LEEVE-LODGE LATIN SERIES .O'S DE SENECTUTE BOWEN Co. BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME PROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF ilenrg W. Sage x89x -MT^ir m DATE DUE AU(r^^1395 Cornell University Library PA 6296.C2 1909 M. Tvlii Ciceronis Cato Maior de .seneetv 3 1924 026 768 592 M pl Cornell University VM Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026768592 M. TVLLI CICERONIS CATO MAIOR DE SENECTVTE EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY EDWIX W. BOWEl^ PROFESSOR IN RANDOLPH-MACON COLLEGE BOSTON, U.S.A. D. C. HEATH & CO., PUBLISHERS 1909 ■J. Copyright, 1909, By D. C. Heath & Co. k^ PREFACE This edition of the Cato Maior is based on the standard text of C. F. W. Miiller. All the critical material that has appeared since the publication of Miiller's edition has been utilized, however, in order to help the student to a more satisfactory interpretation of Cicero's famous essay oh Old Age. The variant readings are collected in a Critical Appendix at the end of the volume, where the textual criticism is to be found. 'the edition has been provided with a rather full Intror duction, in which much information is given as to the prob- able date of composition, the characters of the dialogue, the nature of the work, and its sources. It is hoped that this general information will quicken the interest of the student and enable him to acquire a better understanding of the Cato Maior. The Commentary is believed to be sufficient to explain all the more difficult points. Despite the fact that the present edition is intended primarily for students, it has not been deemed wise to reduce the notes to a mere skele- ton. However, they have been so arranged as to convey the desired information in the most convenient form. Translation — where translation was thought to be ad- visable — is regularly given first and the syntactical ex- planations follow. In the few cases where references to larger manuals seemed desirable, such references are added at the end of the note, so as to facilitate the labor of the student. This general plan has been adopted in the hope that the student may feel encouraged to read the notes by finding immediate assistance at the beginning. In addition to the German annotated editions to which I am indebted, I have found the excellent editions of Ben- iv PREFACE nett and Moore especially helpful in the preparation of the present work. It remains now to express my sincere thanks to Pro- fessor Gonzalez Lodge, of Teachers College, Columbia Uni- versity, one of the editors of the series, for the valuable criticism and suggestion he has so cheerfully given me, as well as for the laborious service in proof-reading. I wish also to express to Mr. J. M. Burton, jun., and Mr. H. V. Bounds, two of my students, and to Dr. Herbert C. Lips- comb, of the Randolph-Macon Woman's College, my hearty appreciation of their assistance so generously given. E. W. B. Ashland, Va., June 1, 1909. INTRODUCTION I. DATE OF COMPOSITION OF THE CATO MAIOR Cicero had two distinct periods of literary activity dur- ing which he produced most of his philosophical writings. The first period began about 56 b. c, after his return from exile, and continued till the year 51. To this period belong his De Oratore (written in the year 55), De Re Publica (54) and De Legibus (52) . The second period be- gan with 46 B. c, after his reconciliation with Caesar, and to this period of Cicero's creative impulse are to be assigned his now lost Hortensius or De Philosophia, sev- eral oratorical treatises, such as his Partitiones Oratorioe, the Brutus or De Claris Oratoribus, and his Orator. After the death of his beloved daughter TuUia, early in the year 45 B. c, Cicero spent the next twelve months in retire- ment, writing incessantly to console his grief, and pro- duced in rapid succession his De Consolatione, Academica, De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, Disputationes Tusca- lanoe, De Natura Deorum, Cato Maior, Loslius, Paradoxa. and De Officiis, not to mention several treatises of a rhetorical nature. These philosophical works therefore were written mostly in 45 and 44 b. c. They are all pre- served except the De Consolatione. The exact date of the composition of the Cato Maior is regarded an open question. Until recently most edi- tors assumed the spring of 44 b. c, shortly after Caesar's assassination (Ides of March), to be the correct date. But the later editors generally reject this date and are disposed to think that the essay was composed shortly before Caesar's death, possibly in January or February, 44, or perhaps in December, 45 b. c. This conclusion -w INTRODUCTION seems to be more generally accepted by conservative scholars of the present day. Arguments for the later date, i. e., after the death of Csesar, are as follows: 1. The De Divinatione with the exception of the first book is known to have been written after- the death of Csesar, and in the opening chapter of the second book tHe l^ato Maior is mentioned as having been recently written. 2. The Cato Maior is mentioned as a recent work in three letters addressed by Cicero to Atticus (AdAtt., 14, 21, 3; 16, 3, 1; 16, 11, 3). Now the earliest of these letters (Ad Att., 14, 21, 1) was written about 12 May, 44 b. c. 3. In the dedicatory introduction of the Caio Maior (§ 1) Cicero refers to troubles which weighed heavily upon him and Atticus, and it has been inferred that the troubles here alluded to were the appre- hensions Cicero entertained in regard to the course of Antony, who might undertake to avenge Caesar's murder and lay violent hands upon Cicero as privy to the assassi- nation. Hence Cicero, it is argued, was careful to make otily very vague allusions to the politics of the times. 4. The calm and serene tone that pervades the essay indi- cates Cicero's pleasure at the destruction of the tyrant who overthrew the Roman Republic and blotted out Roman liberty. In reply to the foregoing arguments and in support of the early date (i. e., before the middle of March, 44 b. c.) of the Cato Maior the following points may be noted : 1. The statement about the Cato Maior in the introduc- tion to the second book of the De Divinatione does not warrant the inference that the Cato Maior was written after the assassination of Csesar, and such a conclusion is wholly gratuitous. The words interiectus est nuper liber in quern ad nostrum Atticum de senectute misimus {De Div., 2, 3) certainly do not warrant the conclusion that the Cato Maior was composed after the death of Ca3sar. On DATE OF COMPOSITION OF THE CATO MAIOR vii the contrary, it is stated (De Div., 2, 7) that a change has taken place in Cicero's plan of literary work in conse- quence of Caesar's death, implying that Cicero will return to public life and will therefore have less time to devote to writing. This announcement at the beginning of the second book of the De Divinatione simply indicates that the first book of that treatise was probably finished be- fore the death of Csesar. Then the statement interiectus est etiam nuper liber etc. (De Div., 2, 3) shows that the Cato Maior must already have been written either before the first book of the De Divinatione, or before the second book of that work was begun. It follows therefore that the Cato Maior in either case was written before the death of Caesar. 2. The word nuper occurring in the letter Ad Att., 14, 21, 3, dated 12 May, 44 "b. c.,is so elastic in signification that it may readily mean December, 45 b. c, or January or February, 44 b. c, just as well as April, 45 b. c, which the adherents of the later date assume. This argument of itself therefore is inconclusive. But while two letters (Ad Att., 16, 3, 1 and ib., 16, 11, 3, dated respectively 17 July and 5 November, 44 b. c.) express Cicero's grati- fication that the Cato Maior has merited Atticus's ap- proval, the first letter (Ad Att., 14, 21, 3, dated 12 May, 44 B. c.) contains a suggestive passage (§ 3) which is thought to argue for the earlier date of composition. The passage reads, Legendus mihi scepius est Cato Maior ad te missus. Amariorem enim me senectus facit. Stomachor omnia. Now what was it that had embittered Cicero's Hfe? It appears from the context that the source of that disquietude was Cicero's disappointment at the turn af- fairs had taken in transferring the tyranny from Caesar to Antony, whose abuse of unlimited power gave the friends of the Republic ample ground for alarm. Cicero then felt keenly the need of that philosophic calm which he had viii INTRODUCTION written about in his Cato Maior. Hence he speaks of having repeatedly read that essay. This would indicate that the Cato Maior must have been written before Caesar's assassination ; otherwise it would hardly be pos- sible for Cicero, in a letter written less than two months after that momentous event, to mention the circumstance of his having read the essay repeatedly. 3. The allusion to the troubles which weighed so heav- ily upon Cicero and his friend Atticus, contained in the Caio Maior (§ 1), is .extremely vague and no argument can be grounded upon it. So indefinite is the passage that it may be understood to refer to the fears Cicero and Atticus entertained under Csesar's regime quite as read- ily as to those apprehensions they felt under Antony. Cicero in his Cato Maior offers some comfort of philoso- phy for the evils of the times, be those times the troublous days before Csesar's taking off when tyranny threatened to extinguish Roman liberty, or even the more turbulent period which immediately followed the assassination of the would-be monarch, when Antony boldly inaugurated his policy of self-aggrandizement. Nor does it follow that the introduction to the Cato Maior would necessarily have contained some specific allusions to Caesar's dictator- ship, as the adherents to the later date claim, because that essay was written before Caesar's death. 4. In reply to the argument that the calm and serene note of the Cato Maior indicates that the work must have been written just after Caesar's murder, it is sufficient to say that Cicero's pleasure at that event was entirely too effervescent and transient to be used as an argument. For Cicero's outburst of joy very speedily gave place to even deeper gloom than that which had settled down upon his spirit during Caesar's dictatorship, and the philosopher was again plunged into the depths of despondency and the slough of despair. The spirit of the Cato Maior is not THE PLAN AND FORM OF THE CATO MAIOR ix that of exultant joy; it is rather that of a subdued tran- quil philosophy which is prepared to make the best of whatever situation in life presents itself. Cicero here accepts with calm submission the inevitable — his en- forced retirement from public life — and devotes him- self with resignation to the field still open to him, of apply- ing the teachings of philosophy even to old age so as to rid it of its discomforts and to make its natural burdens lighter to bear. Now this was the temper Cicero exhibited before the fateful Ides of March, 44 b. c. It appears therefore that the evidence is in favor of the earlier date and tends to establish that the Cato Maior was written prior to the assassination of Caesar, perhaps by January or February, 44 b. c. Some editors have pointed out the resemblance of the arguments and illus- trations used in the Cato Maior to those in the first book ■of the Tusculan Disputations and accordingly infer that the Cato Maior must have been written shortly after the composition of the first book of the Tusculan Disputations. As that book was composed probably in the summer of 45 B. c, the date of the composition of the Cato Maior would appear to be the autumn of 45 b. c. But this can- not be proved. The evidence only warrants the prob- able conclusion that the Cato Maior was written shortly before the 15 March, 44 b. c. The work seems to have been composed rather hurriedly, if we may judge from a letter to Atticus (Ad Att., 16, 3, 1, dated 16 July, 44 b. c), in which Cicero tells him that he is sending him the Cato Maior revised in numerous passages {crebris locis). 2. THE PLAN AND FORM OF THE CATO MAIOR The Cato Maior is dedicated to Atticus, Cicero's lifelong friend, as is also the similar treatise on Friendship, the Lcclius. X INTRODUCTION The Cato Maior purports to be a dialogue which took place 150 b. c. (one year before the death of Cato), and the interlocutors are the Elder Cato, Scipio and Laelius. Scipio and Laelius meet at the house of Cato. Scipio ex- presses his surprise at Cato's cheerfulness under the bur- dens incident to old age, manifesting his admiration for Cato's vigor and cheerful disposition. Cato replies that the secret consists in following the guidance of nature. Lselius thereupon requests Cato to tell how such a happy old age may be attained. Cato accedes to the request and begins by naming several old men whose lives were use- ful and happy till death. He then reviews in detail the various indictments against old age and shows them each in turn to be without foundation in fact. The four charges which Cato refutes are: 1. Old age withdraws men from active life. 2. Old age weakens the physical powers. 3. Old age removes the capacity for enjoyment. 4. Old age involves the anticipation of death. The re- futation of this last charge leads Cato into a discussion of death, and with this discussion the essay closes. Cato is the principal speaker and Lselius and Scipio take so minor a part in the dialogue as to render it very ques- tionable whether the production can properly be called a dialogue. The work seems more of the nature of an essay than of a dialogue. The Cato Maior has only the slight disguise of dialogue. Custom prescribed this form for an essay, and Cicero made this concession to convention in almost all of his philo- sophical writings. For the dialogue was a favorite rhetorical device with the ancients when some abstruse philosophical subject was to be discussed. This species of compositiqn contributed to the clearness and force of the discussion, at the same time heightening the dra- matic interest. There were two distinct types of dialogue — the Aristo- CICERO'S METHOD xi telian and the Platonic. The type established by Aris- totle emphasized the exposition, giving but little discus- sion, and made one character conspicuous in setting forth his views in detail. In the type of dialogue prac- ticed by Plato, on the other hand, although there is one chief character (Socrates), he simply directs the discus- sion and draws out the interlocutors by a quick inter- play of question and answer. Cicero adopted the Aris- totelian method as better suited to his purpose as well as being in greater favor. The method of Plato was not popular among the Roman writers and therefore found very few followers. But Aristotle's style found a large number of imitators from Theophrastus down to Cicero. 3. CICERO'S METHOD Cicero advisedly selected Cato the Censor as the leading character in his discourse on old age, and in the opening chapter of the LcbHus (§ 4) he gives the reason for his choice. Cato was a notable example of a man who had attained to a green old age, whose influence and character challenged the esteem and admiration of the entire Ro- man world. So by speaking through the mouth of such a prominent personage of a former generation as Cato, who was the bsau ideal of a contented and useful old age, Cicero imparted additional interest and weight to his own opinions and reflections : and his philosophical arguments thus presented as the words of an eminent Roman of a by-gone age made a far stronger appeal to the practical Roman mind than the mere words of Cicero could ever have done. But it is to be observed that Cicero's method involved an idealization of his hero, — a form of hero worship which is frequent enough even in our own times. The Cato, therefore, whom Cicero portrays in his essay on old age is not the real Cato. He is not the Cato of history, xii INTRODUCTION — that uncouth, austere, narrow-minded, keen-tongued old Roman who was intensely practical and patriotic in all the relations of life. He is not that Cato of extreme prejudice and partisanship who hated the nobility and relentlessly hounded the great Africanus till he drove the conqueror of Hannibal into enforced retirement at his villa near Naples. Nor is Cicero's Cato the stern censor, the merciless castigator of manners and men, who de- lighted to accuse and degrade those high in public life, at the same time in a spirit of self-righteousness exalting by contrast his own vaunted simple, virtuous life. Cicero paints Cato as a sage deeply versed in Greek philosophy and learning (§§ 11, 23, 39, etc.). But the real Cato of flesh and blood is known to have set himself in dogged opposition to everything that smacked in the least of Greek culture and refinement. By a special, decree he even caused the famous Athenian embassy (Carneades, Critolaus and Diogenes), when they began to lecture on Greek philosophy, during their sojourn at Rome in 155 B. c, to leave the city forthwith and return home, on the alleged ground that their teaching tended to corrupt the Roman youth (Pliny, N. H., 7, 112; Plutarch, Cato, 22). The ideal Cato of Cicero was a liberal, far-seeing states- man who merged his own personal dislikes in unselfish devotion to the service of his country. The real Cato of history, on the contrary, was a devoted patriot, to be sure, but a narrow, short-sighted statesman who could never entirely subordinate his own personal animosity in his conduct as a public servant. Cicero's method of idealizing Cato is probably the result of hero worship. Cato was several generations removed from Cicero's age and was regarded among the most illustrious of the old Romans who had contributed to the upbuilding of the mighty Republic and its great prestige as a world power. This was the popular concep- CICERO'S METHOD xiii tion of Cato's character, and Cicero did not venture to shatter an accepted ideal, or to dispel the illusion. It is evident that Cicero was not critical in the composition of his Caio Maior. Moreover, it is not improbable that there was some political reason for his idealization of Cato. For Cicero was himself, no doubt, disgusted with the political situation which existed at Rome at that time. Csesar was endeavoring to usurp all power and make himself supreme, — a circumstance which was a source of untold distress to the supporters of the repub- lican form of government. Perhaps it was this reason that led Cicero to hark back to the good old times of the RepubUc and to select as the leading character of his dialogue a statesman of that golden age, who exemplified in his conduct the ideal Roman virtues of simplicity, unwavering devotion to principle and unquestioned patriotism. Cicero chose Cato as the representative states- man of that age just as he had previously made Afri- canus the Younger the chief character inliis De Re Publica and as he later made Lselius the hero of his essay on friend- ship. Now in portraying Cato as the representative states- man of the period of the Punic War, which is set forth in sharp contrast with his own existing age, Cicero was naturally enough tempted to exaggerate the virtues of his hero and to be rather blind to his faults. But the political purpose of the Cato Maior is not made obtrusive; it is rather held in abeyance. The ostensible purpose of the essay, it is true, was the application of the principles of philosophy to the relief of the increasing burdens of old age. The dialogue therefore is primarily and really a treatise on ethics. The author himself acknowledges the genuine comfort he derived from the arguments brought forward in the essay, and in the dedi- cation he expresses the hope that Atticus may likewise derive benefit from the discourse. There is no reason xiv INTRODUCTION to doubt Cicero's sincerity in his expressed wish. Fur- thermore, we learn from his letters (Ad Att., 16, 3, 1 ; 16, 11, 3; 14, 21, 3) that Atticus did find the Cato Maior a source of comfort to him in those troublous political times and acknowledged his debt of gratitude to Cicero for the composition of the essay. 4. THE SOURCES OF THE CATO MAIOR The Cato Maior, like all of Cicero philosophical writings, is based on Greek originals to a greater or less extent. For, after all, Cicero's purpose was simply to interpret Greek philosophy to the Roman world, and he was himself in no sense a philosopher by instinct. This is evident from the fact that he devoted himself to philosophy only after his enforced retirement from political life. Yet he accom- plished a vast deal in his self-assumed r61e of interpreter of Greek philosophy to the Roman mind. Incidentally he placed the Romans under lasting obligation to him for his valuable s,ervice in enriching the Latin tongue by the creation of a philosophical vocabulary, — an enrichment by which not only all the Rorhanic languages, but also our own English speech has greatly profited. For during the Middle Ages when these several languages were developing and extending their respective spheres of in- fluence, Cicero was recognized by the learned world as the leading exponent of Greek thought and learning, and scholars eagerly studied his works and their native tongues were enriched not a little by his philosophical vocabulary. But to be more explicit, Cicero drew chiefly upon Xenophon's CEconomicus, of which § 59 and §§ 79-82 of the Cato Maior are almost a literal translation. He also made drafts upon Plato's Phaedo (67 D), Cratylus (400 C), Phaedrus (245 C seq.), as for example §§ 77 and 78 of the Cato Maior setting forth the doctrine of the divine origin CATO , XV and destiny of the soul. The conversation in the early- part of the dialogue {Cato Maior, §§ 4-8) bears a close resemblance to the dialogue between Socrates and Ce- phalus in the opening of Plato's Republic. It cannot be affirmed that there was any specific Greek treatise on old age upon which Cicero based his Cato Maior, or which he used as a model. It is true, however, that he does make cursory mention {Cato Maior, § 3) of Aristo Ceus's work on old age, but as the writings of that peripatetic philosopher have all long since perished, it cannot be established that Cicero made use of that treatise. Nor can it be proved that Cicero was indebted to Theophrastus or Demetrius Phalereus, each of whom wrote a formal discourse on old age. Yet it is quite prob- able that Cicero made use of some Greek work on old age which he took as his model, adapting the arguments and examples to his own purpose, although this cannot be definitely determined. 5. CATO Marcus Porcius Cato was born at Tusculum in Latium, not far from Rome, in the year 234 b. c.^ His family was plebeian and owned a small patrimony in the rocky Sabine country, where Marcus Porcius passed his boy- hood, engaged in hard work on the farm.^ The Sabines were a people of severe simplicity of manners, and among 1 Livy (.39, 40, 12) and Plutarch {Colo, 15, end) speak of Cato as 90 years old at the time of his death, which would argue for 239 as the date of his birth. The date of Cato's death, 149 B. c, is well attested by Cicero (Brutus, 61 and 80, Cato Maior, 14), Pliny (N'. H., 29, 15, DC V anno urbis nostrae . '. . LXXXV suo) and Velleius Paterculus (1, 12, Ante triennium quam Carthago deleretur M. Cato perpetuus dlcendae eius auctor L. Censorino, M. Manitio consulibus mortem obiit). It appears from the evidence then that 234 B. c. ia the date of Cato's birth. 2 Festus, p. 281 M, says, Cato in ea quam scribit de suis virtutibus contra Thervfium : Ego lam aprincipio in parsimonia atque m duritia atque mdustria omnem adolescentiam meam abstinui agro colendo, saxis Sabinis, siticibus repas- tinandis, atque conserendis. xvi INTRODUCTION them Cato, no doubt, imbibed as a boy that love of the austere virtues which he practiced throughout his, long life. He delighted to return to his farm during his fur- loughs, or when not occupied with public business, and with eagerness and alacrity he would enter into the simple rustic life. As to his personal appearance history is silent except that Plutarch {Cato, 1) remarks upon his red hair and grey-green eyes.' As for his education it may be assumed that he received the best that his provincial town afforded, but there is no evidence that he went to Rome to complete his education. His boyhood was passed in the peaceful interval between the First and Second Punic Wars.^ Cato entered upon his career as a soldier early in the Hannibalic war, after the defeat at Lake Trasimenus in 217 B. c, when he was seventeen years old (Nepos, Caio, 1,2; Plutarch, Cato, 1). There is every reason to believe that he saw hard service as a private. The first action in which he is thought to have been engaged was the cam- paign of Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator against Hannibal in Campania, in 214 b. c. {Cato Maior, § 10). Cato enter- tained only the highest esteem for his commander as a man and statesman and refers to his record with admiring approval. Plutarch {Cato, 1) speaks in terms of com- mendation of Cato's military service and we may readily believe that as a soldier Cato acquitted himself with credit in whatever campaigns he served. By dint of his own manly character Cato early won the esteem and friendship of the eminent statesman M. Valerius Flaccus, who was of the same poHtical school as the conservative Fabius Cunctator. It was through the in- 1 Plutarch (cap. 1) quotes the epigram in reference to Cato: "Ked-haired, grey-eyed, savage-tusked as well, Porcius will find no welcome e'en in hell.'* li For a more detailed sketch of Cato, see Oskar Jager, Marcus Porcius Cato, Gijtersloh, 1892, Cortese, De M. Porct Catonis vita, etc., Savona, 1882. CATO xvii fluence of these two powerful patrons that Cato was pro- moted from the ranks to the military tribuneship under Marcellus in Sicily, in 214 b. c. (Nepos, Cato, 1, 2). He served under Fabius at the fall of Tarentum, in 209 b. c. (Cato Maior, 10), and also under C. Claudius Nero, two years later, at the battle at the Metaurus in which he achieved great distinction as a soldier (Nepos, Cato, 1, 2). This battle was memorable as the battle in which Hasdru- bal, the brother of Hannibal, was defeated by Livius Sali- nator and Claudius Nero, and Cato, despite his fatigue from Nero's forced marches from Apulia to Umbria, contributed no insignificant part to the famous victory. In 204 B. c. Cato was made quaestor, which was the first step in his political career. The fact that as a novus homo, without the aid of family influence or fortune, he forged his way to the front and attained to this office at the age of thirty, is altogether to his credit and proves that he, like Cicero later, felt the stirrings of an early .ambition to make his name illustrious. Cato had already acquired an enviable reputation as an orator, first in the provincial courts and later in Rome. Plutarch (Cato, 2) says that Cato, at the age of 30, had won such a name for himself as a speaker that he was spoken of as "the Roman Demosthenes." It was probably the influence of his powerful patron and life-long friend L. Valerius Flaccus that helped to elevate Cato to the first post in his politi- cal career (cf. Plutarch, Cato, 3). For Flaccus owned an estate near Cato's Sabine farm and no doubt early became interested in this young man of such unusual promfse, rendering him freely the aid of his counsel as opportunity offered. It is not known just when Cato removed from Tusculum to Rome, but it was evidently prior to his election to the qusestorship. As quaestor he was assigned to duty on the staff of Scipio, then in Sicily, on his way to Africa. xviii • INTRODUCTION The appointment, however, was not happy because the quaestor and consul were so diametrically opposite in taste and temperament that Cato and Scipio could find but little congeniality in their official relations (Plutarch, Cato, 11). Moreover, Cato was associated with the party in the Roman senate that was opposed to Scipio and that preferred charges of excessive cruelty against his command in Southern Italy (Plutarch, Cato, 3). It is not surprising therefore that Cato saw much to com- plain of and censure in Scipio's prodigal habits as com- mander of the Roman army in Africa (Livy, 29, 19, 11-12). This was the beginning of the life-long enmity between Cato and Scipio (Nepos, Cato, 1, 3). Cato was allowed to return to Rome, coming by way of Sardinia, and he brought with him the poet Ennius (Nepos, Cato, 1, 4). It is not established whether Cato sailed from Sicily or from Africa, but the evidence favors the latter, since he certainly sailed to Africa with Scipio's fleet (Livy^ 29, 25, 10). In 199 B. c. Cato was elected plebeian aedile (Nepos, Cato, 1, 4) and he administered the office with character- istic severity. The following year he was chosen praetor and given Sardinia as his province. His administration of that province was of course severe, but at the same time in sharp contrast with the lavish and corrupt precedent set by former governors (Livy, 32, 27, 3-4). Yet Plu- tarch {Cato, 6) tells us that the provincials were pleased because Cato maintained a strict discipline over the troops and kept his lynx eye on the extortionate money- lenders and all other violators of the law, and was not accompanied by a 'vast retinue of attendants in his offi- cial visits through the province. It is related that his retinue as prastor representing the great Roman Republic consisted of one lone servant. In 195 B. c. Cato entered upon office as consul with his CATO xix friend Valerius Flaccus as colleague. Among his first services as consul Cato endeavored to prevent the re- peal of the Oppian law (passed during the gloomy times of the Second Punic War), which made extravagance in dress and feminine adornment a criminal offense. De- spite Cato's vigorous speech and his strong plea for sim- plicity, economy and frugality (Livy, 34, 1-8), the law was repealed, but only after a great demonstration on the part of the Roman matrons. Cato succeeded in carry- ing the lex Porcia designed to protect the provincials from extortion by unjust officials (cf. Corpus Inscrip- tionum Latinarum, 1, 204; ii, 1. 16). It fell to his lot as consul to pacify affairs in the two provinces of Spain. Accordingly, setting out from Rome with five servants as his retinue to take command of the consular army in Spain,' he soon arrived on the scene of action and sent back home most encouraging reports of his success as a general. He displayed marked ability and courage in this campaign and succeeded in reducing the entire province — both Hispania Citerior and Hispania Ulterior — to peace and order (Livy, 34, 13, 8; ih., 14-16; Plutarch, Cato, 10). He maintained rigid discipline in the army and practiced the strictest economy in his expenditures, at the same time giving careful attention to increasing the revenues of the State from the mines and other public properties. All the captured goods of the enemy went to swell the exchequer, not to the personal aggrandize- ment of the general and his legions. The result was, when Cato returned to Rome to celebrate his triumph, immense quantities of gold and silver bullion and of money were exhibited in the procession through the streets of the city, and substantial sums of money were distributed as gifts 1 It is related that Cato left his house with onl}' three servants for his jour- ney, but on arriving at the Forum, he reflected tliat his retinue was hardlj' worthy of a Roman consul, and so he bought two more slaves on the spot (Val. Max., 4, 3, H; Plut., Cato, 4; Apul., Apal., 17). XX INTRODUCTION among the soldiers who had helped their leader to achieve his triumph (Livy, 34, 46, 2 ; Plut., Cato, 11 ; Nepos, Cato, 2, 1). It proved a great triumph and fitly signalized Cato's brilliant consulship. After this achievement Cato returned to private life, spending a good part of his time, as we may suppose, on his Sabine farm. On the outbreak of the war against Antiochus, the stern old Roman offered 'his services, along with his friend Valerius Flaccus, to his country and accepted the humble commission as tribune of the sol- diers, under the command of Manius Acilius Glabrio, the consul of the year 191 b. c. (cf. Cato Maior, 32 ; also Plut., Cato, 12).' Cato conducted a division of the army over the mountains, through the pass at Thermopylae, along the historic route followed by the Persians centuries be- fore, and attacked the rear-guard of Antiochus, utterly routing the entire army of the enemy. Thus by a daring feat Cato helped to win the notable battle of Thermopylse, which compelled Antiochus to retire from Greece (Livy, 36, 18, 8; Plut., Cato, 13-14). Cato was thereupon de- spatched to Rome to carry the glad tidings of the victory and he made the journey in a remarkably short time. Plutarch {Cato, 14) says that the trip from Brundisium to Rome was made in five days. This was probably the last expedition in which Cato engaged. From this time to the end of his life he figured as one of the leading char- acters in the arena of Roman politics. Cato had hardly settled in Rome before he began to interest himself in politics. He began in the conventional way by attacking certain abuses in pubhc affairs. The custom had long been established for the magistrates to seek lucrative posts of honor as governors of provinces. Most of these provincial governors were corrupt and bent * Livy (36, 17, 1) says that Cato was consularis lerjatus^ which statement conflicts with the foregoing. But see Frontinus, Strat., 2, i, 4. CATO xxi on self-aggrandizement, and they did not hesitate to exasperate the long-suffering provincials to the point of rebellion and then suppress the mimic war, simply in order to have the senate decree them a triumph in honor of a sham victory alleged to have been won by Roman valor. Cato saw in such practices a flagrant abuse of privilege and resolved to correct it. Accordingly, in the year 190 b. c. he vigorously opposed the proposal to grant a triumph to Q. Minucius Thermus and carried his point, the senate refusing to grant the triumph. In the following year, Cato as a candidate for the censorship with his colleague Valerius Flaccus appeared as a witness against his recent commander M'. Acilius Glabrio (who was now his rival for office), who was charged with mis- appropriation of money during his expedition in Thessaly ; and Glabrio was forced to retire from the field as a can- didate (Livy, 37, 57, 10; Jordan, p. 45, Cato's speech against Glabrio). After all, however, Cato and Flaccus were defeated and Marcellus and Flaminius were the successful candidates. Nothing daunted by this defeat, Cato continued his reform work in politics. He spoke against the proposal to grant a triumph to the two consuls of the year 189 b. c, M. Fulvius Nobilior and Cn. Manlius Vulso. Nobilior, it is true, had won a few minor victories from the .iEtolians; but Vulso had actually exceeded the authority of his office in making war upon the Gauls of Asia Minor with- out the approval or consent of the Roman senate. Yet Cato's opposition was unavailing to deprive these con- suls of their meed of honor, and a triumph was granted them by the senate. But notwithstanding the defeat of his reform measures, Cato was growing more and more influential in the State, and as representative of the popular party he was des- tined soon to become the recognized leader of the oppo- xxii INTRODUCTION sition to the aristocratic rule. He next ventured to select the Scipios as the objects of his drastic reform measures, and upon them he made a bitter attack. The charge was made in the senate that L. Scipio Asiaticus had misap- propriated pubHc money during his campaign against Antiochus. The great Africanus was also involved, and Cato made a virulent attack upon him. The trial lasted almost two years (187-185 b. c), and the result of the matter was that Lucius Scipio (Asiaticus) had to pay an enormous fine and Africanus withdrew from Rome. Africanus retired to his country estate near Liternum, in the vicinity of Naples, where he spent the brief residue of his days, and never again returned to Rome (Livy, 38, 53, 8; 38, 54, 11 ; Plut., Cato, 15). Livy (38, 54, 1) speaks of Cato as entertaining an inveterate animosity toward Africanus and characterizes his merciless nagging, as barking at Scipio's greatness (Quint., 8, 6, 9). Thus Cato at last gloated over his illustrious victim and forced the famous conqueror of Hannibal into voluntary exile. Cato now stood for the censorship again, and this time was successful, with Valerius Flaccus his colleague. From 184-183 Cato filled this important office with which his name was ever afterward to be inseparably asso- ciated in Roman history. Flaccus lent all the authority and influence at his command to render Cato's trenchant reform of manners and morals a thorough success (Livy, 39, 41, 4). On entering upon office Cato resolved to hew to the line, no matter where the chips fell. He first sig- nalized his administration by dropping seven senators from the list (Livy, 39, 42, 5-7) — among them L. Quinc- tius Flaminius an ex-consul and brother of the distin- guished Flaminius and the ex-praetor Manilius (Cato Maior, 42). He appointed his colleague Valerius Flaccus leader of the senate in place of Scipio Africanus (Livy, 38, 56, 1; also 39, 52, 1). He endeavored'to keep down CATO xxiii extravagance by Increasing the tax on articles of luxury; he looked carefully after the public works and did not allow the contractors to exact too great a margin of pro- fit. He farmed out all the public revenues, to the highest bidder. He denounced the degeneracy of the times in nu- merous speeches and strove to win the nation back to the old paths of plain and austere manners and simple living. As a result Rome was placed under obligation to Cato's censorship for many civic improvements including better harbor facilities, superior sewerage system, more abun- dant water supply and more equable distribution of public utilities. Moreover, Cato inaugurated a new era of municipal art decoration by erecting the first exchange building at Rome — the Basilica Porcia, located near the senate house adjoining the Forum — and various other public improvements (Livy, 39, 44, 7; Plut., Cato, 19). His example stimulated his successors and so the city was subsequently embellished with additional basilicas, thus greatly enhancing the architectural beauty of ancient Rome. At the conclusion of his tenure of the censorship Cato delivered a speech reviewing his services to the State and the public improvements he had made in the city; and a statue ' of the famous censor (henceforth styled "censonits") was erected in the temple of Salus, with an inscription dwelling in detail upon his achieve- ments as a reformer of the manners and customs of the Roman people (Plut., Cato, 19). But Cato's reforms were not all destined to be per- manent and lasting. He was soon compelled to experience the chagrin of witnessing some of his senatorial victims rise to positions of great prominence and receive the flat- tering attentions of public favor. Luxury and extrava- 1 Up to this time Cato had alwa}-s affected to despise statues, affirming that he preferred to live in the memory of his people and to have men ask win' no statue was erected to him rather than why he had a statue (Plut., loc. cit.; Ammian., 14, 6, 8). xxiv INTRODUCTION gance had only been checked for a brief period by the vigilance of the austere censor, and after his retirement from power they again manifested their presence in a variety of ways. For the new fashion of luxurious living which ScipiQ had introduced from the East had come to be recognized as an essential part of Roman civilization. Even Cato himself must have realized in his opposition thereto that he was following a forlorn hope, and fighting a losing battle, though he won a nominal victory. Cato, after his retirement from the censorship, contin- ued to hold his place as the leader of the opposition to the senatorial oligarchy. He supported a number of measures intended to curb bribery, individual extravagance and the dissipation of family property, such as the lex Orchia, the lex Baebia de amhitu and the lex Furia and the lex Voconia. He never failed to champion the cause of the provinces whenever they were oppressed by corrupt and immoral governors, and such men he invariably de- nounced in most vehement and scathing language. In the year 171 b. c. he served on a commission of five to prosecute certain ex-praetors who were guilty of malfea- sance of office in Spain (Livy, 43, 2, 5). He was most in- fluential in the senate in shaping the foreign policy of the Republic. In 167 b. c. he ardently espoused the cause cf the Rhodians and saved them from severe punishment when probably the Romans had just reasons for meting out to that feeble nation the full penalty their alleged of- fense called for (Livy, 45, 25, 2-3). He stoutly opposed the annexation of Macedonia at the conclusion of the Third Macedonian War and his counsel prevailed. Cato was recognized as the uncompromising enemy of Greek culture and learning.' It excites but little surprise therefore that he expressed much concern at the favor- 1 Jordan, p. 2T, thinks Cato, however, did not despise the Greelj nation as a whole. CATO XXV able reception accorded the famous Athenian embassy of philosophers — Carneades, Critolaus and Diogenes — on the occasion of their visit to Rome in 155 b. c, and that, moreover, he exerted his utmost influence to have them leave the city forthwith lest they corrupt the Ro- man youth by their new doctrine (Plut., Cato, 22; Pliny, N. H., 7, 112'). Cato was likewise an implacable enemy of Carthage. So, when about 153 b. c, the relations between that great rival power and Rome were strained almost to the acute stage and the Roman senate despatched an embassy to Africa to report upon the condition of Car- thage, Cato was selected for the mission,^ and since he saw in Carthage's supremacy upon the Mediterranean a con- stant menace to Rome's increasing influence, he advo- cated on his return from Africa the utter destruction of that prosperous nation. It is a familiar story that Cato made a stirring speech in the Roman senate, closing with the words ceterum censeo delendam esse Carthaginem (Plut., Cato, 27; Pliny, A'^. H., 15, 74), and that whenever thereafter he had occasion to speak in that body, he in- variably added these words at the end of his speech.' But Publius Scipio Nasica, the son-in-law of Africanus and the able exponent of the policy that noble Roman stood for, it is alleged, always advocated the opposite sentiment, pointing out that the Romans might grow insolent and indifferent as a result of their prosperity (see quotation from Florus below). It need hardly be 1 Pliny, N. ff., 7, 112, Cato censnrius in ilia nohili trium sapientiae procet'um ab Athenis legatione audita Cartieade quam primum legatos eos cen- suit dimittendos quomam illo viro argumentante quid veri esset haud facile dis- cerni posset. Cf. also De Orat., 2, 155 seq. ; Ad Att., 12, 23, 2; Acad., 2, 137, etc. 2 Jager, Marcus Porcius Cato, pp. 68-fi9, discredits tile legend of Cato's bringing back and exhibiting in the senate a couple of fresh figs as indicat- ing Carthage's nearness to Rome and is disposed to regard the entire story as legendary. 8 hiyy, Per., 48-49 ; Florus 1, 31 (= 2, 15), Cato inexpiabili odio delendam esse Carthaginem et cum de alio consuleretur, pronuntiabat, Scipio Nasica servan- dam, ne metu ablato aemulae luxuriari felicitas urbis inciperet. xxvi INTRODUCTION remarked that Cato's advice was ultimately followed and Carthage was blotted out in 146 b. c, thoughthe rugged old Censor never lived to see the day. Among Cato's last public acts was the prosecution of Ser. Sulpicius Galba, who, it was alleged, had violated his pledge to the Lusitanians and treated them with ex- cessive cruelty (Livy, Per., 49; Cicero, Brutus, 89; Plut., Cato, 15). This activity of Cato's in the pubHc service was in the year 149, when he was over four score years old and his faculties were naturally somewhat impaired. Yet such was the old Censor's influence as a prosecutor that Galba, though rated by Cicero the foremost orator of that age {Brutus, 82), surrendered his case, commend- ing himself to the mercy of the people {ih., 90). Cato retained his vigor and activity as a public man to the very end, dying in 149 b. c, at the ripe old age of 85. He had passed through stormy times and had made for him- self many enemies by his keen tongue, his rough wit, his personal acrimony, and his self-trumpeted austerity. He had attacked many a man in public life and was him- self, in turn, accused 44 times (Pliny, A^. H., 7, 100, quater et quadragiens, cf. Val. Max., 3, 7, 7), but was invariably vindicated. Even in his eighty-first year he was arraigned on a public charge, when he complained of the difficulty of defending himself before another generation (Plut., Cato, 15). A man of striking personality, he made a deep and abiding impression upon his own age and left be- hind him a memory and a record which posterity cherished among the most valuable heritages from those early times when Rome was but little more than an Italian state. 6. CATO'S WRITINGS Notwithstanding Cato's ceaseless and varied political activities from the close of his military career to the end of his life, he seems to have found no little time to devote CATO'S WRITINGS xxvii to literature. His writings were held in high esteem by the following generations. His speeches were numerous and are reputed to have been read even down to the fourth century of the Christian era. The Emperor Ha- drian, according to his biographer Spartianus (Hadr., 16, 6), professed to prefer Cato's orations to Cicero's, but we may presume that this was a mere affectation. Cicero himself, however, was free to acknowledge his profound admiration of Cato's style and tells us {Brutus, 65) that more than 150 of Cato's orations were extant in his day. Fragments of eighty-four others have been pre- served (Jordan, p. 33 seq.). Cato's magnum opus was his Origines, which is said to have engaged his attention for at least twenty years. This work contributed much to its author's fame and enjoys the. distinction of being the first Roman history written in the Latin language. It really marks the begin- ning of Latin prose. Cato's predecessors in the field of history were mere compilers — annalists — who chronicled the important events of each year and wrote their chron- icles in Greek, and not good Greek at that. Cato, who was intensely patriotic and cordially hated everything Greek, made a radical departure from the traditional practice no less in the medium than in the style and method of his history. So rejecting the current vogue of the annals of his day, he determined to make his work a genuine his- tory of Rome based on the results of painstaking in- vestigation into the sources, and accordingly he entitled it Origines. This work is not extant. According to Nepos's summary (Cato, 3 seq.), the Ori- gines comprised the history of Rome from the beginning down to the year 150 b. c, in seven books. But the scope of the work included other Italian -cities as well as Rome. Indeed, of the first three books only the first is devoted to Rome, the second and third treating of other Italian xxviii INTRODUCTION cities. The fourth book contains the history of the First Punic War and of the Second, down to the battle of Cannse. The fifth book concluded that war and brought the history of Rome down to the conquest of Macedonia, while the two remaining books dealt with the subsequent events down to the year 150 b. c, with which the work ends. Cato incorporated a number of his speeches into the sixth and seventh books. There is a tradition that he passed over certain periods of Roman history with very slight notice and utterly disregarded the period from the expulsion of kings in 509 to the year 266 b. c. Another striking feature of the Origines which critics commented upon was Cato's failure in his account of the Punic wars to mention the names of the commanders in the various battles described (Nepos, Cato, 3, 4 '). No doubt the work had some glaring defects as a result of its author's idiosyncrasies. Yet it was highly esteemed by the later Roman historians as an authoritative account of the early period of Roman history. Unlike the Origines, Cato's treatise on agriculture, de Agri Cultura or de Re Rustica, has been preserved. It was the first book of its kind written in Latin and was not in imitation of the existing Greek models. It was an original work dealing with almost every conceivable subject pertaining to farming and it made no claim to order or logical sequence. It is a collection of maxims and suggestions about farming, which Cato pursued with ab- sorbing interest and pleasure. The book gives a promi- nent place of course to the olive and the vine as staples. It also contains all sorts of receipts, remedies for diseases, incantations, superstitions, estimates, contracts, direc- tions for buildings and a variety of other matters not re- ^ Nepos, Cato, 3, 4, atque horum bellorum duces non nominavit, sed sine nominibus res notavit. Gellius, 3, 7, quoting from Cato, uses such expressions as imperator Poenm, consul, tribunus. Cf . Jordan, p. 18 seq. CATO'S WRITINGS xxix lated to farming. As might be expected, Cato lays stress on the expense account, enjoining strict attention to put agriculture on a paying basis. Cato furthermore composed a kind of encyclopedia intended for the instruction of his son ^ — Prcecepta ad Filium (Plut., Cato, 20; Jordan, pp. 78-79) — and a col- lection of wise saws treating of ancient customs — Car- men de Moribus (Gellius, 11, 2; Jordan, pp. 82-83) — and still another collection of witty sayings culled from Greek and Roman sources, which he called by the Greek title 'KirodiyiixLTa (Plut., Cato, 2 ; Cic, de Off., 1, 104 ; Jordan, p. 83). Plutarch {Cato, 8, 9) records a few selections from Cato's own pungent sayings, for which the Censor enjoyed a considerable reputation and in consequence of which he received the cognomen "sapiens." Cato is also sup- posed to have written works on law, but no title of such a treatise has been preserved to us. Of the foregoing com- pilations attributed to Cato only fragments survive and these are handed down to us through the writings of other authors who quoted him. Pliny (iV. H., .29, 14 and 15) refers to a collection of household remedies compiled by Cato for his son, but the title is not known. Nor do we know the title of a collection of historical stories the Censor made for his son, alluded to by Plutarch {Cato, 20). In this meager outline of Cato*'s writings perhaps it may not be deemed out of place to make a brief comment on his antipathy to Hellenism. There is a time-honored tradition that Cato began the study of Greek in his old age and worked sedulously to overcome the disadvan- tage which his prejudice had entailed upon him. From this it used to be inferred that the gri^ old Censor, despite his resolute animosity to Greek learning,^ at last 1 Cato's son whom he loved so fondly died when prsetor-elect {Cato Maior, §§ 68 and 84; Livy, Per., 48). 2 Cf. Pliny, A^. H., 7, 112; ib., 29, 14; Plut., Cato, 22. XXX INTRODUCTION yielded to the permeating charm of Hellenism and in his old age was a diligent student of that civilization. But this is, in all probability, simply a beautiful illusion, a romantic myth. For there can hardly be any doubt that Cato, during his entire life, was an uncompromising advo- cate of the pristine Roman simplicity of life -and manners which he maintained Greek culture and learning tended to undermine and ultimately to destroy. It does not seem at all probable then that a man of such strong convic- tions and deep-seated prejudices, as the famous Censor was known to be, should have changed his views so radi- cally toward the end of his days and should have surren- dered the principles that he had stood for throughout his public career. His whole life was a vigorous protest against Greek civilization and culture. However, it is quite possible that Cato may have studied Greek as a means of facilitating his work in the composition of his Origines, and this perhaps is the foundation for the tradi- tion as to his learning Greek in his old age (Cato Maior, § 26'; Acad., 2, 5 %• Quintilian, 12, 11, 23 '). Certainly there does not seem to be any sufficient warrant in fact for the notion that Cato possessed any keen appreciation of the ideal beauty of Greek literature and art, or that he manifested any special enthusiasm for the noble crea- tions of the Greek geilius. All of his instincts as a man were practical and utilitarian, and art and beauty did not therefore make any very strong appeal to him. His attitude toward Hellenism consequently was not likely to undergo any very radical change, even if he did take up the study of Greek in his old age, and it is not 1 Cato Maior, § 26, egof^ci qui Utteras Graecas senex didici, 2 Acad. J 2, 5, cum Graecas Utteras M. Catonem in senebtute didicisse acce- perim. 8 Quint., 12, 11, 23, Utteras Graecas aetafe iam declinata didicit, ut esset hominibus documento, ea gttoque percipi posse, quae senes concupiasent. SCIPIO xxxi probable that at the end of his days he renounced the convictions he had steadfastly entertained all through life.' 7. SCIPIO Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, one of the interlocu- tors in the Cato Maior, was born about 185 b. c, and was thirty-five years old at the time of this fictitious dialogue. He was the natural son of Lucius ./Emilias Paulus who subjugated Macedonia, and the adopted son of Publius Cornelius Scipio whose father, the great Afri- canus, conquered Hannibal. He took the surname of .^milianus to denote his real descent from ^Emilius Paulus and was called the younger (minor) to distinguish him from his adoptive grandfather Africanus the elder (maior). Scipio was brought into intimate relation with Cato, because Cato's son had married his sister, a daughter of Paulus. Despite the old enmity existing between their families, Scipio entertained a warm admiration for Cato's homely virtues and sturdy character. When young Scipio was only seventeen years of age, he won distinction by his daring exploits at the battle of Pydna. In the dark days of 151 b. c, when men and even officers were loth to enlist for service in Spain, in conse- quence of the many defeats the Roman arms had suffered in that quarter, Scipio went as a volunteer and made a brilliant record as military tribune. Likewise in Africa, in the Third Punic War, he increased his fame as a soldier, occupying the same rank. On his return to Rome in 148 B. c, he offered himself as a candidate for the sedileship, but was elected consul. As consul in 147 and again in 146 he pressed the war against Carthage with resolute vigor and courage and at length brought the war to a success- 1 See, however, Ricci, Catone nelV opposizione alia cultura greca e ai grecheg- gianti, Palermo, 1895. xxxii INTRODUCTION. ful close by blotting out that quondam formidable rival of Rome. It is related that the fate of Carthage was a source of constant regret to him afterward, however, be- cause he feared it boded ill ,to Rome's greatness and prestige as a nation to expand farther. In the year 143 b. c. Scipio was elected censor and he administered that important office with almost as much severity as Cato had done years before. .Such was the people's unbounded confidence in Scipio's ability and efficiency that he was elected consul in the year 134 b. c. when he did not even stand for the office, and was sent to Spain to take control of the Roman army then besieging Numantia. This war had been dragging on for several years and the Roman arms had sustained many severe reverses. But Scipio, on'taking charge, inspired fresh hope and courage into the legions, with the result that Nu- mantia was captured in 133 b. c. and the war speedily brought to an end. But an incident occurred while he was before Numantia which cost him the favor of the Ro- man people. When tidings were received by him there of the murder of Tiberius Gracchus whose sister Scipio had married, he let fall a remark indicating that he did not approve of the principles Gracchus stood for. Scipio simply uttered his convictions, for, though he may have received overtures from the democratic party, still he did not believe in the policy the democrats represented in the government. A striking illustration of his waning popularity was furnished by the fact that when two years later Scipio offered himself for the command of the war against Aristonicus, he received the support of barely twelve tribes of the thirty-five. In the year 129 b. c. Scipio strenuously opposed in the senate the plan of carrying out the agrarian law of Tiberius Gracchus and ardently championed the cause of certain Italians whose interests the execution of that law threat- SCIPIO xxxiii ened. After his ringing speech, which was followed by a violent scene in the senate, he was escorted home by a host of his clients and admirers. On the following morn- ing he was found dead in bed, and there was a suspicion that he had been murdered. It was never determined whether he died a natural death or by violence, and pub- lic sentiment was divided. Cicero in the Lodius (§§ 12, 41, etc.) implies that Scipio's death was from natural causes, but elsewhere (de Orat., 2, 170; Ad Fam., 9, 21, 3; Qu. Fr., 2, 3, 3) he inclines to the view that Carbo or some partisan secured his death. Carbo's subsequent course, it is true, seemed to invite suspicion, for he took his own life presumably to forestall prosecution. Scipio was a man of literary tastes and training, a patron of arts and letters, and a devoted follower of the new learning. He was on terms of intimacy with Polybius the Greek historian, Panaetius the Stoic, and the Roman poets Lucilius and Terence, all of whom together with others he gathered about him in his Hellenistic circle. Indeed, it was rumored that Scipio either himself actually wrote or collaborated with Terence in the composition of his plays. Yet notwithstanding Scipio's ardent devotion to Hellenism, he was, unlike Africanus the Elder, a man of simple life, with no love for ostentation or display. On the contrary, in the simplicity of his outward life he even resembled Cato, whom he is reputed to have taken as his model. It is not surprising then that the stern Censor found so much in noble young Scipio to call forth his admiration and profound respect. Cicero in his De Re Puhlica 2, 1, makes Cato speak of young Scipio's virtues in extravagant terms of praise. But whether the friendship of Cato and Scipio ever reached the degree of intimacy Cicero represents must of course remain undetermined. xxxiv INTRODUCTION 8. QUINTUS ENNIUS Quintus Ennius, the first of the great Roman poets, was born at Rudise in Calabria, 239 b. c. He served in the Roman army in Sardinia during the Second Punic War when he met Cato, and the two men became fast friends. Upon Cato's return to Rome in the year 204 b. c. he brought Ennius with him (Nepos, Cato, 1, 4). Here Ennius undertook to teach Greek and translate Greek plays for a livelihood (Teuffel, Geschichte Rom. Lit., 100), until his poetic talent won for him admission into the influential circle of the Elder Scipio. Ennius wrote a num- ber of comedies, prsetextse and tragedies which were held in high repute by his contemporaries. He also wrote sa- tires — miscellaneous poems in various metres. But it was as an epic poet that he attained his greatest renown. His most celebrated work was the Annates, a historical epic which set forth in eighteen books the achievements of the Roman people from ^neas's arrival in Italy down to Ennius's own day. The book was designed as a pen- dant to Homer and was so regarded by the Romans, though its artistic merit is small (Teuffel, Geschichte. Rom. Lit., 101). But the Annates was important as intro- ducing the Greek epic to the Romans. Ennius's poems have all been lost, and only fragments have come down to us preserved in the works of later Roman authors. Ennius was the greatest of the early Roman writers and his works were extensively read. Cicero was very fond of Ennius and quotes him again and again, and we are indebted to Cicero for a large number of the fragments which survive. Ennius was a missionary of culture and free thought and he turned the Latin lan- guage and poetry into the paths in which they continued to grow and develop centuries afterwards (Teuffel, Gesch. Rom. Lit., 104). ATTICUS XXXV 9. ATTICUS Titus Pomponius Atticus, to whom the treatises on Old Age and Friendship were dedicated, was a native of Rome, being born in 109 b. c. and consequently Cicero's senior by three years. He passed his early life, up to his twenty-fourth year, in Rome, in intimate association with Cicero. In85 b. c, after the proscriptions of Sulla, Atticus left Rome for Athens, ostensibly to study there, but in reality for his own safety because he feared that his for- tune might become an object of envy. He possessed an immense fortune which he had inherited from his father and uncle. In Athens he remained for twenty years, in- teresting himself in the study of Greek philosophy and literature and at the same time conducting a large busi- ness as a banker and capitalist. His return to Rome in 65 B. c. was a matter of general regret to the cultured Athe- nians to whom he had endeared himself during his long residence in Greece. He was famiUar with the entire range of Greek and Latin literature, and literary men esteemed his scholarship so highly that they frequently invited his criticism of their productions. Atticus was greatly interested in books and conducted at Rome a large publishing business. He maintained a large number of slaves for making copies of books both for his own extensive private library and also for sale. It is not improbable that through his agency most of Cicero's books were first published. Though a man of ^i^^i , scholarly tastes and pursuits, _Atticus himself never wrote i^.i-j^ I ajDook; at least so far as we are informed. For a quarter ;, -t— - of a century or longer he carried on a voluminous corre-^j^ , ' spondence with his bosom friend Cicero. Of the intimacy a >,^j^^^^- and sincerity of their life-long friendship, however, only ci-fa^ ;^ ^gj Cicero's letters (EpistulcB adAiticum) bear ample evidence, N por' i\tl for Attieus's letters are all lost. Atticus survived his friend "~ eleven years, dying in 32 b. c. xxxvi INTRODUCTION In philosophy Atticus leaned toward the Epicurean school, although he probably did not accept the tenets even of that school without qualification. He perhaps preferred not to identify himself too closely with any one system. He always held himself aloof from factions and parties, and he took absolutely no part in politics. For this reason, as well as on account of his wealth and culture, he was sought out by the distinguished men of all parties. He lived on terms of intimacy with such leading men as Sulla, Pompey, Ciesar, Brutus, Antony and Octavianus. 10. L.SLIUS Gaius Lselius, the intimate friend of Scipio Africanus Miilor, just as his father before him, Gaius Lselius the elder, had been the bosom companion of Scipio Africanus Maior, was a distinguished soldier and statesman and an enthusiastic patron of letters who gathered about him a coterie of brilliant writers including the dramatist Ter- ence. Lselius was born about 186 b. c. At thirty-five he was plebeian tribune and brought forward certain measures for the improvement of the condition of the plebeians. A little later he changed his political views and associated himself with the aristocratic party. As prajtor in 145 b. c, he defeated a measure which had for its object the election of the augurs by popular vote. In the year 141 he was a candidate for the consulship, but was defeated although he had the support of Scipio. The following year, however, he stood again for the same office and was successful. He served as augur and left behind him a fine record, Cicero tells us, as a bonus augur. Lselius also had a brilliant career as a soldier. He served with distinction under Scipio in the third Punic War, per- forming several heroic exploits. As praetor he led a suc- cessful expedition against Viriathus in Spain. Yet his renown as a statesman and philosopher surpassed even LiEIilUS xxxvii his fame as a soldier. He was a forceful and deliberate speaker, although his oratory was not of the style termed impassioned. His language was copious, chaste and polished and reflected his high culture. Some of his speeches were extant in Cicero's time and were read by the prince of Roman orators with admiring interest. Cicero refers to one of Laelius's orations as a little gem of a speech {aureola oratiuncula, Nat. Deo., 3, 43), though he employs less com- plimentary terms in referring to another {vetustior et hor- ridior, Brut., 83). Lselius was a notable patron of letters and is reputed to have revised some of his friend Terence's plays. In fact, it was once believed in ancient times that he actually wrote the plays attributed to that dramatist, so pure was his La- tinity (cf. Cic, Ad Atticum, 7, 3, 10). He was widely read in literatlire, both Greek and Latin. He was recognized as the foremost exponent and champion of Greek culture, which had been introduced into Rome while he was yet in his prime. At first, Greek was unpopular; but the per- meating influence of Hellenic literature gradually over- came the innate prejudice of the Romans. At last, so bitter and uncompromising an opponent as Cato even yielded to the charm and is said to have begun the study of Greek after he had reached old age. In philosophy Lffilius inclined to stoicism, and he was a pupil of Diogenes and later of Pansetius of Rhodes. Lselius's character appears to have been worthy of un- qualified admiration. Cicero everywhere speaks of him in the highest terms and all writers who mention him com- ment on his inflexible integrity and unfailing self-control. Horace speaks of his gentleness, {mitis sapientia Lceli) and his cheerfulness was well known. It is not surprising then that even during his lifetime Lselius was surnamed sa- piens, "the wise," for he combined in his character, as very few men ever did, that ripe culture and those ideal xxxviii INTRODUCTION Roman virtues which served to make that people famous the world over for their exhibition of practical wisdom. Cicero.not only introduces Laelius in the De Senectute, but he also represents him as an interlocutor in two other of his works, De Amicitia and De Repuhlica. In the De Amicitia, however, he invites attention especially to LiElius's friendship for Scipio. This is one of the most notable examples of friendship to be found anywhere in the ancient world. Scipio reverenced Laelius as a father, says Cicero, and Lselius, on his part, regarded Scipio as almost a god (cf. De Republica, 1, 18). The thoughts upon friendship which Lselius gives us in the essay on that theme, he himself tells us, are, for the most part, those entertained by Scipio. II. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE CATO MAIOR There are numerous manuscripts of the Cato Maior as "there are likewise of the Lalius, in the various J]uro- pean libraries. The most valuable are those in Paris and Leyden. Of the large number contained in the libraries of Italy few have any independent value. The oldest manu- scripts of the Cato Maior are believed not to antedate the ninth /century. In latter times an examination into some of the hitherto neglected manuscripts of the Cato Maior has thrown considerable light upon the text and led to its modification in not a few instances. Of the more irnportant manuscripts of the Cato Maior the following deserve special mention: (L) Leidensis (Voss. F. 12), Leyden, 10th century. This manu- script was formerly esteemed of small importance, but after Momm- sen's collation in 1863, it has been given precedence in authority in determining the text, — at least by Mueller. (P) Parisinus, 6332, 9th or 10th century. This Paris manus-iript ends with section 78. Before Mommsen's collation established the MANUSCRIPTS OF THE CATO MAIOR xxxix high value of L, this manuscript was regarded superior to all others. A peculiar feature of this manuscript, so we are informed, is the division of the text into verses after the manner of the Scriptures. Halm rated this manuscript first in his edition (Zurich, 1861). (B) Benedictoburanus, Munich, 4611, about the 12th century. (E) Erfurtensis (originally at Erfurt), Berlin, Royal Library, 252, 12th century. (I) Indersdorfiensis, Munich, 7809, 13th century. (R) Rhenaugiensis (originally at Rheingau), Zurich, 127, 12th century (according to Halm, but Chatelain dates it 11th century, and Baiter, 15th century). (S) Salisburgensis, Munich, 15, 964, 11th century. (Q) Rhenaugiensis (originally at Rheingau), Zurich, 126, 12th century. (N) A fragment at Berne, containing only §§ 80-85, 13th cen- tury. It is upon the foregoing manuscripts that the standard text editions of the Cato Maior have been based. Halm's editionin the OrelU-Baiter-Halm Cicero (vols. I-IV, Zurich, 1861) did not of course include L and Q, since Mommsen did not publish the results of his collation of these manu- scripts till 1863. But the Baiter-Kayser Cicero (Leipzig, 1864) profited by the readings of L and Q. C. F. W. Mueller, in his edition of Cicero (Teubner, Leipzig, "1879), accepted as the standard text, accorded the primacy to L, thus degrading P somewhat, which up to that time was believed to be the most authoritative manuscript for the text of the Cato Maior. Since Mueller's edition of the Teubner text, other collations have been made of newly- discovered or neglected manuscripts in Paris and Leyden and elsewhere and a new recension of P has been published, with the result that the text of the Cato Maior has been emended in not a few places. But the relative rating of the two best manuscripts L and P has not undergone much modification. Of the manuscripts more recently brought to notice it may be worth while to mention the following : xl INTRODUCTION (pa) Parisinus, 5752 [Puteanus], 10th century, which agrees oftener with P than with L and is declared to be derived from P. (Pb) Parisinus, 6364, 14th century, which contains many omis- sions and transpositions. (V') Victorinus, 14,699 (from the abbey of St. Victor), 11th century, which agrees now with P and now with L. (SB) Sangermanensis, 13,340, 12th century, unimportant, with but few readings. Note. — The above four manuscripts are all in Paris and were collated b_v Dahl {Zur Hajidschriftenkunde und Kriiik des Ciceronischen Caio MaioVj Chrisliania, 1885-1886). (V) Voss. Lat. O. 79, 10th century (9th, according to Ch^telain), more nearly related to P than to L. This is in two distinct hands, the first to § 42, the second (in a different colored ink) to end, and is reputed a very important manuscript. (v) Voss. Lat. F. 104, 13th (Dahl), 14th century (GemoU), re- lated to L. Note. — These two manuscripts are in Levden and were collated bj' Dahl and GemoU (Zuiei neue Hds^. zu Ciceros Onto Maior, /Termes^ Vol. 20 (1885), p. 331 seq.). de Groot also collated V (see Hermes, Vol. 25 (1890), p. 293 jey.). (A) Ashburnhamensis (now in Paris), 9th century, related to L, an important manuscript. Note. — This was collated hy ieyiiea(ExerciiationesPalaeographicae, Ley- den, 1889). (Ma) Laurentianus L. 45, 11th century, related to P and V. Note. — This manuscript, together with two others — (Mb), 14th century and (Mc), 12th century — in the Laurentian Library in Florence, was collated by Ramorino (see Hivista di Filologia, 15 (1886-1887), p. 247 seq.). (H) Harleianus, 2682, 11th century (formerly in the Cologne Cathedral Library, now in the British Museum), written in two different hands the first of which usually supports P, the second L. Note. — This was collated by Clark (Collations from the Harleian MS. of Cicero 2682, Anecdota Oxoniensia (year 1882), classical series I, pt. 7). (Ad) Admontensis, 383 (in the Benedictine library at Admont in Styria), 12th century. This manuscript is related to Halm's BIS. Note. — This was collated with Mueller's text by Petschenig ( Codex monas- terii Admontensis 383, Wiener Studien, Jg. 12, 1890, pp. 321-326). Vat. Reg. Suec, 1762 (Hadoardus's collection of excerpts from Cicero including Cato Maior from §§ 2-82), 9th century. Note. — This was published by Schwenke (Der Presbyter Hadnnrdus Cicero- Excerpte nach E. Narducei's Abschrift des Cod. Vat. Reg. 1762, Philologui, Suppl. 5, p. 551). CRITICISM, INTERPRETATION xU 12. CRITICISM. INTERPRETATION, etc. P. O. Bahrendt, Query on Cicero, Cato Maior 28, Class. Rev., 13, p. 402; ib., 14, p. 356. C. H. de Groot, Zur Handschriftenkunde des Cato Maior, Hermes, Bd. 25, 1890, pp. 293-300. S. G. de Vries, de codice Ciceronis Cat. Mai. Ashhurnhamensi nunc Parisino, Exerdtationes Palaeographicae, Leyden, 1889 (45 pages, 8vo). W. GemoU, Zwei Neue Handschriften zu Ciceros Cato Maior. Hermes, 20, p. 331 seq. L. Havet, Acad, des Inscr. et belles Lettres comptes rendus, 1900, p. 148. Summarized in Berliner Jahresberichte d. Philog. Vereins, 29, p. 90. C. Knapp, Notes on Cato Maior, §§ 15, 28, 34, 38, Class. Rev., 14, pp. 214-216. F. G. Moore, Notes on Cato Maior (28, 20, 5), Amer. Jour. Phil., 23, pp. 436-442. I. Mueller, Reid's Caio Maior and other editions reviewed, with emendations, Bursian's J ahresbericht, 126, 2, p. 122 seq. A. Otto, Die Interpolationen in Ciceros Cato Maior. Philolo- gische .AbharuUungen, Martin Hertz dargebracht. Berlin, 1888. Pp. 94-104. M. Petschenig, Codex monasterii Admontensis 383 saec. XII, ad Ciceronis Catonem Maiorem et Lwlium collatus cum editione C. P. W. Muelleri (Lips. 1879), Wiener Studien, Jg. 12, 1890, pp. 321-326. Fel. Ramorino, Notizia di alcuni m,anoscritti ilaliani del Cato Maior e del Lcelius di Cicerone, Rivista di Filologia, Ann. 15, 1887, pp. 247-262. Th. Schiche, Ciceros philosophischen Schriften, Jahresberichte des philologischen Vereins zu Berlin, 29, p. 67 seq. J. Schneider, Das Platonische in §§ 77 u. 78 von Ciceros Cato Maior, Ztschr. f. d. Gym., 33, pp. 689-707. H. Steuding, Cato Maior § 58, Jahrbuecher f. Philologie, 137, 1888, p. 862. P. Schwenke, Der Presbyter Hadoardus Cicero-Excerpte nach E. Narducei's Abschrift des Cod. Vat. Reg. 1762, Philologus, Suppl. 5, p. 551. ■p. Schwenke, Ciceros philosophischen Schriften, Bursian's Jahres- berichte, 76, 233. J. Sommerbrodt, Zu Ciceros Cato Maior, Pleckeisen's Neue Jahrbuecher, 123, p. 139. B. Dahl, Zur Handschriftenkunde und Kritik des Ciceronischen Cato xlii INTRODUCTION Maior. I Codices Leidenses, Christiania, 1885. II Codices Parisini, Christiania, 1886. Reviewed by W. Friedrich, Wochenschrift filr Klassische Philologie, 4, p. 880. 13. RECENT EDITIONS OF THE CATO MAIOR Lahmeyer, 4th ed., Leipzig, 1877. Stickney, New York, 1887. F. Ramorino, in the Hoepli series, Milan, 1893. M. Schneidewin, Hamburg, 1893. J. S. Reid, 2d ed., Cambridge, 1894. Rockwood, New York, 1895. Reid-Kelsey, 8th impression, Boston and Chicago, 1896. J. Sommerbrodt, 12th ed., Berhn, 1896. H. Anz, 2d ed., Gotha, 1897. C. E. Bennett, Boston, 1897. G. Long, London, 1897. Shuckburgh-Egbert, New York, 1897. R. Novak, 2d ed., Prague, 1899. A. Kornitzer, 3d ed., Vienna, 1903. J. Ley, 2d ed., Halle, 1903. O. Weiszenfels, Leipzig and Berlin, 1903. H. Deiter, Hannover, 1904. F. G. Moore, New York, Cincinnati, Chicago, 1904. T. Schiche, 3d ed., Leipzig and Vienna, 1904. O. Drehckhahn, Berlin, 1905. C. Meissner;-G. Landgraf, 5th ed., Leipzig and Berlin, 1907. M. TULLI CICERONIS CATO MAIOR DE SENECTUTE LIBER AD T. POMPONIUM ATTICUM I. 1 Tite, si quid ego adiuero curamve levasso, Quae nunc te coquit et versat in pectore fixa, I Ecquid erit praemi ? Licet enim raihi versibus eisdem adfari te, Attice, quibus adfatur Flamininum 5 llle vir haud magna cum re, sed plenus fidei; quamquam certo sclo non, ut Flamininum, Sollicitari te, Tite, sic noctesque diesque; novi enim moderationem animi tui et aequitatem teque non cognomen solum Athenis deportasse, sed humani-10 tatem et prudentiam intellego. Et tamen te suspicor eisdem rebus quibus me ipsum interdum gravius com- moveri, quarum consolatio et maior est et in aliud tempus differenda. Nunc autem visum est mihi de senectute aliquid ad te conscribere. 2 Hoc enim onere, quod mihi is commune tecum est, aut iam urgentis aut certe adven- tantis senectutis et te et me etiam ipsum levari volo; • etsi te quidem id modice ac sapienter sicut omnia et ferre et laturum esse certo scio. Sed mihi, cum de senectute vellem aliquid scribere, tu occurrebas dignus eo munere, 20 quo uterque nostrum communiter uteretur. Mihi quidem ita iucunda huius libri confectio fuit, ut non modo omnes absterserit senectutis molestias, sed effecerit mollem 1 2 M. TULLI CICERONIS etiam et iucundam senectutem. Numquam igitur digne 25 satis laudari philosophia poterit, cui qui pareat, omne tempus aetatis sine molestia possit degere. 3 Sed de ceteris et diximus multa et saepe dicemus; hunc librum ad te de senectute misimus. Omnem autem sermonem tribuimus non Tithono, ut Aristo Ceus (parum enim aoesset auctoritatis in fabula), sed M. Catoni seni, quo maiorem auctoritatem haberet oratio; apud quern Lae- lium et Scipionem facimus admirantes, quod is tam facile senectutem ferat, eisque eum respondentem. Qui si eruditius videbitur disputare, quam consuevit ipse in 36suis libris, id tribuito litteris Graecis, quarum constat eum perstudiosum fuisse in senectute. Sed quid opus est plura? lam enim ipsius Catonis sermo explicabit nostram omnem de senectute sententiam. II. 4 Sci-pio. Saepe numero admirari soleo cum hoc C. 4oLaelio cum ceterarum rerum tuam excellentem, M. Cato, perfectamque sapientiam, turn vel maxima, quod num- quam tibi senectutem gravem esse senserim, quae pleris- que senibus sic odiosa est, ut onus se Aetna gravius dicant sustinere. 45 Cato. Rem baud sane difficilem, Scipio et Laeli, ad- mirari videmini. Quibus enim nihil est in ipsis opis ad bene beateque vivendum, eis omnis aetas gravis est; qui autem omnia bona a se ipsi petunt, iis nihil potest malum videri, quod naturae necessitas adferat. Quo 50 in genere est iii primis senectus; quam ut adipiscantur omnes optant, eandem accusant adeptam; tanta est stultitiae inconstantia atque perversitas. Obrepere aiunt eam eitius, quam putassent. Primum quis coegit eos falsum putare? qui enim eitius adulescentiae senectus DE SENECTUTE 3 quam pueritiae adulescentia obrepit? Deinde qui minus 55 gravis esset iis senectus, si octingentesimum annum agerent quam si octogesimum?>^raeterita enim aetas quamvis longa cum effluxisset, nulla consolatio permulcere posset stultam senectutem. 5 Quocirca si sapientiam meam admirari soletis (quae utinam digna esset opinioneeo vestra nostroque cognomine!), in hoc sumus sapientes, quod naturam optumam ducem tamquam deum seqiiimur eique paremus; a qua non veri simile est, cum ceterae partes aetatis bene discriptae sint, extremum actum tamquam ab inerti poeta esse neglectum. Sed tamenes necesse fuit esse aliquid extremum et tamquam in ar- borum bacis terraeque fructibus maturitate tempestiva quasi vietum et caducum, quod ferundum est moUiter sapienti. Quid est enim aliud Gigantum modo bellare cum dis nisi naturae repugnare? 70 6 Laelius. Atqui, Cato, gratissimum nobis, ut etiam pro Scipione pollicear, feceris, si, quoniam speramus, volumus quidem certe senes fieri, multo ante a te didiceri- mus, quibus facillime rationibus ingravescentem aetatem ferre possimus. 75 ■ Cato. Faciam vero, Laeli, praesertim si utrique vestrum, ut dicis, gratum futurum est. Laelius. Volumus sane, nisi molestum est, Cato, tam- quam longam aliquam viam confeceris, quam nobis quo- que ingrediundum sit, istuc, quo pervenisti, videre quale so sit. III. 7 Cato. Faciam, ut potero, Laeli. Saepe enim interfui querelis aequalium meorum (pares autem vetere proverbio cum paribus facillime congregantur), quae C. Salinator, quae Sp. Albinus, homines consulares nostri 85 4 M. TULLI CICERONIS fere aequales, deplorare solebant, turn quod voluptatibus carerent, sine quibus vitam nullam putarent, turn quod spernerentur ab iis, a quibus essent coli soliti. Qui mihi non id videbantur accusare, quod esset accusandum. Nam 90 si id culpa senectutis accideret, eadem mihi usu venirent reliquisque omnibus maioribus natu, quorum ego mul- torum cognovi senectutem sin^ querela, qui se et libidinum vinculis laxatos esse non moleste ferrent nee a suis despi- cerentur. Sed omnium istius modi querelarum in moribus 95 est culpa, non in aetate. Moderati enim et nee diflficiles ■•nee inhumani senes tolerabilem senectutem agunt, in- portunitas autem et inhumanitas omni aetati molesta est. 8 Laelius. Est, ut dicis, Cato ; sed fortasse dixerit quispiam tibi propter opes et copias et dignitatem tuam 100 tolerabiliorem senectutem videri, id autem non posse multis contingere. Cato. Est istud quidem, Laeli, aliquid, sed nequaquam in isto sunt omnia. Ut Themistocles fertur Seriphio cui- dam in iurgio respondisse, cum ille dixisset non eum sua, 106 sed patriae gloria splendorem adsecutum : Nee hercule, inquit, si ego Seriphius essem, nee tu si Atheniensis, clarus umquam fuisses. Quod eodem modo de senectute dici potest. Nee enim in summa inopia levis esse senectus potest ne sapienti quidem nee insipienti etiam in summa uocopia non gravis. 9 Aptissima omnino sunt, Scipio et Laeli, arma senectutis artes exercitationesque virtutum, quae in omni aetate cultae, cum diu multumque vixeris, mirifieos ecferunt fructus, non solum quia numquam deserunt ne extremo quidem tempore aetatis(quamquam 115 id quidem maximum est), verum etiam quia conscientia bene actae vitae multorumque bene factorum recordatio DE SENECTUTE 5 iucundissima est. IV. 10 Ego Q. Maximum, eum qui Tarentum recepit, senem adulescens ita dilexi, ut aequa- lem; erat enim in illo viro comitate condita gravitas, nee senectus mores mutaverat ; quamquam eum colere coepi 120 non admodum grandem natu, sed tamen iam aetate pro- vectum. Anno enim post consul primum fuerat, quam ego natus sum, cumque eo quartum consule adulescentu- lus miles ad Capuam profectus sum quintoque anno post ad Tarentum. Quaestor delude quadriennio post factus 125 sum, quem magistratum gessi consulibus Tuditano et Cethego, cum quidem ille admodum senex suasor legis Cinciae de donis et muneribus fuit. Hie et bella gerebat ut adulescens, cum plane grandis esset, et Hannibalem iuveniliter exultantem patientia sua moUiebat ; de quo i30 praeclare familiaris noster Ennius: Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. Noenum rumores ponebat ante salutem. Ergo plusque magisque viri nunc gloria claret. 11 Tarentum vero qua vigilantia, quo consilio recepit! i35 cum quidem me audiente Salinatori, qui amisso oppido fuerat in arce, glorianti atque ita dicenti: Mea opera, Q. FaM, Tarentum recepisti : Certe, inquit ridens, nam nisi tu amisisses, numquam recepissem. Nee vero in armis praestantior quam in toga ; qui consul iterum Sp. Carvilio i40 coUega quiescente C. Flaminio tribuno plebis, quoad potuit, restitit agrum Picentem et Gallicum viritim contra senatus auctoritatem dividenti; augurque cum esset, dieere ausus est optimis auspiciis ea geri, quae pro rei pub- licae salute gererentur; quae contra rem publicam ferrentur, 145 contra auspicia ferri. 12 Multa in eo viro praeclara cog- novi ; sed nihil admirabilius, quam quo modo ille mortem 6 M. TULLI CICERONIS filii tulit, clari viri et consularls. Est in manibus laudatio, quam cum legimus, quem philosophum non contemni- 150 mus? Nee vero ille in luce modo-atque in oculis civium magnus, sed intus domique praestantior. Qui sermo, quae praecepta, quanta notitia antiquitatis, scientia iuris au- guvii! Multae etiam, ut in homine Romano, litterae; omnia memoria tenebat non domestica solum, sed etiam 155 externa bella. Cuius seripone ita tum cupide fruebar, quasi iam divinarem, id quod evenit, illo extincto fore, unde discerem, neminem. iV. 13 Quorsus igiturhaec tam multa de Maximo? Quia profecto videtis nefas esse dictu miseram fuisse talem senectutem. Nee tamen omnes leopossunt esse Scipiones aut Maximi, ut urbium expugna- tiones, ut pedestres navalesve pugnas, ut bella a se gesta, ut triumphos recordentur. Est etiam quiete et pure atque eleganter actae aetatis placida ae lenis seneetus, qualem aecepimus Platonis, qui uno et octogesimo anno seribens 165 est mortuus, qualem Isocratis, qui eum librum, qui Pan- athenaieus inscribitur, quarto et nonagesimo anno serip- sisse se dicit vixitque quinquennium postea; cuius ma- gister Leontinus Gorgias centum et septem complevit annos neque umquam in suo studio atque opere cessavit. 170 Qui, cum ex eo quaereretur, eur tam diu vellet esse in vita: Nihil habeo, inquit, quod accusem senectutem. Praeelarum responsum et docto homine dignum. 14 Sua enim vitia insipientes et suam culpam in senectutem con- ferunt; quod non faciebat is, cuius modo mentionem feci, 175 Ennius : Sicut jortis equos, spatio qui saepe supremo Vicit Olympia, nunc senio confectus quiescit. Equi fortis et victoris senectuti comparat suam. Quem DE SENECTUTE 7 quidem probe meminisse potestis; anno enim undevi- cesimo post eius mortem hi consules, T. Flamininus et iso M'. Acilius, facti sunt, ille autem Caepione et Philippo iterum consulibus mortuus est, cum ego quinque et sexa- ginta annos natus legem Voconiam magna voce et bonis lateribus suasissem. Sed annos septuaginta natus (tot enim vixit Ennius) ita ferebat duo, quae maxima pu- iss tantur, onera, paupertatem et senectutem, ut eis paene delectari videretur. , 15 Etenim, cum conplector animo, quattuor reperio causas, cur senectus misera videatur, unam, quod avocet a rebus gerendis, alteram, quod corpus faciat infirmius, i90 tertiam, quod privet omnibus fere voluptatibus, quartam, quod haud procul absit a morte. Earum, si placet, cau- sarum quanta quamque sit iusta una quaeque, videamus. VI. A rebus gerendis senectus abstrahit. Quibus? an iis, quae iuventute geruntur et viribus? nullaene igitur 195 res sunt seniles, quae vel infirmis corporibus animo tamen administrentur? nihil ergo agebat Q. Maximus, nihil L, Paulus, pater tuus, socer optimi viri, filii mei? ceteri senes, Fabrieii, Curii, Coruncanii, cum rem publicam consilio et auctoritate defendebant, nihil agebant? 16 Ad200 Appi Claudi senectutem accedebat etiam, ut caecus esset; tamen is, cum sententia senatus inclinaret ad pacem cum Pyrrho foedusque faciendum, non dubitavit dicere ilia, quae versibus persecutus est Ennius : Quo vobis mentes, rectae quae stare solebant 205 Antehac, dementis sese flexere viaif ceteraque gravissime; notum enim vobis carmen est; et tamen ipsius Appi extat oratio. Atque haec ille egit septimo decimo anno post alterum consulatum, cum inter 8 M. TULLI CICERONIS 210 duos consulatus anni decern interfuissent censorque ante superiorem consulatum fuisset ; ex quo intellegitur Pyrrhi bello grandem sane fuisse ; et tamen sic a patribus accepi- mus. 17 Nihil igitur adferunt, qui in re gerunda versari senectutem negant, similesque sunt, ut si qui guberna- 2istorem in navigando nihil agere dicant, cum alii malos scandant, alii per fores cursent, alii sentinam exhauriant, ille autem clavum tenens quietus sedeat in puppi, non facit ea, quae iuvenes, at.vero multo maiora et meliora facit. Non viribus aut velocitate aut celeritate corporum 220 res magnae geruntur, sed consilio, auctoritate, sententia; quibus non modo non orbari, sed etiam augeri senectus solet. 18 Nisi forte ego vobis, qui et miles et tribunus et legatus et consul versatus sum in vario genere bellorum, cessare nunc videor, cum bella non gero ; at senatui, quae 225 sint gerenda, praescribo, et quo modo Karthagini, male iam diu cogitanti bellum multo ante denuntio ; de qua vereri non ante desinam, quam illam excisam esse cog- novero. 19 Quam palmam utinam di inmortales, Scipio, tibi reservent, ut avi reliquias persequare! cuius a morte 230sextus hie et tricesimus annus est, sed memoriam illius viri omnes excipient anni consequentes. Anno ante me censofem mortuus est, novem annis post meum consula- tum, cum consul iterum me consule creatus esset. Num igitur, si ad centesimum annum vixisset, senectutis eum 235 suae paeniteret? nee enim excursione nee saltu nee eminus hastis aut comminus gladiis uteretur, sed consilio, rq,tione, sententia. Quae nisi essent in senibus, non summum '^ consilium maiores nostri appellassent senatum. 20 Apud ' Lacedaemonios quidem ii, qui amplissimum magistratum 240gerunt, ut sunt, sic etiam nominantur senes. Quodsi DE SENECTUTE 9 legere aut audire voletis externa, maximas res publicas ab adulescentibus labefactatas, a senibus sustentatas et restitutas reperietis. Cedo, qui vestram rem publicam tantam dmisistis tdm cito? Sic enim percontantur in Naevi poetae Ludo; responden- 24s tur et alia et hoc in primis : Proveniebant orator es novi, stulti adulescintuli. Temeritas est videlicet florentis aetatis, prudentia se- nescentis. VII. 21 At memoria minuitur. Credo, nisi earn exer- 250 ^"^ ceas, aut etiam si sis natura tardior. Themistocles om- nium civium perceperat nomina ; num igitur censetis eum, cum aetate processisset, qui Aristides esset, Lysimachum salutare solitum? Equidem non modo eos novi, qui sunt, sed eorum patres etiam et avos, nee sepulcra legens vereor, 255 quod aiunt, ne memoriam perdam ; his enim ipsis legendis in memoriam redeo mortuorum. Nee vero quemquam se- nem audivi oblitum, quo loco thesaurum obruisset; om- nia, quae curant, meminerunt, vadimonia constituta, quis sibi, cui ipsi debeant. 22 Quid iuris consulti? quid ponti-260 fices? quid augures? quid philosophi senes? quam multa meminerunt! Manent ingenia senibus, modo permaneat studium et industria, neque ea solum in claris et honoratis viris, sed in vita etiam privata et quieta. Sophocles ad summam senectutem tragoedias fecit; quod propter stu-265 dium cum rem neglegere familiarem videretur, a filiis in indicium vocatus est, ut, quem ad modum nostro more male rem gerentibus patribus bonis interdici solet, sic ilium quasi desipientem a re familiari removerent iudices. Turn senex dicitur earn fabulam, quam in manibus habe- 270 10 M. TULLI CICERONIS bat et proxime scripserat, Oedipum Coloneum, recitasse iudicibus quaesisseque, num illud carmen desipientis videretur. Quo recitato sententiis iudicum est liberatus. 23 Num igitur hunc, num Homerum, num Hesiodum, 275 Simonidem, Stesichorum, num, quos ante dixi, Isocraten, Gorgian, num philosophorum principes, Pythagoram, De- mocritum, num Platonem, num Xenocraten, num postea Zenonem, Cleanthem aut eum, quern vos etiam vidistis Romae, Diogenem Stoicum, coegit in suis studiis ob^- 28omutescere senectus? an in omnibus his studiorum agi- tatio vitae aequalis fuit? 24 Age, ut ista divina studia omittamus, possum nominare ex agro Sabino rusticos Romanes, vicinos et familiares meos, quibus absenti- bus numquam fere ulla in agro maiora opera fiunt, 285 non serendis, non percipiendis, non condendis fructibus. Quamquam in aliis minus hoc mirum es ; nemo enim est tam senex, qui se annum non putet posse vivere; sed idem in eis elaborant, quae sciunt nihil ad se omnino pertinere", 290 -Ser^ Arhoris, quae ulteri saeculo prosient, ut ait Statius noster in Synephebis. 25 Nee vero dubitat agricola, quamvis sit senex, quaerenti, cui serat, respon- dere: Dis inmortalihus, qui me non accipere modo haec a 29& maioribus voluerunt, sed etiam posteris prodere. VIII. Et meUus Caecilius de sene alteri saeculo prospiciente quam illud idem : Edepdl, senectus, si nil quicquam aliud viti Adpdrtes tecum, quom ddvenis, unum id sat est, 300 Quod diu vivendo multa, quae non v6lt, videt. Et multa f ortasse, quae volt ! atque in ea, quae non volt, DE SENECTUTE 11 saepe etiam adulescentia incurrit. Illud vero idem Caecil- ius vitiosius : Turn equidem in senecta hoc d^puto misirrimum, Sentlre ea aetate eilmpse esse odiosum dlteri. 305 lucundum potius quam odiosum. 26 Ut enim adulescen- tibus bona indole praeditis sapientes senes delectantur leviorque fit senectus eorum, qui a iuventute coluntur et diliguntur, sic adulescentes senum praeceptis gaudent, quibus ad virtutum studia ducuntur; nee minus intellegosio me vobis quam mihi vos esse iucundos. Sed videtis, ut senectus non modo languida atque iners non sit, verum etiam sit operosa et semper agens aliquid et moliens, tale scilicet, quale cuiusque studium in superiore vita fuit. Quid? qui etiam addiscunt aliquid? ut et Solonemsis versibus gloriantem videmus, qui se cotidie aliquid addis- centem dicit senem fieri, et ego feci, qui litteras Graecas senex didici ; quas quidem sic avide arripui quasi diutur- nam sitim explere cupiens, ut ea ipsa mihi nota essent, quibus me nunc exemplis uti videtis. Quod cum fecisse320 Socratem in fidibus audirem, vellem equidem etiam illud (discebant enim fidibus antiqui), sed in litteris certe elaboravi. IX. 27 Nee nunc quidem vires desidero adulescentis (is enim erat locus alter de vitiis senectutis), non plus, 325 quam adulescens tauri aut elephant! desiderabam. Quod est, 80 decet uti et, quicquid agas, agere pro viribus. Quae enim vox potest esse contemptior quam Milonis Crotoniatae? qui cum iam senex esset athletasque se exercentes in curriculo videret, aspexisse lacertos suossao dicitur inlacrimansque dixisse : At hi quidem mortui iam 12 M. TULLI CICERONIS sunt. Non vero tarn isti quam tu ipse, nugator! neque enim ex te umquam es nobilitatus, sed ex lateribus et lacertis tuis. Nihil Sex. Aelius tale, nihil multis annis 335 ante Ti. Coruncanius, nihil modo P. Crassus, a quibus iura civibus praescribebantur; quorum usque ad extre- mum spiritum est provecta prudentia. 28 Orator metuo ne languescat senectute; est enim munus eius non ingenii solum, sed laterum etiam et virium. Omnino canorum 34oillud in voce splendescit etiam nescio quo pacto in senec- tute, quod equidem adhuc non amisi, et videtis annos; sed tamen est decorus senis sermo quietus et remissus, facitque persaepe ipsa sibi audientiam diserti senis cocta et mitis oratio. Quam si ipse exequi nequeas, possis tamen 345Scipioni praecipere et Laelio. Quid enim est iucundius senectute stipata studiis iuventutis? 29 An ne illas qui- dem vires senectuti relinquimus, ut adulescentes doceat, instituat, ad omne officii munus instruat? quo quidem opere quid potest esse praeclarius? Mihi vero et Cn. et 350 P. Scipiones et avi tui duo, L. Aemilius et P. Africanus, comitatu pobilium iuvenum fortunati videbantur, nee ulli bonarum artium magistri non beati putandi, quamvis consenuerint vires atque defecerint. Etsi ista ipsa defectio virium aduiescentiae vitiis efficitur saepius quam senec- 355 tutis ; libidinosa enim et intemperans adulescentia effetum corpus tradit senectuti. 30 Cyrus quidem apud Xeno- phontem eo sermone, quem moriens habuit, cum admo- dum senex esset, negat se umquam sensisse senectutem suam imbecilliorem factam, quam adulescentia fuisset. 360 Ego L. Metellum memini puer, qui cum quadriennio post alterum consulatum pontifex maximus factus esset, vi- ginti et duos annos ei sacerdotio praefuit, ita bonis esse DE SENECTUTE 13 viribus extreme tempore aetatis, ut adulescentiam non requireret. Nihil necesse est miiii de me ipso dicere, quamquam est id quidem senile aetatique nostrae conce- ses ditur. X. 31 Videtisne, ut apud Homerum saepissime Nestor de virtutibus suis praedicet? lam enim tertiam aetatem hominum videbat, nee erat ei verendum, ne vera praedicans de se nimis videretur aut insolens aut loquax. Etenim, ut ait Homerus, ex eius lingua melle 370 dulcior fluebat oratio, quam ad suavitatem nullis egebat corporis viribus. Et tamen dux ille Graeciae nusquam optat, ut Aiacis similes habeat decem, sed ut Nestoris; quod si sibi acciderit, non dubitat, quin brevi sit Troia peritura. 32 Sed redeo ad me. Quartum ago annum etsTs octogesimum ; vellem equidem idem possem gloriari, quod Cyrus, sed tamen hoe queo dicere, non me quidem iis esse viribus, quibus aut miles bello Punico aut quaestor eodem hello aut consul in Hispania fuerim aut quadriennio post, eum tribunus militaris depugnavi apud Thermopylas M'. 380 Acilio Glabrione consule, sed tamen, ut vos videtis, non plane me enervavit, non adflixit senectus, non curia vires meas desiderat, non rostra, non amici, non clientes, non hospites. Nee enim umquam sum adsensus veteri illi laudatoque proverbio, quod monet mature fieri senem,3Sa si diu velis senex esse. Ego vero me minus diu senem esse mallem quam esse senem, ante quam essem. Itaque nemo adhuc eonvenire me voluit, cui fuerim occupatus. 33 At minus habeo virium quam vestrum utervis. Ne yOs qui- dem T. Ponti centurionis vires habetis; num idcirco est 390 ille praestantior? Moderatio modo virium adft, et tan- tum, quantum potest quisque, nitatur; ne illrnon magno desiderio tenebitur virium. Olympiae peii' stadium in- 14 M. TULLI CICERONIS gressus esse Milo dicitur, cum humeris sustineret bovem. 395 Utrum igitur has corporis an Pythagorae tibi malis vires ingenii dari? Denique isto bono utare, dum adsit, cum absit, ne requiras, nisi forte adulescentes pueritiam, paululum aetate progressi adulescentiam debent requirere. Cursus est certus aetatis et una via naturae, eaque sim- 40oplex, suaque cuique parti aetatis tempestivitas est data, ut et infirmitas puerorum et ferocitas iuvenum et gravitas iam constantis aetatis et senectutis maturitas naturale quiddam habeat, quod suo tempore percipi debeat. 34 Audire te arbitror, Scipio, hospes tuus avitus Masinissa 405 quae faciat hodie nonaginta natus annos; cum ingressus iter pedibus sit, in equum omnino non ascendere, cum autem equo, ex equo nori descendere, nullo imbri, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit, summam esse in eo siccitatem corporis, itaque omnia exequi regis ofEcia et 4iomunera. Potest igitur exercitatio et temperantia etiam in senectute conservare aliquid pristini roboris. XI. Ne sint in senectute vires. Ne postulantur quidem vires a senectute. Ergo et legibus et institutis vacat aetas nostra muneribus iis, quae non possunt sine viribus 415 sustineri. Itaque non modo, quod non possumus, sed ne quantum possumus quidem cogimur. 35 At multi ita sunt inbecilli senes, ut nullum officii aut omnino vitae munus exsequi possint. At id quidem non proprium se- nectutis vitium est, sed commune valetudinis. Quam fuit 420 inbecii\us P. Africani filius, is qui te adoptavit, quam tenui aut nulla potius valetudine! Quod ni ita fuisset, alterum ill'd extitisset lumen civitatis; ad paternam enim magnitudin m animi doctrina uberior accesserat. Quid mirum igitur 'n senibus, si infirmi sint aliquando', cum id DE SENECTUTE 15 ne adulescentes quidem effugere possint? Resistendum, 425 Laeli et Scipio, senectuti est, eiusque vitia diligentia com- pensanda sunt; pugnandum tamquam contra morbum sic contra senectutem, habenda ratio valetudinis, utendum exercitationibus modicis, tantum cibi et potionis adhiben- dum, ut reficiantur vires, non opprimantur. 36 Nee vero430 corpori solum subveniendum est, sed menti atque animo multo magis; nam haec quoque, nisi tamquam lumini oleum instilles, extinguuntur senectute. Et corpora qui- dem exercitationum defatigatione ingravescunt, animi autem se exercendo levantur. Nam quos ait Caecilius435 comicos stultos senes, hos significat credulos, obliviosos, dissolutos, quae vitia sunt non senectutis, sed inertis, ignavae, somniculosae senectutis. Ut petulantia, ut libido magis est adulescentium quam senum, nee tamen omnium adulescentium, sed non proborum, sic ista senilis stultitia, 440 quae deliratio appellari solet, senum levium est, non om- nium. 37 Quattuor robustos filios, quinque filias, tantam domum, tantas clientelas Appius regebat et caecus et senex ; intentum enim animum tamquam arcum habebat nee languescens succumbebat senectuti ; tenebat non modo 445 auctoritatem, sed etiam imperium in suos, metuebant servi, verebantur liberi, carum omnes habebant; vigebat in ilia domo mos patrius et disciplina. 38 Ita enim senec- tus honesta est, si se ipsa defendit, si ius suum retinet, si nemini emancipata est, si usque ad ultimum spiritum450 dominatur in suos. Ut enim adulescentem, in quo est senile aliquid, sic senem, in quo est aliquid adulescentis, probo; quod qui sequitur, corpora senex esse poterit, animo numquam erit. Septimus mihi liber Originum est in manibus, omnia antiquitatis monumenta coUigo, causa- 455 16 M. TULLI CICERONIS rum inlustrium, quascumque defendi, nunc cum maxime conficio orationes, ius augurium, pontificium, civile tracto, multum etiam Graecis litteris utor Pythagoreorumque more exercendae memoriae gratia, quid quoque die dix- 46oerim, audierim, egerim, commemoro vesperi. Haec sunt exercitationes ingenii, haec curricula mentis, in his desu- dans atque elaborans corporis vires non magno opere de- sidero. Adsum amicis, venio in senatum frequens ultroque adfero res multum et diu cogitatas easque tueor animi, 465 non corporis viribus. Quas si exequi nequirem, tamen me lectulus meus oblectaret ea ipsa cogitantem, quae iam agere non possem; sed ut possim, facit acta vita. Semper enim in his studiis laboribusque viventi non intellegitur quando obrepat senectus. Ita sensim sine sensu aetas 470 senescit nee subito f rangitur, sed diuturnitate extinguitur. XII. 39 Sequitur tertia vituperatio senectutis, quod earn carere dicunt voluptatibus. O praeclarum munus aetatis, siquidem id aufert a nobis, quod est in adulescen- tia vitiosissimum ! Accipite enim, optimi adulescentes, 475veterem orationem Archytae Tarentini, magni in primis et praeclari viri, quae mihi tradita est, cum essem adules- cens Tarenti cum Q. Maximp. Nullam capitaliorem pestem quam voluptatem corporis hominibus dicebat a natura datam, cuius voluptatis avidae libidines temere et ec- 48ofrenate ad potiendum incitarentur. 40 Hinc patriae proditiones, hinc rerum publicarum eversiones, hinc cum hostibus clandestina coUoquia nasci, nullum denique scelus, nullum malum facinus esse, ad quod suscipiendum . non libido voluptatis inpelleret, stupra vero et adulteria 485 et omne tale flagitium nuUis excitari aliis inlecebris nisi DE SENECTUTE 17 voluptatis ; cumque homini sive natura sive quis deus nihil mente praestabilius dedisset, huic divino muneri ac dono nihil tam esse inimicum quam voluptatem. 41 Nee enim libidine dominante temperantiae locum esse, neque om- nino in voluptatis regno virtutem posse consistere. Quod 490 quo magis intellegi posset, fingere animo iubebat tanta incitatum aliquem voluptate corporis, quanta percipi posset maxima; nemini censebat fore dubium, quin tam diu, dum ita gauderet, nihil agitare mente, nihil ratione, nihil cogitatione consequi posset. Quocirca nihil esse tam 495 detestabile tamque pestiferum quam voluptatem, siqui- dem ea, cum maior esset atqua longior, omne animi lumen extingueret. Haec cum C. Pontic Samnite, patre eius, a quo Caudino proelio Sp. Postumius, T. Veturius consules superati sunt, locutum Archytam Nearchussoo Tarentinus, hospes noster, qui in amicitia populi Romani permanserat, se a maioribus natu accepisse dicsbat, cum quidein ei sermoni interfuisset Plato Atheniensis, quem Tarentum venisse L. Camillo, Ap. Claudio consulibus reperio. 42 Quorsus hoc? Ut intellegeretis, si voluptatem 505 aspernari ratione et sapientia non possemus, magnam habendam esse senectuti gratiam, quae efficeret, ut id non liberet, quod non oporteret. Impedit enim consilium voluptas, rationi inimica est, mentis, ut ita dicam, prae- stringit oculos nee habet ullum cum virtute commereium. 510 Invitus feci, ut fortissimi viri T. Flaminini fratrem, L. Flamininum, e senatu eicerem septem annis post, quam consul fuisset, sed notandam putavi libidinem. Ille enim, cum esset consul in Gallia, exoratus in convivio a seorto est, ut securi feriret aliquem eorum, qui in vinculis essent sis damnati rei capitalis. Hie Tito fratre suo censore, qui 18 M. TULLI CICERONIS proximus ante me fuerat, elapsus est ; mihi vero et Flacco neutiquam probari potuit tam flagitiosa et tam perdita libido, quae cum probro privato coniungeret imperii de- 520 decus. XIII. 43 Saepe audivi ex maioribus natu, qui se porro pueros a senibus audisse dicebant, mirari solitum C. Fabricium, quod, cum apud regem Pyrrhum legatus asset, audisset a Thessalo Oinea esse quendam Athenis, qui se sapientem profiteretur, eumque dicere omnia, quae 525 faceremus, ad voluptatem esse referenda. Quod ex eo audientes M'. Curium et Ti. Coruncanium optare solitos, ut id Samnitibus ipsique Pyrrho persuaderetur, quo facilius vinci possent, cum se voluptatibus dedissent. Vixerat M'. Curius cum P. Decio, qui quinquennio ante 630 eum consulem se pro re publica quarto consulatu devo- verat; norat eundem Fabricius, norat Coruncanius; qui cum ex sua vita, turn ex eius, quem dico, Deci facto iudicabant esse profecto aliquid natura pulchrum atque praeclarum, quod sua sponte peteretur, quodque spreta 535 et contempta voluptate optumus quisque sequeretur. 44 Quorsus igitur tam multa de voluptate? Quia non modo vituperatio nulla, sed etiam summa laus senectutis est, quod ea voluptates nullas magnopere desiderat. Caret epulis extructisque mensis et frequentibus poculis, 540 caret ergo etiam vinulentia et cruditate et insomniis. Sed §i aliquid dandum est voluptati, quoniam eius blandi- tiis non facile obsistimus (divine enim Plato escam ma- lorum appellat voluptatem, quod ea videlicet homines capiantur ut pisces), quamquam inmoderatis epulis caret 545senectus, modicis tamen conviviis delectari potest. C. Duellium M. f., qui Poenos classe primus devicerat, re- deuntem a cena senem saepe videbam puer; delectabatur DE SENECTUTE 1» cereo funali et tibicine, quae sibi nullo exemplo privatus sumpserat; tantum licentiae dabat gloria. Sed quid ego alios? ad me ipsum iam revertar. 45 Primum habuisso semper sodales. Sodalitates autem me quaestore consti- tutae sunt sacris Idaeis Magnae Matris acceptis. Epula- bar igitur cum sodalibus omnino modice, sed erat quidam fervor aetatis ; qua progrediente omnia fiunt in dies miti- ora. Neque enim ipsorum conviviorum delectationem 555 voluptatibus corporis magis quam coetu amicorum et sermonibus metiebar. Bene enim maiores accubitionem epularem amicorum, quia vitae coniunctionem haberet, convivium nominaverunt, melius quam Graeci, qui hoc idem turn coinpotationem, turn concenationem vocant, ut, seo quod in eo genere minimum est, id maxirne probare videantur. XIV. 46 Ego vero propter sermonis delecta- tionem tempestivis quoque conviviis delector, nee cum aequalibus Solum, qui pauci admodum restant, sed cum vestra etiam aetate atque vobiscum, habeoque senectutises magnam gratiam, quae mihi sermonis aviditatem auxit, potionis et cibi sustulit. Quodsi quem etiam ista delec- tant (ne omnino bellum indixisse videar voluptati, cuius est fortasse quidam naturalis modus), non intellego ne in istis quidem ipsis voluptatibus carere sensu senectutem. 570 Me vero et magisteria delectant a maioribus instituta et is sermo, qui more maiorum a summo adhibetur in poculo, et pocula, sicut in Symposio Xenophontis est, minuta atque rorantia et refrigeratio aestate et vicissim aut sol aut ignis hibernus ; quae quidem etiam in Sabinis persequi 575 soleo conviviumque vicinorum cotidie compleo, quod ad m^iltam noctem, quam maxime possumus, vario sermone proaucimus. 47 At non est voluptatum tanta quasi 20 M. TULLI CICERONIS titillatio in senibus. Credo, sed ne desideratio quidem; 580 nihil autem est molestum, quod non desideres. Bene Sophocles, cum ex eo quidam iam adfecto aetate quae- reret, utereturne rebus veneriis : Di meliora ! inquit ; libenter vero istinc sicut ah domino agresti ac furioso pro- fugi. Cupidis enim rerum talium odiosum fortasse et 585 molestum est carere, satiatis vero et expletis iucundius est carere quam frui. Quamquam non caret is, qui non desiderat; ergo hoc non desiderare dico esse iucundius. 48 Quodsi istis ipsis voluptatibus bona aetas fruitur libentius, primum parvulis fruitur rebus, ut diximus, sgodeinde iis, quibus senectus etiamsi non abunde potitur, non omnino caret. Ut Turpione Ambivio magis delecta- tur, qui in prima cavea spectat, delectatur tamen etiam, qui in ultima, sic adulescentia voluptates propter intuens magis fortasse laetatur, sed delectatur etiam senectus 695procul eas spectans tantum, quantum sat est. 49 At ilia quanti sunt, animum tamquam emeritis stipendiis libidi- nis, ambitionis, contentionum, inimicitiarum, cupiditatum omnium secum esse secumque, ut dicitur, vivere! Si vero habet aliquod tamquam pabulum studii atque doctrinae, 600 nihil est otiosa senectute iucundius. Vivere videbamus in studio dimetiendi paene caeli atque terrae C. Galium, familiarem patris tui, Scipio; quotiens ilium lux noctu aliquid describere ingressum, quotiens nox oppressit, cum mane coepisset! quam delectabat eum defectiones solis et 605 lunae multo ante nobis praedi cere! 50 Quid in levioribus studiis, sed tamen acutis? quam gaudebat bello suo Punico Naevius! quaih Truculento Plautus, quam Pseudolo! Vidi etiam senem Livium; qui cum sex annis ante, qua.pi ego natus sum, fabulam docuisset Centone TuditanuGue DE SENECTUTE 21 consulibus, usque ad adulescentiam meam processit aetate. eio Quid de P. Licini Crassi et pontificii et civilis iuris studio loquar aut de huius P. Scipionis, qui his paucis diebus pontifex maximus factus est? Atque eos omnes, quos commemoravi, his studiis flagrantes senes vidimus; M. vero Cethegum, quern recte Suadae medullam dixit eis Ennius, quanto studio exerceri in dicendo videbamus etiam senem! Quae sunt igitur epularum aut ludorum aut scortorum voluptates cum his voluptatibus compa- randae? Atque haec quidem studia doctrinae; quae quidem prudentibus et bene institutis pariter cum aetate 620 crescunt, ut honestum illud Solonis sit, quod ait versiculo quodam, ut ante dixi, senescere se muita in dies addiscen- tem, qua voluptate animi nulla certe potest esse maior. XV. 51 Venio nunc ad voluptates agricolarum, quibus ego incredibiliter delector; quae nee uUa impediuntur 625 senectute et mihi ad sapientis vitem proxime videntur accedere. Habent enim rationem cum terra, quae num- quam recusat imperium nee umquam sine usura reddit, quod accepit, sed alias minors, plerumque maiore cum faenore. Quamquam me quidem non fructus modo, sed 630 etiam ipsius terrae vis ac natura delectat. Quae cum gremio moUito ac subacto sparsum semen excepit, pri- mum id occaeeatum cohibet, ex quo occatio, quae hoc efficit, nominata est, dein tepefactum vapore et com- pressu suo diffundit et elicit herbescentem ex eo viridita-635 tern, quaemM^bris stirpium sensim adulescit culmoque erecta geniculate) vaginis iam quasi pubescens ineluditur; ex quibus cum emersit, fundit frugem spici ordine struc- tam et contra avium minorum morsus munitur vallo aristarum. f>2 Quid ego vitium ortus, satus, incrementa 640 22 M. TULLI CICERO NIS commemorem? Satiari delectatione non possum, ut meae senectutis requietem oblectamentumque noscatis. Omitto enim vim ipsam omnium, quae generantur e terra; quae ex fici tantulo grano aut ex acini vinaceo aut ex ceter- 645 arum frugum aut stirpium minutissimis seminibus tantos ' truncos ramosque procreet. Malleoli, plantae, sarmenta, viviradices, propagines nonne efficiunt, ut quemvis cum admiratione delectent? Vitis quidem, quae natura caduca est et, nisi fulta est, fertur ad terram, eadem, ut se erigat, 650 claviculis suis quasi manibus, quicquid est naeta, complec- titur; quam serpentem multiplici lapsu et erratico ferro amputans coercet ars agricolarum, ne silvescat sarmentis, et in omnes partes nimia fundatur. 53 Itaque ineunte vere in iis, quae relicta sunt, existit tamquam ad articulos 655 sarmentorum ea, quae gemma dicitur, a qua oriens uva se ostendit, quae et suco terrae et calore solis augescens primo est peracerba gustatu, dein maturata dulcescit vestitaque pampinis nee modico tepore caret et nimios solis defendit ardores. Qua quid potest esse cum fructu laetius, 660 tum aspectu pulchrius? Cuius quidem non utilitas me solum, ut ante dixi, sed etiam cultura et natura ipsa delec- tat, adminiculorum ordines, capitum iugatio, religatio et propagatio vitium, sarmentorum ea, quam dixi, aliorum amputatio, aliorum inmissio. Quid ego irrigationes, quid 665fossiones agri repastinationesque proferam, quibus fit multo terra fecundior? 54 Quid de utilitate loquar ster- corandi? dixi in eo libro, quem de rebus rusticis scripsi; de qua doctus Hesiodus ne verbum quidem fecit, cum de cultura agri scriberet. At Homerus, qui multis, ut mihi 670 videtur, ante saeculis fuit, Laertam lenientem desiderium, quod capiebat e filio, colentem agrum et eum^tercorantem ■ DE SENECTUTE 23 facit. Nee veto segetibus solum et pratis et vineis et ar- bustis res rusticae laetae sunt, sed hortis etiam et pomariis, turn pecudum pastu, apium examinibus, florum omnium varietate. Nee consitiones modo deleetant, sed etiam 675 insitiones, quibus nihil invenit agri eultura sollertius. XVI. 55 Possum persequi permulta oblectamenta rerum rusticarum, sed haee ipsa, quae dixi, sentio fuisse longiora. Ignoscetis autem; nam et studio rusticarum rerum pro- veetus sum, et seneetus est natura loquaeior, ne ab omni- eso bus earn vitiis videar vindieare. Ergo in hae vita M'. Curius, eum de Samnitibus, de Sabinis, de Pyrrho trium- phavisset, eonsumpsit extremum tempus aetatis. Cuius quidem ego villam eontemplans (abest enim non longe amea) admirari satis non possum vel hominis ipsius con- ess tinentiam vel temporum disciplinam. Curio ad focum sedenti magnum auri pondus Samnites cum attulissent, repudiati sunt; non enim aurum habere praeelarum sibi videri dixit, sed eis, qui haberent aurum, imperare. Pote- ratne tantus animus effieere non iucundam senectutem?69o 56 Sed venio ad agricolas, ne a me ipso reeedam. In agris erant tum senatores, id est senes, siquidem aranti L. Quinctio Cincinnato nuntiatum est eum dictatorem esse factum; cuius dictatoris iussu magister equitum C. Servilius Ahala Sp. Maelium regnum adpetentem oecupa- 695 tum interemit. A villa in senatum arcessebatur et Curius et ceteri senes, ex quo, qui eos arcessebant, viatores nomi- nati sunt. Num igitur horum seneetus miserabilis fuit, qui se agri eultione oblectabant? Mea quidem sententia haud scio an nulla beatior possit esse, neque solum officio, 700 quod hominum generi universo eultura agrorum est salu- taris, sed et delectatione, quam dixi, et saturitate eopia- 24 M. TULLI CICERONIS que rerum omnium, quae ad victum hominum, ad cultum etiam deorum pertinent, ut, quoniam haec quidam de- 705 siderant, in gratiam iam cum voluptate redeamus. Sem- per enim boni assiduique domini referta cella vinaria, olearia, etiam penaria est, villaque tota locuples est, abundat porco, haedo, agno, gallina, lacte, caseo, melle. Iam hortum ipsi agricolae succidiam alteram appellant. 710 Conditiora facit haec supervacaneis etiam operis aucu- pium atque venatio. 57 Quid de pratorum viriditate aut arborum ordinibus aut vinearum olivetorumve specie plura dicam? brevi praecidam: Agro bene culto nihil potest esse nee usu uberius nee specie ornatius; ad quem 715 fruendum non modo non retardat, verum etiam invitat atque adlectat senectus. Ubi enim potest ilia aetas aut calescere vel apricatione melius vel igni aut vicissim um- bris aquisve refrigerari salubrius? 58 Sibi habeant igitur arma, sibi equos, sibi hastas, sibi clavam et pilam, sibi 720 natationes atque cursus, nobis senibus ex lusiopibus mul- tis talos relinquant et tesseras, id ipsum uwum lubebit, quoniam sine iis beata esse senectus potest. XVII. 59 Multas ad res perutiles Xenophontis libri sunt ; quos legite, quaeso, studiose, ut facitis. Quam copiose ab eo agri cul- 725tura laudatur in eo libro, qui est de tuenda re familiari, qui Oeconomicus inscribitur! Atque ut intellegatis nihil ei tam regale videri quam studium agri colendi, Socrates in eo libro loquitur cum Critobulo Cyrum minorem, Per- sarum regem, praestantem ingenio atque imperii gloria, 730 cum Lysander Lacedaemonius, vir summae virtutis, venis- set ad eum Sardis eique dona a sociis adtulisset, et ceteris in rebus comem erga Lysandrum atque humanum fuisse et ei quendam consaeptum agrum diligenter consitum os- DE SENECTUTE 25 teridisse. Cum autem admiraretur Lysander et proceri- tates arborum et directos. in quincuncem ordines etrss humum subactam atque puram et suavitatem odorum, qui adflarentur ex floribus, turn eum dixisse mirari se non modo diligentiam, sed etiam sollertiam eius, a quo essent ilia dimensa atque discripta; et Cyrum respondisse: Atqui ego ista sum omnia dimensus ; mei sunt ordines, mea 740 discriptio, multae etiam istarum arborum mea manu sunt satae. Turn Lysandrum intuentem purpuram eius et ni- torem corporis ornatumque Persicum multo auro multis- que gemmis dixisse: Rite vera te, Gyre, beatum ferunt, quoniam, virtuti tuae fortuna coniuncta est. 60 Hac igitur745 fortuna frui Jicet senibus, nee aetas impedit, quo minus et ceterarum rerum et in primis agri colendi studia tenea- mus usque ad ultimum tempus senectutis. M. quidem Valerium Corvinum accepimus ad centesimum annum perduxisse, cum asset acta iam aetate in agris eosquerso coleret; cuius inter primum et sextum consulatum sex et quadraginta anni interfuerunt. Ita, quantum spatium aetatis maiores ad senectutis initium esse voluerunt, tan- tus illi cursus honorum fuit; atque huius extrema aetas hoc beatior quam media, quod auctoritatis habebat plus, 755 laboris minus; apex est autem senectutis auctoritas. 61 Quanta fuit in L. Caecilio Metello, quanta in A. Atilio Calatino! in quem illud elogium: Hunc unum plurimae consentiunt gentes Populi primarium fuisse virum. 760 Notum est totum carmen incisum in sepulcro. lure igitur gravis, cuius de laudibus omnium asset fama consentiens. Quem virum nuper P. Crassum, pontificem maximum, quem postea M. Lepidum, eodem sacerdotio praaditum, 26 M. TULLI CICER.ONIS 765 vidimus! Quid de Paulo aut Africano loquar aut, iam ante, de Maximo? quorum non in sententia solum, sad etiam in nutu residebat auctoritas. Habet senectus ho- norata praesertim tantam auctoritatem, ut ea pluris sit quam omnes adulescentiae voluptates. XVIII. 62 Sed 770 in omni oratione mementote earn me senectutem laudare, quae fundamentis adulescentiae constituta sit. Ex quo efficitur, id quod ego magno quondam cum assensu om- nium dixi, miseram esse senectutem, quae se oratione defenderet. Non cani nee rugae repente auctoritatem 775 arripere possunt, sed honeste acta superior aetas fructus capit auctoritatis extremos. 63 Haec enim ipsa sunt honorabilia, quae videntur levia atque communia, salu- tari, adpeti, decedi, adsurgi, deduci, reduci, consuli; quae et apud nos et in aliis civitatibus, ut quaeque optime mo- 780 rata est, ita diligentissime observantur. Lysandrum Lace- daemonium, cuius modo feci mentionem, dicere aiunt solitum Lacedaemonem esse honestissimum domicilium senectutis; nusquam enim tantum tribuitur aetati, nus- quam est senectus honoratior. Quin etiam memoriae pro- 785 ditum est, cum Athenis ludis quidam in theatrum grandis natu venisset, magno consessu locum nusquam ei datum a suis civibus; cum autem ad Lacedaemonios accessisset, qui legati cum essent, certo in loco consederant, consurrex- isse omnes illi dicuntur et senem sessum recepisse. 64 79oQuibus cum a cuncto consessu plausus esset multiplex datus, dixisse ex iis quendam Athenienses scire, quae recta essent, sed facere nolle. Multa in vestro collegio praeclara, sed hoc, de quo agimus, in primis, quod, ut quisque aetate antecedit, ita sententiae principatum tenet, neque solum 795 honore antecedentibus, sed iis etiam, qui cum imperio DE SENECTUTE 27 sunt, maiores natu augures anteponuntur. Quae sunt igi- tur voluptates corporis cum auctoritatis praemiis com- parandae? quibus qui splendide usi sunt, ii mihi videntur fabulam aetatis peregisse nee tamquara inexercitati his- triones in extremo actu corruisse. goo 65 At sunt morosi et anxii et iracundi et difficiles senes. Si quaerimus, etiam avari; sed haec morum vitia sunt, non senectutis. Ac morositas tamen et ea vitia, quae dixi, habent aliquid excusationis non illius quidem iustae, sed quae probari posse videatur ; contemni se putant, despici, so:. inludi ; praeterea in fragili corpore odiosa omnis offensio est. Quae tamen omnia dulciora fiunt et moribus bonis et artibus, idque cum in vita, tum in scaena intellegi potest ex iis fratribus, qui in Adelphis sunt. Quanta in altero diritas, in altero comitas! Sic se res habet: ut enim nonsio omne vinum, sic non omnis natura vetustate coacescit. Severitatem in senectute probo, sed eam, sicut alia, modi- cam, acerbitatem nullo modo. 66 Avaritia vero senilis quid sibi velit, non intellego; potest enim quicquam esse absurdius quam, quo viae minus restet, eo plus viaticisia quaerere? XIX. Quarta restat causa, quae maxime angere atque sollicitam habere nostram aetatem videtur, adpropin- quatio mortis, quae certe a senectute non potest esse longe. miserum senem, qui mortem contemnendam 820 esse in tam longa aetate non viderit ! quae aut plane negle- genda est, si omnino extinguit animum, aut etiam op- tanda, si aliquo eum deducit, ubi sit futurus aeternus; atqui tertium certe nihil inveniri potest. 67 Quid igitur timeam, si aut non miser post mortem aut beatus etiam 825 28 M. TULLI CICERONIS futurus sum? Quamquam quis est tam stultus, quamvis sit adulescens, cui sit exploratum se ad vespemm esse victurum? Quin etiam aetas ilia multo plures quam nostra casus mortis habet; facilius in morbos incidunt adules- 830 centes, gravius aegrotant, tristius curantur. Itaque pauci veniunt ad senectutem; quod ni ita accideret, melius et prudentius viveretur. Mens enim et ratio et consilium in seriibus est; qui si nuUi fuissent, nullae omnino civitates fuissent. Sed redeo ad mortem inpendentem. Quod est ssoistud crimen senectutis, cum id ei videatis cum adules- centia esse commune? 68 Sensi ego in optimo filio, tu in expectatis ad amplissimam dignitatem fratribus, Scipio, mortem omni aetati esse communem. At sperat adules- cens diu se victurum, quod sperare idem senex non potest. 840 Insipienter sperat. Quid enim stultius quam incerta pro certis habere, falsa pro veris? At senex ne quod speret quidem habet. At est eo meliore condicione quam adules- cens, cum id, quod ille sperat, hie consecutus est; ille vult diu vivere, hie diu vixit. 69 Quamquam, o di boni! quid 845 est in hominis natura diu? Da enim supremum tempus, expectemus Tartessiorum regis aetatem (fuit enim, ut scriptum video, Arganthonius quidam Gadibus, qui octo- ginta regnavit annos, centum viginti vixit) — sed mihi ne diuturnum quidem quicquam videtur, in quo est aliquid ssoextremum. Cum enim id advenit, turn illud, quod prae- teriit, effluxit; tantum remanet, quod virtute et recte factis consecutus sis ; horae quidem cedunt et dies et men- ses et anni, nee praeteritum tempus umquam revertitur, nee, quid sequatur, sciri potest; quod cuique temporis ad 866 vivendum datur, eo debet esse contentus. 70 Neque enim histrioni, ut placeat, peragenda fabula est, modo, in quo- DE SENECTUTE 29 cumque fuerit actu, probetur, neque sapienti usque ad 'Plaudite' veniendum est. Breve enim temp.us aetatis satis longum est ad bene honesteque vivendum; sin pro- cesserit longius, non magis dolendum est, quam agricoiaeseo dolent praeterita verni temporis suavitate aestatem au- tumnumque venisse. Ver enim tamquam adulescentiam significat ostenditque fructus futuros, reliqua autem tem- pera demetendis fructibus et percipiendis accommodata sunt. 71 Fructus autem senectutis est, ut saepe dixi,865 ante partorum bonorum memoria et copia. Omnia autem, quae secundum naturam fiunt, sunt habenda in bonis. Quid est autem tarn secundum naturam quam senibus emori? quod idem contingit adulescentibus adversante et repugnante natura. Itaque adulescentes mihi mori sic87o videntur, ut cum aquae multitudine flanimae vis opprimi- tur, senes autem sic, ut cum sua sponte nulla adhibita vi consumptus ignis extinguitur ; et quasi poma ex arboribus, cruda si sunt, vix evelluntur, si matura et cocta, decidunt, sic vitam adulescentibus vis aufert, senibus maturitas ; 875 quae quidem mihi tam iucunda est, ut, quo propius ad mortem accedam, quasi terram videre videar aliquandoque in portum ex longa navigatione esse venturus. XX. 72 Senectutis autem nullus est certus terminus, recteque in ea vivitur, quoad munus officii exsequi et tueri possissso mortemque contemnere; ex quo fit, ut animosior etiam senectus sit quam adulescentia et fortior. Hoc illud est, quod Pisistrato tyranno a Solone responsum est, cum illi quaerenti, qua tandem re fret^s sibi tam audaciter obsis- teret, rfespondisse dicitur : Senectute. Sed vivendi est finis sss optimus, cum integra mente certisque sensibus opus ipsa suum eadem, quae coagmentavit, natura dissolvit. Ut 30 M. TULLI CICERONIS iiavem, ut aedificium idem destniit facillime> qui con- struxit, sic hominem eadem optime, quae conglutinavit, 89onatura dissolvit. lam omnis conglutinatio recens aegre, inveterata facile divellitur. Ita fit, ut illud breve vitae reliquum nee avide adpetendum senibus nee sine causa deserendum sit; (73) vetatque Pythagoras iniussu impe- ratoris, id est dei, de praesidio et statione vitae decedere. 895 Solonis quidem sapientis elogium est, quo se negat velle suam mortem dolore amicorum et lamentis vacare. Volt, credo, se esse carum suis ; sed baud scio an melius Ennius : Nemo me dacrumis decoret neque funera fletu Faxit. 900 Non censet lugendam esse mortem, quam inmortalitas consequatur. 74 lam sensus moriendi aliquis esse potest, isque ad exiguum tempus, praesertim seni, post mortem quidem sensus aut optandus aut nullus est. Sed hoc medi- tatum ab adulescentia debet esse, mortem ut neglegamus; 905 sine qua meditatione tranquillo animo esse nemo potest. Moriendum enim certe est, et incertum an hoc ipso die. Mortem igitur omnibus horis inpendentem timens qui poterit animo consistere? De qua non ita longa disputa- tione opus esse videtur, cum recorder non L. Brutum, qui 910 in liberanda patria est interfectus, (75) non duos Decios, qui ad voluntariam mortem cursum equorum incitaverunt, non M. Atilium, qui ad supplicium est profectus, ut fidem hosti datam conservaret, non duos Scipiones, qui iter Poenis vel corporibus suis obstruere voluerunt, non avum 915 tuum L. Paulum, qui morte luit collegae in Cannensi igno- minia temeritatem, non M. Marcellum, cuius interitum ne orudelissimus quidem hostis honore sepulturae carere passus est, sed legiones nostras, quod scrips! in Originibus DE SENECTUTE 31 in eum locum saepe profectas alacri animo et erecto, unde se redituras numquam arbitrarentur. Quod igitur adules- 920 centes, et ii quidem non solum indocti, sed etiam rustic!, contemnunt, id docti senes extimescent? 76 Omnino, ut mihi quidem videtur, studiorum omnium satietas vitae facit satietatem. Sunt pueritiae studia carta; num igitur ea desiderant adulescentes? sunt ineuntis adulescentiae ; 925 num ea constans iam requirit aetas, quae media dicitur? sunt etiam eius aetatis; ne ea quidem quaeruntur in se- nectute; sunt extrema quaedam studia senectutis; ergo, ut superiorum aetatum studia occidunt, sic occidunt etiam senectutis ; quod cum evenit, satietas vitae tempus matu- 930 rum mortis adfert. XXI. 77 Equidem non video, cur, quid ipse sentiam de morte, non audeam vobis dicere, quod eo cernere mihi melius videor, quo ah ea propius absum. Ego vestros patres, tuum, Scipio, tuumque, Laeli, viros clarissimos mihique amicissimos, vivere arbitror, et eamgss quidem vitam, quae est sola vita nominanda. Nam, dum sumus inclusi in his compagibus corporis, munere quodam necessitatis et gravi opere perfungimur ; est enim animus caelestis ex altissimo domicilio depressus et quasi demersus in terram, locum divinae naturae aeternitatique contra- 940 rium. Sed credo deos inmortales sparsisse animos in corpora humana, ut essent, qui terras tuerentur, quique caelestium ordinem contemplantes imitarentur eum vitae modo atque constantia. Nee me solum ratio ac disputatio impulit, ut ita crederem, sed nobilitas etiam summorum945 philosophorum et auctoritas. 78 Audiebam Pythagoram Pythagoreosque, incolas paene nostros, qui essent Italici philosophi quondam nominati, numquam dubitasse, quin ex universa mente divina delibatos animos haberemus. 32 M. TULLI CICERONIS 950 Demonstrabantur mihi praeterea, quae Socrates supremo vitae die de inmortalitate animorum disseruisset, is qui esset omnium sapientissimus oraculo Apollinis iudicatus. Quid multa? sic persuasi mihi, sic sentio, cum tanta celeri- tas animorum sit, tanta memoria praeteritorum futuro- 956 rumque prudentia, tot artes, tantae scientiae, tot inventa, non posse earn naturam, quae res eas contineat, esse mor- talem, cumque semper agitetur animus nee principium motus habeat, quia se ipse moveat, ne finem quidem ha- biturum esse motus, quia numquam se ipse sit relicturus, 960 et, cum simplex animi esset natura neque haberet in se quicquam admixtum dispar sui atque dissimile, non posse eum dividi; quod si non posset, non posse interire; mag- noque esse argumento homines scire pleraque ante, quam nati sint, quod iam pueri, cum artes difficiles di^cant, ita 965 celeriter res innumerabiles arripiant, ut eas non tum pri- mum accipere videantur, sed reminisci et recordari. Haec Platonis fere. XXII. 79 Apud Xenophontem autem moriens Cyrus maior haec dicit: Nolite arbitrari, o mihi carissimi filii, me, cum a vobis discessero, nusquam aut nul- 970 lum fore. Nee enim, dum eram vobiscum, animum meum videbatis, sed eum esse in hoc corpore ex iis rebus, quas gere- bam, intellegebatis. Eundem igitur esse creditote, etiamsi nullum videbitis. 80 Nee vero clarorum, virorum post mor- tem honores permanerent, si nihil eorum ipsorum animi 975 efficerent, quo diutius memoriam sui teneremus. Mihi quidem numquam persuaderi potuit animos, dum in cor- poribus essent mortalibus, vivere, eum excessissent ex eis, emori, nee vero tum animum esse insipientem, cum ex insipienti corpore evasisset, sed cum omni admixtione cor- 980 poris liberatus purus et integer esse coepisset, tum esse sapi- DE SENECTUTE 33 entem. Atque etiam cum hominis natura morte dissolvitur, ceterarum rerum perspicuumest quo quaeque discedat; abeunt enim illuc omnia, unde orta sunt, animus autem solus, nee cum adest nee cum discessit, apparet. 81 lam vera videtis nihil esse morti tam simile quam somnum. Atqui dormien- 085 Hum animi maxime declarant divinitatem suam; multa enim, cum remissi et liberi sunt, futura prospiciunt. Ex quo intellegitur, quales futuri sint, cum se plane corporum vin- culis relaxaverint. Quare, si haec ita sunt, sic me colitote, inquit, ut deum ; sin una est interiturus animus cum cor- 990 pore, vos tamen decs verentes, qui hanc omnem pulchritu- dinem tuentur et regunt, memoriam nostri pie inviolateque servabitis. Cyrus quidem haec moriens; nos, si placet, nostra videamus. XXIII. 82 Nemo umquam mihi, Scipio, 995 persuadebit aut patrem tuum Paulum aut duos avos, Paulum et Africanum, aut Africani patrem aut patruum aut multos praestantes viros, quos enumerare non est necesse, tanta esse conatos, quae ad posteritatis memo- riam pertinerent, . nisi animo cernerent posteritatem ad 1000 se ipsos pertinere. An censes, ut de me ipse aliquid more senum glorier, me tantos labores diurnos nocturnos- que domi militiaeque suscepturum fuisse, si isdem finibus gloriam meam, quibus vitam, essem terminaturus? Nonne melius multo fuisset otiosam aetatem et quietam sine uUo 1005 aut labore et contentione traducere? Sed nescio quo modo animus erigens se posteritatem ita semper prospiciebat, quasi, cum excessisset e vita, tum denique victurus esset. Quod quidem ni ita se haberet, ut aninai inmortales essent^ haud optimi cuiusque animus niaxirae''iad inmortalitatem 1010 et gloriam niteretur. 83 Quid? quod sapientissimus quis- 34 M. TULLI CICERONIS que aequissimo animo moritur, stultissimus iniquissimo, nonne vobis videtur is animus, qui plus cernat et longius, videre se ad meliora proficisci, ille autem, cuius obtusior 1015 sit acies, non videre? Equidem efferor studio patres ves- tros, quos colui et dilexi, videndi, neque vero eos solos convenire aveo, quos ipse cognovi, sed illos etiam, de quibus audivi et legi et ipse conscripsi. Quo quidem me proficiscentem haud sane quis facile retraxerit nee 1020 tamquam Peliam recoxerit. Et si quis deus mihi largiatur, ut ex hac aetate repuerascam et in cunis vagiam, valde recusem nee vero velim quasi decurso spatio ad earceres a calce revocari. 84 Quid habet enim vita commodi? quid non potius laboris? Sed habeat sane, habet certe tamen 1025 aut satietatem aut modum. Non lubet enim mihi deplo- rare vitam, quod multi, et ii docti, saepe fecerunt, neque me vixisse paenitet, quoniam ita vixi, ut non frustra me natum existumem, et ex vita ita discedo tamquam ex hospitio, non tamquam e domo. Commorandi enim natura 1030 devorsorium nobis, non habitandi dedit. O praeclarum diem, cum in illud divinum animorum concilium coetum- que proficiscar cumque ex hac turba et conluvione disce- dam! Proficiscar enim non ad eos solum viros, de quibus ante dixi, verum etiam ad Catonem meum, quo nemo vir 1035 melior natus est, nemo pietate praestantior ; cuius a me corpus est crematum, quod contra deeuit, ab illo meum, animus vero non me deserens, sed respectans in ea profecto loca discessit, quo mihi ipsi cernebat esse veniendum. Quem ego meum casum fortiter ferre visus sum, non quo 1040 aequo animo ferrem, sed me ipse consolabar existumans non longinquum inter nos digressum et discessum fore. 85 His mihi rebus, Scipio, (id enim te cum Laelio admirari DE SENECTUTE 35 solere dixisti) levis est senectus, nee solum non molesta, sed etiam iucunda. Quod si in hoc erro, qui animos hominum inmortales esse credam, libenter erro nee mihi 1045 hune errorem, quo delector, dum vivo, extorqueri volo; sin mortuus, ut quidam minuti philosophi eensent, nihil sentiam, non vereor, ne hunc errorem meum philosophi mortui irrideant. Quodsi non sumus inmortales futuri, tamen extingui homini suo tempore optabile est. Nam loso habet natura ut aliarum omnium rerum, sic vivendi modum. Senectus autem aetatis est peractio tamquam fabulae, cuius defatigationem fugere debemus, praesertim adiuneta satietate. Haec habui, de seneetute quae dicerem ; ad quam uti- 1055 nam perveniatis! ut ea, quae ex me audistis, re experti probare possitis. Occasional references are made to the grammars of Gil- dersleeve (G.); Allen and Greenough (A. & G.); Bennett (B.); Harkness (H.); and Lane (L.). COMMENTARY CHAPTER I § I. I. O Tite: these hexameter verses are quoted from the Annales of Ennius (Bk. 10, Vahlen's edition; Bk. 11, Miiller's). The allusion is to an incident in early Roman history. In 198 b. c. the consul Titus Quinctius Flaminius, who had undertaken the direction of the campaign against Philip of Macedon," encountered much embarrassment on landing in Epirus, on account of the rough mountainous character of the country. After wasting much valuable time in a futile effort to force Philip's army from a moun- tain pass in which it was entrenched, the Roman consul at length received an offer of help from Charopus, an Epirote chief, who placed at his disposal a native shepherd to act as guide. The shepherd wishes to know what is to be his reward if he conducts the Roman army to a commanding height from which Pliilip's army may be dislodged. (Cf. Livy, 32, 11.) Cicero here adopts the shepherd's words, cleverly applying them to his lifelong friend, Titus Pom- ponius Atticus, to whom he dedicates the Cato Maior. si quid ego adiuero : " if I help you at £tll"; quid is used to define or modify the substantive notion implied in adiuero (cf. G. 333); adiuero is an archaic form (sigmatic aorist) for the regular oAiuvero, with the shortened u before a vowel after the loss of v. levasso : an ar- chaic future perfect, equivalent to the regular levavero. G. 131 , 4, (6) 1 . 2. coquit: "vex, harass" — a figurative sense which was con- fined to poetry in Cicero's time. versat : with the original quan- tity of the termination, -at (cf . ponebat, 1. 133) , which even in Ennius's day was tending to become short. A few sporadic cases of the ori- ginal quantity of the termination occur in classic Latin. 3. praemi : stems in -io have the Gen. Sing, for the most part in -i until the first century a. d., without change of accent. — G. 33, R. 1. 4. licet enim: "for I may"; enim is elliptical in explanation of the unusual manner in which Atticus is here addressed. versibus . . . eisdem : "in the very same lines"; eisdem is especially em- phatic, as indicated by its unusual position after the substantive. The verses are from Ennius's Annaks (Vahlen's ed., Bk. 10; MuUer's' ed., Bk. 11). 6. Ille vir : i. e., the shepherd mentioned in note on 1. 1 . magna 37 38 DE SENECTUTE cum re: re here has the force of re familiari, "property." Cf. Pro Caelio, 78, hominem sine re. planus fidei : a form of the Gen. with the original quantity (-ei), which occurs frequently in early Latin. The e in this termination was later shortened (-el). The ter- mination s (in pknus) was so slightly sounded that here, as often, it failed to "make quantity." 7. (luamiiuani : corrective ' and yet,' ' however.' Cf. 1. 114, quant- quam id quidem maximum est; 1. 120, Quamguam eum colere coepi, etc. The Greek equivalent is Katroi. 9. moderationem animi tui et aeauitatem : " self-control and poise." Cf. Horace, Car. 2, 3, 31, Aequam memento rebus in arduis Servare mentem. 10. cognomen : viz., Atticus, which was the surname given Pom- ponius in recognition of his familiarity with Greek literature ac- quired during his twenty-two years' residence in Athens. Cogno- men is the additional name bestowed upon a Roman citizen in token of some personal characteristic, as "Cunctator," "Sapiens," or of some foreign conquest, as " Africanus," or of some foreign resi- dence, as " Atticus." humanitatem et prudentiam : " refinement and common sense." Cf. Nepos, Atticus, 3, 3. I2.'eisdem rebus: the reference is to the existing condition of affairs, i. e., the unlimited power of Caesar which pointed to the de- ■ struction of republican institutions and liberty. me ipsum: = ego ipse,' with which supply comm,oveor. For the sake of balance Cicero wrote me ipsum, with which supply suspicor. 13. quarum consolatio: an allusion to the political situation when Caesar was threatening to usurp supreme authority and blot out the Republic. The wise man must yield to the decrees of fate, Cicero seems to imply. QtiantJre is Objective Genitive. maior:amore laborious undertaking than Cicero now has time for. See Introduc- tion on date of composition. 14. visum mihi est: " I have resolved." 15. aliquid ad te conscribere: "write you some treatise." This introductory section passes as the dedication of the Cato Maior to Atticus. Cf. Laelius, ^ i, ut de amidtia scriberem aliquid. § 2. 16. aut jam . . . aut certe: "either already . . or at any rate" — ^ common in Cicero. Cf. L. 1669. 17. senectutis : a rather elastic term. Cicero was now 62 years old and Atticus 65. 18. etsi : corrective like quamquam above ; see note on 1. 7. te quidem: " you at any rate " ; quidem is einployed for emphasis. Thus Cicero places Atticus in sharp contrast with himself, implying that, however he may bear old age, Atticus at all events will bear it philo- sophically, modice ac sapienter: modice suggests moderationem COMMENTARY 39 in the phrase above and sapienter suggests aequitatem, inasmuch as self-control and an even balance of mind were the result of sapientia. Cf. De Oral. 1, 132, modice et scienter. iQ. Sed mihi . . . tu occurrebas: there is a slight ellipsis in the thought as if Cicero intended to say, " But though I know full well that you do not stand in need of such consolation, still I have de- termined to dedicate my book on Old Age to you." Translate: " But it occurred to me that you were worthy," etc. 20. eo munere: i. e., the essay on Old Age, in reference to the idea involved in ad te conscribere above. 21. quo . . . uteretiu-: "a gift which both of us may enjoy in common"; Subjunctive of purpose. It was a pleasure to Cicero to write the essay, and it will be a pleasure likewise to his friend Atticus to peruse it. Mihi quidem: emphatic, — "to me at all events." Cf. te quidem above. 22. libri: i. e., the essay on Old Age. confectio: " the com- position." Cf. De Oral. 2, 52, annalium confectio. 23. absterserit: exceptional sequence denoting final result, as also in effecerit. (G. 513.) Cicero elsewhere says in reference to this work, Legendus mihi saepe est Cato maior ad te missus. Amariorem enimTne senectus facit. stomachor omnia (Ad Att. 14, 21, 3). effecerit mollem etiam . . . senectutem: " has rendered old age even a com- fort and a delight." Cf. 1. 689, Poteratne tantus animus nan efficere iucundam senectutem, etc. 24. digne satis laudari: "can never be praised as it deserves.'' Cicero never tires of sounding the praises of philosophy to which theme exclusively he devoted his famous work, the lost Hortensius. 25. cui qui: = cum qui ei, "since he who follows it," i. e., philo- sophy. Such a juxtaposition is common enough in Latin, though contrary to our English idiom, possit : subjunctive of chaiv acteristic, and pareat, which is subordinate to possit, is subjunctive by attraction. See G. 663; A. & G. 593; L. 1728; B. 324. § 3. 27. ceteris: ^ de ceteris rebus: neuter substantival use of the adjective, in reference to Cicero's philosophical discussions in his De Naturd Deorum and his Tusculan Disputations. Cicero regularly uses an adjective in agreement with res in such instances except in the nominative and accusative cases. Cf. 1. 286, in aliis. dixi- mus . . . dicemus : note the reversal of the order (chiasmus), hunc librum: in sharp contrast with the works included in ceteris. 28. misimus: epistolaryperfect,withtheeditorial"we." om- nem . . . sermonem: i. e., the entire dialogue in which Cato is the chief speaker. 29. Tithono: "The son of Laomedon and Strymo, and brother of Priam. By the prayers of Eos, who loved him, he obtained from the 40 DE SENECTUTE gods immortality, but not eternal youth, in consequence of which he completely shrank together in his old age : whence a decrepit old man was called Tithonus. Eos changed him into a cicada, or katy- did." — Harper's Did. of Class. Lit. and Ariliq. (Cf. Tennyson's beautiful poem, Tithonus.) Aristo Ceus: Aristo of Ceos was a peripatetic philosopher who succeeded Lycon as head of that school about 230 b. c. Among other things he wrote a treatise on Old Age which has perished. Only fragments of his writings have survived. For Cicero's estimate of him, see De Fin. 5, 5, 13. (He is not to be confounded with Aristo of Chios, the Stoic, who flourished about 270 B. 0.) 30. fabula: "myth," i.e., mythical characters. M. Catoniseni: Cato the Elder (234-149 b. c). See Introduction, 5. Seni distin- guishes this Cato from his great-grandson Cato of Utica, a contem- porary of Cicero. 31. maiorem auctoritatem: cf. Laelius, § 4, Sed ut in C atone maiore Qui est scriptus ad te de senectute Catonem indtixi senem disputantem quia nulla videbatur aptior persona Quae de ilia aetate loqueretur, etc. apud queni: "at whose house." Laelium et Scipionem: see Introduction, 7. Lajlius and Scipio take really a very slight part in the discussion, the Cato Maior being only a nominal dialogue. 32. facimus admirantes: "I portray as expressing their admira- tion." This use of facere in the sense " to represent " is quite common. Cf. 1. 669, At Homerus . . jacit. 34. eruditius: in reference to his familiarity with Greek philosophy. 35. suis libris: for the life of Cato see Introduction, 5. The only work of Cato which has been preserved is the De Agri Cultura. This exhibits no special literary excellence. Hence Cicero's apologetic tone for Cato's elaborate discussion of old age. litteris Graecis: cf. 26, Qui litteras Graecas senex didici. 37. plura: sc. dicere, or some other verb of saying. Cf . 1. 953, Quid multaf CHAPTER II § 4. 39. saepe numero: "very often"; numero ("by the count") serves to strengthen saepe. The two words are often written together, saepenumero. cum . . . turn: "both . . . and." hoc: "my friend . . . here," perhaps with a wave of the hand. 40. ceterarum rerum: "in all other matters"; Objective Gen. Cf. 1, Quarum consolatio. 41. velmaxime: tcHs here intensive, "especially." QUod sen- serim : subjunctive of partial obliquity since admirari, upon which the guod-clause depends, is here regarded as equivalent to a verb of saying. Of course, the indicative is the rule in a causal clause COMMENTARY 41 expressing the reason of the speaker. Cf . 1. 32, admirantes quod . . . ferat; also § 7. 43. Aetna gravius: a proverbial expression containing an allusion to Enceladus, who, according to a well-known legend, was im- prisoned under jEtna after the defeat of the Giants by Jupiter. Cf . Vergil, Aen. 3, 554 fol. and the Greek proverb, ffapirepoy Afrvas. See Euripides, Here. Fur. 637 fol. and Longfellow's poem Enceladu.s. 45. rem haud sane . . . admirari videmini: "it is surely by no means a difficult thing which you seem to wonder at." Cf. 1. 1019, haud sane facile. 46. Quibus enim, etc. : " for to those who have no resource in them- selves " ; — Dat. of possession. Cf . Lael. § 79, quibus in ipsis. in ipsis: the allusion is to the Stoic doctrine that the wise man does not condition happiness on things outside himself and that virtue alone is guaranty for a happy hfe. See Lael. § 7. 48. a se ipsi: the intensive, as usual, agrees with the subject, not with the reflexive. Cf . 1. 958, se ipse moveat . se ipse sit relicturus; also 1. 1040, me ipse consolabar. 50. est in primis: "belongs especially." For in primis we often &nA' imprimis. 51. adeptam: here passive. Cf. 1. 739, dimensa ; also 1. 903, medi- tatum. Note the chiasmus. 52. inconstantia: by contrast suggests consianiia, which is a charac- teristic of the wise man. Cf . Lael. § 8, and also § 64. aiunt: sc. stulli. 53. putassent: subjunctive of partial obliquity, representing a pluperfect Indie, {putaveram) in direct discourse. Prlmum: cf. the following Deinde, both in answer to the objection which is first shown to be false and then refuted. 54. falsum putare: "to entertain a mistaken notion"; falsum is a neuter substantive. qui: "how." Q«i was originally an instru- mental or an ablative and later became adverbial (cf . quicum equiva- lent to quocum). See G. 105, N. 3; 106, N. 2. adulescentiae: adulescentia is here loosely employed to denote the period from boy- hood (pueritia) to old age (senectus). Strictly, adulescentia denotes the period from 17 to 30, while iuventus denotes that from 30 to 45, and aetas seniorum that from 45 to 60 and senectus that from 60 to the end of life. 58. (iaaxD.'vis:=quamtumvis, "however." The idea is, "for a past time, however long it might be, when once it is gone by, could not possibly bring any consolation for the foolish old age of this class of men." cum efHuxisset: subjunctive by attraction after posset, and posset is the apodosis of an unreal condition the protasis of which is implied in quamvis longa. § 5. 60. utinam digna esset: " would it were worthy, as it is not " : 42 DE SENECTUTE — optative subjunctive implying that the speaker disclaims a preten- sion to his cognomen, " the wise," which he bore even in his lifetime. 6i. cognomine: i. e.. Sapiens. in hoc summus sapientes: em- phatic and explained by the following gwod-clause. There is a slight ellipsis here. 62. -naturam optimam ducem sequimur: a cardinal doctrine of the. Stoic system, which Cicero here makes Cato express. Cato was noted for his practical wisdom and common sense rather than for any pro- found knowledge of philosophy. See Laelius, § 6 and also § 19. 63. cum ceterae partes . . . sint: " seeing that all the other parts of Ufe have been admirably allotted "; partes usually signifies " role," but here father "parts," perhaps to avoid repetition of actus. Cf. 1. 800, in extremo actu ; also 1. 1052. discriptae: distinguish between discriptae, "planned," "mapped out," and descriptae, "composed." 64. actimi: the regular word for "act" of a play, whereas actio corresponds to "scene." See Ad Fam. 5, 12, 6. 65. inerti: "inartistic," "unskilful," "awkward" {in + ars). 68. quasi vietum et caducum: a circumlocution for the wanting abstract terms of the Latin; quasi here, as often, is apologetic, ex- plained by the bold use of vietus as applied to old age. Vietus (viere) = "bent together," "shriveled," "shrunken," is especially used of wrinkled, shriveled fruit. Cf. Ter., Eun. 688, vietus veins veternosus senex; Hor., Epod. 12, 7, Qui sudor vietis . . memhris. 69. Quid est enim: " for what else is the battle of the giants against the gods but fighting against nature?" This is the interpretation of Nauck and Bennett, which seems more satisfactory than the usual interpretation (see Grit. App.). Cf. De Div. 2, 78, Quid est aliud nolle moneri a Jove nisi efficere ut aut ne fieri possit auspicium aut, si fiat, videri; also Pro Rose. 54, and Phil. 1, 22; 2, 7; 5, 5; 10, 5. For the allusion to the battle of the giants, see Harper's Diet, of Class. Lit. and Antiq. §6. 71. Atqui: "but nevertheless"; i. e., granting that Cato's statements are true, still Lselius wishes to learn how to bear the increasing burden of old age. gratissimmn . . . feceris: "you will do us a great favor." The future perfect tense (cf. didicerimus below) is regular in the polite conversational formula gratis.iimum (gratum) feceris, si . . , Ci.Lael.^ IS, pergratum feceris, si disputaris; also Rep. 1, 34. ut . . . pollicear: "to speak for Scipio also," as well as for myself. Cf . Brut. 1 22 , nobis vero placet, ut pro Bruto etiam respondeam; Academ. 1, 33, nos vero volumus utpro Attica respondeam. 73. fieri: if the infinitive had depended upon speramus, it would regularly have been future {nos futuros esse senes); but volumus, which is added to correct speramus, determines the construction of the infinitive {fieri). COMMENTARY 43 74. rationibus: "means."' 77. futurum est: note the force of est (not erit) representing the matter on the point of fulfilment — " if it is going to be a pleasure to you." The future (erit) would have put the matter in the future and made it less certain of fulfilment. 78. Volumus sane: " we certainly do desire." nisimolestum est: a familiar expression of courtesy, like sodes (si audes), si placet, etc. tamquam longam aliquam viam confeceris: the thought here suggests comparison with Plato, Rep. I, 328 E, which passage Cicero must have had in mind. However, in that passage Socrates inquires about the character of the road leading to old age, whereas Cicero draws attention to the destination only. 79. quam . . . ingrediendum est: "which we too must enter upon." This archaic impersonal use of the periphrastic conjugation with a direct object occurs only in one other passage in Cicero (Pro Scauro 13, oblivescendum vobis putatis matrum in liberos rirorum in uxores seeleraf). The suggestion of some editors that Cicero used this construction in imitation of the archaic style of Cato seems wholly gratuitous since the construction does not occur once in the extant writings of Cato. The construction does, however, occur in Lucretius and in Varro (for a full list of examples see Roby's Latin Gram., Pref. to Vol. 2, p. Ixxii). 80. istuc . . . videre quale sit: a familiar form of the indirect question characteristic of the conversational style. See G. 468. CHAPTER in § 7. 82. ut potero: note the future where the English idiom re- quires the present — "as well as I can." Cf. Rep. 1, 38, hie Scipio, fadam quod voltis ut potero. Saepe enim: enim introduces the reason for faciam, not for ut potero. 83. pares cum paribus congregantur: this proverb can be traced back to Homer at least, — Odyss. 17, 218, ws ai'el Thv dfiuToy Stei Sths as rhv o/uoioy. A Latin variant is similes similihus coniugi solent, simi- lihus similia gaudent. The German runs, Gleich und Gleich gesellt sich gem; and the French, Qui se ressemble s'assemble, with which com- pare the English, " Birds of a feather flock together." 84. quae . . . deplorare solebant: a repetition of the thought expressed in Saepe querellis aequaliiim and repeated because of the intervening parenthesis. Quae is accusative of the inner object. See G. 333, 1, N. 2; B. 176, 2; L. 1144; A. & G. 390, c. 85. C. Salinator: C. Livius Salinator (230-170 B. c.) was praetor 191 B. c. and consul 188.. He was commissioned to superintend the equipment of the Roman fleet during the war against Ahtiochus. 44 DE SENECTUTE Sp. Albinus: Sp. Postumius Albinus was consul 186 b. c. and with his colleague was appointed to investigate the Bacchanalian con- spiracy of that year (see Livy, 39, 1). He died 180 b. c. 86. turn . . . turn: "at one time . . at another." Cf. 1.559, gm hoc idem turn compotationem, turn concenationem vacant. 87. sine auibus ... putarent: "without which they thought, as they said, that life was not life at all"; — subjunctive of partial obliquity. vitam nullam: cf . Ad Fam. 7, 1, 4, hoc tempore vita nullast; Ter., Phorm. 942, Nullus sum. 88. assent . . . soliti: subjunptive by attraction. Qui:=sed hi, adversative asyndeton. 89. auod asset accusandum: subjunctive of partial obliquity, equivalent to a subordinate clause in indirect discourse. 90. usu venirent: "would come by experience," "would happen." 91. quorum: depends upon multorum from which it is separated just as multorum is separated from senectutem. 92. sine querela: a prepositional phrase used as an attribute of senectutem. Cf. 1. 282, ex agro Sdbino rusticos Romanos; also 1. 481, cum hostibus clandestina coUoquia. qui se at . . . ferrent: "who were men of such character as not to regret"; se . . . laxatos esse is the object of ferrent. 93. non moleste: understatement (litotes). But for this Cicero would probably have written nee instead oi et . . . non. 95. Moderati:" men of self-control." difficiles: morose, surly, hard to please. 96. inhumani: "churlish," lacking in culture (Jiumanitas) . 97. importunitas . . . inhumanitas: these two abstract sub- stantives correspond to the adjectives difficiles and inhumani re- spectively. The author uses no abstract term to repeat the thought involved in ?reoderafo'. omni aetati molesta: "aj source of an- noyance to every period of life." § 8. 98. dixerit quispiam: an ideal objection, hence potential Subjunctive (G. 257, 1). 99. opes et copias: "resources and wealth"; opes is more com- prehensive than copias and connotes " influence," whether political or social. dignitatem: " high social rank." 100. id . , . contingare: "such fortune cannot at any rate fall to the lot of many." 103. isto: note the use of this neuter pronoun as a substantive. Themistocles: the celebrated Athenian statesman and general (the rival of Aristides) who conquered the Persians at the naval battle of Salamis, 480 b. c. He was banished in 471 and spent the re- mainder of his days in Persia and Asia Minor, dying about 460 b. c. fertur: the story is variously told. Cicero here follows the version of COMMENTARY 45 Plato (Republic I, 329E). Herodotus (viii, 125) gives another ver- sion. Seriphio cuidam: Seriphos was a small rock-bound island of the Cyclades group which became a by-word for insignificance. Cf . Nat. Dear. 1, 88. 104. ille: refers to Seriphio cuidam. 107. Quod: refers to the lesson of the story just told. 108. nee . . . levis . . . nee . . . nongravis: note the chiasmus. On the thought see Plato, Rep. 330 A. 109. ne . . . quidem: here, as often, simply repeats the negative idea. See G. 445; B. 347, 2; A. & G. 327; H. 656, 2. §9. 110. Aptissima omnino . . . arma: "by all means the most suitable weapons for old age." 111. seneetutis: Gen. of possession. artes exereitationesaue virtutum: "the principle and the practice of virtues." Some editors interpret artes as liberates artes ("liberal arts"). Observe the con- crete effect of pluralizing the abstract term exercitationes. 112. cum diu multumnue vixeris: "when you have lived a long and fruitful life"; — vixeris is potential subjunctive of the ideal second person. Cf. 1. 327, quicquid agas; also: 1. 880, quoad munus ofpci exsequi et tueri possis. 113. eeferunt: archaic form for efferunt, rarely employed even in Cicero's time. See Neue, Formlehre der Lat. Sprache, 3rd ed., 2, p. 870. 114. deserunt: the absolute use without an object, which is rather unusual. 115. eonscientia bene aetae vitae: " the consciousness of a life well spent." bene factorum: substantival use, as often, — " good deeds." CHAPTER IV § 10. 117. 0. Maximus: the hero of the Second Punic War, who from his policy of avoiding a pitched battle with Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, was surnamed " Cunctator" (217 B. c). His full name was Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus Ovicula Cuncta- tor. He was repeatedly elected consul (233, 228, 215, 214, and 209 B. c), was censor in 230 and dictator in 217 B. c. and died 203 B. c. 118. Tarentum reeepit: Tarentum was lost to Hannibal by the Romans in 212 B. c, but recovered by Fabius — his crowning achievement — in 209 B. c. (Livy, 27, 15-16). senem adules- eens: note the. striking juxtaposition of these contrasted words, a rhetorical device quite common in Latin. 119. eondita: "seasoned," "tempered" (condXta, not coruKta). 120. auamquam: corrective. See note on 1. 7. non admodum grandem: " when not so very old." 46 DE SENECTUTE 122. Anno: "a year after"; i. e., in the year 233 B. c. Cf. 1. 231, Anno ante me censorem mortuus est. 123. Quartum consule: "consul for the fourth time." The date is 214 B. c. adulescentulus: "when quite a young man." Cato was 20 years old at the time. 124. miles: "as a private soldier"; predicative attribution. ad Capuam: Capua was then in the hands of the enemy, and so Fabius could go into the neighborhood of the city only (hence ad). 126. queni magistratuin: "an office which"; incorporation of the antecedent into the relative clause. The date of Cato's quaestor- ship is 204 B. c. 127. cum quidem: =tum guidem cum, "at the very time when"; the indicative here indicates the point of time (cf. G. 580, 582; B. 288, 2; A. & G. 545, a; L. 1868). suasor: used to d^ote one who publicly supports a bill or measure, whereas one who speaks against it is technically called dissuasor. legis Cinciae: so called because the tribune M. Cincius Alimentus, brother of the his- torian L. Cincius Alimentus, was the patron of the bill. The law which was passed in 204 b. c. prohibited advocates from receiv- ing fees for professional services. Certain restrictions were also placed on gifts of property by private persons. The purpose of the law was to prevent the rich from exacting tribute under the guise of gifts from the poorer classes (see Cato's speech quoted in Livy, 34, 4, 9). 129. plane grandis: sc. natu, "quite old." Fabius died the follow- ing year (203 b. c). iuvenaliter: Hannibal's young manhood is here contrasted with Fabius's advanced age {plane grandis). When Hannibal entered Italy in 218 b. c, he was 29 years old; and he was therefore only 32 at the time here referred to (215). 130. patientia: stronger than our "patience" and equivalent to "persistence," "endurance." 131. praeclare: sc. dicit. Such omission before a quotation, espe- cially a quotation from a poet, is quite common in Latin. fa- miliaris noster: "my friend"; nostra for meus. Ennius: see Introduction. 132. Unus homo, etc.: well-known lines in reference to Q. Fabius Maximus from Ennius's Annates (Vahlen's ed., 12, 370; Mviller's ed., 8, 286), the first of which attained the currency of a proverb. Cf. De Off. 1, 84; Ad Ait. 2, 19, 2; Liv. 30, 26; Verg.,^4en. 6, 846; Ovid, Fasti 2, 241; Sueton., Tib. 21. See Otto, Sprichworter der Rimer, p. 101. cunctando: the year after the overwhelming defeat at Cannse, when Fabius entered upon his second command, he adopted his famous policy of delay. The Roman fortunes were then at a very low ebb, but under Fabius's command a change for the COMMENTARY 47 better soon took place. See Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, III, Chap. 5. rem: = rem publicam. 133. Noenum: an archaic negative, "not." The etymology of noenum is not clear. Some explain it as compounded of no (a by-form of ne) and the asseverative -ree (cf. the Plautine Tune). Other ety- mologies have also been suggested. See Crit. Appendix. ru- mores: in reference to the reports current that Fabius avoided a pitched battle with Hannibal from sheer cowardice. ponebat: note the original long vowel of the termination (-bat). Cf. 1. 2, versat. 134. plusque magisque: the usual distinction between plus and magis as a comparative formation and with verbs is that plus in- tensifies the significance and mag^is widens the extent of application. But Ennius probably did not observe any such distinction and simply used both together for cumulative effect. clafet: poetic and rare, according to Lexicon. § II. 135. Tarentum: especially emphatic, as indicated by position. 136. Salinatori: Cicero appears to be in error here. It was Titus Livius Macatus, according to Livy, 27, 34, 7, who lost Tarentum, not his kinsman Titus Livius Salinator. (The same error also occurs in De Oral. II, 27-3. On the confusion see K. Allen's article in Ameri- can Journal of Philology, 19, 437.) M. Livius Macatus defended Tarentum from 214 to 212 B. c. and held the citadel from 212 to 209 when Fabius Maximus recovered the city. M. Livius Salinator was consul in 219 B. c. and conquered the Illyrians, but was later forced to go into exile because of misappropriation of public funds. In 210 B. c. the senate permitted him to return, and three years later he was elected consul and defeated Hasdrubal in the battle of the Metaurus. In 204 he was censor and imposed a tax on salt, in consequence of which the surname Salinator was given in ridicule. 137. Mea opera: with special emphasis on mea, "through my aid." 140. praestantior: so. erat. toga: "civil life," "peacetimes." In war times the sagum (the military cloak) replaced the toga. Cf. De Orat. 3, 167, togam pro pace, arma ac tela pro hello. consul itenim: "when consul a second time." The reference is to the year 228 B. c, when Fabius was consul. But Flaminius was tribune, not consul in the year 232 B. c, according to Polybius (2. 21 , 7). Cicero therefore errs here in making these men colleagues in the year 232 B. c. Sp. Carvilio: Sp. Carvilius Maximus was twice consul, first in 234 B. c. and again in 228. During his first consulship he defeated the Corsieans and Sardinians. In the year 216, just after the battle of Caimae, he proposed that, in order to fill the_ vacancies 48 DE SENECTUTE in the senate caused by that disastrous defeat, two members from each of the Latin communities be selected. (This proposition was a close approach to modern representative government.) 141. quiescente: i. e., he took no part in the political strife of the classes. C. Flaminio: the lex Flaminia, passed in 232 b. c, was the first agrarian law enacted and was in direct opposition to the established policy of the Roman senate. The law provided that cer- tain lands in northern Italy should be distributed among the citizens of Rome (cf. Brutus, 14, 57 and Val. Max. 5, 45). The agrarian agitation began with Spurius Cassius's proposition in 486 b. c. (Livy, 2, 41, ,3), and the lex Icilia in 456 B. c. (Livy, 3, 31, 1) and the leges Liciniae in 367 b. c. were notable milestones in the history of this agitatioa Cf . Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, §§29 and 36. 142. agrum Picentum et Gallicum: the Gallic lands here men- tioned lay along the Adriatic between Ancona and Ariminum and the Picene lands were somewhat to the south of these. Colonies had been established in the territory of the Gallic Senones about fifty years before, and the distribution here referred to was not to the new colonists, but to individuals {viritim). 143. senatus auctoritatem: senatus auctoritas denotes an opinion of the senate expressed in a formal resolution, while senatus con- sultum denotes a formal decree. dividenti: with conative force, "while he endeavored to divide." The participle is here equivalent to CMTO-I- the imperfect indicative. Cf. \. 670, lenientem. augur: Fabius was augur for 62 years (Livy, 30, 26, 7) and his disregard of omens was only surpassed by Flaminius's scandalous record. No doubt these men did not hesitate to manipulate the auspicia to suit their political aims. See Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, IV, Chap. 12. 145. ferrentur: legem ferre is the technical term for proposing a law. § 12. 146. Multa: especially emphatic, as indicated by position. 147. admirabilius: sc. cognovi, "I, have known nothing more worthy of admiration." quam quo modo: =eum modum quo, "than the manner in which " ; case of incorporated antecedent in the relative clause, hence the indie, and not the subjunctive mood. Cf. 10, guem magistratum gessi. 148. filii: this son, also called Q. Fabius Maximus, was consul in 213 B. c. and died in 205 b. c, before his aged father. in manibus: "at hand, " " in circulation." Cf. Laelius, § 96, in manibus est oratio. In addition to this meaning, the phrase signifies: 1, "to have in hand, be occupied with " {esse or habere, as in 1. 270, quam in manibus habebat); 2, "to be close at hand,'present." laudatio: sc. funebris, the funeral oration. This speech was in existence as late as Plutarch's time (see Plutarch, Fabius 24). 149. quam cum legimus: "and when we read it." contem- COMMENTARY 49 nimus: "value little, esteem lightly." Cato had only contempt for Greek philosophy. When the celebrated Athenian embassy of philos- ophers lectured at Rome in 155 b. c, he urged that they be requested to return to Athens immediately for fear they should corrupt the Roman youth {DeOrat.2, 155; Acad. 2, 137; Ad Att.12,23, 2, etc.). 150. in luce . . . civium: " in public and before the gaze of his fellow-countrymen," in luce is quite a common figure in Cicero (cf. Ad Qu. Fr. 1, 1,7, in luce Asiae, in oculis provindae) . 151. intus domique: hendiadys. praestantior : sc. erat. Cf. 1. 140, praestantior. 152. notitia: "acquaintance," "familiarity." scientia: "know/- ledge"; i. e., expert knowledge of the principles, in contrast with notitia, which signifies " general knowledge " only. 153. ut in homine Romano: "considering the fact that he was a Roman," "for a Roman," restrictive ut (see G. 642,4; L. 1942). Cf. Livy, 30, ZZ, Alexander vir ut inter Aetolos facundv^. litterae: sc. erant, "acquaintance with literature." 154. omnia: in agreement with bella. memoria: Abl. of means, hence in is not employed. domestica : wars in which the Romans engaged , not simply civil wars, which is the usual meaning. 155. externa: the wars which other nations waged, though the term ordinarily signifies foreign wars in which Rome engaged. Cf. Leg. Agr. 2, 90, omnibus domesticis externisque bellis. Cuius : = ef eijis. ita: looks forward to qua^i and qualifies fruebar, not cupide. Cf. 1. 318, sic avide arripui quasi, etc. 156. illoexstincto: Fabius died 203 B. c. foreimde . . . ne- minem: " there would be no one for me to Iparn from." 157. unde: = a quo. Cf. G. Gil, Rem. 1; L. 1793. CHAPTER V § 13- 157- haec tammulta: sc. dm, or some other verb of saying. 158. Quia profecto videtis: "because you of course see." 159. fuisse: depends upon the supine dictu. 160. Scipiones: " men like Scipio"; a generic plural which is quite common with proper names. Cicero's reference here to Scipio im- plies a degree of cordiality between Scipio and Cato which did not exist as a matter of fact. It is well attested that Cato during the greater part of his life was an avowed bitter opponent of Scipio (see Introduction, p. xxii). 161. ut: note the repetition of the particle for emphasis (ana- phora), pedestres: for terrestres, " on land " — a common usage. So far as is known, neither Scipio nor Fabius ever engaged person- ally in a naval battle. 162. quiete et pure ataue eleganter: quiete, "in quiet," as opposed 50 DE SENECTUTE to the bustle, and stir of a public life; pure, " sinleesly, " implies moral blamelessness, while eleganter, "in a refined manner," denotes dainti- ness in union with good taste and judgment. Reid maintains tliat pure and eleganter are to be taken together as forming one branch of the enumeration, the other branch being quiete; and that the two are connected by et. This principle, however, appears to be con- travened by examples cited in Merguet's Lexicon, and it is probably better to regard the enumeration as a climax, with ataue=a7id also. 163. placida ac lenis senectus: "a quiet and gentle old age"; placida referring to the outward circumstances and Unis to the tem- per and disposition. qualem accepimus Platonis: sc. fuisse senectutem. Plato, the celebrated philosopher who lived 427-347 b. c. 164. uno et octogesimo: in such combinations unus is frequently employed instead of the regular primus, as "one and eightieth" in English. scribens: whether to be taken hterally, "with pen in hand," or in the sense "still engaged in writing books" cannot be definitely determined. Valerius Maximus (8, 73) follows this tradi- tion. However, another tradition informs us that Plato died at a wedding feast (Diog. Laert. 3, 2). Isocrati: Isocrates, the fa- mous orator and rhetorician, lived from 436 to 338 b. c. He is reputed to have trained more orators than any other rhetorician of antiquit}'. He starved himself to death, pining for the loss of Greek freedom through the battle of Ohaeronea. Cf. Milton, Sonnet X, "Broke him, as that dishonest \ictory At Chaeronea, fatal to liberty, Killed with report that old man eloquent." 165. Panathenaicus: a noted speech, still extant, delivered at the Panathenaic festival eulogizing Athens and Attica (339 B. c). 168. Leontinus Gorgias: Gorgias, the greatest of the sophists, was born at Leohtini in Sicily about 485 b. c. and died 378 b. c. Iff his old age he lived in Thessaly and there met and studied with Iso- crates. 169. neqiie umQuam . . . cessavit: " without ever relaxing in his enthusiasm for literary work." Cf . 1. 658, nee modico caret et nimios soils defendit ar dares. Quaererentur : historical sequence be- cause inguit is a historical present. See G. 511, R. 1; A. & G. 485; H. 546; B. 268, 3. 170. cur tain diu vellet esse in vita: regarded by some, perhaps without sufficient reason, as a hint at suicide which the Stoics and Epicureans held to be justifiable under certain circumstances. 171. nihil habeo . . '. quod accusem: "I have no reason to find fault with." The subjunctive after nihil habeo is generally explained as the subjunctive of characteristic. Cf. G. 631, 2; A. & G. 535, a; H. 591, 4; B. 283, 2; L. 1822. . 172. Praeclarum responsum: in apposition to the latter part of COMMENTARY 51 the preceding clause. For similar examples see Laelius, §§ 67, 71, 79. docto: ' a scholar" ; i. e., one who combines culture with his learning. § 14. 172. Sua: emphatic like the following suam. On the thought compare 7, in moribus est culpa, non in aetate. 174. cuius . . . feci: cf. 1. 27,5, qv/is ante dixi. 175. Ennius: see Introduction. The quotation is from his Annales (Vahlen's ed., Bk. 12, 374; MuUer's ed., Bk. 8). 176. equos: nominative, the spelling of Ennius's time, perhaps also current in Cicero's day before equus {ecus) came into v6gue. spatio supremo: " in the last lap." In the Roman circus a race ordi- narily included seven laps (spatia), in the Greek hippodrome, twelve laps, the chariots racing around the course seven and twelve times respectively. Cf. Verg., Aen. 5, 325, lamgue fere spatio extremo 177. Vicit Olympia : a cognate accusative in imitation of the Greek fi/cSi' 'OAu/iirio. Cf. Hor., Epist. 1, 1, 50, coronari Olympia. In Greek words transliterated, the Greek t; was represented by the Latin u in Ennius's time and even much later. confectus qui- escit: note that final s does not here make position. Cf. 1. 6, plenus fidffi. 178. victoris: adjectival, "victorious.'' Cf. Verg., Aen. 7, 656, victores equos. See L. 1042, 1045; A. & G. 321, c; G. 204, notes; H. 495, 3. 179. Quein meminisse: meminisse, "to recall," when used of persons, is regularly followed by the accusative. See G. 376, 2; B. 206, 1, a; A..& G. 350, a; H. 454, 2. 180. hi consules: "the present consuls"; i. e., those of the year 150 B. c. when the dialogue is supposed to have taken place. T. Flaminius: generally taken to be the undistinguished son of C. Flaminius (cf. 1. 7) who built the first road over the Apennines, the famous Via Flaminia, and the Circus Flaminius. 181. M'. Acilius: Manius Acilius Balbus, consul 150 B. c. The apostrophe represents the fifth stroke of M, which in early times was written /W. Caepione : Cn. Servilius Caepio, consul 169 B. c. Philippo: Q. Marcius Philippus, consul 186 b. c.when he helped to suppress the Bacchanalian conspiracy of that year, and again consul 169 B. c. when he fought against Perseus. He served as censor 164. 183. legem Voconiam: this law introduced by the tribune Q. Voconius Saxa provided that no man who possessed property valued at 100,000 sesterces or over should leave it as a legacy to a woman. The measure was designed to prevent the growing tendency of women to inherit great fortunes which would naturally pass to the families of their husbands. Cato, who was always opposed to luxury 52 DE SENECTUTE of every sort, supported the bill when it was pending, and his speech was extant in Livy's time {J'eriocha 41). 184. lateribus: "lungs." Note that Cicero rarely uses pulmones for "lungs" except in sacrificial or medical parlance, latera being employed instead. § 15. 188. Etenim: "in tact," "indeed." Etenim serves to mark a transition from the introductory part of the essay to the body of the discussion. complector: "I think the matter over"; the object involving the question of age and its burdens, has to be sup- plied. 189. avocet: sc.serees. The subjunctive denotes partial obliquity, implying that the reason is not the speaker's, but the reason of those who deem old age wretched. The same explanation applies to faciat and privet and absit. IQO. alteram . . . tertiam: in enumerations of several objects, primus and secundus are generally replaced by unus and alter (see Krebs, Antibarbarus, 6th ed., 2, p. 345). Cf. Ad Att. 3, 15, 1; De Fin. 5, 9; De Off. 1, 152. 193. Quamque: =e< guam. Note that si< intervenes between iiisto and its modifier quam. Cicero frequently, as here, by a small word separates quam, quantus, tantus, etc., from the words they qualify. Cf. 1. 419, quam fuit imbecillus; 1. 488, tam esse inimicum, etc. CHAPTER VI 194. A rebus . . . abstrahit: a restatement of the first objection against old age. Note the change of mood from Subj. to Indie, inasmuch as the thesis is now the proposition that Cicero is to con- trovert by argument. Quibus: the preposition is understood here which has just been expressed before rebus. Such an omission is quite common with relatives and interrogatives, especially where the same verb is already expressed or implied. an eis: an introduces the second member of the disjunctive question, utrum omnibus having to be supplied as the first member; — "Is it from all mat- ters, or simply from those, etc.?" Here quibus implies omnibus, and an clearly has the force of nonne. Cf . 1. 280, An in omnibus studi- orum agitatio vitae aequales fuitf 1. 346, Anne illas quidem viris senec- tute relinquimus, etc.? 195. iuventute . . . et viribus: "the strength of youth" ; this figure is called hendiadys. 196. vel: "even"; adverbial. infirmis corporibus: in sharp contrast with iuventute et viribus. 197. nihil ergo asebat: note the repetition of nihil for rhetorical COMMENTARY 53 effect (anaphora). L. Paulus tuus pater: Lucius jEmilius Paulus Macedonicus, consul 182 b. c. and again 168 b. c. During liis second consulship he defeated Perseus at Pydna, thus putting an end to the first Macedonian War. Hence Jiis cognomen "Macedonicus." The elder Africanus had two sons, one of whom was expelled from the senate on account of his disreputable life, and the other was an invalid who died young. Africanus thereupon adopted the son of Lucius jEmilius Paulus the hero of Pydna, and the adopted son took the name P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (minor) jEmilianus. 198. filii mei: Marcus Porcius Cato, son of Cato, married jEmilia the daughter of Paulus, and died when pra^tor-elect in 152 B. c. 199. Fabricii, Curii, Cortmcanii: generic plurals like Scipiones aut Maximi (1. 160). C. Fabricius Luscinus, noted for the simpUcity and integrity of his character, was consul in 282, 278, and 273 B. c. and censor in 275. He was appointed commander against Pyrrhus (281-275 B. c). Marius Curius Dentatus, noted for his simplicity and frugality, also commanded against Pyrrhus and practically con- cluded the third Samnite War. He was consul in 290, 275 and 274 B. c. Tiberius Coruncanius was consul in 280 b. c. and won a name for himself both in the war against Pyrrhus and also in the war against the Etruscans. cum . . . defendebant: explicative cum (see G. 582). Cf. In Cat. 1, 8, 21, cum tacent, clamant. 200. nihil agebant: forms with nihil ergo agebat an example of chiasmus. § 16. 201. Appi Claudi: Appius Claudius Cai'cus, consul 307 and 296 B. c, who as censor in 311 b. c. built the queen of Roman high- ways, the famous Appian Way, which extended from Rome to Capua (later extended to Brundisium). He also built the first of the Roman aqueducts, the Aqua Appia. When the question of peace with Pyrrhus was under discussion in the senate, he had himself carried into the senate-house to speak against it. (Val. Max. 8, 13, 5.) accedebat: more commonly followed by a quod-cla,use with the Indie, than by an M<-clause as here. This construction implies Appius's blindness was a result of old age. 202. ad pacem . . . faciendum: faciendum is to be taken with pacem also, though it agrees directly with foedus. 203. dubitavit dicere: see G. 555, R. 3. 204. persecutus est: "has expressed." 205. Quo vobis: the lines are from Ennius's Annales (Vahlen's ed., Bk. 6, 202). mentes . . . dementis: a contradiction in terms (oxymoron). ^ 206. Antehac: dissyllabic, as usual, by synizesis (antetec). de- mentis: "senseless"; nominative (early form). viai: archaic genitive, partitive after quo, lit. "whither of the way?" 54 DE SENECTUTE 207. ceteraciue: refers to Appius's speech. carmen: "the poem," "the passage." 208. et tamen: there seems to be an ellipsis here. The sense is; "and yet there is no occasion |to refer to Ennius's quotation from Appius's oration, for the speech itself is extant." oratio: Appius's speech was regarded as one of the earliest documents in Latin prose extant in Cicero's time. Cicero's reference to it (in his Brutus, 61) indicates that he found it rather dry reading. 209. cum . . . interfuissent censorque . . . fuisset: the circum- stantial cwm-clauses seem here employed simply as a substitute for the perfect participle and have the value of the Abl. Abs. con- struction, — " ten years having intervened between his two con- sulships and his censorship having preceded his consulship." Cf. 1. 360, cuw, quadrennio post alterum consulatum pontifex maximus factus esset; 1. 502, cum guidem ei sermoni interfuisset Plato Atheni- ensis. See Hale, Cum-Constructions, pp. 184-189; G. 585, R.; A. &G. 493, 2; L. 1872. 210. ante . . . consulatum: an evidence of Appius's exceptional character, since only ex-consuls were usually elected censors. 212. grandem sane: "really an old man." He was probably 70 years old at least at the time of the war with Pyrrhus (280 b. c). et tamen: see note on et tamen above, 1. 208. sic: some editors take sic as referring to Atque hacc ille agit, but it more probably refers to the immediately preceding statement grandem sane fuisse. Cf. 78, sic mihi persuasi. § 17. 213. Nihil igitur afferunt: "they therefore bring forward no argument"; i. e., that shows old age to be wretched. 214. similesque . . . ut si aui: an unusual combination. Ut si with the subjunctive is quite regular to introduce an imaginary illustration. But ut si rarely occurs in combination with similis. Yet, according to Merguet {Lex. zu der philosophischen Schriften Cicerds), similiter ut si occurs (Tusc. Disp. 4, 41; De Off. 1, 87). cum scandant . . . cursent . . . exhauria)nt - . . sedeat: subjunc- tive of partial obliquity. per foros: " along the deck." 217. clavum: " tiller"; i. e., the oar or oars, used for steering. Cf. Ad Fam. 9, 15, 3, sedebamus in puppi et clavum tenebamus; also Ennius, Ann. 438 (Vahlen's ed.), Dum clavum rectum teneam navem- Que gubernem. 219. Non viribus aut velocitate aut celeritate corporum: corporum modifies viribus and velocitate as well as celeritate, and the words are all emphatic as their position indicates. Trans.: "It is not by strength of body, or rapidity of movement, or by swiftness that great results are achieved." 221. quibus: serves in a two-fold relation: 1. Abl. of separation COMMENTARY 55 with orbari; 2. Abl. of specification with augeri; — "qualities of which old age is not only not usually deprived, but in respect of which it is even accustomed to be enriched." Such a rhetorical figure is called avh koikoS (in common). § i8. 222. Nisi forte: ordinarily denotes an absurd, though pos- sible supposition, as liere. Cf . 1. 397, nisi forte adulescentes pueritiam, paululum aetate progressi adulescentiam debent requirere. miles: " a private." et tribunus et legatus et consul: note the gain in emphasis by the repetition of et (polysyndeton). Note also the climax, — "private, tribune, lieutenant, consul." The consul of course had general command, the legatus was next in rank to the commander-in-chief (consul) and the tribunus militum (of whom there were six to a legion, each commanding in turn for two months) was placed over the private (miles) and under the direct supervi- sion of the legatus. 223. in vario genere: "in various kinds." 224. cessare: "to be- idle." Cf. 13, cessavit. at: cf. 1. 218, ai vero. For the thought see De Off. 1, 79. 225. male iam diu cogitati: "which has now for a long time been plotting mischief." See G. 230, 668; A. &G.490, 1; H. 638; B. 336,2. 226. bellum multo ante denuntio: i. e., Cato declares war against Carthage long before hostilities actually began. He was so envious of the maritime prestige and the trade supremacy of Rome's rival that he is reputed always to have closed his speeches in the senate with the words, censeo Karthaginem esse detendam, (Plutarch, Cato, 27). § 19. 228. Quam palmam: i. e., the glory of destroying Cartlmge. Carthage was taken in the year 146 b. c, four years after the sup- posed date of this dialogue, so that Cicero here makes Cato utter the destruction of that nation as a prophecy. 229. ut avi reliquias persequare: "of completing the work your grandfather left unfinished." Scipio's grandfather here referred to was Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus (maior) who fought at Cannae, later in Spain and in Africa and at length defeated Hanni- bal at Zama, in 202 B. c. 230. sextus hie et tricesimus annus: Scipio died thirty-five years before the date of this dialogue, in 185 b.c. memoriam: there is no intimation here of the feeling of bitter enmity which Cato really entertained toward Scipio. That unrelenting animosity resulted in forcing the hero of the Second Punic War and the conqueror of Hannibal into retirement upon his estate near Naples, and here it was that Scipio died when but little over fifty years old. 231. ezcipient: "cherish," lit. "take up." Anno ante me censorem: the generally accepted date of Scipio's death is 185 b. c, but there is some doubt about this, some assigning 183 as the cor- 56 DE SENECTUTE rect date. Livy (39, 50, 10; also 52, 1-2) argues for the year 185 on the ground that in the year of the censorship of Cato and Vale- rius (i. e., 184 B. c.) Valerius was named princeps senatus to succeed Scipio who must of course have been dead. novem annis post meum consulatum: Cato's consulship terminated in March, 194 B. c, and so nine full years after would make the date appear to be 185 b. c. 233. cum . . . creatus esset: see note on 1. 209 above, cum inter duos consulatus anni decern interfuissent, censorque ante superiorem consulatum fuisset. paeniteret: "would he now regret?" If Scipio, who was bom 235 b. c, had lived to his hundredth year, he would have been 85 years old at the time of this dialogue and would still have had fifteen years more to live; hence the imperfect tense {paeniteret) . 235. nee enim: "No, for"; nee is correlative to the following nee. ezcursione: "skirmishing"; military term. Cicero seems here to have in mind military exercises, such as those in which the light- armed soldiers {veles) engaged. 236. hastis:= pilis. Years before Cicero's time the long hasta had been superseded by the short pilum with which the legionaries were generally armed (Livy, 26, 4, 4; 38, 20, 1 ; 38, 21 , 13) . consilio, ratione, sententia: see 1. 220, consilio, auctoritate, sententia. 238. consilium: frequently used for concilium, a deliberative assembly, the senate. §20. 239. amplissimum: "most distinguished." Cicero makes the point that whereas the Romans called their councillors sena- tores implying that they are old men {ut sunt senes), the Lacedse- monians called their councillors sen^s. The reference is of course to the ycpomes (councillors) who constituted the yepovala. This body consisted of 28 members and no man under sixty years of age was eligible thereto. 241. externa: "foreign history," as in 1. 155, externa bella. 244. cede: "tell me," ht. "give here"; an archaic imperative, 2d sing, (from ce (cf. hie from hi + ce)+do (from dare)). The line is an iambic octonarius and is thus scanned : Note that the anapaest (w w J.) and the spondee (- 1) are employed in most of the feet as allowable substitutes for the iambus (w 1), and that the verse ictus occurs on alternate feet only. See G. 758. qui: "how?" Cf. 1. 54, qui enim citius adulescentis senectus quam pueritiae adulescentia abrepit f 245. Naevi: Cn. Nsevius, a native Campanian, born 269 or 264 b. c. and died at Utica 199 B. c. After fighting in the First Punic War he wrote an epic poem Bellum Punicum on that war, in the old Satur- COMMJCNTARY 57 nian verse, and also produced plays, both tragedies and comedies. His boldness in satirizing the nobility, especially the powerful family of the Metelli, landed him in prison and sent him into exile finally. Ludo: it is doubtful whether this is the specific name of a play by Nsevius, viz. the " Lydian or Etruscan," as some editors interpret it. It was at all events of the type of early Latin plays called fabulae praetextae, i. e., a national Italian tragedy which was sharply dis- tinguished from the tragoedia adapted from the Greek. See Crit. Ap. 246. et alia et: "among other things this reply especially was given"; lit. "both others and this." 247. Proveniebant aut oratores: another iambic octonarius, and from the same play as the preceding hne. The scansion is: -vi^|--|-^|--||^-£|-ww|--^U- stulti adulescentuli : so characterized probably because they urged the change of government from an aristocracy to a kingdom. (Both lines are cited in Merry's Fragments of Early Roman Poetry, p. 20.) 248. florentis aetatis, . . . senescentis: " a mark of youth, . of old age": pred. Gen. of possession. CHAPTER VII § 21. 250. At memoria minuitur: " But some one may say that memory is impaired"; objection of an imaginary opponent. Cf. 1. 388,- At minus habeo virium quam vestrum utervis,' 1. 416, At muUi ita sunt imbecilli senes; 11. 578, 801, etc. Credo: "to be sure," "of course." Cf. 1. 578, At nan est, etc. . . . Credo. nisi earn exerceas: ideal second person, — "you, one," Cf. 1. 344, exsequi nequeas ; 1. 397, ne reguiras. 251. tardior: "rather stupid." Cf. De Or. 1, 28, 127, si qui forte sit tardior. Themistocles: the celebrated Athenian general and statesman, hero of Salamis (480 B. cV Driven into exile 471 b. c, he lived in Persia and Asia Minor till his death about a decade later. He is reputed to have possessed a wonderful memory. 252. perceperat: "had mastered." 253. QuiAristides esset: Q'Mi=to7neto'i(!. Understand eMwi as object of salutare and take Lysimachum as predicate accusative. Lysi- machum: the father of Aristides, who was Themistocles' strong rival. It is not at all likely that Themistocles would forget his old rival or confuse him with another. 254. Eauidem: Cicero often uses equidem as equivalent to ego qui- dem," as ioT my self, I." sunt: =Dij;Mn<, as often; "are still alive." Cf. 1. 669, At Homerus qui . . . fuit. sepulcra: by metonymy for epitaphs. The elaborate Roman tombs along the great highways leading out of the city arrested the attention of travellers and espe- cially of old men who are reputed to have occupied themselves in 58 DE SENECTUTE reading and studying the inscriptions upon the tombs. Perhaps Cato, who was a noted antiquarian, even indulged in this practice. 256. quod aiunt: "as they say," implying a proverb though here perhaps only a superstition. his . . . legendis: "by reading these very epitaphs." As historian Cato did not neglect even the in- scriptions on tombs as throwing light upon the past. Cf . 1. 454, Septi- mus mihi liber Originum . . . omnia antiquitatis monumenta colligo. 257. Quemauam senem: adjectival use of the substantive guis- quam (for uZZms) , somewhat rare in Cicero. Cf. De Off. 3, 101, cuiquam civi; Verr. 2, 6, 17, si cuiquam generi hominum, si cuiquam ordini aratorum probatus sit; Fam. 3, 10, 6, ubi cuiquam legationi fui im- pedimenta. See G. 107, 3, N. 2 ; Krebs, Antibarbarus, 6th ed., 2, p. 418. thesaurum: a reference to the common practice among the ancient Romans, of burying money, especially under the dwell- ing. Plautus introduces a treasure-trove into several of his plays (see Aulularia and Trinummus) . 259. .vadimonia constituta: " appointments to appear in court." Vadimonium sometimes means " bail," the sum of money deter- mined (constituere) by the judge (praetor) and sometimes simply a "promise to appear in court," on one's own recognizance. When, upon the adjournment of a suit, the defendant promised to appear in court on the appointed day, his action was technically called vadimonium promittere. In case of failure to keep his appointment (vadimonium), he was said vadimonium deserere; if he kept the ap- pointment, he was said vadimonium sistere, or obire. § 22. 260. quid . . . senes: faciunt, or agunt, or a similar verb is to be supplied here with quid, and senes is to be taken as predicate apposition with each member of the series; — "how do jurists as old men do, etc.?" iuris consulti: not advocate or lawyer, but "jurists" who were consulted especially on difficult legal points and whose opinions came finally to have the weight and force of law in certain cases, as for example, in the case of those upon whom the emperors conferred the iiis respondendi. Cf.l.33'1, Sex Aelius . . Ti. Coruncanius . P. Crassus a quibus iura civibus praescribebantur. 261. quam multa meminerunt: this implies that the jurists, pon- tiffs, augurs and philosophers were required by their very profession to tax their memories with many details as well as with general principles. 262. Manent: "old men do retain their faculties"; emphatic as indicated by position. Note the adversative asyndeton. modo permaneat: conditional wish, proviso; hence subjunctive. See G. 573; H. 587; A. & G. 528; B. 310. Cf. 1. 391, Moderatio modo virium adsit . . . nitatur. 263. honoratis: "honorable," applicable to men who had filled COMMENTARY 59 high public office (honor). privata et quieta: contrasted with clans et honoratis. Note the chiasmus, privata being contrasted with honoratis and quieta with Claris. 264. Sophocles: the distinguished Greek tragic poet, who lived 496-406 B. c. Only seven of his numerous tragedies have survived. The story here related by Cicero is held to be apocryphal. 265. quod propter studitun cum: "and when from his devotion to this occupation." See note on 1. 25, cui qui. 266. a filiis: most of the ancient writers (Cicero and Plutarch ex- cepted) attribute this action to Sophocles' eldest son Jophon only. 267. nostro more: this custom was recognized in Roman law as far back as the Twelve Tables (450 b. c). 268. patribus: Dat. of personal interest after the impersonal in- terdici. See G. 350. bonis: Abl. of separation. See G. 390, 2, N. 3; A. & G. 364, N. 1; H. 464, 3. 269. quasi desipientem: " on the ground that his mind is impaired." 270. fabulam: " play," whether comedy or tragedy. quamin manibus habebat: "which he had in preparation"; metaphorical, whereas in 1. 148, in manibus lias a literal meaning. 271. scripserat: the context denotes that he had written the play, but had not yet put the finishing touches upon it. Oedipum Coloheum: the ffidipus at Colonus. The latter part of this play is referred to, which represents wandering (Edipus in his old age as arriving at Colonus near Atliens. Tradition relates that the passage selected by the poet for recitation on the occasion here indicated was the superb choral ode in praise of Athens (11. 668-717). 272. carmen: "ode," "poem"; used probably to avoid repetition of fahula. 273. est liberatus : = abso/iiiev auS^. 372. dux ille: i. e., Agamemnon. Note tiie force of ille, "that renowned," "famous." nusguam: i. e., nowiiere in Homer. 373. ut . . . habeat: the regular construction after optal. Aiacis: Ajax of Telemon, the Greek warrior, who was conspicuous in service while Achilles sulked (Iliad 2, 768) . sad ut Nestoris : ellip- sis for sed ut decern Nestoris similes habeat. For Agamemnon's wish for ten counsellors like Nestor, see Iliad 2, 371. 374. quod si: "and if that." acciderit: subjunctive by at- traction. Note the idiomatic use of the perfect. § 32. 375. redeo ad me: cf. 1. 550, ad me ipsum iam revertar. 376. vellem . . . possem: optative subjunctive with adverse decision (G. 261, R.; B. 296, 1, a). Cf. 1. 321, Vellem equidem etiam illud; also below, mallem. idem: ace. of result. See G. 333, 1 ; B. 176, 2, a; A. & G. 390, c; H. 409, 1. 377. Queo: usually combined with a negative, rarely found in pos- itive clauses, where possum is the reigning verb (L. 768). Don me quidem iis esse: " that though I have not that strength"; correla- tive with sed tamen, 1. 381. Cicero here avails himself of the natural freedom of dialogue in changing from the indirect to the direct dis- course, non adflixit senectus. iis viribus: Abl. of quality. 378. miles:." a private," as in 1. 222, miies. belloPunico: i.e., 217 B. c. quaestor eodem bello: i. e., 204 b. c. 379. consul in Hispania: i. e., 195 b. c. Cato's Spanish campaign was so successful that the senate decreed him, upon his return, a three days' thanksgiving as a special mark of distinction. 380. tribunus militaris: i. e., 191 b. c, in the campaign against Antiochua. depugnavi: indicative because cum here simply denotes the time. Note the intensive force of the prefix in depug- nare, " to fight to the bitter end." 382. enervavit: "weaken," lit. "to take the sinews out.'' curia: by metonymy for the senate, as rostra for the assembly of the people. 383. non clientes: the term included both Cato's supporters in Rome and such foreign nations as retained his services as their representative. Note the emphasis gained by the repetition of the negative non. 384. hospites: "foreigners," in Rome who had sometime enter- tained Cato in their respective native countries. Nee enim: "Nor for that matter." For the thought see § 38. 385. mature fieri senem: infinitive after m,onet, where we should rather expect an wi-clause. However, Cicero occasionally employs the infinitive after monere in the sense "to remark"; see G. 546, 2, R. 1; L. 1954. 68 DE SENECTUTE 386. Ego vero . . . mallem: " But as for myself, I had rather that my old age be shorter"; mallem implies the non-fulfilment of the wish the time of which in Cato's case is long past (see G. 258, note 1). Cf. vellem above. 388. convenire me: "to confer with me." cui fuerim: sub- junctive of characteristic. § 33- 388. At: introduces the objection of some imaginary op- ponent. Cf . 1. 250, At memoria minuitur; 1. 331, At hi quidem mortui iam sunt. 389. Ne vos quidem . . . habetis: "Nor have you indeed." Cf. 1. 927, ne . . quidem; also 1. 958. 390. T. Ponti centurionis: unknown. The centurions were usually conspicuous for their large frame and personal strength. 391. Moderatio modo virium adsit: "Let there only be a proper control of one's strength"; modo has the force of a proviso, hence the subjunctive. 392. ne ille: "assuredly he"; the asseverative ne which is usually combined with personal pronouns and demonstratives. Cf. Tusc. Disp. 3, 8, ne ista; De Fin. 3, 11. 393. Olympiae per stadium: Milo (1. 328), according to the legend, carried the animal over the course every day, as it grew. Cf. Quint. 1, 9, 5, Milo quern vitulum assueverat ferre, taurum ferebat. For a parallel example of an illustration introduced without any special form; see 1. 251, Themistocles. 394. cum . . . sustineret bovem: equivalent to the participial construction {sustinens bovem). 395. has corporis: sc. wres. Pythagorae: the philosopher was a contemporary and fellow citizen of the athlete, both I^eing of Cro- ton, — a circumstance which heightens the effect of the contrast. mails: the present subjunctive because the wish is possible of ful- filment and malis is less bald than malles. Cf .' above, 1. 386, mallem. 396. utare: indefinite, an imaginary "you," not ScipioorLftlius: hence subjunctive (G. 263, 2, o; B. 356, 3; H. 555; A. & G. 439,o). dum adsit, cum absit: subjunctive by attraction. 397. ne requiras: the general form of prohibition not addressed to a specific person. nisi forte: this phrase implies an ironical or absurd supposition. Cf. 1. 222, nisi forte. 399. cursus est certus: on the metaphor see 1. 1022. simplex: "straight-forward." Life is here compared to a race where the course is direct and run only once. 400. tempestivitas: "appropriate quality or character." 401. ferocitas: " courage," " high spirit." gravitas: " stability." 402. constantis: "settled," " estabUshed." Cf. 1. 926, constans , . . aetas. COMMENTARY 69 403. percipi: the figure is that of harvesting, or ingathering of fruit, as indicated botli by percipi and maturitas naturale quiddam. See the citation from Xenophon's Cyropaedia, 30. QUod . . . debeat: Subjunctive of cliaracteristic. § 34. 404. hospes tuus avitus: the relation of hospilium once es- tablislied passed on to the children and on down for generations. Thus total strangers were sometimes placed in a position where they had to recognize the sacred bond of that obligation. The tie between the Elder Scipio and Masinissa was very strong, as evi- denced by Scipio's cordial reception by the aged Masinissa (see Somnium Scipionis, 1). Masinissa: king of Numidia. At the outbreak of the First Punic War he was an ally of Carthage and fought against the Scipios in Spain, but later he broke with the Carthaginians and became a loyal ally of the Romans and a warm friend of the vScipios. He died in 149 b. c, the year of Cato's death. 406. omnino non: "not at all." 407. eQUo: when place where may be regarded in the light of manner, means or instrument, the preposition is omitted. (Cf. pedibus above.) 408. capita operto: Abl. of quality. 409. siccitatem: "firmness," "health"; lit. "dryness," i. fe., free- dom from gross humors, catarrh and the like, and implying a good healthy condition of the body. Cf. Tusc. Disp. 5, 99, Adde siccitatem quae consequitur hanc continentiam in victu. officia et munera: "duties and functions"; a favorite combination with Cicero. See note on 1. 348, ojficii munus. 410. Potest igitur: emphatic; "It is possible therefore for exer- cise and self-control, etc." CHAPTER XI 412. Ne sint: a formula of concession for the sake of argument, of frequent occurrence in Cicero. Trans.: "Granted that old age is without physical strength." 413. legibus et institutis: " by statute and custom." 414. muneribus iis: "from those duties"; i. e., in reference to military service. 415. non modo: ^non modo non. Instead of non modo (solum) non . . sed ne-quidem, the latter non is generally omitted when the two negative clauses have a verb in common, the negative of the first clause being supplied by the second; otherwise both nega- tives are expressed. — G. 482, R. 1. See also B. 343, 2, a; L. 1682. quod non possumus : the antecedent of quod is id which is the Ace. of the inner object after cogimur (see G. 333, 1: B. 176, 2, b; A. & G. 390, c; H. 409, 1). 70 DE SENECTUTE § 35. 416. At: introduces the objection of an imaginary op- ponent. Cf. 1. 841 , where at again occurs introducing two consecu- tive sentences as here. 417. officii aut . . . munus: cf. note on 1, 348, ad omne officii munus. 4r9. valetudinis: ''health," or rather "feeble health," as denoted by the context. 420. P.Africanifilius: sonof P. Cornelius ScipioAfricanus (maior). His poor health, coupled with his short life, as the inscription upon his tomb explains, was the reason of his failure to accomplish any achievement worthy of the illustrious name he bore. His epitaph was discovered in the family tomb on the Appian Way (see Corpus Inscrip. Lat. I, 33). 421. Quod ni ita fuisset: " And if this had not been so." Cf. 1009, Quod quidem ni ita se haberet. 422. alteram . . . lumen: "the second light"; Africanus the Elder was the first. Cf. Verg., Aen. 6, 842; Cic, Pro Balho, 34. illud: we should rather expect ille, but the demonstrative is at- tracted into the gender of the predicate noun lumen (see G. 211, R. 5). Cf. De Fin. 2, 22, 70, Negat Epicurus; hoc enim vestrum lumen est. patemam: "of his father." 42s. Resistendum: emphatic, as indicated by position. 426. diligentia: "carefulness," "earnestness." 427. pugnandutn: sc. est. tamquam: correlative to the fol- lowing sic, " just as so." morbum: cf . the Latin pro- verb, Senectus ipsa est morbus, — Ter., Phorm. 575; see also Otto, Sprichwtirter der Romer, p. 316. 428. habenda ratio valetudinis: "regard must be had for one's health." utendum: "one must take." 429. exercitationibus: Moore cites the saying of Cato (Gellius, 11, 2, 6): Nam vita humana prope uti ferrum est. Si exerceas, con- teritur; si non exerceas, tamen robigo interficit. tantum cibi: "only so much food"; restrictive toraiuwi. Cf. 1. 851, tantum remanet, etc. § 36- 431- subveniendum est: "must one give relief to." 432. haec: neuter, referring to mens and animus (let the pupil indicate the distinction between these words). tamquam: "so to say"; apologetic. Cf. I. 68, quasi. 433. InstiUes: indefinite "you." Cf. 1. 250, exerceas. Et: with adverbial force, "even." quidem: merely accentuates corpora, thereby heightening the contrast with the following clause animi . . . levantur. 435. Nam quos ait Caecilius: "For (those) whom Caecilius means as the foolish old men of the comedy." Note the unusual construction COMMENTARY 71 of two accusatives, direct object and predicative accusative, after ait. 436. comicos: not "comic," but "of the comedy"; i. e., repre- sented in comedy. (In Roman comedy old men, because of their credulous disposition, are made a stoclc figure of ridicule.) The line is from Caecilius's Epicleros (The Heiress). The entire couplet is found in the Laelius, § 99, Ut me hodie ante omnis comicos stultos series Versaris atque inlusseris lautissume. hos significat cre- dulos: note the exceptional construction of two accusatives after significat, — direct object and predicative Ace. Cf. Nepos, Ages. 8,2, ut eorum ornatus in his regem neminem significaret; also ib., Them. 2, 7. 437. dissolutos: "negligent," "inattentive," "remiss," but not implying necessarily moral turpitude. quae vitia: "faults which"; incorporated antecedent. 440. non proborum: "of those who are not upright in life." Cicero apparently prefers this expression to the rather harsh im- proborum. senilis stalti.tia:= stultos senes in the quotation from Csecilius. 441. deliratio: "dotage," "silliness"; lit. "a going out of the furrow in ploughing" — a rare word. Cf. De Dir. 2, 43, O delirati- onem incredibilem non enim omnis error stultitia est dicenda. §37. 443. Appius: see note on 1. 201, Appi. regebat: the control of the Roman paterfamilias over his children was originally supreme and absolute. Even after the sons married and themselves became fathers, or rose to the rank of magistrates including the consulship, they still acknowledged the power and authority of their father in private matters and in the home. See Maine, An- cient Law, c. 5. 446. auctoritatem: probably the pairia potestas which a Roman father exercised over his children. imperium: the imperium was the absolute power with which the Comitia Curiata clothed praetors and consuls. The term is here employed in a metaphorical sense in its application to the paterfamilias. 447. vigebat . . . disciplina: a succinct statement of the family government in the early Roman period when the pairia potestas was exercised with due legal strictness. 448. patrius: "inherited from his ancestors." § 38. 448. Ita: "only," "under the condition," explained by the following si-clause. • 450. si nemini emancipata est :" if it has not been given up in bond- age to anyone"; emancipare is primarily a judicial technical term meaning " to put out of the control of the paterfamilias, to declare free and independent, to set free." It was also used of the formal 72 DE SENECTUTE transfer of a piece of property. Cf. Phil. 2, 21, 51, venditum atgue emancipatum tribunatum; also the familiar example from Horace, Epod. 9, 12, emancipatus feminae (said of Antony). 451. dominatur in suos: this conception corresponds with the function of the paterfamilias who is characterized in the Digest (50, 19, 195) paterfamilias appellaturgui in domo dominium habet, etc. 452. senile aliquid: "something of the old man." Cicero appar- ently approves the sentiment of the proverb quoted in 1. 335, mature fieri senem si diu velis senex esse. 453- Quod qui sequitur: "and he who aims at this end"; i. e., a combination of the virtues of youth and old age. Cf. note on 1. 25, cui Qui. 454. Septimus . . . liber Originum: the seventh book of Cato's Origines detailed the history of Rome down to his own day. See Introduction, Cato's Writings. est in manibus: " have on hand," " be engaged upon." Cf . 1. 270, guam in manibus habebat. 435. antiquitatis monumenta: "memorials of ancient times," ' such as records, inscriptions, etc. Cf. 1. 255, nee sepulcra. 456. nimc cum maxime: "now especially," "just now"; the ex- pression is elliptical. 457. conficio orationes: i. e., putting the final touches upon his orations for publication. Cicero tells us {Brutus 17, 65) that he was acquainted with 150 speeches of Cato. auguriwn: very rare ad- jective. Cf. AdFam. 3, 9, 3; Gell. Praef. 13. ius civile: per- haps in contrast with ius augurium (code of the augurs) and ius pontificum (code of the priests) which constitute the religious or sacred law as opposed to the secular or civil law. 458. Pythagoreorumque more: the allusion is to the "Golden Verses" of the followers of Pythagoras which that famous philoso- pher was supposed to have composed. But no doubt the verses are of much later date. Pythagoras's followers are reputed to have asked themselves every evening these questions: IItj nap^0Tjv; ri S' epe^a; ri fiot d4ou oiiK ireKetrBT] ; 460. Haec : rare old form (from hae + ce) for hae. Cf . Tusc. Disp. 1 , 22, haec. 461. desudans: note the intensive force of de-. Cf. 1. 380, depug- navi. 463. Adsum amicis: in the legal sense of being present with aid or support. frequens: "regularly," "usually " On the predicate use see G. 325, R. 6; B. 239. ultroque adfero: custom did not prescribe that a Roman senator adhere strictly to the question before the house when he rose to speak in the senate . It was the function of the presiding officer to introduce new business and the senators exercised their parliamentary privilege of bringing up whatever COMMENTARY 73 matter they deemed best, without being ruled out of order. So, Cato, according to the story, no matter what the subject of discus- sion, invariably closed with the words, Censeo Carthaginem esse delendam. See Introduction, Cato. 464. tueor: "support," "maintain." 465. Quas se exseciui nequirem: cf. 1. 344, Qimm si ipse exse- qui nequeas. 466. lectulus: a lounge or reading couch on which the student used to recline while reading or writing. Cf. DeOraf. 3, 5, 17, inqua {exedra) Crassus lectulo posito recubuisset cumque eum in cogitatione defixum esse sensisset; Ovid, Trist. 1, 11, 37, Nee, consuete, meum, lectule, corpus habes. 468. viventi: Dat. of reference with intellegitur and obrepat both. Trans. " For in the case of a man who, etc., it is not known when old age steals upon him." sensim sine sensu aetas senescit: note the alliteration in this passage describing the gradual but im- perceptible approach of old age. Sensim sine sensu, "imper- ceptibly without feeling," is a faded oxymoron. CHAPTER XII § 39- 471- QUod . . . dicunt: explanatory of tertia mluperalio. One should rather expect here quod careat ut dicunt, but Cicero em- ploys a more vivid and flexible construction. 472. O praeclarum munus aetatis: aetatis=senectutis; for a similar exclamation (epiphonema) after the fourth charge against old age, see 1. 820. 473. id aufert: an implied oxymoron, since it is the nature of a gift ordinarily to enrich, not to rob the recipient. 474. Accipite: "observe," "hear"; used to introduce a quotation. 475. Archytae Tarentini: Archytas of Tarentum, the celebrated Pythagorean philosopher, mathematician and statesman, who lived 400-365 b. c. See Horace's allusion to him in his well-lcnown ode (I, 28); also Laelius, § 88. 476. tradita est: "related to me"; i. e., by his host Nearchus (1. 500). cum . . . cum Q. Maximo: cf. 1. 117, Ego Q. Maxi- mus. /fj'j. capitaliorem: "more dangerous, deadly." Cf. In Cat. 2, 3, hostis capitalis; Lael. § 2, capitali odio. 479. cuius voluptatis avidae: "since in their eagerness for this pleasure"; causal relative with the antecedent repeated for the sake of clearness. 480. ad potiendum: "to the attainment of it"; i.e., pleasure. Cf. 48, etiamsi non abunde potitur. 74 DE SENECTUTE § 40. 481. cum hostibus: attributive prepositional phrase. Such phrases are not of frequent occurrence and are found mainly with cum and sine. Cf . 1. 92, senectutem sine querela. 483. scelus: stronger than facinus, which is here used in its primary sense of "act" or "deed" simply. 484. impelleret: sc. homines. 485. flagitiiiin: especially a shameful or disgraceful deed. ex- citari: denotes the initial impulse without accessory stimulus. nisi: "save," "than." 486. sive quis deus: quis is here=afeffms, "or some god." 487. muneri ac dono: hardly to be distinguished in meaning, except that donum is generic whereas munus is specific. 488. tam esse inimicum: note that the verb esse intervenes be- tween inimicum and its modifier tam. §41. 489. temperantiae: "sobriety," "moderation"; Dat. of possession. neaue omnino . . . consistere: " and virtue can se- cure no foothold at all under the rule of pleasure." 491. fingere animo: "to suppose," "to imagine"; lit. "to form in the mind." tanta incitatuin . . . maxima: "the greatest pleasure that could possibly be experienced (taken in)"; note the emphatic position of maxima at the end of its clause. Cf. Laelius, § 74, tanta quanta maxim,a potest esse distantia. 493. tam diu dum: unusual phrase for the regular quam diu {tam- diu quam diu). Cf. In Cat. 3, 16, sed tam. diu dum lego; De Off. 2, 12, 43, Gracchus tam diu laudahitur dum memoria rerum Romanorum manebit; Ad Att. 9, 6, 5; Ad Fam. 9, 12, 1. 494. nihil agitare mente . . . consecLui posset: "he could pursue no- thing in thought, follow up nothing in reason, nothing in imagination." Note the juxtaposition of merate, ratione and cogitatione, — words al- most synonymous — which is quite characteristic of Cicero's style. 496. si Quidem: like quandoquidem, "since indeed." Cf. 1. 692,.% guidem, aranti L. Quinctio Cincinnato nuntiatum est ; Lael. § 89, Mo- lesta Veritas si quidem ex ea nascitur odium. (See G. 595, R. 5; L. 2019; H. 574, 1.) 497. maior ataue longior: "too intense and long-continued." Some editors read longinquior for longior (see Crit. App.). According to Krebs, Antiharharus, 6th ed. 2, p. 31, longus in the sense " long- continued" occurs nowhere else in Cicero except with words of time. We should rather expect here superlatives in accordance with quanta percipi posset maxima above. 498. C. Pontio: Gains Pontius Herennius, a Samnite, father of Gaius Pontius Telesinus, who defeated the Romans and sent them "under the yoke" at the battle of the Caudine Forks, 321 B. c. (see' Caudino proelio, next line). COMMENTARY 75 499. Sp. Postiunius: Sp. Postumius Albinus, consul 334 and 321 B. c, censor 332 B. c, defeated in the battle of the Caudine Forks. T. Veturius: T. Veturius Calvinus, consul 321 b. c, during which year he shared with his colleague the disastrous defeat of the Caudine Forks. SCO. Archytam: see 39. Nearchus: a Pythagorean philoso- pher of Tarentum and a friend of Cato (Plutarch, Cato 2). After the capture of Tarentum in 209 B. c, Cato spent some time with Near- chus as his guest (Jiospes noster) . 502. pennanserat: the Tarentines surrendered the city to Hanni- bal, in 212 B. c, who held it for three years. But Nearchus remained loyal to Rome during the three years' siege. Reread §§10 and 11. cum . . . interfuisset: "Plato the Athenian having been present at the conversation"; circumstantial ciim-clause, to be taken with locutum (esse), used in place of the Abl. Abs., the employment of which construction was precluded by the wanting perfect participle. For similar examples see 1. 209, cum interjuissent; also 11. 357, 608, 686, etc. Cf. Hale, Cum-Constructions, pp. 184-189. quern Tarentum venisse: scholars generally do not credit this record that Plato in 349 b. c, the year here referred to, only two years before his death, made still another visit to the West. His last visit to the great cities of the West, it is generally accepted, was made about 361 B. c. 504. L. Camillo: Lucius Furius Camillus, son of the celebrated Camillus, dictator in 350 B. c. and consul in 349, participated in the repelling of the Gauls in the ager Pomptinus. Ap. Claudio: Appius Claudius Crassinus Regillensis, consul 349 b. c, but died early in the year. § 42. 505. Quorsus hoc: understand some verb of saying such as dixi. Cf. 1. 157, Quorsum ; 1. 536, quorsus. ut intellegeretis: imperfect (though the English idiom requires the present) because regarded as dependent upon dixi (to be supplied). This also de- termines the sequence of the following subordinate subjunctives. 506. magnam . . . habendam: "great gratitude should be felt toward old age." To express gratitude is gratiam agere; to return thanks, to show one's gratitude is gratiam referre. 507. quae efficeret: "since it makes"; causal relative. 508. liberet: "to be pleasant, agreeable." 509. ut ita dicam : "as it were"; apologetic, to tone down the rather uncommon metaphor involved in mentis . . . praestringit oculos. 511. Invitus feci ut eicerem : a somewhat common periphrasis for invitus eieci with especial emphasis on invitus. Trans.: "It was against my will that I removed." As censor Cato had the authority 76 DE SENECTUTE to degrade even a senator for disreputable conduct. T. Fla- minini: cf. note on 1. 1. L. Flamininum : L. Quinctius Fla- mininus, brother of T. Flamininus, consul 192 b. c, served as prsetor under his brother in the Macedonian War, expelled from the senate during Cato's censorship in 184 b. o. 512. septem: more accurately, 8 years (192-184 B. c). post- quam consul fuisset: subjunctive by attraction. 513. notan^am . . . libidinem: "his wantonness should be branded"; notare is a technical term to signify the degradation of- ficially inflicted upon a citizen by the censor for disreputable con- duct. 514. cum asset consul in Gallia: "when he was in Gaul (i. e., cis- Alpine Gaul) during his consulship." in convivio a scorto: of the two accounts of this incident recorded by Livy, Cicero follows the account of the old annalist Valerius Antias (see Livy 39, 43, 1-3). The other version is contained in Cato's oration (Livy 39, 42, 8-12). On Livy's authority we are informed that the scortum here referred to was not a woman, but a disreputable young fellow who was as- sociated with Flamininus in vice and that Flamininus slew with his own hand the man — a Boian — who had fled to him for pro- tection. 516. qui proximus ante me: this establishes the date about 189 B. c, five years before the censorship of Cato. 517. Flacco: Valerius Flaccus, devoted friend of Cato, and his colleague both in the consulship (195 b. c.) and in the censorship (184 B. c). 519. quae . . . dedecus: "since with his personal shame it in- volved the disgrace to his high command." As governor of cis-Alpine Gaul, Flamininus was of course the official representative of the Roman government in that district. Coniungeret is Subjunct. of cause or characteristic. CHAPTER Xm §43. 521. porro: refers, not to the future as usual, but to the past. solitum: sc. esse. 522. C. Fabricium: see note on 1. 199. 523. Cinea: sCineas, the famous Greek diplomat whom Pyrrhus sent to Rome twice to negotiate terms of peace with the senate. His mission was unsuccessful. He was a noted orator and a pupil of Demosthenes, Cf.l. 202, ad pacem cum Pyrrho, etc. quendam: viz. Epicurus, the founderof the Epicurean school of philosophy. He was born at Samos 342 b. o. and taught at Athens the greater part of his life, dying in 270 b. c. Somehow, despite Lucretius's brilliant COMMENTARY 77 poem De Rerum Natura. Epicurus's teachings were for the most part misunderstood by the Romans, who believed with Cicero that Epicurus held sensual pleasure to be the chief end and aim of life. On the contrary, Epicurus taught that happiness consisted in ab- solute freedom from all disturbing emotions, and this intellectual pleasure (^5oi^) he accepted as the summum bonum. But the popu- lar misconception finally prevailed and Epicureanism came to sig- nify little more than the gratification of the physical appetites — sensual pleasures — which circumstance brought the system into disrepute. 524. qui . . . profitetur: "who declared himself a philosopher.'' eumQue: "and yet he." Cf. note on 1. 167, vixitgue. 525. faceremus: sequence is determined by audivi (1. 520). 526. M'. Curituu et Ti. Coruncanium: see note on 1. 199. 527. ut id Samnitibus . . . persuaderetur: id is here the neuter subject corresponding to the Inner Object. The intransitive verb in the passive {persuaderetur) is used impersonally and the Dative {Samnitibus ipsique Pyrrho) is retained as in active voice (see G. 217). Some grammarians explain id in such a case as the present as an adverbial accus. of respect or extent. 529. vixerat . . . cum: i. e., had lived on intimate terms, not in the house with him, which would be expressed habitore apud {eum). P. Decio: Publius Decimus Mus, consul 312, 308, 297 and 295 b. 0., censor 304 B. c, deliberately sacrificed his life for his country at Sentinum (295 B. c), where the Romans defeated the combined forces of the Gauls, Samnites and Etruscans. His father had sacri- ficed his life in a similar manner in 340 B. c. at the battle of Veseris, near Vesuvius, fought against the Latins and Campanians. 530. eum: 1. e., Curius, whose first consulship was in 290 B. c. se . . . devoverat: the formal act of "devoting oneself" {devotio) here referred to consisted in girding on the cinctus Gabinus and riding on a spirited charger to certain death in the midst of the enemy. Such an act was supposed to propitiate the gods of the lower world and to ensure victory. For the incident here men- tioned, see Livy 10, 28. 13, also *. 8, 9, 6-8. Cf. 1. 910, Decios. norat . . . norat: note the effectiveness of omitting the conjunc- tion (anaphora). 532. cum . . . ttan:=et . . . et. quern dico: "whom I speak of"; i. e., Decius. S34. sua sponte: " for its own sake"; i. c, as an end itself without reference to whatever pleasure or sorrow might follow. quod . . . peteretur . . . quodque . . . sequeretur: "to be sought after and for all the best men to pursue"; relative clauses of character- istic and so original subjunctives regardless of context. 78 DE SENECTUTE § 44- 536- Ouorsus: there is an ellipsis of the verb here as in 11. 157, 505, etc. 537. vituperatio: "charge," not implying real blame necessarily. Cf. 1. 471, tertia vituperatio. 538. quod: "the fact that," as in 1. 471, quod. 539. caret . . . caret: with slight change of meaning as the con- text denotss, — "abstains from feasts, etc., . enjoys immunity from wine-bibbing, indigestion and sleeplessness." 541. aliquid dandum est: "some allowance must be made." 542. divine: not " divinely," but " admirably." escam malp- rum: "a bait for the wicked." Cf. Plato, Timaeus &i D, ^SovV pLtyiaTov KaHov SeXeap ; also Cic. , Hor. Frag. 74, voluptates corporis quae vere graviter et a Platone dictae sunt illecebrae esse atque escae malorum. 543. videlicet: " it is clear," " manifestly." 545. C. Duilium: consul 260 e. c, in which year he defeated the Carthaginian fleet off the little town of Mylse on the northern coast of Sicily. 546. M. f.: abbreviation for Marci filium. It was a common practice in Roman inscriptions to add, as in the present case, the name of the father to facilitate identification. primus devi- cerat: Duilius's victory was the first naval battle the Romans won over the Carthaginians, and the event was perpetuated by a column erected in the Forum and adorned with the bronze beaks of the cap- tured ships {columna rostrata). Upon this column was also set up an inscription an ancient copy of which is preserved on the Capitol. Cf. Val. Max. 3, 6, 4, Duilius qui primus navalem triumphum ex Poenis rettulit quotiescumque epulaturus erat ad funalem cereum praeeunte libicine et tibiis a cena domum reverti solitus est. 547. senem: Duilius was doubtless an old man when Cato was a mere boy (puer). 548. cereo funali: "the torch light"; lit. "a wax taper or torch, such as the Romans used in torch-light processions." privatus: "as a private individual"; i.e., one who is not a magistrate and holding a public office. It was only magistrates who enjoyed the honor of being escorted home from a feast by a taper-bearer and a flute-player (see Servius's note on Verg., Aen. 1, 727). 549. sumpserat: this record of Cicero, who implies that Duilius as a private citizen without any precedent {nullo exemplo) assumed the honor here mentioned, is in direct conflict with Livy, who affirms that this was a privilege conferred upon the hero of Mylae (Livy, Per. 17, C. Duilius primus omnium Romanorum ducum navalis victo- riae duxit triumphum, ob quam causam ei perpetuus quoque honos habi- tus est ut revertenti a cena tibicine canente funale praeferretur). Note COMMENTARY 79 the dfgression here occasioned by the mention of Duilius as an example of an old man who could enjoy a banquet. Similar digressions occur in 10, 26, 56. Critics have commented on Cicero's " didactic digres- sions" (see Hendrickson, American Journal of Philology, 19, 291). Sgo. alios: understand some such verb as commemoro; this is an example of revocatio. Cf. 1. 36, Sed quid opus est plura f § 45- SSO- Primum: we should rather expect this to be followed by dcinde, but, as often, the second element is not expressed, and the author introduces the second point with Ego . . quoque (46). 551. sodales: applied usually to a member of a corporation, fra- ternity, society, college, etc. Cf. Gaius, Digest 47, 22, 4, Sodales sunt, qui eiusdem collegi sunt quam Graed eraipiav vacant. Here the organ- ization seems to have had as the chief object of its existence the maintenance of a special ritual; and feasting was a recognized feature of this brotherhood as of all similar institutions in ancient Rome. Cf. Mommsen, De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanis. me quaestore: i. e., in the year 204 a. c. 552. Idaeis: so called because the original home of the Cybele cult was Mount Ida in the Troad, where was erected a fine temple to that goddess. The meteoric stone, the fancied image of Cybele, which the Sibylline verse (see Livy 29, 10, 4-5) commanded to be brought to Rome during the HannibaHc War before Hannibal could be driven out of Italy, came, however, from Pessinus in Gallatia. This was the introduction of the Cybele cult at Rome. 552. Magnae Matris: i. e., Cybele, the great mother of the gods whose cult was the first of any Asiatic deity to be introduced at Rome. When (in 204 b. c.) the ambassadors sent to Attains, king of Pergamon, to bring the goddess to Rome arrived at Ostia with their sacred charge, the oracle designated Scipio Nasica as the best man {vir optimus in civitate) to receive the goddess till a suitable temple could be erected for her. The ruins of this temple, it is in- teresting to observe, have recently been identified on the western side of the Palatine. Epulabar : the feast of the sodalitas Cato here refers to probably occurred in April at the Megalensian games (ludi Megalenses), which were named in honor of Cybele (from her Greek name iifyd\n w^rijp). 553. igitur: marks the transition to the main thread of the nar- rative after the digression of the parenthesis. omnino modice: "with moderation, to be sure." 554. aetatis: "of that period of life," i. e., youth. 557. metiebar: Cato derived as much or more enjoyment from social intercourse with his friends than from almost any other source. Cf. 1. 525, ad voluptatem esse referenda. accubationem epularem: "a rechning at a banquet"; both rare words. See Lexicon. The 80 DE SENECTUTE guests at a Roman dinner used to recline on couches Qecli) of which there were three arranged on three sides of the table, the fourth side being open for the servants to serve. The couches were desig- nated summus, medius and itoms (lectus). The cup going from left to right always was passed from the summus to the medius and then to the imus. adhibetur: " is employed," "engaged in." 558. vitae coniunctionem haberet: "it brings about a living in common"; lit. "a contact of life with life." 560. compotationem: " a drinking together," called avinr6aiov by the Greeks. concenationem: "a supping together," called ffui-SeHri/o)/ by the Greeks. txun . . . turn: "atone time ... at another," "now . . . now." 561. in eo genere minimum est: " is of least moment in matters of that sort." id: i. e., the mere eating and drinking. CHAPTER XIV. §46. 563. tempestivis . . . conviviis: " early banquets " ; i.e., those beginning before the proper time (3 p. m.) , while it is yet day, and continuing till a late hour of the night. Such feasts lasting through so many hours came to be associated with dissolute society. quoque: cf. 1. 650, primum. 564. qui pauci admodum : = gifOTMrn pottcia " because he was aiming at kingly power.'' occupatum interemit: "took by surprise and killed"; a good illustration of the Latin succinct- ness of phrase attained through the use of participles. 696. A villa in senatum: emphatic, as illustrating how in those times, the Roman senators were devoted to country life and had not yet abandoned it for the attractions of the city. 697. viatores: "the summoners"; lit. "travellers." Cicero here implies that the senators in the early days of the Republic were so devoted to agricultural pursuits that the official messengers who attended the magistrates and were dispatched on distant errands had to travel long distances over the country to summon the senate to Rome and hence were called travellers. Cf. Pliny, N. H. 18, 21, Tales turn etiam viatores erant, quod ipsum nomen inditum est subinde et e& agris senatum ducesgue arcessentibus; also Columella, Praef. 19, Ex quo qui eos evocabant viatores nominati sunt. 698. horum: i. e., of these whom I have named. \ 699. cultione: a rare term for the usual cultura; it occurs also in Verr. 3, 226, and then not again recorded till Ambrosius (third century) . 700. haud scio an nulla: "probably none"; lit. "I know not but that none." Cf. 1. 897, haud sdo an melius Ennius. officio: "in point of service"; lit. "office, function." 702. sed: note the omission of etiam, after sed — an omission of frequent occurrence in Cicero. saturitate: said to occur no- where else in Cicero (SiroJ \ey6fievov) . 703. ad cultum etiam deonun: i. e., the farm provides the first- fruits, wine for libation and animal victims for sacrifice to the gods. 704. ut . . . redeamus: result clause. For Cato's attack on plea- sure, see § 39 seq. 706. cella: a store-room, or a place for fruits, grain, etc., above ground. The expression was also applied to small living apartments for men, especially servants and slaves. Cf. Varro, R. R. 1, 13, 6, cellam vinariam et oleariam ; Cato, R. R. 3, 2, cellam oleariam, vina- riam; Columella, 1, 6, 9. 707. olearia: agrees with cella understood. Observe that the Ro- mans used olive oil, not butter which they were hardly acquainted COMMENTARY 91 with. penaria: "larder," "store-house."' villaque: i. e., villa rustica as opposed to villa urbana. Cf . Varro, R. R.l, 13, 7, and Cato, R. R. 3-4. porco, haedo, agno, gallina: in a collective sense, — " hogs, kids, etc." 709. lam: "furthermore"; a transitional particle. Cf. 1.890, /am; 1. 901 , lam. succidiam alteram: " their second flitch " ; meat sup- ply. The meaning is that the farmers can rely upon their garden for supplies to replenish the larder in case the meat supply should fail. The origin of the proverb is obscure. Varro (L. L. 5, 110, tiTepos. &VfT\fv oiv fi UvBia firiSeva eiT€- pov eJpai. 953. Quid multa: a familiar formula of transition. Cf. 1. 543, Sed quid ego alios. cam tanta: Cicero here represents Cato as ad- ducing four arguments for the immortality of the soul (all except the first taken from Plato). First, the vast and varied capabilities of the soul. On this argument see Tusc. Disp. 1, 59, where Cicero dis- cusses the point more fully. celeritas animorum: in reference to the rapidity of thought. Cf . Tusc. Disp. 1 , 43, nulla est celeritas quae possit cum animi celeritate contendere. 954. praeteritorum futurorumque: neuter substantives, like cae- lestium (1. 943). Note the chiasmus. 955. scientiae: some editors take this as Gen. Sing., since tlie plural scientiae is nowhere else attested for classical Latin, and translate "requiring so great knowledge." But the adjacent plurals tot artes and tot inventa seem to justify the interpretation of scientiae here as plural form, and so it may be rendered "departments, or fields of knowledge." 957. cumque semper agitetur: "and since the mind is always occupied"; lit. "occupies itself," — middle voice. This is the second argument for the immortality of the soul, viz. the original and cease- less activity of the mind) and is borrowed from Plato {Phaedrus 245 C). Cicero uses it also in Tusc. Disp. 1, 53 seq. and in De Rep. (Somn. Scip.) 6, 26 seq. 958. quia se ipse moveat: applies only to nee prinHpium motus habeat. ne . . . quidem: "nor for that matter." Cf. 1. 389, ne . quidem ; also I. 927. 960. cum simplex animi esset: note the change in sequence from primary {sit, contineat, agitetur, moveat, sit relicturus) to secondary, although the entire passage depends upon the same verb persuasi. But toward the end the sequence shifts again from secondary (es.set, haberet, posset) back to primary (,nati sint). The point of view thus shifts in Latin, but it is better to keep the present tense through- out in translating into English. The argument here presented is the third for the immortality of the sou], viz. its individuality. This is borrowed from Plato {Phaedo 78 B) and is also used by Cicero in Tv.sc. Disp. 1, 66. 961. dispar atque dissunile: an illustration of Cicero's fondness for employing synonyms in pairs. Cf. 1. 409, officia et munera. 962. nonposseinterireiassubjectunderstandarw'mum. mag- noque esse argimiento: "and that it is strong evidence," for the im- mortality of the soul. Argumento is Dat. of purpose, and homines scire is the logical subject of esse. This is the fourth argument, viz. 108 DE SENECTUTE the pre-natal existence of the soul indicating its immortality, and is taken from Plato {Phaedo 72 E) . Cicero reverts to it again in Tusc. Disp. 1, 57. The same argument is familiar in English literature. See Wordsworth's famous Ode on the Intimations of Immortality from the Recollections of Early Childhood. 964. quod lam pueri: "because the fact that even children"; causal clause assigning the reason why Cato was convinced {sic mihi persuasi) of the existence of such pre-nataj knowledge. 966. reminisci et recordari: practically synonymous, like dispar atque dissimile above. haec Platonis fere: "these are, in the main, the arguments of Plato." See Crit. App. CHAPTER XXII §79. 967. Apud: "in"; idiomatic usage in quoting a passage from an author when the book is not cited. Cf. 1. 356, apud Xeno- phontem. 968. Cyrus maior: Cyrus the Elder, founder of the Persian empire. See U. 356 and 728. haec dicit: the quotation is a free transla- tion of the Cyropaedia, 8, 7, 17-22, purporting to be the farewell address to his sons, but in reality the words of Xenophon setting forth the teachings of Socrates. 969. nuUum:=non. Cf. 1. 903, nullus est. 970. dum eram: the imperfect tense with dum is rare. See G. 569, N. 1-2; L. 1997 ; A. & G. 556, a; H. 604, 1. 973. nullum :=non, as above. §80. 973. Nee vero, etc.: the argument here advanced goes to prove that the only way to explain properly the perpetuation of the fame of the dead is that the souls of the dead influence the living and keep alive the memory of the dead, — which would be impossi- ble if the soul were not immortal. 975. QUO diutius . . . teneremus: quo is used to introduce a final clause especially with a comparative (diutius). See G. 545, 2 and R. 1 . Mihi Quidem, etc. : this argument has far more weight than the preceding. 976. dum . . . essent: observe that potuit upon which vivere de- pends determines the historical sequence for all the following clauses. corporibus: plural where the English idiom requires the singular. 977. vivere . . . emori: "Uve as long as they are in the body, but die when they leave it"; adversative asyndeton. 978. cum ex insipienti corpore evasisset: "when it escapes from the unconscious body." tum esse sapientem: " then it is con- scious." Note the meaning of sapiens, " conscious," as of insipiens, COMMENTARY 109 "unconscious," above. You must supply in thought mihi per- suasum est from tlie foregoing mihi . . . potuit, upon which esse here depends. 981. AtQue etiam: "And furthermore," introducing as an addi- tional argument the invisibility of the soul. hominis natura: hardly more than a mere circumlocution for homo. Cf. De Fin. 5, 33, intellegant si quando naturam, hominis dicam,, hominem dicere me. § 81. 984. lam vero: Cyrus here introduces still another argu- ment for the immortality of the soul, viz. that from dreams. 985. Atqui: "Yet," preparing the way for a discussion of the theme. Cf. 1. 71, Atqui. 987. remissi: "relaxed" from attention, the opposite of intentua (1. 444). Cf. De Orat. 2, 193, animo leni ac remisso; also Caes., B. 6. 1, 21, remisso ac tanguido animo. 988. vinculis: cf. 1. 937, inclusi in his compagibus corporis. 989. haec: refers to the various arguments, advanced in the fore- going, for the immortality of the soul. colitote: " revere," " re- verence," very strong as indicating the conclusion gathered from the various arguments for the immortality of the soul. Cf. Xenophon's phrase {Cyr, 8, 7, 22) i-iiv i/iiiv i('uxV KaTaiSou/ifvoi. 991. pulchritudinem: refers to the universe; abstract for con- crete. The usual word corresponding to K(i(r/ios was mundus, but Xenophon employs rtfjis in the present passage. 992. tuentur: cf. 1. 942, qui terras tuerentur. 993. servabitis: future with the force of an imperative. See G. 243; A. & G. 449, 6; L. 1624. haec: object of some verb to be supplied. 994. nostra: i. e., our own Roman instances. Cf. 1. 154, domestica. CHAPTER XXllI § 82. 996. patrem . . . duos avos . . . patruum: see 11. 350, 420, 914, etc. 998. multos: sc. alios. 999. tanta esse conatos: in a condition contrary to fact in indirect discourse, the apodosis would regularly be future perfect, fuisse conaturos, "would have undertaken so great achievements." But for special reason Cato wishes to emphasize the actual accomplish- ment and so uses the perfect infinitive instead of the periphrastic. See G. 659, N.; L. 2332. 1000. nisi cernerent: the imperfect is employed in preference to the regular pluperfect required by the unreal of the past, in order to emphasize the continuance of the past. (Cf. the apodosis esse conatos above.) See G. 597, R. 1; B, 304, 2; A. & G. 617, a; H. 579, 110 DE SENECTUTE 1; L. 2098. posteritatem ad se ipsos pertinere: "that future generations had to do with themselves." On the thought, see pro RaUrio •perd. 29, negue guisguam nostrum in rei publican periculis cum laude ac virtute versatw guin spe posteritalis friiclugue ducatur. Hague cum, m,ultis aliis de causis virorum bonorum mentes divinae mihi atgue aetemae videntur esse, tum maxime gubd optimi et sapientissimi cuiusgue animus ita praesentit in posterum, ut nihil nisi sempi- ternum spectare videatur; also Tusc. Disp. 1, 32, Nemo umguam sine magna spe immortalitatis se pro patria offerret ad mortem. looi. An censes: "What? you do not think, do you?" An here has the force of num. When utrum \s omitted and an stands alone, it serves to urge the acceptance of the positive or negative proposi- tion involved in the preceding statement. See G. 457, 1; B. 162, 4, a; L. 1508. ut . . . glorier: "to boast somewhat." Cicero here avails himself of one of Cato's characteristic traits to conceal one of his own distinctive frailties — his vanity. See pro Arch. 30, where Cicero refers in a similar maimer to his own accomplish- ments. 1005. otiosam aetatem et quietam: " a tranquil life and free from public service." Cf. 1. 600, otiosa senecutuie. 1006. traducere:=affere, "to spend." Cf. Tusc. Disp. 3, 25, volu-' mus hoc guod datum est vitae tranguille placidegue traducere. Such a life, however, could hardly have appealed with any force to Cato, who was a conspicuous exponent of the strenuous life. nescio duo modo: "somehow or other." Cf. 1. 340, nescio guo pacto. 1008. cum excessisset: subjunctive by attraction, representing the future perfect Indie. Cf. 1. 977, cum excessissent. victurus esset: on the thought see 1. 935, vivere arbitror, etc. 1009. Quod auidem . . . haberet: "If this indeed were not so,'' Cf . 1. 421 , Quod ni ita fuisset; also 1. 831 , guod ni ita accideret. ut animi . . . essent: explanatory of the foregoing gttod and logical subject of haberet, which accounts for the historical sequence {essent). haud: Cicero sometimes uses haud with verbs, never in his orations, however, except with sda; in his philosophical works and letters, on the contrary, he occasionally uses it with adsentor, erro, ignore, amo and nitor as well as with sdo (cf. haud scio an), — L. 1449. loio. optimi cuiusque: "of all the best men"; lit. "every best man." Cf. pro Rabirio perd. 29, gv^od optimi et sapientissimi cuius- gue animi ; pro Arch. 26, optimus guisgue maxime, gloria- ducitur. immortalitatem et gloriam: "glory of immortality," hendiadys. §83. loii. Quid? Quod: "How is it that?", "moreover." A fa- miliar formula of transition occurring frequently in Cicero. Cf. De Of. 3, 25, 94; ^md. 2, 29, 95, etc. COMMENTARY- 111 1012. iniduissuno: "most reluctantly"; animo is here under- stood. 1013. plus cernat et longius: "has a deeper insight and a farther grasp." Cf. 1. 933, cernere; also 1. 1000, nisi animo cernerent, etc. 1015. non videre: emphatic. Equidem efferor: "As for my part, I am transported." Cf. Ad Fam. 10, 12, 2, incredibili gaudio efferor. 1016. videndi: gerund for the lengthy gerundive (Gen. PL). 1017. aveo: "I eagerly long." 1018. conscripsi: viz. the distinguished Romans Cato had cele- brated in his Origines. Quo . . . proficiscentem: "And when indeed I set out to meet them"; quo=ad guos. 1019. retraxerit . . . recoxerit: potential of the present. 1020. tamauam Peliam: "as in the case of Felias." Cicero here seems guilty of a lapse in his mythology. Medea cut and boiled .^son the father of Jason, not his half-brother Pelias, in her en- chanted cauldron, thus restoring his youth. However, the daugh- ters of Pelias, at Medea's suggestion, attempted likewise to restore their father's youth, but with fatal result. (Plautus (Pseud. 869) commits the same blunder in his allusion to Pelias instead of jEson.) It is to be observed that recoxerit occurs nowhere else in Cicero (SttoI A67rf/uevoi/) . 1021. ut ex hac aetate repuerascam: "to become a boy again at this time of my life." The verb repuerascere , though very rare, is attested for Plautus {Merc. 296) and again for Cicero {De Orat. 2, 6, 22) where he speaks of the practice of Seipo and Lailius of "frohcking like children" on their vacation — Laelium semper fere cum Scipione solitum rusticari, eosgue incredibiliter re- puerascere es.se solitos. 1022. recusem: the vivid Roman imagination conceived such an unreal condition {largiatur . . . recusem) as ideal, and hence employed the present subjunctive in both clauses. Cf. G. 596, R. 1. quasi decurso spatio: "after I have finished the course, as it were"; quxisi is used to apologize for the figure which is drawn from the race- course. Cf. 1. 176, spatio. ad carceres a calce: "from the end to the beginning," of the race-course. Carceres were the barriers behind which the horses and chariots were kept in waiting till the signal was given for the race to begin, whicli was done by the dropping of a napkin. Directly the signal was given, the horses rushed forth from the stalls {carceres) and started around the course. A chalk line across the course at the nearest turning point {meta, "goal ") marked the actual start. The finish in front of the judges' stand was marked by a chalk line {calx) across the race track. So calx came to signify the end, the goal. For a full description see Harper's Diet, of Class. 112 DB SENECTUTE Antiquities, art, calx, career, meta, or Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiquities. The comparison of life to a race-course is quite common in Latin as well as in other literatures. § 84. 1024. habeat sane: "suppose it truly has (advantages)"; concessive clause forming an admission for the sake of argument. Cf. Verr. 1, 14, 37, fuerit malus civis; ib. 5, 1,4, sit fur; also Tusc. Disp. 3, 19, 75, and Sest. 19, 43. See G. 264; B. 278; H. 559, 3; A. & G. 440; L. 1553. 1026. multi et ii docti: "many and those, too, philosophers.'' Even Cicero himself was among the number; but it must be borne in mind that Cato, not Cicero, is supposed to be the character here portrayed. Nagelsbach {Stilistik, 25, 5) observes that Cicero writes multi et ii docti and not multi docti simply. , 1029. hospitio: "an inn," "a hostelry"; here contrasted with domo, and ordinarily affording more comfort than a mere deverso- rium, "a lodging-place," did. In an abstract sense hospitium means "hospitality," "entertainment." Cf. Ad Att. 2, 16, 4, te in Arpi- nati videHmus et hospitio agresti acdpiemus. Commorandi . . . habitandi: "to lodge or stay in, not to dwell in"; Gen. of the gerund to express purpose. On the thought see Tusc. Disp. 1, 118; Lucr. 3, 938; Hor., Sat. 1, 1, 118. deversorium: in addition to dever- scrium and hospitium which denoted the better class of lodging- places, the Romans also had caupona and taherna which were a kind of cheap tavern associated with a shop. (Cf . tabernam, cauponam exer- cere, " to keep a tavern," and popina and ganea, " an eating-house," both in bad repute as patronized by the lower classes of society.) 1031. concilium coetumaue: cf. De Rep. 6, 13, concilia coetusque hominum quae civitates vocantur; also De Fin. 2, 4, 11, and ib. 2, 24, 77, quae in omni coetu conciliogue. 1032. conluvione: "vile medley," "the dregs of the people"; primarily the word denotes "a collection of filth." Cf. Vat. 9, 23, in colluvione Drusi, " the rabble adhering to Drusus." 1034. Catonem meum: his son mentioned in 1. 198, filii mei, and 1. 836, Optimo filio. Cicero in his correspondence likewise refers frequently to his own son. vir: intensifies nemo, making it more emphatic. 1036. crematum: cremation of course was the custom among the ancient Romans. It was the influence of Christianity that brought about the practice of burying the corpse, and this practice explains the origin of the catacombs. quod contra: "whereas," "on the contrary"; lit. "instead ofwhich." The regimen of guod here is de- termined by contra. If contra is a preposition, as it may be (cf. Del- briick, Vergleichende Syntax, I, p. 392), then there is anastrophe and quod is governed by contra which follows. But if, on the other COMMENTARY 113 hand, contra here has its primary adverbial force, quod must be taken as an Ace. of specification. The former interpretation is per- haps more satisfactory. Of course editors are divided as to the in- terpretation, as they are lilcewise divided as to the crux in Lael. § 90, quod contra oportebat delicto dolere, correctione gaudere. See Crit. App. meum: sc. corpus cremari, i. e., my body should have been burned by him. 1038. quo:=od qiiae. Cf. 1. 1018, Quo quidem. 1039. Queni . . . meum casum: "this misfortune of mine,'' viz. the death of his son. non quo . . . ferrem: " not that I bore it calmly"; subjunctive of rejected reason. The real reason in a case like the present usually follows introduced by sed quia (quod). Here, however, the principal clause assigns the real reason {sed ... me ipse consolabar). See G. 541, N. 2; B. 286, 6; A. & G. 540, 2, N. 3; H. 588, II, 2; L. 1855. 1041. digressum et discessum: another pair of synonyms. Cf. 1. 4D9, officia et munera. Note the alliteration and the assonance. § 85. 1042. His mihi rebus: " It is by means of these things that old age is not burdensome to me"; very emphatic as the position indicates. id: refers to the circumstance that old age was not a burden to Cato. 1043. dixisti: see 1. 39. 1044. in hoc: i. e., his belief in the immortality of the soul. lui . . . credam: expresses cause, hence subjunctive. 1045. mihi: Dat. of reference with extorqueri. 1046. QUO delector: on the general trend of the thought, see Tusc. Disp. 1, 39, Errare mehercule malo cum Platone guam cum istis vera sentire. ' 1047. quidam minuti: this disparaging ("insignificant") allusion is to the Epicureans, who rejected the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. Cf. Acad. 2, 75, minuti philosophi; also De Div. 1, 62. The literal meaning of minutus is "small," for which see Juv. 14, 291, fades minutae, "miniature portraits." nihil sentiam: "1 shall know nothing," being dead and unconscious, with the impli- cation of utter annihilation. 1050. extingui: cf. 1. 470, sed diuturnitate extinguitur. 1052. peractio tamquam fabulae: "the last act of the play, as it were"; ta'nquam apologizes for the figure from the stage applied to human life. Peractio is said not to occur elsewhere in classical Latin. Cf. 1. 798, ii mihi videntur fabulam aetatis peregisse; also 1. 855, Neque enim histrioni . . . peragenda fabula est. 1054. satietate : a word of frequent occurrence in Cicero. Cf. 1. 923, studiorum omnium satietas vitae fecit satietatem; also Lael. § 67, non debent esse amicitiarum sicut aliarum rerum, satietas. 114 DE SENECTUTE 1055. Haec habui . . . quae dicerem: "This is what I had to say"; gnae dicerem is Subjunctive of purpose. The closing words of the Laelius (§ 104) are identical. Cf. Ad Att. 1, 6, haec habebam fere quae te scire vellem. Cicero elsewhere {Nat. Dear. 3, 93; Balb. 34) varies the expression, writing habeo dicere simply. 1036. perveniatis: optative subjunct. Cf. 1. 80, quo pervenisti. re ezperti: "having experienced in fact"; i. e. by actual practice. CRITICAL APPENDIX (For the designations ot tlie Mss., the editions, etc., see Manuscripts of the Cato Maior, Introduction, pp. 21-24.) § I. ego: the reading of all the best Mss. except P, which reads te. Most of the recent editors adopt ego, but Sommerbrodt and Ben- nett follow the reading of P. adiuero: the reading of the best Mss. LPH is adiuvero, but this reading has been uniformly rejected on the supposition that no such form exists. Moore restores it to the text, however, on the ground that here and also for Plautus, R^^d. 305, Terence, Phcyr. 537, Catul- lus, 66, 18, the optative sigmatic aorist forms are attested. Most editors adopt adiuero, the reading of A, which had been conjectured by Lambinus even before de Vries's collation of A, and generally adopted. § 2. etiam: L, followed by most of the recent editors except Ben- nett, who omits, -after Halm, on the ground that the locution et . . . et etiam is extremely rare in Cicero. etsi te . . . uteretur: Otto thinks these words did not stand in the original draft, but were added in the subsequent revision (A. Otto, Die Interpolationen in Ciceros Cato Maior, etc., p. 95). digne satis laudari: LHVEVi, so Mueller and most subsequent edi- tors. But BRSMa read satis laudari digne, and P has laudari satis digne, followed by Halm and Bennett. § 3. Ceus: the'Mss. are at variance as to the name. Mueller and some others spell Cius, which is the later spelling of the Empire, not that of the Republic (Ceus). Giesecke, Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 145, 206, tries to establish that Aristo the Stoic of Chios and not the Peri- patetic of Ceos (Keos) is meant. Cf. Schanz, Rom. Lit., p. 325. quo maiorem . . . oratio: Meissner, after PoUe's suggestion (Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 131, 807), without sufficient reason, would take this as an interpolation. But Otto (Die Interpolationen, etc., p. 95) looks upon it rather as an evidence of a revision by Cicero himself. id tribuito: supported by LP»v and adopted by Sommerbrodt, Anz, Kornitzer and Moore. The Mss. are much at variance. Mueller follows BRSI and Halm, reading attribuito, as do many recent editors. § 4. potest malum: PBRS, so Halm and many subsequent editors, on the ground that this order is more in keeping with Cicero's usage. 115 116 DE SENECTUTE But Mueller and some others follow the reading of LHAVy, which is malum potest, disregarding Ciceronian usage. adeptam: PHVBRSIv, so Halm, Sommerbrodt, Bennett and Moore, while Mueller reads adepti after LE, followed by most editors. The reading adeptam is preferable to adepti not only as being more forceful, but also as being more likely to have been changed by a copyist unfamiliar with Cicero's usage of the perfect participle of a deponent in a passive sense. consolatio: after Mueller, on the authority of LPBRS; some edi- tors read consolatione supported by EIH. § 5. discriptae: after Mueller, supported by EA, though most manuscripts read descriptae. Quid est enim: most editors interpret this passage thus: "For what is waging war with the Gods after the example of the Giants, if resistance to nature is not?" See Moore's discussion of this point, Amer. Jour. Phil. 23, 440-443. §8. Atheniensis: the reading of LAE, adopted by Mueller. Many editors following the reading of the majority of the manuscripts add esses after Atheniensis. But as Reid remarks, the quick suc- cession of esses, fuisses is contrary to Ciceronian usage. § 10. eum qui Tarentum recepit: Baiter and Meissner take this as an interpolation, but it is generally accepted as genuine. See Otto, art. cii., p. 103. Quaestor deinde, etc. : Anz and Schiche omit deinde and change the order in consequence of the confusion in the manuscripts, which interpolate aedilis or praetor, or both. But there seems to be no sufficient reason to depart from Mueller's text, and so most of the recent editors have followed it. Noenum: Lachmann's conjecture (cf. Lucr. 3, 199) for non enim of the manuscripts. But this etymology of non (from noenum) has not met with general favor. F. W. Thomas, Class. Rev. 5, 378, thinks non cannot be a corruption of noenum, because noenum is known to have been in use in the time of Ennius and even as late as Varro and nolo occurs as far back as the XII Tables. Thomas would derive non from no + ni (asseverative), cf. Stolz, Hist. Gram., 1, 131. In his edition of Ennius Vahlen retains non enim, after the Mss. plusque: the Mss. all read posfgwe, adopted by Mueller ; likewise De Off. 1, 84, reads postque as does also Yahlen in his edition of Ennius, (12, 370) as well as Lucian Mueller. Bernays conjectured plusque, which some editors, notably Bennett and Moore, adopt. There seems no sufficient reason to reject the overwhelming authority of the Mss. and read plusque:'' § II. fuerat in arce: the Mss. are at variance. Mueller reads /«- gerat in arcem, supported by v. Most of the recent editors read fuerat CRITICAL APPENDIX 117 in arce, which is probably the correct reading, in view of the long period of three years during which Macatus defended tlie city. On Cicero's error here in confusing Salinator with Macatus, see Katha- rine Allen, Amer. Jour. Phil. 19, 437. § 12. mortem fllii: P here reads mortem M. filii and AViv mortem marci filii, implying that the son's name was Marcus, whereas his name was really Quintus. bella: bracketed by Sommerbrodt, Moore, Otto {art. cit., p. 103) and others as spurious and explained as a gloss on domestica and externa which crept into the text. But because Cicero employed the general terms domestica and externa in some passages, it does not fol- low that he did not write bella here. In view of the unanimity of the Mss. it seems best to retain bella. turn cupide fruebar: since the Mss. and editors are so greatly at va- riance here, it seems best to follow Mueller's order, especially since no real advantage is secured by altering the position of turn. §13. Quorsus: the Mss. are overwhelmingly in favor of gworsiis; V' reads quorsum, adopted by Mueller. Since the manuscript read- ing makes good sense, there is no sufficient reason to reject quorsus and adopt quorsum. quarto et nonagesuno: the reading of LE; but most Mss. omit et. Merguet's Lexicon zu Cicero shows that et in similar expressions is never omitted in Cicero's orations and only once in his philosophical writings (De Off. 2, 29). Therefore et ought to be retained here not- withstanding the rule that et is usually omitted in compounds when the smaller numeral precedes. § 14. Olympia: so Vv, followed by Mueller and most subsequent editors. BIRSH read Olimpia. Reid, Bennett and Moore adopt Olumpia, a close imitation of the Greek. But L. Mueller {Ennius, Bk. 17) and Vahlen {Ennius, Bk. 12, 374) read Olympia. undevicesimo: Mss. generally read annum enim, undeincesimum ; L reads undevicensimum, which Mueller adopts. But most of the re- cent editors emend into anno enim undevicesimo. suasissem: the reading of the Mss. except P and H {suasisset). ■Forchammer conjectured suasi from this variant reading suasisset {suasi. Sed), which presupposed the change of final d (in sed) into t {set), — common enough in Mss. Mueller adopts Forchammer's conjecture, writing suasi. Sed — . But the manuscript reading makes good sense and Hale {Cum-Constructions, p. 189) defends suasisset here. It would seem then- that the manuscript reading should be followed, and many recent editors accordingly read suasissem. § 15. omnibus fere: so PVE, adopted by most editors; but most of the Mss. read fere omnibus, followed by Mueller and others. The 118 DE SENECTUTE fact that fere generally, not always, follows the word it modifies (cf. Kiehs, Antibarbarus, 6th ed., I, p. 533) may be cited in defense of the reading omnibus fere. See Merguet's Lexikon zu Cicero, art., fere. Quibus: so the Mss. and the editors. Lutjohan {Rhein. Mus- 37, 500) would emend to read Quibus omnibus f, or would substi- tute omnibus ior,guibus. § i6. dementis: the Mss. and the editors are divided between de- mentes and dementis. Mueller has dementes. L. Mueller {Ennius, Bk. 6, 205) and Vahlen (Ennius, Bk. 6, 202) both read dementes. viai: restored by Lambinus and adopted by all recent editors. §17. nonfacitea: Mueller reads fadat . . /aciai following the Mss., most of which join these words to the preceding sentence and read in puppi nan facial ea . facial. But V reads npn facit m the first place and S reads facil in the second, which Halm adopted thus retaining fadt in both places. Sommerbrodt, Weiszenfels, Deiter, Anz, Drenckhahn, Ley, Schiche and Bennett, among recent editors, read fadt . . . fadt. Moore conjectures ne for nan, assum- ing ne fadat to be a concessive clause. aut celeritate: Sommerbrodt, without sufficient reason (cf. A. Otto, art. cil., p. 102), assumes these words to be spurious, bracket- ing them and following Halm, with good manuscript authority (PHBRSMa), writes velocitalibus before. § 18. Karthagini male: the reading of HERS et al. LPAVIB in- sert cui, which reading Mueller accepts, assuming a lacuna after Karthagini: No doubt the text is corrupt, but the restoration makes sense. excisam: Reid after Halm rejects exdsam (from excido, " to raze ") on the ground that exsdndo and not excido is the proper word for "razing" a city, and hence writes exscisam. But, as Bennett re- marks, there is abundant testimony to show that excido as well as exsdndo is frequently used in this sense. Sommerbrodt following Lambinus writes exdssam. § 19. sextus: a, conjecture of Manutius (UI=III), adopted by Baiter, Lahmeyer, Meissner, Schiche, Kornitzer, Anz, Moore, Deiter and others. The Mss. read lertius, followed by Halm, Mueller, Reid and Bennett. Since it is uncertain when Scipio Africanus died, the matter cannot be definitely settled whether sextus or terlius is the proper word here. But sextus seems more in harmony with the facts. Sommerbrodt substitutes quintus. § 20. percontantur in Naevi poetae Ludo: this passage has proved a crux to the editors. Mueller reads percontantur ut est in Naevi poetae Ludo, which is far from satisfactory. Various emendations have been suggested, but none has met with general approval. The CRITICAL APPENDIX 119 obvious corruption lies in percontantur ut est and in Ludo. For the manuscript reading percontantur Mommsen conjectured percon- tantihus, and Deiter {Philologus 46, 175) percontanti, botli omitting ut est. Reid, Bennett and Egbert omit ut est simply. Moore (Amer. Jour. Phil. 23, 436) ingeniously conjectures that ut est of the Mss. is a corruption of Veientes, but his clever conjecture meets with cer- tain palteographical objections. For Ludo Ribbeck conjectured Lupo, connecting the quotation with a fragment of Nasvius pre- served in Festus (Mueller's ed., p. 270). Bennett adopts this emenda- tion. But Ribbeck, in his Tragicorum Romanorum Fragmenta, 3rd ed., I, p. 321, does not now identify the play Lupus with the Romu- lus of Nsevius, but regards them as separate and distinct plays. Perhaps we should not go far wrong to read here Lupo, after Rib- beck, for Ludo (supported by the best Mss., though some read libro). Moore has called attention to the suspicious use of poetae in com- bination with the name Nsevius as not in keeping with Cicero's practice. Havet (Acad, des Inscrip. et belles Lettres, yr. 1900, p. 148) would read these verses: Cedo qui vos rem publicam tantam amistis tarn dto ? Proventabant oratores novi, stulti, adulescentuli. § 22. Quid iuris consult! ? : Mueller punctuates thus : Quid ? juris consulti, quid? § 23. num Hesiodum: Mueller omits num which is found in all the Mss. and retained by most of the editors. I follow the majority of editors and retain it. in suis studiis: Meissner brackets these words. See A. Otto, art. cit., p. 103. .. § 24. saccule: the reading of all the Mss., though where the line is quoted in Tusc. Disp. 1, 31, the Mss. read saeclo. prosient; the manuscript evidence is overwhelmingly in favor of prosint, which Mueller and most editors follow. Yet some editors adopt the earlier form prosient. Ribbeck {Trag. Rom. Frag., 3rd ed., II, p. 80) reads prosint and makes the verse a senarius. G. Her- mann and Heine make it cretic. It is usually treated as bacchiac. § 25. eumpse esse: a conjecture of Fleckeisen, which has been gen- erally adopted for the variant readings of the Mss. § 26. discebant . . . antiaui: bracketed by Sommerbrodt and Schiche and some others, but defended by A. Otto, art. cit., p. 102. § 27. Kec: so most Mss. and editors. VBEIS read ne, which a few editors adopt. §28. Omnino: Knapp {Class. Rev. 14, 214) rejects the favorite interpretation of this passage and takes omnino as looking backward as a correction and not forward to sed tamen. See Moore, Amer. Jour. Phil. 23, 436-437. splendescit: this reading, though supported by the Mss., is re- 120 DE SENECTUTE garded by some editors as very questionable, on tlie ground of not being suited to tiie context. Because of objection to splendescit Henn- ings (Fleckeisen's Jahr. 147, 781) conjectured s{u)plendescit, i. e., *sublentescit (cf. Barendt, Class. Rev. 13, 402; 14, 356). See A. Kor- nitzer's discussion in Berliner Philologische W ochenschrift 25, p. 510. persaepe ipsa: so most of tiie Mss. and editors. Mueller follows L reading per se ipsa. The former seems the more forceful and has better manuscript support. compta: LHA et al. followed by Mueller. But the Mss. vary, and BO do the editors. Of recent editors Reid, Egbert, Kornitzer, Drenck- hahn and Weiszenfels have composita ; Sommerbrodt, Meissner, Ley, Deiter, Schiche, Bennett have compta : Anz has sedata. Moore reads cocta and defends it by a corrupt variant reading in Nonius, who quotes this passage. § 29. an ne illas: so Mueller, adopting a conjecture of Halm for the corrupt annates of most of the Mss. Some editors adopt another conjecture of Halm, reading an ne eas, while some adopt an ne tales, a conjecture of Schenkl for an tales, the reading of S. relinquimus: it seems better to follow the consensus of a majority of the Mss. in favor of relinquimus than to adopt with Mueller re- linquemus, the reading of L, especially since no advantage is gained thereby. ipsa ista: so LPAvMa, adopted by Mueller; HVBRES read ista ipsa, which is the usual order in Cicero. Cicero hardly bound him- self by a fixed rule, as Moore observes, and the consensus of the two best Mss. ought to determine the matter. § 33. Utrum igitur: a conjecture of Manutius, confirmed on the discovery of H. PVvS read vivum igitur ; BER read vivum utrum igitur. Editors vary. § 34. Ne sint: so R, followed by Halm, Baiter, Bennett and Moore. PH have ne desint, LBIS non sunt, adopted by Mueller and others. Ne sint seems best suited to the context. § 35. sint: so LPHVER et al., adopted by Mueller. BIS have sunt, followed by Halm and some of the recent editors. But sint has the support of the best Mss. and can be defended and should . then be adopted. morbiun: so PHVvMa, followed by many editors including Ben- nett and Moore. L has morborum vim, adopted by Mueller, Som- merbrodt, Schiche, Anz and others. §36. se exercendo: so LAVvER, followed by Sommerbrodt, Schiche, Moore. Mueller and others omit se, contrary to the Mss. PHBSI read exercitando. comicos: so all the editors for comicus of the Mss. I 38. emancipata: some few editors prefer the SLTchaic mancipata CRITICAL APPENDIX 121 which reposes on good manuscript authority, though Nonius's citation (105, 15 M) supports emancipata. agere non possetn: there is some confusion here in the Mss., though the majority favor agere non possem, adopted by Mueller. LA read age (rem) in ras., omitting the rest of the sentence, and so some editors make the sentence close with agerem. § 41. longior: so LPVvHAI, followed by most editors. Mueller follows BRES reading longinguior. It is true that longior here in the sense demanded by tlie context is contrary to Ciceronian usage, but it has the consensus of all the best Mss. Krebs {Antibarbarus der Lateinische Sprache, 6th ed., II, p. 31) cites this passage as an example of longus in Cicero with other than a temporal sense. § 44. quod videlicet . . . pisces: regarded by some editors as an interpolation, but defended by A. Otto, op. at., p. 101. § 46. et refrigeratio . . . hjbernus: omitted by Kornitzer and bracketed by Brieger, Anz and Sommerbrodt, but defended by A. Otto {op. cit., 96) as genuine and not a repetition of § 57, end. § 47. desideratio: the reading of all the Mss. except L, which has desideratur. It is true, desideratio is extremely rare, occurring only in Vitruvius elsewhere. But desideratio harmonizes better with titillatio tlian desideratur and the overwhelming manuscript evidence in its favor justifies its retention by Mueller and other editors. Cf . Kornitzer, in Berliner Wochenschrift 25, 511. nihil autem . . . desideres: PoUe (Fleckeisen's Jahrbuecher 131, p. 807), without sufficient reason, doubts the genuineness of this passage, but it is defended by A. Otto {op. dt., 99). §48. tamen: some of the Mss. including LP orait tamen; it is re- tained by Mueller on the authority of HVRE, and it occurs in Nonius (417, 23 M). § 49. Vivere videbamus: a conjecture of Iwan Mueller {Bursian's Jahresb. 26, 2, p. 126) for mori videbamus of the Mss. Moore emends into vivere mode vid., Bennett exerreri vid. Mueller adopts the read- ing of the Mss. which does not comport with the context, but obe- lizes it, mdicating his belief that the passage is corrupt. Various other emendations have been suggested, but none has met with general favor. § 50. Vidi . . . Livium: Hendrickson {Amer. Jour. Phil. 19, 291 and 437) maintains that these words are not a mere didactic di- gression, but an intentional emphasizing of the age of Livius in order to overthrow a popular error which Accius gave currency to and which Cicero himself formally repudiated in his Brutus (§ 72). §51. imperium: for this Manutius suggested imperadmOT, but the conjecture did not commend itself to editors. See Lunak's advo- cacy of the same {Philologus 52, 347). 122 DE SENECTUTE nee umauam: so all the Mss. except L, which has ne cuiquam; Mommsen emended this into nee cuiauam, but few have adopted it. dein: the reading of all the Mss. except P, which has deinde, adopted by Mueller and most editors. Moore has dein which seems preferable, both in view of its overwhelming manuscript support and because Cicero frequently used this abbreviated form before words beginning with a consonant (and deinde regularly before vowels). Cf. Neue, Formenlehre d. Lutein. Sprache, 3rd ed., II, p. 672; Lindsay, p. 122; and Stolz, Hist. Gram. d. Lutein. Sprache, I, p. 307. ex quibus: the reading of LPV, followed by Mueller; other Mss. have e quibus. But Cicero generally uses ex before consonants. Cf. Neue, op. cit., II, p. 868. § 52. requietem: the reading of most Mss. except LAV, which have requiem, followed by Mueller. Editors are divided. But Cicero regu- larly wrote requietem (cf. De Leg. 2, 2; 2, 29; De Fin. 5, 54) and Priscian who cites this passage (242 K) also favors requietem here, not to mention the preponderance of the manuscript support. viviradices : generally adopted by the editors on the authority of Cato, De Be Rus. 33, 3, and Varro, De Re Rus. 1, 35, 1, for vites radices the reading of the Mss. § 53. dein: the reading of all the Mss. except H (de inde) and one or two inferior Mss. Yet Mueller, after Halm, reads deinde, strangely enough. § 54. dixi, etc. : Liitjohann (Rhein. Mus. 37, 502) would strike out these words as an interpolation, but A. Otto defends them (op. cit., p. 106). § 55. haec: reading of LAPa, adopted by Mueller and most of the recent editors; PHV and some other Mss. read ea, adopted by Bennett and Schiche. triumphavisset: the reading of LPAVvS, followed by Meissner and Moore; HBEIR have triumphasset, followed by Mueller and others. The best Mss. support triumphuvisset. a mea: the Mss. all read a me, followed by Mueller and others. Maehly conjectured mea which Mueller regarded as probable, but not necessary, and this reading is followed by Bennett, Meissner, Anz, Kornitzer and Deiter. Since Tneu admiruri might readily be corrupted into me admirari and since there seems to be little or no warrant in Ciceronian usage for the use of the personal pronoun in the sense the passage demands, it seems best to adopt Maehly's emendation. § 56. quam: the reading of v and one of the inferior Paris Mss. collated by Dahl. The other Mss. read qua, followed by Schiche, Kornitzer, Moore. Mueller writes de quu, the conjecture of Opitz CRITICAL APPENDIX 123 (Fleckeisen's Jahrb., yr. 1873, p. 610), assuming that de was dropped in copying through the proximity of the preceding delectaiione. But it is more probable that a stroke over the a in qua {quA) was lost in the best Mss. and the evidence of P'v tends to confirm this. Halm, Sommerbrodt, Reid and Bennett have quam, which seems preferable to qua or to de qua. § s8. Sibi habeant igitur: so LVvP^BRISH, followed by Mueller and others; PE read habeant igitur sibi, followed by Moore. Som- merbrodt brackets this entire section 58, regarding it as an inter- polation (Fleckeisen's Jahrbuecher 123, 139). Lutjohann {Rhein. Mus. 37, 499) thinks the passage genuine, but that it does not be- long just at this point, having been inserted here only ^tentatively at first. Cf. A. Otto (op. cit., p. 96), who defends it as genuine. utriun: so most Mss. and editors; PHVI read urium. Some editors (Reid, Bennett, Egbert) stumble at the use of utrum here and emend into ut which has no manuscript support; others emend into «i- cumque. But these emendations are unnecessary. § 59. directos: the reading of all the Mss. and of most of the edi- tors. Mueller, on the authority of Nonius (401, 1 M), writes derectos, which seems without warrant in view of the manuscript evidence, especially since directos, "arranged," makes sense. § 6i. Hunc unum: conjecture of Madvig, adopted by Mueller and most editors, for unicum of the Mss. est totum carmen: so PP^EHVv, followed by Lahmeyer, Reid, Bennett, Anz, Moore. BRS read totum est carmen, and LA est itiotum carmen, which Mommsen emended into est id totum carmen, adopted by Sommerbrodt and Deiter. Other Mss. read est carmen, followed by Mueller and probably a majority of recent editors. But the man- uscript evidence clearly seems to justify the retention of totum in the text. iam ante: the reading of LPHVvRES and defended by Vahlen (Zeitschrijt f. d. oesterr. Gymn. 24, 246) and Plasberg {Rhein. Mus. 53, 85). AI read ut jam ante, followed by Mueller and most recent editors. Moore writes jam ante, which doubtless has a preponder- ance of manuscript support and makes good sense. § 65. omnis natura: so LAVP^BRSI, followed by Mueller and most editors. PHE read a^tas naturae. Bezzenberger conjectured aeta^ matura, adopted by Schiche; Moore conjectured aetas naturave, approved by Kornitzer {Berliner Wochenschrift 25, 511) and Som- merbrodt conjectured hominis natura. Mueller's reading is satisfac- tory. §67. est tarn: the reading of REv and Nonius (294, 13 M), adopted by editors generally for etiam of the best Mss. which does not suit the passage. 124 DE SENECTUTE est istud: conjecture of Wesenberg, adopted by the editors for est isHus of the best Mss. (LPHVvABISMa) . § 68. cum: the reading of all the Mss. followed by many editors, Schiche, Deiter, Anz, Moore. Lambinus conjectured guod, followed by Mueller, Ley and Drenckhahn. Sommerbrodt conjectured quo- niam, adopted by Reid, Bennett, Meissner and Weiszenfels. But the manuscript reading cum can be explained as an original explicative CMm-clause parallel with a ^Mod-clause (cf. G. 582; L. 1874). (Cf. De Orat. 2, 154, quo etiam maior habendus est cum illam sapientiam . . . cognovit; also Ter., Ph. 967, Quom e medio excessit.) Hale {Cum Construe., p. 243) defends cufn here. § 69. supremum: the reading of all the Mss. except L, which reads summum followed by Mueller, Anz, Ley, Meissner, Weiszenfels. Sommerbrodt, Kornitzer, Schiche, Moore, Deiter read supremum,, which seems justified by the preponderance of the manuscript evi- dence. § 70. Neaue . . . veniendum: the genuineness of this passage has been questioned, but it is defended by A. Otto (op. Ht., p. 97). sapifenti: so BRSV and most editors; LPHAEv read sapientibus, followed by Sommerbrodt, Meissner, Reid, Schiche. The sing, is preferable for reasons of balance {histrioni) and euphony, especially in view of the possible corruption into the plur. on account of the following usque. § 71. vix evelluntur: so LPHA, followed by Mueller and all re- cent editors except Bennett and Meissner, who write to evelluntur, on the authority of BIRSv. § 72. possis: the reading of most Mss. and most editors. L has posset and P has possit, followed by Mueller, Reid, Kornitzer. The subjunctive here cannot be defended except in the indefinite sing, (ideal second person). mortemque contem.nere: bracketed by Mueller, Sommerbrodt, Ley as an interpolation or as indicating a lacuna (cf. Luetjohann, Rhein. Mus. 37, 504; A. Otto, op. cit., p. 101). If these words indi- cate a lacuna, the sense is not impaired, and it may be assumed that the words are genuine, and should be restored to the text. Ut navem . . . dissolvit: regarded by some as spurious; A. Otto {op. cit., p. 98) brackets sic to the end. Editors retain in the text, but Anz brackets sic to end. § 73. elogium est: the reading of most of the Mss., followed by many of the editors. LP omit est. Mueller, after Halm and Baiter, writes est elogium, as do Moore and others. dacrumis: conjecture of Bergk, adopted by most of the recent editors, for lacrumis of the Mss., followed by Mueller. The allitera- tion demands dacrumis. CRITICAL APPENDIX 125 §75. recorder: the reading of most Mss., followed by Mueller and most editors. Sommerbrodt and Reid have recordor, on the authority of SE. The subjunctive seems demanded. saepe profectas: the reading of QRMa, followed by Mueller and editors generally. LA read se profectas; PYvP^HI read esse pro- fectas. § 76. This section is thought by some to have been transposed with § 73. Cf. A. Otto, op. cit., p. 95; also Luetjohann, Bhein. Mus. 37, p. 501, who would rearrange. studiorum: the reading of the best Mss., followed by Mueller and most editors. Halm, Baiter, Lahmeyer, Reid have rerum, on the authority of ERMa. § 77. EQuidem non: the reading of a, majority of the Mss. (BIRSBH), followed by Sommerbrodt, Anz, Bennett, Deiter. LP have non enim, followed by Mueller and most editors. The varia- tion in the Mss. may be explained by assuming non equidem to be the true reading, which in some cases was corrupted into enim and subsequently transposed, giving non enim of some codices. Moore has equidem, — hon enim. tuum, Scipio, tuumque, Laeli: the suggestion of Baiter, adopted by Schiche, Meissner, Kornitzer, Bennett, Moore and others. VvBSMa have P. Scipio tuque C. Laeli, followed by Mueller, Ley, Novak, Deiter and others. LP have tu, Scipio, tuque, Laeli. As Mueller observes, the best Mss. often omit praenomina which here seem out of place. § 78. It is to be noted that P breaks off abruptly with the words quin ex in this section, and from this point on we can only infer its readings from H. tantae scientiae: bracketed by Baiter, but defended by A. Otto (op. cit., p. 103). esset natura: so LBISMa, followed by Mueller, Sommerbrodt, Anz, Ley, Deiter and others; HAVPa have natura esset, followed by Meissner, Novak and others. Haec Platonis fere: the reading of all the editors except Moore. Pb reads Platonis fere sunt ; BISVAd read Plato vester ; Ma reads Plato dicit vester, and others read Platonis fere. A. Otto, op. dt., p. 103-104, thinks these words a mere gloss that crept into the text, and Moore rejects them as an interpolation, omitting them from his text. Moore calls attention to the fact that no passage in Plato has been found upon which Cicero could base his argument for the immortality of the soul from the unlimited faculties of the mind. It is quite plausible that a marginal note calling attention to Cicero's indebtedness to Plato by a copyist may have been incorporated by a later hand into the text. But the evidence is not conclusive, and 126 DE SENECTUTE at most the words should be bracketed only, not stricken from the text. § 79. autem: regarded by A. Otto (see above) as an interpola- tion by the same hand as Hciec Platonis fere. § 80. discessit: the reading of LHAV, adopted by Anz, Reid, Moore. BS read discesserit and the remaining Mss. read discedit, fol- lowed by Mueller and most editors. Discessit is the natural oppo- site of cum adest and has the support of the best Mss. § 81. corporum: the reading of LHVBISMa, followed by Schiche, Anz, Kornitzer, Moore, Deiter. The other Mss. read corporis, adopted by Mueller and many recent editors. Either reading suits the sense, but corporum has the stronger manuscript support. § 82. ad se ipsos pertinere : conjecture of Opitz (Fleckeisen's Jahrb., yr. 1873, p. 611) adopted by Mueller and most of the recent editors. Most Mss. (LHVvP^BISMa) Tea.d ad se posse pertinere j and ER read ad se pertinere, followed by Halm, Baiter and Schiche. melius multo: the reading of all the Mss. except E, which trans- poses the words. Mueller and all subsequent editors have melius multo except Bennett who follows E. Cicero regularly writes multo melius, but not invariably, as Moore points out, and the evidence of the Mss. here is too strong to be set aside. labore et contentione: the reading of L (according to Dahl) VvAIAd, followed by Sommerbrodt, Moore, Meissner-Landgraf. P^Ma read aut labore et contentione, and R labore aut contentione, followed by Mueller who attributes this reading to LE as well as R. In view of Mueller's error the reading labore et contentione, since it makes good sense and has the best manuscript support, should be followed. Editors are divided. immortalitatem et gloriam: the reading of LHAVP^, followed by Mueller and all of the recent editors except Reid. BSI have in- martalitatis gloriam, followed by Halm, Baiter, Reid. Some of the inferior Mss. offer variant readings. § 83. cuius: for this reading of LARv followed by the editors in general, the inferior Mss. have cui followed by Halm and Baiter. solos: the reading of LAVvP^BEIS, followed by Mueller and most of the recent editors. Sommerbrodt, Meissner and Reid have solum on the authority of PbMa and Nonius (270, 40 M). §84. habet enim vita: the reading of LAVvSI, followed by Mueller and most editors. Sommerbrodt writes enim vita habet on inferior manuscript authority. habeat: so the editors for habet of the Mss e: so the editors and inferior Mss. LHAEvP'' omit. devorsorium: so L, followed by Mueller and most editors (Moore writes the later form deversorium). Other Mss. have diversorium. CRITICAL APPENDIX 127 in: so most editors, on tiie autiiority of the inferior Mss. and Nonius (524, 31 M) . Most Mss. read ad and L omits. § 85. Quodsi non . . . satietate: Sommerbrodt and Anz bracket as an interpolation. defatigationem: so APbNB et al., followed by Bennett, Moore. RISVMa have defeiigationem, followed by Sommerbrodt, Meissner- Landgraf, Reid. HE and some inferior Mss. read defectionem, fol- lowed by Mueller and most of the recent editors. The antithesis (^saturitas) and the sense seem to demand defatigationem rather than defectionem. ADVERTISEMENTS LATI N LATIN GRAMMAR Gildersleeve-Lodge Latin Grammar. School edition. 340 pages. 80 cents. Gildersleeve-Lodge Latm Grammar. Complete. 560 pages. $1.20. BEGINNERS' BOOKS Bain's First Latin Book. 343 pages. 75 cents. Barss's Beginning Latin. 331 pages. $i.oa, Moulton's Introductory Latin. 278 pages. ^1.00. CAESAR Dotey's Latin Exercise Books on Caesar's Gallic War, Book I, 25 cents; Books II, III and IV, each, 20 cents. Perrin's Caesar's Civil War, with Vocabulary. 340 pages. Ii.oo. Towle & Jenks's Caesar's Gallic War, Books I, II, III and IV. Contains Text, Notes, Grammatical Appendix and Vocabulary. 479 pages. Hi.oo. Towle & Jenks's Caesar's Gallic War. Complete. 604 pages. J1.25. CICERO Tunstall's Six Orations of Cicero. Four Catilines, Manil an Law, Archias. 435 pages. $1.00. Tunstall's Cicero's Orations. Same a^ above, with Verres, Milo, Marcellus, Ligarius and Ninth Philippic. 616 pages. $1.25. LATIN COMPOSITION Barss's Writing Latin, Book I. Based on Caesar. 94 pages. 50 cents. Barss's Writing Latin, Book II. Based on Caesar and Cicero. 175 pages. 75 cents. OVID Anderson's Selections from Ovid, with Vocabulary. 264 pages. Ji.oo. FOR COLLEGE WORK Carter's Roman Elegiac Poets. 330 pages. $1.25. Bowen's Cicero's De Amicitia. 151 pages. 75 cents. Bowen's Cicero's De Senectute. 164 pages. 75 cents. Gildersleeve-Lodge Latin Grammar. Complete, seepages. ;$i.20. Gildersleeve-Lodge Latin Composition. 201 pages. 75 cents. Lease's Livy, Books I, XXI and XXn. 510 pages. $1.25. Moore's Prose Exercises. Revised. 80 pages. 50 cents. Penick's Sallust's Catiline. With vocabulary. 191 pages. J1.00. Rockwood's Cicero's De Offlciis. 183 pages. 90 cents. Sihler's Cicero's Second Philippic. 157 pages, 80 cents. Wilson's Juvenal. 372 pages. J1.25. D. C. HEATH & CO., Publishers BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO English Literature The Arden Shakespeare. The plays in their literary aspect, tach with introduction, inter- pretative notes, glossary, and essay on metre. 25 cts. Bronson's Histoiy of Americau Literature. 384 pages. So cents. Burke's American Orations, (A.J.George.) Five complete selections. 50 cts. Bums'S Select Poems. (A. J. George.) zi8 poems chronologically arranged, with intro- duction, notes, and glossary. Illustrated. 75 cts. Coleridge's Principles of Criticism. (A. J. George.) From the Biographia Liieraria. With portrait. 60 cts. Cook's Judith. With introduction, translation, and glossary. Cloth. 170 pages. $1.00. Cook's The Bible and English Prose Style. 40 cts. Corson's Introduction to Browning. A guide to the study of Browning's poetry. Also has 33 poems with notes . With portrait of Browning. %i.oo. Corson's Introduction to the Study of Shakespeare. A critical study of Shakespeare's art, with comments on nine plays. $1.00. Crawshaw's The Making of English Literature. An interpretative and historical guide for students. Map and illustrations. 484 pages, f 1.25. Davidson's Prolegomena to Tennyson's In Memoriam. A critical analysis, with an index of the poem. 50 cts. De Quincey's Confessions of an Opium Eater. (G. A. Wauchofe.) 50 cts. Hall's Beowulf. A metrical translation. 75 cts. Student's edition, 30 cts. Hawthorne and Lemmon's American Literature. Contains sketches, characterizations, and selections. Illustrated with portraits. ]Si.i2. Hodgkin's Nineteenth Century Authors. Gives aids for library study of 26 authors. Price, 5 cts. each, or ^3.00 per hundred. Complete in i.lOth. 60 cts. Howes'sPrimer of English Literature. Illustrated. 50 cents. Meiklejohn's History Of English Language and Literature. Revised. 60 cts. Milton's Select Poems. (A. P. Walker.) Illustrated. 488 pages, sects. Moulton's Four Years of Novel-Reading. A reader's guide. 50 cts. Moulton'S Literary Study of the Bible. An account of the leading forms of literature represented, without reference to theological matters. $2.co. Plumptre's Translation of Aeschylus. With biography and appendix. Si.oo. Elumptre's Translation of Dante. Five vols. Illustrated. Studert's edit on, 50 cts. per vol. Library edition, $4.00 per set. Plumptre's Translation of Sophocles. With biography and appendix. $1.00. Shelley's Prometheus Unbound. (Vida D. Scudder.) 60 cts Simonds's Introduction to the Study of English Fiction. With illustrative selections, 80 cts. Briefer edition, without illustrative selections. Boards. 30 cts. Simonds's Sir Thomas Wyatt and His Poems. With critical analysis. 50 cts. Webster's Speeches. (A.J.George.) Nine select speeches with notes. 75 cts. Whitcomb's The Study of a Novel. 251 pages. Ii.j;. Wordsworth's Prefaces and Essays on Poetry. (A. J. George.) 50 cts. Wordsworth's Prelude. (A. J. George.) Annotated. 75 cts. Selections from Wordsworth. (A. J Grorge). 168 poems chosen with a view to illus- trate the growth of the poet's mind and art. 75 cts. See also our list 0/ books in Higher English and English Classics. D. C. HEATH & CO., Publishers, Boston, New York, Chicago History Allen's History Topics. Covers Ancient, Modern, and American history and gives an excellent list of books of reference. 121 pages. Paper, 25 cents. Allen's TopicEQ Outline of English History. Including references for literature. Boards, 23 cents ; cloth, 40 cents. Boutwell's The Constitution of the United States at the End of the First Century. Presents the Constitution as it has been interpreted by decisions of the United States Su- preme Court from 1789 to 1889. 430 pages. Buckram. $?..$o ; law sheep, $3.50. Fisher's Select Bibliography of Ecclesiastical History. An annotated list of the most essential books for a theological student's library. 15 cents. Fllckinger's Civil Government: as Developed in the States and the United States. An historical and analytic study of civil institutions, for schools and colleges. 374 pages. Cloth, 1 1. 00. Hall's Method of Teaching History. " Its excellence and helpfulness ought to secure it many readers." — The Nation, 405 pages. $1.50. Pratt's America's Story for America's Children. A series of history readers for ele- mentary schools. I. The Beginner's Book. Cloth. 60 illustrations. 132 pagesf. 35 cents. II. Discoverers and Explorers: 1000 to i6og. Cloth. 152 pages. 52 illus. 40 cents. III. The Earlier Colonies: 1601 to 1733. Cloth. 160 pages. Illus. 40 cents. IV. The Later Colonies. Cloth. Illus. 160 pages. 40 cents. V. The Revolution and.the Republic. Cloth. Illus. 160 pages. 40 cents. Sheldon's American History. Follows the "seminary" or laboratory plan. " By it the pupil is not robbed of the right to do his own thinking." Half leather. J1.12. Teacher's Manual to Sheldon's American History. 60 cents. Sheldon's General History. For high schools and colleges. The only general history following the " seminary " or laboratory plan. Half leather. 572 pages. ;ji.6o. Teacher's Manual to Sheldon's History, Puts into the instructor's hand the key to the above system. 172 pages. 85 cents. Sheldon's Greek and Roman History. Contains the first 250 pages of the General History. $1.00. Sheldon-Barnes's Studies in Historical Method. Suggestive studies for teachers snd students. Cloth. 160 pages. 90 cents. Shumway's A Day in Ancient Rome. With 59 illustrations. Should find a place as a suPPUtneniary reader in every high-school class studying Cicero, Horace, Tacitus, etc. ^ pages. Paper, 30 cents ; cloth, 75 cents. Thomas's Elementary History of the United States. For younger grades. Maps and illustrations. Cloth. 357 pages. 60 cents. Thomas's History of the United States. Revised and rewritten. Edition of 1901. For schools, academies, and the general reader. A narrative history with copious references to sources and authorities. Fully illustrated. 592 pages. Half leather. $1.00. English History Readers. English history for grammar grades. VtTilson's Compendium of United States and Contemporary History. For schools and the general reader. 114 pages. 40 cents. ^il90n's The State. Elements of Historical and Practical Politics. A book on the organization and functions of government. Revised edition, largely rewritten. 69;^ pages. $2.00. Sent postpaid on receipt of price by the publishers, D. C. HEATH & CO., Publishers,Boston, NewYork,Chicago Mathematics Anthony and Ashley's Descriptive Geometry. $2.00. Barton's Plane Surveying. With complete tables. $1,50. Barton's Theory of Equations. A treatise for college classes. $1 50. Bauer and Brooke's Trigonometry. Plane and spherical. $1.50. Bowser's College Algebra. A full treatment of elementary and advanced topics. $1.50. Bowser's Elements of Plane and S|>herical Trigonometry. 90 cts. ; with tables, $1.40. Bowser's Treatise on Plane and Spherical Trigonometry. $1.50. Bowser's Five-Place Logarithmic Tables. 50 cts. Candy's Plane and Solid Analjrtic Geometry. $1 50. With supplement, $2.00. Fine's Number System in Algebra. Theoretical and historical. $1.00. Gilbert's Algebra Lessons. Three numbers: No. t, to Fractional Equations: No. 2, through Quadratic Equations; No. 3, Higher Algebra. Each number, per dozen, $1.44. Hopkins's Plane Geometry. Follows the inductive method. 75 cts. Howland's Elements of the Conic Sections. 75 cts. Lyman's Geometry Exercises. Supplementary work for drill. Per dozen, $1.60. McCurdy's Exercise Book in Algebra. A thorough drill book. 60 cts. Nichols's Analytic Geometry. A treatise for college courses. $1.25. Nichols's Calculus. Differential and Integral. $2.00. Osborne's Differential and Integral Calculus. Revised. $2.00. Peterson and Baldwin's Problems in Algebra. For texts and reviews. 30 cts. Robblns's Surveying and Navigation. A brief and practical treatise. 50 cts Schwatt's Geometrical Treatment of Curves. $1.00, Waldo's Descriptive Geometry. Contains a large number of problems. 80 cts Wells's Academic Arithmetic. With or without answers $1.00. Wells's First Course in Algebra. A one-year course. $i.oo. Wells's Algebra for Secondary Schools. $1.20. Wells's Text-Book in Algebra. A maximum elementary course. $1.40 Wells's Essentials of Algebra. For secondary schools. $1.10. Wells's Academic Algebra. With or without answers. $1 o3. Wells's New Higher Algebra. For schools and colleges. $1.32. Wells's University Algebra. Octavo. $1.50. Wells's College Algebra. $1.50. Part II, beginning with quadratics. $1.32 Wells's Advanced Course In Algebra. $1.50. Wells's New Geometry. $1.25. Plane, 75 cts. Solid, 75 cts. Wells's Essentials of Geometry. $1.25. Plane, 75 cts. Solid, 75 cts. Wells's New Plane and Spherical Trigonometry. For colleges and technical schools $1.00. With six-place tables, $1.25. With Robbins's Surveying and Navigalion, $1.50. Wells's Complete Trigonometry. Plane and Spherical, go cts. With tables, $1.08. Plane, bound separately, 75 cts. Wells's New Six-Place Logarithmic Tables. 60 cts. Wells's Four-Place Tables. 25 cts. Wright's Exercises in Concrete Geometry. 30 cts. For Arithmetics see our list 0/ books in Elementary Mathematics. D. C. HEATH & CO., Publishers, Boston, New York, Chicago