself the theme, and gaze, and wonder of a dazzled world. — Next to moral, comes Intellectual greatness, or Genius in the highest sense of that word ; and by this, we mean that sublime capacity of thought, through which the soul, smitten with the love of the true and the beautiful, es- says to comprehend the universe, soars into the heavens, penetrates the earth, penetrates itself, questions the past, anticipates the future, traces out the general and all-comprehending laws of nature, binds together by innumerable affinities and relations all the objects of its knowledge, rises from the finite and transient to the in- finite and the everlasting, frames to itself from its own fulness lovelier and sublimer forms than it beholds, dis- cerns the harmonies between the world within and the world without us, and finds in every region of the uni- verse types and interpreters of its own deep mysteries and glorious, inspirations. This is the greatness which belongs to philosophers, and to the master spirits in poetry and the fine arts. — Next comes the greatness of 118 Action; and by this we mean the sublime power of con- ceiving bold and extensive plans ; of constructing and bringing to bear on a mighty object a complicated ma- chinery of means, energies, and arrangements, and of accomplishing great outward effects. To this head be- longs the greatness of Bonaparte, and that he possessed it, we need not prove, and none will be hardy enough to deny. A man, who raised himself from obscurity to a throne, who changed the face of the world, vyho made himself felt through powerful and civilized nations, who sent the terror of his name across seas and oceans, whose will was pronounced and feared as destiny, whose donatives were crowns, whose antechamber was throng- ed by submissive princes, who broke down the awful barrier of the Alps and made them a highway, and whose fame was spread beyond the boundaries of civili- sation to the steppes of the Cossack, and the deserts of the Arab ; a man, who has left this record of himself in history, has taken out of our hands the question, whether he shall be called great. All must concede to him a sub- lime power of action, an energy equal to great effects. We are not disposed, however, to consider him as preeminent even in this order of greatness. War was his chief sphere. He gained his ascendency in Europe by the sword. But war is not the field for the highest active talent, and Napoleon, we suspect, was conscious of this truth. The glory of being the greatest general of his age, would not have satisfied him. He would have scorned to take his place by the side of Marlbor- ough or Turenne. It was as the founder of an empire, which threatened for a time to comprehend the world, and which demanded other talents besides that of war, that he challenged unrivalled fame. And here W6 question his claim. Here we cannot award him su- 119 premacj. The project of universal empire, however imposing, was not original. The revolutionary govern- ments of France had adopted it before ; nor can we con- sider it as a sure indication of greatness, when we remem- ber that the weak and vain mind of Louis XIV., was large enough to cherish it. The question is ; Did Napoleon bring to this design the capacity of advancing it by bold and original conceptions, adapted to an age of civilisa- tion, and of singular intellectual and moral excite- ment? Did he discover new foundations of power.? Did he frame new bonds of union for subjugated na- tions ? Did he discover, or originate, some common interests by which his empire might be held together .'' Did he breathe a spirit which should supplant the old national attachments, or did he invent any substitutes for those vulgar instruments of force and corruption, which any and every usurper would have used .'' Nev- er in the records of time, did the world furnish such materials to work with, such means of modelling na- tions afresh, of building up a new power, of introducing a new era, as did Europe at the period of the French revolution. Never was the human mind so capable of new impulses. And did Napoleon prove himself equal to the condition of the world ? Do we detect one origi- nal conception in his means of universal empire ? Did he seize on the enthusiasm of his age, that powerful principle, more efficient than arms or policy, and bend it to his purpose ? What did he do but follow the beaten track ? but apply force and fraud in their very coarsest forms ? Napoleon showed a vulgar mind, when he as- sumed self-interest as the sole spring of human action. With the sword in one hand and bribes in the other, he imagined himself absolute master of the human mind. The strength of moral, national, and domestic feeling, 120 he could not comprehend. The finest, and after all, the most powerful elements in human nature, hardly entered into his conceptions of it ; and how then could he have established a durable power over the human race ? We want little more to show his want of origi- nality and comprehensiveness as the founder of an em- pire, than the simple fact, that he chose as his chief counsellors Talleyrand and Fouche, names which speak for themselves. We may judge of the greatness of the master spirit, from the minds which he found most con- genial with his own. In war, Bonaparte was great ; for he was bold, original, and creative. Beyond the camp he indeed showed talent, but not superior to that of other eminent men. There have been two circumstances, which have done much to disarm or weaken the strong moral re- probation with which Bonaparte ought to have been regarded, and which we deem worthy of notice. We refer to the wrongs which he is supposed to have suf- fered at St. Helena, and to the unworthy use which the Allied Powers have made of their triumph over Napoleon. First, his supposed wrongs at St. Helena have excited a sympathy in his behalf, which has thrown a veil over his crimes. We are not disposed to deny, that an unwarrantable, because unnecessary, severity was exercised towards Bonaparte. We think it not very creditable to the British government, that it tor- tured a sensitive captive by refusing him a title which he had long worn. We think that not only religion and humanity, but self-respect forbids us to inflict a single useless pang on a fallen foe. But we should be weak indeed, if the moral judgments and feelings, with which Napoleon's career ought to be reviewed, should give 121 place to sympathy with the sufferings by which it was closed. With regard to the scruples, which not a few have expressed as to the right of banishing him to St. Helena, we can oi^ly say, that our consciences are not yet refined to such exquisite delicacy, as to be at all sensitive on this particular. We admire nothing more in Bonaparte, than the effrontery with which he claim- ed protection from the laws of nations. That a man, who had set these laws at open defiance, should fly to them for shelter ; that the oppressor of the world should claim its sympathy as an oppressed man, and that his claim should find advocates ; these things are to be set down among the extraordinary events of this extraordinary age. Truly, the human race is in a pitiable state. It may be trampled on, spoiled, load- ed like a beast of burden, made the prey of rapacity, insolence, and the sword ; but it must not touch a hair, or disturb the pillow of one of its oppressors, unless it can find chapter and verse in th6 code of national law, to authorise its rudeness towards the privileged offen- der. For ourselves, we should rejoice to see every ty- rant, vVhether a usurper or hereditary prince, fastened to a lonely rock in the ocean. Whoever gives clear, undoubted proof, that he is prepared and sternly resol- ved to make the eartli a slaughterhouse, and to crush every will adverse to his own, ought to be caged like a wild beast ; and to require mankind to proceed against him according to written laws and precedents, as if he were a private citizen in a quiet court of justice, is just as rational as to require a man, in eminent peril from an assassin, to wait and prbsecute his murderer accord- ing to the most protracted forms of law. There are great solemn rights of nature, which precede laws, and on which law is founded. There are great exigences 11 122 in human affairs, which speak for themselves, and need no precedent to teach the right path. There are awful periods in the history of our race,' which do not belong to its ordinary state, and which are not to be governed and judged by ordinary rules. Such a period was that, when Bonaparte, by infraction of solemn engagements, had thrown himself into France, and convulsed all Eu- rope ; arid they, who confound this with the ordinary events of history, and see in Bonaparte but an ordinary foe to the peace and independence of nations, have cer- tainly very different intellects from our own. We confess, too, that we are not only unable to see the wrong done to Napoleon in sending him to St. Hel- ena, but that we cannot muster up much sympathy for the inconveniences and privations which he endured there. Our sympathies in this particular are wayward and untractable. When we would carry them to that solitary island, and fasten them on the illustrious vic- tim of British cruelty, they will not tarry there, but take their flight across the Mediterranean to Jaffa, and across the Atlantic to the platform where the Duke d'Enghien was shot, to the prison of Toussaint, and to fields of battle where thousands at his bidding lay wel- tering in blood. When we strive to fix our thoughts up- on the sufferings of the injured hero, other and more ter- rible sufferings, of which he was the cause, rush upon us ; and his complaints, however loud and angry, are drown- ed i)y groans and execrations, which fill our ears from every region which he traversed. We have no tears to spare for fallen greatness, when that greatness was founded in crime, and reared by force and perfidy. We reserve them for those on whose ruin it rose. We keep our sympathies for our race, for human nature in its humbler forms, for the impoverished peasant, the wid- 123 owed mother, the violated virgin ; and are even per- verse enough to rejoice, that! the ocean has a prison- house, where the author of those miseries may be safe- ly lodged. Bonaparte's history is to us too solemn, the wrongs for which humanity and freedom arraign him, are too flagrant, to allow us to play the part of sentimen- talists around his grave at St. Helena. We leave this to the more refined age in which we live ; and we do so in the hope that an age is coming of less tender mould, but of loftier, sterner feeling, and of deeper sympathy with the whole human race. Should our humble page then live, we trust with an undoubting faith, that the uncompromising indignation with which we plead the cause of bur oppressed and insulted na- ture, will not be set down to the account of vindictive- ness and hardness of- heart. We observed that the moral indignation of many to- wards Bonaparte had been impaired or turned away, not only by his supposed wrongs, but by the unworthy use which his conquerors made of their triumph. We are told, that bad as was his despotism, the Holy Alli'- ance is a worse one ; and that Napoleon was less a scourge, than the present coalition of the continental monarchs, framed for the systematic suppression of freedom. By such reasoning, his crimes are cloaked, and his fall made a theme of lamentation. It is not one of the smallest errors and sins of the Allied Sove- reigns, that they have contrived, by their base policy, to turn the resentments and moral displeasure of men from the usurper upon themselves. For these sove- reigns we have no defence to offer. We' yield to none in detestation of the Holy Alliance, profanely so called, To us its doctrines are as false and , pestilent, as any broached by Jacobinism. The Allied MoUarchs are ad- 124 ding to the other wrongs of despots, that of flagrant ingratitude ; of ingratitude to the generous and brgye nations, to whom they owe their thrones, whose spirit of independence and patriotism, and whose hatred of the oppre_ssor, contributed more than standing armies, to raise up the fallen, and to strengthen the falling mon- archies of Europe. Be it never forgotten in the records of despqtisfn, let history record ^t on her niost durable tablet, that the first use made by the principal conti- nental sovereigns of their regained or confirmed power, was, to conspire against the hopes and rights of the nations by whom they had been saved ; to combine the military power of Europe against free institutions, against the press, against the spirit of liberty and patri- otism which had sprung up in the glorious struggle with Napoleon, against the right of the people to exert an influence on the governments by which their dearest interests were to be controlled. Never be it forgotten, that such was the honor of sovereigns, such their requi- tal for the blood which had been shed freely in their defence. Freedom and humanity send up a solemn, and prevailing cry against them, to that tribunal, where kings and subjects are soon to stand as equals. But still we should be strangely blind, if we were not to feel that the fall of Napoleon was a blessing to the world. Who can look, for example, at France, and not see there a degree of freedom which could never have grown up under the terrible frown of the usurper ? True, Bonaparte's life, though it seemed a charmed one, must at length have ended ; and we are told that then his empire would have been broken, and that the gene- ral crash, by some inexplicable process, would have giv- en birth to a more extensive and durable liberty than can now be hoped. But such anticipations seem to us 126 to be built on a strange inattention to the nature and inevitable consequences of Napoleon's poM-^er. It was wholly a military power. He was literally turning Europe into a camp, and drawing its best talent into one occupation, war. Thus Europe was retracing its steps to those ages of calamity and darkness, when the only law was the sword. The progress of centuries, which had consisted chiefly in the substitution of intel- ligence, public opinion, and other mild and, rational in- fluences, for brutal force, was to be reversed. At Bo- naparte's death, his empire must, indeed, have been dissolved ; but military chiefs, like Alexander's lieuten- ants, would have divided it. The sword alone would have shaped its future communities ; and after years of desolation and bloodshed, Europe would have found, not repose, but a respite, an armed truce, under warriors, whose only title to empire would have been their own good blades, and the weight of whose thrones would have been upheld by military force alone. Amidst such convulsions, during which the press would have been everywhere fettered, and the military spirit would have triumphed over and swallowed up the spirit and glory of letters and liberal arts, we greatly fear, that the human intellect would have lost its present impulse, its thirst for progress, and would have fallen back towards barba- rism. Let not the friends of freedom bring dishorior on themselves or desert their cause, by instituting compar- isons between Napoleon and legitimate sovereigns, which inay be construed into etilogies on the former. For ourselves, we have no sympathy with t5Tanny, whether it bear the name of usurpation or legitimacy. We are not pleading the cause of the Allied Sovereigns. In our judgment, they have contracted the very guilt against which they have pretended to combine. In our ir 126 apprehension, a conspiracy against the rights of the human race, is as foul, a crime as rebellion against the rights of sovereigns ; nor is there less of treason in war- ■ ring against public freedom, than in assailing royal pow- er. Still we are bound in truth to -confess, that the Allied Sovereigns are not to be ranked with Bonaparte, whose design against the independence of nations and the liberties of the world, in this age of civilisation, liberal thinking, and christian knowledge, is- in our esti- mation the most nefarious enterprise recorded in history. The series of events, which it has been our province to review, offers subjects of profound thought and sol- emn instruction to the moralist and politician. We have retraced it with many painful feelings. It shows us a great people, who had caught some indistinct glimp- ses of freedom, and of a nobler and a happier political constitution, betrayed by their leaders, and brought back, bj' a military despot, to heavier chains than they had broken. We see with indignation one man, a man like ourselves, subjecting whole nations to his absolute rule. It is this wrong and insult to our race which has chiefly moved us. Had a storm of God's ordination, passed over Europe, prostrating its capitals, sweeping off its villages, burying millions in ruins, we should have wept, we should have trembled. But in this there would have been only wretchedness. Now we also see debasement. To us there is something radically, and increasingly shocking, in the thought of one man's will becoming a law to his race ; in the thought of multitudes, of vast communities, surrendering conscience, intellect, their affections, their rights, their interests to the stern man- date of a fellow creature. When w^e see one word of a frail man on the throne of France, tearing a hundred 127 thousand sons from their homes, breaking asunder the sacred ties of domestic life, sentencing myriads of the young to make murder their -calling and rapacity their means of support, and extorting from nations their treas- ures to extend this ruinous sway, we are ready to ask ourselves, Is not this a dream ? And when the sad re- ality comes home to us, we blush for a race which can stoop to such an abject lot. At length, indeed, we see the tyrant humbled, stripped of power ; but stripped by those who, in the main, are not unwillirig to play the despot on a narrower scale, and to break down the spirit of nations under the same iron sway, How is it, that tyranny has thus triumphed ? that the hopes with which we greeted the French revolu- tion have been crushed? that a usurper plucked up the last roots of the tree of liberty, and planted despo- tism in its place ? The chief cause is not far to seek, nor can it be too often urged on the friends of freedom. France failed through the want of that moral prepara- tion for liberty, without which the blessing cannot be secured. She was not ripe for the good she sought. She was too corrupt for freedom. France had indeed to contend with great political ignorance ; but had not ignorance been reenforced by deep moral- defect, she might have won her way to free institutions. Her char- acter forbade-her to be free ; and it now seems strange that we Could eVer have expected her to secure this boon. How could we believe, that a liberty, of which that heartless scoiFer, Voltaire, was a chief apostle, could have triumphed ? Most of the preachers of French lib- erty had thrown oflf all the convictions which ennoble the mind. Man's connexion with God they broke, for they declared that there was no God in whom to trust in the great struggle for liberty. Human immortality, 128 that truth which is the seed of all greatness, they de- rided. To their philosophy, man was a creature of chance, a compound of matter, an ephemeron, a worm, who was soon to rot and perish forever. What insanity was it to expect, that such men were to work out the emancipation of their race ! that in such hands the hopes and dearest rights of humanity were secure ! Liberty was tainted by their touch, polluted by their breath, and yet we trusted that it was to rise in health and glory from their embrace. We looked to men, who openly founded morality on private imterest, for the sacrifices, the devotion, the heroic virtue, which Freedom always demands from her assertors. ; The great cause of the discomfiture of the late Eu- ropean straggle for liberty, is easily understood by an American, who recurs to the history of his own revolu- tion. This issued prosperously, because it was begun and was conducted under the auspices of private and public virtue. Our liberty did not come to us by acci- dent, nor was it the gift of a few leaders ; but its seeds were sown plentifully in the minds of the whole people. It was rooted in the conscience and reason of the na- tion. It was the growth of deliberate convictions and generous principles liberally diffused. We had no Paris, no metropolis, which a few leaders swayed, and which sent forth its influences^v like ' a mighty heart,' through dependent and subservient provinces. The country was all heart. The living principle pervaded the com- munity, and every village added strength to the solemn purpose of being free. We have here an explanation of a striking fact in the history of our revolution ; we mean the want or absence of that description of great men, whom we meet in other countries ; men, who, by their distinct and single agency, and by their splendid 129 deeds, determine a nation's fate. There was too much greatness in the American people, to admit this over- shadowing greatness of leaders. Accordingly the Uni- ted States had no liberator, no political saviour. Wash- ington indeed conferred on us great bfessings. But Washington was not a hero, in the common sense of that word. We never spoke of him as the French did of Bonaparte, never talked of his eagle-eyed, irre- sistible genius, as if this were to work out our safety. We never lost our self-respect. We felt that, under God, we were; to be frtje through our own courage, en- ergy, and wisdom, under the animating and guiding in- fluences of this great and good mind. Washington serv- ed us chiefly by his sublime moral qualities. — To him belonged the proud distinction of being the leader in a revolution, without awakening one doubt or solicitude as to the spotless purity of his purpose. His was the glory of being the brightest manifestation of the spirit which reigned in his country ; and in this way he be- came a source of energy, a bond of union, the centre of an enlightened people's confidence. In such a revolu- tion as that of France, Washington would have been nothing ; for that sympathy, which subsisted between him and his fellow citizens, and which was the secret of his power, would have been wanting. By an in- stinct which is unerring, we call Washington, with grateful reverence, the Father of his country, but not its Saviour. A people, which wants a saviour, which dops not possess an earnest and pledge of freedom in its own heart, is not yet ready to be free. A great question here offers itself, at which we can only glance. If a moral preparation is requir,ed for freedom, how, it is asked, can Europe evef be free ? How, under the despotisms which now crush the conti- 130 nent, can nations grow ripe for liberty ? Is it to be hoped, that men will learn, in the school of slavery, the spirit and virtues, which, we are told, can alone work out their deliverance? In' the absolute govern- ments of Europ'e, the very instruments of forming an enlightened and generous love of freedom, are bent into the service of tyranny. The press is an echo of the servile doctrines of the court. The schools and semi- naries of education are employed to taint the young mind with the maxims of despotism. Even Christianity is turned into a preacher of legitimacy, and its temples are desecrated by the abject teaching of unconditional submission. How then is the spirit of a wise and moral freedom to be generated and diffused ? We have stated the difficulty in its full force ; for nothing is gained by winking out of sight the trendendous obstacles, with which liberal principles and institutions must contend. We have not tinie at present to answer the great ques- tion now proposed. We will only say, that we do not despair ; and we will briefly suggest what seems to us the chief expedient, by which the cause of freedom, ob- structed as it is, must now be advanced. In despotic countries, those men whom God has inspired with lofty sentiments and a thirst for freedom, (and such are spread, through all Europe,) must, in their individual capacity, communicate themselves to individual minds. The cause of liberty on the continent cannot now be for- warded by the action of men in masses. But in every country there are those who feel their degradation and their wrongs, who abhor tyranny as the chief obstruc- tion of the progress of nations, and who are willing and prepared to suffer for liberty. Let such men spiread around them their own spirit, by every channel which a jealous despotism has not closed. Let them give ut- 131 terance to sentiments of magnanimity in private confer- ence, and still more by the press ; for there are modes of clothing and expressing kindling truths, which, it is presumed, no censorship would dare to proscribe. Let them especially teach that great truth, . which is the seininal principle of a virtuous freedom, and the very foundation of morals and religion ; we mean, the doc- trine, that conscience^ the voice of God in every heart, is to be listened to above all other guides and lords ; that there is a sovereign within us, clothed with more awful powers and rights than any outward king; and that he alone is worthy the name of a man, who gives himself up solemnly, deliberately, to obey this internal guide through peril and in death. This is the spirit of freedom ; for no man is wholly and immutably free but he who has broken every outward yoke, that he may obey his own deliberate conscience. This is the lesson to be taught alike in republics and despotisms. As yet it has but dawned on the world. Its full application remains to be developed. They who have been baptiz- ed, by a true experience, into this vital and all-compre- hending truth, must everywhere be its propagators ; and he who makes one Convert of it near a despot's throne, has broken one link of that despot's chain. It is chief- ly in the diffusion of this loftiness of moral sentiment, that we place our hope of freedom ; and we have a hope, because we know that there are those who have drunk into this truth, and are ready, when God calls, to be its martyrs. We do not despair, for there is a contagion, we would rather say, a divine power, in sublime moral principle. This is our chief trust. We have less and less hope from force and bloodshed, as the instruments of working out man's redemption from slavery. History shows us not a few princes, who have gained or strength- 132 ened thrones by assassination or War. But freedom, which is another name for justice, honor, and benevo- lence, scorns to use the private dagger, and wields with trembling the public sv^^ord. The true conspiracy be- fore which tyranny is to fall, is that of virtuous, eleva- ted minds, which shall consecrate themselves to the work of awakening in men a consciousness of the rights, powers, purposes, and greatness of human nature ; which shall oppbse to force, the heroism of intellect and con- science, and the spirit of self-sacrifice. We believe that, at this moment, there are virtue and wisdom enough to shake despotic thrones, were they as confid- ing as they should be, in God and in their own might, and were they to pour themselves through every channel into the public mind. We close our present labors, with commending to the protection of Alinighty God the cause of human freedom and improvement. We adore the wisdom and goodness of his providence, which has ordained, that liberty shall be wrought out by the magnanimity, courage, and sac- rifices of men. We bless him for the glorious efforts which this cause has already called forth ; for the in- trepid defenders who have gathered round it, and whose fame is a most precious legacy of past ages ; for the toils and sufferings by which it has been upheld ; for the awakening and thrilling. voice which comes to us from the dungeon and scaffold, where the martyrs of liberty have pined or bled. We bless him, that even tyranny has been overruled for good, by exciting a resistance, vphich has revealed to us the strength of virtuous prin- ciple in the human soul. We beseech this Great and Good' Parent, from whorh all pure influences proceed, to enkindle, by his quickening breath, an unquenchable love of virtue and freedom in those favored men, whom 133 he hath enriched and signalized by eminent gifts and powers, that they mqiy fulfil the high function of inspir- ing their fellow beings with a consciousness of the birth- right and destination of human nature. Wearied with violence and blood, we beseech him to subvert oppres- sive governments, by the gentle, yet awful, power of truth and virtue ; by the teachings of uncorrupted Chris- tianity ; by the sovereignty of enlightened opinion ; by the triumph of sentiments of magnanimity ; by mild, rational, and purifying influences, which will raise the spirit of the enslaved, and which sovereigns will be unable to withstand. For this peaceful revolution we earnestly pray. If, however, after long, forbearing, and unavailing applications to justice and humanity, the friends of freedom should be summoned, by the voice of God within, and by his providence abroad, to vindicate their rights with other arms, to do a sterner work," to repel despotic force by force, may they not forget, even in this hour of provocation, the spirit which their high calling demands. Let them take the sword with awe, as those on whom a holy function is devolved. Let them regard themselves as ministers and delegates of Him, whose dearest attribute is Mercy. Let them not stain their sacred cause by one cruel deed, by the in- fliction of one needless pang, by shedding without cause one drop of human blood. 12 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. PART II. In a former number of our work,* we reviewed the life and character of Napoleon Bonaparte. We resume the subject, not for the purpose of speaking more large- ly of the individual^ but that we may consider more dis- tinctly the Principle of Action which governed him, and of which he was a remarkable manifestation. Power was the idol to which Bonaparte sacrificed himself. To gain supremacy and unlimited sway, to subject men to his will, was his chief, settled, unrelent- ing purpose. This passion drew and converted into it- self the whole energy of his nature. The love of pow- er, that common principle, explains, in a great degree, his character and life. His crimes did not spring from any impulse peculiar to himself. With all his contempt of the human race, he still belonged to it. It is true both of the brightest virtues and the blackest vices, though they seem to set apart their possessors from the rest of mankind, that the seeds of them are sown in every human breast. The man, who attracts and awes us by his intellectual and moral grandeur, is only an ex- * Christian Examiner, Vol. IV. No. V. 136 ample and anticipation of the improvements, for which every mind was endowed with reason and conscience ; and the worst man has become such by the perversion and excess of desires and appetites which he shares with his whole race. Napoleon had no element of character which others do not possess. It was his mis- ery and guilt that he was usurped and abgprbed by one passion ; that his whole mind shot up into one growth ; that his singular strength of. thought and will, which, if consecrated to virtue, would have enrolled him among the benefactors of mankind, was enslaved by one lust. He is not to be gazed on as a miracle. He was a mani- festation of our own nature. He teaches on a large scale what thousands teach on a nari;ow one. He shqws us the greatness of the ruin which is wrought, when the order of the mind is subverted, conscience dethron- ed, and a strong passion left without restraint to turn every inward and outward resource to' thp accomplish- ment of a selfish purpose. The influence of theLoveof Power on human affairs is so constant, unbounded, and tremendous, that we think this principle of our nature worthy of distinct con- sideration, and shall devote to it a few pages, as a fit sequel to our notice of Bonaparte. ' The passion for power is oiie of the most universal ; nor is it to be regarded as a crime in all its forms. Sweeping censures on a natural sentiment cast blame on the Creator. This principle shows itself in the very dawn of our existence. The child never exults and re- joices more, than when it becomes conscious of power by overcoming diffculties, or compassing new ends. All our desires and appetites lend aid and energy to this pas- sion, for all find increase of gratification, in proportion to 137 the growth of our strength and influence. We ought to add, that this principle is fed from nobler sources. Power is a chief element of all the commanding quali- ties of our nature. It enters into all the higher virtues; such as magnanimity, fortitude, constancy. It enters into intellectual eminence. It is power of thought and utterance which immortalizes the products of genius. Is it strange that an attribute, through which all our passions reach their objects, and which characterizes whatever is great or admirable in man, should awaken intense desire, and be sought as one of the chief goods of life ? This principle, we have said, is not in all its forms a crime. There are indeed various kinds of power, which it is our duty to covet, accumulate, and hold fast. First, there is Inward power, the most precious of all possessions ; power over ourselves ; power to withstand trial, to bear suffering, to front danger ; power over pleasure and pain ; power to follow our convictions, however resisted by menace or scorn ; the power of calm reliance in seasons of darkness and storms. Again, there is a power over Outward things ; the power by which the mind triumphs over matter, presses into its service the subtilest and strongest elements, makes the winds, fire, and steam its ministers, rears the city, opens a path through the ocean, and makes the wilder- ness blossom as the rose. These forms of power, espe- cially the first, are glorious distinctions of our race, nor can we prize them too highly. There, is another power, which is our principal con- cern in the present discussion. We mean power over our fellow creatures. It is this which ambition chiefly covets, and which has instigated to more crime, and spread more misery than any other cause. We are not 12* 138 however to condemn even this universally. There is a truly noble sway of man over man ; one, which it is our honor to seek and exert ; which is earned by well doing ; which is a chief recompense of virtue. We refer to the quickening influence of a good and great mind over other minds, by which it brings them into sympathy with itself. Far from condemning this, we are anxious to hold it forth as the purest glory which virtuous am- bition can propose. The power of awakening, enlight- ening, elevating our fellow creatures, may, with pecu- liar fitness, be called divine ; for there is no agency of God so beneficent and sublime as that which he exerts on rational natures, and by which he assimilates them to himself. This sway over other souls is the surest test of greatness. We admire, indeed, the energy which subdues the material creation, or developes the physical resources of a state. But it is a nobler might which calls forth the intellectual and moral resources of a people, Vvhich communicates new impulses to society, throws into circulation new and stirring thoughts, gives the mind a new consciousness of its faculties, and rouses and fortifies the will to an unconquerable purpose of well doing. This spiritual power is worth all othe]-. To improve man's outward condition is a secondary agency, and is chiefly important as it gives the means of inward growth. The most glorious minister of God on earth, is he who speaks with a life-giving energy to other minds, breathing into them the love of truth and virtue, strengthening them to suffer in a good cause, and lifting them above the senses and the world. . We know not a more exhilarating thought, than that this power is given to men; that we can not only change the face of the outward world, and by virtuous discipline improve ourselves, but that we may become 139 springs of life and light to our fellow beings. We are thus admitted to a fellowship with Jesus Christ, whose highest end was, that he might act with a new and ce- lestial energy on the human mind. We rejoice to think, that he did not come to monopolize this divine sway, to enjoy a solitary grandeur, but to receive others, even all who should obey his religion, into the partnership of this honor and happiness. Every Christian, in propor- tion to his progress, acquires a nrteasure of this divine agency. In, the humblest conditions, a power goes forth from a devout and disinterested spirit, calling forth si- lently moral and religious sentiment, perhaps in a child, or some other friend, and teaching, without the aid of words, the loveliness and peace of sincere and single- hearted virtue. In the more enlightened classes, indi- viduals now and then rise up, who, through a singular force and elevation of soul, obtain a sway over men's minds to which no limit can be prescribed. They speak with a voice which is heard by distant nations, and which goes down to future ages. Their names are repeated with veneration by millions ; and millions read in their lives and Writings a quickening testimony to the greatness of the mitid, to its moral strength, to the reality of disinterested virtue. These are the true sov- ereigns of the earth. They share in the royalty of Jesus Christ. They have a greatness which will be more and more felt. The time is coming, its signs are visi- ble, when this long mistaken attribute of greatness, will be seen to belong eminently, if not exclusively, to those, who, by their characters, deeds, sufferings, writings, leave imperishable and ennobling: traces of themselves on the human mind. Among these legitimate sovereigns oi the world, will be ranked the philosopher^ who pene- 140 trates the secrets of the universe, and of the soul; who opens new fields to the intellect ; who gives it a new consciousness of its own powers, rights, and divine origi- nal ; who spreads enlarged and liberal habits of thought ; and who helps men to understand, that an ever grow- ing knowledge is the patrimony destined for them by the ' Father of their Spirits.' Among them will be ranked the statesman, who, escaping a vulgar policy, rises tOi the discovery of the true interest of a state ; who seeks without fear or favor the common good ; who understands that a nation's mind is more valuable than its soil ; who inspirits a people's enterprise, without making them the slaves of wealth ; who is mainly anx- ious to originate or give stability to institutions by which society may be carried forward ; who confides with a sublime constancy in justice and virtue, as the only foun- dation of a wise policy and of public prosperity ; and above all, who has so drunk into the spirit of Christ and of God, as never to forget, that his particular country is a member of the great human family, bound to all nations, by a common nature, by a common inter- est, and by indissoluble laws of equity and charity. Among these will be ranked, jperhaps on the highest throne, the moral and religious Reformer, who truly merits that name ; who rises above his times ; who is moved by a holy impulse to assail vicious establish- ments, sustained by fierce passions and inveterate pre- judices ; who rescues great ' truths from the corruptions of ages ; who, joining calm and deep thought to pro- found feeling, secures to religion at once enlightened and earnest conviction ; who unfolds to men higher forms of virtue than they have yet attained or conceived ; who gives brighter and more thrilling views of the per- 141 fection for which they were framed, and inspires a vic- torious faith in the perpetual progress of our nature. There is one characteristic of this power which be- longs to truly great minds, particularly deserving notice. Far from enslaving, it makes more and more free, those on whom it is exercised ; and in this respect it differs wholly from the vulgar sv/ay which ambition thirsts for. It awakens a kindred power in others, calls their facul- ties into new life, and particularly strengthens them to follow their own deliberate convictions of truth and duty. It breathes conscious energy, self-respect, moral independence, and a scorn of every foreign yoke. There is another power over men, very different from this ; a power, not to quicken and elevate, but to crush and subdue ; a power which robs men of the free use of their nature, takes them out of their own hands, and compels them to bend to another's will. This is the sway which men grasp at most eagerly, and which it is our great purpose to expose. To reign, to give laws, to clothe their own wills with omnipotence, to annihilate all other wil|s, to spoil the individual of that self-direction which is his most precious right — ^this has ever been deemed by multitudes the highest prize for competition and conflict. The most envied men are those, who have succeeded in prostrating multitudes, in subjecting whole communities, to their single will. It is the love of this power, in all its forms, which we are anxious to hold up to reprobation. If any crime should be placed by society beyond pardon, it is this. This power has been exerted most conspicuously and perniciously by two classes of men ; the priest or min- ister of religion, and the civil ruler. Both rely oil the sanie instrument; that is, pain or terror ; the first call- ing to his aid the fifesand torments of rthe future worldj 142 and practising on the natural dread of invisible powers ; and the latter availing himself of chains, dungeons, and gibbets in the present life. Through these terrible ap- plications, man has iii all ages and in almost everj country, been made^ in a greater or less degree, a slave and machine ; been shackled in all his faculties, and degraded into a tool of others' wills and paskions. TJie influence of almost every political and religious institu- tion has been to make man abject in mind, fearful, ser- vile, a mechanical repeater of opinions which he dares not try, and a contributor of his toil, swfeat, and blood, to governments which never dreamed of the general weal as their only legitimate end. On the immense majority of men, thus Wronged and enslaved, the con- sciousness of their own nature has not yet dawned ; and the doctrine, that each has a mind, worth more than the material world, and framed to grow forever by a self-forming, self-directing energy, is still a secret, a mystery, notwithstanding the clear annunciation of it, ages ago, by Jesus Christ. We know not a stronger proof of the intenseness and nefariousness of the love of power, than the fact of its having virtually abrogat- ed Christianity, and even turned irito an engine of do- minion, a revelation which breathes throughout the spirit of freedom, proclaims the essential equality of the human race, and directs its most solemn denunciations against the passion for rule and empire. That this power, which consists in force and compul- sion, in the imposition on the many of the will and judgment of one or a few, is of a low order, when com- pared with the quickening influence over others, of which we have before spoken, we need not stop to prove. But the remark is less obvious, though not less true, that it is not only inferior in kind, but in amount 143 or degree. This may not be so easily acknowledged. He, whose will is passively obeyed by a nation, or whose creed implicitly adopted by a spreading sect, may not easily believe, that his power is exceeded, not only' in kind or quality, but in extent, by him who wields only the silent, subtile influence of moral and in- tellectual gifts. But the superiority of moral to arbi- trary sway in this particular, is proved by its effects. Moral power is creative ; arbitrary power wastes away the spirit and force of those on whom it is exerted. And is it not a mightier work to create than to destroy ? A higher energy is required to quicken than to crush ; to elevate than to depress ; to warm and expand than to chill and contj-act. Any hand, even the weakest, may take away life ; another agency is required to kindle or restore it. A vulgar incendiary may destroy in an hour a magnificent structure, the labor of ages. Has he energy to be compared with the creative intel- lect, in which this work had its origin ? A fanatic of ordinary talent may send terror through a crowd ; and by the craft,. which is so often joined with fanaticism, may fasten on multitudes a debasing creed. Has he power to be compared with him, who rescues from dark- ness one only of these enslaved minds, and quickens it to think justly and nobly in relation to God, duty, and immortality ? .The energies of a single soul, awakened, by such an influence, to the free and full use of its powers, may surpass, in their progress, the intellectual activity of a whole community, enchained and debased by fanaticism or outward force. Arbitrary power, whether civil or religious, if tried by the only fair test, that is, by its effects, seems to have' more affinity with weakness than strength. It enfeebles and narrows what it acts upon. Its efficiency resembles that of 144 darkness and cold in the natural world. True power is vivifying, productive, builds up, and gives strength. We have a noble type and manifestation of it in the sun, which calls forth and diffuses motion, life, energy, and beauty." He who succeeds in chaining men's under- standings and breaking their wills, may indeed number millions as his subjects. But a weak, puny race are the products of his sway, and they can only reach the stature and force qf men by throwing off his yoke. He who, by an intellectual and moral energy, awakens kindred energy in others, touches springs of infinite might, gives impulse to' faculties to which no bounds can be prescribed, begins an action which will never end. One great and kindling thought from a retired and obscure man, may live when thrones are fallen, and the memory of those who filled them obliterated, and like an undying fire, may illuminate and quicken all future generations. We have spoken of the inferiority and worthlessness of that dominion over others, which has been coveted so greedily in all ages. We should rejoice could we convey some just idea of its moral turpitude. Of all injuries and crimes, the most flagrant is chargeable on him, who aims to establish dominion over his brethren. He wars with what is more precious than life. He would rob men of their chief prerogative and glory ; we mean of self-dominion, of that empire which is given to a rational and moral being over his own Soul and his own life. Such a being is framed to find honor and happiness in forming and swaying himself, in adopting as his supreme standard his convictions of truth and duty, in unfolding his powers by free exertion, in acting from a principle within, from his growing conscience. His proper and noblest attributes are self-government, 145 self-reverence, energy of thought, energy in choosing the right and the good, energy in casting off all other dominion. He was created for empire in his own breast, and wo, wo to them who would pluck from him this sceptre! A mind, inspired by God with reason and conscience, and capable, through these endowments, of progress in truth and duty, is a sacred thing ; more sacred than terriples made with hands, or even than this outward universe. It is of nobler lineage than that of which human aristocracy makes its boast. It bears the lineaments of a Divine Parent. It has not only a physi- cal, but moral connexion with the Supreme Being. Through its self-determining power, it is accountable for its deeds, and for whatever it becomes. Respon- sibility, that which above all things makes existence solemn, is laid upon it. Its great end is to conform it- self, by its own energy, and by spiritual succours which its own prayers and faithfulness secure, to that perfection of wisdom and goodness, of which God is the original and source, which shines upon us from the whole out- ward world, but of which the intelligent soiil is a truer recipient and a brighter image, even than the sun with all his splendors. From these views we learn, that no outrage, no injury, can equal that, which is perpetrated by him, who would break down and subjugate the hu- man mind ; who would rob men of self-reverence ; who would bring them to stand more in awe of outward authority, than of reason and conscience in their own souls ; who would make himself a standard and law for his race, and shape, by force of terror, the free spirits of others after his own judgment and will. AH excellence, whether intellectual or moral, in- volves, as its essential elements, freedom, energy, and moral independence, so that the invader of these, wheth- 13 146 er from the throne or the pulpit, invades the most sa- cred interest of the human race. Intellectual excellenpe implies and requires these. This does not consist in passive assent even to the highest truths ; or in the most extensive stores of knowledge acquired by an im- plicit faith,, and lodged in the inert memory. It lies in force, freshness, and independence of thought ; and is most conspicuously manifested by him, who, loving truth supremely, seeks it resolutely, follows the light without fear, and modifies the views of others by the patient, strenuous exercise of his own faculties. To a man thus intellectually free, truth is not, what it is to passive multitudes, a foreign substance, dormant, lifeless, fruitless, but penetrating, prolific, full of vitality, and ministering to the health and expansion of the soul. And what we have said of intellectual excellence is stUl more true of moral. This has its foundation and root in freedom, and cannot exist a moment vvithout it. The very idea of virtue is, that it is a free act, the pro- duct or result of the mind's self-determining power. It is not good feeling, infused by nature or caught by sym- pathy ; nor is it good conduct into which we have slid- den through imitation,; or whieh has been forced upon us by another's will. We ourselves are its authors in a high and peculiar sense. We indeed depend on God for virtue ; for our capacity of moral action is wholly his gift and inspiration, and without his perpetual aid this capaci- ty would avail nothing. But his aid is not compulsion. He respects, he cannot violate, that moral freedom which is his richest gift. To the individual, the de- cision of his own character is left. He has more than kingly power in his own soul. Let him never resign it. Let none dare to interfere with it. Virtue is self- dominion, or, what is the same thing, it is self-subjection 147 to. the principle of duty, that highest law in the soul. If these* views of intellectual and moral excellence be just, then to invade men's freedom is to aim the dead- liest blow at their honor and happiness ; and their worst foe is he who fetters their reason, who makes his will their law, who makes them tools, echoes, copies of himself. Perhaps it may be objected to the representation of virtue as consisting in self-dominion, that the scriptures speak of it as consisting in obedience to God. But these are perfectly cottipatible and harmonious views ; for genuine obedience to God is the .free choice and adoption of a law, the great principles of which our own minds approve, and our own consciences bind on us ; whicb is not an arbitrary injunction, but an emanation and expression of the Divine Mind ; and which is in- tended throughout to give energy, dignity, and enlarge- ment to our best powers. He, and he only, obeys God virtupusly and acceptably, who reverences right, not power ; who has chosen rectitude as his supreme rule ; who sees and reveres in God the fulness and brightness of moral excellence, and who sees in obedi- ence the progress and perfection of his own nature. That subjection to the Deity, which, we fear, is too common, in which the mind surrenders itself to mere power and will, is anything but virtue. We fear that it is disloyalty to that moral principle, which is ever to be reverenced as God's vicegerent in the ra- tional soul. - Perhaps some may fear, that, in our zeal for the free- dom and independence of the individual mind, we un- settle government, and almost imply that it is a vvrong. Far from it. We hold governnjent to be an essential means of our intellectual and moral education, and 148 would strengthen it by pointing out its legitimate func- tions. Government, as far as it is rightful, is the guar- dian and friend of freedom, so that in exalting the one we enforce the other. The highest aim of all authori- ty is to confer liberty. This is true of domestic , rule. The great, we may say the single object of parental government, of a wise and virtuous education, is, to give the child the fullest use of his own powers ; to give him inward force ; to train him up to govern himself. The same is true of the authority of Jesus Christ. He came, indeed, to rule mankind ; but to rule them, not by arbitrary statutes, not by force and men- ace, not by mere^ will, but by setting before them, in precept and life, those everlasting rules of rectitude, which Heaven obeys, and of which every soul contains the living germs. He came to exert a moral power ; to reign by the manifestation of celestial ^virtues ; to awaken the energy of holy purpose in the free mind. He came to publish liberty to the captives ; to open the prison door ; to break the power of the passions ; to break the yoke of a ceremonial religion which had been imposed in the childhood of . the race ; to exalt us to a manly homage and obedience of our Creator. Of civil government, too, the great end is to secure freedom. Its proper, and highest function is, to watch: over the liberties of each and all, and to open to a community the vvidest field for all its powers. Its very chains and prisons have the general freedom for their aim. They are just, only when used to curb oppression and wrong ; to disarm him who has a tyrant's heart, if not a tyrant's power, who wars against others' rights, who, by inva- ding property or life, would substitute force for the reign of equal laws. Freedom, we repeat it, is the end of government. To exalt men to self-rule is the end 149 of all other rule, and he who would fasten on them his arbitrary will is their worst foe. We have aimed to show the guilt of the love of pow- er and dominion, by showing the ruin which it brings on the mind, by enlarging on the preciousness of that inward freedom Which it invades and destroys. To us, this view is the most impressive ; but the guilt of this passion may also be discerned, and by some more clear- ly, in its outward influences ; in the desolation, blood- shed, and wo, of which it is the perpetual cause. We owe to it almost all the miseries of war. To spread the sway, of one or a few, thousands and millions have been turned into machines under the name of soldiers, armed with instruments of destruction, and then sent to reduce others to their own lot by fear and pain, by fire and sword, by butchery an3 pillage. And is it light guilt, to array man against his brother ; to make murder the trade of thousands ; to drench the earth with human blood; to turn it into a desert; to scatter families like chaff; to make mothers widows, and chil- dren orphans ; and to do all this for the purpose of spreading a still gloomier desolation, for the purpose of subjugating men's souls, turning them into base para- sites, extorting from them a degrading homage, hum- bling them in their own eyes, and breaking them to servility as the chief duty of life ? When the passion for power succeeds, as it generally has done, in estab- lishing despotism, it seems to make even civilisation a doubtful good. Whilst the monarch and his court are abandoned to a wasteful luxury, the peasantry, rooted to the soil and doomed to a perpetual round of labors, are raised but little above the brute. There are parts of Europe, christian Europe, in which the peasant, through whose sweat kings and nobles riot in plenty, 13* 150 seems to enjoy less, on the whole, than the untamed Indian of our forests. Chained to one spot, living on the cheapest vegetables, sometimes unable to buy salt to season his coarse fare, seldom or never tasting ani- mal food, having for his shelter a mud-vpalled hut floor- ed with earth or stone, and subjected equally with the brute to the rule of a superior, he seems to us to par- take less of animal, intellectual, and moral pleasures, than the free wanderer of the woods, whose steps no man fetters ; whose wigwam no tyrant violates ; whose chief toil is hunting, that noblest of sports ; who feasts on the deer, that most luxurious of viands ; to whom streams, as well as woods, pay tribute ; whose adven- turous life gives sagacity ; and in whom peril nourishes courage and self-command. We are no advocates for savage life. We know that its boasted freedom is a de- lusion. The single fact that human nature in this wild state makes no progress, is proof enough that it wants true liberty. We mean only to say that man in the hands of despotism, is sometimes degraded below the savage ; that it were better for him to be lawless, than to live under lawless sway. It is the part of Christians to look on the passion for power and dominion with strong abhorrence ; for it is singularly hostile to the genius of their religion. Jesus Christ always condemned it. One of the striking marks of his moral greatnfess, and of the originality of his character, was, that he held no fellowship and made no compromise with this universal spirit of his age, but withstood it in every form. He found the Jews intox- icating themselves with dreams of empire. Of the prophecies relating to the Messiah, the most familiar and dear to them, Avere those which announced him as a conqueror, and whichi w^ere construed by their world- 161 liness, into a promise of triumphs to the people from whom he was to spring. Even the chosen disciples of Jesus looked to ,him for this good. ' To sit on his right hand and on his left,' or, in other words, to hold the most commanding stations in his kingdom, was not only their lurking wish, but their open and importunate request. But there was no passion on which Jesus frowned more severely than on this. He taught, that to be great. in his kingdom, men must servie, instead of ruling, their brethren. He placed among them a child as an emblem of "the humility of his religion. His most terrible rebukes fell on the lordly, aspiring Phari- see. In his own person, he was mild and condescend- ing, exacting no personal service, living with his disci- ples as a friend, sharing their wants, sleeping in their fishing boa^t, and even washing their feet ; and in all this, he expressly proposed himself to them as a pat- tern, knowing well, that the last triumph of disinterest- edness is to forget our own superiority, in our sym- pathy, solicitude, tenderness, respect, and self-denying zeal fo? those who are below us. We cannot indeed wonder that the lust of power should be encountered by the sternest rebukes and menace of Christianity, because it wage? opeji war with the great end of this religion, which is the elevation of the human mind. No corrup- tion of this religion is more palpable and more enormous, than that which turns it into an instrument of domin- ion, and which makes it teach, that man's primary duty is to give himself a passive material into the hands of his minister, priest, or king. The subject which we now discuss is one in which all nations have an interest, and especially our own ; and we should fail of our main purpose, were we not to lead our readers to apply it to ourselves. The passion 162 for ruling, though most completely developed in despot- isms, is confined to no forms of government. It is the chief peril of free states, the natural enemy of free iiistitutions. It agitates our own country, and still throws an uncertainty over the great experirnent we are making here in behalf of liberty. We will try then, in a few words, to expose its influences and dangers, and to abate that zeal with which a participation in office and power is sought among ourselves.- It is the distinction of i republican institutions, that whjlst they compel the passion for 'power to moderate its pretensions, and to satisfy itself with more limit- ed gratifications, they tend to spread it more widely through the community, and to make it a universal principle. The doors of ofiice being opened to all, crowds burn to rush in. A thousand hands are stretch- ed out to grasp the reins which are denied to none. Perhaps in this boasted and boasting land of liberty, not a few, if called to state the chief good of a repub- lic, would place it in this ; that every man is eligible to every office, and that the highest places of power and trust are prizes for universal competition. The superi- ority attributed by many to our institutions, is, not that they secure the greatest freedom, but give every man a chance of ruling ; not that they reduce the power of government within the narrowest limits which the safe- ty of the state admits, but throw; it into as many hands as possible. The despot's great crime is thought to be, that he keeps thfe delight of dominion to himself^ that he makes a monopoly of it, whilst our more generous institutions, by breaking it into parcels, aiid inviting the multitude to scramble for it, spread this joy more wide- ly. The result is^ that political ambition infects our country, and generates a feverish restlessness and dis- 153 content, which, to , the monarchist, may seem more than a balance for our forms of liberty. The spirit of intrigue, which in absolute governments is confined to courts, walks abroad through the land ; and as individu- als can accomplish no political purposes single-handed, they band themselves into parties, ostensibly framed for public ends, but aiming only at the acquisitioh of power. The nominal sovereign, that is, the people, like all other sovereigns, is courted and flattered, and told that it can do no wrong. Its pride is pampered, its passions inflamed, its prejudices made inveterate. Such are the processes, by which other republics have been subverted, and he must be blind who cannot trace them among ourselves. We mean not to exaggerate our dangers. We rejoice to know, that the improve- ments off society, oppose many checks to the love of power. But every wise man, who sees its workings, must dread it as our chief foe. This passion derives strength and vehemence in our country from the common idea, that political power is the highest prize which society has to offer. We know not a more general delusion, nor is, it the least danger- ous. Instilled, as it is, in our youth, it gives infinite excitement to political ambition. It turns the active talent of the country to, public station as the supreme good, and makes it restless, intriguing, and unprinci- pled. It calls out hosts of selfish competitors for com- paratively few places, and encourages a bold, unblush- ing pursuit of personal elevation, which a just moral sense and self-respe6t in the community would frown upon and cover with shame. This prejudice has come down from past ages, and is one of their worst bequests. To-goyern others has always been thought the highest function on earth We have a remarkable proof of the 164 stjrength and pernicious influence of this persuaSien, in the manner in which history has been written. Who fill the page of history? Political and iniika'ry leaders, who have lived for one "end, to subdue and govern thfek fellow beings. These occupy the foreground, aM the people, the human race, dwindle into insignificance, and are almost lost behind their masters. The proper and noblest object of history, is, to record the vicissi- tudes of society, its Spirit in different ages, the cattses which have determined its progress and dfeclift'C^ and especially the manifesta,tions and growth of its hi^eit attributes and interests, of intelligeaoe^ of the tfeligi who VPCre ilo no gtense it^ rep- resentatives, whom the accident of bitth perhaps raised to influence. We hav<6 the quarrels of cistirtierS, the intrigues of cabinets, sie^s and battled, royal births and deaths, and the secrets of a palaCe, that sink of lewdness and corruption. These are the staples of history. Thfe inventions of printing, of gunpowder, and the marineif'S compass, were too mean affairs for hist?ory to tface. She was bowing before kings and warriors. She had volumes for the plots and quarrels of Leicester and Es- sex in the reign of Elizabeth, but not a page for Shak" speare ; and if Bacon had not filled an office, shifr Would hardly have recorded his name, in hef alixiety tb pre- serve the deeds and sayings of that Solbttlon of his age, James the First. We have spoken of the supreme importance vv^hich is attached' to rulers and government, as a prejlidice ; aA& we think, that something may be done towatds abat- 155 ing the passion for power, by placing this thought in a clearer light. It seems to us not very difficult to show, that to govern men is not as high a sphere of action as has been commonly supposed, and that those who have obtained this dignity, have usurped a place beyond their due in history and men's minds. We apprehend, indeed, that we are not alone in this opinion ; that a change of sentiment on this subject has commenced and must go on ; that men are learning, that there are high- er sources of happiness and more important agents in human affairs than political rule. It is one mark of the progress of society, that it brings down the public man and raises the private one. It throws power into the hands of untitled individuals, and spreads it through all orders of the community. It multiplies and distributes freely, means of extensive influence, and opens new channels, by which the gifted mind, in whatever rank or condition, may communicate itself far and wide. Through the difiusion of education and printing, a pri- vate man may now speak to multitudes, incomparably more numerous than ancient or modern eloquence ever electrified in the popular assembly or the hall of legis- lation. By these instruments, truth is asserting her sovereignty over nations, without the help of rank, of- fice, or sword ; cind her faithful ministers will become more and more the lawgivers of the world. We mean not to deny, we steadily affirm, that gov- ernment is a great good, and essential to human happi- ness ; but it does its good chiefly by a negative influence, by repressing injustice and crime, by securing property from inyasion, and thus removing. obstructions to the free exercise of human powers. It confers little positive benefit. Its office is, not to confer happiness, but to 166 give men opportunity to work out happiness for them- selves. Government resembles the wall which sur- rounds our lands ; a needful protection, but rearing no harvests, ripening no fruits. It is the individual who must choose whether the enclosure shall be a paradise or a waste. How little positive good can government confer ? It does not till our fields, build our houses, weave the ties which bind us to our families, give, dis- interestedness to the heart, or energy to the intellect and will. All our great interests arie left to ourselves ; and governments, when they have interfered with them, have obstructed, much more than advanced them. For example, they have taken religion into their keeping only to disfigure it. So education, in their hands, has generally become a propagator of servile maxims, and an upholder of antiquated errors. In like manner they have paralysed trade by their nursing care, and multi- plied poverty by expedients for its relief. Government has almost always been a barrier against which intel- lect has had to struggle ; and society has made its chief progress by the minds of private individuals, who have outstripped their rulers, and gradually shamed them in- to truth and wisdom. Virtue and intelligence are the great interests of a community, including all others, and worth all others; and the noblest agency is that by which they are ad- vanced. Now we apprehend, that political power is not the most effectual instrument for their promotion, and accordingly we doubt whether government is the only or highest sphere for superior minds. Virtue, from its very nature, cannot be a product of what may be called the direct operation of government ; that is, of legislation. Laws may repress crime. Their office is 157 m erect prisons for violence and fraud. But moral and religious worth, dignity of character, loftiness of senti- ment, all that makes man a blessing to himself and so- ciety, lies beyond their province. Virtue is of the soul, Where laws cannot penetrate. Excellence is something too refined, spiritual, celestial, to be produced by the coarse machinery of government. Human legislation addresses itself to self-love, and works by outward force. Its chief instrument is punishment. It cannot touch the springs of virtuous feelings,,-of great and good deeds. Accordingly, rulers, with all their imagined omnipo- tence, do not dream of enjoining by statute, philanthro- py, gratitude, devout sentiment, magnanimity, and purity of thought. Virtue is too high a concern for government. It is an inspiration of God, not a creature of law ; and the agents whom God chiefly honors in its promotion, are those, who, through experience as well as meditation, have risen to generous conceptions of it, and who show it forth, not in empty eulogies, but in the language of deep conviction, and in lives of purity. Government, then, does little to advance the chief in- terest of human nature by its direct agency ; and what shall we say of its indirect ? Here we wish not to of- fend ; but we must be allowed to use that plainness of speech which becomes Christians and freemen. We do fear then, that the indirect influence of government is on the whole adverse to virtue ; and in saying this, we do not tpeak of other countries, or of diflisrent polit- ical institutions from our own. We do not mean to say, what all around us would echo, that monarchy cor- rupts a state, that the air of a court reeks with infec- tion, and taints the higher classes with a licentiousness which descends to their inferiors. We speak of govern- 14 168 ment at home ; and we ask wise men to say, whether it ministers most to vice or virtue. We fear, that here, as elsewhere, political power is of corrupting tendency ; and that, generally speaking, public men are not the most effectual teachers of truth, disinterestedness, and incorruptible integrity to the people. An error prevails in relation to political concernsj which necessarily makes civil institutions demoralizing. It is deeply rooted, the growth of ages. We refer to the belief, that public men are absolved in a measure from the everlasting and immutable obligations of morality ; that political power is a prize, which justifies arts and compliances that would be scorned in private life ; that management, in- trigue, hollow pretensions, and appeals to base passions, deserve slight rebuke when employed to compass polit- ical ends. Accordingly the laws of truih, justice, and philanthropy, haVe seldom been, applied to public as to private concerns. Even those individuals, who have come to frown indignantly on the machinations, the of- fice seeking, and the sacrifices to popularity, which dis- grace our interna! condition, are disposed to acquiesce in a crooked or ungenerous policy towards foreign ^na- tions, by which great advantages may accrue to their own country. Now the great truth on which the cause of virtue rests, is, that rectitude is an eternal, unaltera- ble, and universal law, bmding at once heaven and earth, the perfection of God's character, and the har- mony and happiness of the rational crieation; and in proportion as political instituti|Ons unsettle this great convictions — in proportion as they teach that truth, jus- tice, and philanthropy are local, partial obligations, claiming homage from the weak, but shrinking before the powerful — in proportion as they thus insult the aw- 159 ful and inviolable majestj' of the Eternal Law— in the same proportion they undermine the very foundation of a people's virtue. In regard to the other great interest of the communi- ty, its intelligence, government may do much good by a direct influence ; that is, by instituting schools or ap- propriating revenue for the instruction of the poorer classes. Whether it vv^ould do wisely in assuming to itself, or in taking from individuals, the provision and care, of higher literary institutions, is a question not easily determined. But no one will doubt, that it is a noble function, to assist and develope the intellect in those classes of the community, whose hard condition exposes them to a merely animal existence. Still the agency of government in regard to knowledge is neces- sarily superficial and narrow. The great sources of in- tellectual power and progress to a people, are its strong and original thinkers, be they found where they may. Government cannot, and does not, extend the bounds of knowledge ; cannot make experiments in the labora- tory, e3?plore the laws of animal or vegetable nature, or establish the principles of criticism, morals, and religion. The energy which- is to carry forward the intellect of a people, belongs chiefly to private individuals, who de- vote themselves to lonely thought, who worship truth, who originate the views demanded by their age, who help OS to throw off the yoke of established prejudices, who improve old modes of education or invent better. It is true that great men at the head of affairs, may, and often do, contribute much to the growth of a nation's mind. But it too often happens that their station ob- structs rather than aids their usefulness. Their connex- ion with a party, and the habit of viewing subjects in reference to personal aggrandizement, too often obscure. 160 the noblest intellects, and convert into patrons of narrow views and temporary interests, tJiose, who, in other con- ditions, would have been the lights of their age, and th^ propagators of everlasting truth. — From these views of the limited influence of government on the nwst pre- cious interests of society, we learn that political power is not the noblest power, and that, in the progress of intelligence, it will cease to be coveted as the chief and most honorable distinction on earth. If we pass now to the consideration of that interest, over which government ig expected chiefly to watch, and on which it is most competent to act with power, we shall not arrive at a result very different from what we have just expressed. We refer to property, or wealth. That the influence of political institutions on this great concern is important, inestimable, we mean not to deny. But as we have already suggested, if is chiefly negative. Government enriches a people by removing obstructions to theit powers, by defending them from wrong, and thus giving them opportunity to enrich themselves. Government is not the spring of the wealth of nations, but their own sagacity, industry, enterprise, and ioxcer of character. To leave a people to themselves, is generally the best service their rulers can render. Time was, when sovereigns fixed prices and wages, regulated industry and expense, and im- agined that a nation would starve and perish, if it were not guided and guarded like an infant. But we have learned, that men are their own best guardians, that: property is safest under its owner's care, and that gene- rally speaking, even great enterprises can better be ac- complished by the voluntary association of individuals^ than by the state. Indeed, we are met at every stage of this discussion by the truth, that political power is 161 a weak engine compared with Individual intelligence, virtue, and effort ; and we are the more anxious to en- force this truth, because, through an extravagant esti- mate of government, men are apt to expect from it what they must do for themselves, and to throw upon it the blame which belongs to their own feebleness and improvidence. The great hope of society, is individual character. Civilisation and political institutions are themselves sources of not a few evils, which nothing but the intellectual and moral energy of the private cit- izen can avert or relieve. Such, for example, are the monstrous inequalities of property, the sad contrasts of condition, which disfigure a large city ; which laws cre- ate and cannot remove ; which can only be mitigated and diminished by a principle of moral restraint in the poorer classes, and by a wise beneficence in the rich. The great lesson for men to learn, is, that their happi- ness is in their own hands ; that it is to be wrought out by their own faithfulness to God and conscience; that no outward institutions can supply the place of inward principle, of moral- energy, whilst this can go fat to supply the place of almost every outward aid. Our remarks will show that our estimate of political institutions, is more moderate than the prevalent one, and that we regard -the power, for which ambition has woven so many plots and shed so much blood, as des- tined to occupy a more and more narrow space, among the means of usefulness and distinction." There is, however, one branch of government, which we hold in high veneration, which we account an unspeakable blessing, and which, for the world, we would not say a word to disparage;' and we are the more disposed to speak of it, because its relative importance seems to us little understood. We refer to the Judiciary, a depart- 14* 162 inent worth all others in the state. Whilst politicians expend their zeal on transient interests, which perhaps derive their chief importance from their connexion with a party, it is the province of the Judge to apply those solemn and universal laws of rectitude, on which the security, industry, and prosperity of the individual and the state essentially depend. From his tribunal, as from a sacred oracle, go forth the responses of justice. To us there is nothing in the whole fabric of civil insti- tutions so interesting and imposing, as this impartial and authoritative exposition of the principles of moral legislation. The administration of justice in this coun- try, where the Judge, without a guard, without a sol- dier, without pomp, decides upon the dearest interests of the citizen, trusting chiefly to the moral sentiment of the community for the execution of his decrees, is the most beautiful and encouraging aspect, under which our government can be viewed. We repeat it, there is nothing in public affairs so venerable as the voice of Justice, speaking through her delegated ministers, reaching and subduing the high as well as the low, set- ting a defence around the splendid mansion of wealth and the lowly hut of poverty, repressing wrong, vindi- cating innocence, humbling the oppressor, and publish- ing, the rights of human nature to every human being. We confess, that we often turn with pain and humiliation from the hall of Congress where we see the legislator forgetting the majesty of his function, forgetting his re- lation to a vast and growing community, and sacrificing to his party or to himself the public weal ; and it com- forts us to turn to the court of justice, where the dispen- ser of the laws, shutting his ear against all solicitations of friendship or interest, dissolving for a time every pri- vate tie, forgetting public opinion, and withstanding pub- V 163 lie feeling, asks only what is right. To our courts, the resorts and refuge of weakness and innocence, we look with hope and joy. We boast, with a virtuous pride, that no breath of corruption has as yet tainted their pure air. To this department of government, we cannot ascribe too much importance. Over this, we cannot watch too jealously. Every encroachment on its inde- pendence we should resent, and repel, as the chief wrong our country can sustain. Wo, wo to the im- pious hand, which would shake this most sacred and precious column of the social edifice. In the remarks which we have now submitted to our readers, we have treated of great topics, if not wor- thily, yet, we trust, with a pure purpose. We have aimed to expose the passion for dominion, the desire of ruling manjiind. We have labored to show the superi- ority of moral power and influence to that sway which has for ages been seized with eager and bloody hands. We have labored to hold up to unmeasured reprobation, him who would establish an empire of brute force over rational beings. We have labored to hold forth, as the enertiy of his race, the man, who, in any way, v/ould fet- ter the human mind, and subject other wills to his own. In a word, we have desired to awaken others and our- selves, to a just self-reverence, to the free use and ex- pansion of our highest powers, and especially to that moral, force, that energy of holy, virtuous purpose, with- out which we are slaves amidst the freest institutions. Better gifts than these we cannot supplicate from God ; nor can we consecrate our lives to. nobler acquisitions. ■^> REMARKS CHARACTER AND WRITINGS or FENELON. 1829. ON THE CHARACTER AND WRITINGS FENELON. Selections from the Writings of Fenelon ; with an Appendix, containing a Memoir of his lAfe. By a Lady. Boston. Hilliard, Gray, Little, and Wilkins. 1829. 12mo. pp. 2S3. We perform a very . gratifying duty, in introducing and recommending to our readers the book which stands at the head of this article. An attractive and quicken- ing work on practical religion we regard as a valuable accession to our literature. Indeed anything written with power on christian morals and theology is most welcome. It is too true, and a sad truth, that religious books are preeminently dull. If we wished to impov- erish a man's intellect, we could devise few means more effectual, than to confine him to w^at is called a course of theological reading. The very subject, to which, above all others, the writer should bring his whole strength of thought and feeling, which allies itself to our noblest faculties, to which reason, imagination, taste, and genius should consecrate their noblest efforts, is of 168 all subjects treated most weakly, tamely, and with least attraction. Of course there are splendid exceptions, but we speak of the immense majority of theological books. It is wonderful how men can think and write upon religion to so little effect. That a theme so va'fet, so sublime as Christianity, embracing God and man, earth and heaven, time and eternity, connected inti- mately with all human history, deriving lights from all human experience, admitting application to the whole of human life, and proposing as its great end the ever- lasting progress of the soul — that such a subject should be treated so monotonously as to be proverbially dull, that its professed explorers should be able to plant their footsteps so exactly in the track of their predecessors, that the boundlessness of the field should so seldom tempt an adventurous spirit from the beaten way, is wonderful, and might seem a miracle to a man unac- quainted with the vassalage which has broken down the mind in the department of teligion. It is true, that those who write on this toipic are accustomed to call it sublime ; but they make its sublimity cold and barren, like that of mountain tops wrapped in everlasting snows. We write this, not in severity, but in sorrow of heart ; for we despair of any great progress of the human character or of society, until the energies of the mind shall be bent, as they seldom have been, on those most important subjects and interests of the human mind, morals and religion.* As a striking proof of the poverty of religious litera- ture, and of the general barrenness of the intellect when employed in this field, we may refer to the small amount of original and productive thought in the English church since the days of Barrow and Taylor. Could our voice 169 be heard in England, we would ask impartial and gifted men, more familiar with their country's history than ourselves, to solve the problem, how a Protestant Es- tablishment, so munificently endowed with the means of improvement, should have done so little, in so long a period, for Christianity, should have produced so few books to interest the higher order of minds. Let not these remarks be misunderstood, as if we were wanting in respect and gratitude to a church, which, with all its defects, has been the bulwark of Protestantism, which has been illustrated by the piety and virtues of such men as Bishops Wilson, Berkeley, and Heber, and in which have sprung up so many institutions, consecrated to humanity, and to the diffusion of the christian faith. We mean not to, deny it the honor of having fostered talent in various forms and directions. Among the En- glish clergy we find profound and elegant scholars ; we find the names of those giants in ancient learning. Bent- ley and Parr, and a crowd of proficients in polite litera- ture, of whom Hurd and Jortin are honorable repre- sentatives. We speak only of the deficiency of their contributions to moral and religious science. With the exception of Clarke and Butler, we could not easily name any of the Establishment, since , the time above specified, who have decidedly carried forward the human intellect. The latter of these is indeed a great name, notwithstanding the alleged obscurities of his style, and worthy to be enrolled among the master spirits of the human race. In regard to commentators, whose func- tion, as commonly executed, holds a second rank in the- ology, the English church, since the tinie of Hammond, has produced none of much value, except Bishop Pearce. We presume that she will not lay claim to the heretical Locke, who carried into the interpretation of the scrip- 15 170 tures the same force of thought, as into the philosophy of the mind ; or to Whitby, whose strenuous Arminian- ism, as Orthodoxy would reproachingly say, tapered off into that most suspicious form of Christianity, Unitari- anism. We have not yet named two of the most illus- trious intellectual chiefs of the church, Warburton and Horsley. Their great powers we most readily own ; but Warburton is generally acknowledged to have wast- ed his mind, and has left no impression of himself on later times ; whilst Horsley, though he has given us striking, if flot judicious, sermons, in a style of unusual vigor, cannot be said to have communicated, in any re- spect, a new impulse to thought, and in biblical criti- cism, to which he was zealously devoted, he is one of the last authorities on which a sound mind would lean. To Bishops Lowth and Sherlock we cheerfully acknow- ledge our obligations ; and we question whether the lat- ter has even yet received his due praise. We have not forgotten, though we have not named, Tillotson, Seeker, and Porteus. They are all worthy of remembrance, especially Seeker, the clear and wise expounder of chris- tian ethics ; but they added little ot nothing to the stock which they receLved. It may be thought, that we have not been just to the Establishment, in passing over Paley. He has our sincere admiration. On one great topic, which indeed has been worthily treated by many of the clergy, we mean that of christian evidence, he has shed new light. By felicity of arrangement and illustration, he has given an air of novelty to old arguments, whilst he has strengthened his cause by important original proofs. His Hor